{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_43605/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_43605","id":"gutenberg_43605","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/43605","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough\n\n               Studies in the History of Oriental Religion\n\n                                    By\n\n               James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.\n\n                   Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n\n     Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool\n\n                             Vol. V. of XII.\n\n                      Part IV: Adonis Attis Osiris.\n\n                               Vol. 1 of 2.\n\n                           New York and London\n\n                            MacMillan and Co.\n\n                                   1914\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nPreface to the First Edition.\nPreface to the Second Edition.\nPreface to the Third Edition.\nBook First. Adonis.\n   Chapter I. The Myth of Adonis.\n   Chapter II. Adonis in Syria.\n   Chapter III. Adonis in Cyprus.\n   Chapter IV. Sacred Men and Women.\n      \u00a7 1. An Alternative Theory.\n      \u00a7 2. Sacred Women in India.\n      \u00a7 3. Sacred Men and Women in West Africa.\n      \u00a7 4. Sacred Women in Western Asia.\n      \u00a7 5. Sacred Men in Western Asia.\n      \u00a7 6. Sons of God.\n      \u00a7 7. Reincarnation of the Dead.\n      \u00a7 8. Sacred Stocks and Stones among the Semites.\n   Chapter V. The Burning of Melcarth.\n   Chapter VI. The Burning of Sandan.\n      \u00a7 1. The Baal of Tarsus.\n      \u00a7 2. The God of Ibreez.\n      \u00a7 3. Sandan of Tarsus.\n      \u00a7 4. The Gods of Boghaz-Keui.\n      \u00a7 5. Sandan and Baal at Tarsus.\n      \u00a7 6. Priestly Kings of Olba.\n      \u00a7 7. The God of the Corycian Cave.\n      \u00a7 8. Cilician Goddesses.\n      \u00a7 9. The Burning of Cilician Gods.\n   Chapter VII. Sardanapalus and Hercules.\n      \u00a7 1. The Burning of Sardanapalus.\n      \u00a7 2. The Burning of Croesus.\n      \u00a7 3. Purification by Fire.\n      \u00a7 4. The Divinity of Lydian Kings.\n      \u00a7 5. Hittite Gods at Tarsus and Sardes.\n      \u00a7 6. The Resurrection of Tylon.\n   Chapter VIII. Volcanic Religion.\n      \u00a7 1. The Burning of a God.\n      \u00a7 2. The Volcanic Region of Cappadocia.\n      \u00a7 3. Fire-Worship in Cappadocia.\n      \u00a7 4. The Burnt Land of Lydia.\n      \u00a7 5. The Earthquake God.\n      \u00a7 6. The Worship of Mephitic Vapours.\n      \u00a7 7. The Worship of Hot Springs.\n      \u00a7 8. The Worship of Volcanoes in other Lands.\n   Chapter IX. The Ritual of Adonis.\n   Chapter X. The Gardens of Adonis.\nBook Second. Attis.\n   Chapter I. The Myth and Ritual of Attis.\n   Chapter II. Attis As a God of Vegetation.\n   Chapter III. Attis As The Father God.\n   Chapter IV. Human Representatives of Attis.\n   Chapter V. The Hanged God.\n   Chapter VI. Oriental Religions in the West.\n   Chapter VII. Hyacinth.\nFootnotes\n\n\n\n\n\n\n                               [Cover Art]\n\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter\nat Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.\n\n\nThese studies are an expansion of the corresponding sections in my book\n_The Golden Bough_, and they will form part of the third edition of that\nwork, on the preparation of which I have been engaged for some time. By\nfar the greater portion of them is new, and they make by themselves a\nfairly complete and, I hope, intelligible whole. I shall be glad if\ncriticisms passed on the essays in their present shape should enable me to\ncorrect and improve them when I come to incorporate them in my larger\nwork.\n\nIn studying afresh these three Oriental worships, akin to each other in\ncharacter, I have paid more attention than formerly to the natural\nfeatures of the countries in which they arose, because I am more than ever\npersuaded that religion, like all other institutions, has been profoundly\ninfluenced by physical environment, and cannot be understood without some\nappreciation of those aspects of external nature which stamp themselves\nindelibly on the thoughts, the habits, the whole life of a people. It is a\nmatter of great regret to me that I have never visited the East, and so\ncannot describe from personal knowledge the native lands of Adonis, Attis,\nand Osiris. But I have sought to remedy the defect by comparing the\ndescriptions of eye-witnesses, and painting from them what may be called\ncomposite pictures of some of the scenes on which I have been led to touch\nin the course of this volume. I shall not have wholly failed if I have\ncaught from my authorities and conveyed to my readers some notion, however\ndim, of the scenery, the atmosphere, the gorgeous colouring of the East.\n\nJ. G. Frazer.\n\nTRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,\n_22nd July 1906_.\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.\n\n\nIn this second edition some minor corrections have been made and some\nfresh matter added. Where my views appear to have been misunderstood, I\nhave endeavoured to state them more clearly; where they have been\ndisputed, I have carefully reconsidered the evidence and given my reasons\nfor adhering to my former opinions. Most of the additions thus made to the\nvolume are comprised in a new chapter (\u201cSacred Men and Women\u201d), a new\nsection (\u201cInfluence of Mother-kin on Religion\u201d), and three new appendices\n(\u201cMoloch the King,\u201d \u201cThe Widowed Flamen,\u201d and \u201cSome Customs of the Pelew\nIslanders\u201d). Among the friends and correspondents who have kindly helped\nme with information and criticisms of various sorts I wish to thank\nparticularly Mr. W. Crooke, Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, Mr. G. F.\nHill of the British Museum, the Reverend J. Roscoe of the Church\nMissionary Society, and Mr. W. Wyse. Above all I owe much to my teacher\nthe Reverend Professor R. H. Kennett, who, besides initiating me into the\ncharms of the Hebrew language and giving me a clearer insight into the\ncourse of Hebrew history, has contributed several valuable suggestions to\nthe book and enhanced the kindness by reading and criticizing some of the\nproofs.\n\nJ. G. Frazer.\n\nTRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,\n_22nd September 1907_.\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.\n\n\nIn revising the book for this third edition I have made use of several\nimportant works which have appeared since the last edition was published.\nAmong these I would name particularly the learned treatises of Count\nBaudissin on Adonis, of Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge on Osiris, and of my\ncolleague Professor J. Garstang on the civilization of the Hittites, that\nstill mysterious people, who begin to loom a little more distinctly from\nthe mists of the past. Following the example of Dr. Wallis Budge, I have\nindicated certain analogies which may be traced between the worship of\nOsiris and the worship of the dead, especially of dead kings, among the\nmodern tribes of Africa. The conclusion to which these analogies appear to\npoint is that under the mythical pall of the glorified Osiris, the god who\ndied and rose again from the dead, there once lay the body of a dead man.\nWhether that was so or not, I will not venture to say. The longer I occupy\nmyself with questions of ancient mythology the more diffident I become of\nsuccess in dealing with them, and I am apt to think that we who spend our\nyears in searching for solutions of these insoluble problems are like\nSisyphus perpetually rolling his stone up hill only to see it revolve\nagain into the valley, or like the daughters of Danaus doomed for ever to\npour water into broken jars that can hold no water. If we are taxed with\nwasting life in seeking to know what can never be known, and what, if it\ncould be discovered, would not be worth knowing, what can we plead in our\ndefence? I fear, very little. Such pursuits can hardly be defended on the\nground of pure reason. We can only say that something, we know not what,\ndrives us to attack the great enemy Ignorance wherever we see him, and\nthat if we fail, as we probably shall, in our attack on his entrenchments,\nit may be useless but it is not inglorious to fall in leading a Forlorn\nHope.\n\nJ. G. Frazer\n\nCAMBRIDGE,\n_16th January 1914_.\n\n\n\n\n\nBOOK FIRST. ADONIS.\n\n\n\n\nChapter I. The Myth of Adonis.\n\n\n(M1) The spectacle of the great changes which annually pass over the face\nof the earth has powerfully impressed the minds of men in all ages, and\nstirred them to meditate on the causes of transformations so vast and\nwonderful. Their curiosity has not been purely disinterested; for even the\nsavage cannot fail to perceive how intimately his own life is bound up\nwith the life of nature, and how the same processes which freeze the\nstream and strip the earth of vegetation menace him with extinction. At a\ncertain stage of development men seem to have imagined that the means of\naverting the threatened calamity were in their own hands, and that they\ncould hasten or retard the flight of the seasons by magic art. Accordingly\nthey performed ceremonies and recited spells to make the rain to fall, the\nsun to shine, animals to multiply, and the fruits of the earth to grow. In\ncourse of time the slow advance of knowledge, which has dispelled so many\ncherished illusions, convinced at least the more thoughtful portion of\nmankind that the alternations of summer and winter, of spring and autumn,\nwere not merely the result of their own magical rites, but that some\ndeeper cause, some mightier power, was at work behind the shifting scenes\nof nature. They now pictured to themselves the growth and decay of\nvegetation, the birth and death of living creatures, as effects of the\nwaxing or waning strength of divine beings, of gods and goddesses, who\nwere born and died, who married and begot children, on the pattern of\nhuman life.\n\n(M2) Thus the old magical theory of the seasons was displaced, or rather\nsupplemented, by a religious theory. For although men now attributed the\nannual cycle of change primarily to corresponding changes in their\ndeities, they still thought that by performing certain magical rites they\ncould aid the god, who was the principle of life, in his struggle with the\nopposing principle of death. They imagined that they could recruit his\nfailing energies and even raise him from the dead. The ceremonies which\nthey observed for this purpose were in substance a dramatic representation\nof the natural processes which they wished to facilitate; for it is a\nfamiliar tenet of magic that you can produce any desired effect by merely\nimitating it. And as they now explained the fluctuations of growth and\ndecay, of reproduction and dissolution, by the marriage, the death, and\nthe rebirth or revival of the gods, their religious or rather magical\ndramas turned in great measure on these themes. They set forth the\nfruitful union of the powers of fertility, the sad death of one at least\nof the divine partners, and his joyful resurrection. Thus a religious\ntheory was blended with a magical practice. The combination is familiar in\nhistory. Indeed, few religions have ever succeeded in wholly extricating\nthemselves from the old trammels of magic. The inconsistency of acting on\ntwo opposite principles, however it may vex the soul of the philosopher,\nrarely troubles the common man; indeed he is seldom even aware of it. His\naffair is to act, not to analyse the motives of his action. If mankind had\nalways been logical and wise, history would not be a long chronicle of\nfolly and crime.(1)\n\n(M3) Of the changes which the seasons bring with them, the most striking\nwithin the temperate zone are those which affect vegetation. The influence\nof the seasons on animals, though great, is not nearly so manifest. Hence\nit is natural that in the magical dramas designed to dispel winter and\nbring back spring the emphasis should be laid on vegetation, and that\ntrees and plants should in them more prominently than beasts and birds.\nYet the two sides of life, the vegetable and the animal, were not\ndissociated in the minds of those who observed the ceremonies. Indeed they\ncommonly believed that the tie between the animal and the vegetable world\nwas even closer than it really is; hence they often combined the dramatic\nrepresentation of reviving plants with a real or a dramatic union of the\nsexes for the purpose of furthering at the same time and by the same act\nthe multiplication of fruits, of animals, and of men. To them the\nprinciple of life and fertility, whether animal or vegetable, was one and\nindivisible. To live and to cause to live, to eat food and to beget\nchildren, these were the primary wants of men in the past, and they will\nbe the primary wants of men in the future so long as the world lasts.\nOther things may be added to enrich and beautify human life, but unless\nthese wants are first satisfied, humanity itself must cease to exist.\nThese two things, therefore, food and children, were what men chiefly\nsought to procure by the performance of magical rites for the regulation\nof the seasons.\n\n(M4) Nowhere, apparently, have these rites been more widely and solemnly\ncelebrated than in the lands which border the Eastern Mediterranean. Under\nthe names of Osiris, Tammuz, Adonis, and Attis, the peoples of Egypt and\nWestern Asia represented the yearly decay and revival of life, especially\nof vegetable life, which they personified as a god who annually died and\nrose again from the dead. In name and detail the rites varied from place\nto place: in substance they were the same. The supposed death and\nresurrection of this oriental deity, a god of many names but of\nessentially one nature, is the subject of the present inquiry. We begin\nwith Tammuz or Adonis.(2)\n\n(M5) The worship of Adonis was practised by the Semitic peoples of\nBabylonia and Syria, and the Greeks borrowed it from them as early as the\nseventh century before Christ.(3) The true name of the deity was Tammuz:\nthe appellation of Adonis is merely the Semitic _Adon_, \u201clord,\u201d a title of\nhonour by which his worshippers addressed him.(4) In the Hebrew text of\nthe Old Testament the same name Adonai, originally perhaps Adoni, \u201cmy\nlord,\u201d is often applied to Jehovah.(5) But the Greeks through a\nmisunderstanding converted the title of honour into a proper name. While\nTammuz or his equivalent Adonis enjoyed a wide and lasting popularity\namong peoples of the Semitic stock, there are grounds for thinking that\nhis worship originated with a race of other blood and other speech, the\nSumerians, who in the dawn of history inhabited the flat alluvial plain at\nthe head of the Persian Gulf and created the civilization which was\nafterwards called Babylonian. The origin and affinities of this people are\nunknown; in physical type and language they differed from all their\nneighbours, and their isolated position, wedged in between alien races,\npresents to the student of mankind problems of the same sort as the\nisolation of the Basques and Etruscans among the Aryan peoples of Europe.\nAn ingenious, but unproved, hypothesis would represent them as immigrants\ndriven from central Asia by that gradual desiccation which for ages seems\nto have been converting once fruitful lands into a waste and burying the\nseats of ancient civilization under a sea of shifting sand. Whatever their\nplace of origin may have been, it is certain that in Southern Babylonia\nthe Sumerians attained at a very early period to a considerable pitch of\ncivilization; for they tilled the soil, reared cattle, built cities, dug\ncanals, and even invented a system of writing, which their Semitic\nneighbours in time borrowed from them.(6) In the pantheon of this ancient\npeople Tammuz appears to have been one of the oldest, though certainly not\none of the most important figures.(7) His name consists of a Sumerian\nphrase meaning \u201ctrue son\u201d or, in a fuller form, \u201ctrue son of the deep\nwater,\u201d(8) and among the inscribed Sumerian texts which have survived the\nwreck of empires are a number of hymns in his honour, which were written\ndown not later than about two thousand years before our era but were\nalmost certainly composed at a much earlier time.(9)\n\n(M6) In the religious literature of Babylonia Tammuz appears as the\nyouthful spouse or lover of Ishtar, the great mother goddess, the\nembodiment of the reproductive energies of nature. The references to their\nconnexion with each other in myth and ritual are both fragmentary and\nobscure, but we gather from them that every year Tammuz was believed to\ndie, passing away from the cheerful earth to the gloomy subterranean\nworld, and that every year his divine mistress journeyed in quest of him\n\u201cto the land from which there is no returning, to the house of darkness,\nwhere dust lies on door and bolt.\u201d During her absence the passion of love\nceased to operate: men and beasts alike forgot to reproduce their kinds:\nall life was threatened with extinction. So intimately bound up with the\ngoddess were the sexual functions of the whole animal kingdom that without\nher presence they could not be discharged. A messenger of the great god Ea\nwas accordingly despatched to rescue the goddess on whom so much depended.\nThe stern queen of the infernal regions, Allatu or Eresh-Kigal by name,\nreluctantly allowed Ishtar to be sprinkled with the Water of Life and to\ndepart, in company probably with her lover Tammuz, that the two might\nreturn together to the upper world, and that with their return all nature\nmight revive.\n\n(M7) Laments for the departed Tammuz are contained in several Babylonian\nhymns, which liken him to plants that quickly fade. He is\n\n\n    \u201c_A tamarisk that in the garden has drunk no water,_\n      _Whose crown in the field has brought forth no blossom._\n    _A willow that rejoiced not by the watercourse,_\n      _A willow whose roots were torn up._\n    _A herb that in the garden had drunk no water._\u201d\n\n\nHis death appears to have been annually mourned, to the shrill music of\nflutes, by men and women about midsummer in the month named after him, the\nmonth of Tammuz. The dirges were seemingly chanted over an effigy of the\ndead god, which was washed with pure water, anointed with oil, and clad in\na red robe, while the fumes of incense rose into the air, as if to stir\nhis dormant senses by their pungent fragrance and wake him from the sleep\nof death. In one of these dirges, inscribed _Lament of the Flutes for\nTammuz_, we seem still to hear the voices of the singers chanting the sad\nrefrain and to catch, like far-away music, the wailing notes of the\nflutes:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_At his vanishing away she lifts up a lament,_\n      _\u2018__Oh my child!__\u2019__ at his vanishing away she lifts up a\n                  lament;_\n    _\u2018__My Damu!__\u2019__ at his vanishing away she lifts up a lament._\n      _\u2018__My enchanter and priest!__\u2019__ at his vanishing away she\n                  lifts up a lament,_\n    _At the shining cedar, rooted in a spacious place,_\n      _In Eanna, above and below, she lifts up a lament._\n    _Like the lament that a house lifts up for its master, lifts she\n                up a lament,_\n      _Like the lament that a city lifts up for its lord, lifts she up\n                  a lament._\n    _Her lament is the lament for a herb that grows not in the bed,_\n      _Her lament is the lament for the corn that grows not in the\n                  ear._\n    _Her chamber is a possession that brings not forth a possession,_\n      _A weary woman, a weary child, forspent._\n    _Her lament is for a great river, where no willows grow,_\n      _Her lament is for a field, where corn and herbs grow not._\n    _Her lament is for a pool, where fishes grow not._\n      _Her lament is for a thicket of reeds, where no reeds grow._\n    _Her lament is for woods, where tamarisks grow not._\n      _Her lament is for a wilderness where no cypresses (?) grow._\n    _Her lament is for the depth of a garden of trees, where honey and\n                wine grow not._\n      _Her lament is for meadows, where no plants grow._\n    _Her lament is for a palace, where length of life grows not._\u201d(10)\n\n\n(M8) The tragical story and the melancholy rites of Adonis are better\nknown to us from the descriptions of Greek writers than from the fragments\nof Babylonian literature or the brief reference of the prophet Ezekiel,\nwho saw the women of Jerusalem weeping for Tammuz at the north gate of the\ntemple.(11) Mirrored in the glass of Greek mythology, the oriental deity\nappears as a comely youth beloved by Aphrodite. In his infancy the goddess\nhid him in a chest, which she gave in charge to Persephone, queen of the\nnether world. But when Persephone opened the chest and beheld the beauty\nof the babe, she refused to give him back to Aphrodite, though the goddess\nof love went down herself to hell to ransom her dear one from the power of\nthe grave. The dispute between the two goddesses of love and death was\nsettled by Zeus, who decreed that Adonis should abide with Persephone in\nthe under world for one part of the year, and with Aphrodite in the upper\nworld for another part. At last the fair youth was killed in hunting by a\nwild boar, or by the jealous Ares, who turned himself into the likeness of\na boar in order to compass the death of his rival. Bitterly did Aphrodite\nlament her loved and lost Adonis.(12) The strife between the divine rivals\nfor the possession of Adonis appears to be depicted on an Etruscan mirror.\nThe two goddesses, identified by inscriptions, are stationed on either\nside of Jupiter, who occupies the seat of judgment and lifts an admonitory\nfinger as he looks sternly towards Persephone. Overcome with grief the\ngoddess of love buries her face in her mantle, while her pertinacious\nrival, grasping a branch in one hand, points with the other at a closed\ncoffer, which probably contains the youthful Adonis.(13) In this form of\nthe myth, the contest between Aphrodite and Persephone for the possession\nof Adonis clearly reflects the struggle between Ishtar and Allatu in the\nland of the dead, while the decision of Zeus that Adonis is to spend one\npart of the year under ground and another part above ground is merely a\nGreek version of the annual disappearance and reappearance of Tammuz.\n\n\n\n\nChapter II. Adonis in Syria.\n\n\n(M9) The myth of Adonis was localized and his rites celebrated with much\nsolemnity at two places in Western Asia. One of these was Byblus on the\ncoast of Syria, the other was Paphos in Cyprus. Both were great seats of\nthe worship of Aphrodite, or rather of her Semitic counterpart,\nAstarte;(14) and of both, if we accept the legends, Cinyras, the father of\nAdonis, was king.(15) Of the two cities Byblus was the more ancient;\nindeed it claimed to be the oldest city in Phoenicia, and to have been\nfounded in the early ages of the world by the great god El, whom Greeks\nand Romans identified with Cronus and Saturn respectively.(16) However\nthat may have been, in historical times it ranked as a holy place, the\nreligious capital of the country, the Mecca or Jerusalem of the\nPhoenicians.(17) The city stood on a height beside the sea,(18) and\ncontained a great sanctuary of Astarte,(19) where in the midst of a\nspacious open court, surrounded by cloisters and approached from below by\nstaircases, rose a tall cone or obelisk, the holy image of the\ngoddess.(20) In this sanctuary the rites of Adonis were celebrated.(21)\nIndeed the whole city was sacred to him,(22) and the river Nahr Ibrahim,\nwhich falls into the sea a little to the south of Byblus, bore in\nantiquity the name of Adonis.(23) This was the kingdom of Cinyras.(24)\nFrom the earliest to the latest times the city appears to have been ruled\nby kings, assisted perhaps by a senate or council of elders.(25) The first\nof the kings of whom we have historical evidence was a certain Zekar-baal.\nHe reigned about a century before Solomon; yet from that dim past his\nfigure stands out strangely fresh and lifelike in the journal of an\nEgyptian merchant or official named Wen-Ammon, which has fortunately been\npreserved in a papyrus. This man spent some time with the king at Byblus,\nand received from him, in return for rich presents, a supply of timber\nfelled in the forests of Lebanon.(26) Another king of Byblus, who bore the\nname of Sibitti-baal, paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser III., king of\nAssyria, about the year 739 B.C.(27) Further, from an inscription of the\nfifth or fourth century before our era we learn that a king of Byblus, by\nname Yehaw-melech, son of Yehar-baal, and grandson of Adom-melech or\nUri-melech, dedicated a pillared portico with a carved work of gold and a\nbronze altar to the goddess, whom he worshipped under the name of Baalath\nGebal, that is, the female Baal of Byblus.(28)\n\n(M10) The names of these kings suggest that they claimed affinity with\ntheir god Baal or Moloch, for Moloch is only a corruption of _melech_,\nthat is, \u201cking.\u201d Such a claim at all events appears to have been put\nforward by many other Semitic kings.(29) The early monarchs of Babylon\nwere worshipped as gods in their lifetime.(30) Mesha, king of Moab,\nperhaps called himself the son of his god Kemosh.(31) Among the Aramean\nsovereigns of Damascus, mentioned in the Bible, we find more than one\nBen-hadad, that is, \u201cson of the god Hadad,\u201d the chief male deity of the\nSyrians;(32) and Josephus tells us that down to his own time, in the first\ncentury of our era, Ben-hadad I., whom he calls simply Adad, and his\nsuccessor, Hazael, continued to be worshipped as gods by the people of\nDamascus, who held processions daily in their honour.(33) Some of the\nkings of Edom seem to have gone a step farther and identified themselves\nwith the god in their lifetime; at all events they bore his name Hadad\nwithout any qualification.(34) King Bar-rekub, who reigned over Samal in\nNorth-Western Syria in the time of Tiglath-pileser (745-727 B.C.) appears\nfrom his name to have reckoned himself a son of Rekub-el, the god to whose\nfavour he deemed himself indebted for the kingdom.(35) The kings of Tyre\ntraced their descent from Baal,(36) and apparently professed to be gods in\ntheir own person.(37) Several of them bore names which are partly composed\nof the names of Baal and Astarte; one of them bore the name of Baal pure\nand simple.(38) The Baal whom they personated was no doubt Melcarth, \u201cthe\nking of the city,\u201d as his name signifies, the great god whom the Greeks\nidentified with Hercules; for the equivalence of the Baal of Tyre both to\nMelcarth and to Hercules is placed beyond the reach of doubt by a\nbilingual inscription, in Phoenician and Greek, which was found in\nMalta.(39)\n\n(M11) In like manner the kings of Byblus may have assumed the style of\nAdonis; for Adonis was simply the divine Adon or \u201clord\u201d of the city, a\ntitle which hardly differs in sense from Baal (\u201cmaster\u201d) and Melech\n(\u201cking\u201d). This conjecture would be confirmed if one of the kings of Byblus\nactually bore, as Renan believed, the name of Adom-melech, that is, Adonis\nMelech, the Lord King. But, unfortunately, the reading of the inscription\nin which the name occurs is doubtful.(40) Some of the old Canaanite kings\nof Jerusalem appear to have played the part of Adonis in their lifetime,\nif we may judge from their names, Adoni-bezek and Adoni-zedek,(41) which\nare divine rather than human titles. Adoni-zedek means \u201clord of\nrighteousness,\u201d and is therefore equivalent to Melchizedek, that is, \u201cking\nof righteousness,\u201d the title of that mysterious king of Salem and priest\nof God Most High, who seems to have been neither more nor less than one of\nthese same Canaanitish kings of Jerusalem.(42) Thus if the old priestly\nkings of Jerusalem regularly played the part of Adonis, we need not wonder\nthat in later times the women of Jerusalem used to weep for Tammuz, that\nis, for Adonis, at the north gate of the temple.(43) In doing so they may\nonly have been continuing a custom which had been observed in the same\nplace by the Canaanites long before the Hebrews invaded the land. Perhaps\nthe \u201csacred men,\u201d as they were called, who lodged within the walls of the\ntemple at Jerusalem down almost to the end of the Jewish kingdom,(44) may\nhave acted the part of the living Adonis to the living Astarte of the\nwomen. At all events we know that in the cells of these strange clergy\nwomen wove garments for the _asherim_,(45) the sacred poles which stood\nbeside the altar and which appear to have been by some regarded as\nembodiments of Astarte.(46) Certainly these \u201csacred men\u201d must have\ndischarged some function which was deemed religious in the temple at\nJerusalem; and we can hardly doubt that the prohibition to bring the wages\nof prostitution into the house of God, which was published at the very\nsame time that the men were expelled from the temple,(47) was directed\nagainst an existing practice. In Palestine as in other Semitic lands the\nhire of sacred prostitutes was probably dedicated to the deity as one of\nhis regular dues: he took tribute of men and women as of flocks and herds,\nof fields and vineyards and oliveyards.\n\n(M12) But if Jerusalem had been from of old the seat of a dynasty of\nspiritual potentates or Grand Lamas, who held the keys of heaven and were\nrevered far and wide as kings and gods in one, we can easily understand\nwhy the upstart David chose it for the capital of the new kingdom which he\nhad won for himself at the point of the sword. The central position and\nthe natural strength of the virgin fortress need not have been the only or\nthe principal inducements which decided the politic monarch to transfer\nhis throne from Hebron to Jerusalem.(48) By serving himself heir to the\nancient kings of the city he might reasonably hope to inherit their\nghostly repute along with their broad acres, to wear their nimbus as well\nas their crown.(49) So at a later time when he had conquered Ammon and\ncaptured the royal city of Rabbah, he took the heavy gold crown of the\nAmmonite god Milcom and placed it on his own brows, thus posing as the\ndeity in person.(50) It can hardly, therefore, be unreasonable to suppose\nthat he pursued precisely the same policy at the conquest of Jerusalem.\nAnd on the other side the calm confidence with which the Jebusite\ninhabitants of that city awaited his attack, jeering at the besiegers from\nthe battlements,(51) may well have been born of a firm trust in the local\ndeity rather than in the height and thickness of their grim old walls.\nCertainly the obstinacy with which in after ages the Jews defended the\nsame place against the armies of Assyria and Rome sprang in large measure\nfrom a similar faith in the God of Zion.\n\n(M13) Be that as it may, the history of the Hebrew kings presents some\nfeatures which may perhaps, without straining them too far, be interpreted\nas traces or relics of a time when they or their predecessors played the\npart of a divinity, and particularly of Adonis, the divine lord of the\nland. In life the Hebrew king was regularly addressed as\n_Adoni-ham-melech_, \u201cMy Lord the King,\u201d(52) and after death he was\nlamented with cries of _Hoi ahi! Hoi Adon!_ \u201cAlas my brother! alas\nLord!\u201d(53) These exclamations of grief uttered for the death of a king of\nJudah were, we can hardly doubt, the very same cries which the weeping\nwomen of Jerusalem uttered in the north porch of the temple for the dead\nTammuz.(54) However, little stress can be laid on such forms of address,\nsince _Adon_ in Hebrew, like \u201clord\u201d in English, was a secular as well as a\nreligious title. But whether identified with Adonis or not, the Hebrew\nkings certainly seem to have been regarded as in a sense divine, as\nrepresenting and to some extent embodying Jehovah on earth. For the king\u2019s\nthrone was called the throne of Jehovah;(55) and the application of the\nholy oil to his head was believed to impart to him directly a portion of\nthe divine spirit.(56) Hence he bore the title of Messiah, which with its\nGreek equivalent Christ means no more than \u201cthe Anointed One.\u201d Thus when\nDavid had cut off the skirt of Saul\u2019s robe in the darkness of a cave where\nhe was in hiding, his heart smote him for having laid sacrilegious hands\nupon _Adoni Messiah Jehovah_, \u201cmy Lord the Anointed of Jehovah.\u201d(57)\n\n(M14) Like other divine or semi-divine rulers the Hebrew kings were\napparently held answerable for famine and pestilence. When a dearth,\ncaused perhaps by a failure of the winter rains, had visited the land for\nthree years, King David inquired of the oracle, which discreetly laid the\nblame not on him but on his predecessor Saul. The dead king was indeed\nbeyond the reach of punishment, but his sons were not. So David had seven\nof them sought out, and they were hanged before the Lord at the beginning\nof barley harvest in spring: and all the long summer the mother of two of\nthe dead men sat under the gallows-tree, keeping off the jackals by night\nand the vultures by day, till with the autumn the blessed rain came at\nlast to wet their dangling bodies and fertilize the barren earth once\nmore. Then the bones of the dead were taken down from the gibbet and\nburied in the sepulchre of their fathers.(58) The season when these\nprinces were put to death, at the beginning of barley harvest, and the\nlength of time they hung on the gallows, seem to show that their execution\nwas not a mere punishment, but that it partook of the nature of a\nrain-charm. For it is a common belief that rain can be procured by magical\nceremonies performed with dead men\u2019s bones,(59) and it would be natural to\nascribe a special virtue in this respect to the bones of princes, who are\noften expected to give rain in their life. When the Israelites demanded of\nSamuel that he should give them a king, the indignant prophet, loth to be\nsuperseded by the upstart Saul, called on the Lord to send thunder and\nrain, and the Lord did so at once, though the season was early summer and\nthe reapers were at work in the wheat-fields, a time when in common years\nno rain falls from the cloudless Syrian sky.(60) The pious historian who\nrecords the miracle seems to have regarded it as a mere token of the wrath\nof the deity, whose voice was heard in the roll of thunder; but we may\nsurmise that in giving this impressive proof of his control of the weather\nSamuel meant to hint gently at the naughtiness of asking for a king to do\nfor the fertility of the land what could be done quite as well and far\nmore cheaply by a prophet.\n\n(M15) In Israel the excess as well as the deficiency of rain seems to have\nbeen set down to the wrath of the deity.(61) When the Jews returned to\nJerusalem from the great captivity and assembled for the first time in the\nsquare before the ruined temple, it happened that the weather was very\nwet, and as the people sat shelterless and drenched in the piazza they\ntrembled at their sin and at the rain.(62) In all ages it has been the\nstrength or the weakness of Israel to read the hand of God in the changing\naspects of nature, and we need not wonder that at such a time and in so\ndismal a scene, with a lowering sky overhead, the blackened ruins of the\ntemple before their eyes, and the steady drip of the rain over all, the\nreturned exiles should have been oppressed with a double sense of their\nown guilt and of the divine anger. Perhaps, though they hardly knew it,\nmemories of the bright sun, fat fields, and broad willow-fringed rivers of\nBabylon,(63) which had been so long their home, lent a deeper shade of\nsadness to the austerity of the Judean landscape, with its gaunt grey\nhills stretching away, range beyond range, to the horizon, or dipping\neastward to the far line of sombre blue which marks the sullen waters of\nthe Dead Sea.(64)\n\n(M16) In the days of the Hebrew monarchy the king was apparently credited\nwith the power of making sick and making whole. Thus the king of Syria\nsent a leper to the king of Israel to be healed by him, just as scrofulous\npatients used to fancy that they could be cured by the touch of a French\nor English king. However, the Hebrew monarch, with more sense than has\nbeen shown by his royal brothers in modern times, professed himself unable\nto work any such miracle. \u201cAm I God,\u201d he asked, \u201cto kill and to make\nalive, that this man doth send unto me to recover a man of his\nleprosy?\u201d(65) On another occasion, when pestilence ravaged the country and\nthe excited fancy of the plague-stricken people saw in the clouds the\nfigure of the Destroying Angel with his sword stretched out over\nJerusalem, they laid the blame on King David, who had offended the touchy\nand irascible deity by taking a census. The prudent monarch bowed to the\npopular storm, acknowledged his guilt, and appeased the angry god by\noffering burnt sacrifices on the threshing-floor of Araunah, one of the\nold Jebusite inhabitants of Jerusalem. Then the angel sheathed his\nflashing sword, and the shrieks of the dying and the lamentations for the\ndead no longer resounded in the streets.(66)\n\n(M17) To this theory of the sanctity, nay the divinity of the Hebrew kings\nit may be objected that few traces of it survive in the historical books\nof the Bible. But the force of the objection is weakened by a\nconsideration of the time and the circumstances in which these books\nassumed their final shape. The great prophets of the eighth and the\nseventh centuries by the spiritual ideals and the ethical fervour of their\nteaching had wrought a religious and moral reform perhaps unparalleled in\nhistory. Under their influence an austere monotheism had replaced the old\nsensuous worship of the natural powers: a stern Puritanical spirit, an\nunbending rigour of mind, had succeeded to the old easy supple temper with\nits weak compliances, its wax-like impressionability, its proclivities to\nthe sins of the flesh. And the moral lessons which the prophets inculcated\nwere driven home by the political events of the time, above all by the\never-growing pressure of the great Assyrian empire on the petty states of\nPalestine. The long agony of the siege of Samaria(67) must have been\nfollowed with trembling anxiety by the inhabitants of Judea, for the\ndanger was at their door. They had only to lift up their eyes and look\nnorth to see the blue hills of Ephraim, at whose foot lay the beleaguered\ncity. Its final fall and the destruction of the northern kingdom could not\nfail to fill every thoughtful mind in the sister realm with sad\nforebodings. It was as if the sky had lowered and thunder muttered over\nJerusalem. Thenceforth to the close of the Jewish monarchy, about a\ncentury and a half later, the cloud never passed away, though once for a\nlittle it seemed to lift, when Sennacherib raised the siege of\nJerusalem(68) and the watchers on the walls beheld the last of the long\nline of spears and standards disappearing, the last squadron of the\nblue-coated Assyrian cavalry sweeping, in a cloud of dust, out of\nsight.(69)\n\n(M18) It was in this period of national gloom and despondency that the two\ngreat reformations of Israel\u2019s religion were accomplished, the first by\nking Hezekiah, the second a century later by king Josiah.(70) We need not\nwonder then that the reformers who in that and subsequent ages composed or\nedited the annals of their nation should have looked as sourly on the old\nunreformed paganism of their forefathers as the fierce zealots of the\nCommonwealth looked on the far more innocent pastimes of Merry England;\nand that in their zeal for the glory of God they should have blotted many\npages of history lest they should perpetuate the memory of practices to\nwhich they traced the calamities of their country. All the historical\nbooks passed through the office of the Puritan censor,(71) and we can\nhardly doubt that they emerged from it stript of many gay feathers which\nthey had flaunted when they went in. Among the shed plumage may well have\nbeen the passages which invested human beings, whether kings or commoners,\nwith the attributes of deity. Certainly no pages could seem to the censor\nmore rankly blasphemous; on none, therefore, was he likely to press more\nfirmly the official sponge.\n\n(M19) But if Semitic kings in general and the kings of Byblus in\nparticular often assumed the style of Baal or Adonis, it follows that they\nmay have mated with the goddess, the Baalath or Astarte of the city.\nCertainly we hear of kings of Tyre and Sidon who were priests of\nAstarte.(72) Now to the agricultural Semites the Baal or god of a land was\nthe author of all its fertility; he it was who produced the corn, the\nwine, the figs, the oil, and the flax, by means of his quickening waters,\nwhich in the arid parts of the Semitic world are oftener springs, streams,\nand underground flow than the rains of heaven.(73) Further, \u201cthe\nlife-giving power of the god was not limited to vegetative nature, but to\nhim also was ascribed the increase of animal life, the multiplication of\nflocks and herds, and, not least, of the human inhabitants of the land.\nFor the increase of animate nature is obviously conditioned, in the last\nresort, by the fertility of the soil, and primitive races, which have not\nlearned to differentiate the various kinds of life with precision, think\nof animate as well as vegetable life as rooted in the earth and sprung\nfrom it. The earth is the great mother of all things in most mythological\nphilosophies, and the comparison of the life of mankind, or of a stock of\nmen, with the life of a tree, which is so common in Semitic as in other\nprimitive poetry, is not in its origin a mere figure. Thus where the\ngrowth of vegetation is ascribed to a particular divine power, the same\npower receives the thanks and homage of his worshippers for the increase\nof cattle and of men. Firstlings as well as first-fruits were offered at\nthe shrines of the Baalim, and one of the commonest classes of personal\nnames given by parents to their sons or daughters designates the child as\nthe gift of the god.\u201d In short, \u201cthe Baal was conceived as the male\nprinciple of reproduction, the husband of the land which he\nfertilised.\u201d(74) So far, therefore, as the Semite personified the\nreproductive energies of nature as male and female, as a Baal and a\nBaalath, he appears to have identified the male power especially with\nwater and the female especially with earth. On this view plants and trees,\nanimals and men, are the offspring or children of the Baal and Baalath.\n\n(M20) If, then, at Byblus and elsewhere, the Semitic king was allowed, or\nrather required, to personate the god and marry the goddess, the intention\nof the custom can only have been to ensure the fertility of the land and\nthe increase of men and cattle by means of homoeopathic magic. There is\nreason to think that a similar custom was observed from a similar motive\nin other parts of the ancient world, and particularly at Nemi, where both\nthe male and the female powers, the Dianus and Diana, were in one aspect\nof their nature personifications of the life-giving waters.(75)\n\n(M21) The last king of Byblus bore the ancient name of Cinyras, and was\nbeheaded by Pompey the Great for his tyrannous excesses.(76) His legendary\nnamesake Cinyras is said to have founded a sanctuary of Aphrodite, that\nis, of Astarte, at a place on Mount Lebanon, distant a day\u2019s journey from\nthe capital.(77) The spot was probably Aphaca, at the source of the river\nAdonis, half-way between Byblus and Baalbec; for at Aphaca there was a\nfamous grove and sanctuary of Astarte which Constantine destroyed on\naccount of the flagitious character of the worship.(78) The site of the\ntemple has been discovered by modern travellers near the miserable village\nwhich still bears the name of Afka at the head of the wild, romantic,\nwooded gorge of the Adonis. The hamlet stands among groves of noble\nwalnut-trees on the brink of the lyn. A little way off the river rushes\nfrom a cavern at the foot of a mighty amphitheatre of towering cliffs to\nplunge in a series of cascades into the awful depths of the glen. The\ndeeper it descends, the ranker and denser grows the vegetation, which,\nsprouting from the crannies and fissures of the rocks, spreads a green\nveil over the roaring or murmuring stream in the tremendous chasm below.\nThere is something delicious, almost intoxicating, in the freshness of\nthese tumbling waters, in the sweetness and purity of the mountain air, in\nthe vivid green of the vegetation. The temple, of which some massive hewn\nblocks and a fine column of Syenite granite still mark the site, occupied\na terrace facing the source of the river and commanding a magnificent\nprospect. Across the foam and the roar of the waterfalls you look up to\nthe cavern and away to the top of the sublime precipices above. So lofty\nis the cliff that the goats which creep along its ledges to browse on the\nbushes appear like ants to the spectator hundreds of feet below. Seaward\nthe view is especially impressive when the sun floods the profound gorge\nwith golden light, revealing all the fantastic buttresses and rounded\ntowers of its mountain rampart, and falling softly on the varied green of\nthe woods which clothe its depths.(79) It was here that, according to the\nlegend, Adonis met Aphrodite for the first or the last time,(80) and here\nhis mangled body was buried.(81) A fairer scene could hardly be imagined\nfor a story of tragic love and death. Yet, sequestered as the valley is\nand must always have been, it is not wholly deserted. A convent or a\nvillage may be observed here and there standing out against the sky on the\ntop of some beetling crag, or clinging to the face of a nearly\nperpendicular cliff high above the foam and the din of the river; and at\nevening the lights that twinkle through the gloom betray the presence of\nhuman habitations on slopes which might seem inaccessible to man. In\nantiquity the whole of the lovely vale appears have been dedicated to\nAdonis, and to this day it is haunted by his memory; for the heights which\nshut it in are crested at various points by ruined monuments of his\nworship, some of them overhanging dreadful abysses, down which it turns\nthe head dizzy to look and see the eagles wheeling about their nests far\nbelow. One such monument exists at Ghineh. The face of a great rock, above\na roughly hewn recess, is here carved with figures of Adonis and\nAphrodite. He is portrayed with spear in rest, awaiting the attack of a\nbear, while she is seated in an attitude of sorrow.(82) Her grief-stricken\nfigure may well be the mourning Aphrodite of the Lebanon described by\nMacrobius,(83) and the recess in the rock is perhaps her lover\u2019s tomb.\nEvery year, in the belief of his worshippers, Adonis was wounded to death\non the mountains, and every year the face of nature itself was dyed with\nhis sacred blood. So year by year the Syrian damsels lamented his untimely\nfate,(84) while the red anemone, his flower, bloomed among the cedars of\nLebanon, and the river ran red to the sea, fringing the winding shores of\nthe blue Mediterranean, whenever the wind set inshore, with a sinuous,\nband of crimson.\n\n\n\n\nChapter III. Adonis in Cyprus.\n\n\n(M22) The island of Cyprus lies but one day\u2019s sail from the coast of\nSyria. Indeed, on fine summer evenings its mountains may be descried\nlooming low and dark against the red fires of sunset.(85) With its rich\nmines of copper and its forests of firs and stately cedars, the island\nnaturally attracted a commercial and maritime people like the Phoenicians;\nwhile the abundance of its corn, its wine, and its oil must have rendered\nit in their eyes a Land of Promise by comparison with the niggardly nature\nof their own rugged coast, hemmed in between the mountains and the\nsea.(86) Accordingly they settled in Cyprus at a very early date and\nremained there long after the Greeks had also established themselves on\nits shores; for we know from inscriptions and coins that Phoenician kings\nreigned at Citium, the Chittim of the Hebrews, down to the time of\nAlexander the Great.(87) Naturally the Semitic colonists brought their\ngods with them from the mother-land. They worshipped Baal of the\nLebanon,(88) who may well have been Adonis, and at Amathus on the south\ncoast they instituted the rites of Adonis and Aphrodite, or rather\nAstarte.(89) Here, as at Byblus, these rites resembled the Egyptian\nworship of Osiris so closely that some people even identified the Adonis\nof Amathus with Osiris.(90) The Tyrian Melcarth or Moloch was also\nworshipped at Amathus,(91) and the tombs discovered in the neighbourhood\nprove that the city remained Phoenician to a late period.(92)\n\n(M23) But the great seat of the worship of Aphrodite and Adonis in Cyprus\nwas Paphos on the south-western side of the island. Among the petty\nkingdoms into which Cyprus was divided from the earliest times until the\nend of the fourth century before our era Paphos must have ranked with the\nbest. It is a land of hills and billowy ridges, diversified by fields and\nvineyards and intersected by rivers, which in the course of ages have\ncarved for themselves beds of such tremendous depth that travelling in the\ninterior is difficult and tedious. The lofty range of Mount Olympus (the\nmodern Troodos), capped with snow the greater part of the year, screens\nPaphos from the northerly and easterly winds and cuts it off from the rest\nof the island. On the slopes of the range the last pine-woods of Cyprus\nlinger, sheltering here and there monasteries in scenery not unworthy of\nthe Apennines. The old city of Paphos occupied the summit of a hill about\na mile from the sea; the newer city sprang up at the harbour some ten\nmiles off.(93) The sanctuary of Aphrodite at Old Paphos (the modern\nKuklia) was one of the most celebrated shrines in the ancient world. From\nthe earliest to the latest times it would seem to have preserved its\nessential features unchanged. For the sanctuary is represented on coins of\nthe Imperial age,(94) and these representations agree closely with little\ngolden models of a shrine which were found in two of the royal graves at\nMycenae.(95) Both on the coins and in the models we see a fa\u00e7ade\nsurmounted by a pair of doves and divided into three compartments or\nchapels, of which the central one is crowned by a lofty superstructure. In\nthe golden models each chapel contains a pillar standing in a pair of\nhorns: the central superstructure is crowned by two pairs of horns, one\nwithin the other; and the two side chapels are in like manner crowned each\nwith a pair of horns and a single dove perched on the outer horn of each\npair. On the coins each of the side chapels contains a pillar or\ncandelabra-like object: the central chapel contains a cone and is flanked\nby two high columns, each terminating in a pair of ball-topped pinnacles,\nwith a star and crescent appearing between the tops of the columns. The\ndoves are doubtless the sacred doves of Aphrodite or Astarte,(96) and the\nhorns and pillars remind us of the similar religious emblems which have\nbeen found in the great prehistoric palace of Cnossus in Crete, as well as\non many monuments of the Mycenaean or Minoan age of Greece.(97) If\nantiquaries are right in regarding the golden models as copies of the\nPaphian shrine, that shrine must have suffered little outward change for\nmore than a thousand years; for the royal graves at Mycenae, in which the\nmodels were found, can hardly be of later date than the twelfth century\nbefore our era.\n\n(M24) Thus the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was apparently of great\nantiquity.(98) According to Herodotus, it was founded by Phoenician\ncolonists from Ascalon;(99) but it is possible that a native goddess of\nfertility was worshipped on the spot before the arrival of the\nPhoenicians, and that the newcomers identified her with their own Baalath\nor Astarte, whom she may have closely resembled. If two deities were thus\nfused in one, we may suppose that they were both varieties of that great\ngoddess of motherhood and fertility whose worship appears to have been\nspread all over Western Asia from a very early time. The supposition is\nconfirmed as well by the archaic shape of her image as by the licentious\ncharacter of her rites; for both that shape and those rites were shared by\nher with other Asiatic deities. Her image was simply a white cone or\npyramid.(100) In like manner, a cone was the emblem of Astarte at\nByblus,(101) of the native goddess whom the Greeks called Artemis at Perga\nin Pamphylia,(102) and of the sun-god Heliogabalus at Emesa in Syria.(103)\nConical stones, which apparently served as idols, have also been found at\nGolgi in Cyprus, and in the Phoenician temples of Malta;(104) and cones of\nsandstone came to light at the shrine of the \u201cMistress of Torquoise\u201d among\nthe barren hills and frowning precipices of Sinai.(105) The precise\nsignificance of such an emblem remains as obscure as it was in the time of\nTacitus.(106) It appears to have been customary to anoint the sacred cone\nwith olive oil at a solemn festival, in which people from Lycia and Caria\nparticipated.(107) The custom of anointing a holy stone has been observed\nin many parts of the world; for example, in the sanctuary of Apollo at\nDelphi.(108) To this day the old custom appears to survive at Paphos, for\n\u201cin honour of the Maid of Bethlehem the peasants of Kuklia anointed\nlately, and probably still anoint each year, the great corner-stones of\nthe ruined Temple of the Paphian Goddess. As Aphrodite was supplicated\nonce with cryptic rites, so is Mary entreated still by Moslems as well as\nChristians, with incantations and passings through perforated stones, to\nremove the curse of barrenness from Cypriote women, or increase the\nmanhood of Cypriote men.\u201d(109) Thus the ancient worship of the goddess of\nfertility is continued under a different name. Even the name of the old\ngoddess is retained in some parts of the island; for in more than one\nchapel the Cypriote peasants adore the mother of Christ under the title\nPanaghia Aphroditessa.(110)\n\n(M25) In Cyprus it appears that before marriage all women were formerly\nobliged by custom to prostitute themselves to strangers at the sanctuary\nof the goddess, whether she went by the name of Aphrodite, Astarte, or\nwhat not.(111) Similar customs prevailed in many parts of Western Asia.\nWhatever its motive, the practice was clearly regarded, not as an orgy of\nlust, but as a solemn religious duty performed in the service of that\ngreat Mother Goddess of Western Asia whose name varied, while her type\nremained constant, from place to place. Thus at Babylon every woman,\nwhether rich or poor, had once in her life to submit to the embraces of a\nstranger at the temple of Mylitta, that is, of Ishtar or Astarte, and to\ndedicate to the goddess the wages earned by this sanctified harlotry. The\nsacred precinct was crowded with women waiting to observe the custom. Some\nof them had to wait there for years.(112) At Heliopolis or Baalbec in\nSyria, famous for the imposing grandeur of its ruined temples, the custom\nof the country required that every maiden should prostitute herself to a\nstranger at the temple of Astarte, and matrons as well as maids testified\ntheir devotion to the goddess in the same manner. The emperor Constantine\nabolished the custom, destroyed the temple, and built a church in its\nstead.(113) In Phoenician temples women prostituted themselves for hire in\nthe service of religion, believing that by this conduct they propitiated\nthe goddess and won her favour.(114) \u201cIt was a law of the Amorites, that\nshe who was about to marry should sit in fornication seven days by the\ngate.\u201d(115) At Byblus the people shaved their heads in the annual mourning\nfor Adonis. Women who refused to sacrifice their hair had to give\nthemselves up to strangers on a certain day of the festival, and the money\nwhich they thus earned was devoted to the goddess.(116) This custom may\nhave been a mitigation of an older rule which at Byblus as elsewhere\nformerly compelled every woman without exception to sacrifice her virtue\nin the service of religion. I have already suggested a reason why the\noffering of a woman\u2019s hair was accepted as an equivalent for the surrender\nof her person.(117) We are told that in Lydia all girls were obliged to\nprostitute themselves in order to earn a dowry;(118) but we may suspect\nthat the real motive of the custom was devotion rather than economy. The\nsuspicion is confirmed by a Greek inscription found at Tralles in Lydia,\nwhich proves that the practice of religious prostitution survived in that\ncountry as late as the second century of our era. It records of a certain\nwoman, Aurelia Aemilia by name, not only that she herself served the god\nin the capacity of a harlot at his express command, but that her mother\nand other female ancestors had done the same before her; and the publicity\nof the record, engraved on a marble column which supported a votive\noffering, shows that no stain attached to such a life and such a\nparentage.(119) In Armenia the noblest families dedicated their daughters\nto the service of the goddess Anaitis in her temple at Acilisena, where\nthe damsels acted as prostitutes for a long time before they were given in\nmarriage. Nobody scrupled to take one of these girls to wife when her\nperiod of service was over.(120) Again, the goddess Ma was served by a\nmultitude of sacred harlots at Comana in Pontus, and crowds of men and\nwomen flocked to her sanctuary from the neighbouring cities and country to\nattend the biennial festivals or to pay their vows to the goddess.(121)\n\n(M26) If we survey the whole of the evidence on this subject, some of\nwhich has still to be laid before the reader, we may conclude that a great\nMother Goddess, the personification of all the reproductive energies of\nnature, was worshipped under different names but with a substantial\nsimilarity of myth and ritual by many peoples of Western Asia; that\nassociated with her was a lover, or rather series of lovers, divine yet\nmortal, with whom she mated year by year, their commerce being deemed\nessential to the propagation of animals and plants, each in their several\nkind;(122) and further, that the fabulous union of the divine pair was\nsimulated and, as it were, multiplied on earth by the real, though\ntemporary, union of the human sexes at the sanctuary of the goddess for\nthe sake of thereby ensuring the fruitfulness of the ground and the\nincrease of man and beast.(123) And if the conception of such a Mother\nGoddess dates, as seems probable, from a time when the institution of\nmarriage was either unknown or at most barely tolerated as an immoral\ninfringement of old communal rights, we can understand both why the\ngoddess herself was regularly supposed to be at once unmarried and\nunchaste, and why her worshippers were obliged to imitate her more or less\ncompletely in these respects. For had she been a divine wife united to a\ndivine husband, the natural counterpart of their union would have been the\nlawful marriage of men and women, and there would have been no need to\nresort to a system of prostitution or promiscuity in order to effect those\npurposes which, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, might in that\ncase have been as well or better attained by the legitimate intercourse of\nthe sexes in matrimony. Formerly, perhaps, every woman was obliged to\nsubmit at least once in her life to the exercise of those marital rights\nwhich at a still earlier period had theoretically belonged in permanence\nto all the males of the tribe. But in course of time, as the institution\nof individual marriage grew in favour, and the old communism fell more and\nmore into discredit, the revival of the ancient practice even for a single\noccasion in a woman\u2019s life became ever more repugnant to the moral sense\nof the people, and accordingly they resorted to various expedients for\nevading in practice the obligation which they still acknowledged in\ntheory. One of these evasions was to let the woman offer her hair instead\nof her person; another apparently was to substitute an obscene symbol for\nthe obscene act.(124) But while the majority of women thus contrived to\nobserve the forms of religion without sacrificing their virtue, it was\nstill thought necessary to the general welfare that a certain number of\nthem should discharge the old obligation in the old way. These became\nprostitutes either for life or for a term of years at one of the temples:\ndedicated to the service of religion, they were invested with a sacred\ncharacter,(125) and their vocation, far from being deemed infamous, was\nprobably long regarded by the laity as an exercise of more than common\nvirtue, and rewarded with a tribute of mixed wonder, reverence, and pity,\nnot unlike that which in some parts of the world is still paid to women\nwho seek to honour their Creator in a different way by renouncing the\nnatural functions of their sex and the tenderest relations of humanity. It\nis thus that the folly of mankind finds vent in opposite extremes alike\nharmful and deplorable.\n\n(M27) At Paphos the custom of religious prostitution is said to have been\ninstituted by King Cinyras,(126) and to have been practised by his\ndaughters, the sisters of Adonis, who, having incurred the wrath of\nAphrodite, mated with strangers and ended their days in Egypt.(127) In\nthis form of the tradition the wrath of Aphrodite is probably a feature\nadded by a later authority, who could only regard conduct which shocked\nhis own moral sense as a punishment inflicted by the goddess instead of as\na sacrifice regularly enjoined by her on all her devotees. At all events\nthe story indicates that the princesses of Paphos had to conform to the\ncustom as well as women of humble birth.\n\n(M28) The legendary history of the royal and priestly family of the\nCinyrads is instructive. We are told that a Syrian man, by name Sandacus,\nmigrated to Cilicia, married Pharnace, daughter of Megassares, king of\nHyria, and founded the city of Celenderis. His wife bore him a son,\nCinyras, who in time crossed the sea with a company of people to Cyprus,\nwedded Metharme, daughter of Pygmalion, king of the island, and founded\nPaphos.(128) These legends seem to contain reminiscences of kingdoms in\nCilicia and Cyprus which passed in the female line, and were held by men,\nsometimes foreigners, who married the hereditary princesses. There are\nsome indications that Cinyras was not in fact the founder of the temple at\nPaphos. An older tradition ascribed the foundation to a certain Aerias,\nwhom some regarded as a king, and others as the goddess herself.(129)\nMoreover, Cinyras or his descendants at Paphos had to reckon with rivals.\nThese were the Tamirads, a family of diviners who traced their descent\nfrom Tamiras, a Cilician augur. At first it was arranged that both\nfamilies should preside at the ceremonies, but afterwards the Tamirads\ngave way to the Cinyrads.(130) Many tales were told of Cinyras, the\nfounder of the dynasty. He was a priest of Aphrodite as well as a\nking,(131) and his riches passed into a proverb.(132) To his descendants,\nthe Cinyrads, he appears to have bequeathed his wealth and his dignities;\nat all events, they reigned as kings of Paphos and served the goddess as\npriests. Their dead bodies, with that of Cinyras himself, were buried in\nthe sanctuary.(133) But by the fourth century before our era the family\nhad declined and become nearly extinct. When Alexander the Great expelled\na king of Paphos for injustice and wickedness, his envoys made search for\na member of the ancient house to set on the throne of his fathers. At last\nthey found one of them living in obscurity and earning his bread as a\nmarket gardener. He was in the very act of watering his beds when the\nking\u2019s messengers carried him off, much to his astonishment, to receive\nthe crown at the hands of their master.(134) Yet if the dynasty decayed,\nthe shrine of the goddess, enriched by the offerings of kings and private\npersons, maintained its reputation for wealth down to Roman times.(135)\nWhen Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, was expelled by his people in 57\nB.C., Cato offered him the priesthood of Paphos as a sufficient\nconsolation in money and dignity for the loss of a throne.(136)\n\n(M29) Among the stories which were told of Cinyras, the ancestor of these\npriestly kings and the father of Adonis, there are some that deserve our\nattention. In the first place, he is said to have begotten his son Adonis\nin incestuous intercourse with his daughter Myrrha at a festival of the\ncorn-goddess, at which women robed in white were wont to offer\ncorn-wreaths as first-fruits of the harvest and to observe strict chastity\nfor nine days.(137) Similar cases of incest with a daughter are reported\nof many ancient kings.(138) It seems unlikely that such reports are\nwithout foundation, and perhaps equally improbable that they refer to mere\nfortuitous outbursts of unnatural lust. We may suspect that they are based\non a practice actually observed for a definite reason in certain special\ncircumstances. Now in countries where the royal blood was traced through\nwomen only, and where consequently the king held office merely in virtue\nof his marriage with an hereditary princess, who was the real sovereign,\nit appears to have often happened that a prince married his own sister,\nthe princess royal, in order to obtain with her hand the crown which\notherwise would have gone to another man, perhaps to a stranger.(139) May\nnot the same rule of descent have furnished a motive for incest with a\ndaughter? For it seems a natural corollary from such a rule that the king\nwas bound to vacate the throne on the death of his wife, the queen, since\nhe occupied it only by virtue of his marriage with her. When that marriage\nterminated, his right to the throne terminated with it and passed at once\nto his daughter\u2019s husband. Hence if the king desired to reign after his\nwife\u2019s death, the only way in which he could legitimately continue to do\nso was by marrying his daughter, and thus prolonging through her the title\nwhich had formerly been his through her mother.\n\n(M30) In this connexion it is worth while to remember that at Rome the\nFlamen Dialis was bound to vacate his priesthood on the death of his wife,\nthe Flaminica.(140) The rule would be intelligible if the Flaminica had\noriginally been the more important functionary of the two, and if the\nFlamen held office only by virtue of his marriage with her.(141) Elsewhere\nI have shown reason to suppose that he and his wife represented an old\nline of priestly kings and queens, who played the parts of Jupiter and\nJuno, or perhaps rather Dianus and Diana, respectively.(142) If the\nsupposition is correct, the custom which obliged him to resign his\npriesthood on the death of his wife seems to prove that of the two deities\nwhom they personated, the goddess, whether named Juno or Diana, was indeed\nthe better half. But at Rome the goddess Juno always played an\ninsignificant part; whereas at Nemi her old double, Diana, was\nall-powerful, casting her mate, Dianus or Virbius, into deep shadow. Thus\na rule which points to the superiority of the Flaminica over the Flamen,\nappears to indicate that the divine originals of the two were Dianus and\nDiana rather than Jupiter and Juno; and further, that if Jupiter and Juno\nat Rome stood for the principle of father-kin, or the predominance of the\nhusband over the wife, Dianus and Diana at Nemi stood for the older\nprinciple of mother-kin, or the predominance of the wife in matters of\ninheritance over the husband. If, then, I am right in holding that the\nkingship at Rome was originally a plebeian institution and descended\nthrough women,(143) we must conclude that the people who founded the\nsanctuary of Diana at Nemi were of the same plebeian stock as the Roman\nkings, that they traced descent in the female line, and that they\nworshipped a great Mother Goddess, not a great Father God. That goddess\nwas Diana; her maternal functions are abundantly proved by the votive\nofferings found at her ancient shrine among the wooded hills.(144) On the\nother hand, the patricians, who afterwards invaded the country, brought\nwith them father-kin in its strictest form, and consistently enough paid\ntheir devotions rather to Father Jove than to Mother Juno.\n\n(M31) A parallel to what I conjecture to have been the original relation\nof the Flaminica to her husband the Flamen may to a certain extent be\nfound among the Khasis of Assam, who preserve to this day the ancient\nsystem of mother-kin in matters of inheritance and religion. For among\nthese people the propitiation of deceased ancestors is deemed essential to\nthe welfare of the community, and of all their ancestors they revere most\nthe primaeval ancestress of the clan. Accordingly in every sacrifice a\npriest must be assisted by a priestess; indeed, we are told that he merely\nacts as her deputy, and that she \u201cis without doubt a survival of the time\nwhen, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for the\nperformance of all religious ceremonies.\u201d It does not appear that the\npriest need be the husband of the priestess; but in the Khyrim State,\nwhere each division has its own goddess to whom sacrifices are offered,\nthe priestess is the mother, sister, niece, or other maternal relation of\nthe priest. It is her duty to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and\nwithout her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place.(145) Here, then,\nas among the ancient Romans on my hypothesis, we have the superiority of\nthe priestess over the priest based on a corresponding superiority of the\ngoddess or divine ancestress over the god or divine ancestor; and here, as\nat Rome, a priest would clearly have to vacate office if he had no woman\nof the proper relationship to assist him in the performance of his sacred\nduties.\n\n(M32) Further, I have conjectured that as representatives of Jupiter and\nJuno respectively the Flamen and Flaminica at Rome may have annually\ncelebrated a Sacred Marriage for the purpose of ensuring the fertility of\nthe powers of nature.(146) This conjecture also may be supported by an\nanalogous custom which is still observed in India. We have seen how among\nthe Oraons, a primitive hill-tribe of Bengal, the marriage of the Sun and\nthe Earth is annually celebrated by a priest and priestess who personate\nrespectively the god of the Sun and the goddess of the Earth.(147) The\nceremony of the Sacred Marriage has been described more fully by a Jesuit\nmissionary, who was intimately acquainted with the people and their native\nreligion. The rite is celebrated in the month of May, when the _sal_ tree\nis in bloom, and the festival takes its native name (_khaddi_) from the\nflower of the tree. It is the greatest festival of the year. \u201cThe object\nof this feast is to celebrate the mystical marriage of the Sun-god\n(_Bhagawan_) with the Goddess-earth (_Dharti-mai_), to induce them to be\nfruitful and give good crops.\u201d At the same time all the minor deities or\ndemons of the village are propitiated, in order that they may not hinder\nthe beneficent activity of the Sun God and the Earth Goddess. On the eve\nof the appointed day no man may plough his fields, and the priest,\naccompanied by some of the villagers, repairs to the sacred grove, where\nhe beats a drum and invites all the invisible guests to the great feast\nthat will await them on the morrow. Next morning very early, before\ncock-crow, an acolyte steals out as quietly as possible to the sacred\nspring to fetch water in a new earthen pot. This holy water is full of all\nkinds of blessings for the crops. The priest has prepared a place for it\nin the middle of his house surrounded by cotton threads of diverse\ncolours. So sacred is the water that it would be defiled and lose all its\nvirtue, were any profane eye to fall on it before it entered the priest\u2019s\nhouse. During the morning the acolyte and the priest\u2019s deputy go round\nfrom house to house collecting victims for the sacrifice. In the afternoon\nthe people all gather at the sacred grove, and the priest proceeds to\nconsummate the sacrifice. The first victims to be immolated are a white\ncock for the Sun God and a black hen for the Earth Goddess; and as the\nfeast is the marriage of these great deities the marriage service is\nperformed over the two fowls before they are hurried into eternity.\nAmongst other things both birds are marked with vermilion just as a bride\nand bridegroom are marked at a human marriage; and the earth is also\nsmeared with vermilion, as if it were a real bride, on the spot where the\nsacrifice is offered. Sacrifices of fowls or goats to the minor deities or\ndemons follow. The bodies of the victims are collected by the village\nboys, who cook them on the spot; all the heads go to the sacrificers. The\ngods take what they can get and are more or less thankful. Meantime the\nacolyte has collected flowers of the _sal_ tree and set them round the\nplace of sacrifice, and he has also fetched the holy water from the\npriest\u2019s house. A procession is now formed and the priest is carried in\ntriumph to his own abode. There his wife has been watching for him, and on\nhis arrival the two go through the marriage ceremony, applying vermilion\nto each other in the usual way \u201cto symbolise the mystical marriage of the\nSun-god with the Earth-goddess.\u201d Meantime all the women of the village are\nstanding on the thresholds of their houses each with a winnowing-fan in\nher hand. In the fan are two cups, one empty to receive the holy water,\nand the other full of rice-beer for the consumption of the holy man. As he\narrives at each house, he distributes flowers and holy water to the happy\nwomen, and enriches them with a shower of blessings, saying, \u201cMay your\nrooms and granary be filled with rice, that the priest\u2019s name may be\ngreat.\u201d The holy water which he leaves at each house is sprinkled on the\nseeds that have been kept to sow next year\u2019s crop. Having thus imparted\nhis benediction to the household the priest swigs the beer; and as he\nrepeats his benediction and his potation at every house he is naturally\ndead-drunk by the time he gets to the end of the village. \u201cBy that time\nevery one has taken copious libations of rice-beer, and all the devils of\nthe village seem to be let loose, and there follows a scene of debauchery\nbaffling description\u2014all these to induce the Sun and the Earth to be\nfruitful.\u201d(148)\n\nThus the people of Cyprus and Western Asia in antiquity were by no means\nsingular in their belief that the profligacy of the human sexes served to\nquicken the fruits of the earth.(149)\n\n(M33) Cinyras is said to have been famed for his exquisite beauty(150) and\nto have been wooed by Aphrodite herself.(151) Thus it would appear, as\nscholars have already observed,(152) that Cinyras was in a sense a\nduplicate of his handsome son Adonis, to whom the inflammable goddess also\nlost her heart. Further, these stories of the love of Aphrodite for two\nmembers of the royal house of Paphos can hardly be dissociated from the\ncorresponding legend told of Pygmalion, the Phoenician king of Cyprus, who\nis said to have fallen in love with an image of Aphrodite and taken it to\nhis bed.(153) When we consider that Pygmalion was the father-in-law of\nCinyras, that the son of Cinyras was Adonis, and that all three, in\nsuccessive generations, are said to have been concerned in a love-intrigue\nwith Aphrodite, we can hardly help concluding that the early Phoenician\nkings of Paphos, or their sons, regularly claimed to be not merely the\npriests of the goddess(154) but also her lovers, in other words, that in\ntheir official capacity they personated Adonis. At all events Adonis is\nsaid to have reigned in Cyprus,(155) and it appears to be certain that the\ntitle of Adonis was regularly borne by the sons of all the Phoenician\nkings of the island.(156) It is true that the title strictly signified no\nmore than \u201clord\u201d; yet the legends which connect these Cyprian princes with\nthe goddess of love make it probable that they claimed the divine nature\nas well as the human dignity of Adonis. The story of Pygmalion points to a\nceremony of a sacred marriage in which the king wedded the image of\nAphrodite, or rather of Astarte. If that was so, the tale was in a sense\ntrue, not of a single man only, but of a whole series of men, and it would\nbe all the more likely to be told of Pygmalion, if that was a common name\nof Semitic kings in general, and of Cyprian kings in particular.\nPygmalion, at all events, is known as the name of the famous king of Tyre\nfrom whom his sister Dido fled;(157) and a king of Citium and Idalium in\nCyprus, who reigned in the time of Alexander the Great, was also called\nPygmalion, or rather Pumiyathon, the Phoenician name which the Greeks\ncorrupted into Pygmalion.(158) Further, it deserves to be noted that the\nnames Pygmalion and Astarte occur together in a Punic inscription on a\ngold medallion which was found in a grave at Carthage; the characters of\nthe inscription are of the earliest type.(159) As the custom of religious\nprostitution at Paphos is said to have been founded by King Cinyras and\nobserved by his daughters,(160) we may surmise that the kings of Paphos\nplayed the part of the divine bridegroom in a less innocent rite than the\nform of marriage with a statue; in fact, that at certain festivals each of\nthem had to mate with one or more of the sacred harlots of the temple, who\nplayed Astarte to his Adonis. If that was so, there is more truth than has\ncommonly been supposed in the reproach cast by the Christian fathers that\nthe Aphrodite worshipped by Cinyras was a common whore.(161) The fruit of\ntheir union would rank as sons and daughters of the deity, and would in\ntime become the parents of gods and goddesses, like their fathers and\nmothers before them. In this manner Paphos, and perhaps all sanctuaries of\nthe great Asiatic goddess where sacred prostitution was practised, might\nbe well stocked with human deities, the offspring of the divine king by\nhis wives, concubines, and temple harlots. Any one of these might probably\nsucceed his father on the throne(162) or be sacrificed in his stead\nwhenever stress of war or other grave junctures called, as they sometimes\ndid,(163) for the death of a royal victim. Such a tax, levied occasionally\non the king\u2019s numerous progeny for the good of the country, would neither\nextinguish the divine stock nor break the father\u2019s heart, who divided his\npaternal affection among so many. At all events, if, as there seems reason\nto believe, Semitic kings were often regarded at the same time as\nhereditary deities, it is easy to understand the frequency of Semitic\npersonal names which imply that the bearers of them were the sons or\ndaughters, the brothers or sisters, the fathers or mothers of a god, and\nwe need not resort to the shifts employed by some scholars to evade the\nplain sense of the words.(164) This interpretation is confirmed by a\nparallel Egyptian usage; for in Egypt, where the kings were worshipped as\ndivine,(165) the queen was called \u201cthe wife of the god\u201d or \u201cthe mother of\nthe god,\u201d(166) and the title \u201cfather of the god\u201d was borne not only by the\nking\u2019s real father but also by his father-in-law.(167) Similarly, perhaps,\namong the Semites any man who sent his daughter to swell the royal harem\nmay have been allowed to call himself \u201cthe father of the god.\u201d\n\n(M34) If we may judge by his name, the Semitic king who bore the name of\nCinyras was, like King David, a harper; for the name of Cinyras is clearly\nconnected with the Greek _cinyra_, \u201ca lyre,\u201d which in its turn comes from\nthe Semitic _kinnor_, \u201ca lyre,\u201d the very word applied to the instrument on\nwhich David played before Saul.(168) We shall probably not err in assuming\nthat at Paphos as at Jerusalem the music of the lyre or harp was not a\nmere pastime designed to while away an idle hour, but formed part of the\nservice of religion, the moving influence of its melodies being perhaps\nset down, like the effect of wine, to the direct inspiration of a deity.\nCertainly at Jerusalem the regular clergy of the temple prophesied to the\nmusic of harps, of psalteries, and of cymbals;(169) and it appears that\nthe irregular clergy also, as we may call the prophets, depended on some\nsuch stimulus for inducing the ecstatic state which they took for\nimmediate converse with the divinity.(170) Thus we read of a band of\nprophets coming down from a high place with a psaltery, a timbrel, a pipe,\nand a harp before them, and prophesying as they went.(171) Again, when the\nunited forces of Judah and Ephraim were traversing the wilderness of Moab\nin pursuit of the enemy, they could find no water for three days, and were\nlike to die of thirst, they and the beasts of burden. In this emergency\nthe prophet Elisha, who was with the army, called for a minstrel and bade\nhim play. Under the influence of the music he ordered the soldiers to dig\ntrenches in the sandy bed of the waterless waddy through which lay the\nline of march. They did so, and next morning the trenches were full of the\nwater that had drained down into them underground from the desolate,\nforbidding mountains on either hand. The prophet\u2019s success in striking\nwater in the wilderness resembles the reported success of modern dowsers,\nthough his mode of procedure was different. Incidentally he rendered\nanother service to his countrymen. For the skulking Moabites from their\nlairs among the rocks saw the red sun of the desert reflected in the\nwater, and taking it for the blood, or perhaps rather for an omen of the\nblood, of their enemies, they plucked up heart to attack the camp and were\ndefeated with great slaughter.(172)\n\n(M35) Again, just as the cloud of melancholy which from time to time\ndarkened the moody mind of Saul was viewed as an evil spirit from the Lord\nvexing him, so on the other hand the solemn strains of the harp, which\nsoothed and composed his troubled thoughts,(173) may well have seemed to\nthe hag-ridden king the very voice of God or of his good angel whispering\npeace. Even in our own day a great religious writer, himself deeply\nsensitive to the witchery of music, has said that musical notes, with all\ntheir power to fire the blood and melt the heart, cannot be mere empty\nsounds and nothing more; no, they have escaped from some higher sphere,\nthey are outpourings of eternal harmony, the voice of angels, the\nMagnificat of saints.(174) It is thus that the rude imaginings of\nprimitive man are transfigured and his feeble lispings echoed with a\nrolling reverberation in the musical prose of Newman. Indeed the influence\nof music on the development of religion is a subject which would repay a\nsympathetic study. For we cannot doubt that this, the most intimate and\naffecting of all the arts, has done much to create as well as to express\nthe religious emotions, thus modifying more or less deeply the fabric of\nbelief to which at first sight it seems only to minister. The musician has\ndone his part as well as the prophet and the thinker in the making of\nreligion. Every faith has its appropriate music, and the difference\nbetween the creeds might almost be expressed in musical notation. The\ninterval, for example, which divides the wild revels of Cybele from the\nstately ritual of the Catholic Church is measured by the gulf which severs\nthe dissonant clash of cymbals and tambourines from the grave harmonies of\nPalestrina and Handel. A different spirit breathes in the difference of\nthe music.(175)\n\n(M36) The legend which made Apollo the friend of Cinyras(176) may be based\non a belief in their common devotion to the lyre. But what function, we\nmay ask, did string music perform in the Greek and the Semitic ritual? Did\nit serve to rouse the human mouthpiece of the god to prophetic ecstasy? or\ndid it merely ban goblins and demons from the holy places and the holy\nservice, drawing as it were around the worshippers a magic circle within\nwhich no evil thing might intrude? In short, did it aim at summoning good\nor banishing evil spirits? was its object inspiration or exorcism? The\nexamples drawn from the lives or legends of Elisha and David prove that\nwith the Hebrews the music of the lyre might be used for either purpose;\nfor while Elisha employed it to tune himself to the prophetic pitch, David\nresorted to it for the sake of exorcising the foul fiend from Saul. With\nthe Greeks, on the other hand, in historical times, it does not appear\nthat string music served as a means of inducing the condition of trance or\necstasy in the human mouthpieces of Apollo and the other oracular gods; on\nthe contrary, its sobering and composing influence, as contrasted with the\nexciting influence of flute music, is the aspect which chiefly impressed\nthe Greek mind.(177) The religious or, at all events, the superstitious\nman might naturally ascribe the mental composure wrought by grave, sweet\nmusic to a riddance of evil spirits, in short to exorcism; and in harmony\nwith this view, Pindar, speaking of the lyre, says that all things hateful\nto Zeus in earth and sea tremble at the sound of music.(178) Yet the\nassociation of the lyre with the legendary prophet Orpheus as well as with\nthe oracular god Apollo seems to hint that in early days its strains may\nhave been employed by the Greeks, as they certainly were by the Hebrews,\nto bring on that state of mental exaltation in which the thick-coming\nfancies of the visionary are regarded as divine communications.(179) Which\nof these two functions of music, the positive or the negative, the\ninspiring or the protective, predominated in the religion of Adonis we\ncannot say; perhaps the two were not clearly distinguished in the minds of\nhis worshippers.\n\n(M37) A constant feature in the myth of Adonis was his premature and\nviolent death. If, then, the kings of Paphos regularly personated Adonis,\nwe must ask whether they imitated their divine prototype in death as in\nlife. Tradition varied as to the end of Cinyras. Some thought that he slew\nhimself on discovering his incest with his daughter;(180) others alleged\nthat, like Marsyas, he was defeated by Apollo in a musical contest and put\nto death by the victor.(181) Yet he cannot strictly be said to have\nperished in the flower of his youth if he lived, as Anacreon averred, to\nthe ripe age of one hundred and sixty.(182) If we must choose between the\ntwo stories, it is perhaps more likely that he died a violent death than\nthat he survived to an age which surpassed that of Thomas Parr by eight\nyears,(183) though it fell far short of the antediluvian standard. The\nlife of eminent men in remote ages is exceedingly elastic and may be\nlengthened or shortened, in the interests of history, at the taste and\nfancy of the historian.\n\n\n\n\nChapter IV. Sacred Men and Women.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. An Alternative Theory.\n\n\n(M38) In the preceding chapter we saw that a system of sacred prostitution\nwas regularly carried on all over Western Asia, and that both in Phoenicia\nand in Cyprus the practice was specially associated with the worship of\nAdonis. As the explanation which I have adopted of the custom has been\nrejected in favour of another by writers whose opinions are entitled to be\ntreated with respect, I shall devote the present chapter to a further\nconsideration of the subject, and shall attempt to gather, from a closer\nscrutiny and a wider survey of the field, such evidence as may set the\ncustom and with it the worship of Adonis in a clearer light. At the outset\nit will be well to examine the alternative theory which has been put\nforward to explain the facts.\n\n(M39) It has been proposed to derive the religious prostitution of Western\nAsia from a purely secular and precautionary practice of destroying a\nbride\u2019s virginity before handing her over to her husband in order that\n\u201cthe bridegroom\u2019s intercourse should be safe from a peril that is much\ndreaded by men in a certain stage of culture.\u201d(184) Among the objections\nwhich may be taken to this view are the following:\u2014\n\n(M40) (1) The theory fails to account for the deeply religious character\nof the customs as practised in antiquity all over Western Asia. That\nreligious character appears from the observance of the custom at the\nsanctuaries of a great goddess, the dedication of the wages of\nprostitution to her, the belief of the women that they earned her favour\nby prostituting themselves,(185) and the command of a male deity to serve\nhim in this manner.(186)\n\n(M41) (2) The theory fails to account for the prostitution of married\nwomen at Heliopolis(187) and apparently also at Babylon and Byblus; for in\ndescribing the practice at the two latter places our authorities,\nHerodotus and Lucian, speak only of women, not of virgins.(188) In Israel\nalso we know from Hosea that young married women prostituted themselves at\nthe sanctuaries on the hilltops under the shadow of the sacred oaks,\npoplars, and terebinths.(189) The prophet makes no mention of virgins\nparticipating in these orgies. They may have done so, but his language\ndoes not imply it: he speaks only of \u201cyour daughters\u201d and \u201cyour\ndaughters-in-law.\u201d The prostitution of married women is wholly\ninexplicable on the hypothesis here criticized. Yet it can hardly be\nseparated from the prostitution of virgins, which in some places at least\nwas carried on side by side with it.\n\n(M42) (3) The theory fails to account for the repeated and professional\nprostitution of women in Lydia, Pontus, Armenia, and apparently all over\nPalestine.(190) Yet this habitual prostitution can in its turn hardly be\nseparated from the first prostitution in a woman\u2019s life. Or are we to\nsuppose that the first act of unchastity is to be explained in one way and\nall the subsequent acts in quite another? that the first act was purely\nsecular and all the subsequent acts purely religious?\n\n(M43) (4) The theory fails to account for the _\u1e32edeshim_ (\u201csacred men\u201d)\nside by side with the _\u1e32edeshoth_ (\u201csacred women\u201d) at the\nsanctuaries;(191) for whatever the religious functions of these \u201csacred\nmen\u201d may have been, it is highly probable that they were analogous to\nthose of the \u201csacred women\u201d and are to be explained in the same way.\n\n(M44) (5) On the hypothesis which I am considering we should expect to\nfind the man who deflowers the maid remunerated for rendering a dangerous\nservice; and so in fact we commonly find him remunerated in places where\nthe supposed custom is really practised.(192) But in Western Asia it was\njust the contrary. It was the woman who was paid, not the man; indeed, so\nwell was she paid that in Lydia and Cyprus the girls earned dowries for\nthemselves in this fashion.(193) This clearly shows that it was the woman,\nand not the man, who was believed to render the service. Or are we to\nsuppose that the man had to pay for rendering a dangerous service?(194)\n\nThese considerations seem to prove conclusively that whatever the remote\norigin of these Western Asiatic customs may have been, they cannot have\nbeen observed in historical times from any such motive as is assumed by\nthe hypothesis under discussion. At the period when we have to do with\nthem the customs were to all appearance purely religious in character, and\na religious motive must accordingly be found for them. Such a motive is\nsupplied by the theory I have adopted, which, so far as I can judge,\nadequately explains all the known facts.\n\n(M45) At the same time, in justice to the writers whose views I have\ncriticized, I wish to point out that the practice from which they propose\nto derive the sacred prostitution of Western Asia has not always been\npurely secular in character. For, in the first place, the agent employed\nis sometimes reported to be a priest;(195) and, in the second place, the\nsacrifice of virginity has in some places, for example at Rome and in\nparts of India, been made directly to the image of a male deity.(196) The\nmeaning of these practices is very obscure, and in the present state of\nour ignorance on the subject it is unsafe to build conclusions on them. It\nis possible that what seems to be a purely secular precaution may be only\na degenerate form of a religious rite; and on the other hand it is\npossible that the religious rite may go back to a purely physical\npreparation for marriage, such as is still observed among the aborigines\nof Australia.(197) But even if such an historical origin could be\nestablished, it would not explain the motives from which the customs\ndescribed in this volume were practised by the people of Western Asia in\nhistorical times. The true parallel to these customs is the sacred\nprostitution which is carried on to this day by dedicated women in India\nand Africa. An examination of these modern practices may throw light on\nthe ancient customs.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Sacred Women in India.\n\n\n(M46) In India the dancing-girls dedicated to the service of the Tamil\ntemples take the name of _deva-dasis_, \u201cservants or slaves of the gods,\u201d\nbut in common parlance they are spoken of simply as harlots. Every Tamil\ntemple of note in Southern India has its troop of these sacred women.\nTheir official duties are to dance twice a day, morning and evening, in\nthe temple, to fan the idol with Tibetan ox-tails, to dance and sing\nbefore it when it is borne in procession, and to carry the holy light\ncalled _K\u00fambarti_. Inscriptions show that in A.D. 1004 the great temple of\nthe Chola king Rajaraja at Tanjore had attached to it four hundred \u201cwomen\nof the temple,\u201d who lived at free quarters in the streets round about it\nand were allowed land free of taxes out of its endowment. From infancy\nthey are trained to dance and sing. In order to obtain a safe delivery\nexpectant mothers will often vow to dedicate their child, if she should\nprove to be a girl, to the service of God. Among the weavers of\nTiru-kalli-kundram, a little town in the Madras Presidency, the eldest\ndaughter of every family is devoted to the temple. Girls thus made over to\nthe deity are formally married, sometimes to the idol, sometimes to a\nsword, before they enter on their duties; from which it appears that they\nare often, if not regularly, regarded as the wives of the god.(198) Among\nthe Kaikolans, a large caste of Tamil weavers who are spread all over\nSouthern India, at least one girl in every family should be dedicated to\nthe temple service. The ritual, as it is observed at the initiation of one\nof these girls in Coimbatore, includes \u201ca form of nuptial ceremony. The\nrelations are invited for an auspicious day, and the maternal uncle, or\nhis representative, ties a gold band on the girl\u2019s forehead, and, carrying\nher, places her on a plank before the assembled guests. A Brahman priest\nrecites the _mantrams_, and prepares the sacred fire (_h\u014dmam_). The uncle\nis presented with new cloths by the girl\u2019s mother. For the actual nuptials\na rich Brahman, if possible, and, if not, a Brahman of more lowly status\nis invited. A Brahman is called in, as he is next in importance to, and\nthe representative of the idol. It is said that, when the man who is to\nreceive her first favours, joins the girl, a sword must be placed, at\nleast for a few minutes, by her side.\u201d When one of these dancing-girls\ndies, her body is covered with a new cloth which has been taken for the\npurpose from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple to which\nshe belonged. No worship is performed in the temple until the last rites\nhave been performed over her body, because the idol, being deemed her\nhusband, is held to be in that state of ceremonial pollution common to\nhuman mourners which debars him from the offices of religion.(199) In\nMahratta such a female devotee is called Murli. Common folk believe that\nfrom time to time the shadow of the god falls on her and possesses her\nperson. At such times the possessed woman rocks herself to and fro, and\nthe people occasionally consult her as a soothsayer, laying money at her\nfeet and accepting as an oracle the words of wisdom or folly that drop\nfrom her lips.(200) Nor is the profession of a temple prostitute adopted\nonly by girls. In Tulava, a district of Southern India, any woman of the\nfour highest castes who wearies of her husband or, as a widow and\ntherefore incapable of marriage, grows tired of celibacy, may go to a\ntemple and eat of the rice offered to the idol. Thereupon, if she is a\nBrahman, she has the right to live either in the temple or outside of its\nprecincts, as she pleases. If she decides to live in it, she gets a daily\nallowance of rice, and must sweep the temple, fan the idol, and confine\nher amours to the Brahmans. The male children of these women form a\nspecial class called Moylar, but are fond of assuming the title of\nStanikas. As many of them as can find employment hang about the temple,\nsweeping the areas, sprinkling them with cow-dung, carrying torches before\nthe gods, and doing other odd jobs. Some of them, debarred from these holy\noffices, are reduced to the painful necessity of earning their bread by\nhonest work. The daughters are either brought up to live like their\nmothers or are given in marriage to the Stanikas. Brahman women who do not\nchoose to live in the temples, and all the women of the three lower\ncastes, cohabit with any man of pure descent, but they have to pay a fixed\nsum annually to the temple.(201)\n\n(M47) In Travancore a dancing-girl attached to a temple is known as a\n_D\u00e2s\u00ee_, or _D\u00eavad\u00e2s\u00ee_, or _D\u00eavarati\u00e2l_, \u201ca servant of God.\u201d The following\naccount of her dedication and way of life deserves to be quoted because,\nwhile it ignores the baser side of her vocation, it brings clearly out the\nidea of her marriage to the deity. \u201cMarriage in the case of a _D\u00eavarati\u00e2l_\nin its original import is a renunciation of ordinary family life and a\nconsecration to the service of God. With a lady-nurse at a Hospital, or a\nsister at a Convent, a _D\u00eavad\u00e2s\u00ee_ at a Hindu shrine, such as she probably\nwas in the early ages of Hindu spirituality, would have claimed favourable\ncomparison. In the ceremonial of the dedication-marriage of the _D\u00e2s\u00ee_,\nelements are not wanting which indicate a past quite the reverse of\ndisreputable. The girl to be married is generally from six to eight years\nin age. The bridegroom is the presiding deity of the local temple. The\nceremony is done at his house. The expenses of the celebration are\nsupposed to be partly paid from his funds. To instance the practice at the\nSuch\u00eendram temple, a _Y\u00f4ga_ or meeting of the chief functionaries of the\ntemple arranges the preliminaries. The girl to be wedded bathes and goes\nto the temple with two pieces of cloth, a _t\u00e2li_, betel, areca-nut, etc.\nThese are placed by the priest at the feet of the image. The girl sits\nwith the face towards the deity. The priest kindles the sacred fire and\ngoes through all the rituals of the _Tirukkaly\u00e2nam_ festival. He then\ninitiates the bride into the _Panch\u00e2kshara mantra_, if in a Saiva temple,\nand the _Asht\u00e2kshara_, if in a Vaishnava temple. On behalf of the divine\nbridegroom, he presents one of the two cloths she has brought as offering\nand ties the _T\u00e2li_ around her neck. The practice, how old it is not\npossible to say, is then to take her to her house where the usual marriage\nfestivities are celebrated for four days. As in Brahminical marriages, the\n_Nalunku_ ceremony, _i.e._ the rolling of a cocoanut by the bride to the\nbridegroom and _vice versa_ a number of times to the accompaniment of\nmusic, is gone through, the temple priest playing the bridegroom\u2019s part.\nThenceforth she becomes the wife of the deity in the sense that she\nformally and solemnly dedicates the rest of her life to his service with\nthe same constancy and devotion that a faithful wife united in holy\nmatrimony shows to her wedded lord. The life of a _D\u00eavad\u00e2s\u00ee_ bedecked with\nall the accomplishments that the muses could give was one of spotless\npurity. Even now she is maintained by the temple. She undertakes fasts in\nconnection with the temple festivals, such as the seven days\u2019 fast for the\n_Apam\u00e2rgam_ ceremony. During the period of this fast, strict continence is\nenjoined; she is required to take only one meal, and that within the\ntemple\u2014in fact to live and behave at least for a term, in the manner\nordained for her throughout life. Some of the details of her daily work\nseem interesting; she attends the _D\u00eep\u00e2radhana_, the waving of lighted\nlamps in front of the deity at sunset every day; sings hymns in his\npraise, dances before his presence, goes round with him in his processions\nwith lights in hand. After the procession, she sings a song or two from\nJayad\u00eava\u2019s _G\u00eetag\u00f4vinda_ and with a few lullaby hymns, her work for the\nnight is over. When she grows physically unfit for these duties, she is\nformally invalided by a special ceremony, _i.e._ _T\u00f4tuvaikkuka_, or the\nlaying down of the ear-pendants. It is gone through at the Maha Raja\u2019s\npalace, whereafter she becomes a _T\u00e2ikkizhavi_ (old mother), entitled only\nto a subsistence-allowance. When she dies, the temple contributes to the\nfuneral expenses. On her death-bed, the priest attends and after a few\nceremonies immediately after death, gets her bathed with\nsaffron-powder.\u201d(202)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Sacred Men and Women in West Africa.\n\n\n(M48) Still more instructive for our present purpose are the West African\ncustoms. Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast \u201crecruits for\nthe priesthood are obtained in two ways, viz. by the affiliation of young\npersons, and by the direct consecration of adults. Young people of either\nsex dedicated or affiliated to a god are termed _kosio_, from _kono_,\n\u2018unfruitful,\u2019 because a child dedicated to a god passes into his service\nand is practically lost to his parents, and _si_, \u2018to run away.\u2019 As the\nfemales become the \u2018wives\u2019 of the god to whom they are dedicated, the\ntermination _si_ in _v\u00f5du-si_ [another name for these dedicated women],\nhas been translated \u2018wife\u2019 by some Europeans; but it is never used in the\ngeneral acceptation of that term, being entirely restricted to persons\nconsecrated to the gods. The chief business of the female _kosi_ is\nprostitution, and in every town there is at least one institution in which\nthe best-looking girls, between ten and twelve years of age, are received.\nHere they remain for three years, learning the chants and dances peculiar\nto the worship of the gods, and prostituting themselves to the priests and\nthe inmates of the male seminaries; and at the termination of their\nnovitiate they become public prostitutes. This condition, however, is not\nregarded as one for reproach; they are considered to be married to the\ngod, and their excesses are supposed to be caused and directed by him.\nProperly speaking, their libertinage should be confined to the male\nworshippers at the temple of the god, but practically it is\nindiscriminate. Children who are born from such unions belong to the\ngod.\u201d(203) These women are not allowed to marry since they are deemed the\nwives of a god.(204)\n\n(M49) Again, in this part of Africa \u201cthe female _Kosio_ of Da\u00f1h-gbi, or\n_Da\u00f1h-sio_, that is, the wives, priestesses, and temple prostitutes of\nDa\u00f1h-gbi, the python-god, have their own organization. Generally they live\ntogether in a group of houses or huts inclosed by a fence, and in these\ninclosures the novices undergo their three years of initiation. Most new\nmembers are obtained by the affiliation of young girls; but any woman\nwhatever, married or single, slave or free, by publicly simulating\npossession, and uttering the conventional cries recognized as indicative\nof possession by the god, can at once join the body, and be admitted to\nthe habitations of the order. The person of a woman who has joined in this\nmanner is inviolable, and during the period of her novitiate she is\nforbidden, if single, to enter the house of her parents, and, if married,\nthat of her husband. This inviolability, while it gives women\nopportunities of gratifying an illicit passion, at the same time serves\noccasionally to save the persecuted slave, or neglected wife, from the\nill-treatment of the lord and master; for she has only to go through the\nconventional form of possession and an asylum is assured.\u201d(205) The\npython-god marries these women secretly in his temple, and they father\ntheir offspring on him; but it is the priests who consummate the\nunion.(206)\n\n(M50) For our purpose it is important to note that a close connexion is\napparently supposed to exist between the fertility of the soil and the\nmarriage of these women to the serpent. For the time when new brides are\nsought for the reptile-god is the season when the millet is beginning to\nsprout. Then the old priestesses, armed with clubs, run frantically\nthrough the streets shrieking like mad women and carrying off to be brides\nof the serpent any little girls between the ages of eight and twelve whom\nthey may find outside of the houses. Pious people at such times will\nsometimes leave their daughters at their doors on purpose that they may\nhave the honour of being dedicated to the god.(207) The marriage of wives\nto the serpent-god is probably deemed necessary to enable him to discharge\nthe important function of making the crops to grow and the cattle to\nmultiply; for we read that these people \u201cinvoke the snake in excessively\nwet, dry, or barren seasons; on all occasions relating to their government\nand the preservation of their cattle; or rather, in one word, in all\nnecessities and difficulties, in which they do not apply to their new\nbatch of gods.\u201d(208) Once in a bad season the Dutch factor Bosman found\nthe King of Whydah in a great rage. His Majesty explained the reason of\nhis discomposure by saying \u201cthat that year he had sent much larger\nofferings to the snake-house than usual, in order to obtain a good crop;\nand that one of his vice-roys (whom he shewed me) had desired him afresh,\nin the name of the priests, who threatened a barren year, to send yet\nmore. To which he answered that he did not intend to make any further\nofferings this year; and if the snake would not bestow a plentiful harvest\non them, he might let it alone; for (said he) I cannot be more damaged\nthereby, the greatest part of my corn being already rotten in the\nfield.\u201d(209)\n\n(M51) The Akikuyu of British East Africa \u201chave a custom which reminds one\nof the West African python-god and his wives. At intervals of, I believe,\nseveral years the medicine-men order huts to be built for the purpose of\nworshipping a river snake. The snake-god requires wives, and women or more\nespecially girls go to the huts. Here the union is consummated by the\nmedicine-men. If the number of females who go to the huts voluntarily is\nnot sufficient, girls are seized and dragged there. I believe the\noffspring of such a union is said to be fathered by God (Ngai): at any\nrate there are children in Kikuyu who are regarded as the children of\nGod.\u201d(210)\n\n(M52) Among the negroes of the Slave Coast there are, as we have seen,\nmale _kosio_ as well as female _kosio_; that is, there are dedicated men\nas well as dedicated women, priests as well as priestesses, and the ideas\nand customs in regard to them seem to be similar. Like the women, the men\nundergo a three years\u2019 novitiate, at the end of which each candidate has\nto prove that the god accepts him and finds him worthy of inspiration.\nEscorted by a party of priests he goes to a shrine and seats himself on a\nstool that belongs to the deity. The priests then anoint his head with a\nmystic decoction and invoke the god in a long and wild chorus. During the\nsinging the youth, if he is acceptable to the deity, trembles violently,\nsimulates convulsions, foams at the mouth, and dances in a frenzied style,\nsometimes for more than an hour. This is the proof that the god has taken\npossession of him. After that he has to remain in a temple without\nspeaking for seven days and nights. At the end of that time, he is brought\nout, a priest opens his mouth to show that he may now use his tongue, a\nnew name is given him, and he is fully ordained.(211) Henceforth he is\nregarded as the priest and medium of the deity whom he serves, and the\nwords which he utters in that morbid state of mental excitement which\npasses for divine inspiration, are accepted by the hearers as the very\nwords of the god spoken by the mouth of the man.(212) Any crime which a\npriest committed in a state of frenzy used to remain unpunished, no doubt\nbecause the act was thought to be the act of the god. But this benefit of\nclergy was so much abused that under King Gezo the law had to be altered;\nand although, while he is still possessed by the god, the inspired\ncriminal is safe, he is now liable to punishment as soon as the divine\nspirit leaves him. Nevertheless on the whole among these people \u201cthe\nperson of a priest or priestess is sacred. Not only must a layman not lay\nhands on or insult one; he must be careful not even to knock one by\naccident, or jostle against one in the street. The Abb\u00e9 Bouche\nrelates(213) that once when he was paying a visit to the chief of Agweh,\none of the wives of the chief was brought into the house by four\npriestesses, her face bloody, and her body covered with stripes. She had\nbeen savagely flogged for having accidentally trodden upon the foot of one\nof them; and the chief not only dared not give vent to his anger, but had\nto give them a bottle of rum as a peace-offering.\u201d(214)\n\n(M53) Among the Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast, who border on the\nEwe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast to the west, the customs and\nbeliefs in regard to the dedicated men and dedicated women, the priests\nand priestesses, are very similar. These persons are believed to be from\ntime to time possessed or inspired by the deity whom they serve; and in\nthat state they are consulted as oracles. They work themselves up to the\nnecessary pitch of excitement by dancing to the music of drums; each god\nhas his special hymn, sung to a special beat of the drum, and accompanied\nby a special dance. It is while thus dancing to the drums that the priest\nor priestess lets fall the oracular words in a croaking or guttural voice\nwhich the hearers take to be the voice of the god. Hence dancing has an\nimportant place in the education of priests and priestesses; they are\ntrained in it for months before they may perform in public. These\nmouthpieces of the deity are consulted in almost every concern of life and\nare handsomely paid for their services.(215) \u201cPriests marry like any other\nmembers of the community, and purchase wives; but priestesses are never\nmarried, nor can any \u2018head money\u2019 be paid for a priestess. The reason\nappears to be that a priestess belongs to the god she serves, and\ntherefore cannot become the property of a man, as would be the case if she\nmarried one. This prohibition extends to marriage only, and a priestess is\nnot debarred from sexual commerce. The children of a priest or priestess\nare not ordinarily educated for the priestly profession, one generation\nbeing usually passed over, and the grandchildren selected. Priestesses are\nordinarily most licentious, and custom allows them to gratify their\npassions with any man who may chance to take their fancy.\u201d(216) The ranks\nof the hereditary priesthood are constantly recruited by persons who\ndevote themselves or who are devoted by their relations or masters to the\nprofession. Men, women, and even children can thus become members of the\npriesthood. If a mother has lost several of her children by death, she\nwill not uncommonly vow to devote the next born to the service of the\ngods; for in this way she hopes to save the child\u2019s life. So when the\nchild is born it is set apart for the priesthood, and on arriving at\nmaturity generally fulfils the vow made by the mother and becomes a priest\nor priestess. At the ceremony of ordination the votary has to prove his or\nher vocation for the sacred life in the usual way by falling into or\nsimulating convulsions, dancing frantically to the beat of drums, and\nspeaking in a hoarse unnatural voice words which are deemed to be the\nutterance of the deity temporarily lodged in the body of the man or\nwoman.(217)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Sacred Women in Western Asia.\n\n\n(M54) Thus in Africa, and sometimes if not regularly in India, the sacred\nprostitutes attached to temples are regarded as the wives of the god, and\ntheir excesses are excused on the ground that the women are not\nthemselves, but that they act under the influence of divine inspiration.\nThis is in substance the explanation which I have given of the custom of\nsacred prostitution as it was practised in antiquity by the peoples of\nWestern Asia. In their licentious intercourse at the temples the women,\nwhether maidens or matrons or professional harlots, imitated the\nlicentious conduct of a great goddess of fertility for the purpose of\nensuring the fruitfulness of fields and trees, of man and beast; and in\ndischarging this sacred and important function the women were probably\nsupposed, like their West African sisters, to be actually possessed by the\ngoddess. The hypothesis at least explains all the facts in a simple and\nnatural manner; and in assuming that women could be married to gods it\nassumes a principle which we know to have been recognized in Babylon,\nAssyria, and Egypt.(218) At Babylon a woman regularly slept in the great\nbed of Bel or Marduk, which stood in his temple on the summit of a lofty\npyramid; and it was believed that the god chose her from all the women of\nBabylon and slept with her in the bed. However, unlike the Indian and West\nAfrican wives of gods, this spouse of the Babylonian deity is reported by\nHerodotus to have been chaste.(219) Yet we may doubt whether she was so;\nfor these wives or perhaps paramours of Bel are probably to be identified\nwith the wives or votaries of Marduk mentioned in the code of Hammurabi,\nand we know from the code that female votaries of the gods might be\nmothers and married to men.(220) At Babylon the sun-god Shamash as well as\nMarduk had human wives formerly dedicated to his service, and they like\nthe votaries of Marduk might have children.(221) It is significant that a\nname for these Babylonian votaries was _\u1e33adishtu_, which is the same word\nas _\u1e33edesha_, \u201cconsecrated woman,\u201d the regular Hebrew word for a temple\nharlot.(222) It is true that the law severely punished any disrespect\nshown to these sacred women;(223) but the example of West Africa warns us\nthat a formal respect shown to such persons, even when it is enforced by\nsevere penalties, need be no proof at all of their virtuous\ncharacter.(224) In Egypt a woman used to sleep in the temple of Ammon at\nThebes, and the god was believed to visit her.(225) Egyptian texts often\nmention her as \u201cthe divine consort,\u201d and in old days she seems to have\nusually been the Queen of Egypt herself.(226) But in the time of Strabo,\nat the beginning of our era, these consorts or concubines of Ammon, as\nthey were called, were beautiful young girls of noble birth, who held\noffice only till puberty. During their term of office they prostituted\nthemselves freely to any man who took their fancy. After puberty they were\ngiven in marriage, and a ceremony of mourning was performed for them as if\nthey were dead.(227) When they died in good earnest, their bodies were\nlaid in special graves.(228)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Sacred Men in Western Asia.\n\n\n(M55) As in West Africa the dedicated women have their counterpart in the\ndedicated men, so it was in Western Asia; for there the sacred men\n(_\u1e33edeshim_) clearly corresponded to the sacred women (_\u1e33edeshoth_), in\nother words, the sacred male slaves(229) of the temples were the\ncomplement of the sacred female slaves. And as the characteristic feature\nof the dedicated men in West Africa is their supposed possession or\ninspiration by the deity, so we may conjecture was it with the sacred male\nslaves (the _\u1e33edeshim_) of Western Asia; they, too, may have been regarded\nas temporary or permanent embodiments of the deity, possessed from time to\ntime by his divine spirit, acting in his name, and speaking with his\nvoice.(230) At all events we know that this was so at the sanctuary of the\nMoon among the Albanians of the Caucasus. The sanctuary owned church lands\nof great extent peopled by sacred slaves, and it was ruled by a\nhigh-priest, who ranked next after the king. Many of these slaves were\ninspired by the deity and prophesied; and when one of them had been for\nsome time in this state of divine frenzy, wandering alone in the forest,\nthe high-priest had him caught, bound with a sacred chain, and maintained\nin luxury for a year. Then the poor wretch was led out, anointed with\nunguents, and sacrificed with other victims to the Moon. The mode of\nsacrifice was this. A man took a sacred spear, and thrust it through the\nvictim\u2019s side to the heart. As he staggered and fell, the rest observed\nhim closely and drew omens from the manner of his fall. Then the body was\ndragged or carried away to a certain place, where all his fellows stood\nupon it by way of purification.(231) In this custom the prophet, or rather\nthe maniac, was plainly supposed to be moon-struck in the most literal\nsense, that is, possessed or inspired by the deity of the Moon, who was\nperhaps thought by the Albanians, as by the Phrygians,(232) to be a male\ngod, since his chosen minister and mouthpiece was a man, not a woman.(233)\nIt can hardly therefore be deemed improbable that at other sanctuaries of\nWestern Asia, where sacred men were kept, these ministers of religion\nshould have discharged a similar prophetic function, even though they did\nnot share the tragic fate of the moon-struck Albanian prophet. Nor was the\ninfluence of these Asiatic prophets confined to Asia. In Sicily the spark\nwhich kindled the devastating Servile War was struck by a Syrian slave,\nwho simulated the prophetic ecstasy in order to rouse his fellow-slaves to\narms in the name of the Syrian goddess. To inflame still more his\ninflammatory words this ancient Mahdi ingeniously interlarded them with\nreal fire and smoke, which by a common conjurer\u2019s trick he breathed from\nhis lips.(234)\n\n(M56) In like manner the Hebrew prophets were believed to be temporarily\npossessed and inspired by a divine spirit who spoke through them, just as\na divine spirit is supposed by West African negroes to speak through the\nmouth of the dedicated men his priests. Indeed the points of resemblance\nbetween the prophets of Israel and West Africa are close and curious. Like\ntheir black brothers, the Hebrew prophets employed music in order to bring\non the prophetic trance;(235) like them, they received the divine spirit\nthrough the application of a magic oil to their heads;(236) like them,\nthey were apparently distinguished from common people by certain marks on\nthe face;(237) and like them they were consulted not merely in great\nnational emergencies but in the ordinary affairs of everyday life, in\nwhich they were expected to give information and advice for a small fee.\nFor example, Samuel was consulted about lost asses,(238) just as a Zulu\ndiviner is consulted about lost cows;(239) and we have seen Elisha acting\nas a dowser when water ran short.(240) Indeed, we learn that the old name\nfor a prophet was a seer,(241) a word which may be understood to imply\nthat his special function was divination rather than prophecy in the sense\nof prediction. Be that as it may, prophecy of the Hebrew type has not been\nlimited to Israel; it is indeed a phenomenon of almost world-wide\noccurrence; in many lands and in many ages the wild, whirling words of\nfrenzied men and women have been accepted as the utterances of an\nindwelling deity.(242) What does distinguish Hebrew prophecy from all\nothers is that the genius of a few members of the profession wrested this\nvulgar but powerful instrument from baser uses, and by wielding it in the\ninterest of a high morality rendered a service of incalculable value to\nhumanity. That is indeed the glory of Israel, but it is not the side of\nprophecy with which we are here concerned.\n\n(M57) More to our purpose is to note that prophecy of the ordinary sort\nappears to have been in vogue at Byblus, the sacred city of Adonis,\ncenturies before the life-time of the earliest Hebrew prophet whose\nwritings have come down to us. When the Egyptian traveller, Wen-Ammon, was\nlingering in the port of Byblus, under the King\u2019s orders to quit the\nplace, the spirit of God came on one of the royal pages or henchmen, and\nin a prophetic frenzy he announced that the King should receive the\nEgyptian stranger as a messenger sent from the god Ammon.(243) The god who\nthus took possession of the page and spoke through him was probably\nAdonis, the god of the city. With regard to the office of these royal\npages we have no information; but as ministers of a sacred king and liable\nto be inspired by the deity, they would naturally be themselves sacred; in\nfact they may have belonged to the class of sacred slaves or _\u1e33edeshim_.\nIf that was so it would confirm the conclusion to which the foregoing\ninvestigation points, namely, that originally no sharp line of distinction\nexisted between the prophets and the _\u1e33edeshim_; both were \u201cmen of God,\u201d\nas the prophets were constantly called;(244) in other words, they were\ninspired mediums, men in whom the god manifested himself from time to time\nby word and deed, in short temporary incarnations of the deity. But while\nthe prophets roved freely about the country, the _\u1e33edeshim_ appear to have\nbeen regularly attached to a sanctuary; and among the duties which they\nperformed at the shrines there were clearly some which revolted the\nconscience of men imbued with a purer morality. What these duties were, we\nmay surmise partly from the behaviour of the sons of Eli to the women who\ncame to the tabernacle,(245) partly from the beliefs and practices as to\n\u201choly men\u201d which survive to this day among the Syrian peasantry.\n\n(M58) Of these \u201choly men\u201d we are told that \u201cso far as they are not\nimpostors, they are men whom we would call insane, known among the Syrians\nas _mejn\u00fbn_, possessed by a _jinn_ or spirit. They often go in filthy\ngarments, or without clothing. Since they are regarded as intoxicated by\ndeity, the most dignified men, and of the highest standing among the\nMoslems, submit to utter indecent language at their bidding without\nrebuke, and ignorant Moslem women do not shrink from their approach,\nbecause in their superstitious belief they attribute to them, as men\npossessed by God, a divine authority which they dare not resist. Such an\nattitude of compliance may be exceptional, but there are more than rumours\nof its existence. These \u2018holy men\u2019 differ from the ordinary derwishes whom\ntravellers so often see in Cairo, and from the ordinary madmen who are\nkept in fetters, so that they may not do injury to themselves and others.\nBut their appearance, and the expressions regarding them, afford some\nillustrations of the popular estimate of ancient seers, or prophets, in\nthe time of Hosea: \u2018The prophet is a fool, the man that hath the spirit is\nmad\u2019;(246) and in the time of Jeremiah,(247) the man who made himself a\nprophet was considered as good as a madman.\u201d(248) To complete the parallel\nthese vagabonds \u201care also believed to be possessed of prophetic power, so\nthat they are able to foretell the future, and warn the people among whom\nthey live of impending danger.\u201d(249)\n\n(M59) We may conjecture that with women a powerful motive for submitting\nto the embraces of the \u201choly men\u201d is a hope of obtaining offspring by\nthem. For in Syria it is still believed that even dead saints can beget\nchildren on barren women, who accordingly resort to their shrines in order\nto obtain the wish of their hearts. For example, at the Baths of Solomon\nin Northern Palestine, blasts of hot air escape from the ground; and one\nof them, named Abu Rabah, is a famous resort of childless wives who wish\nto satisfy their maternal longings. They let the hot air stream up over\ntheir bodies and really believe that children born to them after such a\nvisit are begotten by the saint of the shrine.(250) But the saint who\nenjoys the highest reputation in this respect is St. George. He reveals\nhimself at his shrines which are scattered all over the country; at each\nof them there is a tomb or the likeness of a tomb. The most celebrated of\nthese sanctuaries is at Kalat el Hosn in Northern Syria. Barren women of\nall sects, including Moslems, resort to it. \u201cThere are many natives who\nshrug their shoulders when this shrine is mentioned in connection with\nwomen. But it is doubtless true that many do not know what seems to be its\ntrue character, and who think that the most puissant saint, as they\nbelieve, in the world can give them sons.\u201d \u201cBut the true character of the\nplace is beginning to be recognized, so that many Moslems have forbidden\ntheir wives to visit it.\u201d(251)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Sons of God.\n\n\n(M60) Customs like the foregoing may serve to explain the belief, which is\nnot confined to Syria, that men and women may be in fact and not merely in\nmetaphor the sons and daughters of a god; for these modern saints, whether\nChristian or Moslem, who father the children of Syrian mothers, are\nnothing but the old gods under a thin disguise. If in antiquity as at the\npresent day Semitic women often repaired to shrines in order to have the\nreproach of barrenness removed from them\u2014and the prayer of Hannah is a\nfamiliar example of the practice,(252) we could easily understand not only\nthe tradition of the sons of God who begat children on the daughters of\nmen,(253) but also the exceedingly common occurrence of the divine titles\nin Hebrew names of human beings.(254) Multitudes of men and women, in\nfact, whose mothers had resorted to holy places in order to procure\noffspring, would be regarded as the actual children of the god and would\nbe named accordingly. Hence Hannah called her infant Samuel, which means\n\u201cname of God\u201d or \u201chis name is God\u201d;(255) and probably she sincerely\nbelieved that the child was actually begotten in her womb by the\ndeity.(256) The dedication of such children to the service of God at the\nsanctuary was merely giving back the divine son to the divine father.\nSimilarly in West Africa, when a woman has got a child at the shrine of\nAgbasia, the god who alone bestows offspring on women, she dedicates him\nor her as a sacred slave to the deity.(257)\n\n(M61) Thus in the Syrian beliefs and customs of to-day we probably have\nthe clue to the religious prostitution practised in the very same regions\nin antiquity. Then as now women looked to the local god, the Baal or\nAdonis of old, the Abu Rabah or St. George of to-day, to satisfy the\nnatural craving of a woman\u2019s heart; and then as now, apparently, the part\nof the local god was played by sacred men, who in personating him may\noften have sincerely believed that they were acting under divine\ninspiration, and that the functions which they discharged were necessary\nfor the fertility of the land as well as for the propagation of the human\nspecies. The purifying influence of Christianity and Mohammedanism has\nrestricted such customs within narrow limits; even under Turkish rule they\nare now only carried on in holes and corners. Yet if the practice has\ndwindled, the principle which it embodies appears to be fundamentally the\nsame; it is a desire for the continuance of the species, and a belief that\nan object so natural and legitimate can be accomplished by divine power\nmanifesting itself in the bodies of men and women.\n\n(M62) The belief in the physical fatherhood of God has not been confined\nto Syria in ancient and modern times. Elsewhere many men have been counted\nthe sons of God in the most literal sense of the word, being supposed to\nhave been begotten by his holy spirit in the wombs of mortal women. Here I\nshall merely illustrate the creed by a few examples drawn from classical\nantiquity.(258) Thus in order to obtain offspring women used to resort to\nthe great sanctuary of Aesculapius, situated in a beautiful upland valley,\nto which a path, winding through a long wooded gorge, leads from the bay\nof Epidaurus. Here the women slept in the holy place and were visited in\ndreams by a serpent; and the children to whom they afterwards gave birth\nwere believed to have been begotten by the reptile.(259) That the serpent\nwas supposed to be the god himself seems certain; for Aesculapius\nrepeatedly appeared in the form of a serpent,(260) and live serpents were\nkept and fed in his sanctuaries for the healing of the sick, being no\ndoubt regarded as his incarnations.(261) Hence the children born to women\nwho had thus visited a sanctuary of Aesculapius were probably fathered on\nthe serpent-god. Many celebrated men in classical antiquity were thus\npromoted to the heavenly hierarchy by similar legends of a miraculous\nbirth. The famous Aratus of Sicyon was certainly believed by his\ncountrymen to be a son of Aesculapius; his mother is said to have got him\nin intercourse with a serpent.(262) Probably she slept either in the\nshrine of Aesculapius at Sicyon, where a figurine of her was shown seated\non a serpent,(263) or perhaps in the more secluded sanctuary of the god at\nTitane, not many miles off, where the sacred serpents crawled among\nancient cypresses on the hill-top which overlooks the narrow green valley\nof the Asopus with the white turbid river rushing in its depths.(264)\nThere, under the shadow of the cypresses, with the murmur of the Asopus in\nher ears, the mother of Aratus may have conceived, or fancied she\nconceived, the future deliverer of his country. Again, the mother of\nAugustus is said to have got him by intercourse with a serpent in a temple\nof Apollo; hence the emperor was reputed to be the son of that god.(265)\nSimilar tales were told of the Messenian hero Aristomenes, Alexander the\nGreat, and the elder Scipio: all of them were reported to have been\nbegotten by snakes.(266) In the time of Herod a serpent, according to\nAelian, in like manner made love to a Judean maid.(267) Can the story be a\ndistorted rumour of the parentage of Christ?\n\n(M63) In India even stone serpents are credited with a power of bestowing\noffspring on women. Thus the Komatis of Mysore \u201cworship _N\u00e1ga_ or the\nserpent god. This worship is generally confined to women and is carried on\non a large scale once a year on the fifth day of the bright fortnight of\nSr\u00e1vana (July and August). The representations of serpents are cut in\nstone slabs and are set up round an _Asvattha_ tree on a platform, on\nwhich is also generally planted a margosa tree. These snakes in stones are\nset up in performance of vows and are said to be specially efficacious in\ncuring bad sores and other skin diseases and in giving children. The women\ngo to such places for worship with milk, fruits, and flowers on the\nprescribed day which is observed as a feast day.\u201d They wash the stones,\nsmear them with turmeric, and offer them curds and fruits. Sometimes they\nsearch out the dens of serpents and pour milk into the holes for the live\nreptiles.(268)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 7. Reincarnation of the Dead.\n\n\n(M64) The reason why snakes were so often supposed to be the fathers of\nhuman beings is probably to be found in the common belief that the dead\ncome to life and revisit their old homes in the shape of serpents.\n\nThis notion is widely spread in Africa, especially among tribes of the\nBantu stock. It is held, for example, by the Zulus, the Thonga, and other\nCaffre tribes of South Africa;(269) by the Ngoni of British Central\nAfrica;(270) by the Wabondei,(271) the Masai,(272) the Suk,(273) the\nNandi,(274) and the Akikuyu of German and British East Africa;(275) and by\nthe Dinkas of the Upper Nile.(276) It prevails also among the Betsileo and\nother tribes of Madagascar.(277) Among the Iban or Sea Dyaks of Borneo a\nman\u2019s guardian spirit (_Tua_) \u201chas its external manifestation in a snake,\na leopard or some other denizen of the forest. It is supposed to be the\nspirit of some ancestor renowned for bravery or some other virtue who at\ndeath has taken an animal form. It is a custom among the Iban when a\nperson of note in the tribe dies, not to bury the body but to place it on\na neighbouring hill or in some solitary spot above ground. A quantity of\nfood is taken to the place every day, and if after a few days the body\ndisappears, the deceased is said to have become a _Tua_ or guardian\nspirit. People who have been suffering from some chronic complaint often\ngo to such a tomb, taking with them an offering to the soul of the\ndeceased to obtain his help. To such it is revealed in a dream what animal\nform the honoured dead has taken. The most frequent form is that of a\nsnake. Thus when a snake is found in a Dyak house it is seldom killed or\ndriven away; food is offered to it, for it is a guardian spirit who has\ncome to inquire after the welfare of its clients and bring them good luck.\nAnything that may be found in the mouth of such a snake is taken and kept\nas a charm.\u201d(278) Similarly in Kiriwina, an island of the Trobriands\nGroup, to the east of New Guinea, \u201cthe natives regarded the snake as one\nof their ancestral chiefs, or rather as the abode of his spirit, and when\none was seen in a house it was believed that the chief was paying a visit\nto his old home. The natives considered this as an ill omen and so always\ntried to persuade the animal to depart as soon as possible. The honours of\na chief were paid to the snake: the natives passed it in a crouching\nposture, and as they did so, saluted it as a chief of high rank. Native\nproperty was presented to it as an appeasing gift, accompanied by prayers\nthat it would not do them any harm, but would go away quickly. They dared\nnot kill the snake, for its death would bring disease and death upon those\nwho did so.\u201d(279)\n\n(M65) Where serpents are thus viewed as ancestors come to life, the people\nnaturally treat them with great respect and often feed them with milk,\nperhaps because milk is the food of human babes and the reptiles are\ntreated as human beings in embryo, who can be born again from women. Thus\n\u201cthe Zulu-Caffres imagine that their ancestors generally visit them under\nthe form of serpents. As soon, therefore, as one of these reptiles appears\nnear their dwellings, they hasten to salute it by the name of _father_,\nplace bowls of milk in its way, and turn it back gently, and with the\ngreatest respect.\u201d(280) Among the Masai of East Africa, \u201cwhen a\nmedicine-man or a rich person dies and is buried, his soul turns into a\nsnake as soon as his body rots; and the snake goes to his children\u2019s kraal\nto look after them. The Masai in consequence do not kill their sacred\nsnakes, and if a woman sees one in her hut, she pours some milk on the\nground for it to lick, after which it will go away.\u201d(281) Among the Nandi\nof British East Africa, \u201cif a snake goes on to the woman\u2019s bed, it may not\nbe killed, as it is believed that it personifies the spirit of a deceased\nancestor or relation, and that it has been sent to intimate to the woman\nthat her next child will be born safely. Milk is put on the ground for it\nto drink, and the man or his wife says: \u2018... If thou wantest the call,\ncome, thou art being called.\u2019 It is then allowed to leave the house. If a\nsnake enters the houses of old people they give it milk, and say: \u2018If thou\nwantest the call, go to the huts of the children,\u2019 and they drive it\naway.\u201d(282) This association of the serpent, regarded as an incarnation of\nthe dead, both with the marriage bed and with the huts of young people,\npoints to a belief that the deceased person who is incarnate in the snake\nmay be born again as a human child into the world. Again, among the Suk of\nBritish East Africa \u201cit seems to be generally believed that a man\u2019s spirit\npasses into a snake at death. If a snake enters a house, the spirit of the\ndead man is believed to be very hungry. Milk is poured on to its tracks,\nand a little meat and tobacco placed on the ground for it to eat. It is\nbelieved that if no food is given to the snake one or all of the members\nof the household will die. It, however, may none the less be killed if\nencountered outside the house, and if at the time of its death it is\ninhabited by the spirit of a dead man, \u2018that spirit dies also.\u2019 \u201d(283) The\nAkikuyu of British East Africa, who similarly believe that snakes are\n_ngoma_ or spirits of the departed, \u201cdo not kill a snake but pour out\nhoney and milk for it to drink, which they say it licks up and then goes\nits way. If a man causes the death of a snake he must without delay summon\nthe senior Elders in the village and slaughter a sheep, which they eat and\ncut a _rukwaru_ from the skin of its right shoulder for the offender to\nwear on his right wrist; if this ceremony is neglected he, his wife and\nhis children will die.\u201d(284) Among the Baganda the python god Selwanga had\nhis temple on the shore of the lake Victoria Nyanza, where he dwelt in the\nform of a live python. The temple was a hut of the ordinary conical shape\nwith a round hole in the wall, through which the sinuous deity crawled out\nand in at his pleasure. A woman lived in the temple, and it was her duty\nto feed the python daily with fresh milk from a wooden bowl, which she\nheld out to the divine reptile while he drained it. The serpent was\nthought to be the giver of children; hence young couples living in the\nneighbourhood always came to the shrine to ensure the blessing of the god\non their union, and childless women repaired from long distances to be\nrelieved by him from the curse of barrenness.(285) It is not said that\nthis python god embodied the soul of a dead ancestor, but it may have been\nso; his power of bestowing offspring on women suggests it.\n\n(M66) The Romans and Greeks appear to have also believed that the souls of\nthe dead were incarnate in the bodies of serpents. Among the Romans the\nregular symbol of the _genius_ or guardian spirit of every man was a\nserpent,(286) and in Roman houses serpents were lodged and fed in such\nnumbers that if their swarms had not been sometimes reduced by\nconflagrations there would have been no living for them.(287) In Greek\nlegend Cadmus and his wife Harmonia were turned at death into snakes.(288)\nWhen the Spartan king Cleomenes was slain and crucified in Egypt, a great\nserpent coiled round his head on the cross and kept off the vultures from\nhis face. The people regarded the prodigy as a proof that Cleomenes was a\nson of the gods.(289) Again, when Plotinus lay dying, a snake crawled from\nunder his bed and disappeared into a hole in the wall, and at the same\nmoment the philosopher expired.(290) Apparently superstition saw in these\nserpents the souls of the dead men. In Greek religion the serpent was\nindeed the regular symbol or attribute of the worshipful dead,(291) and we\ncan hardly doubt that the early Greeks, like the Zulus and other African\ntribes at the present day, really believed the soul of the departed to be\nlodged in the reptile. The sacred serpent which lived in the Erechtheum at\nAthens, and was fed with honey-cakes once a month, may have been supposed\nto house the soul of the dead king Erechtheus, who had reigned in his\nlifetime on the same spot.(292) Perhaps the libations of milk which the\nGreeks poured upon graves(293) were intended to be drunk by serpents as\nthe embodiments of the deceased; on two tombstones found at Tegea a man\nand a woman are respectively represented holding out to a serpent a cup\nwhich may be supposed to contain milk.(294) We have seen that various\nAfrican tribes feed serpents with milk because they imagine the reptiles\nto be incarnations of their dead kinsfolk;(295) and the Dinkas, who\npractise the custom, also pour milk on the graves of their friends for\nsome time after the burial.(296) It is possible that a common type in\nGreek art, which exhibits a woman feeding a serpent out of a saucer, may\nhave been borrowed from a practice of thus ministering to the souls of the\ndeparted.(297)\n\n(M67) Further, at the sowing festival of the Thesmophoria, held by Greek\nwomen in October, it was customary to throw cakes and pigs to serpents,\nwhich lived in caverns or vaults sacred to the corn-goddess Demeter.(298)\nWe may guess that the serpents thus propitiated were deemed to be\nincarnations of dead men and women, who might easily be incommoded in\ntheir earthy beds by the operations of husbandry. What indeed could be\nmore disturbing than to have the roof of the narrow house shaken and rent\nover their heads by clumsy oxen dragging a plough up and down on the top\nof it? No wonder that at such times it was thought desirable to appease\nthem with offerings. Sometimes, however, it is not the dead but the Earth\nGoddess herself who is disturbed by the husbandman. An Indian prophet at\nPriest Rapids, on the Middle Columbia River, dissuaded his many followers\nfrom tilling the ground because \u201cit is a sin to wound or cut, tear up or\nscratch our common mother by agricultural pursuits.\u201d(299) \u201cYou ask me,\u201d\nsaid this Indian sage, \u201cto plough the ground. Shall I take a knife and\ntear my mother\u2019s bosom? You ask me to dig for stone. Shall I dig under her\nskin for her bones? You ask me to cut grass and hay and sell it and be\nrich like white men. But how dare I cut off my mother\u2019s hair?\u201d(300) The\nBaigas, a primitive Dravidian tribe of the Central Provinces in India,\nused to practise a fitful and migratory agriculture, burning down patches\nof jungle and sowing seed in the soil fertilized by the ashes after the\nbreaking of the rains. \u201cOne explanation of their refusal to till the\nground is that they consider it a sin to lacerate the breast of their\nmother earth with a ploughshare.\u201d(301) In China the disturbance caused to\nthe earth-spirits by the operations of digging and ploughing was so very\nserious that Chinese philosophy appears to have contemplated a plan for\nallowing the perturbed spirits a close time by forbidding the farmer to\nput his spade or his plough into the ground except on certain days, when\nthe earth-spirits were either not at home or kindly consented to put up\nwith some temporary inconvenience for the good of man. This we may infer\nfrom a passage in a Chinese author who wrote in the first century of our\nera. \u201cIf it is true,\u201d he says, \u201cthat the spirits who inhabit the soil\nobject to it being disturbed and dug up, then it is proper for us to\nselect special good days for digging ditches and ploughing our fields.\n(But this is never done); it therefore follows that the spirits of the\nsoil, even though really annoyed when it is disturbed, pass over such an\noffence if man commits it without evil intent. As he commits it merely to\nensure his rest and comfort, the act cannot possibly excite any anger\nagainst him in the perfect heart of those spirits; and this being the\ncase, they will not visit him with misfortune even if he do not choose\nauspicious days for it. But if we believe that the earth-spirits cannot\nexcuse man on account of the object he pursues, and detest him for\nannoying them by disturbing the ground, what advantage then can he derive\nfrom selecting proper days for doing so?\u201d(302) What advantage indeed? In\nthat case the only logical conclusion is, with the Indian prophet, to\nforbid agriculture altogether, as an impious encroachment on the spiritual\nworld. Few peoples, however, who have once contracted the habit of\nagriculture are willing to renounce it out of a regard for the higher\npowers; the utmost concession which they are willing to make to religion\nin the matter is to prohibit agricultural operations at certain times and\nseasons, when the exercise of them would be more than usually painful to\nthe earth-spirits. Thus in Bengal the chief festival in honour of Mother\nEarth is held at the end of the hot season, when she is supposed to suffer\nfrom the impurity common to women, and during that time all ploughing,\nsowing, and other work cease.(303) On a certain day of the year, when\nofferings are made to the Earth, the Ewe farmer of West Africa will not\nhoe the ground, and the Ewe weaver will not drive a sharp stake into it,\n\u201cbecause the hoe and the stake would wound the Earth and cause her\npain.\u201d(304) When Ratumaimbulu, the god who made fruit-trees to blossom and\nbear fruit, came once a year to Fiji, the people had to live very quietly\nfor a month lest they should disturb him at his important work. During\nthis time they might not plant nor build nor sail about nor go to war;\nindeed most kinds of work were forbidden. The priests announced the time\nof the god\u2019s arrival and departure.(305) These periods of rest and quiet\nwould seem to be the Indian and Fijian Lent.\n\n(M68) Thus behind the Greek notion that women may conceive by a\nserpent-god(306) seems to lie the belief that they can conceive by the\ndead in the form of serpents. If such a belief was ever held, it would be\nnatural that barren women should resort to graves in order to have their\nwombs quickened, and this may explain why they visited the shrine of the\nserpent-god Aesculapius for that purpose; the shrine was perhaps at first\na grave. It is significant that in Syria the shrines of St. George, to\nwhich childless women go to get offspring, always include a tomb or the\nlikeness of one;(307) and further, that in the opinion of Syrian peasants\nat the present day women may, without intercourse with a living man, bear\nchildren to a dead husband, a dead saint, or a jinnee.(308) In the East\nIndies also it is still commonly believed that spirits can consort with\nwomen and beget children on them. The Olo Ngadjoe of Borneo imagine that\nalbinoes are the offspring of the spirit of the moon by mortal women, the\npallid hue of the human children naturally reflecting the pallor of their\nheavenly father.(309)\n\n(M69) Such beliefs are closely akin to the idea, entertained by many\npeoples, that the souls of the dead may pass directly into the wombs of\nwomen and be born again as infants. Thus the Hurons used to bury little\nchildren beside the paths in the hope that their souls might enter the\npassing squaws and be born again;(310) and similarly some negroes of West\nAfrica throw the bodies of infants into the bush in order that their souls\nmay choose a new mother from the women who pass by.(311) Among the tribes\nof the Lower Congo \u201ca baby is always buried near the house of its mother,\nnever in the bush. They think that, if the child is not buried near its\nmother\u2019s house, she will be unlucky and never have any more children.\u201d The\nnotion probably is that the dead child, buried near its mother\u2019s house,\nwill enter into her womb and be born again, for these people believe in\nthe reincarnation of the dead. They think that \u201cthe only new thing about a\nchild is its body. The spirit is old and formerly belonged to some\ndeceased person, or it may have the spirit of some living person.\u201d For\nexample, if a child is like its mother, father, or uncle, they imagine\nthat it must have the spirit of the relative whom it resembles, and that\ntherefore the person whose soul has thus been abstracted by the infant\nwill soon die.(312) Among the Bangalas, a tribe of cannibals in Equatorial\nAfrica, to the north of the Congo, a woman was one day seen digging a hole\nin the public road. Her husband entreated a Belgian officer to let her\nalone, promising to mend the road afterwards, and explaining that his wife\nwished to become a mother. The good-natured officer complied with his\nrequest and watched the woman. She continued to dig till she had uncovered\na little skeleton, the remains of her first-born, which she tenderly\nembraced, humbly entreating the dead child to enter into her and give her\nagain a mother\u2019s joy. The officer rightly did not smile.(313) The Bagishu,\na Bantu tribe of Mount Elgon, in the Uganda Protectorate, practise the\ncustom of throwing out their dead \u201cexcept in the case of the youngest\nchild or the old grandfather or grandmother, for whom, like the child, a\nprolonged life on earth is desired.... When it is desired to perpetuate on\nthe earth the life of some old man or woman, or that of some young baby,\nthe corpse is buried inside the house or just under the eaves, until\nanother child is born to the nearest relation of the corpse. This child,\nmale or female, takes the name of the corpse, and the Bagishu firmly\nbelieve that the spirit of the dead has passed into this new child and\nlives again on earth. The remains are then dug up and thrown out into the\nopen.\u201d(314)\n\n(M70) Again, just as measures are adopted to facilitate the rebirth of\ngood ghosts, so on the other hand precautions are taken to prevent the\nrebirth of bad ones. Thus, with regard to the Baganda of Central Africa we\nread that, \u201cwhile the present generation know the cause of pregnancy, the\npeople in the earlier times were uncertain as to its real cause, and\nthought that it was possible to conceive without any intercourse with the\nmale sex. Hence their precautions in passing places where either a suicide\nhad been burnt, or a child born feet first had been buried. Women were\ncareful to throw grass or sticks on such a spot, for by so doing they\nthought that they could prevent the ghost of the dead from entering into\nthem, and being reborn.\u201d(315) The fear of being got with child by such\nghosts was not confined to married women, it was shared by all women\nalike, whether young or old, whether married or single; and all of them\nsought to avert the danger in the same way.(316) And Baganda women\nimagined that without the help of the other sex they could be impregnated\nnot only by these unpleasant ghosts but also by the flower of the banana.\nIf while a woman was busy in her garden under the shadow of the banana\ntrees, a great purple bloom chanced to fall from one of the trees on her\nback or shoulders, it was quite enough, in the opinion of the Baganda, to\nget her with child; and were a wife accused of adultery because she gave\nbirth to a child who could not possibly have been begotten by her husband,\nshe had only to father the infant on a banana flower to be honourably\nacquitted of the charge. The reason why this remarkable property was\nascribed to the bloom of the banana would seem to be that ghosts of\nancestors were thought to haunt banana groves, and that the afterbirths of\nchildren, which the Baganda regarded as twins of the children, were\ncommonly buried at the root of the trees.(317) What more natural than that\na ghost should lurk in each flower, and dropping adroitly in the likeness\nof a blossom on a woman\u2019s back effect a lodgment in her womb?\n\n(M71) Again, when a child dies in Northern India it is usually buried\nunder the threshold of the house, \u201cin the belief that as the parents tread\ndaily over its grave, its soul will be reborn in the family. Here, as Mr.\nRose suggests, we reach an explanation of the rule that children of Hindus\nare buried, not cremated. Their souls do not pass into the ether with the\nsmoke of the pyre, but remain on earth to be reincarnated in the\nhousehold.\u201d(318) In the Punjaub this belief in the reincarnation of dead\ninfants gives rise to some quaint or pathetic customs. Thus, \u201cin the\nHissar District, Bishnois bury dead infants at the threshold, in the\nbelief that it would facilitate the return of the soul to the mother. The\npractice is also in vogue in the Kangra District, where the body is buried\nin front of the back door. In some places it is believed that, if the\nchild dies in infancy and the mother drops her milk for two or three days\non the ground, the soul of the child comes back to be born again. For this\npurpose milk diluted with water is placed in a small earthen pot and\noffered to the dead child\u2019s spirit for three consecutive evenings. There\nis also a belief in the Ambala and Gujrat Districts that if jackals and\ndogs dig out the dead body of the child and bring it towards the town or\nvillage, it means that the child will return to its mother, but if they\ntake it to some other side, the soul will reincarnate in some other\nfamily. For this purpose, the second day after the infant\u2019s death, the\nmother goes out early in the morning to see whether the dogs have brought\nthe body towards the village. When the child is being taken away for\nburial the mother cuts off and preserves a piece of its garment with a\nview to persuade the soul to return to her. Barren women or those who have\nlost children in infancy tear a piece off the clothing of a dead child and\nstitch it to their wearing apparel, believing that the soul of the child\nwill return to them instead of its own mother. On this account, people\ntake great care not to lose the clothes of dead children, and some bury\nthem in the house.\u201d(319) In Bilaspore \u201ca still-born child, or one who has\npassed away before the _Chhatti_ (the sixth day, the day of purification)\nis not taken out of the house for burial, but is placed in an earthen\nvessel and is buried in the doorway or in the yard of the house. Some say\nthat this is done in order that the mother may bear another child.\u201d(320)\nHere in Bilaspore the people have devised a very simple way of identifying\na dead person when he or she is born again as an infant. When anybody\ndies, they mark the body with soot or oil, and the next baby born in the\nfamily with a similar mark is hailed as the departed come to life\nagain.(321) Among the Kois of the Godavari district, in Southern India,\nthe dead are usually burnt, but the bodies of children and of young men\nand women are buried. If a child dies within a month of its birth, it is\ngenerally buried close to the house \u201cso that the rain, dripping from the\neaves, may fall upon the grave, and thereby cause the parents to be\nblessed with another child.\u201d(322) Apparently it is supposed that the soul\nof the dead child, refreshed and revived by the rain, will pass again into\nthe mother\u2019s womb. Indian criminal records contain many cases in which\n\u201cthe ceremonial killing of a male child has been performed as a cure for\nbarrenness, the theory being that the soul of the murdered boy becomes\nreincarnated in the woman, who performs the rite with a desire to secure\noffspring. Usually she effects union with the spirit of the child by\nbathing over its body or in the water in which the corpse has been washed.\nCases have recently occurred in which the woman actually bathed in the\nblood of the child.\u201d(323)\n\n(M72) On the fifth day after a death the Gonds perform the ceremony of\nbringing back the soul. They go to the bank of a river, call aloud the\nname of the deceased, and entering the water catch a fish or an insect.\nThis creature they then take home and place among the sainted dead of the\nfamily, supposing that in this manner the spirit of the departed has been\nbrought back to the house. Sometimes the fish or insect is eaten in the\nbelief that it will be thus reborn as a child.(324) This last custom\nexplains the widely diffused story of virgins who have conceived by eating\nof a plant or an animal or merely by taking it to their bosom.(325) In all\nsuch cases we may surmise that the plant or animal was thought to contain\nthe soul of a dead person, which thus passed into the virgin\u2019s womb and\nwas born again as an infant. Among the South Slavs childless women often\nresort to a grave in which a pregnant woman is buried. There they bite\nsome grass from the grave, invoke the deceased by name, and beg her to\ngive them the fruit of her womb. After that they take a little of the\nmould from the grave and carry it about with them thenceforth under their\ngirdle.(326) Apparently they imagine that the soul of the unborn infant is\nin the grass or the mould and will pass from it into their body.\n\n(M73) Among the Kai of German New Guinea, \u201cimpossible as it may be\nthought, it is yet a fact that women here and there deny in all\nseriousness the connexion between sexual intercourse and pregnancy. Of\ncourse most people are clear as to the process. The ignorance of some\nindividuals is perhaps based on the consideration that not uncommonly\nmarried women remain childless for years or for life. Finally, the\nanimistic faith contributes its share to support the ignorance.\u201d(327) In\nsome islands of Southern Melanesia the natives appear similarly to believe\nthat sexual intercourse is not necessary to impregnation, and that a woman\ncan conceive through the simple passage into her womb of a spirit-animal\nor a spirit-fruit without the help of a man. In the island of Mota, one of\nthe Banks\u2019 group, \u201cthe course of events is usually as follows: a woman\nsitting down in her garden or in the bush or on the shore finds an animal\nor fruit in her loincloth. She takes it up and carries it to the village,\nwhere she asks the meaning of the appearance. The people say that she will\ngive birth to a child who will have the characters of this animal or even,\nit appeared, would be himself or herself the animal. The woman then takes\nthe creature back to the place where she had found it and places it in its\nproper home; if it is a land animal on the land; if a water animal in the\npool or stream from which it had probably come. She builds up a wall round\nit and goes to feed and visit it every day. After a time the animal will\ndisappear, and it is believed that that is because the animal has at the\ntime of its disappearance entered into the woman. It seemed quite clear\nthat there was no belief in physical impregnation on the part of the\nanimal, nor of the entry of a material object in the form of the animal\ninto her womb, but so far as I could gather, an animal found in this way\nwas regarded as more or less supernatural, a spirit animal and not one\nmaterial, from the beginning. It has happened in the memory of an old man\nnow living in Mota that a woman who has found an animal in her loincloth\nhas carried it carefully in her closed hands to the village, but that when\nshe opened her hands to show it to the people, the animal has gone, and in\nthis case it was believed that the entry had taken place while the woman\nwas on her way from the bush to the village.... When the child is born it\nis regarded as being in some sense the animal or fruit which had been\nfound and tended by the mother. The child may not eat the animal during\nthe whole of its life, and if it does so, will suffer serious illness, if\nnot death. If it is a fruit which has been found, the child may not eat\nthis fruit or touch the tree on which it grows, the latter restriction\nremaining in those cases in which the fruit is inedible.... I inquired\ninto the idea at the bottom of the prohibition of the animal as food, and\nit appeared to be that the person would be eating himself. It seemed that\nthe act would be regarded as a kind of cannibalism. It was evident that\nthere is a belief in the most intimate relation between the person and all\nindividuals of the species with which he is identified.\n\n\u201cA further aspect of the belief in the animal nature of a child is that it\npartakes of the physical and mental characters of the animal with which it\nis identified. Thus, if the animal found has been a sea-snake, and this is\na frequent occurrence, the child would be weak, indolent and slow; if an\neel, there will be a similar disposition; if a hermit crab, the child will\nbe hot-tempered; if a flying fox, it will also be hot-tempered and the\nbody will be dark; if a brush turkey, the disposition will be good; if a\nlizard, the child will be soft and gentle; if a rat, thoughtless, hasty\nand intemperate. If the object found has been a fruit, here also the child\nwill partake of its nature. In the case of a wild Malay apple\n(_malmalagaviga_) the child will have a big belly, and a person with this\ncondition will be asked, \u2018Do you come from the _malmalagaviga_?\u2019 Again, if\nthe fruit is one called _womarakaraqat_, the child will have a good\ndisposition.\n\n(M74) \u201cIn the island of Motlav not far from Mota they have the same belief\nthat if a mother has found an animal in her dress, the child will be\nidentified with that animal and will not be allowed to eat it. Here again\nthe child is believed to have the characters of the animal, and two\ninstances given were that a child identified with a yellow crab will have\na good disposition and be of a light colour, while if a hermit crab has\nbeen found, the child will be angry and disagreeable. In this island a\nwoman who desires her child to have certain characters will frequent a\nplace where she will be likely to encounter the animal which causes the\nappearance of these characters. Thus, if she wants to have a light\ncoloured child, she will go to a place where there are light coloured\ncrabs.\u201d(328)\n\n(M75) Throughout a large part of Australia, particularly in the Centre,\nthe North, and the West, the aborigines hold that the commerce of the\nhuman sexes is not necessary to the production of children; indeed many of\nthem go further and deny that sexual intercourse is the real cause of the\npropagation of the species. Among the Arunta, Kaitish, Luritcha, Ilpirra\nand other tribes, who roam the barren steppes of Central Australia, it\nappears to be a universal article of belief that every person is the\nreincarnation of a deceased ancestor, and that the souls of the dead pass\ndirectly into the wombs of women, who give them birth without the need of\ncommerce with the other sex. They think that the spirits of the departed\ngather and dwell at particular spots, marked by a natural feature such as\na rock or a tree, and that from these lurking-places they dart out and\nenter the bodies of passing women or girls. When a woman feels her womb\nquickened, she knows that a spirit has made its way into her from the\nnearest abode of the dead. This is their regular explanation of conception\nand childbirth. \u201cThe natives, one and all in these tribes, believe that\nthe child is the direct result of the entrance into the mother of an\nancestral spirit individual. They have no idea of procreation as being\nassociated with sexual intercourse, and firmly believe that children can\nbe born without this taking place.\u201d(329) The spots where the souls thus\ncongregate waiting to be born again are usually the places where the\nremote ancestors of the dream-time are said to have passed into the\nground; that is, they are the places where the forefathers of the tribe\nare supposed to have died or to have been buried. For example, in the\nWarramunga tribe the ancestor of the Black-snake clan is said to have left\nmany spirits of Black-snake children in the rocks and trees which border a\ncertain creek. Hence no woman at the present day dares to strike one of\nthese trees with an axe, being quite convinced that the blow would release\none of the spirit-children, who would at once enter her body. They imagine\nthat the spirit is no larger than a grain of sand, and that it enters the\nwoman through her navel and grows into a child in her womb.(330) Again, at\nseveral places in the wide territory of the Arunta tribe there are certain\nstones which are in like manner thought to be the abode of souls awaiting\nrebirth. Hence the stones are called \u201cchild-stones.\u201d In one of them there\nis a hole through which the spirit-children look out for passing women,\nand it is firmly believed that a visit to the stone would result in\nconception. If a young woman is obliged to pass near the stone and does\nnot wish to have a child, she will carefully disguise her youth, pulling a\nwry face and hobbling along on a stick. She will bend herself double like\na very old woman, and imitating the cracked voice of age she will say,\n\u201cDon\u2019t come to me, I am an old woman.\u201d Nay, it is thought that women may\nconceive by the stone without visiting it. If a man and his wife both wish\nfor a child, the husband will tie his hair-girdle round the stone, rub it,\nand mutter a direction to the spirits to give heed to his wife. And it is\nbelieved that by performing a similar ceremony a malicious man can cause\nwomen and even children at a distance to be pregnant.(331)\n\n(M76) Such beliefs are not confined to the tribes of Central Australia but\nprevail among all the tribes from Lake Eyre northwards to the sea and the\nGulf of Carpentaria.(332) Thus the Mungarai say that in the far past time\ntheir old ancestors walked about the country, making all the natural\nfeatures of the landscape and leaving spirit-children behind them where\nthey stopped. These children emanated from the bodies of the ancestors,\nand they still wait at various spots looking out for women into whom they\nmay go and be born. For example, near McMinn\u2019s bar on the Roper River\nthere is a large gum tree full of spirit-children, who all belong to one\nparticular totem and are always agog to enter into women of that totem.\nAgain, at Crescent Lagoon an ancestor, who belonged to the thunder totem,\ndeposited numbers of spirit-children; and if a woman of the Gnaritjbellan\nsubclass so much as dips her foot in the water, one of the spirit-children\npasses up her leg and into her body and in due time is born as a child,\nwho has thunder for its totem. Or if the woman stoops and drinks water,\none of the sprites will enter her through the mouth. Again, there are\nlagoons along the Roper River where red lilies grow; and the water is full\nof spirit-children which were deposited there by a kangaroo man. So when\nwomen of the Gnaritjbellan subclass wade into the water to gather lilies,\nlittle sprites swarm up their legs and are born as kangaroo children.\nAgain, in the territory of the Nullakun tribe there is a certain spring\nwhere a man once deposited spirit-children of the rainbow totem; and to\nthis day when a woman of the right totem comes to drink at the spring, the\nspirit of a rainbow child will dart into her and be born. Once more, in\nthe territory of the Yungman tribe the trees and stones near Elsey Creek\nare full of spirit-children who belong to the sugar-bag (honeycomb) totem;\nand these sugar-bag children are constantly entering into the right women\nand being born into the world.(333)\n\n(M77) The natives of the Tully River in Queensland do not recognize sexual\nintercourse as a cause of conception in women, though curiously enough\nthey do recognize it as the cause of conception in all animals, and pride\nthemselves on their superiority to the brutes in that they are not\nindebted for the continuance of their species to such low and vulgar\nmeans. The true causes of conception in a woman, according to them, are\nfour in number. First, she may have received a particular species of black\nbream from a man whom the European in his ignorance would call the father;\nthis she may have roasted and sat over the fire inhaling the savoury smell\nof the roast fish. That is quite sufficient to get her with child. Or,\nsecondly, she may have gone out on purpose to catch a certain kind of\nbull-frog, and if she succeeds in capturing it, that again is a full and\nsatisfactory explanation of her pregnancy. Thirdly, some man may have told\nher to conceive a child, and the mere command produces the desired effect.\nOr, fourth and lastly, she may have simply dreamed that the child was put\ninto her, and the dream necessarily works its own fulfilment. Whatever\nwhite men may think about the matter, these are the real causes why babies\nare born among the blacks on the Tully River.(334) About Cape Bedford in\nQueensland the natives believe that babies are sent by certain long-haired\nspirits, with two sets of eyes in the front and back of their heads, who\nlive in the dense scrub and underwood. The children are made in the far\nwest where the sun goes down, and they are made not in the form of infants\nbut full grown; but on their passage from the sunset land to the wombs\nthey are changed into the shape of spur-winged plovers, if they are girls,\nor of pretty snakes, if they are boys. So when the cry of a plover is\nheard by night, the blacks prick up their ears and say, \u201cHallo! there is a\nbaby somewhere about.\u201d And if a woman is out in the bush searching for\nfood and sees one of the pretty snakes, which are really baby boys on the\nlook out for mothers, she will call out to her mates, and they will come\nrunning and turn over stones, and leaves, and logs in the search for the\nsnake; and if they cannot find it they know that it has gone into the\nwoman and that she will soon give birth to a baby boy.(335) On the\nPennefather River in Queensland the being who puts babies into women is\ncalled Anje-a. He takes a lump of mud out of one of the mangrove swamps,\nmoulds it into the shape of an infant, and insinuates it into a woman\u2019s\nwomb. You can never see him, for he lives in the depths of the woods,\namong the rocks, and along the mangrove swamps; but sometimes you can hear\nhim laughing there to himself, and when you hear him you may know that he\nhas got a baby ready for somebody.(336) Among the tribes of the Cairns\ndistrict in North Queensland \u201cthe acceptance of food from a man by a woman\nwas not merely regarded as a marriage ceremony, but as the actual cause of\nconception.\u201d(337)\n\n(M78) Similarly among the Australian tribes of the Northern Territory,\nabout Port Darwin and the Daly River, especially among the Larrekiya and\nWogait, \u201cconception is not regarded as a direct result of cohabitation.\u201d\nThe old men of the Wogait say that there is an evil spirit who takes\nbabies from a big fire and puts them in the wombs of women, who must give\nbirth to them. In the ordinary course of events, when a man is out hunting\nand kills game or collects other food, he gives it to his wife and she\neats it, believing that the game or other food will cause her to conceive\nand bring forth a child. When the child is born, it may on no account\npartake of the food which caused conception in the mother until it has got\nits first teeth.(338) A similar belief that conception is caused by the\nfood which a woman eats is held by some tribes of Western Australia. On\nthis subject Mr. A. R. Brown reports as follows: \u201cIn the Ingarda tribe at\nthe mouth of the Gascoyne River, I found a belief that a child is the\nproduct of some food of which the mother has partaken just before her\nfirst sickness in pregnancy. My principal informant on this subject told\nme that his father had speared a small animal called _bandaru_, probably a\nbandicoot, but now extinct in this neighbourhood. His mother ate the\nanimal, with the result that she gave birth to my informant. He showed me\nthe mark in his side where, as he said, he had been speared by his father\nbefore being eaten by his mother. A little girl was pointed out to me as\nbeing the result of her mother eating a domestic cat, and her brother was\nsaid to have been produced from a bustard.... The bustard was one of the\ntotems of the father of these two children and, therefore, of the children\nthemselves. This, however, seems to have been purely accidental. In most\ncases the animal to which conception is due is not one of the father\u2019s\ntotems. The species that is thus connected with an individual by birth is\nnot in any way sacred to him. He may kill or eat it; he may marry a woman\nwhose conceptional animal is of the same species, and he is not by the\naccident of his birth entitled to take part in the totemic ceremonies\nconnected with it.\n\n\u201cI found traces of this same belief in a number of tribes north of the\nIngarda, but everywhere the belief seemed to be sporadic; that is to say,\nsome persons believed in it and others did not. Some individuals could\ntell the animal or plant from which they or others were descended, while\nothers did not know or in some cases denied that conception was so caused.\nThere were to be met with, however, some beliefs of the same character. A\nwoman of the Buduna tribe said that native women nowadays bear half-caste\nchildren because they eat bread made of white flour. Many of the men\nbelieved that conception is due to sexual intercourse, but as these\nnatives have been for many years in contact with the whites this cannot be\nregarded as satisfactory evidence of the nature of their original beliefs.\n\n(M79) \u201cIn some tribes further to the north I found a more interesting and\nbetter organised system of beliefs. In the Kariera, \u00d1amal, and Injibandi\ntribes the conception of a child is believed to be due to the agency of a\nparticular man, who is not the father. This man is the _wororu_ of the\nchild when it is born. There were three different accounts of how the\n_wororu_ produces conception, each of them given to me on several\ndifferent occasions. According to the first, the man gives some food,\neither animal or vegetable, to the woman, and she eats this and becomes\npregnant. According to the second, the man when he is out hunting kills an\nanimal, preferably a kangaroo or an emu, and as it is dying he tells its\nspirit or ghost to go to a particular woman. The spirit of the dead animal\ngoes into the woman and is born as a child. The third account is very\nsimilar to the last. A hunter, when he has killed a kangaroo or an emu,\ntakes a portion of the fat of the dead animal which he places on one side.\nThis fat turns into what we may speak of as a spirit-baby, and follows the\nman to his camp. When the man is asleep at night the spirit-baby comes to\nhim and he directs it to enter a certain woman who thus becomes pregnant.\nWhen the child is born the man acknowledges that he sent it, and becomes\nits _wororu_. In practically every case that I examined, some forty in\nall, the _wororu_ of a man or woman was a person standing to him or her in\nthe relation of father\u2019s brother own or tribal. In one case a man had a\n_wororu_ who was his father\u2019s sister. The duties of a man to his _wororu_\nare very vaguely defined. I was told that a man \u2018looks after\u2019 his\n_wororu_, that is, performs small services for him, and, perhaps, gives\nhim food. The conceptional animal or plant is not the totem of either the\nchild or the _wororu_. The child has no particular magical connection with\nthe animal from which he is derived. In a very large number of cases that\nanimal is either the kangaroo or the emu.\u201d(339)\n\n(M80) Thus it appears that a childlike ignorance as to the physical\nprocess of procreation still prevails to some extent among certain rude\nraces of mankind, who are accordingly driven to account for it in various\nfanciful ways such as might content the curiosity of children. We may\nsafely assume that formerly a like ignorance was far more widely spread\nthan it is now; indeed in the long ages which elapsed before any portion\nof mankind emerged from savagery, it is probable that the true cause of\nchildbirth was universally unknown, and that people made shift to explain\nthe mystery by some such theories as are still current among the savage or\nbarbarous races of Central Africa, Melanesia, and Australia. A little\nreflection on the conditions of savage life may satisfy us that the\nignorance is by no means so surprising as it may seem at first sight to a\ncivilized observer, or, to put it otherwise, that the true cause of the\nbirth of children is not nearly so obvious as we are apt to think. Among\nlow savages, such as all men were originally, it is customary for boys and\ngirls to cohabit freely with each other under the age of puberty, so that\nthey are familiar with a commerce of the sexes which is not and cannot be\nattended with the birth of children. It is, therefore, not very wonderful\nthat they should confidently deny the connexion of sexual intercourse with\nthe production of offspring. Again, the long interval of time which\ndivides the act of conception from the first manifest symptoms of\npregnancy might easily disguise from the heedless savage the vital\nrelation between the two. These considerations may remove or lessen the\nhesitation which civilized man naturally feels at admitting that a\nconsiderable part or even the whole of his species should ever have\ndoubted or denied what seems to him one of the most obvious and elementary\ntruths of nature.(340)\n\n(M81) In the light of the foregoing evidence, stories of the miraculous\nbirth of gods and heroes from virgin mothers lose much of the glamour that\nencircled them in days of old, and we view them simply as relics of\nsuperstition surviving like fossils to tell us of a bygone age of\nchildlike ignorance and credulity.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 8. Sacred Stocks and Stones among the Semites.\n\n\n(M82) Traces of beliefs and customs like the foregoing may perhaps be\ndetected among the ancient Semites. When the prophet Jeremiah speaks of\nthe Israelites who said to a stock or to a tree (for in Hebrew the words\nare the same), \u201cThou art my father,\u201d and to a stone, \u201cThou hast brought me\nforth,\u201d(341) it is probable that he was not using vague rhetorical\nlanguage, but denouncing real beliefs current among his contemporaries.\nNow we know that at all the old Canaanite sanctuaries, including the\nsanctuaries of Jehovah down to the reformations of Hezekiah and Josiah,\nthe two regular objects of worship were a sacred stock and a sacred\nstone,(342) and that these sanctuaries were the seats of profligate rites\nperformed by sacred men (_\u1e33edeshim_) and sacred women (_\u1e33edeshoth_). Is it\nnot natural to suppose that the stock and stone which the superstitious\nIsraelites regarded as their father and mother were the sacred stock\n(_asherah_) and the sacred stone (_massebah_) of the sanctuary, and that\nthe children born of the loose intercourse of the sexes at these places\nwere believed to be the offspring or emanations of these uncouth but\nworshipful idols in which, as in the sacred trees and stones of Central\nAustralia, the souls of the dead may have been supposed to await rebirth?\nOn this view the sacred men and women who actually begot or bore the\nchildren were deemed the human embodiments of the two divinities, the men\nperhaps personating the sacred stock, which appears to have been a tree\nstripped of its branches, and the women personating the sacred stone,\nwhich seems to have been in the shape of a cone, an obelisk, or a\npillar.(343)\n\n(M83) These conclusions are confirmed by the result of recent researches\nat Gezer, an ancient Canaanitish city, which occupied a high, isolated\npoint on the southern border of Ephraim, between Jerusalem and the sea.\nHere the English excavations have laid bare the remains of a sanctuary\nwith the sacred stone pillars or obelisks (_masseboth_) still standing in\na row, while between two of them is set a large socketed stone,\nbeautifully squared, which perhaps contained the sacred stock or pole\n(_asherah_). In the soil which had accumulated over the floor of the\ntemple were found vast numbers of male emblems rudely carved out of soft\nlimestone; and tablets of terra-cotta, representing in low relief the\nmother-goddess, were discovered throughout the strata. These objects were\nno doubt votive-offerings presented by the worshippers to the male and\nfemale deities who were represented by the sacred stock and the sacred\nstones; and their occurrence in large quantities raises a strong\npresumption that the divinities of the sanctuary were a god and goddess\nregarded as above all sources of fertility. The supposition is further\nstrengthened by a very remarkable discovery. Under the floor of the temple\nwere found the bones of many new-born children, none more than a week old,\nburied in large jars. None of these little bodies showed any trace of\nmutilation or violence; and in the light of the customs practised in many\nother lands(344) we seem to be justified in conjecturing that the infants\nwere still-born or died soon after birth, and that they were buried by\ntheir parents in the sanctuary in the hope that, quickened by the divine\npower, they might enter again into the mother\u2019s womb and again be born\ninto the world.(345) If the souls of these buried babes were supposed to\npass into the sacred stocks and stones and to dart from them into the\nbodies of would-be mothers who resorted to the sanctuary, the analogy with\nCentral Australia would be complete. That the analogy is real and not\nfanciful is strongly suggested by the modern practice of Syrian women who\nstill repair to the shrines of saints to procure offspring, and who still\nlook on \u201choly men\u201d as human embodiments of divinity. In this, as in many\nother dark places of superstition, the present is the best guide to the\ninterpretation of the past; for while the higher forms of religious faith\npass away like clouds, the lower stand firm and indestructible like rocks.\nThe \u201csacred men\u201d of one age are the dervishes of the next, the Adonis of\nyesterday is the St. George of to-day.\n\n\n\n\nChapter V. The Burning of Melcarth.\n\n\n(M84) If a custom of putting a king or his son to death in the character\nof a god has left small traces of itself in Cyprus, an island where the\nfierce zeal of Semitic religion was early tempered by Greek humanity, the\nvestiges of that gloomy rite are clearer in Phoenicia itself and in the\nPhoenician colonies, which lay more remote from the highways of Grecian\ncommerce. We know that the Semites were in the habit of sacrificing some\nof their children, generally the first-born, either as a tribute regularly\ndue to the deity or to appease his anger in seasons of public danger and\ncalamity.(346) If commoners did so, is it likely that kings, with all\ntheir heavy responsibilities, could exempt themselves from this dreadful\nsacrifice for the fatherland? In point of fact, history informs us that\nkings steeled themselves to do as others did.(347) It deserves to be\nnoticed that if Mesha, king of Moab, who sacrificed his eldest son by\nfire, claimed to be a son of his god,(348) he would no doubt transmit his\ndivinity to his offspring; and further, that the same sacrifice is said to\nhave been performed in the same way by the divine founder of Byblus, the\ngreat seat of the worship of Adonis.(349) This suggests that the human\nrepresentatives of Adonis formerly perished in the flames. At all events,\na custom of periodically burning the chief god of the city in effigy\nappears to have prevailed at Tyre and in the Tyrian colonies down to a\nlate time, and the effigy may well have been a later substitute for a man.\nFor Melcarth, the great god of Tyre, was identified by the Greeks with\nHercules,(350) who is said to have burned himself to death on a great\npyre, ascending up to heaven in a cloud and a peal of thunder.(351) The\ncommon Greek legend, immortalized by Sophocles, laid the scene of the\nfiery tragedy on the top of Mount Oeta, but another version transferred it\nsignificantly to Tyre itself.(352) Combined with the other evidence which\nI shall adduce, this latter tradition raises a strong presumption that an\neffigy of Hercules, or rather of Melcarth, was regularly burned at a great\nfestival in Tyre. That festival may have been the one known as \u201cthe\nawakening of Hercules,\u201d which was held in the month of Peritius, answering\nnearly to January.(353) The name of the festival suggests that the\ndramatic representation of the death of the god on the pyre was followed\nby a semblance of his resurrection. The mode in which the resurrection was\nsupposed to be effected is perhaps indicated by the statement of a Greek\nwriter that the Phoenicians used to sacrifice quails to Hercules, because\nHercules on his journey to Libya had been slain by Typhon and brought to\nlife again by Iolaus, who held a quail under his nose: the dead god\nsnuffed at the bird and revived.(354) According to another account Iolaus\nburnt a quail alive, and the dead hero, who loved quails, came to life\nagain through the savoury smell of the roasted bird.(355) This latter\ntradition seems to point to a custom of burning the quails alive in the\nPhoenician sacrifices to Melcarth.(356) A festival of the god\u2019s\nresurrection might appropriately be held in spring, when the quails\nmigrate northwards across the Mediterranean in great bands, and immense\nnumbers of them are netted for the market.(357) In the month of March the\nbirds return to Palestine by myriads in a single night, and remain to\nbreed in all the open plains, marshes, and cornfields.(358) Certainly a\nclose connexion seems to have subsisted between quails and Melcarth; for\nlegend ran that Asteria, the mother of the Tyrian Hercules, that is, of\nMelcarth, was transformed into a quail.(359) It was probably to this\nannual festival of the death and resurrection of Melcarth that the\nCarthaginians were wont to send ambassadors every year to Tyre, their\nmother-city.(360)\n\n(M85) In Gades, the modern Cadiz, an early colony of Tyre on the Atlantic\ncoast of Spain,(361) there was an ancient, famous, and wealthy sanctuary\nof Hercules, the Tyrian Melcarth. Indeed the god was said to be buried on\nthe spot. No image stood in his temple, but a perpetual fire burned on the\naltar, and incense was offered by white-robed priests, with bare feet and\nshorn heads, who were bound to chastity. Neither women nor pigs might\npollute the holy place by their presence. In later times many\ndistinguished Romans went on pilgrimage to this remote shrine on the\nAtlantic shore when they were about to embark on some perilous enterprise,\nand they returned to it to pay their vows when their petitions had been\ngranted.(362) One of the last things Hannibal himself did before he\nmarched on Italy was to repair to Gades and offer up to Melcarth prayers\nwhich were never to be answered. Soon after he dreamed an ominous\ndream.(363) Now it would appear that at Gades, as at Tyre, though no image\nof Melcarth stood in the temple, an effigy of him was made up and burned\nat a yearly festival. For a certain Cleon of Magnesia related how,\nvisiting Gades, he was obliged to sail away from the island with the rest\nof the multitude in obedience to the command of Hercules, that is, of\nMelcarth, and how on their return they found a monstrous man of the sea\nstranded on the beach and burning; for the god, they were told, had struck\nhim with a thunderbolt.(364) We may conjecture that at the annual festival\nof Melcarth strangers were obliged to quit the city, and that in their\nabsence the mystery of burning the god was consummated. What Cleon and the\nrest saw on their return to Gades would, on this hypothesis, be the\nsmouldering remains of a gigantic effigy of Melcarth in the likeness of a\nman riding on a sea-horse, just as he is represented on coins of\nTyre.(365) In like manner the Greeks portrayed the sea-god Melicertes,\nwhose name is only a slightly altered form of Melcarth, riding on a\ndolphin or stretched on the beast\u2019s back.(366)\n\n(M86) At Carthage, the greatest of the Tyrian colonies, a reminiscence of\nthe custom of burning a deity in effigy seems to linger in the story that\nDido or Elissa, the foundress and queen of the city, stabbed herself to\ndeath upon a pyre, or leaped from her palace into the blazing pile, to\nescape the fond importunities of one lover or in despair at the cruel\ndesertion of another.(367) We are told that Dido was worshipped as a\ngoddess at Carthage so long as the country maintained its\nindependence.(368) Her temple stood in the centre of the city shaded by a\ngrove of solemn yews and firs.(369) The two apparently contradictory views\nof her character as a queen and a goddess may be reconciled if we suppose\nthat she was both the one and the other; that in fact the queen of\nCarthage in early days, like the queen of Egypt down to historical times,\nwas regarded as divine, and had, like human deities elsewhere, to die a\nviolent death either at the end of a fixed period or whenever her bodily\nand mental powers began to fail. In later ages the stern old custom might\nbe softened down into a pretence by substituting an effigy for the queen\nor by allowing her to pass through the fire unscathed. A similar\nmodification of the ancient rule appears to have been allowed at Tyre\nitself, the mother-city of Carthage. We have seen reason to think that the\nkings of Tyre, from whom Dido was descended, claimed to personate the god\nMelcarth, and that the deity was burned either in effigy or in the person\nof a man at an annual festival.(370) Now in the same chapter in which\nEzekiel charges the king of Tyre with claiming to be a god, the prophet\ndescribes him as walking \u201cup and down amidst the stones of fire.\u201d(371) The\ndescription becomes at once intelligible if we suppose that in later times\nthe king of Tyre compounded for being burnt in the fire by walking up and\ndown on hot stones, thereby saving his life at the expense perhaps of a\nfew blisters on his feet. It is possible that when all went well with the\ncommonwealth, children whom strict law doomed to the furnace of Moloch may\nalso have been mercifully allowed to escape on condition of running the\nfiery gauntlet. At all events, a religious rite of this sort has been and\nis still practised in many parts of the world: the performers solemnly\npace through a furnace of heated stones or glowing wood-ashes in the\npresence of a multitude of spectators. Examples of the custom have been\nadduced in another part of this work.(372) Here I will cite only one. At\nCastabala, in Southern Cappadocia, there was worshipped an Asiatic goddess\nwhom the Greeks called the Perasian Artemis. Her priestesses used to walk\nbarefoot over a fire of charcoal without sustaining any injury. That this\nrite was a substitute for burning human beings alive or dead is suggested\nby the tradition which placed the adventure of Orestes and the Tauric\nArtemis at Castabala;(373) for the men or women sacrificed to the Tauric\nArtemis were first put to the sword and then burned in a pit of sacred\nfire.(374) Among the Carthaginians another trace of such a practice may\nperhaps be detected in the story that at the desperate battle of Himera,\nfought from dawn of day till late in the evening, the Carthaginian king\nHamilcar remained in the camp and kept sacrificing holocausts of victims\non a huge pyre; but when he saw his army giving way before the Greeks, he\nflung himself into the flames and was burned to death. Afterwards his\ncountrymen sacrificed to him and erected a great monument in his honour at\nCarthage, while lesser monuments were reared to his memory in all the\nPunic colonies.(375) In public emergencies which called for extraordinary\nmeasures a king of Carthage may well have felt bound in honour to\nsacrifice himself in the old way for the good of his country. That the\nCarthaginians regarded the death of Hamilcar as an act of heroism and not\nas a mere suicide of despair, is proved by the posthumous honours they\npaid him.\n\n(M87) The foregoing evidence, taken altogether, raises a strong\npresumption, though it cannot be said to amount to a proof, that a\npractice of burning a deity, and especially Melcarth, in effigy or in the\nperson of a human representative, was observed at an annual festival in\nTyre and its colonies. We can thus understand how Hercules, in so far as\nhe represented the Tyrian god, was believed to have perished by a\nvoluntary death on a pyre. For on many a beach and headland of the Aegean,\nwhere the Phoenicians had their trading factories, the Greeks may have\nwatched the bale-fires of Melcarth blazing in the darkness of night, and\nhave learned with wonder that the strange foreign folk were burning their\ngod. In this way the legend of the voyages of Hercules and his death in\nthe flames may be supposed to have originated. Yet with the legend the\nGreeks borrowed the custom of burning the god; for at the festivals of\nHercules a pyre used to be kindled in memory of the hero\u2019s fiery death on\nMount Oeta.(376) We may surmise, though we are not expressly told, that an\neffigy of Hercules was regularly burned on the pyre.\n\n\n\n\nChapter VI. The Burning of Sandan.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Baal of Tarsus.\n\n\n(M88) In Cyprus the Tyrian Melcarth was worshipped side by side with\nAdonis at Amathus,(377) and Phoenician inscriptions prove that he was\nrevered also at Idalium and Larnax Lapethus. At the last of these places\nhe seems to have been regarded by the Greeks as a marine deity and\nidentified with Poseidon.(378) A remarkable statue found at Amathus may\nrepresent Melcarth in the character of the lion-slayer, a character which\nthe Greeks bestowed on Hercules. The statue in question is of colossal\nsize, and exhibits a thick-set, muscular, hirsute deity of almost bestial\naspect, with goggle eyes, huge ears, and a pair of stumpy horns on the top\nof his head. His beard is square and curly: his hair falls in three\npigtails on his shoulders: his brawny arms appear to be tattooed. A lion\u2019s\nskin, clasped by a buckle, is knotted round his loins; and he holds the\nskin of a lioness in front of him, grasping a hind paw with each hand,\nwhile the head of the beast, which is missing, hung down between his legs.\nA fountain must have issued from the jaws of the lioness, for a\nrectangular hole, where the beast\u2019s head should be, communicates by a\nchannel with another hole in the back of the statue. Greek artists working\non this or a similar barbarous model produced the refined type of the\nGrecian Hercules with the lion\u2019s scalp thrown like a cowl over his head.\nStatues of him have been found in Cyprus, which represent intermediate\nstages in this artistic evolution.(379) But there is no proof that in\nCyprus the Tyrian Melcarth was burned either in effigy or in the person of\na human representative.(380)\n\n(M89) On the other hand, there is clear evidence of the observance of such\na custom in Cilicia, the country which lies across the sea from Cyprus,\nand from which the worship of Adonis, according to tradition, was\nderived.(381) Whether the Phoenicians ever colonized Cilicia or not is\ndoubtful,(382) but at all events the natives of the country, down to late\ntimes, worshipped a male deity who, in spite of a superficial assimilation\nto a fashionable Greek god, appears to have been an Oriental by birth and\ncharacter. He had his principal seat at Tarsus, in a plain of luxuriant\nfertility and almost tropical climate, tempered by breezes from the snowy\nrange of Tarsus on the north and from the sea on the south.(383) Though\nTarsus boasted of a school of Greek philosophy which at the beginning of\nour era surpassed those of Athens and Alexandria,(384) the city apparently\nremained in manners and spirit essentially Oriental. The women went about\nthe streets muffled up to the eyes in Eastern fashion, and Dio Chrysostom\nreproaches the natives with resembling the most dissolute of the\nPhoenicians rather than the Greeks whose civilization they aped.(385) On\nthe coins of the city they assimilated their native deity to Zeus by\nrepresenting him seated on a throne, the upper part of his body bare, the\nlower limbs draped in a flowing robe, while in one hand he holds a\nsceptre, which is topped sometimes with an eagle but often with a lotus\nflower. Yet his foreign nature is indicated both by his name and his\nattributes; for in Aramaic inscriptions on the coins he bears the name of\nthe Baal of Tarsus, and in one hand he grasps an ear of corn and a bunch\nof grapes.(386) These attributes clearly mark him out as a god of\nfertility in general, who conferred on his worshippers the two things\nwhich they prized above all other gifts of nature, the corn and the wine.\nHe was probably therefore a Semitic, or at all events an Oriental, rather\nthan a Greek deity. For while the Semite cast all his gods more or less in\nthe same mould, and expected them all to render him nearly the same\nservices, the Greek, with his keener intelligence and more pictorial\nimagination, invested his deities with individual characteristics,\nallotting to each of them his or her separate function in the divine\neconomy of the world. Thus he assigned the production of the corn to\nDemeter, and that of the grapes to Dionysus; he was not so unreasonable as\nto demand both from the same hard-worked deity.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The God of Ibreez.\n\n\n(M90) Now the suspicion that the Baal of Tarsus, for all his posing in the\nattitude of Zeus, was really an Oriental is confirmed by a remarkable\nrock-hewn monument which is to be seen at Ibreez in Southern Cappadocia.\nThough the place is distant little more than fifty miles from Tarsus as\nthe crow flies, yet the journey on horseback occupies five days; for the\ngreat barrier of the Taurus mountains rises like a wall between. The road\nruns through the famous pass of the Cilician Gates, and the scenery\nthroughout is of the grandest Alpine character. On all sides the mountains\ntower skyward, their peaks sheeted in a dazzling pall of snow, their lower\nslopes veiled in the almost inky blackness of dense pine-forests, torn\nhere and there by impassable ravines, or broken into prodigious precipices\nof red and grey rock which border the narrow valley for miles. The\nmagnificence of the landscape is enhanced by the exhilarating influence of\nthe brisk mountain air, all the more by contrast with the sultry heat of\nthe plain of Tarsus which the traveller has left behind. When he emerges\nfrom the defile on the wide open tableland of Anatolia he feels that in a\nsense he has passed out of Asia, and that the highroad to Europe lies\nstraight before him. The great mountains on which he now looks back formed\nfor centuries the boundary between the Christian West and the Mohammedan\nEast; on the southern side lay the domain of the Caliphs, on the northern\nside the Byzantine Empire. The Taurus was the dam that long repelled the\ntide of Arab invasion; and though year by year the waves broke through the\npass of the Cilician Gates and carried havoc and devastation through the\ntableland, the refluent waters always retired to the lower level of the\nCilician plains. A line of beacon lights stretching from the Taurus to\nConstantinople flashed to the Byzantine capital tidings of the approach of\nthe Moslem invaders.(387)\n\n(M91) The village of Ibreez is charmingly situated at the northern foot of\nthe Taurus, some six or seven miles south of the town of Eregli, the\nancient Cybistra, From the town to the village the path goes through a\nrichly cultivated district of wheat and vines along green lanes more\nlovely than those of Devonshire, lined by thick hedges and rows of willow,\npoplar, hazel, hawthorn, and huge old walnut-trees, where in early summer\nthe nightingales warble on every side. Ibreez itself is embowered in the\nverdure of orchards, walnuts, and vines. It stands at the mouth of a deep\nravine enclosed by great precipices of red rock. From the western of these\nprecipices a river clear as crystal, but of a deep blue tint, bursts in a\npowerful jet, and being reinforced by a multitude of springs becomes at\nonce a raging impassable torrent foaming and leaping with a roar of waters\nover the rocks in its bed. A little way from the source a branch of the\nmain stream flows in a deep narrow channel along the foot of a reddish\nweather-stained rock which rises sheer from the water. On its face, which\nhas been smoothed to receive them, are the sculptures. They consist of two\ncolossal figures, representing a god adored by his worshipper. The deity,\nsome fourteen feet high, is a bearded male figure, wearing on his head a\nhigh pointed cap adorned with several pairs of horns, and plainly clad in\na short tunic, which does not reach his knees and is drawn in at the waist\nby a belt. His legs and arms are bare; the wrists are encircled by bangles\nor bracelets. His feet are shod in high boots with turned-up toes. In his\nright hand he holds a vine-branch laden with clusters of grapes, and in\nhis raised left hand he grasps a bunch of bearded wheat, such as is still\ngrown in Cappadocia; the ears of corn project above his fingers, while the\nlong stalks hang down to his feet. In front of him stands the lesser\nfigure, some eight feet high. He is clearly a priest or king, more\nprobably perhaps both in one. His rich vestments contrast with the simple\ncostume of the god. On his head he wears a round but not pointed cap,\nencircled by flat bands and ornamented in front with a rosette or bunch of\njewels, such as is still worn by Eastern princes. He is draped from the\nneck to the ankles in a long robe heavily fringed at the bottom, over\nwhich is thrown a shawl or mantle secured at the breast by a clasp of\nprecious stones. Both robe and shawl are elaborately carved with patterns\nin imitation of embroidery. A heavy necklace of rings or beads encircles\nthe neck; a bracelet or bangle clasps the one wrist that is visible; the\nfeet are shod in boots like those of the god. One or perhaps both hands\nare raised in the act of adoration. The large aquiline nose, like the beak\nof a hawk, is a conspicuous feature in the face both of the god and of his\nworshipper; the hair and beard of both are thick and curly.(388)\n\n(M92) The situation of this remarkable monument resembles that of Aphaca\non the Lebanon;(389) for in both places we see a noble river issuing\nabruptly from the rock to spread fertility through the rich vale below.\nNowhere, perhaps, could man more appropriately revere those great powers\nof nature to whose favour he ascribes the fruitfulness of the earth, and\nthrough it the life of animate creation. With its cool bracing air, its\nmass of verdure, its magnificent stream of pure ice-cold water\u2014so grateful\nin the burning heat of summer\u2014and its wide stretch of fertile land, the\nvalley may well have been the residence of an ancient prince or\nhigh-priest, who desired to testify by this monument his devotion and\ngratitude to the god. The seat of this royal or priestly potentate may\nhave been at Cybistra,(390) the modern Eregli, now a decayed and miserable\nplace straggling amid orchards and gardens full of luxuriant groves of\nwalnut, poplar, willow, mulberry, and oak. The place is a paradise of\nbirds. Here the thrush and the nightingale sing full-throated, the hoopoe\nwaves his crested top-knot, the bright-hued woodpeckers flit from bough to\nbough, and the swifts dart screaming by hundreds through the air. Yet a\nlittle way off, beyond the beneficent influence of the springs and\nstreams, all is desolation\u2014in summer an arid waste broken by great marshes\nand wide patches of salt, in winter a broad sheet of stagnant water, which\nas it dries up with the growing heat of the sun exhales a poisonous\nmalaria. To the west, as far as the eye can see, stretches the endless\nexpanse of the dreary Lycaonian plain, barren, treeless, and solitary,\ntill it fades into the blue distance, or is bounded afar off by abrupt\nranges of jagged volcanic mountains, on which in sunshiny weather the\nshadows of the clouds rest, purple and soft as velvet.(391) No wonder that\nthe smiling luxuriance of the one landscape, sharply contrasting with the\nbleak sterility of the other, should have rendered it in the eyes of\nprimitive man a veritable garden of God.\n\n(M93) Among the attributes which mark out the deity of Ibreez as a power\nof fertility the horns on his high cap should not be overlooked. They are\nprobably the horns of a bull; for to primitive cattle-breeders the bull is\nthe most natural emblem of generative force. At Carchemish, the great\nHittite capital on the Euphrates, a relief has been discovered which\nrepresents a god or a priest clad in a rich robe, and wearing on his head\na tall horned cap surmounted by a disc.(392) Sculptures found at the\npalace of Euyuk in North-Western Cappadocia prove that the Hittites\nworshipped the bull and sacrificed rams to it.(393) Similarly the Greeks\nconceived the vine-god Dionysus in the form of a bull.(394)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Sandan of Tarsus.\n\n\n(M94) That the god of Ibreez, with the grapes and corn in his hands, is\nidentical with the Baal of Tarsus, who bears the same emblems, may be\ntaken as certain.(395) But what was his name? and who were his\nworshippers? The Greeks apparently called him Hercules; at least in\nByzantine times the neighbouring town of Cybistra adopted the name of\nHeraclea, which seems to show that Hercules was deemed the principal deity\nof the place.(396) Yet the style and costume of the figures at Ibreez\nprove unquestionably that the god was an Oriental. If any confirmation of\nthis view were needed, it is furnished by the inscriptions carved on the\nrock beside the sculptures, for these inscriptions are composed in the\npeculiar system of hieroglyphics now known as Hittite. It follows,\ntherefore, that the deity worshipped at Tarsus and Ibreez was a god of the\nHittites, that ancient and little-known people who occupied the centre of\nAsia Minor, invented a system of writing, and extended their influence, if\nnot their dominion, at one time from the Euphrates to the Aegean. From the\nlofty and arid tablelands of the interior, a prolongation of the great\nplateau of Central Asia, with a climate ranging from the most burning heat\nin summer to the most piercing cold in winter,(397) these hardy\nhighlanders seem to have swept down through the mountain-passes and\nestablished themselves at a very early date in the rich southern lowlands\nof Syria and Cilicia.(398) Their language and race are still under\ndiscussion, but a great preponderance of opinion appears to declare that\nneither the one nor the other was Semitic.(399)\n\n(M95) In the inscription attached to the colossal figure of the god at\nIbreez two scholars have professed to read the name of Sandan or\nSanda.(400) Be that as it may, there are independent grounds for thinking\nthat Sandan, Sandon, or Sandes may have been the name of the Cappadocian\nand Cilician god of fertility. For the god of Ibreez in Cappadocia\nappears, as we saw, to have been identified by the Greeks with Hercules,\nand we are told that a Cappadocian and Cilician name of Hercules was\nSandan or Sandes.(401) Now this Sandan or Hercules is said to have founded\nTarsus, and the people of the city commemorated him at an annual or, at\nall events, periodical festival by erecting a fine pyre in his\nhonour.(402) Apparently at this festival, as at the festival of Melcarth,\nthe god was burned in effigy on his own pyre. For coins of Tarsus often\nexhibit the pyre as a conical structure resting on a garlanded altar or\nbasis, with the figure of Sandan himself in the midst of it, while an\neagle with spread wings perches on the top of the pyre, as if about to\nbear the soul of the burning god in the pillar of smoke and fire to\nheaven.(403) In like manner when a Roman emperor died leaving a son to\nsucceed him on the throne, a waxen effigy was made in the likeness of the\ndeceased and burned on a huge pyramidal pyre, which was reared upon a\nsquare basis of wood; and from the summit of the blazing pile an eagle was\nreleased for the purpose of carrying to heaven the soul of the dead and\ndeified emperor.(404) The Romans may have borrowed from the East a\ngrandiose custom which savours of Oriental adulation rather than of Roman\nsimplicity.(405)\n\n(M96) The type of Sandan or Hercules, as he is portrayed on the coins of\nTarsus, is that of an Asiatic deity standing on a lion. It is thus that he\nis represented on the pyre, and it is thus that he appears as a separate\nfigure without the pyre. From these representations we can form a fairly\naccurate conception of the form and attributes of the god. They exhibit\nhim as a bearded man standing on a horned and often winged lion. Upon his\nhead he wears a high pointed cap or mitre, and he is clad sometimes in a\nlong robe, sometimes in a short tunic. On at least one coin his feet are\nshod in high boots with flaps. At his side or over his shoulder are slung\na sword, a bow-case, and a quiver, sometimes only one or two of them. His\nright hand is raised and sometimes holds a flower. His left hand grasps a\ndouble-headed axe, and sometimes a wreath either in addition to the axe or\ninstead of it; but the double-headed axe is one of Sandan\u2019s most constant\nattributes.(406)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. The Gods of Boghaz-Keui.\n\n\n(M97) Now a deity of almost precisely the same type figures prominently in\nthe celebrated group of Hittite sculptures which is carved on the rocks at\nBoghaz-Keui in North-Western Cappadocia. The village of Boghaz-Keui, that\nis, \u201cthe village of the defile,\u201d stands at the mouth of a deep, narrow,\nand picturesque gorge in a wild upland valley, shut in by rugged mountains\nof grey limestone. The houses are built on the lower slopes of the hills,\nand a stream issuing from the gorge flows past them to join the Halys,\nwhich is distant about ten hours\u2019 journey to the west. Immediately above\nthe modern village a great ancient city, enclosed by massive fortification\nwalls, rose on the rough broken ground of the mountainside, culminating in\ntwo citadels perched on the tops of precipitous crags. The walls are still\nstanding in many places to a height of twelve feet or more. They are about\nfourteen feet thick and consist of an outer and inner facing built of\nlarge blocks with a core of rubble between them. On the outer side they\nare strengthened at intervals of about a hundred feet by projecting towers\nor buttresses, which seem designed rather as architectural supports than\nas military defences. The masonry, composed of large stones laid in\nroughly parallel courses, resembles in style that of the walls of Mycenae,\nwith which it may be contemporary; and the celebrated Lion-gate at Mycenae\nhas its counterpart in the southern gate of Boghaz-Keui, which is flanked\nby a pair of colossal stone lions executed in the best style of Hittite\nart. The eastern gate is adorned on its inner side with the figure of a\nHittite warrior or Amazon carved in high relief. A dense undergrowth of\nstunted oak coppice now covers much of the site. The ruins of a large\npalace or temple, built of enormous blocks of stone, occupy a terrace in a\ncommanding situation within the circuit of the walls. This vast city, some\nfour or five miles in circumference, appears to have been the ancient\nPteria, which Croesus, king of Lydia, captured in his war with Cyrus. It\nwas probably the capital of a powerful Hittite empire before the Phrygians\nmade their way from Europe into the interior of Asia Minor and established\na rival state to the west of the Halys.(407)\n\n(M98) From the village of Boghaz-Keui a steep and rugged path leads up\nhill to a sanctuary, distant about a mile and a half to the east. Here\namong the grey limestone cliffs there is a spacious natural chamber or\nhall of roughly oblong shape, roofed only by the sky, and enclosed on\nthree sides by high rocks. One of the short sides is open, and through it\nyou look out on the broken slopes beyond and the more distant mountains,\nwhich make a graceful picture set in a massy frame. The length of the\nchamber is about a hundred feet; its breadth varies from twenty-five to\nfifty feet. A nearly level sward forms the floor. On the right-hand side,\nas you face inward, a narrow opening in the rock leads into another but\nmuch smaller chamber, or rather corridor, which would seem to have been\nthe inner sanctuary or Holy of Holies. It is a romantic spot, where the\ndeep shadows of the rocks are relieved by the bright foliage of\nwalnut-trees and by the sight of the sky and clouds overhead. On the\nrock-walls of both chamber are carved the famous bas-reliefs. In the outer\nsanctuary these reliefs represent two great processions which defile along\nthe two long sides of the chamber and meet face to face on the short wall\nat the inner end. The figures on the left-hand wall are for the most part\nmen clad in the characteristic Hittite costume, which consists of a high\npointed cap, shoes with turned-up toes, and a tunic drawn in at the waist\nand falling short of the knees.(408) The figures on the right-hand wall\nare women wearing tall, square, flat-topped bonnets with ribbed sides;\ntheir long dresses fall in perpendicular folds to their feet, which are\nshod in shoes like those of the men. On the short wall, where the\nprocessions meet, the greater size of the central figures, as well as\ntheir postures and attributes, mark them out as divine. At the head of the\nmale procession marches or is carried a bearded deity clad in the ordinary\nHittite costume of tall pointed cap, short tunic, and turned-up shoes; but\nhis feet rest on the bowed heads of two men, in his right hand he holds on\nhis shoulder a mace or truncheon topped with a knob, while his extended\nleft hand grasps a symbol, which apparently consists of a trident\nsurmounted by an oval with a cross-bar. Behind him follows a similar,\nthough somewhat smaller, figure of a man, or perhaps rather of a god,\ncarrying a mace or truncheon over his shoulder in his right hand, while\nwith his left he holds aloft a long sword with a flat hilt; his feet rest\nnot on two men but on two flat-topped pinnacles, which perhaps represent\nmountains. At the head of the female procession and facing the great god\nwho is borne on the two men, stands a goddess on a lioness or panther. Her\ncostume does not differ from that of the women: her hair hangs down in a\nlong plait behind: in her extended right hand she holds out an emblem to\ntouch that of the god. The shape and meaning of her emblem are obscure. It\nconsists of a stem with two pairs of protuberances, perhaps leaves or\nbranches, one above the other, the whole being surmounted, like the emblem\nof the god, by an oval with a cross-bar. Under the outstretched arms of\nthe two deities appear the front parts of two animals, which have been\nusually interpreted as bulls but are rather goats; each of them wears on\nits head the high conical Hittite cap, and its body is concealed by that\nof the deity. Immediately behind the goddess marches a smaller and\napparently youthful male figure, standing like her upon a lioness or\npanther. He is beardless and wears the Hittite dress of high pointed cap,\nshort tunic, and shoes with turned-up toes. A crescent-hilted sword is\ngirt at his side; in his left hand he holds a double-headed axe, and in\nhis right a staff topped by an armless doll with the symbol of the\ncross-barred oval instead of a head. Behind him follow two women, or\nrather perhaps goddesses, resembling the goddess at the head of the\nprocession, but with different emblems and standing not on a lioness but\non a single two-headed eagle with outspread wings.\n\n(M99) The entrance to the smaller chamber is guarded on either side by the\nfigure of a winged monster carved on the rock; the bodies of both figures\nare human, but one of them has the head of a dog, the other the head of a\nlion. In the inner sanctuary, to which this monster-guarded passage leads,\nthe walls are also carved in relief. On one side we see a procession of\ntwelve men in Hittite costume marching with curved swords in their right\nhands. On the opposite wall is a colossal erect figure of a deity with a\nhuman head and a body curiously composed of four lions, two above and two\nbelow, the latter standing on their heads. The god wears the high conical\nHittite hat: his face is youthful and beardless like that of the male\nfigure standing on the lioness in the large chamber; and the ear turned to\nthe spectator is pierced with a ring. From the knees downwards the legs,\ncuriously enough, are replaced by a device which has been interpreted as\nthe tapering point of a great dagger or dirk with a midrib. To the right\nof this deity a square panel cut in the face of the rock exhibits a group\nof two figures in relief. The larger of the two figures closely resembles\nthe youth on the lioness in the outer sanctuary. His chin is beardless; he\nwears the same high pointed cap, the same short tunic, the same turned-up\nshoes, the same crescent-hilted sword, and he carries a similar armless\ndoll in his right hand. But his left arm encircles the neck of the smaller\nfigure, whom he seems to clasp to his side in an attitude of protection.\nThe smaller figure thus embraced by the god is clearly a priest or\npriestly king. His face is beardless; he wears a skull-cap and a long\nmantle reaching to his feet with a sort of chasuble thrown over it. The\ncrescent-shaped hilt of a sword projects from under his mantle. The wrist\nof his right arm is clasped by the god\u2019s left hand; in his left hand the\npriest holds a crook or pastoral staff which ends below in a curl. Both\nthe priest and his protector are facing towards the lion-god. In an upper\ncorner of the panel behind them is a divine emblem composed of a winged\ndisc resting on what look like two Ionic columns, while between them\nappear three symbols of doubtful significance. The figure of the priest or\nking in this costume, though not in this attitude, is a familiar one; for\nit occurs twice in the outer sanctuary and is repeated twice at the great\nHittite palace of Euyuk, distant about four and a half hours\u2019 ride to the\nnorth-east of Boghaz-Keui. In the outer sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui we see\nthe priest marching in the procession of the men, and holding in one hand\nhis curled staff, or _lituus_, and in the other a symbol like that of the\ngoddess on the lioness: above his head appears the winged disc without the\nother attributes. Moreover he occupies a conspicuous place by himself on\nthe right-hand wall of the outer sanctuary, quite apart from the two\nprocessions, and carved on a larger scale than any of the other figures in\nthem. Here he stands on two heaps, perhaps intended to represent\nmountains, and he carries in his right hand the emblem of the winged disc\nsupported on two Ionic columns with the other symbols between them, except\nthat the central symbol is replaced by a masculine figure wearing a\npointed cap and a long robe decorated with a dog-tooth pattern. On one of\nthe reliefs at the palace of Euyuk we see the priest with his\ncharacteristic dress and staff followed by a priestess, each of them with\na hand raised as if in adoration: they are approaching the image of a bull\nwhich stands on a high pedestal with an altar before it. Behind them a\npriest leads a flock of rams to the sacrifice. On another relief at Euyuk\nthe priest, similarly attired and followed by a priestess, is approaching\na seated goddess and apparently pouring a libation at her feet. Both these\nscenes doubtless represent acts of worship paid in the one case to a\ngoddess, in the other to a bull.(409)\n\n(M100) We have still to inquire into the meaning of the rock-carvings at\nBoghaz-Keui. What are these processions which are meeting? Who are the\npersonages represented? and what are they doing? Some have thought that\nthe scene is historical and commemorates a great event, such as a treaty\nof peace between two peoples or the marriage of a king\u2019s son to a king\u2019s\ndaughter.(410) But to this view it has been rightly objected that the\nattributes of the principal figures prove them to be divine or priestly,\nand that the scene is therefore religious or mythical rather than\nhistorical. With regard to the two personages who head the processions and\nhold out their symbols to each other, the most probable opinion appears to\nbe that they stand for the great Asiatic goddess of fertility and her\nconsort, by whatever names these deities were known; for under diverse\nnames a similar divine couple appears to have been worshipped with similar\nrites all over Western Asia.(411) The bearded god who, grasping a trident\nin his extended left hand, heads the procession of male figures is\nprobably the Father deity, the great Hittite god of the thundering sky,\nwhose emblems were the thunderbolt and the bull; for the trident which he\ncarries may reasonably be interpreted as a thunderbolt. The deity is\nrepresented in similar form on two stone monuments of Hittite art which\nwere found at Zenjirli in Northern Syria and at Babylon respectively. On\nboth we see a bearded male god wearing the usual Hittite costume of tall\ncap, short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes: a crescent-hilted sword\nis girt at his side: his hands are raised: in the right he holds a\nsingle-headed axe or hammer, in the left a trident of wavy lines, which is\nthought to stand for forked lightning or a bundle of thunderbolts. On the\nBabylonian slab, which bears a long Hittite inscription, the god\u2019s cap is\nornamented with a pair of horns.(412) The horns on the cap are probably\nthose of a bull; for on another Hittite monument, found at Malatia on the\nEuphrates, there is carved a deity in the usual Hittite costume standing\non a bull and grasping a trident or thunderbolt in his left hand, while\nfacing him stands a priest clad in a long robe, holding a crook or curled\nstaff in one hand and pouring a libation with the other.(413) The Hittite\nthunder-god is also known to us from a treaty of alliance which about the\nyear 1290 B.C. was contracted between Hattusil, King of the Hittites, and\nRameses II., King of Egypt. By a singular piece of good fortune we possess\ncopies of this treaty both in the Hittite and in the Egyptian language.\nThe Hittite copy was found some years ago inscribed in cuneiform\ncharacters on a clay tablet at Boghaz-Keui; two copies of the treaty in\nthe Egyptian language are engraved on the walls of temples at Thebes. From\nthe Egyptian copies, which have been read and translated, we gather that\nthe thunder-god was the principal deity of the Hittites, and that the two\nHittite seals which were appended to the treaty exhibited the King\nembraced by the thunder-god and the Queen embraced by the sun-goddess of\nArenna.(414) This Hittite divinity of the thundering sky appears to have\nlong survived at Doliche in Commagene, for in later Roman art he reappears\nunder the title of Jupiter Dolichenus, wearing a Phrygian cap, standing on\na bull, and wielding a double axe in one hand and a thunderbolt in the\nother. In this form his worship was transported from his native Syrian\nhome by soldiers and slaves, till it had spread over a large part of the\nRoman empire, especially on the frontiers, where it flourished in the\ncamps of the legions.(415) The combination of the bull with the\nthunderbolt as emblems of the deity suggests that the animal may have been\nchosen to represent the sky-god for the sake not merely of its virility\nbut of its voice; for in the peal of thunder primitive man may well have\nheard the bellowing of a celestial bull.\n\n(M101) The goddess who at the head of the procession of women confronts\nthe great sky-god in the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui is generally recognized\nas the divine Mother, the great Asiatic goddess of life and fertility. The\ntall flat-topped hat with perpendicular grooves which she wears, and the\nlioness or panther on which she stands, remind us of the turreted crown\nand lion-drawn car of Cybele, who was worshipped in the neighbouring land\nof Phrygia across the Halys.(416) So Atargatis, the great Syrian goddess\nof Hierapolis-Bambyce, was portrayed sitting on lions and wearing a tower\non her head.(417) At Babylon an image of a goddess whom the Greeks called\nRhea had the figures of two lions standing on her knees.(418)\n\n(M102) But in the rock-hewn sculptures of Boghaz-Keui, who is the youth\nwith the tall pointed cap and double axe who stands on a lioness or\npanther immediately behind the great goddess? His figure is all the more\nremarkable because he is the only male who interrupts the long procession\nof women. Probably he is at once the divine son and the divine lover of\nthe goddess; for we shall find later on that in Phrygian mythology Attis\nunited in himself both these characters.(419) The lioness or panther on\nwhich he stands marks his affinity with the goddess, who is supported by a\nsimilar animal. It is natural that the lion-goddess should have a lion-son\nand a lion-lover. For we may take it as probable that the Oriental deities\nwho are represented standing or sitting in human form on the backs of\nlions and other animals were originally indistinguishable from the beasts,\nand that the complete separation of the bestial from the human or divine\nshape was a consequence of that growth of knowledge and of power which led\nman in time to respect himself more and the brutes less. The hybrid gods\nof Egypt with their human bodies and animal heads form an intermediate\nstage in this evolution of anthropomorphic deities out of beasts.\n\n(M103) We may now perhaps hazard a conjecture as to the meaning of that\nstrange colossal figure in the inner shrine at Boghaz-Keui with its human\nhead and its body composed of lions. For it is to be observed that the\nhead of the figure is youthful and beardless, and that it wears a tall\npointed cap, thus resembling in both respects the youth with the\ndouble-headed axe who stands on a lion in the outer sanctuary. We may\nsuppose that the leonine figure in the inner shrine sets forth the true\nmystic, that is, the old savage nature of the god who in the outer shrine\npresented himself to his worshippers in the decent semblance of a man. To\nthe chosen few who were allowed to pass the monster-guarded portal into\nthe Holy of Holies, the awful secret may have been revealed that their god\nwas a lion, or rather a lion-man, a being in whom the bestial and human\nnatures mysteriously co-existed.(420) The reader may remember that on the\nrock beside this leonine divinity is carved a group which represents a god\nwith his arm twined round the neck of his priest in an attitude of\nprotection, holding one of the priest\u2019s hands in his own. Both figures are\nlooking and stepping towards the lion-monster, and the god is holding out\nhis right hand as if pointing to it. The scene may represent the deity\nrevealing the mystery to the priest, or preparing him to act his part in\nsome solemn rite for which all his strength and courage will be needed. He\nseems to be leading his minister onward, comforting him with an assurance\nthat no harm can come near him while the divine arm is around him and the\ndivine hand clasps his. Whither is he leading him? Perhaps to death. The\ndeep shadows of the rocks which fall on the two figures in the gloomy\nchasm may be an emblem of darker shadows soon to fall on the priest. Yet\nstill he grasps his pastoral staff and goes forward, as though he said,\n\u201cYea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear\nno evil; for thou art with me: thy rod and thy staff they comfort me.\u201d\n\n(M104) If there is any truth in these guesses\u2014for they are little more\u2014the\nthree principal figures in the processional scene at Boghaz-Keui represent\nthe divine Father, the divine Mother, and the divine Son. But we have\nstill to ask, What are they doing? That they are engaged in the\nperformance of some religious rite seems certain. But what is it? We may\nconjecture that it is the rite of the Sacred Marriage, and that the scene\nis copied from a ceremony which was periodically performed in this very\nplace by human representatives of the deities.(421) Indeed, the solemn\nmeeting of the male and female figures at the head of their respective\nprocessions obviously suggests a marriage, and has been so interpreted by\nscholars, who, however, regarded it as the historical wedding of a prince\nand princess instead of the mystic union of a god and goddess, overlooking\nor explaining away the symbols of divinity which accompany the principal\npersonages.(422) We may suppose that at Boghaz-Keui, as at many other\nplaces in the interior of Asia Minor, the government was in the hands of a\nfamily who combined royal with priestly functions and personated the gods\nwhose names they bore. Thus at Pessinus in Phrygia, as we shall see later\non, the priests of Cybele bore the name of her consort Attis, and\ndoubtless represented him in the ritual.(423) If this was so at\nBoghaz-Keui, we may surmise that the chief pontiff and his family annually\ncelebrated the marriage of the divine powers of fertility, the Father God\nand the Mother Goddess, for the purpose of ensuring the fruitfulness of\nthe earth and the multiplication of men and beasts. The principal parts in\nthe ceremony would naturally be played by the pontiff himself and his\nwife, unless indeed they preferred for good reasons to delegate the\nonerous duty to others. That such a delegation took place is perhaps\nsuggested by the appearance of the pontiff himself in a subordinate place\nin the procession, as well as by his separate representation in another\nplace, as if he were in the act of surveying the ceremony from a\ndistance.(424) The part of the divine Son at the rite would fitly devolve\nupon one of the high-priest\u2019s own offspring, who may well have been\nnumerous. For it is probable that here, as elsewhere in Asia Minor, the\nMother Goddess was personated by a crowd of sacred harlots,(425) with whom\nthe spiritual ruler may have been required to consort in his character of\nincarnate deity. But if the personation of the Son of God at the rites\nlaid a heavy burden of suffering on the shoulders of the actor, it is\npossible that the representative of the deity may have been drawn, perhaps\nby lot, from among the numerous progeny of the consecrated courtesans; for\nthese women, as incarnations of the Mother Goddess, were probably supposed\nto transmit to their offspring some portion of their own divinity. Be that\nas it may, if the three principal personages in the processional scene at\nBoghaz-Keui are indeed the Father, the Mother, and the Son, the remarkable\nposition assigned to the third of them in the procession, where he walks\nbehind his Mother alone in the procession of women, appears to indicate\nthat he was supposed to be more closely akin to her than to his Father.\nFrom this again we may conjecturally infer that mother-kin rather than\nfather-kin was the rule which regulated descent among the Hittites. The\nconjecture derives some support from Hittite archives, for the names of\nthe Great Queen and the Queen Mother are mentioned along with that of the\nKing in state documents.(426) The other personages who figure in the\nprocession may represent human beings masquerading in the costumes and\nwith the attributes of deities. Such, for example, are the two female\nfigures who stand on a double-headed eagle; the two male figures stepping\non what seem to be two mountains; and the two winged beings in the\nprocession of men, one of whom may be the Moon-god, for he wears a\ncrescent on his head.(427)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Sandan and Baal at Tarsus.\n\n\n(M105) Whatever may be thought of these speculations, one thing seems\nfairly clear and certain. The figure which I have called the divine Son at\nBoghaz-Keui is identical with the god Sandan, who appears on the pyre at\nTarsus. In both personages the costume, the attributes, the attitude are\nthe same. Both represent a man clad in a short tunic with a tall pointed\ncap on his head, a sword at his side, a double-headed axe in his hand, and\na lion or panther under his feet.(428) Accordingly, if we are right in\nidentifying him as the divine Son at Boghaz-Keui, we may conjecture that\nunder the name of Sandan he bore the same character at Tarsus. The\nconjecture squares perfectly with the title of Hercules, which the Greeks\nbestowed on Sandan; for Hercules was the son of Zeus, the great\nfather-god. Moreover, we have seen that the Baal of Tarsus, with the\ngrapes and the corn in his hand, was assimilated to Zeus.(429) Thus it\nwould appear that at Tarsus as at Boghaz-Keui there was a pair of deities,\na divine Father and a divine Son, whom the Greeks identified with Zeus and\nHercules respectively. If the Baal of Tarsus was a god of fertility, as\nhis attributes clearly imply, his identification with Zeus would be\nnatural, since it was Zeus who, in the belief of the Greeks, sent the\nfertilizing rain from heaven.(430) And the identification of Sandan with\nHercules would be equally natural, since the lion and the death on the\npyre were features common to both. Our conclusion then is that it was the\ndivine Son, the lion-god, who was burned in effigy or in the person of a\nhuman representative at Tarsus, and perhaps at Boghaz-Keui. Semitic\nparallels suggest that the victim who played the part of the Son of God in\nthe fiery furnace ought in strictness to be the king\u2019s son.(431) But no\ndoubt in later times an effigy would be substituted for the man.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Priestly Kings of Olba.\n\n\n(M106) Unfortunately we know next to nothing of the kings and priests of\nTarsus. In Greek times we hear of an Epicurean philosopher of the city,\nLysias by name, who was elected by his fellow-citizens to the office of\nCrown-wearer, that is, to the priesthood of Hercules. Once raised to that\ndignity, he would not lay it down again, but played the part of tyrant,\nwearing a white robe edged with purple, a costly cloak, white shoes, and a\ngolden wreath of laurel. He truckled to the mob by distributing among them\nthe property of the wealthy, while he put to death such as refused to open\ntheir money-bags to him.(432) Though we cannot distinguish in this account\nbetween the legal and the illegal exercise of authority, yet we may safely\ninfer that the priesthood of Hercules, that is of Sandan, at Tarsus\ncontinued down to late times to be an office of great dignity and power,\nnot unworthy to be held in earlier times by the kings themselves. Scanty\nas is our information as to the kings of Cilicia, we hear of two whose\nnames appear to indicate that they stood in some special relation to the\ndivine Sandan. One of them was Sandu\u2019arri, lord of Kundi and Sizu, which\nhave been identified with Anchiale and Sis in Cilicia.(433) The other was\nSanda-sarme, who gave his daughter in marriage to Ashurbanipal, king of\nAssyria.(434) It would be in accordance with analogy if the kings of\nTarsus formerly held the priesthood of Sandan and claimed to represent him\nin their own person.\n\n(M107) We know that the whole of Western or Mountainous Cilicia was ruled\nby kings who combined the regal office with the priesthood of Zeus, or\nrather of a native deity whom, like the Baal of Tarsus, the Greeks\nassimilated to their own Zeus. These priestly potentates had their seat at\nOlba, and most of them bore the name either of Teucer or of Ajax,(435) but\nwe may suspect that these appellations are merely Greek distortions of\nnative Cilician names. Teucer (_Teukros_) may be a corruption of Tark,\nTrok, Tarku, or Troko, all of which occur in the names of Cilician priests\nand kings. At all events, it is worthy of notice that one, if not two, of\nthese priestly Teucers had a father called Tarkuaris,(436) and that in a\nlong list of priests who served Zeus at the Corycian cave, not many miles\nfrom Olba, the names Tarkuaris, Tarkumbios, Tarkimos, Trokoarbasis, and\nTrokombigremis, besides many other obviously native names, occur side by\nside with Teucer and other purely Greek appellations.(437) In like manner\nthe Teucrids, who traced their descent from Zeus and reigned at Salamis in\nCyprus,(438) may well have been a native dynasty, who concocted a Greek\npedigree for themselves in the days when Greek civilization was\nfashionable. The legend which attributed the foundation of the Cyprian\nSalamis to Teucer, son of Telamon, appears to be late and unknown to\nHomer.(439) Moreover, a cruel form of human sacrifice which was practised\nin the city down to historical times savours rather of Oriental barbarity\nthan of Greek humanity. Led or driven by the youths, a man ran thrice\nround the altar; then the priest stabbed him in the throat with a spear\nand burned his body whole on a heaped-up pyre. The sacrifice was offered\nin the month of Aphrodite to Diomede, who along with Agraulus, daughter of\nCecrops, had a temple at Salamis. A temple of Athena stood within the same\nsacred enclosure. It is said that in olden times the sacrifice was offered\nto Agraulus, and not to Diomede. According to another account it was\ninstituted by Teucer in honour of Zeus. However that may have been, the\nbarbarous custom lasted down to the reign of Hadrian, when Diphilus, king\nof Cyprus, abolished or rather mitigated it by substituting the sacrifice\nof an ox for that of a man.(440) On the hypothesis here suggested we must\nsuppose that these Greek names of divine or heroic figures at the Cyprian\nSalamis covered more or less similar figures of the Asiatic pantheon. And\nin the Salaminian burnt-sacrifice of a man we may perhaps detect the\noriginal form of the ceremony which in historical times appears to have\nbeen performed upon an image of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus. When an ox\nwas sacrificed instead of a man, the old sacrificial rites would naturally\ncontinue to be observed in all other respects exactly as before: the\nanimal would be led thrice round the altar, stabbed with a spear, and\nburned on a pyre. Now at the Syrian Hierapolis the greatest festival of\nthe year bore the name of the Pyre or the Torch. It was held at the\nbeginning of spring. Great trees were then cut down and planted in the\ncourt of the temple: sheep, goats, birds, and other creatures were hung\nupon them: sacrificial victims were led round: then fire was set to the\nwhole, and everything was consumed in the flames.(441) Perhaps here also\nthe burning of animals was a substitute for the burning of men. When the\npractice of human sacrifice becomes too revolting to humanity to be\ntolerated, its abolition is commonly effected by substituting either\nanimals or images for living men or women. At Salamis certainly, and\nperhaps at Hierapolis, the substitutes were animals: at Tarsus, if I am\nright, they were images. In this connexion the statement of a Greek writer\nas to the worship of Adonis in Cyprus deserves attention. He says that as\nAdonis had been honoured by Aphrodite, the Cyprians after his death cast\nlive doves on a pyre to him, and that the birds, flying away from the\nflames, fell into another pyre and were consumed.(442) The statement seems\nto be a description of an actual custom of burning doves in sacrifice to\nAdonis. Such a mode of honouring him would be very remarkable, since doves\nwere commonly sacred to his divine mistress Aphrodite or Astarte. For\nexample, at the Syrian Hierapolis, one of the chief seats of her worship,\nthese birds were so holy that they might not even be touched. If a man\ninadvertently touched a dove, he was unclean or tabooed for the rest of\nthe day. Hence the birds, never being molested, were so tame that they\nlived with the people in their houses, and commonly picked up their food\nfearlessly on the ground.(443) Can the burning of the sacred bird of\nAphrodite in the Cyprian worship of Adonis have been a substitute for the\nburning of a sacred man who personated the lover of the goddess?\n\n(M108) If, as many scholars think, Tark or Tarku was the name, or part of\nthe name, of a great Hittite deity, sometimes identified as the god of the\nsky and the lightning,(444) we may conjecture that Tark or Tarku was the\nnative name of the god of Olba, whom the Greeks called Zeus, and that the\npriestly kings who bore the name of Teucer represented the god Tark or\nTarku in their own persons. This conjecture is confirmed by the\nobservation that Olba, the ancient name of the city, is itself merely a\nGrecized form of Oura, the name which the place retains to this day.(445)\nThe situation of the town, moreover, speaks strongly in favour of the view\nthat it was from the beginning an aboriginal settlement, though in after\ndays, like so many other Asiatic cities, it took on a varnish of Greek\nculture. For it stood remote from the sea on a lofty and barren tableland,\nwith a rigorous winter climate, in the highlands of Cilicia.\n\n(M109) Great indeed is the contrast between the bleak windy uplands of\nWestern or Rugged Cilicia, as the ancients called it, and the soft\nluxuriant lowlands of Eastern Cilicia, where winter is almost unknown and\nsummer annually drives the population to seek in the cool air of the\nmountains a refuge from the intolerable heat and deadly fevers of the\nplains. In Western Cilicia, on the other hand, a lofty tableland, ending\nin a high sharp edge on the coast, rises steadily inland till it passes\ngradually into the chain of heights which divide it from the interior.\nLooked at from the sea it resembles a great blue wave swelling in one\nuniform sweep till its crest breaks into foam in the distant snows of the\nTaurus. The surface of the tableland is almost everywhere rocky and\novergrown, in the intervals of the rocks, with dense, thorny, almost\nimpenetrable scrub. Only here and there in a hollow or glen the niggardly\nsoil allows of a patch of cultivation; and here and there fine oaks and\nplanes, towering over the brushwood, clothe with a richer foliage the\ndepth of the valleys. None but wandering herdsmen with their flocks now\nmaintain a precarious existence in this rocky wilderness. Yet the ruined\ntowns which stud the country prove that a dense population lived and\nthrove here in antiquity, while numerous remains of wine-presses and\nwine-vats bear witness to the successful cultivation of the grape. The\nchief cause of the present desolation is lack of water; for wells are few\nand brackish, perennial streams hardly exist, and the ancient aqueducts,\nwhich once brought life and fertility to the land, have long been suffered\nto fall into disrepair.\n\n(M110) But for ages together the ancient inhabitants of these uplands\nearned their bread by less reputable means than the toil of the husbandman\nand the vinedresser. They were buccaneers and slavers, scouring the high\nseas with their galleys and retiring with their booty to the inaccessible\nfastnesses of their mountains. In the decline of Greek power all over the\nEast the pirate communities of Cilicia grew into a formidable state,\nrecruited by gangs of desperadoes and broken men who flocked to it from\nall sides. The holds of these robbers may still be seen perched on the\nbrink of the profound ravines which cleave the tableland at frequent\nintervals. With their walls of massive masonry, their towers and\nbattlements, overhanging dizzy depths, they are admirably adapted to bid\ndefiance to the pursuit of justice. In antiquity the dark forests of\ncedar, which clothed much of the country and supplied the pirates with\ntimber for their ships, must have rendered access to these fastnesses\nstill more difficult. The great gorge of the Lamas River, which eats its\nway like a sheet of forked lightning into the heart of the mountains, is\ndotted every few miles with fortified towns, some of them still\nmagnificent in their ruins, dominating sheer cliffs high above the stream.\nThey are now the haunt only of the ibex and the bear. Each of these\ncommunities had its own crest or badge, which may still be seen carved on\nthe corners of the mouldering towers. No doubt, too, it blazoned the same\ncrest on the hull, the sails, or the streamers of the galley which, manned\nwith a crew of ruffians, it sent out to prey upon the rich merchantmen in\nthe Golden Sea, as the corsairs called the highway of commerce between\nCrete and Africa.\n\n(M111) A staircase cut in the rock connects one of these ruined castles\nwith the river in the glen, a thousand feet below. But the steps are worn\nand dangerous, indeed impassable. You may go for miles along the edge of\nthese stupendous cliffs before you find a way down. The paths keep on the\nheights, for in many of its reaches the gully affords no foothold even to\nthe agile nomads who alone roam these solitudes. At evening the winding\ncourse of the river may be traced for a long distance by a mist which, as\nthe heat of the day declines, rises like steam from the deep gorge and\nhangs suspended in a wavy line of fleecy cloud above it. But even more\nimposing than the ravine of the Lamas is the terrific gorge known as the\n_Sheitan dere_ or Devil\u2019s Glen near the Corycian cave. Prodigious walls of\nrock, glowing in the intense sunlight, black in the shadow, and spanned by\na summer sky of the deepest blue, hem in the dry bed of a winter torrent,\nchoked with rocks and tangled with thickets of evergreens, among which the\noleanders with their slim stalks, delicate taper leaves, and bunches of\ncrimson blossom stand out conspicuous.(446)\n\n(M112) The ruins of Olba, among the most extensive and remarkable in Asia\nMinor, were discovered in 1890 by Mr. J. Theodore Bent. But three years\nbefore another English traveller had caught a distant view of its\nbattlements and towers outlined against the sky like a city of enchantment\nor dreams.(447) Standing at a height of nearly six thousand feet above the\nsea, the upper town commands a free, though somewhat uniform, prospect for\nimmense distances in all directions. The sea is just visible far away to\nthe south. On these heights the winter is long and severe. Snow lies on\nthe ground for months. No Greek would have chosen such a site for a city,\nso bleak and chill, so far from blue water; but it served well for a\nfastness of brigands. Deep gorges, one of them filled for miles with\ntombs, surround it on all sides, rendering fortification walls\nsuperfluous. But a great square tower, four stories high, rises\nconspicuous on the hill, forming a landmark and earning for this upper\ntown the native name of _Jebel Hissar_, or the Mountain of the Castle. A\nGreek inscription cut on the tower proves that it was built by Teucer, son\nof Tarkuaris, one of the priestly potentates of Olba. Among other remains\nof public buildings the most notable are forty tall Corinthian columns of\nthe great temple of Olbian Zeus. Though coarse in style and corroded by\nlong exposure to frost and snow, these massive pillars, towering above the\nruins, produce an imposing effect. That the temple of which they formed\npart belonged indeed to Olbian Zeus is shown by a Greek inscription found\nwithin the sacred area, which records that the pent-houses on the inner\nside of the boundary wall were built by King Seleucus Nicator and repaired\nfor Olbian Zeus by \u201cthe great high-priest Teucer, son of Zenophanes.\u201d\nAbout two hundred yards from this great temple are standing five elegant\ngranite columns of a small temple dedicated to the goddess Fortune.\nFurther, the remains of two theatres and many other public buildings\nattest the former splendour of this mountain city. An arched colonnade, of\nwhich some Corinthian columns are standing with their architraves, ran\nthrough the town; and an ancient paved road, lined with tombs and ruins,\nleads down hill to a lower and smaller city two or three miles distant. It\nis this lower town which retains the ancient name of Oura. Here the\nprincipal ruins occupy an isolated fir-clad height bounded by two narrow\nravines full of rock-cut tombs. Below the town the ravines unite and form\na fine gorge, down which the old road passed seaward.(448)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 7. The God of the Corycian Cave.\n\n\n(M113) Nothing yet found at Olba throws light on the nature of the god who\nwas worshipped there under the Greek name of Zeus. But at two places near\nthe coast, distant only some fourteen or fifteen miles from Olba, a deity\nalso called Zeus by the Greeks was revered in natural surroundings of a\nremarkable kind, which must have stood in close relation with the worship,\nand are therefore fitted to illustrate it. In both places the features of\nthe landscape are of the same general cast, and at one of them the god was\ndefinitely identified with the Zeus of Olba. The country here consists of\na tableland of calcareous rock rent at intervals by those great chasms\nwhich are characteristic of a limestone formation. Similar fissures, with\nthe accompaniment of streams or rivers which pour into them and vanish\nunder ground, are frequent in Greece, and may be observed in our own\ncountry near Ingleborough in Yorkshire. Fossil bones of extinct animals\nare often found embedded in the stalagmite or breccia of limestone caves.\nFor example, the famous Kent\u2019s Hole near Torquay contained bones of the\nmammoth, rhinoceros, lion, hyaena, and bear; and red osseous breccias,\ncharged with the bones of quadrupeds which have long disappeared from\nEurope, are common in almost all the countries bordering on the\nMediterranean.(449) Western Cilicia is richer in Miocene deposits than any\nother part of Anatolia, and the limestone gorges of the coast near Olba\nare crowded with fossil oysters, corals, and other shells.(450) Here, too,\nwithin the space of five miles the limestone plateau is rent by three\ngreat chasms, which Greek religion associated with Zeus and Typhon. One of\nthese fissures is the celebrated Corycian cave.\n\n(M114) To visit this spot, invested with the double charm of natural\nbeauty and legendary renown, you start from the dead Cilician city of\nCorycus on the sea, with its ruined walls, towers, and churches, its\nrock-hewn houses and cisterns, its shattered mole, its island-fortress,\nstill imposing in decay. Viewed from the sea, this part of the Cilician\ncoast, with its long succession of white ruins, relieved by the dark\nwooded hills behind, presents an appearance of populousness and splendour.\nBut a nearer approach reveals the nakedness and desolation of the once\nprosperous land.(451) Following the shore westward from Corycus for about\nan hour you come to a pretty cove enclosed by wooded heights, where a\nspring of pure cold water bubbles up close to the sea, giving to the spot\nits name of _Tatlu-su_, or the Sweet Water. From this bay a steep ascent\nof about a mile along an ancient paved road leads inland to a plateau.\nHere, threading your way through a labyrinth or petrified sea of jagged\ncalcareous rocks, you suddenly find yourself on the brink of a vast chasm\nwhich yawns at your feet. This is the Corycian cave. In reality it is not\na cave but an immense hollow or trough in the plateau, of oval shape and\nperhaps half a mile in circumference. The cliffs which enclose it vary\nfrom one hundred to over two hundred feet in depth. Its uneven bottom\nslopes throughout its whole length from north to south, and is covered by\na thick jungle of trees and shrubs\u2014myrtles, pomegranates, carobs, and many\nmore, kept always fresh and green by rivulets, underground water, and the\nshadow of the great cliffs. A single narrow path leads down into its\ndepths. The way is long and rough, but the deeper you descend the denser\ngrows the vegetation, and it is under the dappled shade of whispering\nleaves and with the purling of brooks in your ears that you at last reach\nthe bottom. The saffron which of old grew here among the bushes is no\nlonger to be found, though it still flourishes in the surrounding\ndistrict. This luxuriant bottom, with its rich verdure, its refreshing\nmoisture, its grateful shade, is called Paradise by the wandering\nherdsmen. They tether their camels and pasture their goats in it and come\nhither in the late summer to gather the ripe pomegranates. At the southern\nand deepest end of this great cliff-encircled hollow you come to the\ncavern proper. The ruins of a Byzantine church, which replaced a heathen\ntemple, partly block the entrance. Inwards the cave descends with a gentle\nslope into the bowels of the earth. The old path paved with polygonal\nmasonry still runs through it, but soon disappears under sand. At about\ntwo hundred feet from its mouth the cave comes to an end, and a tremendous\nroar of subterranean water is heard. By crawling on all fours you may\nreach a small pool arched by a dripping stalactite-hung roof, but the\nstream which makes the deafening din is invisible. It was otherwise in\nantiquity. A river of clear water burst from the rock, but only to vanish\nagain into a chasm. Such changes in the course of streams are common in\ncountries subject to earthquakes and to the disruption caused by volcanic\nagency. The ancients believed that this mysterious cavern was haunted\nground. In the rumble and roar of the waters they seemed to hear the clash\nof cymbals touched by hands divine.(452)\n\n(M115) If now, quitting the cavern, we return by the same path to the\nsummit of the cliffs, we shall find on the plateau the ruins of a town and\nof a temple at the western edge of the great Corycian chasm. The wall of\nthe holy precinct was built within a few feet of the precipices, and the\nsanctuary must have stood right over the actual cave and its subterranean\nwaters. In later times the temple was converted into a Christian church.\nBy pulling down a portion of the sacred edifice Mr. Bent had the good\nfortune to discover a Greek inscription containing a long list of names,\nprobably those of the priests who superintended the worship. One name\nwhich meets us frequently in the list is Zas, and it is tempting to regard\nthis as merely a dialectical form of Zeus. If that were so, the priests\nwho bore the name might be supposed to personate the god.(453) But many\nstrange and barbarous-looking names, evidently foreign, occur in the list,\nand Zas may be one of them. However, it is certain that Zeus was\nworshipped at the Corycian cave; for about half a mile from it, on the\nsummit of a hill, are the ruins of a larger temple, which an inscription\nproves to have been dedicated to Corycian Zeus.(454)\n\n(M116) But Zeus, or whatever native deity masqueraded under his name, did\nnot reign alone in the deep dell. A more dreadful being haunted a still\nmore awful abyss which opens in the ground only a hundred yards to the\neast of the great Corycian chasm. It is a circular cauldron, about a\nquarter of a mile in circumference, resembling the Corycian chasm in its\ngeneral character, but smaller, deeper, and far more terrific in\nappearance. Its sides overhang and stalactites droop from them. There is\nno way down into it. The only mode of reaching the bottom, which is\ncovered with vegetation, would be to be lowered at the end of a long rope.\nThe nomads call this chasm Purgatory, to distinguish it from the other\nwhich they name Paradise. They say that there is a subterranean passage\nbetween the two, and that the smoke of a fire kindled in the Corycian cave\nmay be seen curling out of the other. The one ancient writer who expressly\nmentions this second and more grisly cavern is Mela, who says that it was\nthe lair of the giant Typhon, and that no animal let down into it could\nlive.(455) Aeschylus puts into the mouth of Prometheus an account of \u201cthe\nearth-born Typhon, dweller in Cilician caves, dread monster,\nhundred-headed,\u201d who in his pride rose up against the gods, hissing\ndestruction from his dreadful jaws, while from his Gorgon eyes the\nlightning flashed. But him a flaming levin bolt, crashing from heaven,\nsmote to the very heart, and now he lies, shrivelled and scorched, under\nthe weight of Etna by the narrow sea. Yet one day he will belch a fiery\nhail, a boiling angry flood, rivers of flame, to devastate the fat\nSicilian fields.(456) This poetical description of the monster, confirmed\nby a similar passage of Pindar,(457) clearly proves that Typhon was\nconceived as a personification of those active volcanoes which spout fire\nand smoke to heaven as if they would assail the celestial gods. The\nCorycian caverns are not volcanic, but the ancients apparently regarded\nthem as such, else they would hardly have made them the den of Typhon.\n\n(M117) According to one legend Typhon was a monster, half man and half\nbrute, begotten in Cilicia by Tartarus upon the goddess Earth. The upper\npart of him was human, but from the loins downward he was an enormous\nsnake. In the battle of the gods and giants, which was fought out in\nEgypt, Typhon hugged Zeus in his snaky coils, wrested from him his crooked\nsword, and with the blade cut the sinews of the god\u2019s hands and feet. Then\ntaking him on his back he conveyed the mutilated deity across the sea to\nCilicia, and deposited him in the Corycian cave. Here, too, he hid the\nsevered sinews, wrapt in a bear\u2019s skin. But Hermes and Aegipan contrived\nto steal the missing thews and restore them to their divine owner. Thus\nmade whole and strong again, Zeus pelted his beaten adversary with\nthunderbolts, drove him from place to place, and at last overwhelmed him\nunder Mount Etna. And the spots where the hissing bolts fell are still\nmarked by jets of flame.(458)\n\n(M118) It is possible that the discovery of fossil bones of large extinct\nanimals may have helped to localize the story of the giant at the Corycian\ncave. Such bones, as we have seen, are often found in limestone caverns,\nand the limestone gorges of Cilicia are in fact rich in fossils. The\nArcadians laid the scene of the battle of the gods and the giants in the\nplain of Megalopolis, where many bones of mammoths have come to light, and\nwhere, moreover, flames have been seen to burst from the earth and even to\nburn for years.(459) These natural conditions would easily suggest a fable\nof giants who had fought the gods and had been slain by thunderbolts; the\nsmouldering earth or jets of flame would be regarded as the spots where\nthe divine lightnings had struck the ground. Hence the Arcadians\nsacrificed to thunder and lightning.(460) In Sicily, too, great quantities\nof bones of mammoths, elephants, hippopotamuses, and other animals long\nextinct in the island have been found, and have been appealed to with\nconfidence by patriotic Sicilians as conclusive evidence of the gigantic\nstature of their ancestors or predecessors.(461) These remains of huge\nunwieldy creatures which once trampled through the jungle or splashed in\nthe rivers of Sicily may have contributed with the fires of Etna to build\nup the story of giants imprisoned under the volcano and vomiting smoke and\nflame from its crater. \u201cTales of giants and monsters, which stand in\ndirect connexion with the finding of great fossil bones, are scattered\nbroadcast over the mythology of the world. Huge bones, found at Punto\nSanta Elena, in the north of Guayaquil, have served as a foundation for\nthe story of a colony of giants who dwelt there. The whole area of the\nPampas is a great sepulchre of enormous extinct animals; no wonder that\none great plain should be called the \u2018Field of the giants,\u2019 and that such\nnames as \u2018the hill of the giant,\u2019 \u2018the stream of the animal,\u2019 should be\nguides to the geologist in his search for fossil bones.\u201d(462)\n\n(M119) About five miles to the north-east of the Corycian caverns, but\ndivided from them by many deep gorges and impassable rocks, is another and\nvery similar chasm. It may be reached in about an hour and a quarter from\nthe sea by an ancient paved road, which ascends at first very steeply and\nthen gently through bush-clad and wooded hills. Thus you come to a stretch\nof level ground covered with the well-preserved ruins of an ancient town.\nRemains of fortresses constructed of polygonal masonry, stately churches,\nand many houses, together with numerous tombs and reliefs, finely\nchiselled in the calcareous limestone of the neighbourhood, bear witness\nto the extent and importance of the place. Yet it is mentioned by no\nancient writer. Inscriptions prove that its name was Kanyteldeis or\nKanytelideis, which still survives in the modern form of Kanidiwan. The\ngreat chasm opens in the very heart of the city. So crowded are the ruins\nthat you do not perceive the abyss till you are within a few yards of it.\nIt is almost a complete circle, about a quarter of a mile wide,\nthree-quarters of a mile in circumference, and uniformly two hundred feet\nor more in depth. The cliffs go sheer down and remind the traveller of the\ngreat quarries at Syracuse. But like the Corycian caves, the larger of\nwhich it closely resembles, the huge fissure is natural; and its bottom,\nlike theirs, is overgrown with trees and vegetation. Two ways led down\ninto it in antiquity, both cut through the rock. One of them was a tunnel,\nwhich is now obstructed; the other is still open. Remains of columns and\nhewn stones in the bottom of the chasm seem to show that a temple once\nstood there. But there is no cave at the foot of the cliffs, and no stream\nflows in the deep hollow or can be heard to rumble underground. A ruined\ntower of polygonal masonry, which stands on the southern edge of the\nchasm, bears a Greek inscription stating that it was dedicated to Olbian\nZeus by the priest Teucer, son of Tarkuaris. The letters are beautifully\ncut in the style of the third century before Christ. We may infer that at\nthe time of the dedication the town belonged to the priestly kings of\nOlba, and that the great chasm was sacred to Olbian Zeus.(463)\n\n(M120) What, then, was the character of the god who was worshipped under\nthe name of Zeus at these two great natural chasms? The depth of the\nfissures, opening suddenly and as it were without warning in the midst of\na plateau, was well fitted to impress and awe the spectator; and the sight\nof the rank evergreen vegetation at their bottom, fed by rivulets or\nunderground water, must have presented a striking contrast to the grey,\nbarren, rocky wilderness of the surrounding tableland. Such a spot must\nhave seemed to simple folk a paradise, a garden of God, the abode of\nhigher powers who caused the wilderness to blossom, if not with roses, at\nleast with myrtles and pomegranates for man, and with grass and underwood\nfor his flocks. So to the Semite, as we saw, the Baal of the land is he\nwho fertilizes it by subterranean water rather than by rain from the sky,\nand who therefore dwells in the depths of earth rather than in the height\nof heaven.(464) In rainless countries the sky-god is deprived of one of\nthe principal functions which he discharges in cool cloudy climates like\nthat of Europe. He has, in fact, little or nothing to do with the\nwater-supply, and has therefore small excuse for levying a water-rate on\nhis worshippers. Not, indeed, that Cilicia is rainless; but in countries\nbordering on the Mediterranean the drought is almost unbroken through the\nlong months of summer. Vegetation then withers: the face of nature is\nscorched and brown: most of the rivers dry up; and only their white stony\nbeds, hot to the foot and dazzling to the eye, remain to tell where they\nflowed. It is at such seasons that a green hollow, a shady rock, a\nmurmuring stream, are welcomed by the wanderer in the South with a joy and\nwonder which the untravelled Northerner can hardly imagine. Never do the\nbroad slow rivers of England, with their winding reaches, their grassy\nbanks, their grey willows mirrored with the soft English sky in the placid\nstream, appear so beautiful as when the traveller views them for the first\ntime after leaving behind him the aridity, the heat, the blinding glare of\nthe white southern landscape, set in seas and skies of caerulean blue.\n\n(M121) We may take it, then, as probable that the god of the Corycian and\nOlbian caverns was worshipped as a source of fertility. In antiquity, when\nthe river, which now roars underground, still burst from the rock in the\nCorycian cave, the scene must have resembled Ibreez, where the god of the\ncorn and the vine was adored at the source of the stream; and we may\ncompare the vale of Adonis in the Lebanon, where the divinity who gave his\nname to the river was revered at its foaming cascades. The three\nlandscapes had in common the elements of luxuriant vegetation and copious\nstreams leaping full-born from the rock. We shall hardly err in supposing\nthat these features shaped the conception of the deities who were supposed\nto haunt the favoured spots. At the Corycian cave the existence of a\nsecond chasm, of a frowning and awful aspect, might well suggest the\npresence of an evil being who lurked in it and sought to undo the\nbeneficent work of the good god. Thus we should have a fable of a conflict\nbetween the two, a battle of Zeus and Typhon.\n\n(M122) On the whole we conclude that the Olbian Zeus, worshipped at one of\nthese great limestone chasms, and clearly identical in nature with the\nCorycian Zeus, was also identical with the Baal of Tarsus, the god of the\ncorn and the vine, who in his turn can hardly be separated from the god of\nIbreez. If my conjecture is right the native name of the Olbian Zeus was\nTark or Trok, and the priestly Teucers of Olba represented him in their\nown persons. On that hypothesis the Olbian priests who bore the name of\nAjax embodied another native deity of unknown name, perhaps the father or\nthe son of Tark. A comparison of the coin-types of Tarsus with the Hittite\nmonuments of Ibreez and Boghaz-Keui led us to the conclusion that the\npeople of Tarsus worshipped at least two distinct gods, a father and a\nson, the father-god being known to the Semites as Baal and to the Greeks\nas Zeus, while the son was called Sandan by the natives, but Hercules by\nthe Greeks. We may surmise that at Olba the names of Teucer and Ajax\ndesignated two gods who corresponded in type to the two gods of Tarsus;\nand if the lesser figure at Ibreez, who appears in an attitude of\nadoration before the deity of the corn and the vine, could be interpreted\nas the divine Son in presence of the divine Father, we should have in all\nthree places the same pair of deities, represented probably in the flesh\nby successive generations of priestly kings. But the evidence is far too\nslender to justify us in advancing this hypothesis as anything more than a\nbare conjecture.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 8. Cilician Goddesses.\n\n\n(M123) So far, the Cilician deities discussed have been males; we have as\nyet found no trace of the great Mother Goddess who plays so important a\npart in the religion of Cappadocia and Phrygia, beyond the great dividing\nrange of the Taurus. Yet we may suspect that she was not unknown in\nCilicia, though her worship certainly seems to have been far less\nprominent there than in the centre of Asia Minor. The difference may\nperhaps be interpreted as evidence that mother-kin and hence the\npredominance of Mother Goddesses survived, in the bleak highlands of the\ninterior, long after a genial climate and teeming soil had fostered the\ngrowth of a higher civilization, and with it the advance from female to\nmale kinship, in the rich lowlands of Cilicia. Be that as it may, Cilician\ngoddesses with or without a male partner are known to have been revered in\nvarious parts of the country.\n\n(M124) Thus at Tarsus itself the goddess \u2019Atheh was worshipped along with\nBaal; their effigies are engraved on the same coins of the city. She is\nrepresented wearing a veil and seated upon a lion, with her name in\nAramaic letters engraved beside her.(465) Hence it would seem that at\nTarsus, as at Boghaz-Keui, the Father God mated with a lion-goddess like\nthe Phrygian Cybele or the Syrian Atargatis. Now the name Atargatis is a\nGreek rendering of the Aramaic \u2019Athar-\u2019atheh, a compound word which\nincludes the name of the goddess of Tarsus.(466) Thus in name as well as\nin attributes the female partner of the Baal of Tarsus appears to\ncorrespond to Atargatis, the Syrian Mother Goddess whose image, seated on\na lion or lions, was worshipped with great pomp and splendour at\nHierapolis-Bambyce near the Euphrates.(467) May we go a step farther and\nfind a correspondence between the Baal of Tarsus and the husband-god of\nAtargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce? That husband-god, like the Baal of\nTarsus, was identified by the Greeks with Zeus, and Lucian tells us that\nthe resemblance of his image to the images of Zeus was in all respects\nunmistakable. But his image, unlike those of Zeus, was seated upon\nbulls.(468) In point of fact he was probably Hadad, the chief male god of\nthe Syrians, who appears to have been a god of thunder and fertility; for\nat Baalbec in the Lebanon, where the ruined temple of the Sun is the most\nimposing monument bequeathed to the modern world by Greek art in its\ndecline, his image grasped in his left hand a thunderbolt and ears of\ncorn,(469) and a colossal statue of the deity, found near Zenjirli in\nNorthern Syria, represents him with a bearded human head and horns, the\nemblem of strength and fertility.(470) A similar god of thunder and\nlightning was worshipped from early times by the Babylonians and\nAssyrians; he bore the similar name of Adad and his emblems appear to have\nbeen a thunderbolt and a bull. On an Assyrian relief his image is\nrepresented as that of a bearded man clad in a short tunic, wearing a cap\nwith two pairs of horns, and grasping an axe in his right hand and a\nthunderbolt in his left. His resemblance to the Hittite god of the\nthundering sky was therefore very close. An alternative name for this\nBabylonian and Assyrian deity was Ramman, an appropriate term, derived\nfrom a verb _ram\u00e2mu_ to \u201cscream\u201d or \u201croar.\u201d(471) Now we have seen that the\ngod of Ibreez, whose attributes tally with those of the Baal of Tarsus,\nwears a cap adorned with bull\u2019s horns;(472) that the Father God at\nBoghaz-Keui, meeting the Mother Goddess on her lioness, is attended by an\nanimal which according to the usual interpretation is a bull;(473) and\nthat the bull itself was worshipped, apparently as an emblem of fertility,\nat Euyuk near Boghaz-Keui.(474) Thus at Tarsus and Boghaz-Keui, as at\nHierapolis-Bambyce, the Father God and the Mother Goddess would seem to\nhave had as their sacred animals or emblems the bull and the lion\nrespectively. In later times, under Greek influence, the goddess was\napparently exchanged for, or converted into, the Fortune of the City, who\nappears on coins of Tarsus as a seated woman with veiled and turreted\nhead, grasping ears of corn and a poppy in her hand. Her lion is gone, but\na trace of him perhaps remains on a coin which exhibits the throne of the\ngoddess adorned with a lion\u2019s leg.(475) In general it would seem that the\ngoddess Fortune, who figures commonly as the guardian of cities in the\nGreek East, especially in Syria, was nothing but a disguised form of Gad,\nthe Semitic god of fortune or luck, who, though the exigencies of grammar\nrequired him to be masculine, is supposed to have been often merely a\nspecial aspect of the great goddess Astarte or Atargatis conceived as the\npatroness and protector of towns.(476) In Oriental religion such\npermutations or combinations need not surprise us. To the gods all things\nare possible. In Cyprus the goddess of love wore a beard,(477) and\nAlexander the Great sometimes disported himself in the costume of Artemis,\nwhile at other times he ransacked the divine wardrobe to figure in the\ngarb of Hercules, of Hermes, and of Ammon.(478) The change of the goddess\n\u2019Atheh of Tarsus into Gad or Fortune would be easy if we suppose that she\nwas known as Gad-\u2019Atheh, \u201cLuck of \u2019Atheh,\u201d which occurs as a Semitic\npersonal name.(479) In like manner the goddess of Fortune at Olba, who had\nher small temple beside the great temple of Zeus,(480) may have been\noriginally the consort of the native god Tark or Tarku.\n\n(M125) Another town in Cilicia where an Oriental god and goddess appear to\nhave been worshipped together was Mallus. The city was built on a height\nin the great Cilician plain near the mouth of the river Pyramus.(481) Its\ncoins exhibit two winged deities, a male and a female, in a kneeling or\nrunning attitude. On some of the coins the male deity is represented, like\nJanus, with two heads facing opposite ways, and with two pairs of wings,\nwhile beneath him is the forepart of a bull with a human head. The obverse\nof the coins which bear the female deity displays a conical stone,\nsometimes flanked by two bunches of grapes.(482) This conical stone, like\nthose of other Asiatic cities,(483) was probably the emblem of a Mother\nGoddess, and the bunches of grapes indicate her fertilizing powers. The\ngod with the two heads and four wings can hardly be any other than the\nPhoenician El, whom the Greeks called Cronus; for El was characterized by\nfour eyes, two in front and two behind, and by three pairs of wings.(484)\nA discrepancy in the number of wings can scarcely be deemed fatal to the\nidentification. The god may easily have moulted some superfluous feathers\non the road from Phoenicia to Mallus. On later coins of Mallus these\nquaint Oriental deities disappear, and are replaced by corresponding Greek\ndeities, particularly by a head of Cronus on one side and a figure of\nDemeter, grasping ears of corn, on the other.(485) The change doubtless\nsprang from a wish to assimilate the ancient native divinities to the new\nand fashionable divinities of the Greek pantheon. If Cronus and Demeter,\nthe harvest god and goddess, were chosen to supplant El and his female\nconsort, the ground of the choice must certainly have been a supposed\nresemblance between the two pairs of deities. We may assume, therefore,\nthat the discarded couple, El and his wife, had also been worshipped by\nthe husbandman as sources of fertility, the givers of corn and wine. One\nof these later coins of Mallus exhibits Dionysus sitting on a vine laden\nwith ripe clusters, while on the obverse is seen a male figure guiding a\nyoke of oxen as if in the act of ploughing.(486) These types of the\nvine-god and the ploughman probably represent another attempt to adapt the\nnative religion to changed conditions, to pour the old Asiatic wine into\nnew Greek bottles. The barbarous monster with the multiplicity of heads\nand wings has been reduced to a perfectly human Dionysus. The sacred but\ndeplorable old conical stone no longer flaunts proudly on the coins; it\nhas retired to a decent obscurity in favour of a natural and graceful\nvine. It is thus that a truly progressive theology keeps pace with the\nmarch of intellect. But if these things were done by the apostles of\nculture at Mallus, we cannot suppose that the clergy of Tarsus, the\ncapital, lagged behind their provincial brethren in their efforts to place\nthe ancient faith upon a sound modern basis. The fruit of their labours\nseems to have been the more or less nominal substitution of Zeus, Fortune,\nand Hercules for Baal, \u2019Atheh, and Sandan.(487)\n\n(M126) We may suspect that in like manner the Sarpedonian Artemis, who had\na sanctuary in South-Eastern Cilicia, near the Syrian border, was really a\nnative goddess parading in borrowed plumes. She gave oracular responses by\nthe mouth of inspired men, or more probably of women, who in their moments\nof divine ecstasy may have been deemed incarnations of her divinity.(488)\nAnother even more transparently Asiatic goddess was Perasia, or Artemis\nPerasia, who was worshipped at Hieropolis-Castabala in Eastern Cilicia.\nThe extensive ruins of the ancient city, now known as Bodroum, cover the\nslope of a hill about three-quarters of a mile to the north of the river\nPyramus. Above them towers the acropolis, built on the summit of dark grey\nprecipices, and divided from the neighbouring mountain by a deep cutting\nin the rock. A mediaeval castle, built of hewn blocks of reddish-yellow\nlimestone, has replaced the ancient citadel. The city possessed a large\ntheatre, and was traversed by two handsome colonnades, of which some\ncolumns are still standing among the ruins. A thick growth of brushwood\nand grass now covers most of the site, and the place is wild and solitary.\nOnly the wandering herdsmen encamp near the deserted city in winter and\nspring. The neighbourhood is treeless; yet in May magnificent fields of\nwheat and barley gladden the eye, and in the valleys the clover grows as\nhigh as the horses\u2019 knees.(489) The ambiguous nature of the goddess who\npresided over this City of the Sanctuary (_Hieropolis_)(490) was confessed\nby a puzzled worshipper, a physician named Lucius Minius Claudianus, who\nconfided his doubts to the deity herself in some very indifferent Greek\nverses. He wisely left it to the goddess to say whether she was Artemis,\nor the Moon, or Hecate, or Aphrodite, or Demeter.(491) All that we know\nabout her is that her true name was Perasia, and that she was in the\nenjoyment of certain revenues.(492) Further, we may reasonably conjecture\nthat at the Cilician Castabala she was worshipped with rites like those\nwhich were held in honour of her namesake Artemis Perasia at another city\nof the same name, Castabala in Cappadocia. There, as we saw, the\npriestesses of the goddess walked over fire with bare feet unscathed.(493)\nProbably the same impressive ceremony was performed before a crowd of\nworshippers in the Cilician Castabala also. Whatever the exact meaning of\nthe rite may have been, the goddess was in all probability one of those\nAsiatic Mother Goddesses to whom the Greeks often applied the name of\nArtemis.(494) The immunity enjoyed by the priestess in the furnace was\nattributed to her inspiration by the deity. In discussing the nature of\ninspiration or possession by a deity, the Syrian philosopher Jamblichus\nnotes as one of its symptoms a total insensibility to pain. Many inspired\npersons, he tells us, \u201care not burned by fire, the fire not taking hold of\nthem by reason of the divine inspiration; and many, though they are\nburned, perceive it not, because at the time they do not live an animal\nlife. They pierce themselves with skewers and feel nothing. They gash\ntheir backs with hatchets, they slash their arms with daggers, and know\nnot what they do, because their acts are not those of mere men. For\nimpassable places become passable to those who are filled with the spirit.\nThey rush into fire, they pass through fire, they cross rivers, like the\npriestess at Castabala. These things prove that under the influence of\ninspiration men are beside themselves, that their senses, their will,\ntheir life are those neither of man nor of beast, but that they lead\nanother and a diviner life instead, whereby they are inspired and wholly\npossessed.\u201d(495) Thus in traversing the fiery furnace the priestesses of\nPerasia were believed to be beside themselves, to be filled with the\ngoddess, to be in a real sense incarnations of her divinity.(496)\n\nA similar touchstone of inspiration is still applied by some villagers in\nthe Himalayan districts of North-Western India. Once a year they worship\nAiri, a local deity, who is represented by a trident and has his temples\non lonely hills and desolate tracts. At his festival the people seat\nthemselves in a circle about a bonfire. A kettle-drum is beaten, and one\nby one his worshippers become possessed by the god and leap with shouts\nround the flames. Some brand themselves with heated iron spoons and sit\ndown in the fire. Such as escape unhurt are believed to be truly inspired,\nwhile those who burn themselves are despised as mere pretenders to the\ndivine frenzy. Persons thus possessed by the spirit are called Airi\u2019s\nhorses or his slaves. During the revels, which commonly last about ten\ndays, they wear red scarves round their heads and receive alms from the\nfaithful. These men deem themselves so holy that they will let nobody\ntouch them, and they alone may touch the sacred trident, the emblem of\ntheir god.(497) In Western Asia itself modern fanatics still practise the\nsame austerities which were practised by their brethren in the days of\nJamblichus. \u201cAsia Minor abounds in dervishes of different orders, who lap\nred-hot iron, calling it their \u2018rose,\u2019 chew coals of living fire, strike\ntheir heads against solid walls, stab themselves in the cheek, the scalp,\nthe temple, with sharp spikes set in heavy weights, shouting \u2018Allah,\nAllah,\u2019 and always consistently avowing that during such frenzy they are\nentirely insensible to pain.\u201d(498)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 9. The Burning of Cilician Gods.\n\n\n(M127) On the whole, then, we seem to be justified in concluding that\nunder a thin veneer of Greek humanity the barbarous native gods of Cilicia\ncontinued long to survive, and that among them the great Asiatic goddess\nretained a place, though not the prominent place which she held in the\nhighlands of the interior down at least to the beginning of our era. The\nprinciple that the inspired priest or priestess represents the deity in\nperson appears, if I am right, to have been recognized at Castabala and at\nOlba, as well as at the sanctuary of Sarpedonian Artemis. There can be no\nintrinsic improbability, therefore, in the view that at Tarsus also the\ndivine triad of Baal, \u2019Atheh, and Sandan may also have been personated by\npriests and priestesses, who, on the analogy of Olba and of the great\nsanctuaries in the interior of Asia Minor, would originally be at the same\ntime kings and queens, princes and princesses. Further, the burning of\nSandan in effigy at Tarsus would, on this hypothesis, answer to the walk\nof the priestess of Perasia through the furnace at Castabala. Both were\nperhaps mitigations of a custom of putting the priestly king or queen, or\nanother member of the royal family, to death by fire.\n\n\n\n\nChapter VII. Sardanapalus and Hercules.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Burning of Sardanapalus.\n\n\n(M128) The theory that kings or princes were formerly burned to death at\nTarsus in the character of gods is singularly confirmed by another and\nwholly independent line of argument. For, according to one account, the\ncity of Tarsus was founded not by Sandan but by Sardanapalus, the famous\nAssyrian monarch whose death on a great pyre was one of the most famous\nincidents in Oriental legend. Near the sea, within a day\u2019s march of\nTarsus, might be seen in antiquity the ruins of a great ancient city named\nAnchiale, and outside its walls stood a monument called the monument of\nSardanapalus, on which was carved in stone the figure of the monarch. He\nwas represented snapping the fingers of his right hand, and the gesture\nwas explained by an accompanying inscription, engraved in Assyrian\ncharacters, to the following effect:\u2014\u201cSardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxes,\nbuilt Anchiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink, and play, for everything\nelse is not worth that,\u201d by which was implied that all other human affairs\nwere not worth a snap of the fingers.(499) The gesture may have been\nmisinterpreted and the inscription mistranslated,(500) but there is no\nreason to doubt the existence of such a monument, though we may conjecture\nthat it was of Hittite rather than Assyrian origin; for, not to speak of\nthe traces of Hittite art and religion which we have found at Tarsus, a\ngroup of Hittite monuments has been discovered at Marash, in the upper\nvalley of the Pyramus.(501) The Assyrians may have ruled over Cilicia for\na time, but Hittite influence was probably much deeper and more\nlasting.(502) The story that Tarsus was founded by Sardanapalus may well\nbe apocryphal,(503) but there must have been some reason for his\nassociation with the city. On the present hypothesis that reason is to be\nfound in the traditional manner of his death. To avoid falling into the\nhands of the rebels, who laid siege to Nineveh, he built a huge pyre in\nhis palace, heaped it up with gold and silver and purple raiment, and then\nburnt himself, his wife, his concubines, and his eunuchs in the fire.(504)\nThe story is false of the historical Sardanapalus, that is, of the great\nAssyrian king Ashurbanipal, but it is true of his brother Shamashshumukin.\nBeing appointed king of Babylon by Ashurbanipal, he revolted against his\nsuzerain and benefactor, and was besieged by him in his capital. The siege\nwas long and the resistance desperate, for the Babylonians knew that they\nhad no mercy to expect from the ruthless Assyrians. But they were\ndecimated by famine and pestilence, and when the city could hold out no\nmore, King Shamashshumukin, determined not to fall alive into the hands of\nhis offended brother, shut himself up in his palace, and there burned\nhimself to death, along with his wives, his children, his slaves, and his\ntreasures, at the very moment when the conquerors were breaking in the\ngates.(505) Not many years afterwards the same tragedy was repeated at\nNineveh itself by Saracus or Sinsharishkun, the last king of Assyria.\nBesieged by the rebel Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, and by Cyaxares, king\nof the Medes, he burned himself in his palace. That was the end of Nineveh\nand of the Assyrian empire.(506) Thus Greek history preserved the memory\nof the catastrophe, but transferred it from the real victims to the far\nmore famous Ashurbanipal, whose figure in after ages loomed vast and dim\nagainst the setting sun of Assyrian glory.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Burning of Croesus.\n\n\n(M129) Another Oriental monarch who prepared at least to die in the flames\nwas Croesus, king of Lydia. Herodotus tells how the Persians under Cyrus\ncaptured Sardes, the Lydian capital, and took Croesus alive, and how Cyrus\ncaused a great pyre to be erected, on which he placed the captive monarch\nin fetters, and with him twice seven Lydian youths. Fire was then applied\nto the pile, but at the last moment Cyrus relented, a sudden shower\nextinguished the flames, and Croesus was spared.(507) But it is most\nimprobable that the Persians, with their profound reverence for the\nsanctity of fire, should have thought of defiling the sacred element with\nthe worst of all pollutions, the contact of dead bodies.(508) Such an act\nwould have seemed to them sacrilege of the deepest dye. For to them fire\nwas the earthly form of the heavenly light, the eternal, the infinite, the\ndivine; death, on the other hand, was in their opinion the main source of\ncorruption and uncleanness. Hence they took the most stringent precautions\nto guard the purity of fire from the defilement of death.(509) If a man or\na dog died in a house where the holy fire burned, the fire had to be\nremoved from the house and kept away for nine nights in winter or a month\nin summer before it might be brought back; and if any man broke the rule\nby bringing back the fire within the appointed time, he might be punished\nwith two hundred stripes.(510) As for burning a corpse in the fire, it was\nthe most heinous of all sins, an invention of Ahriman, the devil; there\nwas no atonement for it, and it was punished with death.(511) Nor did the\nlaw remain a dead letter. Down to the beginning of our era the death\npenalty was inflicted on all who threw a corpse or cow-dung on the fire,\nnay, even on such as blew on the fire with their breath.(512) It is hard,\ntherefore, to believe that a Persian king should have commanded his\nsubjects to perpetrate a deed which he and they viewed with horror as the\nmost flagitious sacrilege conceivable.\n\n(M130) Another and in some respects truer version of the story of Croesus\nand Cyrus has been preserved by two older witnesses\u2014namely, by the Greek\npoet Bacchylides, who was born some forty years after the event,(513) and\nby a Greek artist who painted the scene on a red-figured vase about, or\nsoon after, the time of the poet\u2019s birth. Bacchylides tells us that when\nthe Persians captured Sardes, Croesus, unable to brook the thought of\nslavery, caused a pyre to be erected in front of his courtyard, mounted it\nwith his wife and daughters, and bade a page apply a light to the wood. A\nbright blaze shot up, but Zeus extinguished it with rain from heaven, and\nApollo of the Golden Sword wafted the pious king and his daughters to the\nhappy land beyond the North Wind.(514) In like manner the vase-painter\nclearly represents the burning of Croesus as a voluntary act, not as a\npunishment inflicted on him by the conqueror. He lets us see the king\nenthroned upon the pyre with a wreath of laurel on his head and a sceptre\nin one hand, while with the other he is pouring a libation. An attendant\nis in the act of applying to the pile two objects which have been\nvariously interpreted as torches to kindle the wood or whisks to sprinkle\nholy water. The demeanour of the king is solemn and composed: he seems to\nbe performing a religious rite, not suffering an ignominious death.(515)\n\nThus we may fairly conclude with some eminent modern scholars(516) that in\nthe extremity of his fortunes Croesus prepared to meet death like a king\nor a god in the flames. It was thus that Hercules, from whom the old kings\nof Lydia claimed to be sprung,(517) ascended from earth to heaven: it was\nthus that Zimri, king of Israel, passed beyond the reach of his enemies:\nit was thus that Shamashshumukin, king of Babylon, escaped a brother\u2019s\nvengeance: it was thus that the last king of Assyria expired in the ruins\nof his capital; and it was thus that, sixty-six years after the capture of\nSardes, the Carthaginian king Hamilcar sought to retrieve a lost battle by\na hero\u2019s death.(518)\n\n(M131) Semiramis herself, the legendary queen of Assyria, is said to have\nburnt herself on a pyre out of grief at the death of a favourite\nhorse.(519) Since there are strong grounds for regarding the queen in her\nmythical aspect as a form of Ishtar or Astarte,(520) the legend that\nSemiramis died for love in the flames furnishes a remarkable parallel to\nthe traditionary death of the love-lorn Dido, who herself appears to be\nsimply an Avatar of the same great Asiatic goddess.(521) When we compare\nthese stories of the burning of Semiramis and Dido with each other and\nwith the historical cases of the burning of Oriental monarchs, we may\nperhaps conclude that there was a time when queens as well as kings were\nexpected under certain circumstances, perhaps on the death of their\nconsort, to perish in the fire. The conclusion can hardly be deemed\nextravagant when we remember that the practice of burning widows to death\nsurvived in India under English rule down to a time within living\nmemory.(522)\n\n(M132) At Jerusalem itself a reminiscence of the practice of burning\nkings, alive or dead, appears to have lingered as late as the time of\nIsaiah, who says: \u201cFor Tophet is prepared of old; yea, for the king it is\nmade ready; he hath made it deep and large: the pile thereof is fire and\nmuch wood; the breath of the Lord, like a stream of brimstone, doth kindle\nit.\u201d(523) We know that \u201cgreat burnings\u201d were regularly made for dead kings\nof Judah,(524) and it can hardly be accidental that the place assigned by\nIsaiah to the king\u2019s pyre is the very spot in the Valley of Hinnom where\nthe first-born children were actually burned by their parents in honour of\nMoloch \u201cthe King.\u201d The exact site of the Valley of Hinnom is disputed, but\nall are agreed in identifying it with one of the ravines which encircle or\nintersect Jerusalem; and according to some eminent authorities it was the\none called by Josephus the Tyropoeon.(525) If this last identification is\ncorrect, the valley where the children were burned on a pyre lay\nimmediately beneath the royal palace and the temple. Perhaps the young\nvictims died for God and the king.(526)\n\n(M133) With the \u201cgreat burnings\u201d for dead Jewish kings it seems worth\nwhile to compare the great burnings still annually made for dead Jewish\nRabbis at the lofty village of Meiron in Galilee, the most famous and\nvenerated place of pilgrimage for Jews in modern Palestine. Here the tombs\nof the Rabbis are hewn out of the rock, and here on the thirtieth of\nApril, the eve of May Day, multitudes of pilgrims, both men and women,\nassemble and burn their offerings, which consist of shawls, scarfs,\nhandkerchiefs, books, and the like. These are placed in two stone basins\non the top of two low pillars, and being drenched with oil and ignited\nthey are consumed to ashes amid the loud applause, shouts, and cries of\nthe spectators. A man has been known to pay as much as two thousand\npiastres for the privilege of being allowed to open the ceremony by\nburning a costly shawl. On such occasions the solemn unmoved serenity of\nthe Turkish officials, who keep order, presents a striking contrast to the\nintense excitement of the Jews.(527) This curious ceremony may be\nexplained by the widespread practice of burning property for the use and\nbenefit of the dead. So, to take a single instance, the tyrant Periander\ncollected the finest raiment of all the women in Corinth and burned it in\na pit for his dead wife, who had sent him word by necromancy that she was\ncold and naked in the other world, because the clothes he buried with her\nhad not been burnt.(528) In like manner, perhaps, garments and other\nvaluables may have been consumed on the pyre for the use of the dead kings\nof Judah. In Siam, the corpse of a king or queen is burned in a huge\nstructure resembling a permanent palace, which with its many-gabled and\nhigh-pitched roofs and multitudinous tinselled spires, soaring to a height\nof over two hundred feet, sometimes occupies an area of about an\nacre.(529) The blaze of such an enormous catafalque may resemble, even if\nit far surpasses, the \u201cgreat burnings\u201d for the Jewish kings.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Purification by Fire.\n\n\n(M134) These events and these traditions seem to prove that under certain\ncircumstances Oriental monarchs deliberately chose to burn themselves to\ndeath. What were these circumstances? and what were the consequences of\nthe act? If the intention had merely been to escape from the hands of a\nconqueror, an easier mode of death would naturally have been chosen. There\nmust have been a special reason for electing to die by fire. The legendary\ndeath of Hercules, the historical death of Hamilcar, and the picture of\nCroesus enthroned in state on the pyre and pouring a libation, all combine\nto indicate that to be burnt alive was regarded as a solemn sacrifice,\nnay, more than that, as an apotheosis which raised the victim to the rank\nof a god.(530) For it is to be remembered that Hamilcar as well as\nHercules was worshipped after death. Fire, moreover, was regarded by the\nancients as a purgative so powerful that properly applied it could burn\naway all that was mortal of a man, leaving only the divine and immortal\nspirit behind. Hence we read of goddesses who essayed to confer\nimmortality on the infant sons of kings by burning them in the fire by\nnight; but their beneficent purpose was always frustrated by the ignorant\ninterposition of the mother or father, who peeping into the room saw the\nchild in the flames and raised a cry of horror, thus disconcerting the\ngoddess at her magic rites. This story is told of Isis in the house of the\nking of Byblus, of Demeter in the house of the king of Eleusis, and of\nThetis in the house of her mortal husband Peleus.(531) In a slightly\ndifferent way the witch Medea professed to give back to the old their lost\nyouth by boiling them with a hell-broth in her magic cauldron;(532) and\nwhen Pelops had been butchered and served up at a banquet of the gods by\nhis cruel father Tantalus, the divine beings, touched with pity, plunged\nhis mangled remains in a kettle, from which after decoction he emerged\nalive and young.(533) \u201cFire,\u201d says Jamblichus, \u201cdestroys the material part\nof sacrifices, it purifies all things that are brought near it, releasing\nthem from the bonds of matter and, in virtue of the purity of its nature,\nmaking them meet for communion with the gods. So, too, it releases us from\nthe bondage of corruption, it likens us to the gods, it makes us meet for\ntheir friendship, and it converts our material nature into an\nimmaterial.\u201d(534) Thus we can understand why kings and commoners who\nclaimed or aspired to divinity should choose death by fire. It opened to\nthem the gates of heaven. The quack Peregrinus, who ended his disreputable\ncareer in the flames at Olympia, gave out that after death he would be\nturned into a spirit who would guard men from the perils of the night;\nand, as Lucian remarked, no doubt there were plenty of fools to believe\nhim.(535) According to one account, the Sicilian philosopher Empedocles,\nwho set up for being a god in his lifetime, leaped into the crater of Etna\nin order to establish his claim to godhead.(536) There is nothing\nincredible in the tradition. The crack-brained philosopher, with his itch\nfor notoriety, may well have done what Indian fakirs(537) and the\nbrazen-faced mountebank Peregrinus did in antiquity, and what Russian\npeasants and Chinese Buddhists have done in modern times.(538) There is no\nextremity to which fanaticism or vanity, or a mixture of the two, will not\nimpel its victims.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. The Divinity of Lydian Kings.\n\n\n(M135) But apart from any general notions of the purificatory virtues of\nfire, the kings of Lydia seem to have had a special reason for regarding\ndeath in the flames as their appropriate end. For the ancient dynasty of\nthe Heraclids which preceded the house of Croesus on the throne traced\ntheir descent from a god or hero whom the Greeks called Hercules;(539) and\nthis Lydian Hercules appears to have been identical in name and in\nsubstance with the Cilician Hercules, whose effigy was regularly burned on\na great pyre at Tarsus. The Lydian Hercules bore the name of Sandon;(540)\nthe Cilician Hercules bore the name of Sandan, or perhaps rather of\nSandon, since Sandon is known from inscriptions and other evidence to have\nbeen a Cilician name.(541) The characteristic emblems of the Cilician\nHercules were the lion and the double-headed axe; and both these emblems\nmeet us at Sardes in connexion with the dynasty of the Heraclids. For the\ndouble-headed axe was carried as part of the sacred regalia by Lydian\nkings from the time of the legendary queen Omphale down to the reign of\nCandaules, the last of the Heraclid kings. It is said to have been given\nto Omphale by Hercules himself, and it was apparently regarded as a\npalladium of the Heraclid sovereignty; for after the dotard Candaules\nceased to carry the axe himself, and had handed it over to the keeping of\na courtier, a rebellion broke out, and the ancient dynasty of the\nHeraclids came to an end. The new king Gyges did not attempt to carry the\nold emblem of sovereignty; he dedicated it with other spoils to Zeus in\nCaria. Hence the image of the Carian Zeus bore an axe in his hand and\nreceived the epithet of Labrandeus, from _labrys_, the Lydian word for\n\u201caxe.\u201d(542) Such is Plutarch\u2019s account; but we may suspect that Zeus, or\nrather the native god whom the Greeks identified with Zeus, carried the\naxe long before the time of Candaules. If, as is commonly supposed, the\naxe was the symbol of the Asiatic thunder-god,(543) it would be an\nappropriate emblem in the hand of kings, who are so often expected to make\nrain, thunder, and lightning for the good of their people. Whether the\nkings of Lydia were bound to make thunder and rain we do not know; but at\nall events, like many early monarchs, they seem to have been held\nresponsible for the weather and the crops. In the reign of Meles the\ncountry suffered severely from dearth, so the people consulted an oracle,\nand the deity laid the blame on the kings, one of whom had in former years\nincurred the guilt of murder. The soothsayers accordingly declared that\nKing Meles, though his own hands were clean, must be banished for three\nyears in order that the taint of bloodshed should be purged away. The king\nobeyed and retired to Babylon, where he lived three years. In his absence\nthe kingdom was administered by a deputy, a certain Sadyattes, son of\nCadys, who traced his descent from Tylon.(544) As to this Tylon we shall\nhear more presently. Again, we read that the Lydians rejoiced greatly at\nthe assassination of Spermus, another of their kings, \u201cfor he was very\nwicked, and the land suffered from drought in his reign.\u201d(545) Apparently,\nlike the ancient Irish and many modern Africans, they laid the drought at\nthe king\u2019s door, and thought that he only got what he deserved under the\nknife of the assassin.\n\n(M136) With regard to the lion, the other emblem of the Cilician Hercules,\nwe are told that the same king Meles, who was banished because of a\ndearth, sought to make the acropolis of Sardes impregnable by carrying\nround it a lion which a concubine had borne to him. Unfortunately at a\nsingle point, where the precipices were such that it seemed as if no human\nfoot could scale them, he omitted to carry the beast, and sure enough at\nthat very point the Persians afterwards clambered up into the\ncitadel.(546) Now Meles was one of the old Heraclid dynasty(547) who\nboasted their descent from the lion-hero Hercules; hence the carrying of a\nlion round the acropolis was probably a form of consecration intended to\nplace the stronghold under the guardianship of the lion-god, the\nhereditary deity of the royal family. And the story that the king\u2019s\nconcubine gave birth to a lion\u2019s whelp suggests that the Lydian kings not\nonly claimed kinship with the beast, but posed as lions in their own\npersons and passed off their sons as lion-cubs. Croesus dedicated at\nDelphi a lion of pure gold, perhaps as a badge of Lydia,(548) and Hercules\nwith his lion\u2019s skin is a common type on coins of Sardes.(549)\n\n(M137) Thus the death, or the attempted death, of Croesus on the pyre\ncompletes the analogy between the Cilician and the Lydian Hercules. At\nTarsus and at Sardes we find the worship of a god whose symbols were the\nlion and the double-headed axe, and who was burned on a great pyre, either\nin effigy or in the person of a human representative. The Greeks called\nhim Hercules, but his native name was Sandan or Sandon. At Sardes he seems\nto have been personated by the kings, who carried the double-axe and\nperhaps wore, like their ancestor Hercules, the lion\u2019s skin. We may\nconjecture that at Tarsus also the royal family aped the lion-god. At all\nevents we know that Sandan, the name of the god, entered into the names of\nCilician kings, and that in later times the priests of Sandan at Tarsus\nwore the royal purple.(550)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Hittite Gods at Tarsus and Sardes.\n\n\n(M138) Now we have traced the religion of Tarsus back by a double thread\nto the Hittite religion of Cappadocia. One thread joins the Baal of\nTarsus, with his grapes and his corn, to the god of Ibreez. The other\nthread unites the Sandan of Tarsus, with his lion and his double axe, to\nthe similar figure at Boghaz-Keui. Without being unduly fanciful,\ntherefore, we may surmise that the Sandon-Hercules of Lydia was also a\nHittite god, and that the Heraclid dynasty of Lydia were of Hittite blood.\nCertainly the influence, if not the rule, of the Hittites extended to\nLydia; for at least two rock-carvings accompanied by Hittite inscriptions\nare still to be seen in the country. Both of them attracted the attention\nof the ancient Greeks. One of them represents a god or warrior in Hittite\ncostume armed with a spear and bow. It is carved on the face of a grey\nrock, which stands out conspicuous on a bushy hillside, where an old road\nruns through a glen from the valley of the Hermus to the valley of the\nCayster. The place is now called Kara-Bel. Herodotus thought that the\nfigure represented the Egyptian king and conqueror Sesostris.(551) The\nother monument is a colossal seated figure of the Mother of the Gods,\nlocally known in antiquity as Mother Plastene. It is hewn out of the solid\nrock and occupies a large niche in the face of a cliff at the steep\nnorthern foot of Mount Sipylus.(552) Thus it would seem that at some time\nor other the Hittites carried their arms to the shores of the Aegean.\nThere is no improbability, therefore, in the view that a Hittite dynasty\nmay have reigned at Sardes.(553)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. The Resurrection of Tylon.\n\n\n(M139) The burning of Sandan, like that of Melcarth,(554) was probably\nfollowed by a ceremony of his resurrection or awakening, to indicate that\nthe divine life was not extinct, but had only assumed a fresher and purer\nform. Of that resurrection we have, so far as I am aware, no direct\nevidence. In default of it, however, there is a tale of a local Lydian\nhero called Tylon or Tylus, who was killed and brought to life again. The\nstory runs thus. Tylon or Tylus was a son of Earth.(555) One day as he was\nwalking on the banks of the Hermus a serpent stung and killed him. His\ndistressed sister Moire had recourse to a giant named Damasen, who\nattacked and slew the serpent. But the serpent\u2019s mate culled a herb, \u201cthe\nflower of Zeus\u201d in the woods, and bringing it in her mouth put it to the\nlips of the dead serpent, which immediately revived. In her turn Moire\ntook the hint and restored her brother Tylon to life by touching him with\nthe same plant.(556) A similar incident occurs in many folk-tales.\nSerpents are often credited with a knowledge of life-giving plants.(557)\nBut Tylon seems to have been more than a mere hero of fairy-tales. He was\nclosely associated with Sardes, for he figures on the coins of the city\nalong with his champion Damasen or Masnes, the dead serpent, and the\nlife-giving branch.(558) And he was related in various ways to the royal\nfamily of Lydia; for his daughter married Cotys, one of the earliest kings\nof the country,(559) and a descendant of his acted as regent during the\nbanishment of King Meles.(560) It has been suggested that the story of his\ndeath and resurrection was acted as a pageant to symbolize the revival of\nplant life in spring.(561) At all events, a festival called the Feast of\nthe Golden Flower was celebrated in honour of Persephone at Sardes,(562)\nprobably in one of the vernal months, and the revival of the hero and of\nthe goddess may well have been represented together. The Golden Flower of\nthe Festival would then be the \u201cflower of Zeus\u201d of the legend, perhaps the\nyellow crocus of nature or rather her more gorgeous sister, the Oriental\nsaffron. For saffron grew in great abundance at the Corycian cave of\nZeus;(563) and it is an elegant conjecture, if it is nothing more, that\nthe very name of the place meant \u201cthe Crocus Cave.\u201d(564) However, on the\ncoins of Sardes the magical plant seems to be a branch rather than a\nblossom, a Golden Bough rather than a Golden Flower.\n\n\n\n\nChapter VIII. Volcanic Religion.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Burning of a God.\n\n\n(M140) Thus it appears that a custom of burning a god in effigy or in the\nperson of a human representative was practised by at least two peoples of\nWestern Asia, the Phoenicians and the Hittites. Whether they both\ndeveloped the custom independently, or whether one of them adopted it from\nthe other, we cannot say. And their reasons for celebrating a rite which\nto us seems strange and monstrous are also obscure. In the preceding\ninquiry some grounds have been adduced for thinking that the practice was\nbased on a conception of the purifying virtue of fire, which, by\ndestroying the corruptible and perishable elements of man, was supposed to\nfit him for union with the imperishable and the divine. Now to people who\ncreated their gods in their own likeness, and imagined them subject to the\nsame law of decadence and death, the idea would naturally occur that fire\nmight do for the gods what it was believed to do for men, that it could\npurge them of the taint of corruption and decay, could sift the mortal\nfrom the immortal in their composition, and so endow them with eternal\nyouth. Hence a custom might arise of subjecting the deities themselves, or\nthe more important of them, to an ordeal of fire for the purpose of\nrefreshing and renovating those creative energies on the maintenance of\nwhich so much depended. To the coarse apprehension of the uninstructed and\nunsympathetic observer the solemn rite might easily wear a very different\naspect. According as he was of a pious or of a sceptical turn of mind, he\nmight denounce it as a sacrilege or deride it as an absurdity. \u201cTo burn\nthe god whom you worship,\u201d he might say, \u201cis the height of impiety and of\nfolly. If you succeed in the attempt, you kill him and deprive yourselves\nof his valuable services. If you fail, you have mortally offended him, and\nsooner or later he will visit you with his severe displeasure.\u201d To this\nthe worshipper, if he was patient and polite, might listen with a smile of\nindulgent pity for the ignorance and obtuseness of the critic. \u201cYou are\nmuch mistaken,\u201d he might observe, \u201cin imagining that we expect or attempt\nto kill the god whom we adore. The idea of such a thing is as repugnant to\nus as to you. Our intention is precisely the opposite of that which you\nattribute to us. Far from wishing to destroy the deity, we desire to make\nhim live for ever, to place him beyond the reach of that process of\ndegeneration and final dissolution to which all things here below appear\nby their nature to be subject. He does not die in the fire. Oh no! Only\nthe corruptible and mortal part of him perishes in the flames: all that is\nincorruptible and immortal of him will survive the purer and stronger for\nbeing freed from the contagion of baser elements. That little heap of\nashes which you see there is not our god. It is only the skin which he has\nsloughed, the husk which he has cast. He himself is far away, in the\nclouds of heaven, in the depths of earth, in the running waters, in the\ntree and the flower, in the corn and the vine. We do not see him face to\nface, but every year he manifests his divine life afresh in the blossoms\nof spring and the fruits of autumn. We eat of his broken body in bread. We\ndrink of his shed blood in the juice of the grape.\u201d\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Volcanic Region of Cappadocia.\n\n\n(M141) Some such train of reasoning may suffice to explain, though\nnaturally not to justify, the custom which we bluntly call the burning of\na god. Yet it is worth while to ask whether in the development of the\npractice these general considerations may not have been reinforced or\nmodified by special circumstances; for example, by the natural features of\nthe country where the custom grew up. For the history of religion, like\nthat of all other human institutions, has been profoundly affected by\nlocal conditions, and cannot be fully understood apart from them. Now Asia\nMinor, the region where the practice in question appears to have been\nwidely diffused, has from time immemorial been subjected to the action of\nvolcanic forces on a great scale. It is true that, so far as the memory of\nman goes back, the craters of its volcanoes have been extinct, but the\nvestiges of their dead or slumbering fires are to be seen in many places,\nand the country has been shaken and rent at intervals by tremendous\nearthquakes. These phenomena cannot fail to have impressed the imagination\nof the inhabitants, and thereby to have left some mark on their religion.\n\n(M142) Among the extinct volcanoes of Anatolia the greatest is Mount\nArgaeus, in the centre of Cappadocia, the heart of the old Hittite\ncountry. It is indeed the highest point of Asia Minor, and one of the\nloftiest mountains known to the ancients; for in height it falls not very\nfar short of Mount Blanc. Towering abruptly in a huge pyramid from the\nplain, it is a conspicuous object for miles on miles. Its top is white\nwith eternal snow, and in antiquity its lower slopes were clothed with\ndense forests, from which the inhabitants of the treeless Cappadocian\nplains drew their supply of timber. In these woods, and in the low grounds\nat the foot of the mountain, the languishing fires of the volcano\nmanifested themselves as late as the beginning of our era. The ground was\ntreacherous. Under a grassy surface there lurked pits of fire, into which\nstray cattle and unwary travellers often fell. Experienced woodmen used\ngreat caution when they went to fell trees in the forest. Elsewhere the\nsoil was marshy, and flames were seen to play over it at night.(565)\nSuperstitious fancies no doubt gathered thick around these perilous spots,\nbut what shape they took we cannot say. Nor do we know whether sacrifices\nwere offered on the top of the mountain, though a curious discovery may\nperhaps be thought to indicate that they were. Sharp and lofty pinnacles\nof red porphyry, inaccessible to the climber, rise in imposing grandeur\nfrom the eternal snow of the summit, and here Mr. Tozer found that the\nrock had been perforated in various places with human habitations. One\nsuch rock-hewn dwelling winds inward for a considerable distance; rude\nniches are hollowed in its sides, and on its roof and walls may be seen\nthe marks of tools.(566) The ancients certainly did not climb mountains\nfor pleasure or health, and it is difficult to imagine that any motive but\nsuperstition should have led them to provide dwellings in such a place.\nThese rock-cut chambers may have been shelters for priests charged with\nthe performance of religious or magical rites on the summit.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Fire-Worship in Cappadocia.\n\n\n(M143) Under the Persian rule Cappadocia became, and long continued to be,\na great seat of the Zoroastrian fire-worship. In the time of Strabo, about\nthe beginning of our era, the votaries of that faith and their temples\nwere still numerous in the country. The perpetual fire burned on an altar,\nsurrounded by a heap of ashes, in the middle of the temple; and the\npriests daily chanted their liturgy before it, holding in their hands a\nbundle of myrtle rods and wearing on their heads tall felt caps with\ncheek-pieces which covered their lips, lest they should defile the sacred\nflame with their breath.(567) It is reasonable to suppose that the natural\nfires which burned perpetually on the outskirts of Mount Argaeus attracted\nthe devotion of the disciples of Zoroaster, for elsewhere similar fires\nhave been the object of religious reverence down to modern times. Thus at\nJualamukhi, on the lower slopes of the Himalayas, jets of combustible gas\nissue from the earth; and a great Hindoo temple, the resort of many\npilgrims, is built over them. The perpetual flame, which is of a reddish\nhue and emits an aromatic perfume, rises from a pit in the fore-court of\nthe sanctuary. The worshippers deliver their gifts, consisting usually of\nflowers, to the attendant fakirs, who first hold them over the flame and\nthen cast them into the body of the temple.(568) Again, Hindoo pilgrims\nmake their way with great difficulty to Baku on the Caspian, in order to\nworship the everlasting fires which there issue from the beds of\npetroleum. The sacred spot is about ten miles to the north-east of the\ncity. An English traveller, who visited Baku in the middle of the\neighteenth century, has thus described the place and the worship. \u201cThere\nare several ancient temples built with stone, supposed to have been all\ndedicated to fire; most of them are arched vaults, not above ten to\nfifteen feet high. Amongst others there is a little temple, in which the\nIndians now worship; near the altar, about three feet high, is a large\nhollow cane, from the end of which issues a blue flame, in colour and\ngentleness not unlike a lamp that burns with spirits, but seemingly more\npure. These Indians affirm that this flame has continued ever since the\nflood, and they believe it will last to the end of the world; that if it\nwas resisted or suppressed in that place, it would rise in some other.\nHere are generally forty or fifty of these poor devotees, who come on a\npilgrimage from their own country, and subsist upon wild sallary, and a\nkind of Jerusalem artichoke, which are very good food, with other herbs\nand roots, found a little to the northward. Their business is to make\nexpiation, not for their own sins only, but for those of others; and they\ncontinue the longer time, in proportion to the number of persons for whom\nthey have engaged to pray. They mark their foreheads with saffron, and\nhave a great veneration for a red cow.\u201d(569) Thus it would seem that a\npurifying virtue is attributed to the sacred flame, since pilgrims come to\nit from far to expiate sin.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. The Burnt Land of Lydia.\n\n\n(M144) Another volcanic region of Asia Minor is the district of Lydia, to\nwhich, on account of its remarkable appearance, the Greeks gave the name\nof the Burnt Land. It lies to the east of Sardes in the upper valley of\nthe Hermus, and covers an area of about fifty miles by forty. As described\nby Strabo, the country was wholly treeless except for the vines, which\nproduced a wine inferior to none of the most famous vintages of antiquity.\nThe surface of the plains was like ashes; the hills were composed of black\nstone, as if they had been scorched by fire. Some people laid the scene of\nTyphon\u2019s battle with the gods in this Black Country, and supposed that it\nhad been burnt by the thunderbolts hurled from heaven at the impious\nmonster. The philosophic Strabo, however, held that the fires which had\nwrought this havoc were subterranean, not celestial, and he pointed to\nthree craters, at intervals of about four miles, each in a hill of scoriae\nwhich he supposed to have been once molten matter ejected by the\nvolcanoes.(570) His observation and his theory have both been confirmed by\nmodern science. The three extinct volcanoes to which he referred are still\nconspicuous features of the landscape. Each is a black cone of loose\ncinders, scoriae, and ashes, with steep sides and a deep crater. From each\na flood of rugged black lava has flowed forth, bursting out at the foot of\nthe cone, and then rushing down the dale to the bed of the Hermus. The\ndark streams follow all the sinuosities of the valleys, their sombre hue\ncontrasting with the rich verdure of the surrounding landscape. Their\nsurface, broken into a thousand fantastic forms, resembles a sea lashed\ninto fury by a gale, and then suddenly hardened into stone. Regarded from\nthe geological point of view, these black cones of cinders and these black\nrivers of lava are of comparatively recent formation. Exposure to the\nweather for thousands of years has not yet softened their asperities and\ndecomposed them into vegetable mould; they are as hard and ungenial as if\nthe volcanic stream had ceased to flow but yesterday. But in the same\ndistrict there are upwards of thirty other volcanic cones, whose greater\nage is proved by their softened forms, their smoother sides, and their\nmantle of vegetation. Some of them are planted with vineyards to their\nsummits.(571) Thus the volcanic soil is still as favourable to the\ncultivation of the vine as it was in antiquity. The relation between the\ntwo was noted by the ancients. Strabo compares the vines of the Burnt Land\nwith the vineyards of Catania fertilized by the ashes of Mount Etna; and\nhe tells us that some ingenious persons explained the fire-born Dionysus\nas a myth of the grapes fostered by volcanic agency.(572)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. The Earthquake God.\n\n\n(M145) But the inhabitants of these regions were reminded of the\nslumbering fires by other and less agreeable tokens than the generous\njuice of their grapes. For not the Burnt Land only but the country to the\nsouth, including the whole valley of the Maeander, was subject to frequent\nand violent shocks of earthquake. The soil was loose, friable, and full of\nsalts, the ground hollow, undermined by fire and water. In particular the\ncity of Philadelphia was a great centre of disturbance. The shocks there,\nwe are told, were continuous. The houses rocked, the walls cracked and\ngaped; the few inhabitants were kept busy repairing the breaches or\nbuttressing and propping the edifices which threatened to tumble about\ntheir ears. Most of the citizens, indeed, had the prudence to dwell\ndispersed on their farms. It was a marvel, says Strabo, that such a city\nshould have any inhabitants at all, and a still greater marvel that it\nshould ever have been built.(573) However, by a wise dispensation of\nProvidence, the earthquakes which shook the foundations of their houses\nonly strengthened those of their faith. The people of Apameia, whose town\nwas repeatedly devastated, paid their devotions with great fervour to\nPoseidon, the earthquake god.(574) Again, the island of Santorin, in the\nGreek Archipelago, has been for thousands of years a great theatre of\nvolcanic activity. On one occasion the waters of the bay boiled and flamed\nfor four days, and an island composed of red-hot matter rose gradually, as\nif hoisted by machinery, above the waves. It happened that the sovereignty\nof the seas was then with the Rhodians, those merchant-princes whose\nprudent policy, strict but benevolent oligarchy, and beautiful\nisland-city, rich with accumulated treasures of native art, rendered them\nin a sense the Venetians of the ancient world. So when the ebullition and\nheat of the eruption had subsided, their sea-captains landed in the new\nisland, and founded a sanctuary of Poseidon the Establisher or\nSecurer,(575) a complimentary epithet often bestowed on him as a hint not\nto shake the earth more than he could conveniently help.(576) In many\nplaces people sacrificed to Poseidon the Establisher, in the hope that he\nwould be as good as his name and not bring down their houses on their\nheads.(577)\n\n(M146) Another instance of a Greek attempt to quiet the perturbed spirit\nunderground is instructive, because similar efforts are still made by\nsavages in similar circumstances. Once when a Spartan army under King\nAgesipolis had taken the field, it chanced that the ground under their\nfeet was shaken by an earthquake. It was evening, and the king was at mess\nwith the officers of his staff. No sooner did they feel the shock than,\nwith great presence of mind, they rose from their dinner and struck up a\npopular hymn in honour of Poseidon. The soldiers outside the tent took up\nthe strain, and soon the whole army joined in the sacred melody.(578) It\nis not said whether the flute-band, which always played the Spartan\nredcoats into action,(579) accompanied the deep voices of the men with its\nshrill music. At all events, the intention of this service of praise,\naddressed to the earth-shaking god, can only have been to prevail on him\nto stop. I have spoken of the Spartan redcoats because the uniform of\nSpartan soldiers was red.(580) As they fought in an extended, not a deep,\nformation, a Spartan line of battle must always have been, what the\nBritish used to be, a thin red line. It was in this order, and no doubt\nwith the music playing and the sun flashing on their arms, that they\nadvanced to meet the Persians at Thermopylae. Like Cromwell\u2019s Ironsides,\nthese men could fight as well as sing psalms.(581)\n\n(M147) If the Spartans imagined that they could stop an earthquake by a\nsoldiers\u2019 chorus, their theory and practice resembled those of many other\nbarbarians. Thus the people of Timor, in the East Indies, think that the\nearth rests on the shoulder of a mighty giant, and that when he is weary\nof bearing it on one shoulder he shifts it to the other, and so causes the\nground to quake. At such times, accordingly, they all shout at the top of\ntheir voices to let him know that there are still people on the earth; for\notherwise they fear lest, impatient of his burden, he might tip it into\nthe sea.(582) The Manichaeans held a precisely similar theory of\nearthquakes, except that according to them the weary giant transferred his\nburden from one shoulder to the other at the end of every thirty\nyears,(583) a view which, at all events, points to the observation of a\ncycle in the recurrence of earthquake shocks. But we are not told that\nthese heretics reduced an absurd theory to an absurd practice by raising a\nshout in order to remind the earth-shaker of the inconvenience he was\nputting them to. However, both the theory and the practice are to be found\nin full force in various parts of the East Indies. When the Balinese and\nthe Sundanese feel an earthquake they cry out, \u201cStill alive,\u201d or \u201cWe still\nlive,\u201d to acquaint the earth-shaking god or giant with their\nexistence.(584) The natives of Leti, Moa, and Lakor, islands of the Indian\nArchipelago, imagine that earthquakes are caused by Grandmother Earth in\norder to ascertain whether her descendants are still to the fore. So they\nmake loud noises for the purpose of satisfying her grandmotherly\nsolicitude.(585) The Tami of German New Guinea ascribe earthquakes to a\ncertain old Panku who sits under a great rock; when he stirs, the earth\nquakes. If the shock lasts a long time they beat on the ground with\npalm-branches, saying, \u201cYou down there! easy a little! We men are still\nhere.\u201d(586) The Shans of Burma are taught by Buddhist monks that under the\nworld there sleeps a great fish with his tail in his mouth, but sometimes\nhe wakes, bites his tail, and quivering with pain causes the ground to\nquiver and shake likewise. That is the cause of great earthquakes. But the\ncause of little earthquakes is different. These are produced by little men\nwho live underground and sometimes feeling lonely knock on the roof of the\nworld over their heads; these knockings we perceive as slight shocks of\nearthquakes. When Shans feel such a shock, they run out of their houses,\nkneel down, and answer the little men saying, \u201cWe are here! We are\nhere!\u201d(587) Earthquakes are common in the Pampa del Sacramento of Eastern\nPeru. The Conibos, a tribe of Indians on the left bank of the great\nUcayali River, attribute these disturbances to the creator, who usually\nresides in heaven, but comes down from time to time to see whether the\nwork of his hands still exists. The result of his descent is an\nearthquake. So when one happens, these Indians rush out of their huts with\nextravagant gestures shouting, as if in answer to a question, \u201cA moment, a\nmoment, here I am, father, here I am!\u201d Their intention is, no doubt, to\nassure their heavenly father that they are still alive, and that he may\nreturn to his mansion on high with an easy mind. They never remember the\ncreator nor pay him any heed except at an earthquake.(588) In Africa the\nAtonga tribe of Lake Nyassa used to believe that an earthquake was the\nvoice of God calling to inquire whether his people were all there. So when\nthe rumble was heard underground they all shouted in answer, \u201c_Ye, ye_,\u201d\nand some of them went to the mortars used for pounding corn and beat on\nthem with pestles. They thought that if any one of them did not thus\nanswer to the divine call he would die.(589) In Ourwira the people think\nthat an earthquake is caused by a dead sultan marching past underground;\nso they stand up to do him honour, and some raise their hands to the\nsalute. Were they to omit these marks of respect to the deceased, they\nwould run the risk of being swallowed up alive.(590) The Baganda of\nCentral Africa used to attribute earthquakes to a certain god named\nMusisi, who lived underground and set the earth in a tremor when he moved\nabout. At such times persons who had fetishes to hand patted them and\nbegged the god to be still; women who were with child patted their bellies\nto keep the god from taking either their own life or that of their unborn\nbabes; others raised a shrill cry to induce him to remain quiet.(591)\n\n(M148) When the Bataks of Sumatra feel an earthquake they shout \u201cThe\nhandle! The handle!\u201d The meaning of the cry is variously explained. Some\nsay that it contains a delicate allusion to the sword which is thrust up\nto the hilt into the body of the demon or serpent who shakes the earth.\nThus explained the words are a jeer or taunt levelled at that mischievous\nbeing.(592) Others say that when Batara-guru, the creator, was about to\nfashion the earth he began by building a raft, which he commanded a\ncertain Naga-padoha to support. While he was hard at work his chisel\nbroke, and at the same moment Naga-padoha budged under his burden.\nTherefore Batara-guru said, \u201cHold hard a moment! The handle of the chisel\nis broken off.\u201d And that is why the Bataks call out \u201cThe handle of the\nchisel\u201d during an earthquake. They believe that the deluded Naga-padoha\nwill take the words for the voice of the creator, and that he will hold\nhard accordingly.(593)\n\n(M149) When the earth quakes in some parts of Celebes, it is said that all\nthe inhabitants of a village will rush out of their houses and grub up\ngrass by handfuls in order to attract the attention of the earth-spirit,\nwho, feeling his hair thus torn out by the roots, will be painfully\nconscious that there are still people above ground.(594) So in Samoa,\nduring shocks of earthquake, the natives sometimes ran and threw\nthemselves on the ground, gnawed the earth, and shouted frantically to the\nearthquake god Mafuie to desist lest he should shake the earth to\npieces.(595) They consoled themselves with the thought that Mafuie has\nonly one arm, saying, \u201cIf he had two, what a shake he would give!\u201d(596)\nThe Bagobos of the Philippine Islands believe that the earth rests on a\ngreat post, which a large serpent is trying to remove. When the serpent\nshakes the post, the earth quakes. At such times the Bagobos beat their\ndogs to make them howl, for the howling of the animals frightens the\nserpent, and he stops shaking the post. Hence so long as an earthquake\nlasts the howls of dogs may be heard to proceed from every house in a\nBagobo village.(597) The Tongans think that the earth is supported on the\nprostrate form of the god M\u00f3ooi. When he is tired of lying in one posture,\nhe tries to turn himself about, and that causes an earthquake. Then the\npeople shout and beat the ground with sticks to make him lie still.(598)\nDuring an earthquake the Burmese make a great uproar, beating the walls of\ntheir houses and shouting, to frighten away the evil genius who is shaking\nthe earth.(599) On a like occasion and for a like purpose some natives of\nthe Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain beat drums and blow on shells.(600)\nThe Dorasques, an Indian tribe of Panama, believed that the volcano of\nChiriqui was inhabited by a powerful spirit, who, in his anger, caused an\nearthquake. At such times the Indians shot volleys of arrows in the\ndirection of the volcano to terrify him and make him desist.(601) Some of\nthe Peruvian Indians regarded an earthquake as a sign that the gods were\nthirsty, so they poured water on the ground.(602) In Ashantee several\npersons used to be put to death after an earthquake; they were slain as a\nsacrifice to Sasabonsun, the earthquake god, in the hope of satiating his\ncruelty for a time. Houses which had been thrown down or damaged by an\nearthquake were sprinkled with human blood before they were rebuilt. When\npart of the wall of the king\u2019s house at Coomassie was knocked down by an\nearthquake, fifty young girls were slaughtered, and the mud to be used in\nthe repairs was kneaded with their blood.(603)\n\n(M150) An English resident in Fiji attributed a sudden access of piety in\nKantavu, one of the islands, to a tremendous earthquake which destroyed\nmany of the natives. The Fijians think that their islands rest on a god,\nwho causes earthquakes by turning over in his sleep. So they sacrifice to\nhim things of great value in order that he may turn as gently as\npossible.(604) In Nias a violent earthquake has a salutary effect on the\nmorals of the natives. They suppose that it is brought about by a certain\nBatoo Bedano, who intends to destroy the earth because of the iniquity of\nmankind. So they assemble and fashion a great image out of the trunk of a\ntree. They make offerings, they confess their sins, they correct the\nfraudulent weights and measures, they vow to do better in the future, they\nimplore mercy, and if the earth has gaped, they throw a little gold into\nthe fissure. But when the danger is over, all their fine vows and promises\nare soon forgotten.(605)\n\n(M151) We may surmise that in those Greek lands which have suffered\nseverely from earthquakes, such as Achaia and the western coasts of Asia\nMinor, Poseidon was worshipped not less as an earthquake god than as a\nsea-god.(606) It is to be remembered that an earthquake is often\naccompanied by a tremendous wave which comes rolling in like a mountain\nfrom the sea, swamping the country far and wide; indeed on the coasts of\nChili and Peru, which have often been devastated by both, the wave is said\nto be even more dreaded than the earthquake.(607) The Greeks often\nexperienced this combination of catastrophes, this conspiracy, as it were,\nof earth and sea against the life and works of man.(608) It was thus that\nHelice, on the coast of Achaia, perished with all its inhabitants on a\nwinter night, overwhelmed by the billows; and its destruction was set down\nto the wrath of Poseidon.(609) Nothing could be more natural than that to\npeople familiar with the twofold calamity the dreadful god of the\nearthquake and of the sea should appear to be one and the same. The\nhistorian Diodorus Siculus observes that Peloponnese was deemed to have\nbeen in ancient days the abode of Poseidon, that the whole country was in\na manner sacred to him, and that every city in it worshipped him above all\nthe gods. The devotion to Poseidon he explains partly by the earthquakes\nand floods by which the land has been visited, partly by the remarkable\nchasms and subterranean rivers which are a conspicuous feature of its\nlimestone mountains.(610)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. The Worship of Mephitic Vapours.\n\n\n(M152) But eruptions and earthquakes, though the most tremendous, are not\nthe only phenomena of volcanic regions which have affected the religion of\nthe inhabitants. Poisonous mephitic vapours and hot springs, which abound\nespecially in volcanic regions,(611) have also had their devotees, and\nboth are, or were formerly, to be found in those western districts of Asia\nMinor with which we are here concerned. To begin with vapours, we may take\nas an illustration of their deadly effect the Guevo Upas, or Valley of\nPoison, near Batur in Java. It is the crater of an extinct volcano, about\nhalf a mile in circumference, and from thirty to thirty-five feet deep.\nNeither man nor beast can descend to the bottom and live. The ground is\ncovered with the carcases of tigers, deer, birds, and even the bones of\nmen, all killed by the abundant emanations of carbonic acid gas which\nexhale from the soil. Animals let down into it die in a few minutes. The\nwhole range of hills is volcanic. Two neighbouring craters constantly emit\nsmoke.(612) In another crater of Java, near the volcano Talaga Bodas, the\nsulphureous exhalations have proved fatal to tigers, birds, and countless\ninsects; and the soft parts of these creatures, such as fibres, muscles,\nhair, and skin, are well preserved, while the bones are corroded or\ndestroyed.(613)\n\n(M153) The ancients were acquainted with such noxious vapours in their own\ncountry, and they regarded the vents from which they were discharged as\nentrances to the infernal regions.(614) The Greeks called them places of\nPluto (_Plutonia_) or places of Charon (_Charonia_).(615) In Italy the\nvapours were personified as a goddess, who bore the name of Mefitis and\nwas worshipped in various parts of the peninsula.(616) She had a temple in\nthe famous valley of Amsanctus in the land of the Hirpini, where the\nexhalations, supposed to be the breath of Pluto himself, were of so deadly\na character that all who set foot on the spot died.(617) The place is a\nglen, partly wooded with chestnut trees, among limestone hills, distant\nabout four miles from the town of Frigento. Here, under a steep shelving\nbank of decomposed limestone, there is a pool of dark ash-coloured water,\nwhich continually bubbles up with an explosion like distant thunder. A\nrapid stream of the same blackish water rushes into the pool from under\nthe barren rocky hill, but the fall is not more than a few feet. A little\nhigher up are apertures in the ground, through which warm blasts of\nsulphuretted hydrogen are constantly issuing with more or less noise,\naccording to the size of the holes. These blasts are no doubt what the\nancients deemed the breath of Pluto. The pool is now called _Mefite_ and\nthe holes _Mefitinelle_. On the other side of the pool is a smaller pond\ncalled the _Coccaio_, or Cauldron, because it appears to be perpetually\nboiling. Thick masses of mephitic vapour, visible a hundred yards off,\nfloat in rapid undulations on its surface. The exhalations given off by\nthese waters are sometimes fatal, especially when they are borne on a high\nwind. But as the carbonic acid gas does not naturally rise more than two\nor three feet from the ground, it is possible in calm weather to walk\nround the pools, though to stoop is difficult and to fall would be\ndangerous. The ancient temple of Mefitis has been replaced by a shrine of\nthe martyred Santa Felicita.(618)\n\n(M154) Similar discharges of poisonous vapours took place at various\npoints in the volcanic district of Caria, and were the object of\nsuperstitious veneration in antiquity. Thus at the village of Thymbria\nthere was a sacred cave which gave out deadly emanations, and the place\nwas deemed a sanctuary of Charon.(619) A similar cave might be seen at the\nvillage of Acharaca near Nysa, in the valley of the Maeander. Here, below\nthe cave, there was a fine grove with a temple dedicated to Pluto and\nPersephone. The place was sacred to Pluto, yet sick people resorted to it\nfor the restoration of their health. They lived in the neighbouring\nvillage, and the priests prescribed for them according to the revelations\nwhich they received from the two deities in dreams. Often the priests\nwould take the patients to the cave and leave them there for days without\nfood. Sometimes the sufferers themselves were favoured with revelations in\ndreams, but they always acted under the spiritual direction of the\npriests. To all but the sick the place was unapproachable and fatal. Once\na year a festival was held in the village, and then afflicted folk came in\ncrowds to be rid of their ailments. About the hour of noon on that day a\nnumber of athletic young men, their naked bodies greased with oil, used to\ncarry a bull up to the cave and there let it go. But the beast had not\ntaken a few steps into the cavern before it fell to the ground and\nexpired: so deadly was the vapour.(620)\n\n(M155) Another Plutonian sanctuary of the same sort existed at Hierapolis,\nin the upper valley of the Maeander, on the borders of Lydia and\nPhrygia.(621) Here under a brow of the hill there was a deep cave with a\nnarrow mouth just large enough to admit the body of a man. A square space\nin front of the cave was railed off, and within the railing there hung so\nthick a cloudy vapour that it was hardly possible to see the ground. In\ncalm weather people could step up to the railing with safety, but to pass\nwithin it was instant death. Bulls driven into the enclosure fell to the\nearth and were dragged out lifeless; and sparrows, which spectators by way\nof experiment allowed to fly into the mist, dropped dead at once. Yet the\neunuch priests of the Great Mother Goddess could enter the railed-off area\nwith impunity; nay more, they used to go up to the very mouth of the cave,\nstoop, and creep into it for a certain distance, holding their breath; but\nthere was a look on their faces as if they were being choked. Some people\nascribed the immunity of the priests to the divine protection, others to\nthe use of antidotes.(622)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 7. The Worship of Hot Springs.\n\n\n(M156) The mysterious chasm of Hierapolis, with its deadly mist, has not\nbeen discovered in modern times; indeed it would seem to have vanished\neven in antiquity.(623) It may have been destroyed by an earthquake. But\nanother marvel of the Sacred City remains to this day. The hot springs\nwith their calcareous deposit, which, like a wizard\u2019s wand, turns all that\nit touches to stone, excited the wonder of the ancients, and the course of\nages has only enhanced the fantastic splendour of the great transformation\nscene. The stately ruins of Hierapolis occupy a broad shelf or terrace on\nthe mountain-side commanding distant views of extraordinary beauty and\ngrandeur, from the dark precipices and dazzling snows of Mount Cadmus away\nto the burnt summits of Phrygia, fading in rosy tints into the blue of the\nsky. Hills, broken by wooded ravines, rise behind the city. In front the\nterrace falls away in cliffs three hundred feet high into the desolate\ntreeless valley of the Lycus. Over the face of these cliffs the hot\nstreams have poured or trickled for thousands of years, encrusting them\nwith a pearly white substance like salt or driven snow. The appearance of\nthe whole is as if a mighty river, some two miles broad, had been suddenly\narrested in the act of falling over a great cliff and transformed into\nwhite marble. It is a petrified Niagara. The illusion is strongest in\nwinter or in cool summer mornings when the mist from the hot springs hangs\nin the air, like a veil of spray resting on the foam of the waterfall. A\ncloser inspection of the white cliff, which attracts the traveller\u2019s\nattention at a distance of twenty miles, only adds to its beauty and\nchanges one illusion for another. For now it seems to be a glacier, its\nlong pendent stalactites looking like icicles, and the snowy whiteness of\nits smooth expanse being tinged here and there with delicate hues of blue,\nrose and green, all the colours of the rainbow. These petrified cascades\nof Hierapolis are among the wonders of the world. Indeed they have\nprobably been without a rival in their kind ever since the famous white\nand pink terraces or staircases of Rotomahana in New Zealand were\ndestroyed by a volcanic eruption.\n\n(M157) The hot springs which have wrought these miracles at Hierapolis\nrise in a large deep pool among the vast and imposing ruins of the ancient\ncity. The water is of a greenish-blue tint, but clear and transparent. At\nthe bottom may be seen the white marble columns of a beautiful Corinthian\ncolonnade, which must formerly have encircled the sacred pool. Shimmering\nthrough the green-blue water they look like the ruins of a Naiad\u2019s palace.\nClumps of oleanders and pomegranate-trees overhang the little lake and add\nto its charm. Yet the enchanted spot has its dangers. Bubbles of carbonic\nacid gas rise incessantly from the bottom and mount like flickering\nparticles of silver to the surface. Birds and beasts which come to drink\nof the water are sometimes found dead on the bank, stifled by the noxious\nvapour; and the villagers tell of bathers who have been overpowered by it\nand drowned, or dragged down, as they say, to death by the water-spirit.\n\n(M158) The streams of hot water, no longer regulated by the care of a\nreligious population, have for centuries been allowed to overflow their\nchannels and to spread unchecked over the tableland. By the deposit which\nthey leave behind they have raised the surface of the ground many feet,\ntheir white ridges concealing the ruins and impeding the footstep, except\nwhere the old channels, filled up solidly to the brim, now form hard level\nfootpaths, from which the traveller may survey the strange scene without\nquitting the saddle. In antiquity the husbandmen used purposely to lead\nthe water in rills round their lands, and thus in a few years their fields\nand vineyards were enclosed with walls of solid stone. The water was also\npeculiarly adapted for the dyeing of woollen stuffs. Tinged with dyes\nextracted from certain roots, it imparted to cloths dipped in it the\nfinest shades of purple and scarlet.(624)\n\n(M159) We cannot doubt that Hierapolis owed its reputation as a holy city\nin great part to its hot springs and mephitic vapours. The curative virtue\nof mineral and thermal springs was well known to the ancients, and it\nwould be interesting, if it were possible, to trace the causes which have\ngradually eliminated the superstitious element from the use of such\nwaters, and so converted many old seats of volcanic religion into the\nmedicinal baths of modern times. It was an article of Greek faith that all\nhot springs were sacred to Hercules.(625) \u201cWho ever heard of cold baths\nthat were sacred to Hercules?\u201d asks Injustice in Aristophanes; and Justice\nadmits that the brawny hero\u2019s patronage of hot baths was the excuse\nalleged by young men for sprawling all day in the steaming water when they\nought to have been sweating in the gymnasium.(626) Hot springs were said\nto have been first produced for the refreshment of Hercules after his\nlabours; some ascribed the kindly thought and deed to Athena, others to\nHephaestus, and others to the nymphs.(627) The warm water of these sources\nappears to have been used especially to heal diseases of the skin; for a\nGreek proverb, \u201cthe itch of Hercules,\u201d was applied to persons in need of\nhot baths for the scab.(628) On the strength of his connexion with\nmedicinal springs Hercules set up as a patron of the healing art. In\nheaven, if we can trust Lucian, he even refused to give place to\nAesculapius himself, and the difference between the two deities led to a\nvery unseemly brawl. \u201cDo you mean to say,\u201d demanded Hercules of his father\nZeus, in a burst of indignation, \u201cthat this apothecary is to sit down to\ntable before me?\u201d To this the apothecary replied with much acrimony,\nrecalling certain painful episodes in the private life of the burly hero.\nFinally the dispute was settled by Zeus, who decided in favour of\nAesculapius on the ground that he died before Hercules, and was therefore\nentitled to rank as senior god.(629)\n\n(M160) Among the hot springs sacred to Hercules the most famous were those\nwhich rose in the pass of Thermopylae, and gave to the defile its name of\nthe Hot Gates.(630) The warm baths, called by the natives \u201cthe Pots,\u201d were\nenlarged and improved for the use of invalids by the wealthy sophist\nHerodes Atticus in the second century of our era. An altar of Hercules\nstood beside them.(631) According to one story, the hot springs were here\nproduced for his refreshment by the goddess Athena.(632) They exist to\nthis day apparently unchanged, although the recession of the sea has\nconverted what used to be a narrow pass into a wide, swampy flat, through\nwhich the broad but shallow, turbid stream of the Sperchius creeps\nsluggishly seaward. On the other side the rugged mountains descend in\ncrags and precipices to the pass, their grey rocky sides tufted with low\nwood or bushes wherever vegetation can find a foothold, and their summits\nfringed along the sky-line with pines. They remind a Scotchman of the\n\u201ccrags, knolls, and mounds confusedly hurled\u201d in which Ben Venue comes\ndown to the Silver Strand of Loch Katrine. The principal spring bursts\nfrom the rocks just at the foot of the steepest and loftiest part of the\nrange. After forming a small pool it flows in a rapid stream eastward,\nskirting the foot of the mountains. The water is so hot that it is almost\npainful to hold the hands in it, at least near the source, and steam rises\nthickly from its surface along the course of the brook. Indeed the clouds\nof white steam and the strong sulphurous smell acquaint the traveller with\nhis approach to the famous spot before he comes in sight of the springs.\nThe water is clear, but has the appearance of being of a deep sea-blue or\nsea-green colour. This appearance it takes from the thick, slimy deposits\nof blue-green sulphur which line the bed of the stream. From its source\nthe blue, steaming, sulphur-reeking brook rushes eastward for a few\nhundred yards at the foot of the mountain, and is then joined by the water\nof another spring, which rises much more tranquilly in a sort of natural\nbath among the rocks. The sides of this bath are not so thickly coated\nwith sulphur as the banks of the stream; hence its water, about two feet\ndeep, is not so blue. Just beyond it there is a second and larger bath,\nwhich, from its square shape and smooth sides, would seem to be in part\nartificial. These two baths are probably the Pots mentioned by ancient\nwriters. They are still used by bathers, and a few wooden dressing-rooms\nare provided for the accommodation of visitors. Some of the water is\nconducted in an artificial channel to turn a mill about half a mile off at\nthe eastern end of the pass. The rest crosses the flat to find its way to\nthe sea. In its passage it has coated the swampy ground with a white\ncrust, which sounds hollow under the tread.(633)\n\n(M161) We may conjecture that these remarkable springs furnished the\nprincipal reason for associating Hercules with this district, and for\nlaying the scene of his fiery death on the top of the neighbouring Mount\nOeta. The district is volcanic, and has often been shaken by\nearthquakes.(634) Across the strait the island of Euboea has suffered from\nthe same cause and at the same time; and on its southern shore sulphureous\nsprings, like those of Thermopylae, but much hotter and more powerful,\nwere in like manner dedicated to Hercules.(635) The strong medicinal\nqualities of the waters, which are especially adapted for the cure of skin\ndiseases and gout, have attracted patients in ancient and modern times.\nSulla took the waters here for his gout;(636) and in the days of Plutarch\nthe neighbouring town of Aedepsus, situated in a green valley about two\nmiles from the springs, was one of the most fashionable resorts of Greece.\nElegant and commodious buildings, an agreeable country, and abundance of\nfish and game united with the health-giving properties of the baths to\ndraw crowds of idlers to the place, especially in the prime of the\nglorious Greek spring, the height of the season at Aedepsus. While some\nwatched the dancers dancing or listened to the strains of the harp, others\npassed the time in discourse, lounging in the shade of cloisters or pacing\nthe shore of the beautiful strait with its prospect of mountains beyond\nmountains immortalized in story across the water.(637) Of all this Greek\nelegance and luxury hardly a vestige remains. Yet the healing springs flow\nnow as freely as of old. In the course of time the white and yellow\ncalcareous deposit which the water leaves behind it, has formed a hillock\nat the foot of the mountains, and the stream now falls in a steaming\ncascade from the face of the rock into the sea.(638) Once, after an\nearthquake, the springs ceased to flow for three days, and at the same\ntime the hot springs of Thermopylae dried up.(639) The incident proves the\nrelation of these Baths of Hercules on both sides of the strait to each\nother and to volcanic agency. On another occasion a cold spring suddenly\nburst out beside the hot springs of Aedepsus, and as its water was\nsupposed to be peculiarly beneficial to health, patients hastened from far\nand near to drink of it. But the generals of King Antigonus, anxious to\nraise a revenue, imposed a tax on the use of the water; and the spring, as\nif in disgust at being turned to so base a use, disappeared as suddenly as\nit had come.(640)\n\n(M162) The association of Hercules with hot springs was not confined to\nGreece itself. Greek influence extended it to Sicily,(641) Italy,(642) and\neven to Dacia.(643) Why the hero should have been chosen as the patron of\nthermal waters, it is hard to say. Yet it is worth while, perhaps, to\nremember that such springs combine in a manner the twofold and seemingly\ndiscordant principles of water and fire,(644) of fertility and\ndestruction, and that the death of Hercules in the flames seems to connect\nhim with the fiery element. Further, the apparent conflict of the two\nprinciples is by no means as absolute as at first sight we might be\ntempted to suppose; for heat is as necessary as moisture to the support of\nanimal and vegetable life. Even volcanic fires have their beneficent\naspect, since their products lend a more generous flavour to the juice of\nthe grape. The ancients themselves, as we have seen, perceived the\nconnexion between good wine and volcanic soil, and proposed more or less\nseriously to interpret the vine-god Dionysus as a child of the fire.(645)\nAs a patron of hot springs Hercules combined the genial elements of heat\nand moisture, and may therefore have stood, in one of his many aspects,\nfor the principle of fertility.\n\n(M163) In Syria childless women still resort to hot springs in order to\nprocure offspring from the saint or the jinnee of the waters.(646) This,\nfor example, they do at the famous hot springs in the land of Moab which\nflow through a wild gorge into the Dead Sea. In antiquity the springs went\nby the Greek name of Callirrhoe, the Fair-flowing. It was to them that the\ndying Herod, weighed down by a complication of disorders which the pious\nJews traced to God\u2019s vengeance, repaired in the vain hope of arresting or\nmitigating the fatal progress of disease. The healing waters brought no\nalleviation of his sufferings, and he retired to Jericho to die.(647) The\nhot springs burst in various places from the sides of a deep romantic\nravine to form a large and rapid stream of lukewarm water, which rushes\ndown the depths of the lynn, dashing and foaming over boulders, under the\ndense shade of tamarisk-trees and cane-brakes, the rocks on either bank\ndraped with an emerald fringe of maidenhair fern. One of the springs falls\nfrom a high rocky shelf over the face of a cliff which is tinted bright\nyellow by the sulphurous water. The lofty crags which shut in the narrow\nchasm are bold and imposing in outline and varied in colour, for they\nrange from red sandstone through white and yellow limestone to black\nbasalt. The waters issue from the line where the sandstone and limestone\nmeet. Their temperature is high, and from great clefts in the\nmountain-sides you may see clouds of steam rising and hear the rumbling of\nthe running waters. The bottom of the glen is clothed and half choked with\nrank vegetation; for, situated far below the level of the sea, the hot\nravine is almost African in climate and flora. Here grow dense thickets of\ncanes with their feathery tufts that shake and nod in every passing breath\nof wind: here the oleander flourishes with its dark-green glossy foliage\nand its beautiful pink blossoms: here tall date-palms rear their stately\nheads wherever the hot springs flow. Gorgeous flowers, too, carpet the\nground. Splendid orobanches, some pinkish purple, some bright yellow, grow\nin large tufts, each flower-stalk more than three feet high, and covered\nwith blossoms from the ground upwards. An exquisite rose-coloured geranium\nabounds among the stones; and where the soil is a little richer than usual\nit is a mass of the night-scented stock, while the crannies of the rocks\nare gay with scarlet ranunculus and masses of sorrel and cyclamen. Over\nall this luxuriant vegetation flit great butterflies of brilliant hues.\nLooking down the far-stretching gorge to its mouth you see in the distance\nthe purple hills of Judah framed between walls of black basaltic columns\non the one side and of bright red sandstone on the other.(648)\n\n(M164) Every year in the months of April and May the Arabs resort in\ncrowds to the glen to benefit by the waters. They take up their quarters\nin huts made of the reeds which they cut in the thickets. They bathe in\nthe steaming water, or allow it to splash on their bodies as it gushes in\na powerful jet from a crevice in the rocks. But before they indulge in\nthese ablutions, the visitors, both Moslem and Christian, propitiate the\nspirit or genius of the place by sacrificing a sheep or goat at the spring\nand allowing its red blood to tinge the water. Then they bathe in what\nthey call the Baths of Solomon. Legend runs that Solomon the Wise made his\nbathing-place here, and in order to keep the water always warm he\ncommanded the jinn never to let the fire die down. The jinn obey his\norders to this day, but sometimes they slacken their efforts, and then the\nwater runs low and cool. When the bathers perceive that, they say, \u201cO\nSolomon, bring green wood, dry wood,\u201d and no sooner have they said so than\nthe water begins to gurgle and steam as before. Sick people tell the saint\nor sheikh, who lives invisible in the springs, all about their ailments;\nthey point out to him the precise spot that is the seat of the malady, it\nmay be the back, or the head, or the legs; and if the heat of the water\ndiminishes, they call out, \u201cThy bath is cold, O sheikh, thy bath is cold!\u201d\nwhereupon the obliging sheikh stokes up the fire, and out comes the water\nboiling. But if in spite of their remonstrances the temperature of the\nspring continues low, they say that the sheikh has gone on pilgrimage, and\nthey shout to him to hasten his return. Barren Moslem women also visit\nthese hot springs to obtain children, and they do the same at the similar\nbaths near Kerak. At the latter place a childless woman has been known to\naddress the spirit of the waters saying, \u201cO sheikh Solomon, I am not yet\nan old woman; give me children.\u201d(649) The respect thus paid by Arab men\nand women to the sheikh Solomon at his hot springs may help us to\nunderstand the worship which at similar spots Greek men and women used to\nrender to the hero Hercules. As the ideal of manly strength he may have\nbeen deemed the father of many of his worshippers, and Greek wives may\nhave gone on pilgrimage to his steaming waters in order to obtain the wish\nof their hearts.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 8. The Worship of Volcanoes in other Lands.\n\n\n(M165) How far these considerations may serve to explain the custom of\nburning Hercules, or gods identified with him, in effigy or in the person\nof a human being, is a question which deserves to be considered. It might\nbe more easily answered if we were better acquainted with analogous\ncustoms in other parts of the world, but our information with regard to\nthe worship of volcanic phenomena in general appears to be very scanty.\nHowever, a few facts may be noted.\n\n(M166) The largest active crater in the world is Kirauea in Hawaii. It is\na huge cauldron, several miles in circumference and hundreds of feet deep,\nthe bottom of which is filled with boiling lava in a state of terrific\nebullition; from the red surge rise many black cones or insulated craters\nbelching columns of grey smoke or pyramids of brilliant flame from their\nroaring mouths, while torrents of blazing lava roll down their sides to\nflow into the molten, tossing sea of fire below. The scene is especially\nimpressive by night, when flames of sulphurous blue or metallic red sweep\nacross the heaving billows of the infernal lake, casting a broad glare on\nthe jagged sides of the insulated craters, which shoot up eddying streams\nof fire with a continuous roar, varied at frequent intervals by loud\ndetonations, as spherical masses of fusing lava or bright ignited stones\nare hurled into the air.(650) It is no wonder that so appalling a\nspectacle should have impressed the imagination of the natives and filled\nit with ideas of the dreadful beings who inhabit the fiery abyss. They\nconsidered the great crater, we are told, as the primaeval abode of their\nvolcanic deities: the black cones that rise like islands from the burning\nlake appeared to them the houses where the gods often amused themselves by\nplaying at draughts: the roaring of the furnaces and the crackling of the\nflames were the music of their dance; and the red flaming surge was the\nsurf wherein they played, sportively swimming on the rolling wave.(651)\n\n(M167) For these fearful divinities they had appropriate names; one was\nthe King of Steam or Vapour, another the Rain of Night, another the\nHusband of Thunder, another the Child of War with a Spear of Fire, another\nthe Fiery-eyed Canoe-breaker, another the Red-hot Mountain holding or\nlifting Clouds, and so on. But above them all was the great goddess P\u00e9l\u00e9.\nAll were dreaded: they never journeyed on errands of mercy but only to\nreceive offerings or to execute vengeance; and their arrival in any place\nwas announced by the convulsive trembling of the earth, by the lurid light\nof volcanic eruption, by the flash of lightning, and the clap of thunder.\nThe whole island was bound to pay them tribute or support their temples\nand devotees; and whenever the chiefs or people failed to send the proper\nofferings, or incurred their displeasure by insulting them or their\npriests or breaking the taboos which should be observed round about the\ncraters, they filled the huge cauldron on the top of Kirauea with molten\nlava, and spouted the fiery liquid on the surrounding country; or they\nwould march to some of their other houses, which mortals call craters, in\nthe neighbourhood of the sinners, and rushing forth in a river or column\nof fire overwhelm the guilty. If fishermen did not bring them enough fish\nfrom the sea, they would go down, kill all the fish, fill the shoals with\nlava, and so destroy the fishing-grounds. Hence, when the volcano was in\nactive eruption or threatened to break out, the people used to cast vast\nnumbers of hogs, alive or dead, into the craters or into the rolling\ntorrent of lava in order to appease the gods and arrest the progress of\nthe fiery stream.(652) To pluck certain sacred berries, which grow on the\nmountain, to dig sand on its slopes, or to throw stones into the crater\nwere acts particularly offensive to the deities, who would instantly rise\nin volumes of smoke, crush the offender under a shower of stones, or so\ninvolve him in thick darkness and rain that he could never find his way\nhome. However, it was lawful to pluck and eat of the sacred berries, if\nonly a portion of them were first offered to the goddess P\u00e9l\u00e9. The offerer\nwould take a branch laden with clusters of the beautiful red and yellow\nberries, and standing on the edge of the abyss and looking towards the\nplace where the smoke rose in densest volumes, he would say, \u201cP\u00e9l\u00e9, here\nare your berries: I offer some to you, some I also eat.\u201d With that he\nwould throw some of the berries into the crater and eat the rest.(653) A\nkind of brittle volcanic glass, of a dark-olive colour and\nsemi-transparent, is found on the mountain in the shape of filaments as\nfine as human hair; the natives call it the hair of the goddess P\u00e9l\u00e9.(654)\nWorshippers used to cast locks of their own hair into the crater of\nKirauea as an offering to the dreadful goddess who dwelt in it. She had\nalso a temple at the bottom of a valley, where stood a number of rude\nstone idols wrapt in white and yellow cloth. Once a year the priests and\ndevotees of P\u00e9l\u00e9 assembled there to perform certain rites and to feast on\nhogs, dogs, and fruit, which the pious inhabitants of Hamakua brought to\nthe holy place in great abundance. This annual festival was intended to\npropitiate the volcanic goddess and thereby to secure the country from\nearthquakes and floods of molten lava.(655) The goddess of the volcano was\nsupposed to inspire people, though to the carnal eye the inspiration\nresembled intoxication. One of these inspired priestesses solemnly\naffirmed to an English missionary that she was the goddess P\u00e9l\u00e9 herself\nand as such immortal. Assuming a haughty air, she said, \u201cI am P\u00e9l\u00e9; I\nshall never die; and those who follow me, when they die, if part of their\nbones be taken to Kirauea (the name of the volcano), will live with me in\nthe bright fires there.\u201d(656) For \u201cthe worshippers of P\u00e9l\u00e9 threw a part of\nbones of their dead into the volcano, under the impression that the\nspirits of the deceased would then be admitted to the society of the\nvolcanic deities, and that their influence would preserve the survivors\nfrom the ravages of volcanic fire.\u201d(657)\n\n(M168) This last belief may help to explain a custom, which some peoples\nhave observed, of throwing human victims into volcanoes. The intention of\nsuch a practice need not be simply to appease the dreadful volcanic\nspirits by ministering to their fiendish lust of cruelty; it may be a\nnotion that the souls of the men or women who have been burnt to death in\nthe crater will join the host of demons in the fiery furnace, mitigate\ntheir fury, and induce them to spare the works and the life of man. But,\nhowever we may explain the custom, it has been usual in various parts of\nthe world to throw human beings as well as less precious offerings into\nthe craters of active volcanoes. Thus the Indians of Nicaragua used to\nsacrifice men, women, and children to the active volcano Massaya, flinging\nthem into the craters: we are told that the victims went willingly to\ntheir fate.(658) In the island of Siao, to the north of Celebes, a child\nwas formerly sacrificed every year in order to keep the volcano Goowoong\nAwoo quiet. The poor wretch was tortured to death at a festival which\nlasted nine days. In later times the place of the child has been taken by\na wooden puppet, which is hacked to pieces in the same way. The\nGalelareese of Halmahera say that the Sultan of Ternate used annually to\nrequire some human victims, who were cast into the crater of the volcano\nto save the island from its ravages.(659) In Java the volcano Bromo or\nBromok is annually worshipped by people who throw offerings of coco-nuts,\nplantains, mangoes, rice, chickens, cakes, cloth, money, and so forth into\nthe crater.(660) To the Tenggereese, an aboriginal heathen tribe\ninhabiting the mountains of which Bromo is the central crater, the\nfestival of making offerings to the volcano is the greatest of the year.\nIt is held at full moon in the twelfth month, the day being fixed by the\nhigh priest. Each household prepares its offerings the night before. Very\nearly in the morning the people set out by moonlight for Mount Bromo, men,\nwomen, and children all arrayed in their best. Before they reach the\nmountain they must cross a wide sandy plain, where the spirits of the dead\nare supposed to dwell until by means of the Festival of the Dead they\nobtain admittance to the volcano. It is a remarkable sight to see\nthousands of people streaming across the level sands from three different\ndirections. They have to descend into it from the neighbouring heights,\nand the horses break into a gallop when, after the steep descent, they\nreach the level. The gay and varied colours of the dresses, the fantastic\ncostumes of the priests, the offerings borne along, the whole lit up by\nthe warm beams of the rising sun, lend to the spectacle a peculiar charm.\nAll assemble at the foot of the crater, where a market is held for\nofferings and refreshments. The scene is a lively one, for hundreds of\npeople must now pay the vows which they made during the year. The priests\nsit in a long row on mats, and when the high priest appears the people\npray, saying, \u201cBromo, we thank thee for all thy gifts and benefits with\nwhich thou ever blessest us, and for which we offer thee our\nthank-offerings to-day. Bless us, our children, and our children\u2019s\nchildren.\u201d The prayers over, the high priest gives a signal, and the whole\nmultitude arises and climbs the mountain. On reaching the edge of the\ncrater, the pontiff again blesses the offerings of food, clothes, and\nmoney, which are then thrown into the crater. Yet few of them reach the\nspirits for whom they are intended; for a swarm of urchins now scrambles\ndown into the crater, and at more or less risk to life and limb succeeds\nin appropriating the greater part of the offerings. The spirits, defrauded\nof their dues, must take the will for the deed.(661) Tradition says that\nonce in a time of dearth a chief vowed to sacrifice one of his children to\nthe volcano, if the mountain would bless the people with plenty of food.\nHis prayer was answered, and he paid his vow by casting his youngest son\nas a thank-offering into the crater.(662)\n\n(M169) On the slope of Mount Smeroe, another active volcano in Java, there\nare two small idols, which the natives worship and pray to when they\nascend the mountain. They lay food before the images to obtain the favour\nof the god of the volcano.(663) In antiquity people cast into the craters\nof Etna vessels of gold and silver and all kinds of victims. If the fire\nswallowed up the offerings, the omen was good; but if it rejected them,\nsome evil was sure to befall the offerer.(664)\n\n(M170) These examples suggest that a custom of burning men or images may\npossibly be derived from a practice of throwing them into the craters of\nactive volcanoes in order to appease the dreaded spirits or gods who dwell\nthere. But unless we reckon the fires of Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia(665)\nand of Mount Chimaera in Lycia,(666) there is apparently no record of any\nmountain in Western Asia which has been in eruption within historical\ntimes. On the whole, then, we conclude that the Asiatic custom of burning\nkings or gods was probably in no way connected with volcanic phenomena.\nYet it was perhaps worth while to raise the question of the connexion,\neven though it has received only a negative answer. The whole subject of\nthe influence which physical environment has exercised on the history of\nreligion deserves to be studied with more attention than it has yet\nreceived.(667)\n\n\n\n\nChapter IX. The Ritual of Adonis.\n\n\n(M171) Thus far we have dealt with the myth of Adonis and the legends\nwhich associated him with Byblus and Paphos. A discussion of these legends\nled us to the conclusion that among Semitic peoples in early times,\nAdonis, the divine lord of the city, was often personated by priestly\nkings or other members of the royal family, and that these his human\nrepresentatives were of old put to death, whether periodically or\noccasionally, in their divine character. Further, we found that certain\ntraditions and monuments of Asia Minor seem to preserve traces of a\nsimilar practice. As time went on, the cruel custom was apparently\nmitigated in various ways; for example, by substituting an effigy or an\nanimal for the man, or by allowing the destined victim to escape with a\nmerely make-believe sacrifice. The evidence of all this is drawn from a\nvariety of scattered and often ambiguous indications: it is fragmentary,\nit is uncertain, and the conclusions built upon it inevitably partake of\nthe weakness of the foundation. Where the records are so imperfect, as\nthey happen to be in this branch of our subject, the element of hypothesis\nmust enter largely into any attempt to piece together and interpret the\ndisjointed facts. How far the interpretations here proposed are sound, I\nleave to future inquiries to determine.\n\n(M172) From dim regions of the past, where we have had to grope our way\nwith small help from the lamp of history, it is a relief to pass to those\nlater periods of classical antiquity on which contemporary Greek writers\nhave shed the light of their clear intelligence. To them we owe almost all\nthat we know for certain about the rites of Adonis. The Semites who\npractised the worship have said little about it; at all events little that\nthey said has come down to us. Accordingly, the following account of the\nritual is derived mainly from Greek authors who saw what they describe;\nand it applies to ages in which the growth of humane feeling had softened\nsome of the harsher features of the worship.\n\n(M173) At the festivals of Adonis, which were held in Western Asia and in\nGreek lands, the death of the god was annually mourned, with a bitter\nwailing, chiefly by women; images of him, dressed to resemble corpses,\nwere carried out as to burial and then thrown into the sea or into\nsprings;(668) and in some places his revival was celebrated on the\nfollowing day.(669) But at different places the ceremonies varied somewhat\nin the manner and apparently also in the season of their celebration. At\nAlexandria images of Aphrodite and Adonis were displayed on two couches;\nbeside them were set ripe fruits of all kinds, cakes, plants growing in\nflower-pots, and green bowers twined with anise. The marriage of the\nlovers was celebrated one day, and on the morrow women attired as\nmourners, with streaming hair and bared breasts, bore the image of the\ndead Adonis to the sea-shore and committed it to the waves. Yet they\nsorrowed not without hope, for they sang that the lost one would come back\nagain.(670) The date at which this Alexandrian ceremony was observed is\nnot expressly stated; but from the mention of the ripe fruits it has been\ninferred that it took place in late summer.(671) In the great Phoenician\nsanctuary of Astarte at Byblus the death of Adonis was annually mourned,\nto the shrill wailing notes of the flute, with weeping, lamentation, and\nbeating of the breast; but next day he was believed to come to life again\nand ascend up to heaven in the presence of his worshippers. The\ndisconsolate believers, left behind on earth, shaved their heads as the\nEgyptians did on the death of the divine bull Apis; women who could not\nbring themselves to sacrifice their beautiful tresses had to give\nthemselves up to strangers on a certain day of the festival, and to\ndedicate to Astarte the wages of their shame.(672)\n\n(M174) This Phoenician festival appears to have been a vernal one, for its\ndate was determined by the discoloration of the river Adonis, and this has\nbeen observed by modern travellers to occur in spring. At that season the\nred earth washed down from the mountains by the rain tinges the water of\nthe river, and even the sea, for a great way with a blood-red hue, and the\ncrimson stain was believed to be the blood of Adonis, annually wounded to\ndeath by the boar on Mount Lebanon.(673) Again, the scarlet anemone is\nsaid to have sprung from the blood of Adonis, or to have been stained by\nit;(674) and as the anemone blooms in Syria about Easter, this may be\nthought to show that the festival of Adonis, or at least one of his\nfestivals, was held in spring. The name of the flower is probably derived\nfrom Naaman (\u201cdarling\u201d), which seems to have been an epithet of Adonis.\nThe Arabs still call the anemone \u201cwounds of the Naaman.\u201d(675) The red rose\nalso was said to owe its hue to the same sad occasion; for Aphrodite,\nhastening to her wounded lover, trod on a bush of white roses; the cruel\nthorns tore her tender flesh, and her sacred blood dyed the white roses\nfor ever red.(676) It would be idle, perhaps, to lay much weight on\nevidence drawn from the calendar of flowers, and in particular to press an\nargument so fragile as the bloom of the rose. Yet so far as it counts at\nall, the tale which links the damask rose with the death of Adonis points\nto a summer rather than to a spring celebration of his passion. In Attica,\ncertainly, the festival fell at the height of summer. For the fleet which\nAthens fitted out against Syracuse, and by the destruction of which her\npower was permanently crippled, sailed at midsummer, and by an ominous\ncoincidence the sombre rites of Adonis were being celebrated at the very\ntime. As the troops marched down to the harbour to embark, the streets\nthrough which they passed were lined with coffins and corpse-like\neffigies, and the air was rent with the noise of women wailing for the\ndead Adonis. The circumstance cast a gloom over the sailing of the most\nsplendid armament that Athens ever sent to sea.(677) Many ages afterwards,\nwhen the Emperor Julian made his first entry into Antioch, he found in\nlike manner the gay, the luxurious capital of the East plunged in mimic\ngrief for the annual death of Adonis: and if he had any presentiment of\ncoming evil, the voices of lamentation which struck upon his ear must have\nseemed to sound his knell.(678)\n\n(M175) The resemblance of these ceremonies to the Indian and European\nceremonies which I have described elsewhere is obvious. In particular,\napart from the somewhat doubtful date of its celebration, the Alexandrian\nceremony is almost identical with the Indian.(679) In both of them the\nmarriage of two divine beings, whose affinity with vegetation seems\nindicated by the fresh plants with which they are surrounded, is\ncelebrated in effigy, and the effigies are afterwards mourned over and\nthrown into the water.(680) From the similarity of these customs to each\nother and to the spring and midsummer customs of modern Europe we should\nnaturally expect that they all admit of a common explanation. Hence, if\nthe explanation which I have adopted of the latter is correct, the\nceremony of the death and resurrection of Adonis must also have been a\ndramatic representation of the decay and revival of plant life. The\ninference thus based on the resemblance of the customs is confirmed by the\nfollowing features in the legend and ritual of Adonis. His affinity with\nvegetation comes out at once in the common story of his birth. He was said\nto have been born from a myrrh-tree, the bark of which bursting, after a\nten month\u2019 gestation, allowed the lovely infant to come forth. According\nto some, a boar rent the bark with his tusk and so opened a passage for\nthe babe. A faint rationalistic colour was given to the legend by saying\nthat his mother was a woman named Myrrh, who had been turned into a\nmyrrh-tree soon after she had conceived the child.(681) The use of myrrh\nas incense at the festival of Adonis may have given rise to the\nfable.(682) We have seen that incense was burnt at the corresponding\nBabylonian rites,(683) just as it was burnt by the idolatrous Hebrews in\nhonour of the Queen of Heaven,(684) who was no other than Astarte. Again,\nthe story that Adonis spent half, or according to others a third, of the\nyear in the lower world and the rest of it in the upper world,(685) is\nexplained most simply and naturally by supposing that he represented\nvegetation, especially the corn, which lies buried in earth half the year\nand reappears above ground the other half. Certainly of the annual\nphenomena of nature there is none which suggests so obviously the idea of\ndeath and resurrection as the disappearance and reappearance of vegetation\nin autumn and spring. Adonis has been taken for the sun; but there is\nnothing in the sun\u2019s annual course within the temperate and tropical zones\nto suggest that he is dead for half or a third of the year and alive for\nthe other half or two-thirds. He might, indeed, be conceived as weakened\nin winter, but dead he could not be thought to be; his daily reappearance\ncontradicts the supposition.(686) Within the Arctic Circle, where the sun\nannually disappears for a continuous period which varies from twenty-four\nhours to six months according to the latitude, his yearly death and\nresurrection would certainly be an obvious idea; but no one except the\nunfortunate astronomer Bailly(687) has maintained that the Adonis worship\ncame from the Arctic regions. On the other hand, the annual death and\nrevival of vegetation is a conception which readily presents itself to men\nin every stage of savagery and civilization; and the vastness of the scale\non which this ever-recurring decay and regeneration takes place, together\nwith man\u2019s intimate dependence on it for subsistence, combine to render it\nthe most impressive annual occurrence in nature, at least within the\ntemperate zones. It is no wonder that a phenomenon so important, so\nstriking, and so universal should, by suggesting similar ideas, have given\nrise to similar rites in many lands. We may, therefore, accept as probable\nan explanation of the Adonis worship which accords so well with the facts\nof nature and with the analogy of similar rites in other lands. Moreover,\nthe explanation is countenanced by a considerable body of opinion amongst\nthe ancients themselves, who again and again interpreted the dying and\nreviving god as the reaped and sprouting grain.(688)\n\n(M176) The character of Tammuz or Adonis as a corn-spirit comes out\nplainly in an account of his festival given by an Arabic writer of the\ntenth century. In describing the rites and sacrifices observed at the\ndifferent seasons of the year by the heathen Syrians of Harran, he says:\n\u201cTammuz (July). In the middle of this month is the festival of el-B\u00fbg\u00e2t,\nthat is, of the weeping women, and this is the T\u00e2-uz festival, which is\ncelebrated in honour of the god T\u00e2-uz. The women bewail him, because his\nlord slew him so cruelly, ground his bones in a mill, and then scattered\nthem to the wind. The women (during this festival) eat nothing which has\nbeen ground in a mill, but limit their diet to steeped wheat, sweet\nvetches, dates, raisins, and the like.\u201d(689) T\u00e2-uz, who is no other than\nTammuz, is here like Burns\u2019s John Barleycorn\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_They wasted o\u2019er a scorching flame_\n      _The marrow of his bones;_\n    _But a miller us\u2019d him worst of all\u2014_\n      _For he crush\u2019d him between two stones._\u201d\n\n\nThis concentration, so to say, of the nature of Adonis upon the cereal\ncrops is characteristic of the stage of culture reached by his worshippers\nin historical times. They had left the nomadic life of the wandering\nhunter and herdsman far behind them; for ages they had been settled on the\nland, and had depended for their subsistence mainly on the products of\ntillage. The berries and roots of the wilderness, the grass of the\npastures, which had been matters of vital importance to their ruder\nforefathers, were now of little moment to them: more and more their\nthoughts and energies were engrossed by the staple of their life, the\ncorn; more and more accordingly the propitiation of the deities of\nfertility in general and of the corn-spirit in particular tended to become\nthe central feature of their religion. The aim they set before themselves\nin celebrating the rites was thoroughly practical. It was no vague\npoetical sentiment which prompted them to hail with joy the rebirth of\nvegetation and to mourn its decline. Hunger, felt or feared, was the\nmainspring of the worship of Adonis.\n\n(M177) It has been suggested by Father Lagrange that the mourning for\nAdonis was essentially a harvest rite designed to propitiate the corn-god,\nwho was then either perishing under the sickles of the reapers, or being\ntrodden to death under the hoofs of the oxen on the threshing-floor. While\nthe men slew him, the women wept crocodile tears at home to appease his\nnatural indignation by a show of grief for his death.(690) The theory fits\nin well with the dates of the festivals, which fell in spring or summer;\nfor spring and summer, not autumn, are the seasons of the barley and wheat\nharvests in the lands which, worshipped Adonis.(691) Further, the\nhypothesis is confirmed by the practice of the Egyptian reapers, who\nlamented, calling upon Isis, when they cut the first corn;(692) and it is\nrecommended by the analogous customs of many hunting tribes, who testify\ngreat respect for the animals which they kill and eat.(693)\n\n(M178) Thus interpreted the death of Adonis is not the natural decay of\nvegetation in general under the summer heat or the winter cold; it is the\nviolent destruction of the corn by man, who cuts it down on the field,\nstamps it to pieces on the threshing-floor, and grinds it to powder in the\nmill. That this was indeed the principal aspect in which Adonis presented\nhimself in later times to the agricultural peoples of the Levant, may be\nadmitted; but whether from the beginning he had been the corn and nothing\nbut the corn, may be doubted. At an earlier period he may have been to the\nherdsman, above all, the tender herbage which sprouts after rain, offering\nrich pasture to the lean and hungry cattle. Earlier still he may have\nembodied the spirit of the nuts and berries which the autumn woods yield\nto the savage hunter and his squaw. And just as the husbandman must\npropitiate the spirit of the corn which he consumes, so the herdsman must\nappease the spirit of the grass and leaves which his cattle munch, and the\nhunter must soothe the spirit of the roots which he digs, and of the\nfruits which he gathers from the bough. In all cases the propitiation of\nthe injured and angry sprite would naturally comprise elaborate excuses\nand apologies, accompanied by loud lamentations at his decease whenever,\nthrough some deplorable accident or necessity, he happened to be murdered\nas well as robbed. Only we must bear in mind that the savage hunter and\nherdsman of those early days had probably not yet attained to the abstract\nidea of vegetation in general; and that accordingly, so far as Adonis\nexisted for them at all, he must have been the _Adon_ or lord of each\nindividual tree and plant rather than a personification of vegetable life\nas a whole. Thus there would be as many Adonises as there were trees and\nshrubs, and each of them might expect to receive satisfaction for any\ndamage done to his person or property. And year by year, when the trees\nwere deciduous, every Adonis would seem to bleed to death with the red\nleaves of autumn and to come to life again with the fresh green of spring.\n\n(M179) We have seen reason to think that in early times Adonis was\nsometimes personated by a living man who died a violent death in the\ncharacter of the god. Further, there is evidence which goes to show that\namong the agricultural peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean, the\ncorn-spirit, by whatever name he was known, was often represented, year by\nyear, by human victims slain on the harvest-field.(694) If that was so, it\nseems likely that the propitiation of the corn-spirit would tend to fuse\nto some extent with the worship of the dead. For the spirits of these\nvictims might be thought to return to life in the ears which they had\nfattened with their blood, and to die a second death at the reaping of the\ncorn. Now the ghosts of those who have perished by violence are surly and\napt to wreak their vengeance on their slayers whenever an opportunity\noffers. Hence the attempt to appease the souls of the slaughtered victims\nwould naturally blend, at least in the popular conception, with the\nattempt to pacify the slain corn-spirit. And as the dead came back in the\nsprouting corn, so they might be thought to return in the spring flowers,\nwaked from their long sleep by the soft vernal airs. They had been laid to\ntheir rest under the sod. What more natural than to imagine that the\nviolets and the hyacinths, the roses and the anemones, sprang from their\ndust, were empurpled or incarnadined by their blood, and contained some\nportion of their spirit?\n\n\n    \u201c_I sometimes think that never blows so red_\n    _The Rose as where some buried Caesar bled;_\n        _That every Hyacinth the Garden wears_\n    _Dropt in her Lap from some once lovely Head._\n\n    \u201c_And this reviving Herb whose tender Green_\n    _Fledges the River-Lip on which we lean\u2014_\n        _Ah, lean upon it lightly, for who knows_\n    _From what once lovely Lip it springs unseen?_\u201d\n\n\n(M180) In the summer after the battle of Landen, the most sanguinary\nbattle of the seventeenth century in Europe, the earth, saturated with the\nblood of twenty thousand slain, broke forth into millions of poppies, and\nthe traveller who passed that vast sheet of scarlet might well fancy that\nthe earth had indeed given up her dead.(695) At Athens the great\nCommemoration of the Dead fell in spring about the middle of March, when\nthe early flowers are in bloom. Then the dead were believed to rise from\ntheir graves and go about the streets, vainly endeavoring to enter the\ntemples and the dwellings, which were barred against these perturbed\nspirits with ropes, buckthorn, and pitch. The name of the festival,\naccording to the most obvious and natural interpretation, means the\nFestival of Flowers, and the title would fit well with the substance of\nthe ceremonies if at that season the poor ghosts were indeed thought to\ncreep from the narrow house with the opening flowers.(696) There may\ntherefore be a measure of truth in the theory of Renan, who saw in the\nAdonis worship a dreamy voluptuous cult of death, conceived not as the\nKing of Terrors, but as an insidious enchanter who lures his victims to\nhimself and lulls them into an eternal sleep. The infinite charm of nature\nin the Lebanon, he thought, lends itself to religious emotions of this\nsensuous, visionary sort, hovering vaguely between pain and pleasure,\nbetween slumber and tears.(697) It would doubtless be a mistake to\nattribute to Syrian peasants the worship of a conception so purely\nabstract as that of death in general. Yet it may be true that in their\nsimple minds the thought of the reviving spirit of vegetation was blent\nwith the very concrete notion of the ghosts of the dead, who come to life\nagain in spring days with the early flowers, with the tender green of the\ncorn and the many-tinted blossoms of the trees. Thus their views of the\ndeath and resurrection of nature would be coloured by their views of the\ndeath and resurrection of man, by their personal sorrows and hopes and\nfears. In like manner we cannot doubt that Renan\u2019s theory of Adonis was\nitself deeply tinged by passionate memories, memories of the slumber akin\nto death which sealed his own eyes on the slopes of the Lebanon, memories\nof the sister who sleeps in the land of Adonis never again to wake with\nthe anemones and the roses.\n\n\n\n\nChapter X. The Gardens of Adonis.\n\n\n(M181) Perhaps the best proof that Adonis was a deity of vegetation, and\nespecially of the corn, is furnished by the gardens of Adonis, as they\nwere called. These were baskets or pots filled with earth, in which wheat,\nbarley, lettuces, fennel, and various kinds of flowers were sown and\ntended for eight days, chiefly or exclusively by women. Fostered by the\nsun\u2019s heat, the plants shot up rapidly, but having no root they withered\nas rapidly away, and at the end of eight days were carried out with the\nimages of the dead Adonis, and flung with them into the sea or into\nsprings.(698)\n\n(M182) These gardens of Adonis are most naturally interpreted as\nrepresentatives of Adonis or manifestations of his power; they represented\nhim, true to his original nature, in vegetable form, while the images of\nhim, with which they were carried out and cast into the water, portrayed\nhim in his later human shape. All these Adonis ceremonies, if I am right,\nwere originally intended as charms to promote the growth or revival of\nvegetation; and the principle by which they were supposed to produce this\neffect was homoeopathic or imitative magic. For ignorant people suppose\nthat by mimicking the effect which they desire to produce they actually\nhelp to produce it; thus by sprinkling water they make rain, by lighting a\nfire they make sunshine, and so on. Similarly, by mimicking the growth of\ncrops they hope to ensure a good harvest. The rapid growth of the wheat\nand barley in the gardens of Adonis was intended to make the corn shoot\nup; and the throwing of the gardens and of the images into the water was a\ncharm to secure a due supply of fertilizing rain.(699) The same, I take\nit, was the object of throwing the effigies of Death and the Carnival into\nwater in the corresponding ceremonies of modern Europe.(700) Certainly the\ncustom of drenching with water a leaf-clad person, who undoubtedly\npersonifies vegetation, is still resorted to in Europe for the express\npurpose of producing rain.(701) Similarly the custom of throwing water on\nthe last corn cut at harvest, or on the person who brings it home (a\ncustom observed in Germany and France, and till quite lately in England\nand Scotland), is in some places practised with the avowed intent to\nprocure rain for the next year\u2019s crops. Thus in Wallachia and amongst the\nRoumanians in Transylvania, when a girl is bringing home a crown made of\nthe last ears of corn cut at harvest, all who meet her hasten to throw\nwater on her, and two farm-servants are placed at the door for the\npurpose; for they believe that if this were not done, the crops next year\nwould perish from drought.(702) So amongst the Saxons of Transylvania, the\nperson who wears the wreath made of the last corn cut is drenched with\nwater to the skin; for the wetter he is, the better will be next year\u2019s\nharvest, and the more grain there will be threashed out. Sometimes the\nwearer of the wreath is the reaper who cut the last corn.(703) In Northern\nEuboea, when the corn-sheaves have been piled in a stack, the farmer\u2019s\nwife brings a pitcher of water and offers it to each of the labourers that\nhe may wash his hands. Every man, after he has washed his hands, sprinkles\nwater on the corn and on the threshing-floor, expressing at the same time\na wish that the corn may last long. Lastly, the farmer\u2019s wife holds the\npitcher slantingly and runs at full speed round the stack without spilling\na drop, while she utters a wish that the stack may endure as long as the\ncircle she has just described.(704) At the spring ploughing in Prussia,\nwhen the ploughmen and sowers returned in the evening from their work in\nthe fields, the farmer\u2019s wife and the servants used to splash water over\nthem. The ploughmen and sowers retorted by seizing every one, throwing\nthem into the pond, and ducking them under the water. The farmer\u2019s wife\nmight claim exemption on payment of a forfeit, but every one else had to\nbe ducked. By observing this custom they hoped to ensure a due supply of\nrain for the seed.(705) Also after harvest in Prussia, the person who wore\na wreath made of the last corn cut was drenched with water, while a prayer\nwas uttered that \u201cas the corn had sprung up and multiplied through the\nwater, so it might spring up and multiply in the barn and granary.\u201d(706)\nAt Schlanow, in Brandenburg, when the sowers return home from the first\nsowing they are drenched with water \u201cin order that the corn may\ngrow.\u201d(707) In Anhalt on the same occasion the farmer is still often\nsprinkled with water by his family; and his men and horses, and even the\nplough, receive the same treatment. The object of the custom, as people at\nArensdorf explained it, is \u201cto wish fertility to the fields for the whole\nyear.\u201d(708) So in Hesse, when the ploughmen return with the plough from\nthe field for the first time, the women and girls lie in wait for them and\nslyly drench them with water.(709) Near Naaburg, in Bavaria, the man who\nfirst comes back from sowing or ploughing has a vessel of water thrown\nover him by some one in hiding.(710) At Hettingen in Baden the farmer who\nis about to begin the sowing of oats is sprinkled with water, in order\nthat the oats may not shrivel up.(711) Before the Tusayan Indians of North\nAmerica go out to plant their fields, the women sometimes pour water on\nthem; the reason for doing so is that \u201cas the water is poured on the men,\nso may water fall on the planted fields.\u201d(712) The Indians of Santiago\nTepehuacan steep the seed of the maize in water before they sow it, in\norder that the god of the waters may bestow on the fields the needed\nmoisture.(713)\n\n(M183) The opinion that the gardens of Adonis are essentially charms to\npromote the growth of vegetation, especially of the crops, and that they\nbelong to the same class of customs as those spring and midsummer\nfolk-customs of modern Europe which I have described elsewhere,(714) does\nnot rest for its evidence merely on the intrinsic probability of the case.\nFortunately we are able to show that gardens of Adonis (if we may use the\nexpression in a general sense) are still planted, first, by a primitive\nrace at their sowing season, and, second, by European peasants at\nmidsummer. Amongst the Oraons and Mundas of Bengal, when the time comes\nfor planting out the rice which has been grown in seed-beds, a party of\nyoung people of both sexes go to the forest and cut a young Karma-tree, or\nthe branch of one. Bearing it in triumph they return dancing, singing, and\nbeating drums, and plant it in the middle of the village dancing-ground. A\nsacrifice is offered to the tree; and next morning the youth of both\nsexes, linked arm-in-arm, dance in a great circle round the Karma-tree,\nwhich is decked with strips of coloured cloth and sham bracelets and\nnecklets of plaited straw. As a preparation for the festival, the\ndaughters of the headman of the village cultivate blades of barley in a\npeculiar way. The seed is sown in moist, sandy soil, mixed with turmeric,\nand the blades sprout and unfold of a pale-yellow or primrose colour. On\nthe day of the festival the girls take up these blades and carry them in\nbaskets to the dancing-ground, where, prostrating themselves\nreverentially, they place some of the plants before the Karma-tree.\nFinally, the Karma-tree is taken away and thrown into a stream or\ntank.(715) The meaning of planting these barley blades and then presenting\nthem to the Karma-tree is hardly open to question. Trees are supposed to\nexercise a quickening influence upon the growth of crops, and amongst the\nvery people in question\u2014the Mundas or Mundaris\u2014\u201cthe grove deities are held\nresponsible for the crops.\u201d(716) Therefore, when at the season for\nplanting out the rice the Mundas bring in a tree and treat it with so much\nrespect, their object can only be to foster thereby the growth of the rice\nwhich is about to be planted out; and the custom of causing barley blades\nto sprout rapidly and then presenting them to the tree must be intended to\nsubserve the same purpose, perhaps by reminding the tree-spirit of his\nduty towards the crops, and stimulating his activity by this visible\nexample of rapid vegetable growth. The throwing of the Karma-tree into the\nwater is to be interpreted as a rain-charm. Whether the barley blades are\nalso thrown into the water is not said; but if my interpretation of the\ncustom is right, probably they are so. A distinction between this Bengal\ncustom and the Greek rites of Adonis is that in the former the tree-spirit\nappears in his original form as a tree; whereas in the Adonis worship he\nappears in human form, represented as a dead man, though his vegetable\nnature is indicated by the gardens of Adonis, which are, so to say, a\nsecondary manifestation of his original power as a tree-spirit.\n\n(M184) Gardens of Adonis are cultivated also by the Hindoos, with the\nintention apparently of ensuring the fertility both of the earth and of\nmankind. Thus at Oodeypoor in Rajputana a festival is held \u201cin honour of\nGouri, or Isani, the goddess of abundance, the Isis of Egypt, the Ceres of\nGreece. Like the Rajpoot Saturnalia, which it follows, it belongs to the\nvernal equinox, when nature in these regions proximate to the tropic is in\nthe full expanse of her charms, and the matronly Gouri casts her golden\nmantle over the verdant Vassanti, personification of spring. Then the\nfruits exhibit their promise to the eye; the kohil fills the ear with\nmelody; the air is impregnated with aroma, and the crimson poppy contrasts\nwith the spikes of golden grain to form a wreath for the beneficent Gouri.\nGouri is one of the names of Isa or Parvati, wife of the greatest of the\ngods, Mahadeva or Iswara, who is conjoined with her in these rites, which\nalmost exclusively appertain to the women. The meaning of _gouri_ is\n\u2018yellow,\u2019 emblematic of the ripened harvest, when the votaries of the\ngoddess adore her effigies, which are those of a matron painted the colour\nof ripe corn.\u201d The rites begin when the sun enters the sign of the Ram,\nthe opening of the Hindoo year. An image of the goddess Gouri is made of\nearth, and a smaller one of her husband Iswara, and the two are placed\ntogether. A small trench is next dug, barley is sown in it, and the ground\nwatered and heated artificially till the grain sprouts, when the women\ndance round it hand in hand, invoking the blessing of Gouri on their\nhusbands. After that the young corn is taken up and distributed by the\nwomen to the men, who wear it in their turbans. Every wealthy family, or\nat least every subdivision of the city, has its own image. These and other\nrites, known only to the initiated, occupy several days, and are performed\nwithin doors. Then the images of the goddess and her husband are decorated\nand borne in procession to a beautiful lake, whose deep blue waters mirror\nthe cloudless Indian sky, marble palaces, and orange groves. Here the\nwomen, their hair decked with roses and jessamine carry the image of Gouri\ndown a marble staircase to the water\u2019s edge, and dance round it singing\nhymns and love-songs. Meantime the goddess is supposed to bathe in the\nwater. No men take part in the ceremony; even the image of Iswara, the\nhusband-god, attracts little attention.(717) In these rites the\ndistribution of the barley shoots to the men, and the invocation of a\nblessing on their husbands by the wives, point clearly to the desire of\noffspring as one motive for observing the custom. The same motive probably\nexplains the use of gardens of Adonis at the marriage of Brahmans in the\nMadras Presidency. Seeds of five or nine sorts are mixed and sown in\nearthen pots, which are made specially for the purpose and are filled with\nearth. Bride and bridegroom water the seeds both morning and evening for\nfour days; and on the fifth day the seedlings are thrown, like the real\ngardens of Adonis, into a tank or river.(718)\n\n(M185) In the Himalayan districts of North-Western India the cultivators\nsow barley, maize, pulse, or mustard in a basket of earth on the\ntwenty-fourth day of the fourth month (_As\u00e1rh_), which falls about the\nmiddle of July. Then on the last day of the month they place amidst the\nnew sprouts small clay images of Mahadeo and Parvati and worship them in\nremembrance of the marriage of those deities. Next day they cut down the\ngreen stalks and wear them in their head-dress.(719) Similar is the barley\nfeast known as J\u00e2y\u00ee or Jaw\u00e2ra in Upper India and as Bhujariya in the\nCentral Provinces. On the seventh day of the light half of the month S\u00e2wan\ngrains of barley are sown in a pot of manure, and spring up so quickly\nthat by the end of the month the vessel is full of long, yellowish-green\nstalks. On the first day of the next month, Bh\u00e2don, the women and girls\ntake the stalks out, throw the earth and manure into water, and distribute\nthe plants among their male friends, who bind them in their turbans and\nabout their dress.(720) At Sargal in the Central Provinces of India this\nceremony is observed about the middle of September. None but women may\ntake part in it, though crowds of men come to look on. Some little time\nbefore the festival wheat or other grain has been sown in pots ingeniously\nconstructed of large leaves, which are held together by the thorns of a\nspecies of acacia. Having grown up in the dark, the stalks are of a pale\ncolour. On the day appointed these gardens of Adonis, as we may call them,\nare carried towards a lake which abuts on the native city. The women of\nevery family or circle of friends bring their own pots, and having laid\nthem on the ground they dance round them. Then taking the pots of\nsprouting corn they descend to the edge of the water, wash the soil away\nfrom the pots, and distribute the young plants among their friends.(721)\nAt the temple of the goddess Padmavati, near Pandharpur in the Bombay\nPresidency, a Nine Nights\u2019 festival is held in the bright half of the\nmonth Ashvin (September-October). At this time a bamboo frame is hung in\nfront of the image, and from it depend garlands of flowers and strings of\nwheaten cakes. Under the frame the floor in front of the pedestal is\nstrewn with a layer of earth in which wheat is sown and allowed to\nsprout.(722) A similar rite is observed in the same month before the\nimages of two other goddesses, Ambabai and Lakhubai, who also have temples\nat Pandharpur.(723)\n\n(M186) In some parts of Bavaria it is customary to sow flax in a pot on\nthe last three days of the Carnival; from the seed which grows best an\nomen is drawn as to whether the early, the middle, or the late sowing will\nproduce the best crop.(724) In Sardinia the gardens of Adonis are still\nplanted in connexion with the great Midsummer festival which bears the\nname of St. John. At the end of March or on the first of April a young man\nof the village presents himself to a girl, and asks her to be his _comare_\n(gossip or sweetheart), offering to be her _compare_. The invitation is\nconsidered as an honour by the girl\u2019s family, and is gladly accepted. At\nthe end of May the girl makes a pot of the bark of the cork-tree, fills it\nwith earth, and sows a handful of wheat and barley in it. The pot being\nplaced in the sun and often watered, the corn sprouts rapidly and has a\ngood head by Midsummer Eve (St. John\u2019s Eve, the twenty-third of June). The\npot is then called _Erme_ or _Nenneri_. On St. John\u2019s Day the young man\nand the girl, dressed in their best, accompanied by a long retinue and\npreceded by children gambolling and frolicking, move in procession to a\nchurch outside the village. Here they break the pot by throwing it against\nthe door of the church. Then they sit down in a ring on the grass and eat\neggs and herbs to the music of flutes. Wine is mixed in a cup and passed\nround, each one drinking as it passes. Then they join hands and sing\n\u201cSweethearts of St. John\u201d (_Compare e comare di San Giovanni_) over and\nover again, the flutes playing the while. When they tire of singing they\nstand up and dance gaily in a ring till evening. This is the general\nSardinian custom. As practised at Ozieri it has some special features. In\nMay the pots are made of cork-bark and planted with corn, as already\ndescribed. Then on the Eve of St. John the window-sills are draped with\nrich cloths, on which the pots are placed, adorned with crimson and blue\nsilk and ribbons of various colours. On each of the pots they used\nformerly to place a statuette or cloth doll dressed as a woman, or a\nPriapus-like figure made of paste; but this custom, rigorously forbidden\nby the Church, has fallen into disuse. The village swains go about in a\ntroop to look at the pots and their decorations and to wait for the girls,\nwho assemble on the public square to celebrate the festival. Here a great\nbonfire is kindled, round which they dance and make merry. Those who wish\nto be \u201cSweethearts of St. John\u201d act as follows. The young man stands on\none side of the bonfire and the girl on the other, and they, in a manner,\njoin hands by each grasping one end of a long stick, which they pass three\ntimes backwards and forwards across the fire, thus thrusting their hands\nthrice rapidly into the flames. This seals their relationship to each\nother. Dancing and music go on till late at night.(725) The correspondence\nof these Sardinian pots of grain to the gardens of Adonis seems complete,\nand the images formerly placed in them answer to the images of Adonis\nwhich accompanied his gardens.\n\n(M187) Customs of the same sort are observed at the same season in Sicily.\nPairs of boys and girls become gossips of St. John on St. John\u2019s Day by\ndrawing each a hair from his or her head and performing various ceremonies\nover them. Thus they tie the hairs together and throw them up in the air,\nor exchange them over a potsherd, which they afterwards break in two,\npreserving each a fragment with pious care. The tie formed in the latter\nway is supposed to last for life. In some parts of Sicily the gossips of\nSt. John present each other with plates of sprouting corn, lentils, and\ncanary seed, which have been planted forty days before the festival. The\none who receives the plate pulls a stalk of the young plants, binds it\nwith a ribbon, and preserves it among his or her greatest treasures,\nrestoring the platter to the giver. At Catania the gossips exchange pots\nof basil and great cucumbers; the girls tend the basil, and the thicker it\ngrows the more it is prized.(726)\n\n(M188) In these midsummer customs of Sardinia and Sicily it is possible\nthat, as Mr. R. W\u00fcnsch supposes,(727) St. John has replaced Adonis. We\nhave seen that the rites of Tammuz or Adonis were commonly celebrated\nabout midsummer; according to Jerome, their date was June.(728) And\nbesides their date and their similarity in respect of the pots of herbs\nand corn, there is another point of affinity between the two festivals,\nthe heathen and the Christian. In both of them water plays a prominent\npart. At his midsummer festival in Babylon the image of Tammuz, whose name\nis said to mean \u201ctrue son of the deep water,\u201d was bathed with pure water:\nat his summer festival in Alexandria the image of Adonis, with that of his\ndivine mistress Aphrodite, was committed to the waves; and at the\nmidsummer celebration in Greece the gardens of Adonis were thrown into the\nsea or into springs. Now a great feature of the midsummer festival\nassociated with the name of St. John is, or used to be, the custom of\nbathing in the sea, springs, rivers, or the dew on Midsummer Eve or the\nmorning of Midsummer Day. Thus, for example, at Naples there is a church\ndedicated to St. John the Baptist under the name of St. John of the Sea\n(_S. Giovan a mare_); and it was an old practice for men and women to\nbathe in the sea on St. John\u2019s Eve, that is, on Midsummer Eve, believing\nthat thus all their sins were washed away.(729) In the Abruzzi water is\nstill supposed to acquire certain marvellous and beneficent properties on\nSt. John\u2019s Night. They say that on that night the sun and moon bathe in\nthe water. Hence many people take a bath in the sea or in a river at that\nseason, especially at the moment of sunrise. At Castiglione a Casauria\nthey go before sunrise to the Pescara River or to springs, wash their\nfaces and hands, then gird themselves with twigs of bryony (_vitalba_) and\ntwine the plant round their brows, in order that they may be free from\npains. At Pescina boys and girls wash each other\u2019s faces in a river or a\nspring, then exchange kisses, and become gossips. The dew, also, that\nfalls on St. John\u2019s Night is supposed in the Abruzzi to benefit whatever\nit touches, whether it be water, flowers, or the human body. For that\nreason people put out vessels of water on the window-sills or the\nterraces, and wash themselves with the water in the morning in order to\npurify themselves and escape headaches and colds. A still more efficacious\nmode of accomplishing the same end is to rise at the peep of dawn, to wet\nthe hands in the dewy grass, and then to rub the moisture on the eyelids,\nthe brow, and the temples, because the dew is believed to cure maladies of\nthe head and eyes. It is also a remedy for diseases of the skin. Persons\nwho are thus afflicted should roll on the dewy grass. When patients are\nprevented by their infirmity or any other cause from quitting the house,\ntheir friends will gather the dew in sheets or tablecloths and so apply it\nto the suffering part.(730) At Marsala in Sicily there is a spring of\nwater in a subterranean grotto called the Grotto of the Sibyl. Beside it\nstands a church of St. John, which has been supposed to occupy the site of\na temple of Apollo. On St. John\u2019s Eve, the twenty-third of June, women and\ngirls visit the grotto, and by drinking of the prophetic water learn\nwhether their husbands have been faithful to them in the year that is\npast, or whether they themselves will wed in the year that is to come.\nSick people, too, imagine that by bathing in the water, drinking of it, or\nducking thrice in it in the name of the Trinity, they will be made\nwhole.(731) At Chiaramonte in Sicily the following custom is observed on\nSt. John\u2019s Eve. The men repair to one fountain and the women to another,\nand dip their heads thrice in the water, repeating at each ablution\ncertain verses in honour of St. John. They believe that this is a cure or\npreventive of the scald.(732) When Petrarch visited Cologne, he chanced to\narrive in the town on St. John\u2019s Eve. The sun was nearly setting, and his\nhost at once led him to the Rhine. A strange sight there met his eyes, for\nthe banks of the river were covered with pretty women. The crowd was great\nbut good-humoured. From a rising ground on which he stood the poet saw\nmany of the women, girt with fragrant herbs, kneel down on the water\u2019s\nedge, roll their sleeves up above their elbows, and wash their white arms\nand hands in the river, murmuring softly some words which the Italian did\nnot understand. He was told that the custom was a very old one, much\nhonoured in the observance; for the common folk, especially the women,\nbelieved that to wash in the river on St. John\u2019s Eve would avert every\nmisfortune in the coming year.(733) On St. John\u2019s Eve the people of\nCopenhagen used to go on pilgrimage to a neighbouring spring, there to\nheal and strengthen themselves in the water.(734) In Spain people still\nbathe in the sea or roll naked in the dew of the meadows on St. John\u2019s\nEve, believing that this is a sovereign preservative against diseases of\nthe skin.(735) To roll in the dew on the morning of St. John\u2019s Day is also\nesteemed a cure for diseases of the skin in Normandy and Perigord. In\nPerigord a field of hemp is especially recommended for the purpose, and\nthe patient should rub himself with the plants on which he has\nrolled.(736) At Ciotat in Provence, while the midsummer bonfire blazed,\nyoung people used to plunge into the sea and splash each other vigorously.\nAt Vitrolles they bathed in a pond in order that they might not suffer\nfrom fever during the year, and at Saint-Maries they watered the horses to\nprotect them from the itch.(737) A custom of drenching people on this\noccasion with water formerly prevailed in Toulon, Marseilles, and other\ntowns of the south of France. The water was squirted from syringes, poured\non the heads of passers-by from windows, and so forth.(738) From Europe\nthe practice of bathing in rivers and springs on St. John\u2019s Day appears to\nhave passed with the Spaniards to the New World.(739)\n\n(M189) It may perhaps be suggested that this wide-spread custom of bathing\nin water or dew on Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day is purely Christian in\norigin, having been adopted as an appropriate mode of celebrating the day\ndedicated to the Baptist. But in point of fact the custom is older than\nChristianity, for it was denounced and forbidden as a heathen practice by\nAugustine,(740) and to this day it is practised at midsummer by the\nMohammedan peoples of North Africa.(741) We may conjecture that the\nChurch, unable to put down this relic of paganism, followed its usual\npolicy of accommodation by bestowing on the rite of a Christian name and\nacquiescing, with a sigh, in its observance. And casting about for a saint\nto supplant a heathen patron of bathing, the Christian doctors could\nhardly have hit upon a more appropriate successor than St. John the\nBaptist.\n\n(M190) But into whose shoes did the Baptist step? Was the displaced deity\nreally Adonis, as the foregoing evidence seems to suggest? In Sardinia and\nSicily it may have been so, for in these islands Semitic influence was\ncertainly deep and probably lasting. The midsummer pastimes of Sardinian\nand Sicilian children may therefore be a direct continuation of the\nCarthaginian rites of Tammuz. Yet the midsummer festival seems too widely\nspread and too deeply rooted in Central and Northern Europe to allow us to\ntrace it everywhere to an Oriental origin in general and to the cult of\nAdonis in particular. It has the air of a native of the soil rather than\nof an exotic imported from the East. We shall do better, therefore, to\nsuppose that at a remote period similar modes of thought, based on similar\nneeds, led men independently in many distant lands, from the North Sea to\nthe Euphrates, to celebrate the summer solstice with rites which, while\nthey differed in some things, yet agreed closely in others; that in\nhistorical times a wave of Oriental influence, starting perhaps from\nBabylonia, carried the Tammuz or Adonis form of the festival westward till\nit met with native forms of a similar festival; and that under pressure of\nthe Roman civilization these different yet kindred festivals fused with\neach other and crystallized into a variety of shapes, which subsisted more\nor less separately side by side, till the Church, unable to suppress them\naltogether, stripped them so far as it could of their grosser features,\nand dexterously changing the names allowed them to pass muster as\nChristian. And what has just been said of the midsummer festivals probably\napplies, with the necessary modifications, to the spring festivals also.\nThey, too, seem to have originated independently in Europe and the East,\nand after ages of separation to have amalgamated under the sway of the\nRoman Empire and the Christian Church. In Syria, as we have seen, there\nappears to have been a vernal celebration of Adonis; and we shall\npresently meet with an undoubted instance of an Oriental festival of\nspring in the rites of Attis. Meantime we must return for a little to the\nmidsummer festival which goes by the name of St. John.\n\n(M191) The Sardinian practice of making merry round a great bonfire on St.\nJohn\u2019s Eve is an instance of a custom which has been practised at the\nmidsummer festival from time immemorial in many parts of Europe. That\ncustom has been more fully dealt with by me elsewhere.(742) The instances\nwhich I have cited in other parts of this work seem to indicate a\nconnexion of the midsummer bonfire with vegetation. For example, both in\nSweden and Bohemia an essential part of the festival is the raising of a\nMay-pole or Midsummer-tree, which in Bohemia is burned in the\nbonfire.(743) Again, in a Russian midsummer ceremony a straw figure of\nKupalo, the representative of vegetation, is placed beside a May-pole or\nMidsummer-tree and then carried to and fro across a bonfire.(744) Kupalo\nis here represented in duplicate, in tree-form by the Midsummer-tree, and\nin human form by the straw effigy, just as Adonis was represented both by\nan image and a garden of Adonis; and the duplicate representatives of\nKupalo, like those of Adonis, are finally cast into water. In the\nSardinian and Sicilian customs the Gossips or Sweethearts of St. John\nprobably answer, on the one hand to Adonis and Astarte, on the other to\nthe King and Queen of May. In the Swedish province of Blekinge part of the\nmidsummer festival is the election of a Midsummer Bride, who chooses her\nbridegroom; a collection is made for the pair, who for the time being are\nlooked upon as man and wife.(745) Such Midsummer pairs may be supposed,\nlike the May pairs, to stand for the powers of vegetation or of fertility\nin general: they represent in flesh and blood what the images of Siva or\nMahadeo and Parvati in the Indian ceremonies, and the images of Adonis and\nAphrodite in the Alexandrian ceremony, set forth in effigy.\n\n(M192) The reason why ceremonies whose aim is to foster the growth of\nvegetation should thus be associated with bonfires; why in particular the\nrepresentative of vegetation should be burned in the likeness of a tree,\nor passed across the fire in effigy or in the form of a living couple, has\nbeen discussed by me elsewhere.(746) Here it is enough to have adduced\nevidence of such association, and therefore to have obviated the objection\nwhich might have been raised to my theory of the Sardinian custom, on the\nground that the bonfires have nothing to do with vegetation. One more\npiece of evidence may here be given to prove the contrary. In some parts\nof Germany and Austria young men and girls leap over midsummer bonfires\nfor the express purpose of making the hemp or flax grow tall.(747) We may,\ntherefore, assume that in the Sardinian custom the blades of wheat and\nbarley which are forced on in pots for the midsummer festival, and which\ncorrespond so closely to the gardens of Adonis, form one of those\nwidely-spread midsummer ceremonies, the original object of which was to\npromote the growth of vegetation, and especially of the crops. But as, by\nan easy extension of ideas, the spirit of vegetation was believed to\nexercise a beneficent and fertilizing influence on human as well as animal\nlife, the gardens of Adonis would be supposed, like the May-trees or\nMay-boughs, to bring good luck, and more particularly perhaps\noffspring,(748) to the family or to the person who planted them; and even\nafter the idea had been abandoned that they operated actively to confer\nprosperity, they might still be used to furnish omens of good or evil. It\nis thus that magic dwindles into divination. Accordingly we find modes of\ndivination practised at midsummer which resemble more or less closely the\ngardens of Adonis. Thus an anonymous Italian writer of the sixteenth\ncentury has recorded that it was customary to sow barley and wheat a few\ndays before the festival of St. John (Midsummer Day) and also before that\nof St. Vitus; and it was believed that the person for whom they were sown\nwould be fortunate, and get a good husband or a good wife, if the grain\nsprouted well; but if it sprouted ill, he or she would be unlucky.(749) In\nvarious parts of Italy and all over Sicily it is still customary to put\nplants in water or in earth on the Eve of St. John, and from the manner in\nwhich they are found to be blooming or fading on St. John\u2019s Day omens are\ndrawn, especially as to fortune in love. Amongst the plants used for this\npurpose are _Ciuri di S. Giuvanni_ (St. John\u2019s wort?) and nettles.(750) In\nPrussia two hundred years ago the farmers used to send out their servants,\nespecially their maids, to gather St. John\u2019s wort on Midsummer Eve or\nMidsummer Day (St. John\u2019s Day). When they had fetched it, the farmer took\nas many plants as there were persons and stuck them in the wall or between\nthe beams; and it was thought that he or she whose plant did not bloom\nwould soon fall sick or die. The rest of the plants were tied in a bundle,\nfastened to the end of a pole, and set up at the gate or wherever the corn\nwould be brought in at the next harvest. The bundle was called _Kupole_:\nthe ceremony was known as Kupole\u2019s festival; and at it the farmer prayed\nfor a good crop of hay, and so forth.(751) This Prussian custom is\nparticularly notable, inasmuch as it strongly confirms the opinion that\nKupalo (doubtless identical with Kupole) was originally a deity of\nvegetation.(752) For here Kupalo is represented by a bundle of plants\nspecially associated with midsummer in folk-custom; and her influence over\nvegetation is plainly signified by placing her vegetable emblem over the\nplace where the harvest is brought in, as well as by the prayers for a\ngood crop which are uttered on the occasion. This furnishes a fresh\nargument in support of the view that the Death, whose analogy to Kupalo,\nYarilo, and the rest I have shown elsewhere, originally personified\nvegetation, more especially the dying or dead vegetation of winter.(753)\nFurther, my interpretation of the gardens of Adonis is confirmed by\nfinding that in this Prussian custom the very same kind of plants is used\nto form the gardens of Adonis (as we may call them) and the image of the\ndeity. Nothing could set in a stronger light the truth of the theory that\nthe gardens of Adonis are merely another manifestation of the god himself.\n\n(M193) In Sicily gardens of Adonis are still sown in spring as well as in\nsummer, from which we may perhaps infer that Sicily as well as Syria\ncelebrated of old a vernal festival of the dead and risen god. At the\napproach of Easter, Sicilian women sow wheat, lentils, and canary-seed in\nplates, which they keep in the dark and water every two days. The plants\nsoon shoot up; the stalks are tied together with red ribbons, and the\nplates containing them are placed on the sepulchres which, with the\neffigies of the dead Christ, are made up in Catholic and Greek churches on\nGood Friday,(754) just as the gardens of Adonis were placed on the grave\nof the dead Adonis.(755) The practice is not confined to Sicily, for it is\nobserved also at Cosenza in Calabria,(756) and perhaps in other places.\nThe whole custom\u2014sepulchres as well as plates of sprouting grain\u2014may be\nnothing but a continuation, under a different name, of the worship of\nAdonis.\n\n(M194) Nor are these Sicilian and Calabrian customs the only Easter\nceremonies which resemble the rites of Adonis. \u201cDuring the whole of Good\nFriday a waxen effigy of the dead Christ is exposed to view in the middle\nof the Greek churches and is covered with fervent kisses by the thronging\ncrowd, while the whole church rings with melancholy, monotonous dirges.\nLate in the evening, when it has grown quite dark, this waxen image is\ncarried by the priests into the street on a bier adorned with lemons,\nroses, jessamine, and other flowers, and there begins a grand procession\nof the multitude, who move in serried ranks, with slow and solemn step,\nthrough the whole town. Every man carries his taper and breaks out into\ndoleful lamentation. At all the houses which the procession passes there\nare seated women with censers to fumigate the marching host. Thus the\ncommunity solemnly buries its Christ as if he had just died. At last the\nwaxen image is again deposited in the church, and the same lugubrious\nchants echo anew. These lamentations, accompanied by a strict fast,\ncontinue till midnight on Saturday. As the clock strikes twelve, the\nbishop appears and announces the glad tidings that \u2018Christ is risen,\u2019 to\nwhich the crowd replies, \u2018He is risen indeed,\u2019 and at once the whole city\nbursts into an uproar of joy, which finds vent in shrieks and shouts, in\nthe endless discharge of carronades and muskets, and the explosion of\nfire-works of every sort. In the very same hour people plunge from the\nextremity of the fast into the enjoyment of the Easter lamb and neat\nwine.\u201d(757)\n\n(M195) In like manner the Catholic Church has been accustomed to bring\nbefore its followers in a visible form the death and resurrection of the\nRedeemer. Such sacred dramas are well fitted to impress the lively\nimagination and to stir the warm feelings of a susceptible southern race,\nto whom the pomp and pageantry of Catholicism are more congenial than to\nthe colder temperament of the Teutonic peoples. The solemnities observed\nin Sicily on Good Friday, the official anniversary of the Crucifixion, are\nthus described by a native Sicilian writer. \u201cA truly moving ceremony is\nthe procession which always takes place in the evening in every commune of\nSicily, and further the Deposition from the Cross. The brotherhoods took\npart in the procession, and the rear was brought up by a great many boys\nand girls representing saints, both male and female, and carrying the\nemblems of Christ\u2019s Passion. The Deposition from the Cross was managed by\nthe priests. The coffin with the dead Christ in it was flanked by Jews\narmed with swords, an object of horror and aversion in the midst of the\nprofound pity excited by the sight not only of Christ but of the Mater\nDolorosa, who followed behind him. Now and then the \u2018mysteries\u2019 or symbols\nof the Crucifixion went in front. Sometimes the procession followed the\n\u2018three hours of agony\u2019 and the \u2018Deposition from the Cross.\u2019 The \u2018three\nhours\u2019 commemorated those which Jesus Christ passed upon the Cross.\nBeginning at the eighteenth and ending at the twenty-first hour of Italian\ntime two priests preached alternately on the Passion. Anciently the\nsermons were delivered in the open air on the place called the Calvary: at\nlast, when the third hour was about to strike, at the words _emisit\nspiritum_ Christ died, bowing his head amid the sobs and tears of the\nbystanders. Immediately afterwards in some places, three hours afterwards\nin others, the sacred body was unnailed and deposited in the coffin. In\nCastronuovo, at the Ave Maria, two priests clad as Jews, representing\nJoseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, with their servants in costume,\nrepaired to the Calvary, preceded by the Company of the Whites. There,\nwith doleful verses and chants appropriate to the occasion, they performed\nthe various operations of the Deposition, after which the procession took\nits way to the larger church.... In Salaparuta the Calvary is erected in\nthe church. At the preaching of the death, the Crucified is made to bow\nhis head by means of machinery, while guns are fired, trumpets sound, and\namid the silence of the people, impressed by the death of the Redeemer,\nthe strains of a melancholy funeral march are heard. Christ is removed\nfrom the Cross and deposited in the coffin by three priests. After the\nprocession of the dead Christ the burial is performed, that is, two\npriests lay Christ in a fictitious sepulchre, from which at the mass of\nEaster Saturday the image of the risen Christ issues and is elevated upon\nthe altar by means of machinery.\u201d(758) Scenic representations of the same\nsort, with variations of detail, are exhibited at Easter in the\nAbruzzi,(759) and probably in many other parts of the Catholic world.(760)\n\n(M196) When we reflect how often the Church has skilfully contrived to\nplant the seeds of the new faith on the old stock of paganism, we may\nsurmise that the Easter celebration of the dead and risen Christ was\ngrafted upon a similar celebration of the dead and risen Adonis, which, as\nwe have seen reason to believe, was celebrated in Syria at the same\nseason. The type, created by Greek artists, of the sorrowful goddess with\nher dying lover in her arms, resembles and may have been the model of the\n_Piet\u00e0_ of Christian art, the Virgin with the dead body of her divine Son\nin her lap, of which the most celebrated example is the one by Michael\nAngelo in St. Peter\u2019s. That noble group, in which the living sorrow of the\nmother contrasts so wonderfully with the languor of death in the son, is\none of the finest compositions in marble. Ancient Greek art has bequeathed\nto us few works so beautiful, and none so pathetic.(761)\n\n(M197) In this connexion a well-known statement of Jerome may not be\nwithout significance. He tells us that Bethlehem, the traditionary\nbirthplace of the Lord, was shaded by a grove of that still older Syrian\nLord, Adonis, and that where the infant Jesus had wept, the lover of Venus\nwas bewailed.(762) Though he does not expressly say so, Jerome seems to\nhave thought that the grove of Adonis had been planted by the heathen\nafter the birth of Christ for the purpose of defiling the sacred spot. In\nthis he may have been mistaken. If Adonis was indeed, as I have argued,\nthe spirit of the corn, a more suitable name for his dwelling-place could\nhardly be found than Bethlehem, \u201cthe House of Bread,\u201d(763) and he may well\nhave been worshipped there at his House of Bread long ages before the\nbirth of Him who said, \u201cI am the bread of life.\u201d(764) Even on the\nhypothesis that Adonis followed rather than preceded Christ at Bethlehem,\nthe choice of his sad figure to divert the allegiance of Christians from\ntheir Lord cannot but strike us as eminently appropriate when we remember\nthe similarity of the rites which commemorated the death and resurrection\nof the two. One of the earliest seats of the worship of the new god was\nAntioch, and at Antioch, as we have seen,(765) the death of the old god\nwas annually celebrated with great solemnity. A circumstance which\nattended the entrance of Julian into the city at the time of the Adonis\nfestival may perhaps throw some light on the date of its celebration. When\nthe emperor drew near to the city he was received with public prayers as\nif he had been a god, and he marvelled at the voices of a great multitude\nwho cried that the Star of Salvation had dawned upon them in the\nEast.(766) This may doubtless have been no more than a fulsome compliment\npaid by an obsequious Oriental crowd to the Roman emperor. But it is also\npossible that the rising of a bright star regularly gave the signal for\nthe festival, and that as chance would have it the star emerged above the\nrim of the eastern horizon at the very moment of the emperor\u2019s approach.\nThe coincidence, if it happened, could hardly fail to strike the\nimagination of a superstitious and excited multitude, who might thereupon\nhail the great man as the deity whose coming was announced by the sign in\nthe heavens. Or the emperor may have mistaken for a greeting to himself\nthe shouts which were addressed to the star. Now Astarte, the divine\nmistress of Adonis, was identified with the planet Venus, and her changes\nfrom a morning to an evening star were carefully noted by the Babylonian\nastronomers, who drew omens from her alternate appearance and\ndisappearance.(767) Hence we may conjecture that the festival of Adonis\nwas regularly timed to coincide with the appearance of Venus as the\nMorning or Evening Star. But the star which the people of Antioch saluted\nat the festival was seen in the East; therefore, if it was indeed Venus,\nit can only have been the Morning Star. At Aphaca in Syria, where there\nwas a famous temple of Astarte, the signal for the celebration of the\nrites was apparently given by the flashing of a meteor, which on a certain\nday fell like a star from the top of Mount Lebanon into the river Adonis.\nThe meteor was thought to be Astarte herself,(768) and its flight through\nthe air might naturally be interpreted as the descent of the amorous\ngoddess to the arms of her lover. At Antioch and elsewhere the appearance\nof the Morning Star on the day of the festival may in like manner have\nbeen hailed as the coming of the goddess of love to wake her dead leman\nfrom his earthy bed. If that were so, we may surmise that it was the\nMorning Star which guided the wise men of the East to Bethlehem,(769) the\nhallowed spot which heard, in the language of Jerome, the weeping of the\ninfant Christ and the lament for Adonis.\n\n\n\n\n\nBOOK SECOND. ATTIS.\n\n\n\n\nChapter I. The Myth and Ritual of Attis.\n\n\n(M198) Another of those gods whose supposed death and resurrection struck\nsuch deep roots into the faith and ritual of Western Asia is Attis. He was\nto Phrygia what Adonis was to Syria. Like Adonis, he appears to have been\na god of vegetation, and his death and resurrection were annually mourned\nand rejoiced over at a festival in spring.(770) The legends and rites of\nthe two gods were so much alike that the ancients themselves sometimes\nidentified them.(771) Attis was said to have been a fair young shepherd or\nherdsman beloved by Cybele, the Mother of the Gods, a great Asiatic\ngoddess of fertility, who had her chief home in Phrygia.(772) Some held\nthat Attis was her son.(773) His birth, like that of many other heroes, is\nsaid to have been miraculous. His mother, Nana, was a virgin, who\nconceived by putting a ripe almond or a pomegranate in her bosom. Indeed\nin the Phrygian cosmogony an almond figured as the father of all\nthings,(774) perhaps because its delicate lilac blossom is one of the\nfirst heralds of the spring, appearing on the bare boughs before the\nleaves have opened. Such tales of virgin mothers are relics of an age of\nchildish ignorance when men had not yet recognized the intercourse of the\nsexes as the true cause of offspring. That ignorance, still shared by the\nlowest of existing savages, the aboriginal tribes of central\nAustralia,(775) was doubtless at one time universal among mankind. Even in\nlater times, when people are better acquainted with the laws of nature,\nthey sometimes imagine that these laws may be subject to exceptions, and\nthat miraculous beings may be born in miraculous ways by women who have\nnever known a man. In Palestine to this day it is believed that a woman\nmay conceive by a jinnee or by the spirit of her dead husband. There is,\nor was lately, a man at Nebk who is currently supposed to be the offspring\nof such a union, and the simple folk have never suspected his mother\u2019s\nvirtue.(776) Two different accounts of the death of Attis were current.\nAccording to the one he was killed by a boar, like Adonis. According to\nthe other he unmanned himself under a pine-tree, and bled to death on the\nspot. The latter is said to have been the local story told by the people\nof Pessinus, a great seat of the worship of Cybele, and the whole legend\nof which the story forms a part is stamped with a character of rudeness\nand savagery that speaks strongly for its antiquity.(777) Both tales might\nclaim the support of custom, or rather both were probably invented to\nexplain certain customs observed by the worshippers. The story of the\nself-mutilation of Attis is clearly an attempt to account for the\nself-mutilation of his priests, who regularly castrated themselves on\nentering the service of the goddess. The story of his death by the boar\nmay have been told to explain why his worshippers, especially the people\nof Pessinus, abstained from eating swine.(778) In like manner the\nworshippers of Adonis abstained from pork, because a boar had killed their\ngod.(779) After his death Attis is said to have been changed into a\npine-tree.(780)\n\n(M199) The worship of the Phrygian Mother of the Gods was adopted by the\nRomans in 204 B.C. towards the close of their long struggle with Hannibal.\nFor their drooping spirits had been opportunely cheered by a prophecy,\nalleged to be drawn from that convenient farrago of nonsense, the\nSibylline Books, that the foreign invader would be driven from Italy if\nthe great Oriental goddess were brought to Rome. Accordingly ambassadors\nwere despatched to her sacred city Pessinus in Phrygia. The small black\nstone which embodied the mighty divinity was entrusted to them and\nconveyed to Rome, where it was received with great respect and installed\nin the temple of Victory on the Palatine Hill. It was the middle of April\nwhen the goddess arrived,(781) and she went to work at once. For the\nharvest that year was such as had not been seen for many a long day,(782)\nand in the very next year Hannibal and his veterans embarked for Africa.\nAs he looked his last on the coast of Italy, fading behind him in the\ndistance, he could not foresee that Europe, which had repelled the arms,\nwould yet yield to the gods, of the Orient. The vanguard of the conquerors\nhad already encamped in the heart of Italy before the rearguard of the\nbeaten army fell sullenly back from its shores.\n\n(M200) We may conjecture, though we are not told, that the Mother of the\nGods brought with her the worship of her youthful lover or son to her new\nhome in the West. Certainly the Romans were familiar with the Galli, the\nemasculated priests of Attis, before the close of the Republic. These\nunsexed beings, in their Oriental costume, with little images suspended on\ntheir breasts, appear to have been a familiar sight in the streets of\nRome, which they traversed in procession, carrying the image of the\ngoddess and chanting their hymns to the music of cymbals and tambourines,\nflutes and horns, while the people, impressed by the fantastic show and\nmoved by the wild strains, flung alms to them in abundance, and buried the\nimage and its bearers under showers of roses.(783) A further step was\ntaken by the Emperor Claudius when he incorporated the Phrygian worship of\nthe sacred tree, and with it probably the orgiastic rites of Attis, in the\nestablished religion of Rome.(784) The great spring festival of Cybele and\nAttis is best known to us in the form in which it was celebrated at Rome;\nbut as we are informed that the Roman ceremonies were also Phrygian,(785)\nwe may assume that they differed hardly, if at all, from their Asiatic\noriginal. The order of the festival seems to have been as follows.(786)\n\n(M201) On the twenty-second day of March, a pine-tree was cut in the woods\nand brought into the sanctuary of Cybele, where it was treated as a great,\ndivinity. The duty of carrying the sacred tree was entrusted to a guild of\nTree-bearers. The trunk was swathed like a corpse with woollen bands and\ndecked with wreaths, of violets, for violets were said to have sprung from\nthe blood of Attis, as roses and anemones from the blood of Adonis; and\nthe effigy of a young man, doubtless Attis himself, was tied to the middle\nof the stem.(787) On the second day of the festival, the twenty-third of\nMarch, the chief ceremony seems to have been a blowing of trumpets.(788)\nThe third day, the twenty-fourth of March, was known as the Day of Blood:\nthe Archigallus or high-priest drew blood from his arms and presented it\nas an offering.(789) Nor was he alone in making this bloody sacrifice.\nStirred by the wild barbaric music of clashing cymbals, rumbling drums,\ndroning horns, and screaming flutes, the inferior clergy whirled about in\nthe dance with waggling heads and streaming hair, until, rapt into a\nfrenzy of excitement and insensible to pain, they gashed their bodies with\npotsherds or slashed them with knives in order to bespatter the altar and\nthe sacred tree with their flowing blood.(790) The ghastly rite probably\nformed part of the mourning for Attis and may have been intended to\nstrengthen him for the resurrection. The Australian aborigines cut\nthemselves in like manner over the graves of their friends for the\npurpose, perhaps, of enabling them to be born again.(791) Further, we may\nconjecture, though we are not expressly told, that it was on the same Day\nof Blood and for the same purpose that the novices sacrificed their\nvirility. Wrought up to the highest pitch of religious excitement they\ndashed the severed portions of themselves against the image of the cruel\ngoddess. These broken instruments of fertility were afterwards reverently\nwrapt up and buried in the earth or in subterranean chambers sacred to\nCybele,(792) where, like the offering of blood, they may have been deemed\ninstrumental in recalling Attis to life and hastening the general\nresurrection of nature, which was then bursting into leaf and blossom in\nthe vernal sunshine. Some confirmation of this conjecture is furnished by\nthe savage story that the mother of Attis conceived by putting in her\nbosom a pomegranate sprung from the severed genitals of a man-monster\nnamed Agdestis, a sort of double of Attis.(793)\n\n(M202) If there is any truth in this conjectural explanation of the\ncustom, we can readily understand why other Asiatic goddesses of fertility\nwere served in like manner by eunuch priests. These feminine deities\nrequired to receive from their male ministers, who personated the divine\nlovers, the means of discharging their beneficent functions: they had\nthemselves to be impregnated by the life-giving energy before they could\ntransmit it to the world. Goddesses thus ministered to by eunuch priests\nwere the great Artemis of Ephesus(794) and the great Syrian Astarte of\nHierapolis,(795) whose sanctuary, frequented by swarms of pilgrims and\nenriched by the offerings of Assyria and Babylonia, of Arabia and\nPhoenicia, was perhaps in the days of its glory the most popular in the\nEast.(796) Now the unsexed priests of this Syrian goddess resembled those\nof Cybele so closely that some people took them to be the same.(797) And\nthe mode in which they dedicated themselves to the religious life was\nsimilar. The greatest festival of the year at Hierapolis fell at the\nbeginning of spring, when multitudes thronged to the sanctuary from Syria\nand the regions round about. While the flutes played, the drums beat, and\nthe eunuch priests slashed themselves with knives, the religious\nexcitement gradually spread like a wave among the crowd of onlookers, and\nmany a one did that which he little thought to do when he came as a\nholiday spectator to the festival. For man after man, his veins throbbing\nwith the music, his eyes fascinated by the sight of the streaming blood,\nflung his garments from him, leaped forth with a shout, and seizing one of\nthe swords which stood ready for the purpose, castrated himself on the\nspot. Then he ran through the city, holding the bloody pieces in his hand,\ntill he threw them into one of the houses which he passed in his mad\ncareer. The household thus honoured had to furnish him with a suit of\nfemale attire and female ornaments, which he wore for the rest of his\nlife.(798) When the tumult of emotion had subsided, and the man had come\nto himself again, the irrevocable sacrifice must often have been followed\nby passionate sorrow and lifelong regret. This revulsion of natural human\nfeeling after the frenzies of a fanatical religion is powerfully depicted\nby Catullus in a celebrated poem.(799)\n\n(M203) The parallel of these Syrian devotees confirms the view that in the\nsimilar worship of Cybele the sacrifice of virility took place on the Day\nof Blood at the vernal rites of the goddess, when the violets, supposed to\nspring from the red drops of her wounded lover, were in bloom among the\npines. Indeed the story that Attis unmanned himself under a pine-tree(800)\nwas clearly devised to explain why his priests did the same beside the\nsacred violet-wreathed tree at his festival. At all events, we can hardly\ndoubt that the Day of Blood witnessed the mourning for Attis over an\neffigy of him which was afterwards buried.(801) The image thus laid in the\nsepulchre was probably the same which had hung upon the tree.(802)\nThroughout the period of mourning the worshippers fasted from bread,\nnominally because Cybele had done so in her grief for the death of\nAttis,(803) but really perhaps for the same reason which induced the women\nof Harran to abstain from eating anything ground in a mill while they wept\nfor Tammuz.(804) To partake of bread or flour at such a season might have\nbeen deemed a wanton profanation of the bruised and broken body of the\ngod. Or the fast may possibly have been a preparation for a sacramental\nmeal.(805)\n\n(M204) But when night had fallen, the sorrow of the worshippers was turned\nto joy. For suddenly a light shone in the darkness: the tomb was opened:\nthe god had risen from the dead; and as the priest touched the lips of the\nweeping mourners with balm, he softly whispered in their ears the glad\ntidings of salvation. The resurrection of the god was hailed by his\ndisciples as a promise that they too would issue triumphant from the\ncorruption of the grave.(806) On the morrow, the twenty-fifth day of\nMarch, which was reckoned the vernal equinox, the divine resurrection was\ncelebrated with a wild outburst of glee. At Rome, and probably elsewhere,\nthe celebration took the form of a carnival. It was the Festival of Joy\n(_Hilaria_). A universal licence prevailed. Every man might say and do\nwhat he pleased. People went about the streets in disguise. No dignity was\ntoo high or too sacred for the humblest citizen to assume with impunity.\nIn the reign of Commodus a band of conspirators thought to take advantage\nof the masquerade by dressing in the uniform of the Imperial Guard, and\nso, mingling with the crowd of merrymakers, to get within stabbing\ndistance of the emperor. But the plot miscarried.(807) Even the stern\nAlexander Severus used to relax so far on the joyous day as to admit a\npheasant to his frugal board.(808) The next day, the twenty-sixth of\nMarch, was given to repose, which must have been much needed after the\nvaried excitements and fatigues of the preceding days.(809) Finally, the\nRoman festival closed on the twenty-seventh of March with a procession to\nthe brook Almo. The silver image of the goddess, with its face of jagged\nblack stone, sat in a wagon drawn by oxen. Preceded by the nobles walking\nbarefoot, it moved slowly, to the loud music of pipes and tambourines, out\nby the Porta Capena, and so down to the banks of the Almo, which flows\ninto the Tiber just below the walls of Rome. There the high-priest, robed\nin purple, washed the wagon, the image, and the other sacred objects in\nthe water of the stream. On returning from their bath, the wain and the\noxen were strewn with fresh spring flowers. All was mirth and gaiety. No\none thought of the blood that had flowed so lately. Even the eunuch\npriests forgot their wounds.(810)\n\n(M205) Such, then, appears to have been the annual solemnization of the\ndeath and resurrection of Attis in spring. But besides these public rites,\nhis worship is known to have comprised certain secret or mystic\nceremonies, which probably aimed at bringing the worshipper, and\nespecially the novice, into closer communication with his god. Our\ninformation as to the nature of these mysteries and the date of their\ncelebration is unfortunately very scanty, but they seem to have included a\nsacramental meal and a baptism of blood. In the sacrament the novice\nbecame a partaker of the mysteries by eating out of a drum and drinking\nout of a cymbal, two instruments of music which figured prominently in the\nthrilling orchestra of Attis.(811) The fast which accompanied the mourning\nfor the dead god(812) may perhaps have been designed to prepare the body\nof the communicant for the reception of the blessed sacrament by purging\nit of all that could defile by contact the sacred elements.(813) In the\nbaptism the devotee, crowned with gold and wreathed with fillets,\ndescended into a pit, the mouth of which was covered with a wooden\ngrating. A bull, adorned with garlands of flowers, its forehead glittering\nwith gold leaf, was then driven on to the grating and there stabbed to\ndeath with a consecrated spear. Its hot reeking blood poured in torrents\nthrough the apertures, and was received with devout eagerness by the\nworshipper on every part of his person and garments, till he emerged from\nthe pit, drenched, dripping, and scarlet from head to foot, to receive the\nhomage, nay the adoration, of his fellows as one who had been born again\nto eternal life and had washed away his sins in the blood of the\nbull.(814) For some time afterwards the fiction of a new birth was kept up\nby dieting him on milk like a new-born babe.(815) The regeneration of the\nworshipper took place at the same time as the regeneration of his god,\nnamely at the vernal equinox.(816) At Rome the new birth and the remission\nof sins by the shedding of bull\u2019s blood appear to have been carried out\nabove all at the sanctuary of the Phrygian goddess on the Vatican Hill, at\nor near the spot where the great basilica of St. Peter\u2019s now stands; for\nmany inscriptions relating to the rites were found when the church was\nbeing enlarged in 1608 or 1609.(817) From the Vatican as a centre this\nbarbarous system of superstition seems to have spread to other parts of\nthe Roman empire. Inscriptions found in Gaul and Germany prove that\nprovincial sanctuaries modelled their ritual on that of the Vatican.(818)\nFrom the same source we learn that the testicles as well as the blood of\nthe bull played an important part in the ceremonies.(819) Probably they\nwere regarded as a powerful charm to promote fertility and hasten the new\nbirth.\n\n\n\n\nChapter II. Attis As a God of Vegetation.\n\n\n(M206) The original character of Attis as a tree-spirit is brought out\nplainly by the part which the pine-tree plays in his legend, his ritual,\nand his monuments.(820) The story that he was a human being transformed\ninto a pine-tree is only one of those transparent attempts at\nrationalizing old beliefs which meet us so frequently in mythology. The\nbringing in of the pine-tree from the woods, decked with violets and\nwoollen bands, is like bringing in the May-tree or Summer-tree in modern\nfolk-custom; and the effigy which was attached to the pine-tree was only a\nduplicate representative of the tree-spirit Attis. After being fastened to\nthe tree, the effigy was kept for a year and then burned.(821) The same\nthing appears to have been sometimes done with the May-pole; and in like\nmanner the effigy of the corn-spirit, made at harvest, is often preserved\ntill it is replaced by a new effigy at next year\u2019s harvest.(822) The\noriginal intention of such customs was no doubt to maintain the spirit of\nvegetation in life throughout the year. Why the Phrygians should have\nworshipped the pine above other trees we can only guess. Perhaps the sight\nof its changeless, though sombre, green cresting the ridges of the high\nhills above the fading splendour of the autumn woods in the valleys may\nhave seemed to their eyes to mark it out as the seat of a diviner life, of\nsomething exempt from the sad vicissitudes of the seasons, constant and\neternal as the sky which stooped to meet it. For the same reason, perhaps,\nivy was sacred to Attis; at all events, we read that his eunuch priests\nwere tattooed with a pattern of ivy leaves.(823) Another reason for the\nsanctity of the pine may have been its usefulness. The cones of the\nstone-pine contain edible nut-like seeds, which have been used as food\nsince antiquity, and are still eaten, for example, by the poorer classes\nin Rome.(824) Moreover, a wine was brewed from these seeds,(825) and this\nmay partly account for the orgiastic nature of the rites of Cybele, which\nthe ancients compared to those of Dionysus.(826) Further, pine-cones were\nregarded as symbols or rather instruments of fertility. Hence at the\nfestival of the Thesmophoria they were thrown, along with pigs and other\nagents or emblems of fecundity, into the sacred vaults of Demeter for the\npurpose of quickening the ground and the wombs of women.(827)\n\n(M207) Like tree-spirits in general, Attis was apparently thought to wield\npower over the fruits of the earth or even to be identical with the corn.\nOne of his epithets was \u201cvery fruitful\u201d: he was addressed as the \u201creaped\ngreen (or yellow) ear of corn\u201d; and the story of his sufferings, death,\nand resurrection was interpreted as the ripe grain wounded by the reaper,\nburied in the granary, and coming to life again when it is sown in the\nground.(828) A statue of him in the Lateran Museum at Rome clearly\nindicates his relation to the fruits of the earth, and particularly to the\ncorn; for it represents him with a bunch of ears of corn and fruit in his\nhand, and a wreath of pine-cones, pomegranates, and other fruits on his\nhead, while from the top of his Phrygian cap ears of corn are\nsprouting.(829) On a stone urn, which contained the ashes of an\nArchigallus or high-priest of Attis, the same idea is expressed in a\nslightly different way. The top of the urn is adorned with ears of corn\ncarved in relief, and it is surmounted by the figure of a cock, whose tail\nconsists of ears of corn.(830) Cybele in like manner was conceived as a\ngoddess of fertility who could make or mar the fruits of the earth; for\nthe people of Augustodunum (Autun) in Gaul used to cart her image about in\na wagon for the good of the fields and vineyards, while they danced and\nsang before it,(831) and we have seen that in Italy an unusually fine\nharvest was attributed to the recent arrival of the Great Mother.(832) The\nbathing of the image of the goddess in a river may well have been a\nrain-charm to ensure an abundant supply of moisture for the crops. Or\nperhaps, as Mr. Hepding has suggested, the union of Cybele and Attis, like\nthat of Aphrodite and Adonis, was dramatically represented at the\nfestival, and the subsequent bath of the goddess was a ceremonial\npurification of the bride, such as is often observed at human\nmarriages.(833) In like manner Aphrodite is said to have bathed after her\nunion with Adonis,(834) and so did Demeter after her intercourse with\nPoseidon.(835) Hera washed in the springs of the river Burrha after her\nmarriage with Zeus;(836) and every year she recovered her virginity by\nbathing in the spring of Canathus.(837) However that may be, the rules of\ndiet observed by the worshippers of Cybele and Attis at their solemn fasts\nare clearly dictated by a belief that the divine life of these deities\nmanifested itself in the fruits of the earth, and especially in such of\nthem as are actually hidden by the soil. For while the devotees were\nallowed to partake of flesh, though not of pork or fish, they were\nforbidden to eat seeds and the roots of vegetables, but they might eat the\nstalks and upper parts of the plants.(838)\n\n\n\n\nChapter III. Attis As The Father God.\n\n\n(M208) The name Attis appears to mean simply \u201cfather.\u201d(839) This\nexplanation, suggested by etymology, is confirmed by the observation that\nanother name for Attis was Papas;(840) for Papas has all the appearance of\nbeing a common form of that word for \u201cfather\u201d which occurs independently\nin many distinct families of speech all the world over. Similarly the\nmother of Attis was named Nana,(841) which is itself a form of the\nworld-wide word for \u201cmother.\u201d \u201cThe immense list of such words collected by\nBuschmann shows that the types _pa_ and _ta_, with the similar forms _ap_\nand _at_, preponderate in the world as names for \u2018father,\u2019 while _ma_ and\n_na_, _am_ and _an_, preponderate as names for \u2018mother.\u2019 \u201d(842)\n\n(M209) Thus the mother of Attis is only another form of his divine\nmistress the great Mother Goddess,(843) and we are brought back to the\nmyth that the lovers were mother and son. The story that Nana conceived\nmiraculously without commerce with the other sex shows that the Mother\nGoddess of Phrygia herself was viewed, like other goddesses of the same\nprimitive type, as a Virgin Mother.(844) That view of her character does\nnot rest on a perverse and mischievous theory that virginity is more\nhonourable than matrimony. It is derived, as I have already indicated,\nfrom a state of savagery in which the mere fact of paternity was unknown.\nThat explains why in later times, long after the true nature of paternity\nhad been ascertained, the Father God was often a much less important\npersonage in mythology than his divine partner the Mother Goddess. With\nregard to Attis in his paternal character it deserves to be noticed that\nthe Bithynians used to ascend to the tops of the mountains and there call\nupon him under the name of Papas. The custom is attested by Arrian,(845)\nwho as a native of Bithynia must have had good opportunities of observing\nit. We may perhaps infer from it that the Bithynians conceived Attis as a\nsky-god or heavenly father, like Zeus, with whom indeed Arrian identifies\nhim. If that were so, the story of the loves of Attis and Cybele, the\nFather God and the Mother Goddess, might be in one of its aspects a\nparticular version of the widespread myth which represents Mother Earth\nfertilized by Father Sky;(846) and, further, the story of the emasculation\nof Attis would be parallel to the Greek legend that Cronus castrated his\nfather, the old sky-god Uranus,(847) and was himself in turn castrated by\nhis own son, the younger sky-god Zeus.(848) The tale of the mutilation of\nthe sky-god by his son has been plausibly explained as a myth of the\nviolent separation of the earth and sky, which some races, for example the\nPolynesians, suppose to have originally clasped each other in a close\nembrace.(849) Yet it seems unlikely that an order of eunuch priests like\nthe Galli should have been based on a purely cosmogonic myth: why should\nthey continue for all time to be mutilated because the sky-god was so in\nthe beginning? The custom of castration must surely have been designed to\nmeet a constantly recurring need, not merely to reflect a mythical event\nwhich happened at the creation of the world. Such a need is the\nmaintenance of the fruitfulness of the earth, annually imperilled by the\nchanges of the seasons. Yet the theory that the mutilation of the priests\nof Attis and the burial of the severed parts were designed to fertilize\nthe ground may perhaps be reconciled with the cosmogonic myth if we\nremember the old opinion, held apparently by many peoples, that the\ncreation of the world is year by year repeated in that great\ntransformation which depends ultimately on the annual increase of the\nsun\u2019s heat.(850) However, the evidence for the celestial aspect of Attis\nis too slight to allow us to speak with any confidence on this subject. A\ntrace of that aspect appears to survive in the star-spangled cap which he\nis said to have received from Cybele,(851) and which is figured on some\nmonuments supposed to represent him.(852) His identification with the\nPhrygian moon-god Men Tyrannus(853) points in the same direction, but is\nprobably due rather to the religious speculation of a later age than to\ngenuine popular tradition.(854)\n\n\n\n\nChapter IV. Human Representatives of Attis.\n\n\n(M210) From inscriptions it appears that both at Pessinus and Rome the\nhigh-priest of Cybele regularly bore the name of Attis.(855) It is\ntherefore a reasonable conjecture that he played the part of his namesake,\nthe legendary Attis, at the annual festival.(856) We have seen that on the\nDay of Blood he drew blood from his arms, and this may have been an\nimitation of the self-inflicted death of Attis under the pine-tree. It is\nnot inconsistent with this supposition that Attis was also represented at\nthese ceremonies by an effigy; for instances can be shown in which the\ndivine being is first represented by a living person and afterwards by an\neffigy, which is then burned or otherwise destroyed.(857) Perhaps we may\ngo a step farther and conjecture that this mimic killing of the priest,\naccompanied by a real effusion of his blood, was in Phrygia, as it has\nbeen elsewhere, a substitute for a human sacrifice which in earlier times\nwas actually offered. Sir W. M. Ramsay, whose authority on all questions\nrelating to Phrygia no one will dispute, is of opinion that at these\nPhrygian ceremonies \u201cthe representative of the god was probably slain each\nyear by a cruel death, just as the god himself died.\u201d(858) We know from\nStrabo(859) that the priests of Pessinus were at one time potentates as\nwell as priests; they may, therefore, have belonged to that class of\ndivine kings or popes whose duty it was to die each year for their people\nand the world. The name of Attis, it is true, does not occur among the\nnames of the old kings of Phrygia, who seem to have borne the names of\nMidas and Gordias in alternate generations; but a very ancient inscription\ncarved in the rock above a famous Phrygian monument, which is known as the\nTomb of Midas, records that the monument was made for, or dedicated to,\nKing Midas by a certain Ates, whose name is doubtless identical with\nAttis, and who, if not a king himself, may have been one of the royal\nfamily.(860) It is worthy of note also that the name Atys, which, again,\nappears to be only another form of Attis, is recorded as that of an early\nking of Lydia;(861) and that a son of Croesus, king of Lydia, not only\nbore the name Atys but was said to have been killed, while he was hunting\na boar, by a member of the royal Phrygian family, who traced his lineage\nto King Midas and had fled to the court of Croesus because he had\nunwittingly slain his own brother.(862) Scholars have recognized in this\nstory of the death of Atys, son of Croesus, a mere double of the myth of\nAttis;(863) and in view of the facts which have come before us in the\npresent inquiry(864) it is a remarkable circumstance that the myth of a\nslain god should be told of a king\u2019s son. May we conjecture that the\nPhrygian priests who bore the name of Attis and represented the god of\nthat name were themselves members, perhaps the eldest sons, of the royal\nhouse, to whom their fathers, uncles, brothers, or other kinsmen deputed\nthe honour of dying a violent death in the character of gods, while they\nreserved to themselves the duty of living, as long as nature allowed them,\nin the humbler character of kings? If this were so, the Phrygian dynasty\nof Midas may have presented a close parallel to the Greek dynasty of\nAthamas, in which the eldest sons seem to have been regularly destined to\nthe altar.(865) But it is also possible that the divine priests who bore\nthe name of Attis may have belonged to that indigenous race which the\nPhrygians, on their irruption into Asia from Europe, appear to have found\nand conquered in the land afterwards known as Phrygia.(866) On the latter\nhypothesis the priests may have represented an older and higher\ncivilization than that of their barbarous conquerors. Be that as it may,\nthe god they personated was a deity of vegetation whose divine life\nmanifested itself especially in the pine-tree and the violets of spring;\nand if they died in the character of that divinity, they corresponded to\nthe mummers who are still slain in mimicry by European peasants in spring,\nand to the priest who was slain long ago in grim earnest on the wooded\nshore of the Lake of Nemi.\n\n\n\n\nChapter V. The Hanged God.\n\n\n(M211) A reminiscence of the manner in which these old representatives of\nthe deity were put to death is perhaps preserved in the famous story of\nMarsyas. He was said to be a Phrygian satyr or Silenus, according to\nothers a shepherd or herdsman, who played sweetly on the flute. A friend\nof Cybele, he roamed the country with the disconsolate goddess to soothe\nher grief for the death of Attis.(867) The composition of the Mother\u2019s\nAir, a tune played on the flute in honour of the Great Mother Goddess, was\nattributed to him by the people of Celaenae in Phrygia.(868) Vain of his\nskill, he challenged Apollo to a musical contest, he to play on the flute\nand Apollo on the lyre. Being vanquished, Marsyas was tied up to a\npine-tree and flayed or cut limb from limb either by the victorious Apollo\nor by a Scythian slave.(869) His skin was shown at Celaenae in historical\ntimes. It hung at the foot of the citadel in a cave from which the river\nMarsyas rushed with an impetuous and noisy tide to join the Maeander.(870)\nSo the Adonis bursts full-born from the precipices of the Lebanon; so the\nblue river of Ibreez leaps in a crystal jet from the red rocks of the\nTaurus; so the stream, which now rumbles deep underground, used to gleam\nfor a moment on its passage from darkness to darkness in the dim light of\nthe Corycian cave. In all these copious fountains, with their glad promise\nof fertility and life, men of old saw the hand of God and worshipped him\nbeside the rushing river with the music of its tumbling waters in their\nears. At Celaenae, if we can trust tradition, the piper Marsyas, hanging\nin his cave, had a soul for harmony even in death; for it is said that at\nthe sound of his native Phrygian melodies the skin of the dead satyr used\nto thrill, but that if the musician struck up an air in praise of Apollo\nit remained deaf and motionless.(871)\n\n(M212) In this Phrygian satyr, shepherd, or herdsman who enjoyed the\nfriendship of Cybele, practised the music so characteristic of her\nrites,(872) and died a violent death on her sacred tree, the pine, may we\nnot detect a close resemblance to Attis, the favourite shepherd or\nherdsman of the goddess, who is himself described as a piper,(873) is said\nto have perished under a pine-tree, and was annually represented by an\neffigy hung, like Marsyas, upon a pine? We may conjecture that in old days\nthe priest who bore the name and played the part of Attis at the spring\nfestival of Cybele was regularly hanged or otherwise slain upon the sacred\ntree, and that this barbarous custom was afterwards mitigated into the\nform in which it is known to us in later times, when the priest merely\ndrew blood from his body under the tree and attached an effigy instead of\nhimself to its trunk. In the holy grove at Upsala men and animals were\nsacrificed by being hanged upon the sacred trees.(874) The human victims\ndedicated to Odin were regularly put to death by hanging or by a\ncombination of hanging and stabbing, the man being strung up to a tree or\na gallows and then wounded with a spear. Hence Odin was called the Lord of\nthe Gallows or the God of the Hanged, and he is represented sitting under\na gallows tree.(875) Indeed he is said to have been sacrificed to himself\nin the ordinary way, as we learn from the weird verses of the _Havamal_,\nin which the god describes how he acquired his divine power by learning\nthe magic runes:\n\n\n    \u201c_I know that I hung on the windy tree_\n    _For nine whole nights,_\n    _Wounded with the spear, dedicated to Odin,_\n    _Myself to myself._\u201d(876)\n\n\nThe Bagobos of Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, used annually to\nsacrifice human victims for the good of the crops in a similar way. Early\nin December, when the constellation Orion appeared at seven o\u2019clock in the\nevening, the people knew that the time had come to clear their fields for\nsowing and to sacrifice a slave. The sacrifice was presented to certain\npowerful spirits as payment for the good year which the people had\nenjoyed, and to ensure the favour of the spirits for the coming season.\nThe victim was led to a great tree in the forest; there he was tied with\nhis back to the tree and his arms stretched high above his head, in the\nattitude in which ancient artists portrayed Marsyas hanging on the fatal\ntree. While he thus hung by the arms, he was slain by a spear thrust\nthrough his body at the level of the armpits. Afterwards the body was cut\nclean through the middle at the waist, and the upper part was apparently\nallowed to dangle for a little from the tree, while the under part\nwallowed in blood on the ground. The two portions were finally cast into a\nshallow trench beside the tree. Before this was done, anybody who wished\nmight cut off a piece of flesh or a lock of hair from the corpse and carry\nit to the grave of some relation whose body was being consumed by a ghoul.\nAttracted by the fresh corpse, the ghoul would leave the mouldering old\nbody in peace. These sacrifices have been offered by men now living.(877)\n\n(M213) In Greece the great goddess Artemis herself appears to have been\nannually hanged in effigy in her sacred grove of Condylea among the\nArcadian hills, and there accordingly she went by the name of the Hanged\nOne.(878) Indeed a trace of a similar rite may perhaps be detected even at\nEphesus, the most famous of her sanctuaries, in the legend of a woman who\nhanged herself and was thereupon dressed by the compassionate goddess in\nher own divine garb and called by the name of Hecate.(879) Similarly, at\nMelite in Phthia, a story was told of a girl named Aspalis who hanged\nherself, but who appears to have been merely a form of Artemis. For after\nher death her body could not be found, but an image of her was discovered\nstanding beside the image of Artemis, and the people bestowed on it the\ntitle of Hecaerge or Far-shooter, one of the regular epithets of the\ngoddess. Every year the virgins sacrificed a young goat to the image by\nhanging it, because Astypalis was said to have hanged herself.(880) The\nsacrifice may have been a substitute for hanging an image or a human\nrepresentative of Artemis. Again, in Rhodes the fair Helen was worshipped\nunder the title of Helen of the Tree, because the queen of the island had\ncaused her handmaids, disguised as Furies, to string her up to a\nbough.(881) That the Asiatic Greeks sacrificed animals in this fashion is\nproved by coins of Ilium, which represent an ox or cow hanging on a tree\nand stabbed with a knife by a man, who sits among the branches or on the\nanimal\u2019s back.(882) At Hierapolis also the victims were hung on trees\nbefore they were burnt.(883) With these Greek and Scandinavian parallels\nbefore us we can hardly dismiss as wholly improbable the conjecture that\nin Phrygia a man-god may have hung year by year on the sacred but fatal\ntree.\n\n(M214) The tradition that Marsyas was flayed and that his skin was\nexhibited at Celaenae down to historical times may well reflect a ritual\npractice of flaying the dead god and hanging his skin upon the pine as a\nmeans of effecting his resurrection, and with it the revival of vegetation\nin spring. Similarly, in ancient Mexico the human victims who personated\ngods were often flayed and their bloody skins worn by men who appear to\nhave represented the dead deities come to life again.(884) When a Scythian\nking died, he was buried in a grave along with one of his concubines, his\ncup-bearer, cook, groom, lacquey, and messenger, who were all killed for\nthe purpose, and a great barrow was heaped up over the grave. A year\nafterwards fifty of his servants and fifty of his best horses were\nstrangled; and their bodies, having been disembowelled and cleaned out,\nwere stuffed with chaff, sewn up, and set on scaffolds round about the\nbarrow, every dead man bestriding a dead horse, which was bitted and\nbridled as in life.(885) These strange horsemen were no doubt supposed to\nmount guard over the king. The setting up of their stuffed skins might be\nthought to ensure their ghostly resurrection.\n\n(M215) That some such notion was entertained by the Scythians is made\nprobable by the account which the mediaeval traveller de Plano Carpini\ngives of the funeral customs of the Mongols. The traveller tells us that\nwhen a noble Mongol died, the custom was to bury him seated in the middle\nof a tent, along with a horse saddled and bridled, and a mare and her\nfoal. Also they used to eat another horse, stuff the carcase with straw,\nand set it up on poles. All this they did in order that in the other world\nthe dead man might have a tent to live in, a mare to yield milk, and a\nsteed to ride, and that he might be able to breed horses. Moreover, the\nbones of the horse which they ate were burned for the good of his\nsoul.(886) When the Arab traveller Ibn Batuta visited Peking in the\nfourteenth century, he witnessed the funeral of an emperor of China who\nhad been killed in battle. The dead sovereign was buried along with four\nyoung female slaves and six guards in a vault, and an immense mound like a\nhill was piled over him. Four horses were then made to run round the\nhillock till they could run no longer, after which they were killed,\nimpaled, and set up beside the tomb.(887) When an Indian of Patagonia\ndies, he is buried in a pit along with some of his property. Afterwards\nhis favourite horse, having been killed, skinned, and stuffed, is propped\nup on sticks with its head turned towards the grave. At the funeral of a\nchief four horses are sacrificed, and one is set up at each corner of the\nburial-place. The clothes and other effects of the deceased are burned;\nand to conclude all, a feast is made of the horses\u2019 flesh.(888) The\nScythians certainly believed in the existence of the soul after death and\nin the possibility of turning it to account. This is proved by the\npractice of one of their tribes, the Taurians of the Crimea, who used to\ncut off the heads of their prisoners and set them on poles over their\nhouses, especially over the chimneys, in order that the spirits of the\nslain men might guard the dwellings.(889) Some of the savages of Borneo\nallege a similar reason for their favourite custom of taking human heads.\n\u201cThe custom,\u201d said a Kayan chief, \u201cis not horrible. It is an ancient\ncustom, a good, beneficent custom, bequeathed to us by our fathers and our\nfathers\u2019 fathers; it brings us blessings, plentiful harvests, and keeps\noff sickness and pains. Those who were once our enemies, hereby become our\nguardians, our friends, our benefactors.\u201d(890) Thus to convert dead foes\ninto friends and allies all that is necessary is to feed and otherwise\npropitiate their skulls at a festival when they are brought into the\nvillage. \u201cAn offering of food is made to the heads, and their spirits,\nbeing thus appeased, cease to entertain malice against, or to seek to\ninflict injury upon, those who have got possession of the skull which\nformerly adorned the now forsaken body.\u201d(891) When the Sea Dyaks of\nSarawak return home successful from a head-hunting expedition, they bring\nthe head ashore with much ceremony, wrapt in palm leaves. \u201cOn shore and in\nthe village, the head, for months after its arrival, is treated with the\ngreatest consideration, and all the names and terms of endearment of which\ntheir language is capable are abundantly lavished on it; the most dainty\nmorsels, culled from their abundant though inelegant repast, are thrust\ninto its mouth, and it is instructed to hate its former friends, and that,\nhaving been now adopted into the tribe of its captors, its spirit must be\nalways with them; sirih leaves and betel-nut are given to it, and finally\na cigar is frequently placed between its ghastly and pallid lips. None of\nthis disgusting mockery is performed with the intention of ridicule, but\nall to propitiate the spirit by kindness, and to procure its good wishes\nfor the tribe, of whom it is now supposed to have become a member.\u201d(892)\nAmongst these Dyaks the \u201cHead-Feast,\u201d which has been just described, is\nsupposed to be the most beneficial in its influence of all their feasts\nand ceremonies. \u201cThe object of them all is to make their rice grow well,\nto cause the forest to abound with wild animals, to enable their dogs and\nsnares to be successful in securing game, to have the streams swarm with\nfish, to give health and activity to the people themselves, and to ensure\nfertility to their women. All these blessings, the possessing and feasting\nof a fresh head are supposed to be the most efficient means of securing.\nThe very ground itself is believed to be benefited and rendered fertile,\nmore fertile even than when the water in which fragments of gold presented\nby the Rajah have been washed, has been sprinkled over it.\u201d(893)\n\n(M216) In like manner, if my conjecture is right, the man who represented\nthe father-god of Phrygia used to be slain and his stuffed skin hung on\nthe sacred pine in order that his spirit might work for the growth of the\ncrops, the multiplication of animals, and the fertility of women. So at\nAthens an ox, which appears to have embodied the corn-spirit, was killed\nat an annual sacrifice, and its hide, stuffed with straw and sewn up, was\nafterwards set on its feet and yoked to a plough as if it were ploughing,\napparently in order to represent, or rather to promote, the resurrection\nof the slain corn-spirit at the end of the threshing.(894) This employment\nof the skins of divine animals for the purpose of ensuring the revival of\nthe slaughtered divinity might be illustrated by other examples.(895)\nPerhaps the hide of the bull which was killed to furnish the regenerating\nbath of blood in the rites of Attis may have been put to a similar use.\n\n\n\n\nChapter VI. Oriental Religions in the West.\n\n\n(M217) The worship of the Great Mother of the Gods and her lover or son\nwas very popular under the Roman Empire. Inscriptions prove that the two\nreceived divine honours, separately or conjointly, not only in Italy, and\nespecially at Rome, but also in the provinces, particularly in Africa,\nSpain, Portugal, France, Germany, and Bulgaria.(896) Their worship\nsurvived the establishment of Christianity by Constantine; for Symmachus\nrecords the recurrence of the festival of the Great Mother,(897) and in\nthe days of Augustine her effeminate priests still paraded the streets and\nsquares of Carthage with whitened faces, scented hair, and mincing gait,\nwhile, like the mendicant friars of the Middle Ages, they begged alms from\nthe passers-by.(898) In Greece, on the other hand, the bloody orgies of\nthe Asiatic goddess and her consort appear to have found little\nfavour.(899) The barbarous and cruel character of the worship, with its\nfrantic excesses, was doubtless repugnant to the good taste and humanity\nof the Greeks, who seem to have preferred the kindred but gentler rites of\nAdonis. Yet the same features which shocked and repelled the Greeks may\nhave positively attracted the less refined Romans and barbarians of the\nWest. The ecstatic frenzies, which were mistaken for divine\ninspiration,(900) the mangling of the body, the theory of a new birth and\nthe remission of sins through the shedding of blood, have all their origin\nin savagery,(901) and they naturally appealed to peoples in whom the\nsavage instincts were still strong. Their true character was indeed often\ndisguised under a decent veil of allegorical or philosophical\ninterpretation,(902) which probably sufficed to impose upon the rapt and\nenthusiastic worshippers, reconciling even the more cultivated of them to\nthings which otherwise must have filled them with horror and disgust.\n\n(M218) The religion of the Great Mother, with its curious blending of\ncrude savagery with spiritual aspirations, was only one of a multitude of\nsimilar Oriental faiths which in the later days of paganism spread over\nthe Roman Empire, and by saturating the European peoples with alien ideals\nof life gradually undermined the whole fabric of ancient\ncivilization.(903) Greek and Roman society was built on the conception of\nthe subordination of the individual to the community, of the citizen to\nthe state; it set the safety of the commonwealth, as the supreme aim of\nconduct, above the safety of the individual whether in this world or in a\nworld to come. Trained from infancy in this unselfish ideal, the citizens\ndevoted their lives to the public service and were ready to lay them down\nfor the common good; or if they shrank from the supreme sacrifice, it\nnever occurred to them that they acted otherwise than basely in preferring\ntheir personal existence to the interests of their country. All this was\nchanged by the spread of Oriental religions which inculcated the communion\nof the soul with God and its eternal salvation as the only objects worth\nliving for, objects in comparison with which the prosperity and even the\nexistence of the state sank into insignificance. The inevitable result of\nthis selfish and immoral doctrine was to withdraw the devotee more and\nmore from the public service, to concentrate his thoughts on his own\nspiritual emotions, and to breed in him a contempt for the present life\nwhich he regarded merely as a probation for a better and an eternal. The\nsaint and the recluse, disdainful of earth and rapt in ecstatic\ncontemplation of heaven, became in popular opinion the highest ideal of\nhumanity, displacing the old ideal of the patriot and hero who, forgetful\nof self, lives and is ready to die for the good of his country. The\nearthly city seemed poor and contemptible to men whose eyes beheld the\nCity of God coming in the clouds of heaven. Thus the centre of gravity, so\nto say, was shifted from the present to a future life, and however much\nthe other world may have gained, there can be little doubt that this one\nlost heavily by the change. A general disintegration of the body politic\nset in. The ties of the state and the family were loosened: the structure\nof society tended to resolve itself into its individual elements and\nthereby to relapse into barbarism; for civilization is only possible\nthrough the active co-operation of the citizens and their willingness to\nsubordinate their private interests to the common good. Men refused to\ndefend their country and even to continue their kind.(904) In their\nanxiety to save their own souls and the souls of others, they were content\nto leave the material world, which they identified with the principle of\nevil, to perish around them. This obsession lasted for a thousand years.\nThe revival of Roman law, of the Aristotelian philosophy, of ancient art\nand literature at the close of the Middle Ages, marked the return of\nEurope to native ideals of life and conduct, to saner, manlier views of\nthe world. The long halt in the march of civilization was over. The tide\nof Oriental invasion had turned at last. It is ebbing still.(905)\n\n(M219) Among the gods of eastern origin who in the decline of the ancient\nworld competed against each other for the allegiance of the West was the\nold Persian deity Mithra. The immense popularity of his worship is\nattested by the monuments illustrative of it which have been found\nscattered in profusion all over the Roman Empire.(906) In respect both of\ndoctrines and of rites the cult of Mithra appears to have presented many\npoints of resemblance not only to the religion of the Mother of the\nGods(907) but also to Christianity.(908) The similarity struck the\nChristian doctors themselves and was explained by them as a work of the\ndevil, who sought to seduce the souls of men from the true faith by a\nfalse and insidious imitation of it.(909) So to the Spanish conquerors of\nMexico and Peru many of the native heathen rites appeared to be diabolical\ncounterfeits of the Christian sacraments.(910) With more probability the\nmodern student of comparative religion traces such resemblances to the\nsimilar and independent workings of the mind of man in his sincere, if\ncrude, attempts to fathom the secret of the universe, and to adjust his\nlittle life to its awful mysteries. However that may be, there can be no\ndoubt that the Mithraic religion proved a formidable rival to\nChristianity, combining as it did a solemn ritual with aspirations after\nmoral purity and a hope of immortality.(911) Indeed the issue of the\nconflict between the two faiths appears for a time to have hung in the\nbalance.(912) An instructive relic of the long struggle is preserved in\nour festival of Christmas, which the Church seems to have borrowed\ndirectly from its heathen rival. In the Julian calendar the twenty-fifth\nof December was reckoned the winter solstice,(913) and it was regarded as\nthe Nativity of the Sun, because the day begins to lengthen and the power\nof the sun to increase from that turning-point of the year.(914) The\nritual of the nativity, as it appears to have been celebrated in Syria and\nEgypt, was remarkable. The celebrants retired into certain inner shrines,\nfrom which at midnight they issued with a loud cry, \u201cThe Virgin has\nbrought forth! The light is waxing!\u201d(915) The Egyptians even represented\nthe new-born sun by the image of an infant which on his birthday, the\nwinter solstice, they brought forth and exhibited to his worshippers.(916)\nNo doubt the Virgin who thus conceived and bore a son on the twenty-fifth\nof December was the great Oriental goddess whom the Semites called the\nHeavenly Virgin or simply the Heavenly Goddess; in Semitic lands she was a\nform of Astarte.(917) Now Mithra was regularly identified by his\nworshippers with the Sun, the Unconquered Sun, as they called him;(918)\nhence his nativity also fell on the twenty-fifth of December.(919) The\nGospels say nothing as to the day of Christ\u2019s birth, and accordingly the\nearly Church did not celebrate it. In time, however, the Christians of\nEgypt came to regard the sixth of January as the date of the Nativity, and\nthe custom of commemorating the birth of the Saviour on that day gradually\nspread until by the fourth century it was universally established in the\nEast. But at the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century\nthe Western Church, which had never recognized the sixth of January as the\nday of the Nativity, adopted the twenty-fifth of December as the true\ndate, and in time its decision was accepted also by the Eastern Church. At\nAntioch the change was not introduced till about the year 375 A.D.(920)\n\n(M220) What considerations led the ecclesiastical authorities to institute\nthe festival of Christmas? The motives for the innovation are stated with\ngreat frankness by a Syrian writer, himself a Christian. \u201cThe reason,\u201d he\ntells us, \u201cwhy the fathers transferred the celebration of the sixth of\nJanuary to the twenty-fifth of December was this. It was a custom of the\nheathen to celebrate on the same twenty-fifth of December the birthday of\nthe Sun, at which they kindled lights in token of festivity. In these\nsolemnities and festivities the Christians also took part. Accordingly\nwhen the doctors of the Church perceived that the Christians had a leaning\nto this festival, they took counsel and resolved that the true Nativity\nshould be solemnized on that day and the festival of the Epiphany on the\nsixth of January. Accordingly, along with this custom, the practice has\nprevailed of kindling fires till the sixth.\u201d(921) The heathen origin of\nChristmas is plainly hinted at, if not tacitly admitted, by Augustine when\nhe exhorts his Christian brethren not to celebrate that solemn day like\nthe heathen on account of the sun, but on account of him who made the\nsun.(922) In like manner Leo the Great rebuked the pestilent belief that\nChristmas was solemnized because of the birth of the new sun, as it was\ncalled, and not because of the nativity of Christ.(923)\n\n(M221) Thus it appears that the Christian Church chose to celebrate the\nbirthday of its Founder on the twenty-fifth of December in order to\ntransfer the devotion of the heathen from the Sun to him who was called\nthe Sun of Righteousness.(924) If that was so, there can be no intrinsic\nimprobability in the conjecture that motives of the same sort may have led\nthe ecclesiastical authorities to assimilate the Easter festival of the\ndeath and resurrection of their Lord to the festival of the death and\nresurrection of another Asiatic god which fell at the same season. Now the\nEaster rites still observed in Greece, Sicily, and Southern Italy bear in\nsome respects a striking resemblance to the rites of Adonis, and I have\nsuggested that the Church may have consciously adapted the new festival to\nits heathen predecessor for the sake of winning souls to Christ.(925) But\nthis adaptation probably took place in the Greek-speaking rather than in\nthe Latin-speaking parts of the ancient world; for the worship of Adonis,\nwhile it flourished among the Greeks, appears to have made little\nimpression on Rome and the West.(926) Certainly it never formed part of\nthe official Roman religion. The place which it might have taken in the\naffections of the vulgar was already occupied by the similar but more\nbarbarous worship of Attis and the Great Mother. Now the death and\nresurrection of Attis were officially celebrated at Rome on the\ntwenty-fourth and twenty-fifth of March,(927) the latter being regarded as\nthe spring equinox,(928) and therefore as the most appropriate day for the\nrevival of a god of vegetation who had been dead or sleeping throughout\nthe winter. But according to an ancient and widespread tradition Christ\nsuffered on the twenty-fifth of March, and accordingly some Christians\nregularly celebrated the Crucifixion on that day without any regard to the\nstate of the moon. This custom was certainly observed in Phrygia,\nCappadocia, and Gaul, and there seem to be grounds for thinking that at\none time it was followed also in Rome.(929) Thus the tradition which\nplaced the death of Christ on the twenty-fifth of March was ancient and\ndeeply rooted. It is all the more remarkable because astronomical\nconsiderations prove that it can have had no historical foundation.(930)\nThe inference appears to be inevitable that the passion of Christ must\nhave been arbitrarily referred to that date in order to harmonize with an\nolder festival of the spring equinox. This is the view of the learned\necclesiastical historian Mgr. Duchesne, who points out that the death of\nthe Saviour was thus made to fall upon the very day on which, according to\na widespread belief, the world had been created.(931) But the resurrection\nof Attis, who combined in himself the characters of the divine Father and\nthe divine Son,(932) was officially celebrated at Rome on the same day.\nWhen we remember that the festival of St. George in April has replaced the\nancient pagan festival of the Parilia;(933) that the festival of St. John\nthe Baptist in June has succeeded to a heathen Midsummer festival of\nwater;(934) that the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin in August\nhas ousted the festival of Diana;(935) that the feast of All Souls in\nNovember is a continuation of an old heathen feast of the dead;(936) and\nthat the Nativity of Christ himself was assigned to the winter solstice in\nDecember because that day was deemed the Nativity of the Sun;(937) we can\nhardly be thought rash or unreasonable in conjecturing that the other\ncardinal festival of the Christian church\u2014the solemnization of Easter\u2014may\nhave been in like manner, and from like motives of edification, adapted to\na similar celebration of the Phrygian god Attis at the vernal\nequinox.(938)\n\n(M222) At least it is a remarkable coincidence, if it is nothing more,\nthat the Christian and the heathen festivals of the divine death and\nresurrection should have been solemnized at the same season and in the\nsame places. For the places which celebrated the death of Christ at the\nspring equinox were Phrygia, Gaul, and apparently Rome, that is, the very\nregions in which the worship of Attis either originated or struck deepest\nroot. It is difficult to regard the coincidence as purely accidental. If\nthe vernal equinox, the season at which in the temperate regions the whole\nface of nature testifies to a fresh outburst of vital energy, had been\nviewed from of old as the time when the world was annually created afresh\nin the resurrection of a god, nothing could be more natural than to place\nthe resurrection of the new deity at the same cardinal point of the year.\nOnly it is to be observed that if the death of Christ was dated on the\ntwenty-fifth of March, his resurrection, according to Christian tradition,\nmust have happened on the twenty-seventh of March, which is just two days\nlater than the vernal equinox of the Julian calendar and the resurrection\nof Attis. A similar displacement of two days in the adjustment of\nChristian to heathen celebrations occurs in the festivals of St. George\nand the Assumption of the Virgin. However, another Christian tradition,\nfollowed by Lactantius and perhaps by the practice of the Church in Gaul,\nplaced the death of Christ on the twenty-third and his resurrection on the\ntwenty-fifth of March.(939) If that was so, his resurrection coincided\nexactly with the resurrection of Attis.\n\n(M223) In point of fact it appears from the testimony of an anonymous\nChristian, who wrote in the fourth century of our era, that Christians and\npagans alike were struck by the remarkable coincidence between the death\nand resurrection of their respective deities, and that the coincidence\nformed a theme of bitter controversy between the adherents of the rival\nreligions, the pagans contending that the resurrection of Christ was a\nspurious imitation of the resurrection of Attis, and the Christians\nasserting with equal warmth that the resurrection of Attis was a\ndiabolical counterfeit of the resurrection of Christ. In these unseemly\nbickerings the heathen took what to a superficial observer might seem\nstrong ground by arguing that their god was the older and therefore\npresumably the original, not the counterfeit, since as a general rule an\noriginal is older than its copy. This feeble argument the Christians\neasily rebutted. They admitted, indeed, that in point of time Christ was\nthe junior deity, but they triumphantly demonstrated his real seniority by\nfalling back on the subtlety of Satan, who on so important an occasion had\nsurpassed himself by inverting the usual order of nature.(940)\n\n(M224) Taken altogether, the coincidences of the Christian with the\nheathen festivals are too close and too numerous to be accidental. They\nmark the compromise which the Church in the hour of its triumph was\ncompelled to make with its vanquished yet still dangerous rivals. The\ninflexible Protestantism of the primitive missionaries, with their fiery\ndenunciations of heathendom, had been exchanged for the supple policy, the\neasy tolerance, the comprehensive charity of shrewd ecclesiastics, who\nclearly perceived that if Christianity was to conquer the world it could\ndo so only by relaxing the too rigid principles of its Founder, by\nwidening a little the narrow gate which leads to salvation. In this\nrespect an instructive parallel might be drawn between the history of\nChristianity and the history of Buddhism.(941) Both systems were in their\norigin essentially ethical reforms born of the generous ardour, the lofty\naspirations, the tender compassion of their noble Founders, two of those\nbeautiful spirits who appear at rare intervals on earth like beings come\nfrom a better world to support and guide our weak and erring nature.(942)\nBoth preached moral virtue as the means of accomplishing what they\nregarded as the supreme object of life, the eternal salvation of the\nindividual soul, though by a curious antithesis the one sought that\nsalvation in a blissful eternity, the other in a final release from\nsuffering, in annihilation. But the austere ideals of sanctity which they\ninculcated were too deeply opposed not only to the frailties but to the\nnatural instincts of humanity ever to be carried out in practice by more\nthan a small number of disciples, who consistently renounced the ties of\nthe family and the state in order to work out their own salvation in the\nstill seclusion of the cloister. If such faiths were to be nominally\naccepted by whole nations or even by the world, it was essential that they\nshould first be modified or transformed so as to accord in some measure\nwith the prejudices, the passions, the superstitions of the vulgar. This\nprocess of accommodation was carried out in after ages by followers who,\nmade of less ethereal stuff than their masters, were for that reason the\nbetter fitted to mediate between them and the common herd. Thus as time\nwent on, the two religions, in exact proportion to their growing\npopularity, absorbed more and more of those baser elements which they had\nbeen instituted for the very purpose of suppressing. Such spiritual\ndecadences are inevitable. The world cannot live at the level of its great\nmen. Yet it would be unfair to the generality of our kind to ascribe\nwholly to their intellectual and moral weakness the gradual divergence of\nBuddhism and Christianity from their primitive patterns. For it should\nnever be forgotten that by their glorification of poverty and celibacy\nboth these religions struck straight at the root not merely of civil\nsociety but of human existence. The blow was parried by the wisdom or the\nfolly of the vast majority of mankind, who refused to purchase a chance of\nsaving their souls with the certainty of extinguishing the species.\n\n\n\n\nChapter VII. Hyacinth.\n\n\n(M225) Another mythical being who has been supposed to belong to the class\nof gods here discussed is Hyacinth. He too has been interpreted as the\nvegetation which blooms in spring and withers under the scorching heat of\nthe summer sun.(943) Though he belongs to Greek, not to Oriental\nmythology, some account of him may not be out of place in the present\ndiscussion. According to the legend, Hyacinth was the youngest and\nhandsomest son of the ancient king Amyclas, who had his capital at Amyclae\nin the beautiful vale of Sparta. One day playing at quoits with Apollo, he\nwas accidentally killed by a blow of the god\u2019s quoit. Bitterly the god\nlamented the death of his friend. The hyacinth\u2014\u201cthat sanguine flower\ninscribed with woe\u201d\u2014sprang from the blood of the hapless youth, as\nanemones and roses from the blood of Adonis, and violets from the blood of\nAttis:(944) like these vernal flowers it heralded the advent of another\nspring and gladdened the hearts of men with the promise of a joyful\nresurrection. The flower is usually supposed to be not what we call a\nhyacinth, but a little purple iris with the letters of lamentation (AI,\nwhich in Greek means \u201calas\u201d) clearly inscribed in black on its petals. In\nGreece it blooms in spring after the early violets but before the\nroses.(945) One spring, when the hyacinths were in bloom, it happened that\nthe red-coated Spartan regiments lay encamped under the walls of Corinth.\nTheir commander gave the Amyclean battalion leave to go home and celebrate\nas usual the festival of Hyacinth in their native town. But the sad flower\nwas to be to these men an omen of death; for they had not gone far before\nthey were enveloped by clouds of light-armed foes and cut to pieces.(946)\n\n(M226) The tomb of Hyacinth was at Amyclae under a massive altar-like\npedestal, which supported an archaic bronze image of Apollo. In the left\nside of the pedestal was a bronze door, and through it offerings were\npassed to Hyacinth, as to a hero or a dead man, not as to a god, before\nsacrifices were offered to Apollo at the annual Hyacinthian festival.\nBas-reliefs carved on the pedestal represented Hyacinth and his maiden\nsister Polyboea caught up to heaven by a company of goddesses.(947) The\nannual festival of the Hyacinthia was held in the month of Hecatombeus,\nwhich seems to have corresponded to May.(948) The ceremonies occupied\nthree days. On the first the people mourned for Hyacinth, wearing no\nwreaths, singing no paeans, eating no bread, and behaving with great\ngravity. It was on this day probably that the offerings were made at\nHyacinth\u2019s tomb. Next day the scene was changed. All was joy and bustle.\nThe capital was emptied of its inhabitants, who poured out in their\nthousands to witness and share the festivities at Amyclae. Boys in\nhigh-girt tunics sang hymns in honour of the god to the accompaniment of\nflutes and lyres. Others, splendidly attired, paraded on horseback in the\ntheatre: choirs of youths chanted their native ditties: dancers danced:\nmaidens rode in wicker carriages or went in procession to witness the\nchariot races: sacrifices were offered in profusion: the citizens feasted\ntheir friends and even their slaves.(949) This outburst of gaiety may be\nsupposed to have celebrated the resurrection of Hyacinth and perhaps also\nhis ascension to heaven, which, as we have seen, was represented on his\ntomb. However, it may be that the ascension took place on the third day of\nthe festival; but as to that we know nothing. The sister who went to\nheaven with him was by some identified with Artemis or Persephone.(950)\n\n(M227) It is highly probable, as Erwin Rohde perceived,(951) that Hyacinth\nwas an old aboriginal deity of the underworld who had been worshipped at\nAmyclae long before the Dorians invaded and conquered the country. If that\nwas so, the story of his relation to Apollo must have been a comparatively\nlate invention, an attempt of the newcomers to fit the ancient god of the\nland into their own mythical system, in order that he might extend his\nprotection to them. On this theory it may not be without significance that\nsacrifices at the festival were offered to Hyacinth, as to a hero, before\nthey were offered to Apollo.(952) Further, on the analogy of similar\ndeities elsewhere, we should expect to find Hyacinth coupled, not with a\nmale friend, but with a female consort. That consort may perhaps be\ndetected in his sister Polyboea, who ascended to heaven with him. The new\nmyth, if new it was, of the love of Apollo for Hyacinth would involve a\nchanged conception of the aboriginal god, which in its turn must have\naffected that of his spouse. For when Hyacinth came to be thought of as\nyoung and unmarried there was no longer room in his story for a wife, and\nshe would have to be disposed of in some other way. What was easier for\nthe myth-maker than to turn her into his unmarried sister? However we may\nexplain it, a change seems certainly to have come over the popular idea of\nHyacinth; for whereas on his tomb he was portrayed as a bearded man, later\nart represented him as the pink of youthful beauty.(953) But it is perhaps\nneedless to suppose that the sisterly relation of Polyboea to him was a\nlate modification of the myth. The stories of Cronus and Rhea, of Zeus and\nHera, of Osiris and Isis, remind us that in old days gods, like kings,\noften married their sisters, and probably for the same reason, namely, to\nensure their own title to the throne under a rule of female kinship which\ntreated women and not men as the channel in which the blood royal\nflowed.(954) It is not impossible that Hyacinth may have been a divine\nking who actually reigned in his lifetime at Amyclae and was afterwards\nworshipped at his tomb. The representation of his triumphal ascent to\nheaven in company with his sister suggests that, like Adonis and\nPersephone, he may have been supposed to spend one part of the year in the\nunder-world of darkness and death, and another part in the upper-world of\nlight and life. And as the anemones and the sprouting corn marked the\nreturn of Adonis and Persephone, so the flowers to which he gave his name\nmay have heralded the ascension of Hyacinth.\n\nEnd Of Vol. 1.\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n   M1 The changes of the seasons explained by the life and death of gods.\n   M2 Magical ceremonies to revive the failing energies of the gods.\n\n    1 As in the present volume I am concerned with the beliefs and\n      practices of Orientals I may quote the following passage from one\n      who has lived long in the East and knows it well: \u201cThe Oriental mind\n      is free from the trammels of logic. It is a literal fact that the\n      Oriental mind can accept and believe two opposite things at the same\n      time. We find fully qualified and even learned Indian doctors\n      practising Greek medicine, as well as English medicine, and\n      enforcing sanitary restrictions to which their own houses and\n      families are entirely strangers. We find astronomers who can predict\n      eclipses, and yet who believe that eclipses are caused by a dragon\n      swallowing the sun. We find holy men who are credited with\n      miraculous powers and with close communion with the Deity, who live\n      in drunkenness and immorality, and who are capable of elaborate\n      frauds on others. To the Oriental mind, a thing must be incredible\n      to command a ready belief\u201d (\u201cRiots and Unrest in the Punjab, from a\n      correspondent,\u201d _The Times Weekly Edition_, May 24, 1907, p. 326).\n      Again, speaking of the people of the Lower Congo, an experienced\n      missionary describes their religious ideas as \u201cchaotic in the\n      extreme and impossible to reduce to any systematic order. The same\n      person will tell you at different times that the departed spirit\n      goes to the nether regions, or to a dark forest, or to the moon, or\n      to the sun. There is no coherence in their beliefs, and their ideas\n      about cosmogony and the future are very nebulous. Although they\n      believe in punishment after death their faith is so hazy that it has\n      lost all its deterrent force. If in the following pages a lack of\n      logical unity is observed, it must be put to the debit of the native\n      mind, as that lack of logical unity really represents the mistiness\n      of their views.\u201d See Rev. John H. Weeks, \u201cNotes on some Customs of\n      the Lower Congo People,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xx. (1909) pp. 54 _sq._ Unless\n      we allow for this innate capacity of the human mind to entertain\n      contradictory beliefs at the same time, we shall in vain attempt to\n      understand the history of thought in general and of religion in\n      particular.\n\n   M3 The principles of animal and of vegetable life confused in these\n      ceremonies.\n   M4 Prevalence of these rites in Western Asia and Egypt.\n\n    2 The equivalence of Tammuz and Adonis has been doubted or denied by\n      some scholars, as by Renan (_Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_, Paris, 1864, pp.\n      216, 235) and by Chwolsohn (_Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, St.\n      Petersburg, 1856, ii. 510). But the two gods are identified by\n      Origen (_Selecta in Ezechielem_, Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xiii.\n      797), Jerome (_Epist._ lviii. 3 and _Commentar. in Ezechielem_,\n      viii. 13, 14, Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, xxii. 581, xxv. 82),\n      Cyril of Alexandria (_In Isaiam_, lib. ii. tomus. iii., and\n      _Comment. on Hosea_, iv. 15, Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxx. 441,\n      lxxi. 136), Theodoretus (_In Ezechielis cap._ viii., Migne\u2019s\n      _Patrologia Graeca_, lxxxi. 885), the author of the Paschal\n      Chronicle (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xcii. 329) and Melito (in W.\n      Cureton\u2019s _Spicilegium Syriacum_, London, 1855, p. 44); and\n      accordingly we may fairly conclude that, whatever their remote\n      origin may have been, Tammuz and Adonis were in the later period of\n      antiquity practically equivalent to each other. Compare W. W. Graf\n      Baudissin, _Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Leipsic,\n      1876-1878), i. 299; _id._, in _Realencyclop\u00e4die f\u00fcr protestantische\n      Theologie und Kirchengeschichte_,3 _s.v._ \u201cTammuz\u201d; _id._, _Adonis\n      und Esmun_ (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 94 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike\n      Wald- und Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), pp. 273 _sqq._; Ch. Vellay, \u201cLe\n      dieu Thammuz,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions_, xlix. (1904) pp.\n      154-162. Baudissin holds that Tammuz and Adonis were two different\n      gods sprung from a common root (_Adonis und Esmun_, p. 368). An\n      Assyrian origin of the cult of Adonis was long ago affirmed by\n      Macrobius (_Sat._ i. 21. 1). On Adonis and his worship in general\n      see also F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 191\n      _sqq._; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_ (Berlin, 1841), ii. 536 _sqq._; Ch.\n      Vellay, _Le culte et les f\u00eates d\u2019 Adonis-Thammouz dans l\u2019Orient\n      antique_ (Paris, 1904).\n\n   M5 Tammuz or Adonis in Babylonia. His worship seems to have originated\n      with the Sumerians.\n\n    3 The mourning for Adonis is mentioned by Sappho, who flourished about\n      600 B.C. See Th. Bergk\u2019s _Poetae Lyrici Graeci_,3 iii. (Leipsic,\n      1867) p. 897; Pausanias, ix. 29. 8.\n\n    4 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 394\n      _sq._; W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 65 _sqq._\n\n_    5 Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ed. T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, iii.\n      3327. In the Old Testament the title _Adoni_, \u201cmy lord,\u201d is\n      frequently given to men. See, for example, Genesis xxxiii. 8, 13,\n      14, 15, xlii. 10, xliii. 20, xliv. 5, 7, 9, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24.\n\n    6 C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha,\n      1896-1903), i. 134 _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des\n      Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique, les Origines_ (Paris, 1895), pp. 550\n      _sq._; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London,\n      1899), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _A History of Sumer and Akkad_ (London,\n      1910), pp. 1 _sqq._, 40 _sqq._; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 10\n      _sq._, 349; Fr. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des\n      alten Orients_ (Munich, 1904), pp. 18 _sqq._; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte\n      des Altertums_,2 i. 2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 401 _sqq._ As to the\n      hypothesis that the Sumerians were immigrants from Central Asia, see\n      L. W. King, _History of Sumer and Akkad_, pp. 351 _sqq._ The gradual\n      desiccation of Central Asia, which is conjectured to have caused the\n      Sumerian migration, has been similarly invoked to explain the\n      downfall of the Roman empire; for by rendering great regions\n      uninhabitable it is supposed to have driven hordes of fierce\n      barbarians to find new homes in Europe. See Professor J. W.\n      Gregory\u2019s lecture \u201cIs the earth drying up?\u201d delivered before the\n      Royal Geographical Society and reported in _The Times_, December\n      9th, 1913. It is held by Prof. Hommel (_op. cit._ pp. 19 _sqq._)\n      that the Sumerian language belongs to the Ural-altaic family, but\n      the better opinion seems to be that its linguistic affinities are\n      unknown. The view, once ardently advocated, that Sumerian was not a\n      language but merely a cabalistic mode of writing Semitic, is now\n      generally exploded.\n\n    7 H. Zimmern, \u201cDer babylonische Gott Tam\u00fcz,\u201d _Abhandlungen der\n      philologisch-historischen Klasse der K\u00f6nigl. S\u00e4chsischen\n      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic, 1909) pp.\n      701, 722.\n\n_    8 Dumu-zi_, or in fuller form _Dumuzi-abzu_. See P. Jensen,\n      _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), p. 560; H.\n      Zimmern, _op. cit._ pp. 703 _sqq._; _id._, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 397; P.\n      Dhorme, _La Religion Assyro-Babylonienne_ (Paris, 1910), p. 105; W.\n      W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_ (Leipsic, 1911), p. 104.\n\n    9 H. Zimmern, \u201cDer babylonische Gott Tam\u00fcz,\u201d _Abhandl. d. K\u00f6n. S\u00e4chs.\n      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic, 1909) p,\n      723. For the text and translation of the hymns, see H. Zimmern,\n      \u201cSumerisch-babylonische Tam\u00fczlieder,\u201d _Berichte \u00fcber die\n      Verhandlungen der K\u00f6niglich S\u00e4chsischen Gesellschaft der\n      Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse_, lix.\n      (1907) pp. 201-252. Compare H. Gressmann, _Altorientalische Texte\n      und Bilder_ (T\u00fcbingen, 1909), i. 93 _sqq._; W. W. Graf Baudissin,\n      _Adonis und Esmun_ (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 99 _sq._; R. W. Rogers,\n      _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_ (Oxford, N.D.), pp.\n      179-185.\n\n   M6 Tammuz the lover of Ishtar. Descent of Ishtar to the nether world to\n      recover Tammuz.\n   M7 Laments for Tammuz.\n\n   10 A. Jeremias, _Die babylonisch-assyrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben\n      nach dem Tode_ (Leipsic, 1887), pp. 4 _sqq._; _id._, in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 808, iii.\n      258 _sqq._; M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_\n      (Boston, 1898), pp. 565-576, 584, 682 _sq._; W. L. King, _Babylonian\n      Religion and Mythology_, pp. 178-183; P. Jensen,\n      _Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen_, pp. 81 _sqq._, 95 _sqq._,\n      169; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York,\n      1901), pp. 316 _sq._, 338, 408 _sqq._; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s\n      _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,3 pp. 397 _sqq._, 561\n      _sqq._; _id._, \u201cSumerisch-babylonische Tam\u016bzlieder,\u201d _Berichte \u00fcber\n      die Verhandlungen der K\u00f6niglich S\u00e4chsischen Gesellschaft der\n      Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse_, lix.\n      (1907) pp. 220, 232, 236 _sq._; _id._, \u201cDer babylonische Gott\n      Tam\u016bz,\u201d _Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der\n      K\u00f6nigl. S\u00e4chsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, xxvii. No. xx.\n      (Leipsic, 1909) pp. 725 _sq._, 729-735; H. Gressmann,\n      _Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente_ (T\u00fcbingen,\n      1909), i. 65-69; R. W. Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old\n      Testament_ (Oxford, N.D.), pp. 121-131; W. W. Graf Baudissin,\n      _Adonis und Esmun_ (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 99 _sqq._, 353 _sqq._\n      According to Jerome (on Ezekiel viii. 14) the month of Tammuz was\n      June; but according to modern scholars it corresponded rather to\n      July, or to part of June and part of July. See F. C. Movers, _Die\n      Phoenizier_, i. 210; F. Lenormant, \u201cIl mito di Adone-Tammuz nei\n      documenti cuneiformi,\u201d _Atti del IV. Congresso Internazionale degli\n      Orientalisti_ (Florence, 1880), i. 144 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike\n      Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 275; Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._\n      \u201cMonths,\u201d iii. 3194. My friend W. Robertson Smith informed me that\n      owing to the variations of the local Syrian calendars the month of\n      Tammuz fell in different places at different times, from midsummer\n      to autumn, or from June to September. According to Prof. M. Jastrow,\n      the festival of Tammuz was celebrated just before the summer\n      solstice (_The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 547, 682). He\n      observes that \u201cthe calendar of the Jewish Church still marks the\n      17th day of Tammuz as a fast, and Houtsma has shown that the\n      association of the day with the capture of Jerusalem by the Romans\n      represents merely the attempt to give an ancient festival a worthier\n      interpretation.\u201d\n\n   M8 Adonis in Greek mythology merely a reflection of the Oriental\n      Tammuz.\n\n   11 Ezekiel viii. 14.\n\n   12 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4; Bion, _Idyl_, i., J.\n      Tzetzes. _Schol. on Lycophron_, 831; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 503 _sqq._;\n      Aristides, _Apology_, edited by J. Rendel Harris (Cambridge, 1891),\n      pp. 44, 106 _sq._ In Babylonian texts relating to Tammuz no\n      reference has yet been found to death by a boar. See H. Zimmern,\n      \u201cSumerisch-babylonische Tam\u016bzlieder,\u201d p. 451; _id._, \u201cDer\n      babylonische Gott Tam\u016bz,\u201d p. 731. Baudissin inclines to think that\n      the incident of the boar is a late importation into the myth of\n      Adonis. See his _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 142 _sqq._ As to the\n      relation of the boar to the kindred gods Adonis, Attis, and Osiris\n      see _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 22 _sqq._, where I\n      have suggested that the idea of the boar as the foe of the god may\n      be based on the terrible ravages which wild pigs notoriously commit\n      in fields of corn.\n\n   13 W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_ (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 152\n      _sq._, with plate iv. As to the representation of the myth of Adonis\n      on Etruscan mirrors and late works of Roman art, especially\n      sarcophaguses and wall-paintings, see Otto Jahn, _Arch\u00e4ologische\n      Beitr\u00e4ge_ (Berlin, 1847), pp. 45-51.\n\n   M9 Worship of Adonis and Astarte at Byblus, the kingdom of Cinyras. The\n      kings of Byblus.\n\n   14 The ancients were aware that the Syrian and Cyprian Aphrodite, the\n      mistress of Adonis, was no other than Astarte. See Cicero, _De\n      natura deorum_, iii. 23. 59; Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 44.\n      On Adonis in Phoenicia see W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_\n      (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 71 _sqq._\n\n   15 As to Cinyras, see F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 238 _sqq._,\n      ii. 2. 226-231; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_ (Berlin, 1841), i. 168-173,\n      ii. 94-136; Stoll, _s.v._ \u201cKinyras,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n      griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1189 _sqq._ Melito calls the\n      father of Adonis by the name of Cuthar, and represents him as king\n      of the Phoenicians with his capital at Gebal (Byblus). See Melito,\n      \u201cOration to Antoninus Caesar,\u201d in W. Cureton\u2019s _Spicilegium\n      Syriacum_ (London, 1855), p. 44.\n\n   16 Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, i. 10;\n      _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 568;\n      Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u0392\u03cd\u03b2\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2. Byblus is a Greek corruption of\n      the Semitic Gebal (\u05d2\u05d1\u05dc), the name which the place still retains. See\n      E. Renan, _Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_ (Paris, 1864), p. 155.\n\n   17 R. Pietschmann, _Geschichte der Phoenizier_ (Berlin, 1889), p. 139.\n      On the coins it is designated \u201cHoly Byblus.\u201d\n\n   18 Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755.\n\n   19 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6.\n\n   20 The sanctuary and image are figured on coins of Byblus. See T. L.\n      Donaldson, _Architectura Numismatica_ (London, 1859), pp. 105 _sq._;\n      E. Renan, _Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_, p. 177; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,\n      _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iii. (Paris, 1885) p. 60; R.\n      Pietschmann, _Geschichte der Phoenizier_, p. 202; G. Maspero,\n      _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, ii. (Paris,\n      1897) p. 173. Renan excavated a massive square pedestal built of\n      colossal stones, which he thought may have supported the sacred\n      obelisk (_op. cit._ pp. 174-178).\n\n   21 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6.\n\n   22 Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755.\n\n   23 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 8; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 78; E. Renan,\n      _Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_, pp. 282 _sqq._\n\n   24 Eustathius, _Commentary on Dionysius Periegetes_, 912 (_Geographi\n      Graeci Minores_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, ii. 376); Melito, in W. Cureton\u2019s\n      _Spicilegium Syriacum_, p. 44.\n\n   25 Ezekiel xxvii. 9. As to the name Gebal see above, p. 13, note 1.\n\n   26 L. B. Paton, _The Early History of Syria and Palestine_ (London,\n      1902), pp. 169-171. See below, pp. 75 _sq._\n\n   27 L. B. Paton, _op. cit._ p. 235; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and\n      Babylonian Literature_, p. 57 (the Nimrud inscription of\n      Tiglath-pileser III.).\n\n   28 The inscription was discovered by Renan. See Ch. Vellay, _Le culte\n      et les f\u00eates d\u2019Adonis-Thammouz dans l\u2019Orient antique_ (Paris, 1904),\n      pp. 38 _sq._; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_\n      (Oxford 1903), No. 3, pp. 18 _sq._ In the time of Alexander the\n      Great the king of Byblus was a certain Enylus (Arrian, _Anabasis_,\n      ii. 20), whose name appears on a coin of the city (F. C. Movers,\n      _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 1, p. 103, note 81).\n\n  M10 Divinity of Semitic kings.\n\n   29 On the divinity of Semitic kings and the kingship of Semitic gods\n      see W. R. Smith, _Religion of the Semites_2 (London, 1894), pp. 44\n      _sq._, 66 _sqq._\n\n   30 H. Radau, _Early Babylonian History_ (New York and London, 1900),\n      pp. 307-317; P. Dhorme, _La Religion Assyro-Babylonienne_ (Paris,\n      1910), pp. 168 _sqq._\n\n   31 The evidence for this is the Moabite stone, but the reading of the\n      inscription is doubtful. See S. R. Driver, in _Encyclopaedia\n      Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cMesha,\u201d vol. iii. 3041 _sqq._; _id._, _Notes on\n      the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel_, Second\n      Edition (Oxford, 1913), pp. lxxxv., lxxxvi., lxxxviii. _sq._; G. A.\n      Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 1, pp. 1\n      _sq._, 6.\n\n   32 2 Kings viii. 7, 9, xiii. 24 _sq._; Jeremiah xlix. 27. As to the god\n      Hadad see Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 23. 17-19 (where, as so often in\n      late writers, the Syrians are called Assyrians); Philo of Byblus, in\n      _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 569; F.\n      Baethgen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin,\n      1888), pp. 66-68; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic\n      Inscriptions_, Nos. 61, 62, pp. 161 _sq._, 164, 173, 175; M. J.\n      Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions S\u00e9mitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), pp.\n      93, 493, 496 _sq._ The prophet Zechariah speaks (xii. 11) of a great\n      mourning of or for Hadadrimmon in the plain of Megiddon. This has\n      been taken to refer to a lament for Hadad-Rimmon, the Syrian god of\n      rain, storm, and thunder, like the lament for Adonis. See S. R.\n      Driver\u2019s note on the passage (_The Minor Prophets_, pp. 266 _sq._,\n      _Century Bible_); W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 92.\n\n   33 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ ix. 4. 6.\n\n   34 Genesis xxxvi. 35 _sq._; 1 Kings xi. 14-22; 1 Chronicles i. 50 _sq._\n      Of the eight kings of Edom mentioned in Genesis (xxxvi. 31-39) and\n      in 1 Chronicles (i. 43-50) not one was the son of his predecessor.\n      This seems to indicate that in Edom, as elsewhere, the blood royal\n      was traced in the female line, and that the kings were men of other\n      families, or even foreigners, who succeeded to the throne by\n      marrying the hereditary princesses. See _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 268 _sqq._ The Israelites were forbidden to\n      have a foreigner for a king (Deuteronomy xvii. 15 with S. R.\n      Driver\u2019s note), which seems to imply that the custom was known among\n      their neighbours. It is significant that some of the names of the\n      kings of Edom seem to be those of divinities, as Prof. A. H. Sayce\n      observed long ago (_Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient\n      Babylonians_, London and Edinburgh, 1887, p. 54).\n\n   35 G. A. Cooke, _op. cit._ Nos. 62, 63, pp. 163, 165, 173 _sqq._, 181\n      _sqq._; M. J. Lagrange, _op. cit._ pp. 496 _sqq._ The god Rekub-el\n      is mentioned along with the gods Hadad, El, Reshef, and Shamash in\n      an inscription of King Bar-rekub\u2019s mortal father, King Panammu (G.\n      A. Cooke, _op. cit._ No. 61, p. 161).\n\n   36 Virgil, _Aen._ i. 729 _sq._, with Servius\u2019s note; Silius Italicus,\n      _Punica_, i. 86 _sqq._\n\n   37 Ezekiel xxviii. 2, 9.\n\n   38 Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18 and\n      21; _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iv. 446 _sq._\n      According to the text of Josephus, as edited by B. Niese, the names\n      of the kings in question were Abibal, Balbazer, Abdastart,\n      Methusastart, son of Leastart, Ithobal, Balezor, Baal, Balator,\n      Merbal. The passage of Menander is quoted also by Eusebius,\n      _Chronic._ i. pp. 118, 120, ed. A. Schoene.\n\n   39 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 36, p.\n      102. As to Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules, see Ed. Meyer, _s.v._\n      \u201cMelqart,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon d. griech. u. r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, ii. 2650 _sqq._ One of the Tyrian kings seems to have\n      been called Abi-milk (Abi-melech), that is, \u201cfather of a king\u201d or\n      \u201cfather of Moloch,\u201d that is, of Melcarth. A letter of his to the\n      king of Egypt is preserved in the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence. See\n      R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_, p. 237. As to a\n      title which implies that the bearer of it was the father of a god,\n      see below, pp. 51 _sq._\n\n  M11 Divinity of the Phoenician kings of Byblus and the Canaanite kings\n      of Jerusalem. The \u201csacred men\u201d at Jerusalem.\n\n   40 E. Renan, quoted by Ch. Vellay, _Le culte et les f\u00eates\n      d\u2019Adonis-Thammouz_, p. 39. Mr. Cooke reads \u05d0\u05e8\u05dd\u05dc\u05da (Uri-milk) instead\n      of \u05d0\u05d3\u05dd\u05dc\u05da (Adon-milk) (G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic\n      Inscriptions_, No. 3, p. 18).\n\n   41 Judges i. 4-7; Joshua x. 1 _sqq._\n\n   42 Genesis xiv. 18-20, with Prof. S. R. Driver\u2019s commentary;\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.vv._ \u201cAdoni-bezek,\u201d \u201cAdoni-zedek,\u201d\n      \u201cMelchizedek.\u201d It is to be observed that names compounded with\n      Adoni- were occasionally borne by private persons. Such names are\n      Adoni-kam (Ezra ii. 13) and Adoni-ram (1 Kings iv. 6), not to\n      mention Adoni-jah (1 Kings i. 5 _sqq._), who was a prince and\n      aspired to the throne of his father David. These names are commonly\n      interpreted as sentences expressive of the nature of the god whom\n      the bearer of the name worshipped. See Prof. Th. N\u00f6ldeke, in\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cNames,\u201d iii. 3286. It is quite\n      possible that names which once implied divinity were afterwards\n      degraded by application to common men.\n\n   43 Ezekiel viii. 14.\n\n   44 They were banished from the temple by King Josiah, who came to the\n      throne in 637 B.C. Jerusalem fell just fifty-one years later. See 2\n      Kings xxiii. 7. As to these \u201csacred men\u201d (_\u1e33ed\u0113sh\u012bm_), see below,\n      pp. 72 _sqq._\n\n   45 2 Kings xxiii. 7, where, following the Septuagint, we must\n      apparently read \u05db\u05ea\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd for the \u05d1\u05ea\u05d9\u05dd of the Massoretic Text. So R.\n      Kittel and J. Skinner.\n\n   46 The _ash\u0113rah_ (singular of _ash\u0113r\u012bm_) was certainly of wood (Judges\n      vi. 26): it seems to have been a tree stripped of its branches and\n      planted in the ground beside an altar, whether of Jehovah or of\n      other gods (Deuteronomy xvi. 21; Jeremiah xvii. 2). That the\n      _asherah_ was regarded as a goddess, the female partner of Baal,\n      appears from 1 Kings xviii. 19; 2 Kings xxi. 3, xxiii. 4; and that\n      this goddess was identified with Ashtoreth (Astarte) may be inferred\n      from a comparison of Judges ii. 13 with Judges iii. 7. Yet on the\n      other hand the pole or tree seems by others to have been viewed as a\n      male power (Jeremiah ii. 27; see below, pp. 107 _sqq._), and the\n      identification of the _asherah_ with Astarte has been doubted or\n      disputed by some eminent modern scholars. See on this subject W.\n      Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 187 _sqq._; S. R.\n      Driver, on Deuteronomy xvi. 21; J. Skinner, on 1 Kings xiv. 23; M.\n      J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les religions S\u00e9mitiques_,2 pp. 173 _sqq._;\n      G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, vol. i. 330 _sqq._, _s.v._\n      \u201cAsherah.\u201d\n\n   47 Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 _sq._ (in Hebrew 18 _sq._). The code of\n      Deuteronomy was published in 621 B.C. in the reign of King Josiah,\n      whose reforms, including the ejection of the _\u1e33edeshim_ from the\n      temple, were based upon it. See W. Robertson Smith, _The Old\n      Testament in the Jewish Church_2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp.\n      256 _sqq._, 353 _sqq._; S. R. Driver, _Critical and Exegetical\n      Commentary on Deuteronomy_3 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. xliv. _sqq._; K.\n      Budde, _Geschichte der althebr\u00e4ischen Litteratur_ (Leipsic, 1906),\n      pp. 105 _sqq._\n\n  M12 David as heir of the old sacred kings of Jerusalem.\n\n   48 He reigned seven years in Hebron and thirty-three in Jerusalem (2\n      Samuel v. 5; 1 Kings ii. 11; 1 Chronicles xxix. 27).\n\n   49 Professor A. H. Sayce has argued that David\u2019s original name was\n      Elhanan (2 Samuel xxi. 19 compared with xxiii. 24), and that the\n      name David, which he took at a later time, should be written Dod or\n      Dodo, \u201cthe Beloved One,\u201d which according to Prof. Sayce was a name\n      for Tammuz (Adonis) in Southern Canaan, and was in particular\n      bestowed by the Jebusites of Jerusalem on their supreme deity. See\n      A. H. Sayce, _Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_\n      (London and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 52-57. If he is right, his\n      conclusions would accord perfectly with those which I had reached\n      independently, and it would become probable that David only assumed\n      the name of David (Dod, Dodo) after the conquest of Jerusalem, and\n      for the purpose of identifying himself with the god of the city, who\n      had borne the same title from time immemorial. But on the whole it\n      seems more likely, as Professor Kennett points out to me, that in\n      the original story Elhanah, a totally different person from David,\n      was the slayer of Goliath, and that the part of the giant-killer was\n      thrust on David at a later time when the brightness of his fame had\n      eclipsed that of many lesser heroes.\n\n   50 2 Samuel xii. 26-31; 1 Chronicles xx. 1-3. Critics seem generally to\n      agree that in these passages the word \u05de\u05dc\u05db\u05dd must be pointed _Milcom_,\n      not _malcham_ \u201ctheir king,\u201d as the Massoretic text, followed by the\n      English version, has it. The reading _Milcom_, which involves no\n      change of the original Hebrew text, is supported by the reading of\n      the Septuagint \u039c\u03bf\u03bb\u03c7\u1f78\u03bc \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd, where the three last words\n      are probably a gloss on \u039c\u03bf\u03bb\u03c7\u1f78\u03bc. See S. R. Driver, _Notes on the\n      Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel_, Second\n      Edition (Oxford, 1913), p. 294; Dean Kirkpatrick, in his note on 2\n      Samuel xii. 30 (_Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges_);\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3085; R. Kittel, _Biblia Hebraica_, i.\n      433; Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon of the\n      Old Testament_ (Oxford, 1906), pp. 575 _sq._ David\u2019s son and\n      successor adopted the worship of Milcom and made a high place for\n      him outside Jerusalem. See 1 Kings xi. 5; 2 Kings xxiii. 13.\n\n   51 2 Samuel v. 6-10; 1 Chronicles xi. 4-9.\n\n  M13 Traces of the divinity of Hebrew kings.\n\n   52 See for example 1 Samuel xxiv. 8; 2 Samuel xiv. 9, 12, 15, 17, 18,\n      19, 22, xv. 15, 21, xvi. 4, 9, xviii. 28, 31, 32; 1 Kings i. 2, 13,\n      18, 20, 21, 24, 27; 1 Chronicles xxi. 3, 23.\n\n   53 Jeremiah xxii. 18, xxxiv. 5. In the former passage, according to the\n      Massoretic text, the full formula of mourning was, \u201cAlas my brother!\n      alas sister! alas lord! alas his glory!\u201d Who was the lamented\n      sister? Professor T. K. Cheyne supposes that she was Astarte, and by\n      a very slight change (\u05d3\u05d3\u05d4 for \u05d4\u05d3\u05d4) he would read \u201cDodah\u201d for \u201chis\n      glory,\u201d thus restoring the balance between the clauses; for \u201cDodah\u201d\n      would then answer to \u201cAdon\u201d (lord) as \u201csister\u201d answers to \u201cbrother.\u201d\n      I have to thank Professor Cheyne for kindly communicating this\n      conjecture to me by letter. He writes that Dodah \u201cis a title of\n      Ishtar, just as D\u00f4d is a title of Tam\u00fbz,\u201d and for evidence he refers\n      me to the Dodah of the Moabite Stone, where, however, the reading\n      Dodah is not free from doubt. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of\n      North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 1, pp. 1, 3, 11; _Encyclopaedia\n      Biblica_, ii. 3045; S. R. Driver, _Notes on the Hebrew Text and the\n      Topography of the Books of Samuel_, Second Edition (Oxford, 1913),\n      pp. lxxxv., lxxxvi., xc.; F. Baethgen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur semitischen\n      Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin, 1888), p. 234; H. Winckler,\n      _Geschichte Israels_ (Leipsic, 1895-1900), ii. 258. As to Hebrew\n      names formed from the root _d\u00f4d_ in the sense of \u201cbeloved,\u201d see\n      Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old\n      Testament_, pp. 187 _sq._; G. B. Gray, _Studies in Hebrew Proper\n      Names_ (London, 1896), pp. 60 _sqq._\n\n   54 This was perceived by Renan (_Histoire du peuple d\u2019Israel_, iii.\n      273), and Prof. T. K. Cheyne writes to me: \u201cThe formulae of public\n      mourning were derived from the ceremonies of the Adonia; this\n      Lenormant saw long ago.\u201d\n\n   55 1 Chronicles xxix. 23; 2 Chronicles ix. 8.\n\n   56 1 Samuel xvi. 13, 14, compare _id._, x. 1 and 20. The oil was poured\n      on the king\u2019s head (1 Samuel x. 1; 2 Kings ix. 3, 6). For the\n      conveyance of the divine spirit by means of oil, see also Isaiah lx.\n      1. The kings of Egypt appear to have consecrated their vassal Syrian\n      kings by pouring oil on their heads. See the Tell-el-Amarna letters,\n      No. 37 (H. Winckler, _Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna_, p. 99).\n      Some West African priests are consecrated by a similar ceremony. See\n      below, p. 68. The natives of Buru, an East Indian island, imagine\n      that they can keep off demons by smearing their bodies with coco-nut\n      oil, but the oil must be prepared by young unmarried girls. See G.\n      A. Wilken, \u201cBijdrage tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland\n      Boeroe,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten\n      en Wetenschappen_, xxxviii. (Batavia, 1875) p. 30; _id._,\n      _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), i. 61. In some tribes of\n      North-West America hunters habitually anointed their hair with\n      decoctions of certain plants and deer\u2019s brains before they set out\n      to hunt. The practice was probably a charm to secure success in the\n      hunt. See C. Hill-Tout, _The Home of the Salish and D\u00e9n\u00e9_ (London,\n      1907), p. 72.\n\n   57 1 Samuel xxiv. 6. Messiah in Hebrew is _Mashiah_ (\u05de\u05e9\u05d9\u05d4). The English\n      form Messiah is derived from the Aramaic through the Greek. See T.\n      K. Cheyne, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cMessiah,\u201d vol. iii.\n      3057 _sqq._ Why hair oil should be considered a vehicle of\n      inspiration is by no means clear. It would have been intelligible if\n      the olive had been with the Hebrews, as it was with the Athenians, a\n      sacred tree under the immediate protection of a deity; for then a\n      portion of the divine essence might be thought to reside in the oil.\n      W. Robertson Smith supposed that the unction was originally\n      performed with the fat of a sacrificial victim, for which vegetable\n      oil was a later substitute (_Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 383\n      _sq._). On the whole subject see J. Wellhausen, \u201cZwei Rechtsriten\n      bei den Hebr\u00e4ern,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904)\n      pp. 33-39; H. Weinel, \u201c\u05de\u05e9\u05d4 und seine Derivate,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die\n      alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xviii. (1898) pp. 1-82.\n\n  M14 The Hebrew kings seem to have been held responsible for drought and\n      famine.\n\n   58 2 Samuel xxi. 1-14, with Dean Kirkpatrick\u2019s notes on 1 and 10.\n\n_   59 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 284 _sq._\n\n   60 1 Samuel xii. 17 _sq._ Similarly, Moses stretched forth his rod\n      toward heaven and the Lord sent thunder and rain (Exodus ix. 23).\n      The word for thunder in both these passages is \u201cvoices\u201d (\u05e7\u05dc\u05d5\u05ea). The\n      Hebrews heard in the clap of thunder the voice of Jehovah, just as\n      the Greeks heard in it the voice of Zeus and the Romans the voice of\n      Jupiter.\n\n  M15 Excessive rain set down to the wrath of the deity.\n\n   61 Ezekiel xiii. 11, 13, xxxviii. 22; Jeremiah iii. 2 _sq._ The Hebrews\n      looked to Jehovah for rain (Leviticus xxvi. 3-5; Jeremiah v. 24)\n      just as the Greeks looked to Zeus and the Romans to Jupiter.\n\n   62 Ezra x. 9-14. The special sin which they laid to heart on this\n      occasion was their marriage with Gentile women. It is implied,\n      though not expressly said, that they traced the inclemency of the\n      weather to these unfortunate alliances. Similarly, \u201cduring the rainy\n      season, when the sun is hidden behind great masses of dark clouds,\n      the Indians set up a wailing for their sins, believing that the sun\n      is angry and may never shine on them again.\u201d See Francis C.\n      Nicholas, \u201cThe Aborigines of Santa Maria, Colombia,\u201d _American\n      Anthropologist_, N.S., iii. (New York, 1901) p. 641. The Indians in\n      question are the Aurohuacas of Colombia, in South America.\n\n   63 Psalm cxxxvii. The willows beside the rivers of Babylon are\n      mentioned in the laments for Tammuz. See above, pp. 9, 10.\n\n   64 The line of the Dead Sea, lying in its deep trough, is visible from\n      the Mount of Olives; indeed, so clear is the atmosphere that the\n      blue water seems quite near the eye, though in fact it is more than\n      fifteen miles off and nearly four thousand feet below the spectator.\n      See K. Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 77. When\n      the sun shines on it, the lake is of a brilliant blue (G. A. Smith,\n      _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, London, 1894, pp. 501\n      _sq._); but its brilliancy is naturally dimmed under clouded skies.\n\n  M16 Hebrew kings apparently supposed to heal disease and stop epidemics.\n\n   65 2 Kings v. 5-7.\n\n   66 2 Samuel xxiv.; 1 Chronicles xxi. In this passage, contrary to his\n      usual practice, the Chronicler has enlivened the dull tenor of his\n      history with some picturesque touches which we miss in the\n      corresponding passage of Kings. It is to him that we owe the vision\n      of the Angel of the Plague first stretching out his sword over\n      Jerusalem and then returning it to the scabbard. From him Defoe\n      seems to have taken a hint in his account of the prodigies, real or\n      imaginary, which heralded the outbreak of the Great Plague in\n      London. \u201cOne time before the plague was begun, otherwise than as I\n      have said in St. Giles\u2019s, I think it was in March, seeing a crowd of\n      people in the street, I joined with them to satisfy my curiosity,\n      and found them all staring up into the air to see what a woman told\n      them appeared plain to her, which was an angel clothed in white with\n      a fiery sword in his hand, waving it or brandishing it over his\n      head.... One saw one thing and one another. I looked as earnestly as\n      the rest, but, perhaps, not with so much willingness to be imposed\n      upon; and I said, indeed, that I could see nothing but a white\n      cloud, bright on one side, by the shining of the sun upon the other\n      part.\u201d See Daniel Defoe, _History of the Plague in London_\n      (Edinburgh, 1810, pp. 33 _sq._). It is the more likely that Defoe\n      had here the Chronicler in mind, because a few pages earlier he\n      introduces the prophet Jonah and a man out of Josephus with very\n      good effect.\n\n  M17 The rarity of references to the divinity of Hebrew kings in the\n      historical books may be explained by the circumstances in which\n      these works were composed or edited.\n\n   67 2 Kings xvii. 5 _sq._, xviii. 9 _sq._\n\n   68 2 Kings xix. 32-36.\n\n   69 We owe to Ezekiel (xxiii. 5 _sq._, 12) the picture of the handsome\n      Assyrian cavalrymen in their blue uniforms and gorgeous trappings.\n      The prophet writes as if in his exile by the waters of Babylon he\n      had seen the blue regiments filing past, in all the pomp of war, on\n      their way to the front.\n\n  M18 The historical books were composed or edited under the influence of\n      the prophetic reformation.\n\n   70 Samaria fell in 722 B.C., during or just before the reign of\n      Hezekiah: the Book of Deuteronomy, the cornerstone of king Josiah\u2019s\n      reformation, was produced in 621 B.C.; and Jerusalem fell in 586\n      B.C. The date of Hezekiah\u2019s accession is a much-disputed point in\n      the chronology of Judah. See the Introduction to Kings and Isaiah\n      i.-xxxix. by J. Skinner and O. C. Whitehouse respectively, in _The\n      Century Bible_.\n\n   71 Or the Deuteronomic redactor, as the critics call him. See W.\n      Robertson Smith, _The Old Testament in the Jewish Church_2 (London\n      and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 395 _sq._, 425; _Encyclopaedia Biblica_,\n      ii. 2078 _sqq._, 2633 _sqq._, iv. 4273 _sqq._; K. Budde, _Geschichte\n      der althebr\u00e4ischen Litteratur_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99, 121 _sqq._,\n      127 _sqq._, 132; Principal J. Skinner, in his introduction to Kings\n      (in _The Century Bible_), pp. 10 _sqq._\n\n  M19 The Baal and his female Baalath the sources of all fertility.\n\n   72 Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18\n      (_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iv. 446); G. A.\n      Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 4, p. 26.\n      According to Justin, however, the priest of Hercules, that is, of\n      Melcarth, at Tyre, was distinct from the king and second to him in\n      dignity. See Justin, xviii. 4, 5.\n\n   73 Hosea ii. 5 _sqq._; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_2\n      (London, 1894), pp. 95-107.\n\n   74 W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 107 _sq._\n\n  M20 Personation of the Baal by the king.\n\n_   75 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 120 _sqq._, 376\n      _sqq._\n\n  M21 Cinyras, king of Byblus. Aphaca and the vale of the Adonis.\n      Monuments of Adonis.\n\n   76 Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755.\n\n   77 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 9.\n\n   78 Eusebius, _Vita Constantini_, iii. 55; Sozomenus, _Historia\n      Ecclesiastica_, ii. 5; Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18;\n      Zosimus, i. 58.\n\n   79 On the valley of the Nahr Ibrahim, its scenery and monuments, see\n      Edward Robinson, _Biblical Researches in Palestine_3 (London, 1867),\n      iii. 603-609; W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Lebanon,\n      Damascus, and beyond Jordan_ (London, 1886), pp. 239-246; E. Renan,\n      _Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_, pp. 282 _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire\n      Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, ii. (Paris, 1897) pp.\n      175-179; Sir Charles Wilson, _Picturesque Palestine_ (London, N.D.),\n      iii. 16, 17, 27. Among the trees which line the valley are oak,\n      sycamore, bay, plane, orange, and mulberry (W. M. Thomson, _op.\n      cit._ p. 245). Travellers are unanimous in testifying to the\n      extraordinary beauty of the vale of the Adonis. Thus Robinson\n      writes: \u201cThere is no spot in all my wanderings on which memory\n      lingers with greater delight than on the sequestered retreat and\n      exceeding loveliness of Afka.\u201d Renan says that the landscape is one\n      of the most beautiful in the world. My friend the late Sir Francis\n      Galton wrote to me (20th September 1906): \u201cI have no good map of\n      Palestine, but strongly suspect that my wanderings there, quite\n      sixty years ago, took me to the place you mention, above the gorge\n      of the river Adonis. Be that as it may, I have constantly asserted\n      that the view I then had of a deep ravine and blue sea seen through\n      the cliffs that bounded it, was the most beautiful I had ever set\n      eyes on.\u201d\n\n_   80 Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ \u1f0c\u03c6\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1, p. 175.\n\n   81 Melito, \u201cOration to Antoninus Caesar,\u201d in W. Cureton\u2019s _Spicilegium\n      Syriacum_ (London, 1855), p. 44.\n\n   82 E. Renan, _Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_, pp. 292-294. The writer seems to\n      have no doubt that the beast attacking Adonis is a bear, not a boar.\n      Views of the monument are given by A. Jeremias, _Das Alte Testament\n      im Lichte des Alten Orients_2 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 90, and by\n      Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, plates i. and ii., with his\n      discussion, pp. 78 _sqq._\n\n   83 Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 21. 5.\n\n   84 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 8.\n\n  M22 Phoenician colonies in Cyprus.\n\n   85 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, p. 224; G. Maspero, _Histoire\n      Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, ii. 199; G. A. Smith,\n      _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_ (London, 1894), p. 135.\n\n   86 On the natural wealth of Cyprus see Strabo, xiv. 6. 5; W. H. Engel,\n      _Kypros_, i. 40-71; F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 224\n      _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient\n      Classique_, ii. 200 _sq._; E. Oberhummer, _Die Insel Cypern_, i.\n      (Munich, 1903) pp. 175 _sqq._, 243 _sqq._ As to the firs and cedars\n      of Cyprus see Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, v. 7. 1, v. 9. 1.\n      The Cyprians boasted that they could build and rig a ship complete,\n      from her keel to her topsails, with the native products of their\n      island (Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 14).\n\n   87 G. A. Cooke, _Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 12-25,\n      pp. 55-76, 347-349; P. Gardner, _New Chapters in Greek History_\n      (London, 1892), pp. 179, 185. It has been held that the name of\n      Citium is etymologically identical with Hittite. If that was so, it\n      would seem that the town was built and inhabited by a non-Semitic\n      people before the arrival of the Phoenicians. See _Encyclopaedia\n      Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cKittim.\u201d Other traces of this older race, akin to\n      the primitive stock of Asia Minor, have been detected in Cyprus;\n      amongst them the most obvious is the Cyprian syllabary, the\n      characters of which are neither Phoenician nor Greek in origin. See\n      P. Gardner, _op. cit._ pp. 154, 173-175, 178 _sq._\n\n   88 G. A. Cooke, _Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 11, p.\n      52.\n\n   89 Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u1f08\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2; Pausanias, ix. 41. 2 _sq._\n      According to Pausanias, there was a remarkable necklace of green\n      stones and gold in the sanctuary of Adonis and Aphrodite at Amathus.\n      The Greeks commonly identified it with the necklace of Harmonia or\n      Eriphyle. A terra-cotta statuette of Astarte, found at Amathus (?),\n      represents her wearing a necklace which she touches with one hand.\n      See L. P. di Cesnola, _Cyprus_ (London, 1877), p. 275. The scanty\n      ruins of Amathus occupy an isolated hill beside the sea. Among them\n      is an enormous stone jar, half buried in the earth, of which the\n      four handles are adorned with figures of bulls. It is probably of\n      Phoenician manufacture. See L. Ross, _Reisen nach Kos,\n      Halikarnassos, Rhodes und der Insel Cypern_ (Halle, 1852), pp. 168\n      _sqq._\n\n   90 Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u1f08\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2. For the relation of Adonis to\n      Osiris at Byblus see below, vol. ii. pp. 9 _sq._, 22 _sq._, 127.\n\n   91 Hesychius, _s.v._ \u039c\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1.\n\n   92 L. P. di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 254-283; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,\n      _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iii. (Paris, 1885) pp.\n      216-222.\n\n  M23 Kingdom of Paphos. Sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos.\n\n   93 D. G. Hogarth, _Devia Cypria_ (London, 1889), pp. 1-3;\n      _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 vi. 747; \u00c9lis\u00e9e Reclus, _Nouvelle\n      G\u00e9ographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 668.\n\n   94 T. L. Donaldson, _Architectura Numismatica_ (London, 1859), pp.\n      107-109, with fig. 31; _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp.\n      210-213; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyprus_\n      (London, 1904), pp. cxxvii-cxxxiv, with plates xiv. 2, 3, 6-8, xv.\n      1-4, 7, xvi. 2, 4, 6-9, xvii. 4-6, 8, 9, xxvi. 3, 6-16; George\n      Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_\n      (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii. 566, with pl. lxi. 19. As to the existing\n      remains of the temple, which were excavated by an English expedition\n      in 1887-1888, see \u201cExcavations in Cyprus, 1887-1888,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 193 _sqq._ Previous accounts of\n      the temple are inaccurate and untrustworthy.\n\n   95 C. Schuchhardt, _Schliemann\u2019s Ausgrabungen_2 (Leipsic, 1891), pp.\n      231-233; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, vi. (Paris, 1894) pp. 336 _sq._, 652-654; _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 213 _sq._; P. Gardner, _New\n      Chapters in Greek History_, p. 181.\n\n   96 J. Selden, _De dis Syris_ (Leipsic, 1668), pp. 274 _sqq._; S.\n      Bochart, _Hierozoicon_, Editio Tertia (Leyden, 1692), ii. 4 _sqq._\n      Compare the statue of a priest with a dove in his hand, which was\n      found in Cyprus (Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iii. Paris, 1885, p. 510), with fig. 349.\n\n   97 A. J. Evans, \u201cMycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic\n      Studies_, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 _sqq._\n\n  M24 The Aphrodite of Paphos a Phoenician or aboriginal deity. Her\n      conical image.\n\n   98 Tacitus, _Annals_, iii. 62.\n\n   99 Herodotus, i. 105; compare Pausanias, i. 14. 7. Herodotus only\n      speaks of the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Cyprus, but he must refer to\n      the great one at Paphos. At Ascalon a goddess was worshipped in\n      mermaid-shape under the name of Derceto, and fish and doves were\n      sacred to her (Diodorus Siculus, ii. 4; compare Lucian, _De dea\n      Syria_, 14). The name Derceto, like the much more correct Atargatis,\n      is a Greek corruption of _\u2019Att\u00e2r_, the Aramaic form of _Astarte_,\n      but the two goddesses Atargatis and Astarte, in spite of the\n      affinity of their names, appear to have been historically distinct.\n      See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2 (Stuttgart and\n      Berlin, 1909), pp. 605, 650 _sq._; F. Baethgen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\n      Semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin, 1888), pp. 68 _sqq._; F.\n      Cumont, _s.vv._ \u201cAtargatis\u201d and \u201cDea Syria,\u201d in Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s\n      _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_; Ren\u00e9\n      Dussaud, _Notes de Mythologie Syrienne_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 82\n      _sqq._; R. A. Stewart Macalister, _The Philistines, their History\n      and Civilization_ (London, 1913), pp. 94 _sqq._\n\n  100 It is described by ancient writers and figured on coins. See\n      Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3; Maximus Tyrius, _Dissert._ viii. 8; Servius\n      on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 720; T. L. Donaldson, _Architectura\n      Numismatica_, p. 107, with fig. 31; _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,\n      ix. (1888) pp. 210-212. According to Maximus Tyrius, the material of\n      the pyramid was unknown. Probably it was a stone. The English\n      archaeologists found several fragments of white cones on the site of\n      the temple at Paphos: one which still remains in its original\n      position in the central chamber was of limestone and of somewhat\n      larger size (_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) p. 180).\n\n  101 See above, p. 14.\n\n  102 On coins of Perga the sacred cone is represented as richly decorated\n      and standing in a temple between sphinxes. See B. V. Head, _Historia\n      Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 585; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_\n      (Cambridge, 1883), pl. xv. No. 3; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the\n      Greek Coins of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia_ (London, 1897), pl.\n      xxiv. 12, 15, 16. However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me: \u201cIs the\n      stone at Perga really a cone? I have always thought it was a cube or\n      something of that kind. On the coins the upper, sloping portion is\n      apparently an elaborate veil or head-dress. The head attached to the\n      stone is seen in the middle of this, surmounted by a tall\n      _kalathos_.\u201d The sanctuary stood on a height, and a festival was\n      held there annually (Strabo, xiv. 4. 2, p. 667). The native title of\n      the goddess was _Anassa_, that is, \u201cQueen.\u201d See B. V. Head, _l.c._;\n      Wernicke, _s.v._ \u201cArtemis,\u201d in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der\n      classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 1, col. 1397. Aphrodite at\n      Paphos bore the same title. See below, p. 42, note 6. The worship of\n      Pergaean Artemis at Halicarnassus was cared for by a priestess, who\n      held office for life and had to make intercession for the city at\n      every new moon. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. p. 373, No. 601.\n\n  103 Herodian, v. 3. 5. This cone was of black stone, with some small\n      knobs on it, like the stone of Cybele at Pessinus. It is figured on\n      coins of Emesa. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887),\n      p. 659; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. xv. No. 1. The\n      sacred stone of Cybele, which the Romans brought from Pessinus to\n      Rome during the Second Punic War, was small, black, and rugged, but\n      we are not told that it was of conical shape. See Arnobius,\n      _Adversus Nationes_, vii. 49; Livy, xxix. 11. 7. According to one\n      reading, Servius (on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 188) speaks of the stone of\n      Cybele as a needle (_acus_), which would point to a conical shape.\n      But the reading appears to be without manuscript authority, and\n      other emendations have been suggested.\n\n  104 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iii.\n      273, 298 _sq._, 304 _sq._ The sanctuary of Aphrodite, or rather\n      Astarte, at Golgi is said to have been even more ancient than her\n      sanctuary at Paphos (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2).\n\n  105 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_ (London, 1906), pp. 135\n      _sq._, 189. Votive cones made of clay have been found in large\n      numbers in Babylonia, particularly at Lagash and Nippur. See M.\n      Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A.,\n      1898), pp. 672-674.\n\n  106 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3.\n\n  107 We learn this from an inscription found at Paphos. See _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 188, 231.\n\n  108 Pausanias, x. 24. 6, with my note.\n\n  109 D. G. Hogarth, _A Wandering Scholar in the Levant_ (London, 1896),\n      pp. 179 _sq._ Women used to creep through a holed stone to obtain\n      children at a place on the Dee in Aberdeenshire. See _Balder the\n      Beautiful_, ii. 187.\n\n  110 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iii.\n      628.\n\n  M25 Sacred prostitution in the worship of the Paphian Aphrodite and of\n      other Asiatic goddesses.\n\n  111 Herodotus, i. 199; Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 A; Justin, xviii. 5.\n      4; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 17; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, ii. 142\n      _sqq._ Asiatic customs of this sort have been rightly explained by\n      W. Mannhardt (_Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 283 _sqq._).\n\n  112 Herodotus, i. 199; Strabo, xvi. 1. 20, p. 745. As to the identity of\n      Mylitta with Astarte see H. Zimmern in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das alte Testament_,3 pp. 423, note 7, 428, note\n      4. According to him, the name Mylitta comes from _Mu\u2019allidtu_, \u201cshe\n      who helps women in travail.\u201d In this character Ishtar would answer\n      to the Greek Artemis and the Latin Diana. As to sacred prostitution\n      in the worship of Ishtar see M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia\n      and Assyria_, pp. 475 _sq._, 484 _sq._; P. Dhorme, _La Religion\n      Assyro-Babylonienne_ (Paris, 1910), pp. 86, 300 _sq._\n\n  113 Eusebius, _Vita Constantini_, iii. 58; Socrates, _Historia\n      Ecclesiastica_, i. 18. 7-9; Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, v.\n      10. 7. Socrates says that at Heliopolis local custom obliged the\n      women to be held in common, so that paternity was unknown, \u201cfor\n      there was no distinction of parents and children, and the people\n      prostituted their daughters to the strangers who visited them\u201d (\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\n      \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03be\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2). The prostitution of matrons as well as of maids is\n      mentioned by Eusebius. As he was born and spent his life in Syria,\n      and was a contemporary of the practices he describes, the bishop of\n      Caesarea had the best opportunity of informing himself as to them,\n      and we ought not, as Prof. M. P. Nilsson does (_Griechische Feste_,\n      Leipsic, 1906, p. 366 n.2), to allow his positive testimony on this\n      point to be outweighed by the silence of the later historian\n      Sozomenus, who wrote long after the custom had been abolished.\n      Eusebius had good reason to know the heathenish customs which were\n      kept up in his diocese; for he was sharply taken to task by\n      Constantine for allowing sacrifices to be offered on altars under\n      the sacred oak or terebinth at Mamre; and in obedience to the\n      imperial commands he caused the altars to be destroyed and an\n      oratory to be built instead under the tree. So in Ireland the\n      ancient heathen sanctuaries under the sacred oaks were converted by\n      Christian missionaries into churches and monasteries. See Socrates,\n      _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of\n      Kings_, ii. 242 _sq._\n\n  114 Athanasius, _Oratio contra Gentes_, 26 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_,\n      xxv. 52), \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03ba\u03b5\u03c2 \u03b3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03b4\u03c9\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03a6\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\n      \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b5\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ad\u03b6\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf, \u1f00\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03b8\u03ad\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c3\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2\n      \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bc\u03b9\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bd\u03af\u03b1\u03bd, \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u1fb3 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b8\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f30\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f50\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u1f04\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd. The account of the\n      Phoenician custom which is given by H. Ploss (_Das Weib_,2 i. 302)\n      and repeated after him by Fr. Schwally (_Semitische\n      Kriegsaltert\u00fcmer_, Leipsic, 1901, pp. 76 _sq._) may rest only on a\n      misapprehension of this passage of Athanasius. But if it is correct,\n      we may conjecture that the slaves who deflowered the virgins were\n      the sacred slaves of the temples, the _\u1e33edeshim_, and that they\n      discharged this office as the living representatives of the god. As\n      to these _\u1e33edeshim_, or \u201csacred men,\u201d see above, pp. 17 _sq._, and\n      below, pp. 72 _sqq._\n\n_  115 The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs_, translated and edited by\n      R. H. Charles (London, 1908), chapter xii. p. 81.\n\n  116 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6. The writer is careful to indicate that\n      none but strangers were allowed to enjoy the women (\u1f21 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f00\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u1f74\n      \u03bc\u03bf\u03cd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9 \u03be\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03ad\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9).\n\n_  117 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 30 _sq._\n\n  118 Herodotus, i. 93 _sq._; Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 _sq._\n\n  119 W. M. Ramsay, \u201cUnedited Inscriptions of Asia Minor,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      Correspondance Hell\u00e9nique_, vii. (1883) p. 276; _id._, _Cities and\n      Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. (Oxford, 1895) pp. 94 _sq._, 115.\n\n  120 Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532.\n\n  121 Strabo, xii. 3. 32, 34 and 36, pp. 557-559; compare xii. 2. 3, p.\n      535. Other sanctuaries in Pontus, Cappadocia, and Phrygia swarmed\n      with sacred slaves, and we may conjecture, though we are not told,\n      that many of these slaves were prostitutes. See Strabo, xi. 8. 4,\n      xii. 2. 3 and 6, xii. 3. 31 and 37, xii. 8. 14.\n\n  M26 The Asiatic Mother Goddess a personification of all the reproductive\n      energies of nature. Her worship perhaps reflects a period of sexual\n      communism.\n\n  122 On this great Asiatic goddess and her lovers see especially Sir W.\n      M. Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. 87 _sqq._\n\n  123 Compare W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 284 _sq._;\n      W. Robertson Smith, _The Prophets of Israel_, New Edition (London,\n      1902), pp. 171-174. Similarly in Camul, formerly a province of the\n      Chinese Empire, the men used to place their wives at the disposal of\n      any foreigners who came to lodge with them, and deemed it an honour\n      if the guests made use of their opportunities. The emperor, hearing\n      of the custom, forbade the people to observe it. For three years\n      they obeyed, then, finding that their lands were no longer fruitful\n      and that many mishaps befell them, they prayed the emperor to allow\n      them to retain the custom, \u201cfor it was by reason of this usage that\n      their gods bestowed upon them all the good things that they\n      possessed, and without it they saw not how they could continue to\n      exist.\u201d See _The Book of Ser Marco Polo_, translated and edited by\n      Colonel Henry Yule, Second Edition (London, 1875), i. 212 _sq._ Here\n      apparently the fertility of the soil was deemed to depend on the\n      intercourse of the women with strangers, not with their husbands.\n      Similarly, among the Oulad Abdi, an Arab tribe of Morocco, \u201cthe\n      women often seek a divorce and engage in prostitution in the\n      intervals between their marriages; during that time they continue to\n      dwell in their families, and their relations regard their conduct as\n      very natural. The administrative authority having bestirred itself\n      and attempted to regulate this prostitution, the whole population\n      opposed the attempt, alleging that such a measure would impair the\n      abundance of the crops.\u201d See Edmond Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans\n      l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), pp. 560 _sq._\n\n  124 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 14, p. 13, ed. Potter;\n      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 19; compare Firmicus Maternus, _De\n      errore profanarum religionum_, 10.\n\n  125 In Hebrew a temple harlot was regularly called \u201ca sacred woman\u201d\n      (_k\u0115d\u0113sha_). See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cHarlot\u201d; S. R.\n      Driver, on Genesis xxxviii. 21. As to such \u201csacred women\u201d see below,\n      pp. 70 _sqq._\n\n  M27 The daughters of Cinyras.\n\n  126 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 13, p. 12, ed. Potter;\n      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 19; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore\n      profanarum religionum_, 10.\n\n  127 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 3.\n\n  M28 The Paphian dynasty of the Cinyrads.\n\n  128 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 3. I follow the text of R.\n      Wagner\u2019s edition in reading \u039c\u03b5\u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03c3\u03ac\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f59\u03c1\u03b9\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2. As to\n      Hyria in Isauria see Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u1f59\u03c1\u03af\u03b1. The city of\n      Celenderis, on the south coast of Cilicia, possessed a small harbour\n      protected by a fortified peninsula. Many ancient tombs survived till\n      recent times, but have now mostly disappeared. It was the port from\n      which the Turkish couriers from Constantinople used to embark for\n      Cyprus. As to the situation and remains see F. Beaufort, _Karmania_\n      (London, 1817), p. 201; W. M. Leake, _Journal of a Tour in Asia\n      Minor_ (London, 1824), pp. 114-118; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm,\n      \u201cReisen in Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der kais. Akademie der\n      Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi.\n      p. 94. The statement that the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was\n      founded by the Arcadian Agapenor, who planted a colony in Cyprus\n      after the Trojan war (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2), may safely be\n      disregarded.\n\n  129 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3; _Annals_, iii. 62.\n\n  130 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3; Hesychius, _s.v._ \u03a4\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c1\u03ac\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9.\n\n  131 Pindar, _Pyth._ ii. 13-17.\n\n  132 Tyrtaeus, xii. 6 (_Poetae Lyrici Graeci_, ed. Th. Bergk,3 Leipsic,\n      1866-1867, ii. 404); Pindar, _Pyth._ viii. 18; Plato, _Laws_, ii. 6,\n      p. 660 E; Clement of Alexandria, _Paedag._ iii. 6, p. 274, ed.\n      Potter; Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ viii. (vol. i. p. 149, ed. L.\n      Dindorf); Julian, _Epist._ lix. p. 574, ed. F. C. Hertlein;\n      Diogenianus, viii. 53; Suidas, _s.v._ \u039a\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b3\u03b7\u03c1\u03ac\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2.\n\n  133 Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._ ii. 15 (27); Hesychius, _s.v._ \u039a\u03b9\u03bd\u03c5\u03c1\u03ac\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9;\n      Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ iii. 45, p. 40, ed. Potter;\n      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, vi. 6. That the kings of Paphos were\n      also priests of the goddess is proved, apart from the testimony of\n      ancient writers, by inscriptions found on the spot. See H. Collitz,\n      _Sammlung der griechischen Dialektinschriften_, i. (G\u00f6ttingen, 1884)\n      p. 22, Nos. 38, 39, 40. The title of the goddess in these\n      inscriptions is Queen or Mistress (\u03dc\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u03c3(\u03c3)\u1f00\u03c2). It is perhaps a\n      translation of the Semitic Baalath.\n\n  134 Plutarch, _De Alexandri Magni fortuna aut virtute_, ii. 8. The name\n      of the gardener-king was Alynomus. That the Cinyrads existed as a\n      family down to Macedonian times is further proved by a Greek\n      inscription found at Old Paphos, which records that a certain\n      Democrates, son of Ptolemy, head of the Cinyrads, and his wife\n      Eunice, dedicated a statue of their daughter to the Paphian\n      Aphrodite. See L. Ross, \u201cInschriften von Cypern,\u201d _Rheinisches\n      Museum_, N.F. vii. (1850) pp. 520 _sq._ It seems to have been a\n      common practice of parents to dedicate statues of their sons or\n      daughters to the goddess at Paphos. The inscribed pedestals of many\n      such statues were found by the English archaeologists. See _Journal\n      of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 228, 235, 236, 237, 241, 244,\n      246, 255.\n\n  135 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 4; Pausanias, viii. 24. 6.\n\n  136 Plutarch, _Cato the Younger_, 35.\n\n  M29 Incest of Cinyras with his daughter Myrrha, and birth of Adonis.\n      Legends of royal incest\u2014a suggested explanation.\n\n  137 Ovid, _Metam._ x. 298 _sqq._; Hyginus, _Fab._ 58, 64; Fulgentius,\n      _Mytholog._ iii. 8; Lactantius Placidius, _Narrat. Fabul._ x. 9;\n      Servius on Virgil, _Ecl._ x. 18, and _Aen._ v. 72; Plutarch,\n      _Parallela_, 22; Schol. on Theocritus, i. 107. It is Ovid who\n      describes (_Metam._ x. 431 _sqq._) the festival of Ceres, at which\n      the incest was committed. His source was probably the\n      _Metamorphoses_ of the Greek writer Theodorus, which Plutarch\n      (_l.c._) refers to as his authority for the story. The festival in\n      question was perhaps the Thesmophoria, at which women were bound to\n      remain chaste (Schol. on Theocritus, iv. 25; Schol. on Nicander,\n      _Ther._ 70 _sq._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxiv. 59; Dioscorides, _De\n      Materia Medica_, i. 134 (135); compare Aelian, _De natura\n      animalium_, ix. 26). Compare E. Fehrle, _Die kultische Keuschheit im\n      Altertum_ (Giessen, 1910), pp. 103 _sqq._, 121 _sq._, 151 _sqq._ The\n      corn and bread of Cyprus were famous in antiquity. See Aeschylus,\n      _Suppliants_, 549 (555); Hipponax, cited by Strabo, viii. 3. 8, p.\n      340; Eubulus, cited by Athenaeus, iii. 78, p. 112 F; E. Oberhummer,\n      _Die Insel. Cypern_, i. (Munich, 1903) pp. 274 _sqq._ According to\n      another account, Adonis was the fruit of the incestuous intercourse\n      of Theias, a Syrian king, with his daughter Myrrha. See Apollodorus,\n      _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4 (who cites Panyasis as his authority); J.\n      Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 829; Antoninus Liberalis,\n      _Transform._ 34 (who lays the scene of the story on Mount Lebanon).\n      With the corn-wreaths mentioned in the text we may compare the\n      wreaths which the Roman Arval Brethren wore at their sacred\n      functions, and with which they seem to have crowned the images of\n      the goddesses. See G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin,\n      1874), pp. 24-27, 33 _sq._ Compare Pausanias, vii. 20. 1. _sq._\n\n  138 A list of these cases is given by Hyginus, _Fab._ 253. It includes\n      the incest of Clymenus, king of Arcadia, with his daughter Harpalyce\n      (compare Hyginus, _Fab._ 206); that of Oenomaus, king of Pisa, with\n      his daughter Hippodamia (compare J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_,\n      156; Lucian, _Charidemus_, 19); that of Erechtheus, king of Athens,\n      with his daughter Procris; and that of Epopeus, king of Lesbos, with\n      his daughter Nyctimene (compare Hyginus, _Fab._ 204).\n\n  139 The custom of brother and sister marriage seems to have been\n      especially common in royal families. See my note on Pausanias, i. 7.\n      1 (vol. ii. pp. 84 _sq._); as to the case of Egypt see below, vol.\n      ii. pp. 213 _sqq._ The true explanation of the custom was first, so\n      far as I know, indicated by J. F. McLennan (_The Patriarchal\n      Theory_, London, 1885, p. 95).\n\n  M30 The Flamen Dialis and his Flaminica at Rome.\n\n  140 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_,\n      iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) p. 328.\n\n  141 Priestesses are said to have preceded priests in some Egyptian\n      cities. See W. M. Flinders Petrie, _The Religion of Ancient Egypt_\n      (London, 1906), p. 74.\n\n_  142 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 179, 190 _sqq._\n\n_  143 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 268 _sqq._\n\n_  144 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 12 note 1.\n\n  M31 Priestesses among the Khasis of Assam.\n\n  145 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 109-112, 120\n      _sq._\n\n  M32 Sacred marriage of a priest and priestess as representatives of the\n      Sun-god and the Earth-goddess. Marriage of the Sun-god and\n      Earth-goddess acted by a priest and his wife.\n\n_  146 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 191 _sqq._\n\n_  147 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 148.\n\n  148 The late Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., \u201cReligion and Customs of the Uraons,\u201d\n      _Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta,\n      1906), pp. 144-146.\n\n  149 For more evidence see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_,\n      ii. 97 _sqq._\n\n  M33 Cinyras beloved by Aphrodite. Pygmalion and Aphrodite. The\n      Phoenician kings of Cyprus or their sons appear to have been\n      hereditary lovers of the goddess. Sacred marriage of the kings of\n      Paphos. Sons and daughters, fathers and mothers of a god.\n\n  150 Lucian, _Rhetorum praeceptor_, 11; Hyginus, _Fab._ 270.\n\n  151 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 33, p. 29, ed. Potter.\n\n  152 W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, ii. 585, 612; A. Maury, _Histoire des\n      Religions de la Gr\u00e8ce Antique_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 197, note 3.\n\n  153 Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, vi. 22; Clement of Alexandria,\n      _Protrept._ iv. 57, p. 51, ed. Potter; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 243-297.\n      The authority for the story is the Greek history of Cyprus by\n      Philostephanus, cited both by Arnobius and Clement. In Ovid\u2019s\n      poetical version of the legend Pygmalion is a sculptor, and the\n      image with which he falls in love is that of a lovely woman, which\n      at his prayer Venus endows with life. That King Pygmalion was a\n      Phoenician is mentioned by Porphyry (_De abstinentia_, iv. 15) on\n      the authority of Asclepiades, a Cyprian.\n\n  154 See above, p. 42.\n\n  155 Probus, on Virgil, _Ecl._ x. 18. I owe this reference to my friend\n      Mr. A. B. Cook.\n\n  156 In his treatise on the political institutions of Cyprus, Aristotle\n      reported that the sons and brothers of the kings were called \u201clords\u201d\n      (\u1f04\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2), and their sisters and wives \u201cladies\u201d (\u1f04\u03bd\u03b1\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9). See\n      Harpocration and Suidas, _s.v._ \u1f0c\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2. Compare Isocrates, ix. 72;\n      Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, vi. 68, p. 256 A. Now in the\n      bilingual inscription of Idalium, which furnished the clue to the\n      Cypriote syllabary, the Greek version gives the title \u03dc\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03be as the\n      equivalent of the Phoenician _Adon_ (\u05d0\u05d3\u05df). See _Corpus Inscriptionum\n      Semiticarum_, i. No. 89; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic\n      Inscriptions_, p. 74, note 1.\n\n  157 Josephus, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18, ed. B. Niese; Appian, _Punica_,\n      i; Virgil, _Aen._ i. 346 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 574; Justin,\n      xviii. 4; Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes, 195 (_Geographi Graeci\n      Minores_, ed. C. M\u00fcller Paris, 1882, ii. 250 _sq._).\n\n  158 Pumi-yathon, son of Milk-yathon, is known from Phoenician\n      inscriptions found at Idalium. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of\n      North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 12 and 13, pp. 55 _sq._, 57 _sq._\n      Coins inscribed with the name of King Pumi-yathon are also in\n      existence. See G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyprus_\n      (London, 1904), pp. xl. _sq._, 21 _sq._, pl. iv. 20-24. He was\n      deposed by Ptolemy (Diodorus Siculus, xix. 79. 4). Most probably he\n      is the Pymaton of Citium who purchased the kingdom from a dissolute\n      monarch named Pasicyprus some time before the conquests of Alexander\n      (Athenaeus, iv. 63, p. 167). In this passage of Athenaeus the name\n      Pymaton, which is found in the MSS. and agrees closely with the\n      Phoenician Pumi-yathon, ought not to be changed into Pygmalion, as\n      the latest editor (G. Kaibel) has done.\n\n  159 G. A. Cooke, _op. cit._ p. 55, note 1. Mr. Cooke remarks that the\n      form of the name (\u05e4\u05d2\u05de\u05dc\u05d9\u05df instead of \u05e4\u05de\u05d9\u05d9\u05ea\u05df) must be due to Greek\n      influence.\n\n  160 See above, p. 41.\n\n  161 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 13, p. 12; Arnobius,\n      _Adversus Nationes_, v. 9; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum\n      religionum_, 10.\n\n  162 That the king was not necessarily succeeded by his eldest son is\n      proved by the case of Solomon, who on his accession executed his\n      elder brother Adoni-jah (1 Kings ii. 22-24). Similarly, when\n      Abimelech became king of Shechem, he put his seventy brothers in\n      ruthless oriental fashion to death. See Judges viii. 29-31, ix. 5\n      _sq._, 18. So on his accession Jehoram, King of Judah, put all his\n      brothers to the sword (2 Chronicles xxi. 4). King Rehoboam had\n      eighty-eight children (2 Chronicles xi. 21) and King Abi-jah had\n      thirty-eight (2 Chronicles xiii. 21). These examples illustrate the\n      possible size of the family of a polygamous king.\n\n_  163 The Dying God_, pp. 160 _sqq._\n\n  164 The names which imply that a man was the father of a god have proved\n      particularly puzzling to some eminent Semitic scholars. See W.\n      Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 45, note 2; Th.\n      N\u00f6ldeke, _s.v._ \u201cNames,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3287 _sqq._;\n      W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 39 _sq._, 43 _sqq._\n      Such names are Abi-baal (\u201cfather of Baal\u201d), Abi-el (\u201cfather of El\u201d),\n      Abi-jah (\u201cfather of Jehovah\u201d), and Abi-melech (\u201cfather of a king\u201d or\n      \u201cfather of Moloch\u201d). On the hypothesis put forward in the text the\n      father of a god and the son of a god stood precisely on the same\n      footing, and the same person would often be both one and the other.\n      Where the common practice prevailed of naming a father after his son\n      (_Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 331 _sqq._), a divine king\n      in later life might often be called \u201cfather of such-and-such a god.\u201d\n\n_  165 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 418 _sq._\n\n  166 A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_ (T\u00fcbingen,\n      N.D.), p. 113.\n\n  167 L. Borchardt, \u201cDer \u00e4gyptische Titel \u2018Vater des Gottes\u2019 als\n      Bezeichnung f\u00fcr \u2018Vater oder Schwiegervater des K\u00f6nigs,\u2019 \u201d _Berichte\n      \u00fcber die Verhandlungen der K\u00f6niglich S\u00e4chsischen Gesellschaft der\n      Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philolog.-histor. Klasse_, lvii. (1905)\n      pp. 254-270.\n\n  M34 Cinyras, like King David, a harper. The use of music as a means of\n      prophetic inspiration among the Hebrews.\n\n  168 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 243; Stoll, _s.v._ \u201cKinyras,\u201d in\n      W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1191;\n      1 Samuel xvi. 23.\n\n  169 1 Chronicles xxv. 1-3; compare 2 Samuel vi. 5.\n\n  170 W. Robertson Smith, _The Prophets of Israel_2 (London, 1902), pp.\n      391 _sq._; E. Renan, _Histoire du peuple d\u2019Israel_ (Paris, 1893),\n      ii. 280.\n\n  171 1 Samuel x. 5.\n\n  172 2 Kings iii. 4-24. And for the explanation of the supposed miracle,\n      see W. Robertson Smith, _The Old Testament in the Jewish Church_2\n      (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 146 _sq._ I have to thank\n      Professor Kennett for the suggestion that the Moabites took the\n      ruddy light on the water for an omen of blood rather than for actual\n      gore.\n\n  M35 The influence of music on religion.\n\n  173 1 Samuel xvi. 14-23.\n\n  174 J. H. Newman, _Sermons preached before the University of Oxford_,\n      No. xv. pp. 346 _sq._ (third edition).\n\n  175 It would be interesting to pursue a similar line of inquiry in\n      regard to the other arts. What was the influence of Phidias on Greek\n      religion? How much does Catholicism owe to Fra Angelico?\n\n  M36 The function of string music in Greek and Semitic ritual.\n\n  176 Pindar, _Pyth._ ii. 15 _sq._\n\n  177 On the lyre and the flute in Greek religion and Greek thought, see\n      L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_ (Oxford, 1896-1909),\n      iv. 243 _sqq._\n\n  178 Pindar, _Pyth._ i. 13 _sqq._\n\n  179 This seems to be the view also of Dr. Farnell, who rightly connects\n      the musical with the prophetic side of Apollo\u2019s character (_op.\n      cit._ iv. 245).\n\n  M37 Traditions as to the death of Cinyras.\n\n  180 Hyginus, _Fab._ 242. So in the version of the story which made\n      Adonis the son of Theias, the father is said to have killed himself\n      when he learned what he had done (Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._\n      34).\n\n  181 Scholiast and Eustathius on Homer, _Iliad_, xi. 20. Compare F. C.\n      Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 243 _sq._; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, ii.\n      109-116; Stoll, _s.v._ \u201cKinyras,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n      griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1191.\n\n  182 Anacreon, cited by Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. 154. Nonnus also refers\n      to the long life of Cinyras (_Dionys._ xxxii. 212 _sq._).\n\n_  183 Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xiv. 858.\n\n  M38 Sacred prostitution of Western Asia.\n  M39 Theory of its secular origin.\n\n  184 L. R. Farnell, \u201cSociological hypotheses concerning the position of\n      women in ancient religion,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, vii.\n      (1904) p. 88; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906),\n      pp. 366 _sq._; Fr. Cumont, _Les religions orientales dans le\n      paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 361 _sq._ A different and, in\n      my judgment, a truer view of these customs was formerly taken by\n      Prof. Nilsson. See his _Studia de Dionysiis Atticis_ (Lund, 1900),\n      pp. 119-121. For a large collection of facts bearing on this subject\n      and a judicious discussion of them, see W. Hertz, \u201cDie Sage vom\n      Giftm\u00e4dchen,\u201d _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_ (Stuttgart and Berlin,\n      1905), pp. 195-219. My attention was drawn to this last work by\n      Prof. G. L. Hamilton of the University of Michigan after my\n      manuscript had been sent to the printer. With Hertz\u2019s treatment of\n      the subject I am in general agreement, and I have derived from his\n      learned treatise several references to authorities which I had\n      overlooked.\n\n  M40 The theory does not account for the religious character of the\n      custom,\n\n  185 Above, p. 37.\n\n  186 Above, p. 38. Prof. Nilsson is mistaken in affirming (_op. cit._ p.\n      367) that the Lydian practice was purely secular: the inscription\n      which I have cited proves the contrary. Both he and Dr. Farnell\n      fully recognize the religious aspect of most of these customs in\n      antiquity, and Prof. Nilsson attempts, as it seems to me,\n      unsuccessfully, to indicate how a practice supposed to be purely\n      secular in origin should have come to contract a religious\n      character.\n\n  M41 Nor for the prostitution of married women.\n\n  187 Above, p. 37.\n\n  188 Above, pp. 36 _sq._, 38.\n\n  189 Hosea iv. 13 _sq._\n\n  M42 Nor for the repeated prostitution of the same women.\n\n  190 Above, pp. 37 _sqq._\n\n  M43 Nor for the \u201csacred men\u201d beside the \u201csacred women\u201d.\n\n  191 See above, pp. 17 _sq._\n\n  M44 And is irreconcilable with the payment of the women.\n\n  192 L. di Varthema, _Travels_ (Hakluyt Society, 1863), pp. 141, 202-204\n      (Malabar); J. A. de Mandlesloe, in J. Harris\u2019s _Voyages and\n      Travels_, i. (London, 1744), p. 767 (Malabar); Richard, \u201cHistory of\n      Tonquin,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, ix. 760 _sq._\n      (Aracan); A. de Morga, _The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam,\n      Cambodia, Japan, and China_ (Hakluyt Society, 1868), pp. 304 _sq._\n      (the Philippines); J. Mallat, _Les Philippines_ (Paris, 1846), i. 61\n      (the Philippines); L. Moncelon, in _Bulletins de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\n      d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, 3me S\u00e9rie, ix. (1886) p. 368 (New\n      Caledonia); H. Crawford Angas, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner\n      Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1898,\n      p. 481 (Azimba, Central Africa); Sir H. H. Johnston, _British\n      Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 410 (the Wa-Yao of Central\n      Africa). See further, W. Hertz, \u201cDie Sage vom Giftm\u00e4dchen,\u201d\n      _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, pp. 198-204.\n\n  193 Herodotus, i. 93; Justin, xviii. 5. 4. Part of the wages thus earned\n      was probably paid into the local temple. See above, pp. 37, 38.\n      However, according to Strabo (xi. 14. 16, p. 532) the Armenian girls\n      of rich families often gave their lovers more than they received\n      from them.\n\n  194 This fatal objection to the theory under discussion has been clearly\n      stated by W. Hertz, _op. cit._ p. 217. I am glad to find myself in\n      agreement with so judicious and learned an inquirer.\n\n  M45 The practice of destroying virginity has sometimes had a religious\n      character.\n\n  195 L. di Varthema, _Travels_ (Hakluyt Society, 1863), p. 141; J. A. de\n      Mandlesloe, in J. Harris\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, i. (London, 1744)\n      p. 767; A. Hamilton, \u201cNew Account of the East Indies,\u201d in J.\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, viii. 374; Ch. Lassen, _Indische\n      Alterthumskunde_, iv. (Leipsic, 1861), p. 408; A. de Herrera, _The\n      General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America_,\n      translated by Captain J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 310, 340;\n      Fr. Coreal, _Voyages aux Indes Occidentales_ (Amsterdam, 1722), i.\n      10 _sq._, 139 _sq._; C. F. Ph. v. Martius, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\n      Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerika\u2019s_, i. (Leipsic, 1867) pp.\n      113 _sq._ The first three of these authorities refer to Malabar; the\n      fourth refers to Cambodia; the last three refer to the Indians of\n      Central and South America. See further W. Hertz, \u201cDie Sage vom\n      Giftm\u00e4dchen,\u201d _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, pp. 204-207. For a\n      criticism of the Malabar evidence see K. Schmidt, _Jus primae\n      noctis_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1881), pp. 312-320.\n\n  196 Lactantius, _Divin. Institut._ i. 20; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_,\n      iv. 7; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 9, vii. 24; D. Barbosa,\n      _Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, 1866), p. 96; Sonnerat, _Voyage aux Indes Orientales et \u00e0\n      la Chine_ (Paris, 1782), i. 68; F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_\n      (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 396 _sq._, 511; W. Hertz, \u201cDie Sage vom\n      Giftm\u00e4dchen,\u201d _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, pp. 270-272. According to\n      Arnobius, it was matrons, not maidens, who resorted to the image.\n      This suggests that the custom was a charm to procure offspring.\n\n  197 R. Schomburgk, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1879, pp. 235 _sq._;\n      Miklucho-Maclay, _ibid._ 1880, p. 89; W. E. Roth, _Studies among the\n      North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London,\n      1897), pp. 174 _sq._, 180; B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native\n      Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 92-95; _id._,\n      _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1904), pp. 133-136.\n      In Australia the observance of the custom is regularly followed by\n      the exercise of what seem to be old communal rights of the men over\n      the women.\n\n  M46 Sacred women in the Tamil temples of Southern India. Such women are\n      sometimes married to the god and possessed by him.\n\n  198 J. A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs, Institutions et C\u00e9r\u00e9monies des Peuples de\n      l\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 353 _sqq._; J. Shortt, \u201cThe Bayad\u00e8re or\n      dancing-girls of Southern India,\u201d _Memoirs of the Anthropological\n      Society of London_, iii. (1867-69) pp. 182-194; Edward Balfour,\n      _Cyclopaedia of India_3 (London, 1885), i. 922 _sqq._; W. Francis,\n      in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xv., _Madras_, Part I. (Madras,\n      1902) pp. 151 _sq._; E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern\n      India_ (Madras, 1906), pp. 36 _sq._, 40 _sq._ The office of these\n      sacred women has in recent years been abolished, on the ground of\n      immorality, by the native Government of Mysore. See _Homeward Mail_,\n      6th June 1909 (extract kindly sent me by General Begbie).\n\n  199 Edgar Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras,\n      1909), iii. 37-39. Compare _id._, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern\n      India_ (Madras, 1906), pp. 29 _sq._ In Southern India the maternal\n      uncle often takes a prominent part in the marriage ceremony to the\n      exclusion of the girl\u2019s father. See, for example, E. Thurston,\n      _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, ii. 497, iv. 147. The custom\n      is derived from the old system of mother-kin, under which a man\u2019s\n      heirs are not his own children but his sister\u2019s children. As to this\n      system see below, Chapter XII., \u201cMother-kin and Mother Goddesses.\u201d\n\n  200 E. Balfour, _op. cit._ ii. 1012.\n\n  201 Francis Buchanan, \u201cA Journey from Madras through the countries of\n      Mysore, Canara, and Malabar,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and\n      Travels_, viii. (London, 1811), p. 749.\n\n  M47 In Travancore the dancing-girls are regularly married to the god.\n\n  202 N. Subramhanya Aiyar, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xxvi.,\n      _Travancore_, Part i. (Trivandrum, 1903), pp. 276 _sq._ I have to\n      thank my friend Mr. W. Crooke for referring me to this and other\n      passages on the sacred dancing-girls of India.\n\n  M48 Among the Ewe peoples of West Africa the sacred prostitutes are\n      regarded as the wives of the god.\n\n  203 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West\n      Africa_ (London, 1890), pp. 140 _sq._\n\n  204 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 142.\n\n  M49 The human wives of the python-god.\n\n  205 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ pp. 148 _sq._ Compare Des Marchais, _Voyage\n      en Guin\u00e9e et \u00e0 Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 144-151; P. Bouche,\n      _La C\u00f4te des Esclaves_ (Paris, 1885), p. 128. The Abb\u00e9 Bouche calls\n      these women _danw\u00e9s_.\n\n  206 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 60; Des Marchais, _op. cit._ ii. 149\n      _sq._\n\n  M50 Supposed connexion between the fertility of the soil and the\n      marriage of women to the serpent.\n\n  207 Des Marchais, _Voyage en Guin\u00e9e et \u00e0 Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii.\n      146 _sq._\n\n  208 W. Bosman, \u201cDescription of the Coast of Guinea,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s\n      _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. (London, 1814), p. 494.\n\n  209 W. Bosman, _l.c._ The name of Whydah is spelt by Bosman as Fida, and\n      by Des Marchais as Juda.\n\n  M51 Human wives of a snake-god among the Akikuyu.\n\n  210 MS. notes, kindly sent to me by the author, Mr. A. C. Hollis, 21st\n      May, 1908.\n\n  M52 Sacred men as well as women in West Africa: they are thought to be\n      possessed by the deity.\n\n  211 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp.\n      142-144; Le R. P. Baudin, \u201cF\u00e9ticheurs ou ministres religieux des\n      N\u00e8gres de la Guin\u00e9e,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, No. 787 (4 juillet\n      1884), p. 322.\n\n  212 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ pp. 150 _sq._\n\n_  213 La C\u00f4te des Esclaves_, pp. 127 _sq._\n\n  214 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 147.\n\n  M53 Similarly among the Tshi peoples of the Gold Coast there are sacred\n      men and women, who are supposed to be inspired by the deity.\n\n  215 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West\n      Africa_ (London, 1887), pp. 120-138.\n\n  216 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 121.\n\n  217 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ pp. 120 _sq._, 129-138. The slaves, male and\n      female, dedicated to a god from childhood are often mentioned by the\n      German missionary Mr. J. Spieth in his elaborate work on the Ewe\n      people (_Die E\u1e87e-St\u00e4mme: Material zur Kunde des E\u1e87e-Volkes in\n      Deutsch-Togo_, Berlin, 1906, pp. 228, 229, 309, 450, 474, 792, 797,\n      etc.). But his information does not illustrate the principal points\n      to which I have called attention in the text.\n\n  M54 In like manner the sacred prostitutes of Western Asia may have been\n      viewed as possessed by the deity and married to the god.\n\n_  218 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 129-135.\n\n  219 Herodotus, i. 181 _sq._ It is not clear whether the same or a\n      different woman slept every night in the temple.\n\n  220 H. Winckler, _Die Gesetze Hammurabi_2 (Leipsic, 1903), p. 31, \u00a7 182;\n      C. H. W. Johns, _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and\n      Letters_ (Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61 (\u00a7\u00a7 137, 144,\n      145, 146, 178, 182, 187, 192, 193, of the Code of Hammurabi). As to\n      these female votaries see especially C. H. W. Johns, \u201cNotes on the\n      Code of Hammurabi,\u201d _American Journal of Semitic Languages and\n      Literatures_, xix. (January 1903) pp. 98-107. Compare S. A. Cook,\n      _The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi_ (London, 1903), pp.\n      147-150.\n\n  221 C. H. W. Johns, \u201cNotes on the Code of Hammurabi,\u201d _l.c._, where we\n      read (p. 104) of a female votary of Shamash who had a daughter.\n\n_  222 Code of Hammurabi_, \u00a7 181; C. H. W. Johns, \u201cNotes on the Code of\n      Hammurabi,\u201d _op. cit._ pp. 100 sq.; S. A. Cook, _op. cit._ p. 148.\n      Dr. Johns translates the name by \u201ctemple maid\u201d (_Babylonian and\n      Assyrian Laws_, _Contracts, and Letters_, p. 61). He is scrupulously\n      polite to these ladies, but I gather from him that a far less\n      charitable view of their religious vocation is taken by Father\n      Scheil, the first editor and translator of the code.\n\n  223 Any man proved to have pointed the finger of scorn at a votary was\n      liable to be branded on the forehead (_Code of Hammurabi_, \u00a7 127).\n\n  224 See above, pp. 66, 69.\n\n  225 Herodotus, i. 182.\n\n  226 A. Wiedemann, _Herodots Zweites Buch_ (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 268 _sq._\n      See further _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 130\n      _sqq._\n\n  227 Strabo, xvii. 1. 46, p. 816. The title \u201cconcubines of Zeus (Ammon)\u201d\n      is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 47).\n\n  228 Diodorus Siculus, i. 47.\n\n  M55 Similarly the sacred men (_\u1e33edeshim_) of Western Asia may have been\n      regarded as possessed by the deity and as acting and speaking in his\n      name.\n\n  229 The \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03cc\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9, as the Greeks called them.\n\n  230 I have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for this important\n      suggestion as to the true nature of the _\u1e33edeshim_. The passages of\n      the Bible in which mention is made of these men are Deuteronomy\n      xxiii. 17 (in Hebrew 18); 1 Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46 (in\n      Hebrew 47); 2 Kings xxiii. 7; Job xxxvi. 14 (where _\u1e33edeshim_ is\n      translated \u201cthe unclean\u201d in the English version). The usual\n      rendering of _\u1e33edeshim_ in the English Bible is not justified by any\n      of these passages; but it may perhaps derive support from a\n      reference which Eusebius makes to the profligate rites observed at\n      Aphaca (_Vita Constantini_, iii. 55; Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_,\n      xx. 1120); \u0393\u03cd\u03bd\u03b9\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03b3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f04\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f04\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2, \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c3\u03ad\u03bc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n      \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9, \u03b8\u03b7\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u1fb3 \u03bd\u03cc\u03c3\u1ff3 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03b1 \u1f31\u03bb\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf. But probably\n      Eusebius is here speaking of the men who castrated themselves in\n      honour of the goddess, and thereafter wore female attire. See\n      Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 51; and below, pp. 269 _sq._\n\n  231 Strabo, xi. 4. 7, p. 503.\n\n  232 Drexler, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, _s.v._ \u201cMen,\u201d ii. 2687 _sqq._\n\n  233 It is true that Strabo (_l.c._) speaks of the Albanian deity as a\n      goddess, but this may be only an accommodation to the usage of the\n      Greek language, in which the moon is feminine.\n\n  234 Florus, _Epitoma_, ii. 7; Diodorus Siculus, Frag. xxxiv. 2 (vol. v.\n      pp. 87 _sq._, ed. L. Dindorf, in the Teubner series).\n\n  M56 Resemblance of the Hebrew prophets to the sacred men of Western\n      Africa.\n\n  235 Above, pp. 52 _sq._\n\n  236 1 Kings xix. 16; Isaiah lx. 1.\n\n  237 1 Kings xx. 41. So in Africa \u201cpriests and priestesses are readily\n      distinguishable from the rest of the community. They wear their hair\n      long and unkempt, while other people, except the women in the towns\n      on the seaboard, have it cut close to the head.... Frequently both\n      appear with white circles painted round their eyes, or with various\n      white devices, marks, or lines painted on the face, neck, shoulders,\n      or arms\u201d (A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold\n      Coast_, p. 123). \u201cBesides the ordinary tribal tattoo-marks borne by\n      all natives, the priesthood in Dahomi bear a variety of such marks,\n      some very elaborate, and an expert can tell by the marks on a priest\n      to what god he is vowed, and what rank he holds in the order. These\n      hierarchical marks consist of lines, scrolls, diamonds, and other\n      patterns, with sometimes a figure, such as that of the crocodile or\n      chameleon. The shoulders are frequently seen covered with an\n      infinite number of small marks like dots, set close together. All\n      these marks are considered sacred, and the laity are forbidden to\n      touch them\u201d (A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave\n      Coast_, p. 146). The reason why the prophet\u2019s shoulders are\n      especially marked is perhaps given by the statement of a Zulu that\n      \u201cthe sensitive part with a doctor [medicine-man] is his shoulders.\n      Everything he feels is in the situation of his shoulders. That is\n      the place where black men feel the Amatongo\u201d (ancestral spirits).\n      See H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, part ii. p.\n      159. These African analogies suggest that the \u201cwounds between the\n      arms\u201d (literally, \u201cbetween the hands\u201d) which the prophet Zechariah\n      mentions (xiii. 6) as the badge of a Hebrew prophet were marks\n      tattooed on his shoulders in token of his holy office. The\n      suggestion is confirmed by the prophet\u2019s own statement (_l.c._) that\n      he had received the wounds in the house of his lovers (\u05d1\u05d9\u05ea \u05de\u05d0\u05d4\u05d1\u05d9);\n      for the same word lovers is repeatedly applied by the prophet Hosea\n      to the Baalim (Hosea, ii. 5, 7, 10, 12, 13, verses 7, 9, 12, 14, 15\n      in Hebrew).\n\n  238 1 Samuel ix. 1-20.\n\n  239 H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, part iii. pp.\n      300 _sqq._\n\n  240 See above, pp. 52 _sq._\n\n  241 1 Samuel ix. 9. In the Wiimbaio tribe of South-Eastern Australia a\n      medicine-man used to be called \u201c_mekigar_, from _meki_, \u2018eye\u2019 or \u2018to\n      see,\u2019 otherwise \u2018one who sees,\u2019 that is, sees the causes of maladies\n      in people, and who could extract them from the sufferer, usually in\n      the form of quartz crystals\u201d (A. W. Howitt, _The Native Tribes of\n      South-East Australia_, London, 1904, p. 380).\n\n  242 That the prophet\u2019s office in Canaan was developed out of the\n      widespread respect for insanity is duly recognized by Ed. Meyer,\n      _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 383.\n\n  M57 Inspired prophets at Byblus.\n\n  243 W. Max M\u00fcller, in _Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_,\n      1900, No. 1, p. 17; A. Erman, \u201cEine Reise nach Ph\u00f6nizien im 11\n      Jahrhundert v. Chr.\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr \u0100gyptische Sprache und\n      Altertumskunde_, xxxviii. (1900) pp. 6 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Les\n      contes populaires de l\u2019\u00c9gypte Ancienne_,3 p. 192; A. Wiedemann,\n      _Alt\u00e4gyptische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99 _sq._; H.\n      Gressmann, _Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente_\n      (T\u00fcbingen, 1909), p. 226. Scholars differ as to whether Wen-Ammon\u2019s\n      narrative is to be regarded as history or romance; but even if it\n      were proved to be a fiction, we might safely assume that the\n      incident of the prophetic frenzy at Byblus was based upon familiar\n      facts. Prof. Wiedemann thinks that the god who inspired the page was\n      the Egyptian Ammon, not the Phoenician Adonis, but this view seems\n      to me less probable.\n\n  244 1 Samuel ix. 6-8, 10; 1 Kings xiii. 1, 4-8, 11, etc.\n\n  245 1 Samuel ii. 22. Totally different from their Asiatic namesakes were\n      the \u201csacred men\u201d and \u201csacred women\u201d who were charged with the\n      superintendence of the mysteries at Andania in Messenia. They were\n      chosen by lot and held office for a year. The sacred women might be\n      either married or single; the married women had to swear that they\n      had been true to their husbands. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge\n      Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. pp. 461\n      _sqq._, No. 653; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_\n      (Brussels, 1900), pp. 596 _sqq._, No. 694; _Leges Graecorum Sacrae_,\n      ed. J. de Prott, L. Ziehen, Pars Altera, Fasciculus i. (Leipsic,\n      1906), No. 58, pp. 166 _sqq._\n\n  M58 \u201cHoly men\u201d in modern Syria.\n\n  246 Hosea ix. 7.\n\n  247 Jeremiah xxix. 26.\n\n  248 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, New\n      York, Toronto, 1902), pp. 150 _sq._\n\n  249 S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ p. 152. As to these \u201choly men,\u201d see\n      further C. R. Conder, _Tent-work in Palestine_ (London, 1878), ii.\n      231 _sq._: \u201cThe most peculiar class of men in the country is that of\n      the Derw\u00eeshes, or sacred personages, who wander from village to\n      village, performing tricks, living on alms, and enjoying certain\n      social and domestic privileges, which very often lead to scandalous\n      scenes. Some of these men are mad, some are fanatics, but the\n      majority are, I imagine, rogues. They are reverenced not only by the\n      peasantry, but also sometimes by the governing class. I have seen\n      the Kady of Nazareth ostentatiously preparing food for a miserable\n      and filthy beggar, who sat in the justice-hall, and was consulted as\n      if he had been inspired. A Derw\u00eesh of peculiar eminence is often\n      dressed in good clothes, with a spotless turban, and is preceded by\n      a banner-bearer, and followed by a band, with drum, cymbal, and\n      tambourine.... It is natural to reflect whether the social position\n      of the Prophets among the Jews may not have resembled that of the\n      Derw\u00eeshes.\u201d\n\n  M59 The licence accorded to such \u201choly men\u201d may be explained by the\n      desire of women for offspring.\n\n  250 S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ pp. 116 _sq._\n\n  251 S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ pp. 118, 119. In India also some\n      Mohammedan saints are noted as givers of children. Thus at\n      Fatepur-Sikri, near Agra, is the grave of Salim Chishti, and\n      childless women tie rags to the delicate tracery of the tomb, \u201cthus\n      bringing them into direct communion with the spirit of the holy man\u201d\n      (W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 203).\n\n  M60 Belief that men and women may be the offspring of a god.\n\n  252 1 Samuel i.\n\n  253 Genesis vi. 1-3. In this passage \u201cthe sons of God (or rather of the\n      gods)\u201d probably means, in accordance with a common Hebrew idiom, no\n      more than \u201cthe gods,\u201d just as the phrase \u201csons of the prophets\u201d\n      means the prophets themselves. For more examples of this idiom, see\n      Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, p. 121.\n\n  254 For example, all Hebrew names ending in _-el_ or _-iah_ are\n      compounds of El or Yahwe, two names of the divinity. See G. B. Gray,\n      _Studies in Hebrew Proper Names_ (London, 1896), pp. 149 _sqq._\n\n  255 Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, p. 1028.\n      But compare _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3285, iv. 4452.\n\n  256 A trace of a similar belief perhaps survives in the narratives of\n      Genesis xxxi. and Judges xiii., where barren women are represented\n      as conceiving children after the visit of God, or of an angel of\n      God, in the likeness of a man.\n\n  257 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 446, 448-450.\n\n  M61 The saints in modern Syria are the equivalents of the ancient Baal\n      or Adonis.\n  M62 Belief in the physical fatherhood of God not confined to Syria. Sons\n      of the serpent-god.\n\n  258 For more instances see H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn,\n      1911), i. 71 _sqq._\n\n  259 G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp.\n      662, 663, No. 803, lines 117 _sqq._, 129 _sqq._\n\n  260 Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (with my note), iii. 23. 7; Livy, xi. Epitome;\n      Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxix. 72; Valerius Maximus, i. 8. 2; Ovid,\n      _Metam._ xv. 626-744; Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustr._ 22;\n      Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 94.\n\n  261 Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 733; Pausanias, ii. 11. 8; Herodas,\n      _Mimiambi_, iv. 90 _sq._; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. p. 655, No. 802, lines 116 _sqq._; Ch. Michel,\n      _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 826, No. 1069.\n\n  262 Pausanias, ii. 10. 3, iv. 14. 7 _sq._\n\n  263 Pausanias, ii. 10. 4.\n\n  264 Pausanias, ii. 11. 5-8.\n\n  265 Suetonius, _Divus Augustus_, 94; Dio Cassius, xlv. 1. 2. Tame\n      serpents were kept in a sacred grove of Apollo in Epirus. A virgin\n      priestess fed them, and omens of plenty and health or the opposites\n      were drawn from the way in which the reptiles took their food from\n      her. See Aelian, _Nat. Hist._ xi. 2.\n\n  266 Pausanias, iv. 14. 7; Livy, xxvi. 19; Aulus Gellius, vi. 1;\n      Plutarch, _Alexander_, 2. All these cases have been already cited in\n      this connexion by L. Deubner, _De incubatione_ (Leipsic, 1900), p.\n      33 note.\n\n  267 Aelian, _De natura animalium_, vi. 17.\n\n  M63 Women fertilized by stone serpents in India.\n\n  268 H. V. Nanjundayya, _The Ethnographical Survey of Mysore_, vi.\n      _Komati Caste_ (Bangalore, 1906), p. 29.\n\n  M64 Belief that the dead come to life in the form of serpents.\n\n  269 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019Exploration au Nord-Est de la\n      Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_ (Paris, 1842), p. 277; H.\n      Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, part ii. pp. 140-144,\n      196-200, 208-212; J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857),\n      p. 162; E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 246; \u201cWords\n      about Spirits,\u201d (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880)\n      pp. 101-103; A. Kranz, _Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus_\n      (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112; F. Speckmann, _Die Hermannsburger Mission\n      in Afrika_ (Hermannsburg, 1876), pp. 165-167; Dudley Kidd, _The\n      Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 85-87; Henri A. Junod, _The\n      Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchatel, 1912-1913), ii. 358 _sq._\n\n  270 W. A. Elmslie, _Among the Wild Ngoni_ (London, 1899), pp. 71 _sq._\n\n  271 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), pp.\n      141 _sq._\n\n  272 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The Last of the Masai_ (London, 1901),\n      pp. 101 _sq._; A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 307\n      _sq._; Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1904),\n      ii. 832.\n\n  273 M. W. H. Beech, _The Suk_ (Oxford, 1911), p. 20.\n\n  274 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 90.\n\n  275 H. R. Tate, \u201cThe Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East\n      Africa,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, No. xxxv. April 1910, p.\n      243.\n\n  276 E. de Pruyssenaere, _Reisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen\n      und Blauen Nil_ (Gotha, 1877), p. 27 (_Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen,\n      Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 50). Compare G. Schweinfurth, _The Heart of\n      Africa_3 (London, 1878), i. 55. Among the Bahima of Ankole dead\n      chiefs turn into serpents, but dead kings into lions. See J. Roscoe,\n      \u201cThe Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole in the Uganda Protectorate,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907), pp. 101\n      _sq._; Major J. A. Meldon, \u201cNotes on the Bahima of Ankole,\u201d _Journal\n      of the African Society_, No. xxii. (January 1907), p. 151. Major\n      Leonard holds that the pythons worshipped in Southern Nigeria are\n      regarded as reincarnations of the dead; but this seems very\n      doubtful. See A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_\n      (London, 1906), pp. 327 _sqq._ Pythons are worshipped by the\n      Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, but apparently not from a\n      belief that the souls of the dead are lodged in them. See A. B.\n      Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa_,\n      pp. 54 _sqq._\n\n  277 G. A. Shaw, \u201cThe Betsileo,\u201d _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar\n      Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885),\n      p. 411; H. W. Little, _Madagascar, its History and People_ (London,\n      1884), pp. 86 _sq._; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0\n      Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 272 _sqq._\n\n  278 \u201cReligious Rites and Customs of the Iban or Dyaks of Sarawak,\u201d by\n      Leo Nyuak, translated from the Dyak by the Very Rev. Edm. Dunn,\n      _Anthropos_, i. (1906) p. 182. As to the Sea Dyak reverence for\n      snakes and their belief that spirits (_antus_) are incarnate in the\n      reptiles, see further J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (December,\n      1882), pp. 222-224; H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and\n      British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), i. 187 _sq._ But from this\n      latter account it does not appear that the spirits (_antus_) which\n      possess the snakes are supposed to be those of human ancestors.\n\n  279 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910),\n      pp. 238 _sq._\n\n  M65 Serpents which are viewed as ancestors come to life are treated with\n      respect and often fed with milk.\n\n  280 Rev. E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 246. Compare A.\n      Kranz, _Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus_ (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112.\n\n  281 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 307.\n\n  282 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 90.\n\n  283 Mervyn W. H. Beech, _The Suk, their Language and Folklore_ (Oxford,\n      1911), p. 20.\n\n  284 H. R. Tate (District Commissioner, East Africa Protectorate), \u201cThe\n      Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East Africa,\u201d _Journal\n      of the African Society_, No. xxxv., April 1910, p. 243. See further\n      C. W. Hobley, \u201cFurther Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious\n      Beliefs and Customs,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological\n      Institute_, xli. (1911) p. 408. According to Mr. Hobley it is only\n      one particular sort of snake, called _nyamuyathi_, which is thought\n      to be the abode of a spirit and is treated with ceremonious respect\n      by the Akikuyu. Compare P. Cayzac, \u201cLa Religion des Kikuyu,\u201d\n      _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 312; and for more evidence of milk offered\n      to serpents as embodiments of the dead see E. de Pruyssenaere and H.\n      W. Little, cited above, p. 83, notes 1 and 2.\n\n  285 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 320 _sq._ My\n      friend Mr. Roscoe tells me that serpents are revered and fed with\n      milk by the Banyoro to the north of Uganda; but he cannot say\n      whether the creatures are supposed to be incarnations of the dead.\n      Some of the Gallas also regard serpents as sacred and offer milk to\n      them, but it is not said that they believe the reptiles to embody\n      the souls of the departed. See Rev. J. L. Krapf, _Travels,\n      Researches and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860),\n      pp. 77 _sq._ The negroes of Whydah in Guinea likewise feed with milk\n      the serpents which they worship. See Thomas Astley\u2019s _New General\n      Collection of Voyages and Travels_, iii. (London, 1746) p. 29.\n\n  M66 The Greeks and Romans seem to have shared the belief that the souls\n      of the dead can be reincarnated in serpents.\n\n  286 L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 196\n      _sq._; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_2 (Munich, 1912),\n      pp. 176 _sq._ The worship of the _genius_ was very popular in the\n      Roman Empire. See J. Toutain, _Les Cultes Pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire\n      Romain_, Premi\u00e8re Partie, i. (Paris, 1907) pp. 439 _sqq._\n\n  287 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxix. 72. Compare Seneca, _De Ira_, iv. 31. 6.\n\n  288 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 4; Hyginus, _Fab._ 6; Ovid,\n      _Metam._ iv. 563-603.\n\n  289 Plutarch, _Cleomenes_, 39.\n\n  290 Porphyry, _De vita Plotini_, p. 103, Didot edition (appended to the\n      lives of Diogenes Laertius).\n\n  291 Plutarch, _Cleomenes_, 39; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 733.\n\n  292 Herodotus, viii. 41; Plutarch, _Themistocles_, 10; Aristophanes,\n      _Lysistra_, 758 _sq._, with the Scholium; Philostratus, _Imag._ ii.\n      17. 6. See further my note on Pausanias, i, 18, 2 (vol. ii. pp. 168\n      _sqq._).\n\n  293 Sophocles, _Electra_, 893 _sqq._; Euripides, _Orestes_, 112 _sqq._\n\n_  294 Mittheilungen des Deutsch. Arch\u00e4o log. Institutes in Athen_, iv.\n      (1879) pl. viii. Compare _ib._ pp. 135 _sq._, 162 _sq._\n\n  295 Above, pp. 84 _sq._\n\n  296 E. de Pruyssenaere, _l.c._ (above, p. 83, note 1).\n\n  297 See C. O. M\u00fcller, _Denkm\u00e4ler der alten Kunst_2 (G\u00f6ttingen, 1854),\n      pl. lxi. with the corresponding text in vol. i. (where the eccentric\n      system of paging adopted renders references to it practically\n      useless). In these groups the female figure is commonly, and perhaps\n      correctly, interpreted as the Goddess of Health (Hygieia). It is to\n      be remembered that Hygieia was deemed a daughter of the serpent-god\n      Aesculapius (Pausanias i. 23. 4), and was constantly associated with\n      him in ritual and art. See, for example, Pausanias, i. 40. 6, ii. 4.\n      5, ii. 11. 6, ii. 23. 4, ii. 27. 6, iii. 22. 13, v. 20. 3, v. 26. 2,\n      vii. 23. 7, viii. 28. 1, viii. 31. 1, viii. 32. 4, viii. 47. 1. The\n      snake-entwined goddess whose image was found in a prehistoric shrine\n      at Gournia in Crete may have been a predecessor of the\n      serpent-feeding Hygieia. See R. M. Burrows, _The Discoveries in\n      Crete_ (London, 1907), pp. 137 _sq._ The snakes, which were the\n      regular symbol of the Furies, may have been originally nothing but\n      the emblems or rather embodiments of the dead; and the Furies\n      themselves may, like Aesculapius, have been developed out of the\n      reptiles, sloughing off their serpent skins through the\n      anthropomorphic tendency of Greek thought.\n\n  M67 The serpents fed at the Thesmophoria may have been deemed\n      incarnations of the dead. Reluctance to disturb the Earth Goddess or\n      the spirits of the earth by the operations of digging and ploughing.\n      Hence agricultural operations are sometimes forbidden.\n\n  298 Scholia on Lucian, _Dial. Meretr._ ii. (_Scholia in Lucianum_, ed.\n      H. Rabe, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 275 _sq._). As to the Thesmophoria, see\n      my article, \u201cThesmophoria,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xxiii. 295\n      _sqq._; _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 17 _sqq._\n\n  299 A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_\n      (Washington, 1890), p. xcii.\n\n  300 Washington Matthews, \u201cMyths of Gestation and Parturition,\u201d _American\n      Anthropologist_, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) p. 738.\n\n_  301 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 23.\n\n  302 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,\n      1907) pp. 536 _sq._\n\n  303 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 232.\n\n  304 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 796.\n\n  305 J. E. Erskine, _Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western\n      Pacific_ (London, 1853), pp. 245 _sq._\n\n  M68 Graves as places of conception for women.\n\n  306 Persons initiated into the mysteries of Sabazius had a serpent drawn\n      through the bosom of their robes, and the reptile was identified\n      with the god (\u1f41 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b8\u03ad\u03bf\u03c2, Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._\n      ii. 16, p. 14, ed. Potter). This may be a trace of the belief that\n      women can be impregnated by serpents, though it does not appear that\n      the ceremony was performed only on women.\n\n  307 See above, p. 78. Among the South Slavs women go to graves to get\n      children. See below, p. 96.\n\n  308 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, pp. 115 _sqq._\n\n  309 A. C. Kruijt, _Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel_ (The Hague,\n      1906), P. 398.\n\n  M69 Reincarnation of the dead in America and Africa.\n\n_  310 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 130 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858). A similar custom was practised for a similar reason by the\n      Musquakie Indians. See Miss Mary Alicia Owen, _Folk-lore of the\n      Musquakie Indians of North America_ (London, 1904), pp. 22 _sq._,\n      86. Some of the instances here given have been already cited by Mr.\n      J. E. King, who suggests, with much probability, that the special\n      modes of burial adopted for infants in various parts of the world\n      may often have been intended to ensure their rebirth. See J. E.\n      King, \u201cInfant Burial,\u201d _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) pp. 83 _sq._\n      For a large collection of evidence as to the belief in the\n      reincarnation of the dead, see E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_\n      (London, 1909-1910), i. 156 _sqq._\n\n  311 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 478.\n\n  312 Rev. John H. Weeks, \u201cNotes on some Customs of the Lower Congo\n      People,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.\n\n  313 Th. Masui, _Guide de la Section de l\u2019\u00c9tat Ind\u00e9pendant du Congo \u00e0\n      l\u2019Exposition de Bruxelles-Tervueren en 1897_ (Brussels, 1897), pp.\n      113 _sq._\n\n  314 J. B. Purvis, _Through Uganda to Mount Elgon_ (London, 1909), pp.\n      302 _sq._ As to the Bagishu or Bageshu and their practice of\n      throwing out the dead, see Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cNotes on the Bageshu,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp.\n      181 _sqq._\n\n  M70 Measures taken to prevent the rebirth of undesirable spirits. Belief\n      of the Baganda that a woman can be impregnated by the flower of the\n      banana.\n\n  315 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 46 _sq._ Women\n      adopted a like precaution at the grave of twins to prevent the\n      ghosts of the twins from entering into them and being born again\n      (_id._, pp. 124 _sq._). The Baganda always strangled children that\n      were born feet first and buried their bodies at cross-roads. The\n      heaps of sticks or grass thrown on these graves by passing women and\n      girls rose in time into mounds large enough to deflect the path and\n      to attract the notice of travellers. See J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp.\n      126 _sq._, 289.\n\n  316 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 126 _sq._ In the Senegal and Niger\n      region of Western Africa it is said to be commonly believed by women\n      that they can conceive without any carnal knowledge of a man. See\n      Maurice Delafosse, _Haut-S\u00e9n\u00e9gal-Niger, Le Pays, les Peuples, les\n      Langues, l\u2019Histoire, les Civilisations_ (Paris, 1912), iii. 171.\n\n  317 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 47 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_,\n      ii. 506 _sq._ As to the custom of depositing the afterbirths of\n      children at the foot of banana (plantain) trees, see J. Roscoe, _op.\n      cit._ pp. 52, 54 _sq._\n\n  M71 Reincarnation of the dead in India. Means taken to facilitate the\n      rebirth of dead children.\n\n  318 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 202. As to\n      the Hindoo custom of burying infants but burning older persons, see\n      _The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead_, i. 162\n      _sq._\n\n_  319 Census of India, 1911_, vol. xiv. _Punjab_, Part i., Report, by\n      Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 299.\n\n  320 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 49. Other\n      explanations of the custom are reported by the writer, but the\n      original motive was probably a desire to secure the reincarnation of\n      the dead child in the mother.\n\n  321 E. M. Gordon, _op. cit._ pp. 50 _sq._\n\n  322 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906),\n      p. 155; _id._, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),\n      iv. 52.\n\n  323 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, p. 202; _Census of India,\n      1901_, vol. xvii. _Punjab_, Part i., Report, by H. A. Rose (Simla,\n      1902), pp. 213 _sq._\n\n  M72 Bringing back the soul of the dead in a fish or insect. Stories of\n      the Virgin Birth. Reincarnation of the dead among the South Slavs.\n\n_  324 Census of India, 1901_, vol. xiii. _Central Provinces_, Part i.,\n      Report, by R. V. Russell (Nagpur, 1902), p. 93.\n\n  325 For stories of such virgin births see Comte H. de Charency, _Le\n      folklore dans les deux Mondes_ (Paris, 1894), pp. 121-256; E. S.\n      Hartland, _The Legend of Perseus_, vol. i. (London, 1894) pp. 71\n      _sqq._; and my note on Pausanias vii. 17. 11 (vol. iv. pp. 138-140).\n      To the instances there cited by me add: A. Thevet, _Cosmographie\n      Universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 918 [wrongly numbered 952]; K. von\n      den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_ (Berlin,\n      1884), pp. 370, 373; H. A. Coudreau, _La France Equinoxiale_, ii.\n      (Paris, 1887) pp. 184 _sq._; _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1637, pp. 123\n      _sq._ (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858); Franz Boas, _Indianische\n      Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen K\u00fcste Amerikas_ (Berlin, 1895), pp.\n      311 _sq._; A. G. Morice, _Au pays de l\u2019Ours Noir_ (Paris and Lyons,\n      1897), p. 153; A. Raffray, \u201cVoyage \u00e0 la c\u00f4te nord de la Nouvelle\n      Guin\u00e9e,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), VIe S\u00e9rie,\n      xv. (1878) pp. 392 _sq._; J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den\n      Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal-\n      Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 78;\n      E. Aymonier, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire\n      des Religions_, xxiv. (1901) pp. 215 _sq._; Major P. R. T. Gurdon,\n      _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), p. 195. In some stories the conception\n      is brought about not by eating food but by drinking water. But the\n      principle is the same.\n\n  326 F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcd-Slaven_ (Vienna, 1885), p.\n      531.\n\n  M73 Belief of the Kai that women may be impregnated without sexual\n      intercourse. Belief in the island of Mota that a woman can conceive\n      through the entrance into her of a spirit animal or fruit.\n\n  327 Ch. Keysser, \u201cAus dem Leben der Kaileute,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch\n      Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 26.\n\n  M74 Similar belief in the island of Motlav.\n\n  328 W. H. R. Rivers, \u201cTotemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 173-175.\n      Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 89 _sqq._ As to this Melanesian\n      belief that animals can enter into women and be born from them as\n      human children with animal characteristics, Dr. Rivers observes (p.\n      174): \u201cIt was clear that this belief was not accompanied by any\n      ignorance of the physical _r\u00f4le_ of the human father, and that the\n      father played the same part in conception as in cases of birth\n      unaccompanied by an animal appearance. We found it impossible to get\n      definitely the belief as to the nature of the influence exerted by\n      the animal on the woman, but it must be remembered that any belief\n      of this kind can hardly have escaped the many years of European\n      influence and Christian teaching which the people of this group have\n      received. It is doubtful whether even a prolonged investigation of\n      this point could now elicit the original belief of the people about\n      the nature of the influence.\u201d To me it seems that the belief\n      described by Dr. Rivers in the text is incompatible with the\n      recognition of human fatherhood as a necessary condition for the\n      birth of children, and that though the people may now recognize that\n      necessity, perhaps as a result of intercourse with Europeans, they\n      certainly cannot have recognized it at the time when the belief in\n      question originated.\n\n  M75 Australian beliefs as to the birth of children. Reincarnation of the\n      dead in Central Australia.\n\n  329 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central\n      Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 330, compare _id._ _ibid._ pp. xi,\n      145, 147-151, 155 _sq._, 161 _sq._, 169 _sq._, 173 _sq._, 174-176,\n      606; _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp.\n      52, 123-125, 126, 132 _sq._, 265, 335-338.\n\n  330 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,\n      pp. 162, 330 _sq._\n\n  331 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_,\n      pp. 337 _sq._\n\n  M76 Reincarnation of the dead in Northern Australia.\n\n  332 W. Baldwin Spencer, _An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native\n      Tribes of the Northern Territory_ (Melbourne, 1912), p. 6: \u201cThe two\n      fundamental beliefs of reincarnation and of children not being of\n      necessity the result of sexual intercourse, are firmly held by the\n      tribes in their normal wild state. There is no doubt whatever of\n      this, and we now know that these two beliefs extend through all the\n      tribes northwards to Katherine Creek and eastwards to the Gulf of\n      Carpentaria.\u201d In a letter (dated Melbourne, July 27th, 1913)\n      Professor Baldwin Spencer writes to me that the natives on the\n      Alligator River in the Northern Territory \u201chave detailed\n      traditions\u2014as also have all the tribes\u2014of how great ancestors\n      wandered over the country leaving numbers of spirit children behind\n      them who have been reincarnated time after time. They know who\n      everyone is a reincarnation of, as the names are perpetuated.\u201d\n\n  333 W. Baldwin Spencer, _An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native\n      Tribes of the Northern Territory_ (Melbourne, 1912), pp. 41-45.\n\n  M77 Theories as to the birth of children among the tribes of Queensland.\n\n  334 Walter E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography_, _Bulletin_ No. 5,\n      _Superstition, Magic, and Medicine_ (Brisbane, 1903), pp. 22, \u00a7 81.\n\n  335 Walter E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 23, \u00a7 82.\n\n  336 Walter E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 23, \u00a7 83. Mr. Roth adds, very justly:\n      \u201cWhen it is remembered that as a rule in all these Northern tribes,\n      a little girl may be given to and will live with her spouse as wife\n      long before she reaches the stage of puberty\u2014the relationship of\n      which to fecundity is not recognised\u2014the idea of conception not\n      being necessarily due to sexual connection becomes partly\n      intelligible.\u201d\n\n  337 The Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) in a letter to me,\n      dated Bishop\u2019s Lodge, Townsville, Queensland, July 9th, 1909. The\n      Bishop\u2019s authority for the statement is the Rev. C. W. Morrison,\n      M.A., acting head of the Yarrubah Mission. In the same letter Dr.\n      Frodsham, speaking from personal observation, refers to \u201cthe belief,\n      practically universal among the northern tribes, that copulation is\n      not the cause of conception.\u201d See J. G. Frazer, \u201cBeliefs and Customs\n      of the Australian Aborigines,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xx. (1909) pp. 350-352;\n      _Man_, ix. (1909) pp. 145-147; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 577 _sq._\n\n  M78 Theories as to the birth of children in Northern and Western\n      Australia. Belief that conception in women is caused by the food\n      they eat.\n\n  338 Herbert Basedow, _Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal\n      Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia_, pp. 4 _sq._\n      (separate reprint from the _Transactions of the Royal Society of\n      South Australia_, vol. xxxi. 1907).\n\n  M79 Conception supposed to be caused by a man who is not the father.\n\n  339 A. R. Brown, \u201cBeliefs concerning Childbirth in some Australian\n      Tribes,\u201d _Man_, xii. (1912) pp. 180 _sq._ Compare _id._, \u201cThree\n      Tribes of Western Australia,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological\n      Institute_, xliii. (1913) p. 168.\n\n  M80 Some rude races still ignorant as to the cause of procreation.\n\n  340 Those who desire to pursue this subject further may consult with\n      advantage Mr. E. S. Hartland\u2019s learned treatise _Primitive\n      Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), which contains an ample collection\n      of facts and a careful discussion of them. Elsewhere I have argued\n      that the primitive ignorance of paternity furnishes the key to the\n      origin of totemism. See _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 155 _sqq._, iv.\n      40 _sqq._\n\n  M81 Legends of virgin mothers.\n  M82 Procreative virtue apparently ascribed to the sacred stocks and\n      stones at Semitic sanctuaries.\n\n  341 Jeremiah ii. 27. The ancient Greeks seem also to have had a notion\n      that men were sprung from trees or rocks. See Homer, _Od._ xix. 163;\n      F. G. Welcker, _Griechische G\u00f6tterlehre_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1857-1862), i.\n      777 _sqq._; A. B. Cook, \u201cOak and Rock,\u201d _Classical Review_, xv.\n      (1901) pp. 322 _sqq._\n\n  342 The _ashera_ and the _masseba_. See 1 Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xviii.\n      4, xxiii. 14; Micah v. 13 _sq._ (in Hebrew, 12 _sq._); Deuteronomy\n      xvi. 21 _sq._; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp.\n      187 _sqq._, 203 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_,\n      _svv._, \u201cAsherah\u201d and \u201cMassebah.\u201d In the early religion of Crete\n      also the two principal objects of worship seem to have been a sacred\n      tree and a sacred pillar. See A. J. Evans, \u201cMycenaean Tree and\n      Pillar Cult,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxi. (1901) pp. 99\n      _sqq._\n\n  343 As to conical images of Semitic goddesses, see above, pp. 34 _sqq._\n      The sacred pole (_asherah_) appears also to have been by some people\n      regarded as the embodiment of a goddess (Astarte), not of a god. See\n      above, p. 18, note 2. Among the Khasis of Assam the sacred upright\n      stones, which resemble the Semitic _masseboth_, are regarded as\n      males, and the flat table-stones as female. See P. R. T. Gurdon,\n      _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 112 _sq._, 150 _sqq._ So in\n      Nikunau, one of the Gilbert Islands in the South Pacific, the\n      natives had sandstone slabs or pillars which represented gods and\n      goddesses. \u201cIf the stone slab represented a goddess it was not\n      placed erect, but laid down on the ground. Being a lady they thought\n      it would be cruel to make her stand so long.\u201d See G. Turner, LL.D.,\n      _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 296.\n\n  M83 These conclusions confirmed by the excavation of a sanctuary at the\n      Canaanitish city of Gezer. The infants buried in the sanctuary may\n      have been expected to be born again.\n\n  344 See above, pp. 91 _sqq._\n\n  345 As to the excavations at Gezer, see R. A. Stewart Macalister,\n      _Reports on the Excavation of Gezer_ (London, N.D.), pp. 76-89\n      (reprinted from the _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine\n      Exploration Fund_); _id._, _Bible Side-lights from the Mound of\n      Gezer_ (London, 1906), pp. 57-67, 73-75. Professor Macalister now\n      inclines to regard the socketed stone as a laver rather than as the\n      base of the sacred pole. He supposes that the buried infants were\n      first-born children sacrificed in accordance with the ancient law of\n      the dedication of the first-born. The explanation which I have\n      adopted in the text agrees better with the uninjured state of the\n      bodies, and it is further confirmed by the result of the Austrian\n      excavations at Tell Ta\u2019annek (Taanach) in Palestine, which seem to\n      prove that there children up to the age of two years were not buried\n      in the family graves but interred separately in jars. Some of these\n      sepulchral jars were deposited under or beside the houses, but many\n      were grouped round a rock-hewn altar in a different part of the\n      hill. There is nothing to indicate that any of the children were\n      sacrificed: the size of some of the skeletons precludes the idea\n      that they were slain at birth. Probably they all died natural\n      deaths, and the custom of burying them in or near the house or\n      beside an altar was intended to ensure their rebirth in the family.\n      See Dr. E. Sellin, \u201cTell Ta\u2019annek,\u201d _Denkschriften der Kaiser.\n      Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse_, l.\n      (Vienna, 1904), No. iv. pp. 32-37, 96 _sq._ Compare W. W. Graf\n      Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 59 n.3. I have to thank Professor\n      R. A. Stewart Macalister for kindly directing my attention to the\n      excavations at Tell Ta\u2019annek (Taanach). It deserves to be mentioned\n      that in an enclosure close to the standing stones at Gezer, there\n      was found a bronze model of a cobra (R. A. Stewart Macalister,\n      _Bible Side-lights_, p. 76). Perhaps the reptile was the deity of\n      the shrine, or an embodiment of an ancestral spirit.\n\n  M84 Semitic custom of sacrificing a member of the royal family. The\n      burning of Melcarth at Tyre. Festival of \u201cthe awakening of Hercules\u201d\n      at Tyre.\n\n_  346 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._ See Note I., \u201cMoloch the King,\u201d at\n      the end of this volume.\n\n  347 Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ i. 10. 29\n      _sq._; 2 Kings iii. 27.\n\n  348 See above, p. 15.\n\n  349 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, iii. pp. 569, 570, 571. See above, p. 13.\n\n  350 See above, p. 16.\n\n  351 Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 1191 _sqq._; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_,\n      ii. 7. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38; Hyginus, _Fab._ 36.\n\n  352 [S. Clementis Romani,] _Recognitiones_, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G.\n      Gersdorf (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, i. 1434).\n\n  353 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ viii. 5. 3, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18.\n      Whether the quadriennial festival of Hercules at Tyre (2 Maccabees\n      iv. 18-20) was a different celebration, or only \u201cthe awakening of\n      Melcarth,\u201d celebrated with unusual pomp once in four years, we do\n      not know.\n\n  354 Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D, E. That\n      the death and resurrection of Melcarth were celebrated in an annual\n      festival at Tyre has been recognised by scholars. See\n      Raoul-Rochette, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de\n      l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me\n      Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 25 _sqq._; H. Hubert et M. Mauss, \u201cEssai\n      sur le sacrifice,\u201d _L\u2019Ann\u00e9e Sociologique_, ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124;\n      M. J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions S\u00e9mitiques_,2 pp. 308-311.\n      Iolaus is identified by some modern scholars with Eshmun, a\n      Phoenician and Carthaginian deity about whom little is known. See F.\n      C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 536 _sqq._; F.\n      Baethgen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin,\n      1888), pp. 44 _sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im\n      Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 268; W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis\n      und Esmun_, pp. 282 _sqq._\n\n  355 Zenobius, _Centur._ v. 56 (_Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L.\n      Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin, G\u00f6ttingen, 1839-1851, vol. i. p. 143).\n\n  356 Quails were perhaps burnt in honour of the Cilician Hercules or\n      Sandan at Tarsus. See below, p. 126, note 2.\n\n  357 Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893-96), p. 755.\n\n  358 H. B. Tristram, _The Fauna and Flora of Palestine_ (London, 1884),\n      p. 124. For more evidence as to the migration of quails see Aug.\n      Dillmann\u2019s commentary on Exodus xvi. 13, pp. 169 _sqq._ (Leipsic,\n      1880).\n\n  359 The Tyrian Hercules was said to be a son of Zeus and Asteria\n      (Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D; Cicero,\n      _De natura deorum_, iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation of\n      Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 4. 1; J.\n      Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 401; Hyginus, _Fab._ 53; Servius on\n      Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 73. The name Asteria may be a Greek form of\n      Astarte. See W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 307.\n\n  360 Quintus Curtius, iv. 2. 10; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 24. 5.\n\n  M85 Worship of Melcarth at Gades, and trace of a custom of burning him\n      there in effigy.\n\n  361 Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 _sq._; Mela, iii. 46; Scymnus Chius,\n      _Orbis Descriptio_, 159-161 (_Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, i. 200 _sq._).\n\n  362 Silius Italicus, iii. 14-32; Mela, iii. 46; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7,\n      pp. 169, 170, 172; Diodorus Siculus, v. 20. 2; Philostratus, _Vita\n      Apollonii_, v. 4 _sq._; Appian, _Hispanica_, 65. Compare Arrian,\n      _Anabasis_, ii. 16. 4. That the bones of Hercules were buried at\n      Gades is mentioned by Mela (_l.c._). Compare Arnobius, _Adversus\n      Nationes_, i. 36. In Italy women were not allowed to participate in\n      sacrifices offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6. 2; Macrobius,\n      _Saturn._ i. 12. 28; Sextus Aurelius Victor, _De origine gentis\n      Romanae_, vi. 6; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 60). Whether the\n      priests of Melcarth at Gades were celibate, or had only to observe\n      continence at certain seasons, does not appear. At Tyre the priest\n      of Melcarth might be married (Justin, xviii. 4. 5). The worship of\n      Melcarth under the name of Hercules continued to flourish in the\n      south of Spain down to the time of the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain,\n      _Les Cultes pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire Romain_, Premi\u00e8re Partie, i.\n      (Paris, 1907) pp. 400 _sqq._\n\n  363 Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9; Cicero, _De Divinatione_, i. 24. 49;\n      Silius Italicus, iii. 1 _sqq._, 158 _sqq._\n\n  364 Pausanias, x. 4. 5.\n\n  365 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 674; G. A. Cooke,\n      _Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 351.\n\n  366 F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, _Numismatic Commentary on\n      Pausanias_, pp. 10-12, with pl. A; Stoll, _s.v._ \u201cMelikertes,\u201d in W.\n      H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 2634.\n\n  M86 Evidence of a custom of burning a god or goddess at Carthage. The\n      fire-walk at Tyre. The fire-walk at Castabala. The Carthaginian king\n      Hamilcar sacrifices himself in the fire.\n\n  367 Justin, xviii. 6. 1-7; Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 473 _sqq._, v. i. _sqq._;\n      Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 545 _sqq._; Timaeus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum\n      Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, i. 197. Compare W. Robertson Smith,\n      _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 373 _sqq._ The name of Dido has been\n      plausibly derived by Gesenius, Movers, E. Meyer, and A. H. Sayce\n      from the Semitic _d\u00f4d_, \u201cbeloved.\u201d See F. C. Movers, _Die\n      Phoenizier_, i. 616; Meltzer, _s.v._ \u201cDido,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n      _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 1017 _sq._; A. H.\n      Sayce, _Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (London\n      and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 56 _sqq._ If they are right, the divine\n      character of Dido becomes more probable than ever, since \u201cthe\n      Beloved\u201d (_Dodah_) seems to have been a title of a Semitic goddess,\n      perhaps Astarte. See above, p. 20, note 2. According to Varro it was\n      not Dido but her sister Anna who slew herself on a pyre for love of\n      Aeneas (Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 682).\n\n  368 Justin, xviii. 6. 8.\n\n  369 Silius Italicus, i. 81 _sqq._\n\n  370 See above, pp. 16, 110 _sqq._\n\n  371 Ezekiel xxviii. 14, compare 16.\n\n_  372 Balder the Beautiful_, ii. 1 _sqq._ But, as I have there pointed\n      out, there are grounds for thinking that the custom of walking over\n      fire is not a substitute for human sacrifice, but merely a stringent\n      form of purification. On fire as a purificatory agent see below, pp.\n      179 _sqq._, 188 _sq._\n\n  373 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. In Greece itself accused persons used to\n      prove their innocence by walking through fire (Sophocles,\n      _Antigone_, 264 _sq._, with Jebb\u2019s note). Possibly the fire-walk of\n      the priestesses at Castabala was designed to test their chastity.\n      For this purpose the priests and priestesses of the Tshi-speaking\n      people of the Gold Coast submit to an ordeal, standing one by one in\n      a narrow circle of fire. This \u201cis supposed to show whether they have\n      remained pure, and refrained from sexual intercourse, during the\n      period of retirement, and so are worthy of inspiration by the gods.\n      If they are pure they will receive no injury and suffer no pain from\n      the fire\u201d (A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold\n      Coast_, London, 1887, p. 138). These cases favour the purificatory\n      explanation of the fire-walk.\n\n  374 Euripides, _Iphigenia in Tauris_, 621-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus,\n      xx. 14. 6.\n\n  375 Herodotus, vii. 167. This was the Carthaginian version of the story.\n      According to another account, Hamilcar was killed by the Greek\n      cavalry (Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. 1). His worship at Carthage is\n      mentioned by Athenagoras (_Supplicatio pro Christianis_, p. 64, ed.\n      J. C. T. Otto, Jena, 1857.) I have called Hamilcar a king in\n      accordance with the usage of Greek writers (Herodotus, vii. 165\n      _sq._; Aristotle, _Politics_, ii. 11; Polybius, vi. 51; Diodorus\n      Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But the _suffetes_, or supreme magistrates, of\n      Carthage were two in number; whether they were elected for a year or\n      for life seems to be doubtful. Cornelius Nepos, who calls them\n      kings, says that they were elected annually (_Hannibal_, vii. 4),\n      and Livy (xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the consuls; but Cicero (_De\n      re publica_, ii. 23. 42 _sq._) seems to imply that they held office\n      for life. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic\n      Inscriptions_, pp. 115 _sq._\n\n  M87 The death of Hercules a Greek version of the burning of Melcarth.\n\n  376 Lucian, _Amores_, 1 and 54.\n\n  M88 The Tyrian Melcarth in Cyprus. The lion-slaying god.\n\n  377 See above, p. 32.\n\n  378 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 23 and\n      29, PP. 73, 83 _sq._, with the notes on pp. 81, 84.\n\n  379 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iii.\n      566-578. The colossal statue found at Amathus may be related,\n      directly or indirectly, to the Egyptian god Bes, who is represented\n      as a sturdy misshapen dwarf, wearing round his body the skin of a\n      beast of the panther tribe, with its tail hanging down. See E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London, 1904), ii. 284\n      _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London,\n      1897), pp. 159 _sqq._; A. Furtw\u00e4ngler, _s.v._ \u201cHerakles,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 2143 _sq._\n\n  380 However, human victims were burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See below,\n      p. 145.\n\n  M89 The Baal of Tarsus, an Oriental god of corn and grapes.\n\n  381 See above, p. 41.\n\n  382 For traces of Phoenician influence in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, _Die\n      Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 167-174, 207 _sqq._ Herodotus says (vii. 91)\n      that the Cilicians were named after Cilix, a son of the Phoenician\n      Agenor.\n\n  383 As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is\n      now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_\n      (London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city\n      are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees,\n      especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to\n      the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds\n      with the song of the nightingale (E. J. Davis, _op. cit._ p. 35).\n\n  384 Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 _sq._\n\n  385 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 _sq._, 17, ed. L.\n      Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857).\n\n  386 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 171 _sq._; P. Gardner,\n      _Types of Greek Coins_ (Cambridge, 1883), pl. x. Nos. 29, 30; B. V.\n      Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 614; G. F. Hill,\n      _Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_\n      (London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pl. xxix.-xxxii.; G. Macdonald,\n      _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_ (Glasgow,\n      1899-1905), ii. 547; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art\n      dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 727. In later times, from about 175 B.C.\n      onward, the Baal of Tarsus was completely assimilated to Zeus on the\n      coins. See B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 617; G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp.\n      177, 181.\n\n  M90 The Baal of Tarsus has his counterpart at Ibreez in Cappadocia. The\n      pass of the Cilician Gates.\n\n  387 Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician, and other Studies in the\n      History of Religion_ (London, 1908), pp. 112 _sqq._\n\n  M91 The rock-sculptures at Ibreez represent a god of corn and grapes\n      adored by his worshipper, a priest or king.\n\n  388 E. J. Davis, \u201cOn a New Hamathite Inscription at Ibreez,\u201d\n      _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology_, iv. (1876)\n      pp. 336-346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1879), pp.\n      245-260; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 723-729; Ramsay and Hogarth, \u201cPrehellenic\n      Monuments of Cappadocia,\u201d _Recueil de Travaux relatifs \u00e0 la\n      Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv.\n      (1903) pp. 77-81, 85 _sq._, with plates iii. and iv.; L.\n      Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_ (Berlin, 1900),\n      Tafel xxxiv.; Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician_ (London, 1908),\n      pp. 171 _sqq._; John Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London,\n      1910), pp. 191-195, 378 _sq._ Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M.\n      Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that \u201cit yields to no rock-relief in\n      the world in impressive character\u201d (_American Journal of\n      Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 347). Professor Garstang would date the\n      sculptures in the tenth or ninth century B.C. Another inscribed\n      Hittite monument found at Bor, near the site of the ancient Tyana,\n      exhibits a very similar figure of a priest or king in an attitude of\n      adoration. The resemblance extends even to the patterns embroidered\n      on the robe and shawl, which include the well-known _swastika_\n      carved on the lower border of the long robe. The figure is\n      sculptured in high relief on a slab of stone and would seem to have\n      been surrounded by inscriptions, though a portion of them has\n      perished. See J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 185-188, with plate lvi.\n      For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, _Life\n      in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 198-244; J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 44\n      _sqq._\n\n  M92 The fertility of Ibreez contrasted with the desolation of the\n      surrounding country.\n\n  389 See above, pp. 28 _sq._\n\n  390 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia\n      (51-50 B.C.) he encamped with his army for some days at Cybistra,\n      from which two of his letters to Atticus are dated. But hearing that\n      the Parthians, who had invaded Syria, were threatening Cilicia, he\n      hurried by forced marches through the pass of the Cilician Gates to\n      Tarsus. See Cicero, _Ad Atticum_, v. 18, 19, 20; _Ad Familiares_,\n      xv. 2, 4.\n\n  391 E. J. Davis, in _Transactions of the Society of Biblical\n      Archaeology_, iv. (1876) pp. 336 _sq._, 346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic\n      Turkey_, pp. 232 _sq._, 236 _sq._, 264 _sq._, 270-272. Compare W. J.\n      Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London,\n      1842), ii. 304-307.\n\n  M93 The horned god.\n\n  392 L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 49 _sq._ On an\n      Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity\n      with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet\n      decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vog\u00fc\u00e9,\n      _M\u00e9langes d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie Orientale_ (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who\n      interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. As to the horned\n      god of Ibreez \u201cit is a plausible theory that the horns may, in this\n      case, be analogous to the Assyrian emblem of divinity. The sculpture\n      is late and its style rather suggests Semitic influence\u201d (Professor\n      J. Garstang, in some MS. notes with which he has kindly furnished\n      me).\n\n  393 See below, p. 132.\n\n_  394 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 16 _sq._, ii. 3 _sqq._\n\n  M94 The god of Ibreez a Hittite deity.\n\n  395 The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (_Geschichte des\n      Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez (_Histoire de\n      l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (_Hittiter und\n      Armenier_, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145).\n\n  396 Ramsay and Hogarth, \u201cPre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,\u201d _Recueil\n      de Travaux relatifs \u00e0 la Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes\n      et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) p. 79.\n\n  397 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      ii. 360-362; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 572 _sqq._, 586 _sq._\n\n  398 That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor,\n      particularly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south,\n      east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G.\n      Hogarth, W. Max M\u00fcller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and L.\n      Messerschmidt. See _Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement\n      for 1884_, p. 49; A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_3 (London, 1903), pp.\n      80 _sqq._; W. Max M\u00fcller, _Asien und Europa_ (Leipsic, 1893), pp.\n      319 _sqq._; Ramsay and Hogarth, \u201cPre-Hellenic Monuments of\n      Cappadocia,\u201d _Recueil de Travaux relatifs \u00e0 la Philologie et \u00e0\n      l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xv. (1893) p. 94; F.\n      Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_\n      (Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48, 54; L. B. Paton, _The Early History of\n      Syria and Palestine_ (London, 1902), pp. 105 _sqq._; L.\n      Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D.\n      G. Hogarth, \u201cRecent Hittite Research,\u201d _Journal of the Royal\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 _sqq._ Compare Ed.\n      Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin,\n      1909) pp. 617 sqq.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 315\n      _sqq._ The native Hittite writing is a system of hieroglyphics which\n      has not yet been read, but in their intercourse with foreign nations\n      the Hittites used the Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay tablets\n      bearing inscriptions both in the Babylonian and in the Hittite\n      language have been found by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, the\n      great Hittite capital in Cappadocia; so that the sounds of the\n      Hittite words, though not their meanings, are now known. According\n      to Professor Ed. Meyer, it seems certain that the Hittite language\n      was neither Semitic nor Indo-European. As to the inscribed tablets\n      of Boghaz-Keui, see H. Winckler, \u201cVorl\u00e4ufige Nachrichten \u00fcber die\n      Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-k\u00f6i im Sommer 1907, 1. Die Tontafelfunde,\u201d\n      _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,\n      December 1907, pp. 1-59; \u201cHittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,\u201d\n      translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E.\n      Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool,\n      1912), pp. 90-98.\n\n  399 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      ii. 351, note 3, with his references; L. B. Paton, _op. cit._ p.\n      109; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 10; F. Hommel, _op. cit._\n      p. 42; W. Max M\u00fcller, _Asien und Europa_, p. 332. See the preceding\n      note.\n\n  M95 The burning of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus.\n\n  400 A. H. Sayce, \u201cThe Hittite Inscriptions,\u201d _Recueil de Travaux\n      relatifs \u00e0 la Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et\n      Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und\n      Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 _sq._\n\n  401 Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf\n      (Bonn, 1829): \u1f29\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03bb\u03ad\u03b1 \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03ad\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03a6\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03af\u03ba\u1fc3 \u03b3\u03bd\u03c9\u03c1\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03a3\u03ac\u03bd\u03b4\u03b1\u03bd\n      \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f61\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c7\u03c1\u1f76 \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u039a\u03b1\u03c0\u03c0\u03b1\u03b4\u03cc\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u039a\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd. In this\n      passage \u03a3\u03ac\u03bd\u03b4\u03b1\u03bd is a correction of F. C. Movers\u2019s (_Die Phoenizier_,\n      i. 460) for the MS. reading \u0394\u03b9\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03b4\u03ac\u03bd, the \u0394\u0399 having apparently\n      arisen by dittography from the preceding \u0391\u0399; and \u039a\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd is a\n      correction of E. Meyer\u2019s (\u201c\u00dcber einige semitische G\u00f6tter,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft_, xxxi.\n      737) for the MS. reading \u1f39\u03bb\u03af\u03c9\u03bd. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and\n      Meyer, _ll.cc._): \u201c_Hercules cognomento Desanaus in Syria Phoenice\n      clarus habetur. Inde ad nostram usque memoriam a Cappadocibus et\n      Eliensibus (al. Deliis) Desanaus adhuc dicitur._\u201d If the text of\n      Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Greek\n      original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of\n      Syncellus\u2019s authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by\n      Nonnus (_Dionys._, xxxiv. 183 _sq._). Compare Raoul-Rochette in\n      _M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii.\n      Deuxi\u00e8me Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 159 _sqq._\n\n  402 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol.\n      ii. p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre is mentioned\n      only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection\n      was a custom observed periodically. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O.\n      M\u00fcller, \u201cSandon und Sardanapal,\u201d _Kunstarchaeologische Werke_, iii.\n      6 _sqq._; F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 458 _sqq._;\n      Raoul-Rochette, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de\n      l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me\n      Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 _sqq._; E. Meyer, \u201c\u00dcber einige\n      Semitische G\u00f6tter,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl\u00e4ndischen\n      Gesellschaft_, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740: _id._, _Geschichte des\n      Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 641 _sqq._ \u00a7 484.\n\n  403 P. Gardner, _Catalogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria_\n      (London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112, pl. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8;\n      G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and\n      Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pp. 180, 181, 183, 190, 221, 224, 225, pl.\n      xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. 10, xxxvii. 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, \u201cCoin-types of\n      some Kilikian Cities,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898)\n      p. 169, pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is\n      sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan or\n      Sardanapalus. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds\n      us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the\n      conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see above, pp. 14, 34); but\n      the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the\n      coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning\n      of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of\n      stone. The legend \u039f\u03a1\u03a4\u03a5\u0393\u039f\u0398\u0397\u03a1\u0391, literally \u201cquail-hunt,\u201d which appears\n      on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. lxxxvi. _sq._),\n      may refer to a custom of catching quails and burning them on the\n      pyre. We have seen (above, pp. 111 _sq._) that quails were\n      apparently burnt in sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation of the\n      legend on the coins of Tarsus was suggested by Raoul-Rochette (_op.\n      cit._ pp. 201-205). However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that \u201cthe\n      interpretation of \u1f48\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03b3\u03bf\u03b8\u03ae\u03c1\u03b1 as anything but a personal name is\n      rendered very unlikely by the analogy of all the other inscriptions\n      on coins of the same class.\u201d Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of\n      Adonis (below, p. 147). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in\n      honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12).\n\n  404 Herodian, iv. 2.\n\n  405 See Franz Cumont, \u201cL\u2019Aigle fun\u00e9raire des Syriens et l\u2019Apoth\u00e9ose des\n      Empereurs,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions_, lxii, (1910) pp.\n      119-163.\n\n  M96 Sandan of Tarsus an Asiatic god with the symbols of the lion and the\n      double axe.\n\n  406 F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Monnaies Grecques_ (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366\n      _sq._, 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, H. 14 (_Verhandelingen der\n      Konink. Akademie von Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.);\n      F. Imhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, _Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf M\u00fcnzen\n      und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums_ (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 _sq._,\n      with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, \u201cCoin-types of some\n      Kilikian Cities,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) pp.\n      169-171; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. xiii. 20; G. F.\n      Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and\n      Cilicia_, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii. 13,\n      14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek\n      Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 548, with pl. lx. 11. The\n      booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pl. xxxvi. 9.\n\n  M97 Boghaz-Keui the ancient capital of a Hittite kingdom in Cappadocia.\n\n  407 Herodotus, i. 76; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u03a0\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. As to the\n      situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton,\n      _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London, 1842), i.\n      391 _sqq._; H. Barth, \u201cReise von Trapezunt durch die n\u00f6rdliche\n      H\u00e4lfte Klein-Asiens,\u201d _Erg\u00e4nzungsheft zu Petermann\u2019s Geographischen\n      Mittheilungen_, No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish\n      Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_ (London, 1881), pp. 64, 71 _sqq._;\n      W. M. Ramsay, \u201cHistorical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103;\n      _id._, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), pp. 28\n      _sq._, 33 _sq._; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 596 _sqq._; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in\n      Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas,\n      plates xi.-xiv.; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_ (Paris, 1898),\n      pp. 13 _sqq._; O. Puchstein, \u201cDie Bauten von Boghaz-K\u00f6i,\u201d\n      _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,\n      December 1907, pp. 62 _sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the\n      Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp. 196 _sqq._\n\n  M98 The sanctuary in the rocks. The rock-sculptures in the outer\n      sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui represent two processions meeting. The\n      central figures.\n\n  408 This procession of men is broken (_a_) by two women clad in long\n      plaited robes like the women on the opposite wall; (_b_) by two\n      winged monsters; and (_c_) by the figure of a priest or king as to\n      which see below, pp. 131 _sq._\n\n  M99 The rock-sculptures in the inner sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui. The\n      lion-god. The god protecting his priest. Other representations of\n      the priest at Boghaz-Keui and Euyuk.\n\n  409 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_\n      (London, 1842), i. 393-395; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and\n      Eastern Asia Minor_, pp. 59 _sq._, 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, \u201cHistorical\n      Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Asiatic\n      Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,\n      _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 623-656, 666-672; K.\n      Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_, pp.\n      55-70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x.; E. Chantre, _Mission en\n      Cappadoce_, pp. 3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp.\n      42-50; Th. Macridy-Bey, _La Porte des Sphinx \u00e0 Eyuk_, pp. 13 _sq._\n      (_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1908, No. 3,\n      Berlin); Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631\n      _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp.\n      196 _sqq._ (Boghaz-Keui) 256 _sqq._ (Eyuk). Compare P. Jensen,\n      _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 165 _sqq._ In some notes with which my\n      colleague Professor J. Garstang has kindly furnished me he tells me\n      that the two animals wearing Hittite hats, which appear between the\n      great god and goddess in the outer sanctuary, are not bulls but\n      certainly goats; and he inclines to think that the two heaps on\n      which the priest stands in the outer sanctuary are fir-cones.\n      Professor Ed. Meyer holds that the costume which the priestly king\n      wears is that of the Sun-goddess, and that the corresponding figure\n      in the procession of males on the left-hand side of the outer\n      sanctuary does not represent the priestly king but the Sun-goddess\n      in person. \u201cThe attributes of the King,\u201d he says (_op. cit._ p.\n      632), \u201care to be explained by the circumstance that he, as the\n      Hittite inscriptions prove, passed for an incarnation of the Sun,\n      who with the Hittites was a female divinity; the temple of the Sun\n      is therefore his emblem.\u201d As to the title of \u201cthe Sun\u201d bestowed on\n      Hittite kings in inscriptions, see H. Winckler, \u201cVorl\u00e4ufige\n      Nachrichten \u00fcber die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-k\u00f6i im Sommer 1907,\u201d\n      _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,\n      December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 53. The correct form of the\n      national name appears to be Chatti or Hatti rather than Hittites,\n      which is the Hebrew form (\u05d7\u05ea\u05d9) of the name. Compare M. Jastrow, in\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ii. coll. 2094 _sqq._, _s.v._ \u201cHittites.\u201d\n\n      An interesting Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at\n      Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double-headed eagle.\n      In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly\n      personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in\n      the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became\n      in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W.\n      J. Hamilton, _op. cit._ i. 383; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _op. cit._\n      iv. 681-683, pl. viii. E; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 50.\n\n M100 The two deities at the head of the processions at Boghaz-Keui appear\n      to be the great Asiatic goddess and her consort. The Hittite god of\n      the thundering sky. Jupiter Dolichenus.\n\n  410 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.\n      394 _sq._; H. Barth, in _Monatsberichte der k\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie\n      der Wissenschaften_, 1859, pp. 128 _sqq._; _id._, \u201cReise von\n      Trapezunt,\u201d _Erg\u00e4nzungsheft zu Petermann\u2019s Geograph. Mittheilungen_,\n      No. 2 (Gotha, 1860), pp. 45 _sq._; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and\n      Eastern Asia Minor_, p. 69; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, pp.\n      20 _sqq._ According to Barth, the scene represented is the marriage\n      of Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages, son of\n      Cyaxares, king of the Medes (Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion of\n      various interpretations which have been proposed see G. Perrot et\n      Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 630 _sqq._\n\n  411 This is in substance the view of Raoul-Rochette, Lajard, W. M.\n      Ramsay, G. Perrot, C. P. Tiele, Ed. Meyer, and J. Garstang. See\n      Raoul-Rochette, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de\n      l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me\n      Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 180 note 1; W. M. Ramsay, \u201cOn the Early\n      Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot\n      et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 630\n      _sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i.\n      255-257; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633\n      _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 235-237; _id._,\n      _The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 5 _sqq._\n\n  412 K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_\n      (Berlin, 1902), Atlas, pl. xlv. 3; _Ausgrabungen zu Sendschirli_,\n      iii. (Berlin, 1902) pl. xli.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the\n      Hittites_, p. 291, with plate lxxvii.; R. Koldewey, _Die Hettitische\n      Inschrift gefunden in der K\u00f6nigsburg von Babylon_ (Leipsic, 1900),\n      plates 1 and 2 (_Wissenschaftliche Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen der Deutschen\n      Orient-Gesellschaft_, Heft 1); L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus\n      Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pl. i. 5 and 6; _id._, _The Hittites_\n      (London, 1903), pp. 40-42, with fig. 6 on p. 41; M. J. Lagrange,\n      _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions S\u00e9mitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), p. 93. The\n      name of the god is thought to have been Teshub or Teshup; for a god\n      of that name is known from the Tel-el-Amarna letters to have been\n      the chief deity of the Mitani, a people of Northern Mesopotamia akin\n      in speech and religion to the Hittites, but ruled by an Aryan\n      dynasty. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 578,\n      591 _sq._, 636 _sq._; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian\n      Literature_, pp. 222, 223 (where the god\u2019s name is spelt Tishub).\n      The god is also mentioned repeatedly in the Hittite archives which\n      Dr. H. Winckler found inscribed on clay tablets at Boghaz-Keui. See\n      H. Winckler, \u201cVorl\u00e4ufige Nachrichten \u00fcber die Ausgrabungen in\n      Boghaz-k\u00f6i im Sommer 1907,\u201d _Mitteilungen der Deutschen\n      Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 13 _sq._,\n      32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 51 _sq._, 53; \u201cHittite Archives from\n      Boghaz-Keui,\u201d translated from the German transcripts of Dr.\n      Winckler, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool\n      and London, 1912) pp. 90 _sqq._ As to the Mitani, their language and\n      their gods, see H. Winckler, _op. cit._ pp. 30 _sqq._, 46 _sqq._ In\n      thus interpreting the Hittite god who heads the procession at\n      Boghaz-Keui I follow my colleague Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of\n      the Hittites_, p. 237; _The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 5 _sqq._), who has\n      kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject. I formerly\n      interpreted the deity as the Hittite equivalent of Tammuz, Adonis,\n      and Attis. But against that view it may be urged that (1) the god is\n      bearded and therefore of mature age, whereas Tammuz and his fellows\n      were regularly conceived as youthful; (2) the thunderbolt which he\n      seems to carry would be quite inappropriate to Tammuz, who was not a\n      god of thunder but of vegetation; and (3) the Hittite Tammuz is\n      appropriately represented in the procession of women immediately\n      behind the Mother Goddess (see below, pp. 137 _sq._), and it is\n      extremely improbable that he should be represented twice over with\n      different attributes in the same scene. These considerations seem to\n      me conclusive against the interpretation of the bearded god as a\n      Tammuz and decisive in favour of Professor Garstang\u2019s view of him.\n\n  413 J. Garstang, \u201cNotes of a Journey through Asia Minor,\u201d _Annals of\n      Archaeology and Anthropology_, i. (Liverpool and London, 1908) pp. 3\n      _sq._, with plate iv.; _id._, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 138,\n      359, with plate xliv. In this sculpture the god on the bull holds in\n      his right hand what is described as a triangular bow instead of a\n      mace, an axe, or a hammer.\n\n  414 A. Wiedemann, _\u00c4gyptische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1884), ii. 438-440; G.\n      Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, ii.\n      (Paris, 1897) pp. 401 _sq._; W. Max M\u00fcller, _Der B\u00fcndnisvortrag\n      Ramses\u2019 II. und des Chetitirk\u00f6nigs_, pp. 17-19, 21 _sq._, 38-44\n      (_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1902, No. 5,\n      Berlin); L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp. 14-19; J. H.\n      Breasted, _Ancient Records of Egypt_ (Chicago, 1906-1907), iii.\n      163-174; _id._, _A History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908),\n      p. 311; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631, 635\n      _sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 347-349. The\n      Hittite copy of the treaty was discovered by Dr. H. Winckler at\n      Boghaz-Keui in 1906. The identification of Arenna or Arinna is\n      uncertain. In a forthcoming article, \u201cThe Sun God[dess] of Arenna,\u201d\n      to be published in the Liverpool _Annals of Archaeology and\n      Anthropology_, Professor J. Garstang argues that Arenna is to be\n      identified with the Cappadocian Comana.\n\n  415 Ed. Meyer, \u201cDolichenus,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\n      r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 1191-1194; A. von Domaszewski, _Die Religion\n      des r\u00f6mischen Heeres_ (Treves, 1895), pp. 59 _sq._, with plate iiii.\n      fig. 1 and 2; Franz Cumont, _s.v._ \u201cDolichenus,\u201d in Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s\n      _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. i.\n      coll. 1276 _sqq._; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire\n      Romain_, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp. 35-43. For examples of the\n      inscriptions which relate to his worship see H. Dessau,\n      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902)\n      pp. 167-172, Nos. 4296-4324.\n\n M101 The Mother Goddess.\n\n  416 As to the lions and mural crown of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 600\n      _sqq._; Catullus, lxiii. 76 _sqq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 20;\n      Rapp, _s.v._ \u201cKybele,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\n      r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1644 _sqq._\n\n  417 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 19. Lucian\u2019s\n      description of her image is confirmed by coins of Hierapolis, on\n      which the goddess is represented wearing a high head-dress and\n      seated on a lion. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887),\n      p. 654; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian\n      Collection_ (Glasgow, 1899-1905), iii. 139 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The\n      Syrian Goddess_, pp. 21 _sqq._, 70, with fig. 7. That the name of\n      the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Atargatis is mentioned\n      by Strabo (xvi. 1. 27, p. 748). On Egyptian monuments the Semitic\n      goddess Kadesh is represented standing on a lion. See W. Max M\u00fcller,\n      _Asien und Europa_, pp. 314 _sq._ It is to be remembered that\n      Hierapolis-Bambyce was the direct successor of Carchemish, the great\n      Hittite capital on the Euphrates, and may have inherited many\n      features of Hittite religion. See A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_,3 pp.\n      94 _sqq._, 105 _sqq._; and as to the Hittite monuments at\n      Carchemish, see J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 122\n      _sqq._\n\n  418 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5.\n\n M102 The youth on the lioness, bearing the double axe, at Boghaz-Keui may\n      be the divine son and lover of the goddess.\n\n  419 In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Sir\n      W. M. Ramsay (\u201cOn the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and\n      Cappadocia,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883)\n      pp. 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Alterturm_,\n      i. 246, 255), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of the Hittites_, p.\n      235; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 8). That the youthful figure on the\n      lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the\n      view also of Professors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, _Hittiter\n      und Armenier_, pp. 173-175, 180; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der\n      Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 51. Prof. Perrot\n      holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who\n      stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the\n      same, though their attributes differ (G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,\n      _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 651). But, as I have\n      already remarked, it is unlikely that the same god should be\n      represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene.\n      The resemblance between the two figures is better explained on the\n      supposition that they are Father and Son. The same two deities,\n      Father and Son, appear to be carved on a rock at Giaour-Kalesi, a\n      place on the road which in antiquity may have led from Ancyra by\n      Gordium to Pessinus. Here on the face of the rock are cut in relief\n      two gigantic figures in the usual Hittite costume of pointed cap,\n      short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes. Each wears a\n      crescent-hilted sword at his side, each is marching to the\n      spectator\u2019s left with raised right hand; and the resemblance between\n      them is nearly complete except that the figure in front is beardless\n      and the figure behind is bearded. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,\n      _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 714 _sqq._, with fig. 352;\n      J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 162-164. A similar, but\n      solitary, figure is carved in a niche of the rock at Kara-Bel, but\n      there the deity, or the man, carries a triangular bow over his right\n      shoulder. See below, p. 185.\n\n      With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at\n      Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows\n      two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned-up\n      shoes, standing on a crouching lion. The foremost of the two figures\n      is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand.\n      According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures represent a god followed\n      by a priest or a king. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de\n      l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 549 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of\n      the Hittites_, pp. 123 _sqq._ Again, on a sculptured slab found at\n      Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god standing on a lion and holding a\n      lion\u2019s whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes\n      a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ iii. 412-414. The\n      type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also\n      in Assyrian art, from which the Phoenicians and Hittites may have\n      borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ ii. 642-644. Much\n      evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has\n      been collected by Raoul-Rochette, in his learned dissertation \u201cSur\n      l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des\n      Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me Partie (Paris,\n      1848), pp. 106 _sqq._ Compare De Vog\u00fc\u00e9, _M\u00e9langes d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie\n      Orientale_, pp. 44 _sqq._\n\n M103 The mystery of the lion-god.\n\n  420 Similarly in Yam, one of the Torres Straits Islands, two brothers\n      named Sigai and Maiau were worshipped in a shrine under the form of\n      a hammer-headed shark and a crocodile respectively, and were\n      represented by effigies made of turtle-shell in the likeness of\n      these animals. But \u201cthe shrines were so sacred that no uninitiated\n      persons might visit them, nor did they know what they contained;\n      they were aware of Sigai and Maiau, but they did not know that the\n      former was a hammer-headed shark and the latter a crocodile; this\n      mystery was too sacred to be imparted to uninitiates. When the\n      heroes were addressed it was always by their human names, and not by\n      their animal or totem names.\u201d See A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Religion of the\n      Torres Straits Islanders,\u201d _Anthropological Essays presented to E.\n      B. Tylor_ (Oxford, 1907), p. 185.\n\n M104 The processions at Boghaz-Keui appear to represent the Sacred\n      Marriage of the god and goddess. Traces of mother-kin among the\n      Hittites.\n\n  421 \u201cThere can be no doubt that there is here represented a Sacred\n      Marriage, the meeting of two deities worshipped in different places,\n      like the Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of Denderah\u201d (C. P. Tiele,\n      _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 255). This view seems to\n      differ from, though it approaches, the one suggested in the text.\n      That the scene represents a Sacred Marriage between a great god and\n      goddess is the opinion also of Prof. Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte des\n      Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633 _sq._), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land\n      of the Hittites_, pp. 238 _sq._; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 7).\n\n  422 See above, p. 133.\n\n  423 See below, p. 285. Compare the remarks of Sir W. M. Ramsay\n      (\u201cPre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,\u201d _Recueil de Travaux\n      relatifs \u00e0 la Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et\n      Assyriennes_, xiii. (1890) p. 78): \u201cSimilar priest-dynasts are a\n      widespread feature of the primitive social system of Asia Minor;\n      their existence is known with certainty or inferred with probability\n      at the two towns Komana; at Venasa not far north of Tyana, at Olba,\n      at Pessinous, at Aizanoi, and many other places. Now there are two\n      characteristics which can be regarded as probable in regard to most\n      of these priests, and as proved in regard to some of them: (1) they\n      wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests\n      they were; (2) they were \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03ce\u03bd\u03c5\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9, losing their individual name at\n      their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often\n      that of the god himself or some figure connected with the cultus of\n      the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the\n      priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.\u201d\n      As to the priestly rulers of Olba, see below, pp. 144 _sqq._\n\n  424 See above, p. 132. However, Prof. Ed. Meyer may be right in thinking\n      that the priest-like figure in the procession is not really that of\n      the priest but that of the god or goddess whom he personated. See\n      above, p. 133 note.\n\n  425 See above, pp. 36 _sqq._\n\n  426 H. Winckler, \u201cVorl\u00e4ufige Nachrichten \u00fcber die Ausgrabungen in\n      Boghaz-k\u00f6i im Sommer 1907,\u201d _Mitteilungen der Deutschen\n      Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 35, December, 1907, pp. 27 _sq._, 29; J.\n      Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 352 _sq._; \u201cHittite\n      Archives from Boghaz-Keui,\u201d translated from the German transcripts\n      of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and\n      Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) p. 98. We have seen\n      (above, p. 136) that in the seals of the Hittite treaty with Egypt\n      the Queen appears along with the King. If Dr. H. Winckler is right\n      in thinking (_op. cit._ p. 29) that one of the Hittite queens was at\n      the same time sister to her husband the King, we should have in this\n      relationship a further proof that mother-kin regulated the descent\n      of the kingship among the Hittites as well as among the ancient\n      Egyptians. See above, p. 44, and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._\n\n  427 Compare Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 629-633.\n\n M105 Sandan at Tarsus appears to be a son of Baal, as Hercules was a son\n      of Zeus.\n\n  428 The figure exhibits a few minor variations on the coins of Tarsus.\n      See the works cited above, p. 127.\n\n  429 Above, p. 119.\n\n_  430 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 358 _sqq._\n\n_  431 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._\n\n M106 Priests of Sandan-Hercules at Tarsus. Kings of Cilicia related to\n      Sandan.\n\n  432 Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 215 B, C. The high-priest of the Syrian goddess\n      at Hierapolis held office for a year, and wore a purple robe and a\n      golden tiara (Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 42). We may conjecture that\n      the priesthood of Hercules at Tarsus was in later times at least an\n      annual office.\n\n  433 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) \u00a7 389,\n      p. 475; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_,3 p. 88. Kuinda was the name of a Cilician fortress a\n      little way inland from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672).\n\n  434 E. Meyer, _op. cit._ i. \u00a7 393, p. 480; C. P. Tiele,\n      _Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, p. 360. Sandon and Sandas occur\n      repeatedly as names of Cilician men. They are probably identical\n      with, or modified forms of, the divine name. See Strabo, xiv. 5. 14,\n      p. 674; Plutarch, _Poplicola_, 17; _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\n      ed. August Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877) vol. iii. p. 200, No.\n      4401; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels,\n      1900), p. 718, No. 878; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in\n      Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,\n      Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 46, 131\n      _sq._, 140 (Inscriptions 115, 218, 232).\n\n M107 Priestly kings of Olba who bore the names of Teucer and Ajax. The\n      Teucrids of Salamis in Cyprus. Burnt sacrifices of human victims at\n      Salamis and traces of a similar custom elsewhere. Burnt sacrifice of\n      doves to Adonis.\n\n  435 Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672. The name of the high-priest Ajax, son of\n      Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dating from about the beginning of\n      our era (B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, p. 609); and\n      the name of Teucer is also known from inscriptions. See below, pp.\n      145, 151, 159.\n\n  436 E. L. Hicks, \u201cInscriptions from Western Cilicia,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263; R. Heberdey und A.\n      Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie\n      der Wissenschaften_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88.\n\n  437 Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq._, No.\n      878. Tarkondimotos was the name of two kings of Eastern Cilicia in\n      the first century B.C. One of them corresponded with Cicero and fell\n      at the battle of Actium. See Cicero, _Epist. ad Familiares_, xv. 1.\n      2; Strabo, xiv. 5. 18, p. 676; Dio Cassius, xli. 63. 1, xlvii. 26.\n      2, l. 14. 2, li. 2. 2, li. 7. 4, liv. 9. 2; Plutarch, _Antoninus_,\n      61; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 618; W.\n      Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic,\n      1903-1905), ii. pp. 494 _sq._, Nos. 752, 753. Moreover, Tarkudimme\n      or Tarkuwassimi occurs as the name of a king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?)\n      in a bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscription engraved on a\n      silver seal. See W. Wright, _The Empire of the Hittites_2 (London,\n      1886), pp. 163 _sqq._; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum\n      Hettiticarum_, pp. 42 _sq._, pl. xlii. 9; _id._, _The Hittites_, pp.\n      29 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp.\n      22, 50 _sq._ In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests Tarbibi- as\n      an alternative reading for Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer,\n      _Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_ (G\u00f6ttingen,\n      1896), pp. 362-364.\n\n  438 Isocrates, _Or._ ix. 14 and 18 _sq._; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4; W.\n      E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 212 _sqq._ As to the names Teucer and\n      Teucrian see P. Kretschmer, _op. cit._ pp. 189-191. Prof. Kretschmer\n      believes that the native population of Cyprus belonged to the\n      non-Aryan stock of Asia Minor.\n\n  439 W. E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 216.\n\n  440 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 54 _sq._; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._\n      i. 21. As to the date when the custom was abolished, Lactantius says\n      that it was done \u201crecently in the reign of Hadrian.\u201d Porphyry says\n      that the practice was put down by Diphilus, king of Cyprus, \u201cin the\n      time of Seleucus the Theologian.\u201d As nothing seems to be known as to\n      the date of King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theologian, I have\n      ventured to assume, on the strength of Lactantius\u2019s statement, that\n      they were contemporaries of Hadrian. But it is curious to find kings\n      of Cyprus reigning so late. Beside the power of the Roman governors,\n      their authority can have been little more than nominal, like that of\n      native rajahs in British India. Seleucus the Theologian may be, as\n      J. A. Fabricius supposed (_Bibliotheca Graeca_,4 Hamburg, 1780-1809,\n      vol. i. p. 86, compare p. 522), the Alexandrian grammarian who\n      composed a voluminous work on the gods (Suidas, _s.v._ \u03a3\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2).\n      Suetonius tells an anecdote (_Tiberius_, 56) about a grammarian\n      named Seleucus who flourished, and faded prematurely, at the court\n      of Tiberius.\n\n  441 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49.\n\n  442 Diogenianus, _Praefatio_, in _Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L.\n      Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin (G\u00f6ttingen, 1839-1851), i. 180.\n      Raoul-Rochette regarded the custom as part of the ritual of the\n      divine death and resurrection. He compared it with the burning of\n      Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et\n      Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et\n      Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me Partie (1848), p. 32.\n\n  443 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.\n\n M108 The priestly Teucers of Olba perhaps personated a native god Tark.\n\n  444 A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright\u2019s _Empire of the Hittites_,2 p. 186; W. M.\n      Ramsay, \u201cPre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,\u201d _Recueil de Travaux\n      relatifs \u00e0 la Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et\n      Assyriennes_, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 _sq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der\n      Religion im Altertum_, i. 251; W. Max M\u00fcller, _Asien und Europa_, p.\n      333; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 70, 150 _sqq._, 155\n      _sqq._; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des\n      alten Orients_, pp. 44, 51 _sq._; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_,\n      p. 40. Sir W. M. Ramsay thinks (_l.c._) that Tark was the native\n      name of the god who had his sanctuary at Dastarkon in Cappadocia and\n      who was called by the Greeks the Cataonian Apollo: his sanctuary was\n      revered all over Cappadocia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5, p. 537). Prof.\n      Hommel holds that Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite deity,\n      worshipped all over the south of Asia Minor. Prof. W. Max M\u00fcller is\n      of opinion that Targh or Tarkh did not designate any particular\n      deity, but was the general Hittite name for \u201cgod.\u201d There are grounds\n      for holding that the proper name of the Hittite thunder-god was\n      Teshub or Teshup. See above, p. 135 note.\n\n  445 J. T. Bent, \u201cExplorations in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Proceedings of the\n      Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 458; _id._, \u201cA\n      Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.\n      (1891) p. 222; W. M. Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_\n      (London, 1890), pp. 22, 364. Sir W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds for\n      thinking that Olba was a Grecized form of a native name Ourba\n      (pronounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T. Bent discovered the site and the\n      name.\n\n M109 Western or Rugged Cilicia.\n M110 The Cilician pirates.\n M111 The deep gorges of Rugged Cilicia.\n\n  446 J. Theodore Bent, \u201cExplorations in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Proceedings\n      of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445,\n      450-453; _id._, \u201cA Journal in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 208, 210-212, 217-219; R.\n      Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der\n      kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe_,\n      xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 49, 70; D. G. Hogarth and J. A. R.\n      Munro, \u201cModern and Ancient Roads in Eastern Asia Minor,\u201d _Royal\n      Geographical Society, Supplementary Papers_, vol. iii. part 5\n      (London, 1893), pp. 653 _sq._ As to the Cilician pirates see Strabo,\n      xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 _sq._; Plutarch, _Pompeius_, 24; Appian, _Bellum\n      Mithridat._ 92 _sq._; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L.\n      Dindorf; Cicero, _De imperio Cn. Pompeii_, 11 _sq._; Th. Mommsen,\n      _Roman History_ (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv. 40-45, 118-120. As\n      to the crests carved on their towns see J. T. Bent, \u201cCilician\n      Symbols,\u201d _Classical Review_, iv. (1890) pp. 321 _sq._ Among these\n      crests are a club (the badge of Olba), a bunch of grapes, the caps\n      of the Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, and so on. As to the\n      cedars and ship-building timber of Cilicia in antiquity see\n      Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars\n      and firs have now retreated to the higher slopes of the Taurus.\n      Great destruction is wrought in the forests by the roving Yuruks\n      with their flocks; for they light their fires under the trees, tap\n      the firs for turpentine, bark the cedars for their huts and\n      bee-hives, and lay bare whole tracts of country that the grass may\n      grow for their sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of\n      the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 453-458.\n\n M112 The site and ruins of Olba. The temple of Olbian Zeus.\n\n  447 D. G. Hogarth, _A Wandering Scholar in the Levant_ (London, 1896),\n      pp. 57 _sq._\n\n  448 J. Theodore Bent, \u201cExplorations in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Proceedings\n      of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445 _sq._,\n      458-460; _id._, \u201cA Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1890) pp. 220-222; E. L. Hicks,\n      \u201cInscriptions from Western Cilicia,\u201d _ib._ pp. 262-270; R. Heberdey\n      und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der kaiser.\n      Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna,\n      1896) No. vi. pp. 83-91; W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth, in\n      _American Journal of Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 345; Ch. Michel,\n      _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 858, No. 1231. In one place\n      (_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. 222) Bent gives the height of\n      Olba as 3800 feet; but this is a misprint, for elsewhere\n      (_Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. 446,\n      458) he gives the height as exactly 5850 or roughly 6000 feet. The\n      misprint has unfortunately been repeated by Messrs. Heberdey and\n      Wilhelm (_op. cit._ p. 84 note 1). The tall tower of Olba is figured\n      on the coins of the city. See G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek\n      Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pl. xxii.\n      8.\n\n M113 Limestone caverns of Western Cilicia.\n\n  449 Sir Charles Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), ii. 518\n      _sqq._; _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, _s.v._ \u201cCaves,\u201d\n      v. 265 _sqq._ Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. 7, viii. 29. 1.\n\n  450 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.\n      xii. (1890) p. 447.\n\n M114 The city of Corycus. The Corycian cave.\n\n  451 Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 240 _sq._\n\n  452 Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 _sq._; Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey; J.\n      T. Bent, \u201cExplorations in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Proceedings of the\n      Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 446-448; _id._, \u201cA\n      Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.\n      (1891) pp. 212-214; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in\n      Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,\n      Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 70-79. Mr. D. G.\n      Hogarth was so good as to furnish me with some notes embodying his\n      recollections of the Corycian cave. All these modern writers confirm\n      the general accuracy of the descriptions of the cave given by Strabo\n      and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed speaks of exaggeration in Mela\u2019s\n      account, but this is not admitted by Mr. A. Wilhelm. As to the ruins\n      of the city of Corycus on the coast, distant about three miles from\n      the cave, see Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 232-238;\n      R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 67-70.\n\n M115 Priests of Corycian Zeus.\n\n  453 The suggestion is Mr. A. B. Cook\u2019s. See his article, \u201cThe European\n      Sky-god,\u201d _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) p. 418, note 2.\n\n  454 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.\n      xii. (1890) p. 448; _id_., in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.\n      (1891) pp. 214-216. For the inscription containing the names of the\n      priests see R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 71-79; Ch.\n      Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq_., No. 878;\n      above, p. 145.\n\n M116 The cave of the giant Typhon.\n\n  455 Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 1867). The cave of Typhon is\n      described by J. T. Bent, _ll.cc._\n\n  456 Aeschylus, _Prometheus Vinctus_, 351-372.\n\n  457 Pindar, _Pyth._ i. 30 _sqq._, who speaks of the giant as \u201cbred in\n      the many-named Cilician cave.\u201d\n\n M117 Battle of Zeus and Typhon.\n\n  458 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 6. 3.\n\n M118 Fossil bones of extinct animals give rise to stories of giants.\n\n  459 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1, with my notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32.\n      5) bones of superhuman size which were preserved at Megalopolis, and\n      which popular superstition identified as the bones of the giant\n      Hopladamus.\n\n  460 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1.\n\n  461 A. Holm, _Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum_ (Leipsic, 1870-1874),\n      i. 57, 356.\n\n  462 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of\n      Mankind_3 (London, 1878), p. 322, who adduces much more evidence of\n      the same sort.\n\n M119 Chasm of Olbian Zeus at Kanytelideis.\n\n  463 J. T. Bent, \u201cExplorations in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Proceedings of the\n      Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 448 _sq._; _id._,\n      \u201cA Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.\n      (1891) pp. 208-210; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in\n      Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der\n      Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe_, xliv. (Vienna,\n      1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61.\n\n M120 The deity of these great chasms was called Zeus by the Greeks, but\n      he was probably a god of fertility embodied in vegetation and water.\n\n  464 See above, pp. 26 _sq._\n\n M121 Analogy of the Corycian and Olbian caverns to Ibreez and the vale of\n      the Adonis.\n M122 Two gods at Olba, perhaps a father and a son, corresponding to the\n      Baal and Sandan of Tarsus.\n M123 Goddesses less prominent than gods in Cilician religion.\n M124 The goddess \u2019Atheh, partner of Baal at Tarsus, seems to have been a\n      form of Atargatis. The lion-goddess and the bull-god. In later times\n      the old goddess became the Fortune of the City.\n\n  465 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 616. [However, Mr.\n      G. F. Hill writes to me: \u201cThe attribution to Tarsus of the \u2019Atheh\n      coins is unfounded. Head himself only gives it as doubtful. I should\n      think they belong further East.\u201d In the uncertainty which prevails\n      on this point I have left the text unchanged. _Note to Second\n      Edition._]\n\n  466 The name \u2019Athar-\u2019atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A.\n      Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 112, pp.\n      267-270. In analysing Atargatis into \u2019Athar-\u2019atheh (\u2019Atar-\u2019ata) I\n      follow E. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 605, 650\n      _sq._), F. Baethgen (_Beitr\u00e4ge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_,\n      pp. 68-75), Fr. Cumont (_s.v._ \u201cAtargatis,\u201d Pauly-Wissowa,\n      _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ii.\n      1896), G. A. Cooke (_l.c._), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion\n      im Altertum_, i. 245), F. Hommel (_Grundriss der Geographie und\n      Geschichte des alten Orients_, pp. 43 _sq._), Father Lagrange\n      (_\u00c9tudes sur les Religions S\u00e9mitiques_,2 p. 130), and L. B. Paton\n      (_s.v._ \u201cAtargatis,\u201d J. Hastings\u2019s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and\n      Ethics_, ii. 164 _sq._). In the great temple at Hierapolis-Bambyce a\n      mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and\n      her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the\n      attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as\n      Deucalion, and others as Semiramis; for a golden dove, traditionally\n      associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure.\n      The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates\n      \u201csign\u201d (\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03ae\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd). See Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 33. It has been\n      plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian\n      translates \u201csign\u201d was really \u2019Atheh (\u05e2\u05ea\u05d4), which could easily be\n      confused with the Syriac word for \u201csign\u201d (\u05d0\u05d4\u05d0). See F. Baethgen,\n      _op. cit._ p. 73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from the third\n      century A.D., exhibits the images of the god and goddess seated on\n      bulls and lions respectively, with the mysterious object between\n      them enclosed in a shrine, which is surmounted by a bird, probably a\n      dove. See J. Garstang, _The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 22\n      _sqq._, 70 _sq._, with fig. 7.\n\n      The modern writers cited at the beginning of this note have\n      interpreted the Syrian \u2019Atheh as a male god, the lover of Atargatis,\n      and identical in name and character with the Phrygian Attis. They\n      may be right; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same\n      name \u2019Atheh (\u05e2\u05ea\u05d4) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.\n\n  467 As to the image, see above, p. 137.\n\n  468 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31.\n\n  469 Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 23. 12 and 17-19. The Greek name of Baalbec\n      was Heliopolis, \u201cthe City of the Sun.\u201d\n\n  470 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, pp. 163,\n      164. The statue bears a long inscription, which in the style of its\n      writing belongs to the archaic type represented by the Moabite\n      Stone. The contents of the inscription show that it is earlier than\n      the time of Tiglath-Pileser III. (745-727 B.C.). On Hadad, the\n      Syrian thunder-god, see F. Baethgen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur semitischen\n      Religionsgeschichte_, pp. 66-68; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der\n      Religion im Altertum_, i. 248 _sq._; M. J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les\n      Religions S\u00e9mitiques_,2 pp. 92 _sq._ That Hadad was the consort of\n      Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce is the opinion of P. Jensen\n      (_Hittiter und Armenier_, p. 171), who also indicates his character\n      as a god both of thunder and of fertility (_ib._, p. 167). The view\n      of Prof. J. Garstang is similar (_The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 25\n      _sqq._). That the name of the chief male god of Hierapolis-Bambyce\n      was Hadad is rendered almost certain by coins of the city which were\n      struck in the time of Alexander the Great by a priestly king\n      Abd-Hadad, whose name means \u201cServant of Hadad.\u201d See B. V. Head,\n      _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; J. Garstang, _The Syrian\n      Goddess_, p. 27, with fig. 5.\n\n  471 H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_,3 pp. 442-449; M. Jastrow, _Die Religion Babyloniens und\n      Assyriens_ (Giessen, 1905-1912), i. 146-150, with _Bildermappe_,\n      plate 32, fig. 97. The Assyrian relief is also figured in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, _s.v._\n      \u201cMarduk,\u201d ii. 2350. The Babylonian _ram\u00e2mu_ \u201cto scream, roar\u201d has\n      its equivalent in the Hebrew _ra\u2019am_ (\u05e8\u05e2\u05dd) \u201cto thunder.\u201d The two\n      names Adad (Hadad) and Ramman occur together in the form Hadadrimmon\n      in Zechariah, xii. 11 (with S. R. Driver\u2019s note, _Century Bible_).\n\n  472 See above, pp. 121, 123.\n\n  473 See above, p. 130. However, the animal seems to be rather a goat.\n      See above, p. 133 note.\n\n  474 See above, p. 132.\n\n  475 G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and\n      Cilicia_, pp. 181, 182, 185, 188, 190, 228.\n\n  476 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 246\n      _sq._; F. Baethgen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_,\n      pp. 76 _sqq._ The idolatrous Hebrews spread tables for Gad, that is,\n      for Fortune (Isaiah lxv. 11, Revised Version).\n\n  477 Macrobius, _Saturn_. iii. 8. 2; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632.\n\n  478 Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. 53, p. 537.\n\n  479 F. Baethgen, _op. cit._ p. 77; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of\n      North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 269.\n\n  480 See above, p. 151.\n\n M125 The Phoenician god El and his wife at Mallus in Cilicia.\n      Assimilation of native Oriental deities to Greek divinities.\n\n  481 Strabo, xiv. 5. 16, p. 675.\n\n  482 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), pp. 605 _sq._; G. F.\n      Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and\n      Cilicia_, pp. cxvii. _sqq._, 95-98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9; G.\n      Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_,\n      ii. 536 _sq._, pl. lix. 11-14. The male and female figures appear on\n      separate coins. The attribution to Mallus of the coins with the\n      female figure and conical stone has been questioned by Messrs. J. P.\n      Six and G. F. Hill. I follow the view of Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer\n      and B. V. Head. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that the\n      attribution of these coins to Mallus is no longer maintained by any\n      one. Imhoof-Blumer himself now conjecturally assigns them to\n      Aphrodisias in Cilicia, and Mr. Hill regards this conjecture as very\n      plausible. See F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Kleinasiatische M\u00fcnzen_ (Vienna,\n      1901-1902), ii. 435 _sq._ In the uncertainty which still prevails on\n      the subject I have left the text unchanged. For my purpose it\n      matters little whether this Cilician goddess was worshipped at\n      Mallus or at Aphrodisias. _Note to Second Edition._]\n\n  483 See above, pp. 34 _sq._\n\n  484 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs of wings on coins\n      of Byblus. See G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de\n      l\u2019Orient Classique_, ii. 174; M. J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les\n      Religions S\u00e9mitiques_,2 p. 72.\n\n  485 Imhoof-Blumer, _s.v._ \u201cKronos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n      griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1572; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of\n      Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. cxxii. 99, pl.\n      xvii. 2.\n\n  486 G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. cxxi. _sq._, 98, pl. xvii. 1.\n\n  487 Another native Cilician deity who masqueraded in Greek dress was\n      probably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Anazarbus, but of his true\n      nature and worship we know nothing. See W. Dittenberger, _Orientis\n      Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. p. 267, No.\n      577; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u1f0c\u03b4\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1 (where the MS. reading\n      \u039f\u03bb\u03c5\u03bc\u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 was wrongly changed by Salmasius into \u1f4c\u03bb\u03c5\u03bc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2).\n\n M126 Sarpedonian Artemis. The goddess Perasia at Hieropolis-Castabala.\n      The fire-walk in the worship of Perasia. Insensibility to pain\n      regarded as a mark of inspiration.\n\n  488 Strabo, xiv. 5. 19, p. 676. The expression of Strabo leaves it\n      doubtful whether the ministers of the goddess were men or women.\n      There was a headland called Sarpedon near the mouth of the\n      Calycadnus River in Western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p. 627,\n      xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpedon or Sarpedonian Apollo had a\n      temple and an oracle. The temple was hewn in the rock, and contained\n      an image of the god. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in\n      Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,\n      Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 100,\n      107. Probably this Sarpedonian Apollo was a native deity akin to\n      Sarpedonian Artemis.\n\n  489 E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 128-134; J. T. Bent,\n      \u201cRecent Discoveries in Eastern Cilicia,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic\n      Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 234 _sq._; E. L. Hicks, \u201cInscriptions from\n      Eastern Cilicia,\u201d _ibid._ pp. 243 _sqq._; R. Heberdey und A.\n      Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 25 _sqq._ The site of Hieropolis-Castabala\n      was first identified by J. T. Bent by means of inscriptions. As to\n      the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof-Blumer, \u201cZur M\u00fcnzkunde\n      Kilikiens,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp. 267-290; G.\n      F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and\n      Cilicia_, pp. c.-cii. 82-84, pl. xiv. 1-6; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue\n      of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 534 _sq._\n\n  490 On the difference between Hieropolis and Hierapolis see (Sir) W. M.\n      Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, pp. 84 _sq._ According\n      to him, the cities designated by such names grew up gradually round\n      a sanctuary; where Greek influence prevailed the city in time\n      eclipsed the sanctuary and became known as Hierapolis, or the Sacred\n      City, but where the native element retained its predominance the\n      city continued to be known as Hieropolis, or the City of the\n      Sanctuary.\n\n  491 E. L. Hicks, \u201cInscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 251-253; R. Heberdey und A.\n      Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 26. These writers differ somewhat in their\n      reading and restoration of the verses, which are engraved on a\n      limestone basis among the ruins. I follow the version of Messrs.\n      Heberdey and Wilhelm.\n\n  492 J. T. Bent and E. L. Hicks, _op. cit._ pp. 235, 246 _sq._; R.\n      Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 27.\n\n  493 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See above, p. 115. The Cilician\n      Castabala, the situation of which is identified by inscriptions, is\n      not mentioned by Strabo. It is very unlikely that, with his intimate\n      knowledge of Asia Minor, he should have erred so far as to place the\n      city in Cappadocia, to the north of the Taurus mountains, instead of\n      in Cilicia, to the south of them. It is more probable that there\n      were two cities of the same name, and that Strabo has omitted to\n      mention one of them. Similarly, there were two cities called Comana,\n      one in Cappadocia and one in Pontus; at both places the same goddess\n      was worshipped with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535,\n      xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The situation of the various Castabalas\n      mentioned by ancient writers is discussed by F. Imhoof-Blumer, \u201cZur\n      M\u00fcnzkunde Kilikiens,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp.\n      285-288.\n\n  494 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 37 _sq._\n\n  495 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, iii. 4.\n\n  496 Another Cilician goddess was Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alexander\n      the Great sacrificed before the battle of Issus. See Arrian,\n      _Anabasis_, ii. 5. 9; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u039c\u03ac\u03b3\u03b1\u03c1\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2; J.\n      Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 444. The name of the city seems to\n      be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Semitic word for \u201ccave\u201d\n      (\u05de\u05d2\u05e8\u05d4). As to the importance of caves in Semitic religion, see W.\n      Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 197 _sqq._ The site\n      of Magarsus appears to be at Karatash, a hill rising from the sea at\n      the southern extremity of the Cilician plain, about forty-five miles\n      due south of Adana. The walls of the city, built of great limestone\n      blocks, are standing to a height of several courses, and an\n      inscription which mentions the priests of Magarsian Athena has been\n      found on the spot. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, \u201cReisen in\n      Kilikien,\u201d _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,\n      Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 6-10.\n\n  497 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western\n      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 826 _sq._\n\n  498 The Rev. G. E. White (Missionary at Marsovan, in the ancient\n      Pontus), in a letter to me dated 19 Southmoor Road, Oxford, February\n      11, 1907.\n\n M127 The divine triad, Baal, \u2019Atheh, and Sandan, at Tarsus may have been\n      personated by priests and priestesses.\n M128 Tarsus said to have been founded by the Assyrian king Sardanapalus,\n      who burned himself on a pyre. Deaths of Babylonian and Assyrian\n      kings on the pyre.\n\n  499 Strabo, xiv. 5. 9, pp. 671 _sq._; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 5;\n      Athenaeus, xii. 39, p. 530 A, B. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._\n      \u1f08\u03b3\u03c7\u03b9\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 312, ed. G.\n      Dindorf (Bonn, 1829). The site of Anchiale has not yet been\n      discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins of a vast quadrangular\n      structure have sometimes been identified with the monument of\n      Sardanapalus. See E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 37-39;\n      G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv.\n      536 _sqq._ But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that the ruins in question\n      seem to be the concrete foundations of a Roman temple. The mistake\n      had already been pointed out by Mr. R. Koldewey. See his article,\n      \u201cDas sogenannte Grab des Sardanapal zu Tarsus,\u201d _Aus der Anomia_\n      (Berlin, 1890), pp. 178-185.\n\n  500 See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_,\n      iv. 542 _sq._ They think that the figure probably represented the\n      king in a common attitude of adoration, his right arm raised and his\n      thumb resting on his forefinger.\n\n  501 L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 17-19,\n      plates xxi.-xxv.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 492, 494 _sq._, 528-530, 547; J. Garstang, _The\n      Land of the Hittites_, pp. 107-122.\n\n  502 Prof. W. Max M\u00fcller is of opinion that the Hittite civilization and\n      the Hittite system of writing were developed in Cilicia rather than\n      in Cappadocia (_Asien und Europa_, p. 350).\n\n  503 According to Berosus and Abydenus it was not Sardanapalus\n      (Ashurbanipal) but Sennacherib who built or rebuilt Tarsus after the\n      fashion of Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to flow through the\n      midst of the city. See _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, ii. 504, iv. 282; C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-assyrische\n      Geschichte_, pp. 297 _sq._\n\n  504 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27; Athenaeus, xii. 38, p. 529; Justin, i. 3.\n\n  505 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      iii. 422 _sq._ For the inscriptions referring to him and a full\n      discussion of them, see C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), _\u0160ama\u0161-\u0161umuk\u00een,\n      K\u00f6nig von Babylonien, 668-648 v. Chr._ (Leipsic, 1892).\n\n  506 Abydenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iv.\n      282; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, i. p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf;\n      E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 576\n      _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient\n      Classique_, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele thought that the story of the\n      death of Saracus might be a popular but mistaken duplicate of the\n      death of Shamash-shumukin (_Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, pp.\n      410 _sq._). Zimri, king of Israel, also burned himself in his palace\n      to escape falling into the hands of his enemies (1 Kings xvi. 18).\n\n M129 Story that Cyrus intended to burn Croesus alive. It is unlikely that\n      the Persians would thus have polluted the sacred element of fire.\n\n  507 Herodotus, i. 86 _sq._\n\n  508 Raoul-Rochette, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de\n      l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me\n      Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 274.\n\n  509 J. Darmesteter, _The Zend-Avesta_, vol. i. (Oxford, 1880) pp.\n      lxxxvi., lxxxviii-xc. (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv.).\n\n_  510 Zend-Avesta_, _Vend\u00eed\u00e2d_, Fargard, v. 7. 39-44 (_Sacred Books of\n      the East_, iv. 60 _sq._).\n\n_  511 Zend-Avesta_, translated by J. Darmesteter, i. pp. xc. 9, 110 _sq._\n      (_Sacred Books of the East_, iv.).\n\n  512 Strabo, xv. 3. 14, p. 732. Even gold, on account of its resemblance\n      to fire, might not be brought near a corpse (_id._ xv. 3. 18, p.\n      734).\n\n M130 The older and truer tradition was that in the extremity of his\n      fortunes Croesus attempted to burn himself.\n\n  513 Sardes fell in the autumn of 546 B.C. (E. Meyer, _Geschichte des\n      Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884), p. 604). Bacchylides was probably\n      born between 512 and 505 B.C. See R. C. Jebb, _Bacchylides, the\n      Poems and Fragments_ (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 1 _sq._\n\n  514 Bacchylides, iii. 24-62.\n\n  515 F. G. Welcker, _Alte Denkm\u00e4ler_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1849-1864), iii. pl.\n      xxxiii.; A. Baumeister, _Denkm\u00e4ler des klassischen Altertums_\n      (Munich and Leipsic, 1885-1888), ii. 796, fig. 860; A. H. Smith,\n      \u201cIllustrations to Bacchylides,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,\n      xviii. (1898) pp. 267-269; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des\n      Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, iii. 618 _sq._ It is true that\n      Cambyses caused the dead body of the Egyptian king Amasis to be\n      dragged from the tomb, mangled, and burned; but the deed is\n      expressly branded by the ancient historian as an outrage on Persian\n      religion (Herodotus, iii. 16).\n\n  516 Raoul-Rochette, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de\n      l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me\n      Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 277 _sq._; M. Duncker, _Geschichte des\n      Alterthums_, iv.5 330-332; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i.\n      (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 604; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples\n      de l\u2019Orient Classique_, iii. 618.\n\n  517 Herodotus, i. 7.\n\n  518 See above, pp. 115 _sq._, 173 _sq._\n\n M131 Legend that Semiramis burnt herself on a pyre.\n\n  519 Hyginus, _Fab._ 243; Pliny, viii. 155.\n\n  520 See W. Robertson Smith, \u201cCtesias and the Semiramis Legend,\u201d _English\n      Historical Review_, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. But the legend of\n      Semiramis appears to have gathered round the person of a real\n      Assyrian queen, by name Shammuramat, who lived towards the end of\n      the ninth century B.C. and is known to us from historical\n      inscriptions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, _Die historische Semiramis\n      und ihre Zeit_ (T\u00fcbingen, 1910), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._\n      \u201cSemiramis,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, iv. 678 _sqq._; _The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._\n\n  521 See above, p. 114.\n\n  522 In ancient Greece we seem to have a reminiscence of widow-burning in\n      the legend that when the corpse of Capaneus was being consumed on\n      the pyre, his wife Evadne threw herself into the flames and\n      perished. See Euripides, _Supplices_, 980 _sqq._; Apollodorus,\n      _Bibliotheca_, iii. 7. 1; Zenobius, _Cent._ i. 30; Ovid, _Tristia_,\n      v. 14. 38.\n\n M132 The \u201cgreat burnings\u201d for Jewish kings.\n\n  523 Isaiah xxx. 33. The Revised Version has \u201ca Topheth\u201d instead of\n      \u201cTophet.\u201d But Hebrew does not possess an indefinite article (the few\n      passages of the Bible in which the Aramaic \u05d7\u05ea is so used are no\n      exception to the rule), and there is no evidence that Tophet\n      (Topheth) was ever employed in a general sense. The passage of\n      Isaiah has been rightly interpreted by W. Robertson Smith in the\n      sense indicated in the text, though he denies that it contains any\n      reference to the sacrifice of the children. See his _Lectures on the\n      Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 372 _sq._ He observes (p. 372, note\n      3): \u201cSaul\u2019s body was burned (1 Sam. xxxi. 12), possibly to save it\n      from the risk of exhumation by the Philistines, but perhaps rather\n      with a religious intention, and almost as an act of worship, since\n      his bones were buried under the sacred tamarisk at Jabesh.\u201d In 1\n      Chronicles x. 12 the tree under which the bones of Saul were buried\n      is not a tamarisk but a terebinth or an oak.\n\n  524 2 Chronicles xvi. 14, xxi. 19; Jeremiah xxxiv. 5. There is no ground\n      for assuming, as the Authorized version does in Jeremiah xxxiv. 5,\n      that only spices were burned on these occasions; indeed the burning\n      of spices is not mentioned at all in any of the three passages. The\n      \u201csweet odours and divers kinds of spices prepared by the\n      apothecaries\u2019 art,\u201d which were laid in the dead king\u2019s bed (2\n      Chronicles xvi. 14), were probably used to embalm him, not to be\n      burned at his funeral. For though \u201cgreat burnings\u201d were regularly\n      made for the dead kings of Judah, there is no evidence (apart from\n      the doubtful case of Saul) that their bodies were cremated. They are\n      regularly said to have been buried, not burnt. The passage of Isaiah\n      seems to show that what was burned at a royal funeral was a great,\n      but empty, pyre. That the burnings for the kings formed part of a\n      heathen custom was rightly perceived by Renan (_Histoire du peuple\n      d\u2019Israel_, iii. 121, note).\n\n  525 Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ v. 4. 1. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._\n      \u201cJerusalem,\u201d vol. ii. 2423 _sq._\n\n  526 As to the Moloch worship, see Note I. at the end of the volume. I\n      have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for indicating to me\n      the inference which may be drawn from the identification of the\n      Valley of Hinnom with the Tyropoeon.\n\n M133 The great burnings for Jewish Rabbis at Meiron in Galilee.\n\n  527 W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and\n      Phoenicia_ (London, 1883), pp. 575-579; Ed. Robinson, _Biblical\n      Researches in Palestine_3 (London, 1867), ii. 430. _sq._; K.\n      Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 255.\n\n  528 Herodotus, v. 92. 7.\n\n  529 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), pp. 73-76.\n\n M134 Death by fire regarded by the ancients as a kind of apotheosis. Fire\n      was supposed to purge away the mortal parts of men, leaving the\n      immortal.\n\n  530 This view was maintained long ago by Raoul-Rochette in regard to the\n      deaths both of Sardanapalus and of Croesus. He supposed that \u201cthe\n      Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last extremity, wished, by the mode\n      of death which he chose, to give to his sacrifice the form of an\n      apotheosis and to identify himself with the national god of his\n      country by allowing himself to be consumed, like him, on a pyre....\n      Thus mythology and history would be combined in a legend in which\n      the god and the monarch would finally be confused. There is nothing\n      in this which is not conformable to the ideas and habits of Asiatic\n      civilization.\u201d See his memoir, \u201cSur l\u2019Hercule Assyrien et\n      Ph\u00e9nicien,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et\n      Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxi\u00e8me Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 247 _sq._,\n      271 _sqq._ The notion of regeneration by fire was fully recognized\n      by Raoul-Rochette (_op. cit._ pp. 30 _sq._). It deserves to be noted\n      that Croesus burned on a huge pyre the great and costly offerings\n      which he dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He thought, says Herodotus\n      (i. 50), that in this way the god would get possession of the\n      offerings.\n\n  531 As to Isis see Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 16. As to Demeter see\n      Homer, _Hymn to Demeter_, 231-262; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 5.\n      1; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see Apollonius Rhodius,\n      _Argon_, iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, _Bibl._ iii. 13. 6. Most of these\n      writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the\n      mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03af\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c3\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. Apollodorus says (i. 5. 1), \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\n      \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b2\u03c1\u03ad\u03c6\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u1fc4\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c3\u03ac\u03c1\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6, and again (iii. 13.\n      6), \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1 \u1f10\u03b3\u03ba\u03c1\u03c5\u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b1 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bd\u03c5\u03ba\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c6\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03b5\u03bd \u1f42 \u1f26\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd\n      \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u1ff7\u03bf\u03bd. Apollonius Rhodius says,\n\n      \u1f21 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03ac\u03c1\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f14\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03b5\u03bd \u03bd\u03cd\u03ba\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03bd \u03c6\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03bc\u1ff7\n      \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2.\n\n      And Ovid has,\n\n      \u201c_Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla Obruit, humanum purget ut\n      ignis onus._\u201d\n\n      On the custom of passing children over a fire as a purification, see\n      my note, \u201cThe Youth of Achilles,\u201d _Classical Review_, vii. (1893)\n      pp. 293 sq. On the purificatory virtue which the Greeks ascribed to\n      fire see also Erwin Rohde, _Psyche_3 (T\u00fcbingen and Leipsic, 1903),\n      ii. 101, note 2. The Warramunga of Central Australia have a\n      tradition of a great man who \u201cused to burn children in the fire so\n      as to make them grow strong\u201d (B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The\n      Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, London, 1904, p. 429).\n\n  532 She is said to have thus restored the youth of her husband Jason,\n      her father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Dionysus, and all their\n      husbands (Euripides, _Medea_, Argum.; Scholiast on Aristophanes,\n      _Knights_, 1321; compare Plautus, _Pseudolus_, 879 _sqq._); and she\n      applied the same process with success to an old ram (Apollodorus,\n      _Bibl._ i. 9. 27; Pausanias, viii. 11. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 24).\n\n  533 Pindar, _Olymp._ i. 40 _sqq._, with the Scholiast; J. Tzetzes,\n      _Schol. on Lycophron_, 152.\n\n  534 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, v. 12.\n\n  535 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 27 _sq._\n\n  536 Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 _sq._\n\n  537 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 25; Strabo, xv. 1. 64 and 68, pp. 715,\n      717; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii. 3.\n\n_  538 The Dying God_, pp. 42 _sqq._\n\n M135 The Lydian kings seem to have claimed divinity on the ground of\n      their descent from Hercules, the god of the double-axe and of the\n      lion; and this Lydian Hercules or Sandon appears to have been the\n      same with the Cilician Sandan. Lydian kings held responsible for the\n      weather and the crops.\n\n  539 Herodotus, i. 7.\n\n  540 Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64.\n\n  541 See above, p. 144, note 2.\n\n  542 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 45. Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped\n      at the village of Labraunda, situated in a pass over the mountains,\n      near Mylasa in Caria. The temple was ancient. A road called the\n      Sacred Way led downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a city of white\n      marble temples and colonnades which stood in a fertile plain at the\n      foot of a precipitous mountain, where the marble was quarried.\n      Processions bearing the holy emblems went to and fro along the\n      Sacred Way from Mylasa to Labraunda. See Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658\n      _sq._ The double-headed axe figures on the ruins and coins of Mylasa\n      (Ch. Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, p.\n      75; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, pp. 528 _sq._). A\n      horseman carrying a double-headed axe is a type which occurs on the\n      coins of many towns in Lydia and Phrygia. At Thyatira this\n      axe-bearing hero was called Tyrimnus, and games were held in his\n      honour. He was identified with Apollo and the sun. See B. V. Head,\n      _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), p. cxxviii.\n      On a coin of Mostene in Lydia the double-headed axe is represented\n      between a bunch of grapes and ears of corn, as if it were an emblem\n      of fertility (B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 162, pl. xvii. 11).\n\n  543 L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 141\n      _sq._ As to the Hittite thunder-god and his axe see above, pp. 134\n      _sqq._\n\n  544 Nicolaus Damascenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, iii. 382 _sq._\n\n_  545 Ibid._ iii. 381.\n\n M136 The lion-god of Lydia.\n\n  546 Herodotus, i. 84.\n\n  547 Eusebius, _Chronic._ i. 69, ed. A. Schoene (Berlin, 1866-1875).\n\n  548 Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes there was a stone lion which was said to\n      have been dedicated by Hercules (Pausanias, ix. 17. 2).\n\n  549 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 553; _id._,\n      _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), pp. xcviii,\n      239, 240, 241, 244, 247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv. 9-11, 13,\n      XXV. 2, 12, xxvii. 8.\n\n M137 Identity of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules.\n\n  550 See above, p. 143.\n\n M138 The Cilician and Lydian Hercules (Sandan or Sandon) seems to have\n      been a Hittite deity.\n\n  551 Herodotus, ii. 106; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art\n      dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. 742-752; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus\n      Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii.,\n      xxxviii.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 170-173, with\n      plate liv.\n\n  552 Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13. 7 with my note; G. Perrot et Ch.\n      Chipiez, _op. cit._ iv. 752-759; L. Messerschmidt, _op. cit._ pp. 37\n      _sq._, pl. xxxix. 1; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp.\n      167-170, with plate liii. Unlike most Hittite sculptures the figure\n      of Mother Plastene is carved almost in the round. The inscriptions\n      which accompany both these Lydian monuments are much defaced.\n\n  553 The suggestion that the Heraclid kings of Lydia were Hittites, or\n      under Hittite influence, is not novel. See W. Wright, _Empire of the\n      Hittites_, p. 59; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i.\n      (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 307, \u00a7 257; Fr. Hommel, _Grundriss der\n      Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 54, note 2; L.\n      Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 22.\n\n M139 Death and resurrection of the Lydian hero Tylon. Feast of the Golden\n      Flower at Sardes.\n\n  554 See above, pp. 110 _sqq._\n\n  555 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 27. 1.\n\n  556 Nonnus, _Dionys._ xxv. 451-551; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxv. 14. The\n      story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, an early\n      historian of Lydia.\n\n  557 Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was restored to life by the seer\n      Polyidus, who learned the trick from a serpent. See Apollodorus,\n      _Bibliotheca_, iii. 3. 1. For references to other tales of the same\n      sort see my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 _sq._).\n      The serpent\u2019s acquaintance with the tree of life in the garden of\n      Eden perhaps belongs to the same cycle of stories.\n\n  558 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cxi-cxiii,\n      with pl. xxvii. 12. On the coins the champion\u2019s name appears as\n      Masnes or Masanes, but the reading is doubtful. The name Masnes\n      occurred in Xanthus\u2019s history of Lydia (_Fragmenta Historicorum\n      Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iv. 629). It is probably the same with\n      Manes, the name of a son of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have been\n      the first king of Lydia (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i.\n      27. 1). Manes was the father of King Atys (Herodotus, i. 94). Thus\n      Tylon was connected with the royal family of Lydia through his\n      champion as well as in the ways mentioned in the text.\n\n  559 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _l.c._\n\n  560 See above, p. 183.\n\n  561 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, p. cxiii.\n\n  562 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cx, cxiii.\n      The festival seems to be mentioned only on coins.\n\n  563 See above, p. 154.\n\n  564 V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_7 (Berlin, 1902), p. 261. He\n      would derive the name from the Semitic, or at all events the\n      Cilician language. The Hebrew word for saffron is _kark\u00f4m_. As to\n      the spring flowers of North-Western Asia Minor, W. M. Leake remarks\n      (April 1, 1800) that \u201cprimroses, violets, and crocuses, are the only\n      flowers to be seen\u201d (_Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor_, London,\n      1824, p. 143). Near Mylasa in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20, 1840)\n      the broom covered with yellow blossoms and a great variety of\n      anemones, like \u201ca rich Turkey carpet, in which the green grass did\n      not form a prominent colour amidst the crimson, lilac, blue,\n      scarlet, white, and yellow flowers\u201d (Ch. Fellows, _An Account of\n      Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, pp. 65, 66). In February the\n      yellow stars of _Gagea arvensis_ cover the rocky and grassy grounds\n      of Lycia, and the field-marigold often meets the eye. At the same\n      season in Lycia the shrub _Colutea arborescens_ opens its yellow\n      flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_\n      (London, 1847), ii. 133. I must leave it to others to identify the\n      Golden Flower of Sardes.\n\n M140 The custom of burning a god may have been intended to recruit his\n      divine energies.\n M141 The custom of burning a god may have stood in some relation to\n      volcanic phenomena.\n M142 The great extinct volcano Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia.\n\n  565 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount Argaeus still retains its ancient\n      name in slightly altered forms (_Ardjeh_, _Erdjich_, _Erj\u00e4us_). Its\n      height is about 13,000 feet. In the nineteenth century it was\n      ascended by at least two English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and H.\n      F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and\n      Armenia_, ii. 269-281; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern\n      Asia Minor_, pp. 94, 113-131; \u00c9lis\u00e9e Reclus, _Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie\n      Universelle_ (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 476-478. A Hittite inscription\n      is carved at a place called Tope Nefezi, near Asarjik, on the slope\n      of Mount Argaeus. See J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp.\n      152 _sq._\n\n  566 H. F. Tozer, _op. cit._ pp. 125-127.\n\n M143 Persian fire-worship in Cappadocia. Worship of natural fires which\n      burn perpetually. The perpetual fires of Baku.\n\n  567 Strabo, xv. 3. 14 _sq._, pp. 732 _sq._ A bundle of twigs, called the\n      Barsom (_Beresma_ in the Avesta), is still used by the Parsee\n      priests in chanting their liturgy. See M. Haug, _Essays on the\n      Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis_3 (London,\n      1884), pp. 4, note 1, 283. When a potter in Southern India is making\n      a pot which is to be worshipped as a household deity, he \u201cshould\n      close his mouth with a bandage, so that his breath may not defile\n      the pot.\u201d See E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_\n      (Madras, 1909), iv. 151.\n\n  568 Baron Charles H\u00fcgel, _Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab_ (London,\n      1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, _Things Indian_ (London, 1906), p. 219.\n\n  569 Jonas Hanway, _An Historical Account of the British Trade over the\n      Caspian Sea: with the Author\u2019s Journal of Travels_, Second Edition\n      (London, 1754), i. 263. For later descriptions of the fires and\n      fire-worshippers of Baku, see J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des\n      Kaukasus_ (Gotha, Hildesheim, and St. Petersburg, 1796-1797), i.\n      151-159; A. von Haxthausen, _Transkaukasia_ (Leipsic, 1856), ii.\n      80-85. Compare W. Crooke, _Things Indian_, p. 219.\n\n M144 The Burnt Land of Lydia.\n\n  570 Strabo, xii. 8. 18 _sq._, p. 579; xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. The wine of\n      the district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii. 3. 12) and Pliny\n      (_Nat. Hist._ xiv. 75).\n\n  571 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.\n      136-140, ii. 131-138. One of the three recent cones described by\n      Strabo is now called the _Kara Devlit_, or Black Inkstand. Its top\n      is about 2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 feet above the\n      surrounding plain. The adjoining town of Koula, built of the black\n      lava on which it stands, has a sombre and dismal look. Another of\n      the cones, almost equally high, has a crater of about half a mile in\n      circumference and three or four hundred feet deep.\n\n  572 Strabo, xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. Compare his account of the Catanian\n      vineyards (vi. 2. 3, p. 269).\n\n M145 Earthquakes in Asia Minor. Worship of Poseidon, the earthquake god.\n\n  573 Strabo, xii. 8. 16-18, pp. 578 _sq._; xiii. 4. 10 _sq._, p. 628.\n\n  574 Strabo, xii. 8. 18, p. 579. Compare Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 58.\n\n  575 Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare Plutarch, _De Pythiae oraculis_,\n      11; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 202; Justin, xxx. 4. The event seems to\n      have happened in 197 B.C. Several other islands are known to have\n      appeared in the same bay both in ancient and modern times. So far as\n      antiquity is concerned, the dates of their appearance are given by\n      Pliny, but some confusion on the subject has crept into his mind, or\n      rather, perhaps, into his text. See the discussion of the subject in\n      W. Smith\u2019s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873),\n      ii. 1158-1160. As to the eruptions in the bay of Santorin, the last\n      of which occurred in 1866 and produced a new island, see Sir Charles\n      Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), i. 51, ii. 65\n      _sqq._; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von\n      Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 272 _sqq._ There is a monograph\n      on Santorin and its eruptions (F. Fouqu\u00e9, _Santorin et ses\n      \u00e9ruptions_, Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief but striking\n      account of Rhodes, its architecture, its art-treasures, and its\n      constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 _sq._). As to the Rhodian schools\n      of art see H. Brunn, _Geschichte der griechischen K\u00fcnstler_\n      (Stuttgart, 1857-1859), i. 459 _sqq._, ii. 233 _sqq._, 286 _sq._\n\n  576 Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 682; Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, vii. 21. 7;\n      Plutarch, _Theseus_, 36; Aristides, _Isthmic._ vol. i. p. 29, ed. G.\n      Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829); Appian, _Bell. Civ._ v. 98; Macrobius,\n      _Saturn._ i. 17. 22; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), ii. p. 230, No. 543.\n\n  577 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 22.\n\n M146 Spartan propitiation of Poseidon during an earthquake.\n\n  578 Xenophon, _Hellenica_, iv. 7. 4. As to the Spartan headquarters\n      staff (\u03bf\u1f31 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03b4\u03b1\u03bc\u03bf\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd), see _id._ iv. 5. 8, vi. 4. 14; Xenophon,\n      _Respublica Lacedaem_. xiii. 1, xv. 4. Usually the Spartans desisted\n      from any enterprise they had in hand when an earthquake happened\n      (Thucydides, iii. 59. 1, v. 50. 5, vi. 95. 1).\n\n  579 Thucydides, v. 70. 1. The use of the music, Thucydides tells us, was\n      not to inspire the men, but to enable them to keep step, and so to\n      march in close order. Without music a long line of battle was apt to\n      straggle in advancing to the charge. As missiles were little used in\n      Greek warfare, there was no need to hurry the advance over the\n      intervening ground; so it was made deliberately and with the bands\n      playing. The air to which the Spartans charged was called Castor\u2019s\n      tune. It was the king in person who gave the word for the flutes to\n      strike up. See Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 22.\n\n  580 Xenophon, _Respublica Lacedaem_. xi. 3; Aristophanes, _Lysistrata_,\n      1140; Aristotle, cited by a scholiast on Aristophanes, _Acharn._\n      320; Plutarch, _Instituta Laconica_, 24. When a great earthquake had\n      destroyed the city of Sparta and the Messenians were in revolt, the\n      Spartans sent a messenger to Athens asking for help. Aristophanes\n      (_Lysistrata_, 1138 _sqq._) describes the man as if he had seen him,\n      sitting as a suppliant on the altar with his pale face and his red\n      coat.\n\n  581 I have assumed that the sun shone on the Spartans at Thermopylae.\n      For the battle was fought in the height of summer, when the Greek\n      sky is generally cloudless, and on that particular morning the\n      weather was very still. The evening before, the Persians had sent\n      round a body of troops by a difficult pass to take the Spartans in\n      the rear; day was breaking when they neared the summit, and the\n      first intimation of their approach which reached the ears of the\n      Phocian guards posted on the mountain was the loud crackling of\n      leaves under their feet in the oak forest. Moreover, the famous\n      Spartan saying about fighting in the shade of the Persian arrows,\n      which obscured the sun, points to bright, hot weather. It was at\n      high noon, and therefore probably in the full blaze of the mid-day\n      sun, that the last march-out took place. See Herodotus, vii.\n      215-226; and as to the date of the battle (about the time of the\n      Olympic games) see Herodotus, vii. 206, viii. 12 and 26; G. Busolt,\n      _Griechische Geschichte_, ii.2 (Gotha, 1895) p. 673, note 9.\n\n M147 Modes of stopping an earthquake by informing the god or giant that\n      there are still men on the earth.\n\n  582 S. M\u00fcller, _Reizen en Onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_\n      (Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 264 _sq._ Compare A. Bastian, _Indonesien_\n      (Berlin, 1884-1889), ii. 3. The beliefs and customs of the East\n      Indian peoples in regard to earthquakes have been described by G. A.\n      Wilken, _Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel_,\n      Tweede Stuk (Leyden, 1885), pp. 247-254; _id._, _Verspreide\n      Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 274-281. Compare _id._,\n      _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_ (Leyden, 1893), pp. 604 _sq._; and on primitive\n      conceptions of earthquakes in general, E. B. Tylor, _Primitive\n      Culture_2 (London, 1873), i. 364-366; R. Lasch, \u201cDie Ursache und\n      Bedeutung der Erdbeben im Volksglauben und Volksbrauch,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, v. (1902) pp. 236-257, 369-383.\n\n  583 Epiphanius, _Adversus Haereses_, ii. 2. 23 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Graeca_, xlii. 68).\n\n  584 H. N. van der Tuuk, \u201cNotes on the Kawi Language and Literature,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xiii. (1881) p. 50.\n\n  585 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 398; compare _id._ pp. 330, 428.\n\n  586 G. Bamler, \u201cTami,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.\n      (Berlin, 1911) p. 492.\n\n  587 Mrs. Leslie Milne, _Shans at Home_ (London, 1910), p. 54.\n\n  588 De St. Cricq, \u201cVoyage du P\u00e9rou au Br\u00e9sil par les fleuves Ucayali et\n      Amazone, Indiens Conibos,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), ive S\u00e9rie, vi. (1853) p. 292.\n\n  589 Miss Alice Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,\n      1906), p. 56.\n\n  590 Mgr. Lechaptois, _Aux Rives du Tanganika_ (Algiers, 1913), p. 217.\n\n  591 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 313 _sq._\n\n M148 Conduct of the Bataks during an earthquake.\n\n  592 W. K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie batakschen G\u00f6tter und ihr Verh\u00e4ltniss zum\n      Brahmanismus,\u201d _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) p.\n      405.\n\n  593 G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet Animisme bij de volken van den Indischen\n      Archipel,\u201d _Verspreide Geschriften_, ii. 279; H. N. van der Tuuk,\n      _op. cit._ pp. 49 _sq._\n\n M149 Various modes of prevailing upon the earthquake god to stop.\n\n  594 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDe Topantunuasu of oorspronkelijke Volkstammen van\n      Central Selebes,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxv. (1886) p. 95.\n\n  595 John Williams, _Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea\n      Islands_ (London, 1838), p. 379.\n\n  596 G. Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 211; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of\n      the United States Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York,\n      1851), ii. 131.\n\n  597 A. Schadenburg, \u201cDie Bewohner von S\u00fcd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 32.\n\n  598 W. Mariner, _Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_, Second\n      Edition (London, 1818), ii. 112 _sq._\n\n  599 Sangermano, _Description of the Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon, 1885), p.\n      130.\n\n  600 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die K\u00fcstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_\n      (Hiltrup bei M\u00fcnster, N.D.), p. 336.\n\n  601 A. Pinart, \u201cLes Indiens de l\u2019\u00c9tat de Panama,\u201d _Revue\n      d\u2019Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 119.\n\n  602 E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,\n      1892) p. 469.\n\n  603 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London,\n      1887), pp. 35 _sq._\n\n M150 Religious and moral effects of earthquakes.\n\n  604 J. Jackson, in J. E. Erskine\u2019s _Journal of a Cruise among the\n      Islands of the Western Pacific_ (London, 1853), p. 473. My friend,\n      the late Mr. Lorimer Fison, wrote to me (December 15, 1906) that the\n      name of the Fijian earthquake god is Maui, not A Dage, as Jackson\n      says. Mr. Fison adds, \u201cI have seen Fijians stamping and smiting the\n      ground and yelling at the top of their voices in order to rouse\n      him.\u201d\n\n  605 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, \u201cVerslag omtrent het\n      eiland Nias,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 118; Th. C.\n      Rappard, \u201cHet eiland Nias en zijne bewoners,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de\n      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, lxii. (1909) p.\n      582. In Soerakarta, a district of Java, when an earthquake takes\n      place the people lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, and lick\n      it with their tongues so long as the earthquake lasts. This they do\n      in order that they may not lose their teeth prematurely. See J. W.\n      Winter, \u201cBeknopte Beschrijving van het hof Soerokarta in 1824,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, liv. (1902) p. 85. The connexion of ideas in\n      this custom is not clear.\n\n M151 The god of the sea and of the earthquake naturally conceived as one.\n\n  606 On this question see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische\n      Geographie von Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 332-336. As to the\n      frequency of earthquakes in Achaia and Asia Minor see Seneca,\n      _Epist._ xiv. 3. 9; and as to Achaia in particular see C. Neumann\n      und J. Partsch, _op. cit._ pp. 324-326. On the coast of Achaia there\n      was a chain of sanctuaries of Poseidon (L. Preller, _Griechische\n      Mythologie_, i.4 575).\n\n  607 See Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 ii. 147 _sqq._; J.\n      Milne, _Earthquakes_ (London, 1886), pp. 165 _sqq._\n\n  608 See, for example, Thucydides, iii. 89.\n\n  609 Strabo, viii. 7. 1 _sq._, pp. 384 _sq._; Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49;\n      Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 19; Pausanias, vii. 24. 5 _sq._ and 12,\n      vii. 25. 1 and 4.\n\n  610 Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49. 4 _sq._ Among the most famous seats of the\n      worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese were Taenarum in Laconia, Helice\n      in Achaia, Mantinea in Arcadia, and the island of Calauria, off the\n      coast of Troezen. See Pausanias, ii. 33. 2, iii. 25. 4-8, vii. 24. 5\n      _sq._, viii. 10. 2-4. Laconia as well as Achaia has suffered much\n      from earthquakes, and it contained many sanctuaries of Poseidon. We\n      may suppose that the deity was worshipped here chiefly as the\n      earthquake god, since the rugged coasts of Laconia are ill adapted\n      to maritime enterprise, and the Lacedaemonians were never a\n      seafaring folk. See C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische\n      Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 330 _sq._, 335 _sq._ For Laconian\n      sanctuaries of Poseidon see Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, iii. 12. 5, iii.\n      14. 2 and 7, iii. 15. 10, iii. 20. 2, iii. 21. 5, iii. 25. 4.\n\n M152 Poisonous mephitic vapours.\n\n  611 Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 391 _sqq._, 590.\n\n  612 \u201cExtract from a Letter of Mr. Alexander Loudon,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Geographical Society_, ii. (1832) pp. 60-62; Sir Ch. Lyell,\n      _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 590.\n\n  613 Sir Ch. Lyell, _l.c._\n\n M153 Places of Pluto or Charon. The valley of Amsanctus.\n\n  614 Lucretius, vi. 738 _sqq._\n\n  615 Strabo, v. 4. 5, p. 244, xii. 8. 17, p. 579, xiii. 4. 14, p. 629,\n      xiv. 1. 11 and 44, pp. 636, 649; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 36.\n      79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208. Compare [Aristotle,] _De mundo_, 4,\n      p. 395 B, ed. Bekker.\n\n  616 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 84, who says that some people looked\n      on Mefitis as a god, the male partner of Leucotho\u00eb, to whom he stood\n      as Adonis to Venus or as Virbius to Diana. As to Mefitis see L.\n      Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 144 _sq._;\n      R. Peter, _s.v._ \u201cMefitis\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech.\n      und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 2519 _sqq._\n\n  617 Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 563-571, with the commentary of Servius; Cicero,\n      _De divinatione_, i. 36. 79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208.\n\n  618 Letter of Mr. Hamilton (British Envoy at the Court of Naples), in\n      _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, ii. (1832) pp. 62-65;\n      W. Smith\u2019s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, i. 127; H.\n      Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_ (Berlin, 1883-1902), i. 242, 271,\n      ii. 819 _sq._ Another place in Italy infested by poisonous\n      exhalations is the grotto called _dei cani_ at Naples. It is\n      described by Addison in his \u201cRemarks on Several Parts of Italy\u201d\n      (_Works_, London, 1811, vol. ii. pp. 89-91).\n\n M154 Sanctuaries of Charon or Pluto in Caria.\n\n  619 Strabo, xiv. 1. 11, p. 636.\n\n  620 Strabo, xiv. 1. 44, pp. 649 _sq._ A coin of Nysa shows the bull\n      carried to the sacrifice by six naked youths and preceded by a naked\n      flute-player. See B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of\n      Lydia_, pp. lxxxiii. 181, pl. xx. 10. Strabo was familiar with this\n      neighbourhood, for he tells us (xiv. 1. 48, p. 650) that in his\n      youth he studied at Nysa under the philosopher Aristodemus.\n\n M155 Sanctuary of Pluto at the Lydian or Phrygian Hierapolis.\n\n  621 Some of the ancients assigned Hierapolis to Lydia, and others to\n      Phrygia (W. M. Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i.\n      (Oxford, 1895) pp. 84 _sq._\n\n  622 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629 _sq._; Dio Cassius, lxviii. 27. 3;\n      Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 18.\n\n M156 The hot springs and petrified cascades of Hierapolis.\n\n  623 Ammianus Marcellinus (_l.c._) speaks as if the cave no longer\n      existed in his time.\n\n M157 The hot pool of Hierapolis with its deadly exhalations.\n M158 Deposits left by the waters of Hierapolis.\n\n  624 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629, 630; Vitruvius, viii. 3. 10. For\n      modern descriptions of Hierapolis see R. Chandler, _Travels in Asia\n      Minor_2 (London, 1776), pp. 228-235; Ch. Fellows, _Journal written\n      during an Excursion in Asia Minor_ (London, 1839), pp. 283-285; W.\n      J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.\n      517-521; E. Renan, _Saint Paul_, pp. 357 _sq._; E. J. Davis,\n      _Anatolica_ (London, 1874), pp. 97-112; \u00c9. Reclus, _Nouvelle\n      G\u00e9ographie Universelle_, ix. 510-512; W. Cochran, _Pen and Pencil\n      Sketches in Asia Minor_ (London, 1887), pp. 387-390; W. M. Ramsay,\n      _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. 84 _sqq._ The temperature of\n      the hot pool varies from 85 to 90 degrees Fahrenheit. The volcanic\n      district of Tuscany which skirts the Apennines abounds in hot\n      calcareous springs which have produced phenomena like those of\n      Hierapolis. Indeed the whole ground is in some places coated over\n      with tufa and travertine, which have been deposited by the water,\n      and, like the ground at Hierapolis, it sounds hollow under the foot.\n      See Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 397 _sqq._ As to\n      the terraces of Rotomahana in New Zealand, which were destroyed by\n      an eruption of Mount Taravera in 1886, see R. Taylor, _Te Ika A\n      Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_2 (London, 1870), pp.\n      464-469.\n\n M159 Hercules the patron of hot springs.\n\n  625 Athenaeus, xii. 6. p. 512.\n\n  626 Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1044-1054.\n\n  627 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1050; Scholiast on Pindar,\n      _Olymp._ xii. 25; Suidas and Hesychius, _s.v._ \u1f29\u03c1\u03ac\u03ba\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1 \u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c4\u03c1\u03ac;\n      Apostolius, viii. 66; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch,\n      _Proverbia Alexandrinorum_, 21; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3.\n      4. Another story was that Hercules, like Moses, produced the water\n      by smiting the rock with his club (Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._\n      4).\n\n  628 Apostolius, viii. 68; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch,\n      _Proverbia Alexandrinorum_, 21.\n\n  629 Lucian, _Dialogi Deorum_, 13.\n\n M160 Hot springs of Hercules at Thermopylae.\n\n  630 Strabo, ix. 4. 13, p. 428.\n\n  631 Herodotus, vii. 176; Pausanias, iv. 35. 9; Philostratus, _Vit.\n      Sophist._ ii. 1. 9.\n\n  632 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1050.\n\n  633 I have described Thermopylae as I saw it in November 1895. Compare\n      W. M. Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_ (London, 1835), ii. 33\n      _sqq._; E. Dodwell, _Classical and Topographical Tour through\n      Greece_ (London, 1819), ii. 66 _sqq._; K. G. Fiedler, _Reise durch\n      alle Theile des K\u00f6nigreichs Griechenland_ (Leipsic, 1840-1841), i.\n      207 _sqq._; L. Ross, _Wanderungen in Griechenland_ (Halle, 1851), i.\n      90 _sqq._; C. Bursian, _Geographie von Griechenland_ (Leipsic,\n      1862-1872), i. 92 _sqq._\n\n M161 Hot springs of Hercules at Aedepsus.\n\n  634 Thucydides, iii. 87 and 89; Strabo, i. 3. 20, pp. 60 _sq._; C.\n      Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_,\n      pp. 321-323.\n\n  635 Aristotle, _Meteora_, ii. 8, p. 366 A, ed. Bekker; Strabo, ix. 4. 2,\n      p. 425. Aristotle expressly recognized the connexion of the springs\n      with earthquakes, which he tells us were very common in this\n      district. As to the earthquakes of Euboea see also Thucydides, iii.\n      87, 89; Strabo, i. 3. 16 and 20, pp. 58, 60 _sq._\n\n  636 Plutarch, _Sulla_, 26.\n\n  637 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviviales_, iv. 4. 1; _id._, _De fraterno\n      Amore_, 17.\n\n  638 As to the hot springs of Aedepsus (the modern _Lipso_) see K. G.\n      Fiedler, _Reise durch alle Theile des K\u00f6nigreichs Griechenland_, i.\n      487-492; H. N. Ulrichs, _Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland_\n      (Bremen, 1840\u2014Berlin, 1863), ii. 233-235; C. Bursian, _Geographie\n      von Griechenland_, ii. 409; C. Neumann und J. Partsch,\n      _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 342-344.\n\n  639 Strabo, i. 3. 20, p. 60.\n\n  640 Athenaeus, iii. 4, p. 73 E, D.\n\n M162 Reasons for the association of Hercules with hot springs.\n\n  641 The hot springs of Himera (the modern _Termini_) were said to have\n      been produced for the refreshment of the weary Hercules. See\n      Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3. 4; Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._\n      xii. 25. The hero is said to have taught the Syracusans to sacrifice\n      a bull annually to Persephone at the Blue Spring (_Cyane_) near\n      Syracuse; the beasts were drowned in the water of the pool. See\n      Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 4, v. 4. 1 _sq._ As to the spring, which\n      is now thickly surrounded by tall papyrus-plants introduced by the\n      Arabs, see K. Baedeker, _Southern Italy_7 (Leipsic, 1880), pp. 356,\n      357.\n\n  642 The splendid baths of Allifae in Samnium, of which there are\n      considerable remains, were sacred to Hercules. See G. Wilmanns,\n      _Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_ (Berlin, 1873), vol. i. p. 227,\n      No. 735 C; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. 798. It is\n      characteristic of the volcanic nature of the springs that the same\n      inscription which mentions these baths of Hercules records their\n      destruction by an earthquake.\n\n  643 H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i.\n      (Berlin, 1902) p. 113, No. 3891.\n\n  644 Speaking of thermal springs Lyell observes that the description of\n      them \u201cmight almost with equal propriety have been given under the\n      head of \u2018igneous causes,\u2019 as they are agents of a mixed nature,\n      being at once igneous and aqueous\u201d (_Principles of Geology_,12 i.\n      392).\n\n  645 See above, p. 194.\n\n M163 The hot springs of Callirrhoe in Moab.\n\n  646 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, New\n      York, and Toronto, 1902), pp. 116 _sq._; Mrs. H. H. Spoer, \u201cThe\n      Powers of Evil in Jerusalem,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xviii. (1907) p. 55. See\n      above, p. 78.\n\n  647 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xvii. 6. 5. The medical properties of the\n      spring are mentioned by Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ v. 72).\n\n  648 C. L. Irby and J. Mangles, _Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and\n      the Holy Land_ (London, 1844), pp. 144 _sq._; W. Smith, _Dictionary\n      of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873), i. 482, _s.v._\n      \u201cCallirrho\u00eb\u201d; K. Baedeker, _Syria and Palestine_4 (Leipsic, 1906),\n      p. 148; H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Moab_ (London, 1873), pp.\n      233-250, 285 _sqq._; Jacob E. Spafford, \u201cAround the Dead Sea by\n      Motor Boat,\u201d _The Geographical Journal_, xxxix. (1912) pp. 39 _sq._\n      The river formed by the springs is now called the Zerka.\n\n M164 Prayers and sacrifices offered to the hot springs of Callirrhoe.\n\n  649 Antonin Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,\n      1908), pp. 359 _sq._ The Arabs think that the evil spirits let the\n      hot water out of hell, lest its healing properties should assuage\n      the pains of the damned. See H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Moab_\n      (London, 1873), p. 247.\n\n M165 Worship of volcanic phenomena in other lands.\n M166 The great volcano of Kirauea in Hawaii.\n\n  650 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n      1832-1836), iv. 235 _sqq._ Mr. Ellis was the first European to visit\n      and describe the tremendous volcano. His visit was paid in the year\n      1823. Compare _The Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xi. 531.\n\n  651 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 246 _sq._\n\n M167 The divinities of the volcano. Offerings to the volcano. Priestess\n      impersonating the goddess of the volcano.\n\n  652 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 248-250.\n\n  653 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 207, 234-236. The berries resemble currants\n      in shape and size and grow on low bushes. \u201cThe branches small and\n      clear, leaves alternate, obtuse with a point, and serrated; the\n      flower was monopetalous, and, on being examined, determined the\n      plant to belong to the class _decandria_ and order _monogynia_. The\n      native name of the plant is _ohelo_\u201d (W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 234).\n\n  654 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 263.\n\n  655 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 350.\n\n  656 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 309-311.\n\n  657 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 361.\n\n M168 Sacrifices to volcanoes. Human victims thrown into volcanoes. Annual\n      sacrifices to the volcano Bromo in Java.\n\n  658 Fernandez de Oviedo y Vald\u00e9s, _Historia General y Natural de las\n      Indias_ (Madrid, 1851-1855), iv. 74.\n\n  659 A. C. Kruijt, _Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel_ (The Hague,\n      1906), pp. 497 _sq._\n\n  660 W. B. d\u2019Almeida, _Life in Java_ (London, 1864), i. 166-173.\n\n  661 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, \u201cDie T\u0115ngg\u0115resen, ein alter Javanischer\n      Volksstamm,\u201d _Bijdragentot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, liii. (1901) pp. 84, 144-147.\n\n  662 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, _op. cit._ pp. 100 _sq._\n\n M169 Other sacrifices to volcanoes.\n\n  663 I. A. Stigand, \u201cThe Volcano of Smeroe, Java,\u201d _The Geographical\n      Journal_, xxviii. (1906) pp. 621, 624.\n\n  664 Pausanias, iii. 23. 9. Some have thought that Pausanias confused the\n      crater of Etna with the _Lago di Naftia_, a pool near Palagonia in\n      the interior of Sicily, of which the water, impregnated with naphtha\n      and sulphur, is thrown into violent ebullition by jets of volcanic\n      gas. See [Aristotle,] _Mirab. Auscult._ 57; Macrobius, _Saturn._ v.\n      19. 26 _sqq._; Diodorus Siculus, xi. 89; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._\n      \u03a0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae; E. H. Bunbury, _s.v._ \u201cPalicorum Iacus,\u201d in W. Smith\u2019s\n      _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, ii. 533 _sq._ The author\n      of the ancient Latin poem _Aetna_ says (vv. 340 _sq._) that people\n      offered incense to the celestial deities on the top of Etna.\n\n M170 No evidence that the Asiatic custom of burning kings or gods was\n      connected with volcanic phenomena.\n\n  665 See above, pp. 190 _sq._\n\n  666 On Mount Chimaera in Lycia a flame burned perpetually which neither\n      earth nor water could extinguish. See Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 236,\n      v. 100; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 288; Seneca, _Epist._ x. 3. 3;\n      Diodorus, quoted by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 212 B, 10 _sqq._, ed.\n      Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824). This perpetual flame was rediscovered by\n      Captain Beaufort near Porto Genovese on the coast of Lycia. It\n      issues from the side of a hill of crumbly serpentine rock, giving\n      out an intense heat, but no smoke. \u201cTrees, brushwood, and weeds grow\n      close round this little crater, a small stream trickles down the\n      hill hard bye, and the ground does not appear to feel the effect of\n      its heat at more than a few feet distance.\u201d The fire is not\n      accompanied by earthquakes or noises; it ejects no stones and emits\n      no noxious vapours. There is nothing but a brilliant and perpetual\n      flame, at which the shepherds often cook their food. See Fr.\n      Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), p. 46; compare T. A. B. Spratt\n      and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_ (London, 1847), ii. 181 _sq._\n\n  667 In the foregoing discussion I have confined myself, so far as\n      concerns Asia, to the volcanic regions of Cappadocia, Lydia, and\n      Caria. But Syria and Palestine, the home of Adonis and Melcarth,\n      \u201cabound in volcanic appearances, and very extensive areas have been\n      shaken, at different periods, with great destruction of cities and\n      loss of lives. Continual mention is made in history of the ravages\n      committed by earthquakes in Sidon, Tyre, Berytus, Laodicea, and\n      Antioch, and in the island of Cyprus. The country around the Dead\n      Sea exhibits in some spots layers of sulphur and bitumen, forming a\n      superficial deposit, supposed by Mr. Tristram to be of volcanic\n      origin\u201d (Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 592 _sq._). As\n      to the earthquakes of Syria and Phoenicia see Strabo, i. 3. 16, p.\n      58; Lucretius, vi. 585; Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xv. 5. 2; _id._,\n      _Bell. Jud._ i. 19. 3; W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book,\n      Central Palestine and Phoenicia_, pp. 568-574; Ed. Robinson,\n      _Biblical Researches in Palestine_,3 ii. 422-424; S. R. Driver, on\n      Amos iv. 11 (Cambridge _Bible for Schools and Colleges_). It is said\n      that in the reign of the Emperor Justin the city of Antioch was\n      totally destroyed by a dreadful earthquake, in which three hundred\n      thousand people perished (Procopius, _De Bello Persico_, ii. 14).\n      The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis xix. 24-28) has been\n      plausibly explained as the effect of an earthquake liberating large\n      quantities of petroleum and inflammable gases. See H. B. Tristram,\n      _The Land of Israel_, Fourth Edition (London, 1882), pp. 350-354; S.\n      R. Driver, _The Book of Genesis_4 (London, 1905), pp. 202 _sq._\n\n M171 Results of the preceding inquiry.\n M172 Our knowledge of the rites of Adonis derived chiefly from Greek\n      writers.\n M173 Festivals of the death and resurrection of Adonis. The festival at\n      Alexandria. The festival at Byblus.\n\n  668 Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 18; _id._, _Nicias_, 13; Zenobius, _Centur._\n      i. 49; Theocritus, xv. 132 _sqq._; Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ xi.\n      590.\n\n  669 Besides Lucian (cited below) see Origen, _Selecta in Ezechielem_\n      (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xiii. 800), \u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f10\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03c4\u03ac\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1ff6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03b8\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd [scil. \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03bd]\n      \u1f61\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b5\u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03ba\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1, \u03b4\u03b5\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u1fbd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd\n      \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9. Jerome, _Commentar. in Ezechielem_, viii. 13, 14 (Migne\u2019s\n      _Patrologia Latina_, xxv. 82, 83): \u201c_Quem nos_ Adonidem\n      _interpretati sumus, et Hebraeus et Syrus sermo_ THAMUZ (\u05ea\u05de\u05d5\u05d6)\n      _vocat: unde quia juxta gentilem fabulam, in mense Junis amasius\n      Veneris et pulcherrimus juvenis occisus, et deinceps revixisse\n      narratur, eundem Junium mensem eodem appellant nomine, et\n      anniversariam ei celebrant solemnitatem, in qua plangitur a\n      mulieribus quasi mortuus, et postea reviviscens canitur atque\n      laudatur ... interfectionem et resurrectionem Adonidis planctu et\n      gaudio prosequens._\u201d Cyril of Alexandria, _In Isaiam_, lib. ii.\n      tomus iii. (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxx. 441), \u1f10\u03c0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\n      \u03c4\u03bf\u03af\u03bd\u03c5\u03bd \u1f1c\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd. \u03a0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b5\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1\n      \u03bb\u03c5\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u1fc3 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f08\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03b4\u03af\u03c4\u1fc3, \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c4\u03b5\u03b8\u03bd\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03bd, \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03c6\u03cd\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b8\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd; \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f10\u03be \u1f85\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u1f74\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b7\u1f50\u03c1\u1fc6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2\n      \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03b6\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ae\u03b4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c3\u03ba\u03b9\u03c1\u03c4\u1fb6\u03bd; \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c7\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u1fbd \u1f21\u03bc\u1fb6\u03c2\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f08\u03bb\u03b5\u03be\u03ac\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03bf \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03b1\u03af\u03b3\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf.\n      From this testimony of Cyril we learn that the festival of the death\n      and resurrection of Adonis was celebrated at Alexandria down to his\n      time, that is, down to the fourth or even the fifth century, long\n      after the official establishment of Christianity.\n\n  670 Theocritus, xv.\n\n  671 W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 277.\n\n  672 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6. See above, p. 38. The flutes used by the\n      Phoenicians in the lament for Adonis are mentioned by Athenaeus (iv.\n      76, p. 174 F), and by Pollux (iv. 76), who say that the same name\n      _gingras_ was applied by the Phoenicians both to the flute and to\n      Adonis himself. Compare F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 243 _sq._\n      We have seen that flutes were also played in the Babylonian rites of\n      Tammuz (above, p. 9). Lucian\u2019s words, \u1f10\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f20\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ad\u03bc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9, imply\n      that the ascension of the god was supposed to take place in the\n      presence, if not before the eyes, of the worshipping crowds. The\n      devotion of Byblus to Adonis is noticed also by Strabo (xvi. 2. 18,\n      p. 755).\n\n M174 Date of the festival at Byblus. The anemone and the red rose the\n      flowers of Adonis. Festivals of Adonis at Athens and Antioch.\n\n  673 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 8. The discoloration of the river and the\n      sea was observed by H. Maundrell on 17/27 March 1696/1697. See his\n      _Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, __A.D.__ 1697_, Fourth\n      Edition (Perth, 1800), pp. 59 _sq._; _id._, in Bohn\u2019s _Early Travels\n      in Palestine_, edited by Thomas Wright (London, 1848), pp. 411 _sq._\n      Renan remarked the discoloration at the beginning of February\n      (_Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_, p. 283). In his well-known lines on the\n      subject Milton has laid the mourning in summer:\u2014\n\n      \u201c_Thammuz came next behind,_\n      _ Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur\u2019d_\n      _ The Syrian damsels to lament his fate_\n      _ In amorous ditties all a summer\u2019s day._\u201d\n\n  674 Ovid, _Metam._ x. 735; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 72; J. Tzetzes,\n      _Schol. on Lycophron_, 831. Bion, on the other hand, represents the\n      anemone as sprung from the tears of Aphrodite (_Idyl._ i. 66).\n\n  675 W. Robertson Smith, \u201cCtesias and the Semiramis Legend,\u201d _English\n      Historical Review_, ii. (1887) p. 307, following Lagarde. Compare W.\n      W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 88 _sq._\n\n  676 J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 831; _Geoponica_, xi. 17;\n      _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann, p. 359. Compare Bion,\n      _Idyl._ i. 66; Pausanias, vi. 24. 7; Philostratus, _Epist._ i. and\n      iii.\n\n  677 Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 18; _id._, _Nicias_, 13. The date of the\n      sailing of the fleet is given by Thucydides (vi. 30, \u03b8\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\n      \u03bc\u03b5\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f24\u03b4\u03b7), who, with his habitual contempt for the superstition\n      of his countrymen, disdains to notice the coincidence. Adonis was\n      also bewailed by the Argive women (Pausanias, ii. 20. 6), but we do\n      not know at what season of the year the lamentation took place.\n      Inscriptions prove that processions in honour of Adonis were held in\n      the Piraeus, and that a society of his worshippers existed at Loryma\n      in Caria. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2\n      Nos. 726, 741 (vol. ii. pp. 564, 604).\n\n  678 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. 15.\n\n M175 Resemblance of these rites to Indian and European ceremonies. The\n      death and resurrection of Adonis a mythical expression for the\n      annual decay and revival of plant life. Adonis sometimes taken for\n      the sun.\n\n_  679 The Dying God_, pp. 261-266.\n\n  680 In the Alexandrian ceremony, however, it appears to have been the\n      image of Adonis only which was thrown into the sea.\n\n  681 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4; Scholiast on Theocritus, i.\n      109; Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 34; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on\n      Lycophron_, 829; Ovid, _Metamorph._ x. 489 _sqq._; Servius on\n      Virgil, _Aen._ v. 72, and on _Bucol._ x. 18; Hyginus, _Fab._ 58,\n      164; Fulgentius, iii. 8. The word Myrrha or Smyrna is borrowed from\n      the Phoenician (Liddell and Scott, _Greek Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03c3\u03bc\u03cd\u03c1\u03bd\u03b1).\n      Hence the mother\u2019s name, as well as the son\u2019s, was taken directly\n      from the Semites.\n\n  682 W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 383, note 2.\n\n  683 Above, p. 9.\n\n  684 Jeremiah xliv. 17-19.\n\n  685 Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 48; Hyginus, _Astronom._ ii. 7;\n      Lucian, _Dialog. deor._ xi. 1; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae\n      Compendium_, 28, p. 54, ed. C. Lang (Leipsic, 1881); Apollodorus,\n      _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4.\n\n  686 The arguments which tell against the solar interpretation of Adonis\n      are stated more fully by the learned and candid scholar Graf\n      Baudissin (_Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 169 _sqq._), who himself formerly\n      accepted the solar theory but afterwards rightly rejected it in\n      favour of the view \u201c_dass Adonis die Fr\u00fchlingsvegetation darstellt,\n      die im Sommer abstirbt_\u201d (_op. cit._ p. 169).\n\n  687 Bailly, _Lettres sur l\u2019Origine des Sciences_ (London and Paris,\n      1777), pp. 255 _sq._; _id._, _Lettres sur l\u2019Atlantide de Platon_\n      (London and Paris, 1779), pp. 114-125. Carlyle has described how\n      through the sleety drizzle of a dreary November day poor innocent\n      Bailly was dragged to the scaffold amid the howls and curses of the\n      Parisian mob (_French Revolution_, bk. v. ch. 2). My friend the late\n      Professor C. Bendall showed me a book by a Hindoo gentleman in which\n      it is seriously maintained that the primitive home of the Aryans was\n      within the Arctic regions. See B\u00e2l Gang\u00e2dhar Tilak, _The Arctic Home\n      in the Vedas_ (Poona and Bombay, 1903).\n\n  688 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28, pp. 54 _sq._, ed. C.\n      Lang (Leipsic, 1881), \u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b3\u03ac\u03c1 \u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fbd \u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03c5\u03c0\u03c4\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f41\n      \u03b6\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03ba\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f3c\u03c3\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f4c\u03c3\u03b9\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bc\u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n      \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03a6\u03bf\u03af\u03bd\u03b9\u03be\u03b9\u03bd \u1f41 \u1f00\u03bd\u1f70 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fbd \u1f14\u03be \u03bc\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03b3\u1fc6\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03b3\u1fc6\u03bd\n      \u03b3\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f00\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03ce\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f60\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n      \u0394\u03b7\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6. \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c0\u03bb\u03ae\u03be\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03ac\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78\n      \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f57\u03c2 \u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03bb\u03b7\u03b9\u03b2\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f22 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f55\u03bd\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f40\u03b4\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b1\u1f30\u03bd\u03b9\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd\n      \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd, \u1f51\u03c6\u1fbd \u03bf\u1f56 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03b3\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03c1\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c3\u03c0\u03ad\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1. Scholiast on Theocritus,\n      iii. 48, \u1f41 \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f24\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd \u1f41 \u03c3\u1fd6\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f14\u03be \u03bc\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03b3\u1fc7\n      \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c3\u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u1fb6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f14\u03be \u03bc\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f21 \u1f08\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03b4\u03af\u03c4\u03b7, \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f21\n      \u03b5\u1f50\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f00\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2. \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03ba\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bf\u1f31 \u1f04\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03c9\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9.\n      Origen, _Selecta in Ezechielem_ (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xiii.\n      800), \u03bf\u1f31 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f19\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bc\u03cd\u03b8\u03c9\u03bd \u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u03c5\u03b8\u03b9\u03ba\u1fc6\u03c2\n      \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b9\u03b6\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, \u03c6\u03b1\u03c3\u03af \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03bd \u03c3\u03cd\u03bc\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b3\u1fc6\u03c2\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1ff6\u03bd, \u03b8\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f45\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f00\u03bd\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u03b4\u03ad, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70\n      \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03cd\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03b3\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c6\u03cd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9. Jerome,\n      _Commentar. in Ezechielem_, viii. 13, 14 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Latina_, xxv. 83), \u201c_Eadem gentilitas hujuscemodi fabulas poetarum,\n      quae habent turpitudinem, interpretatur subtiliter, interfectionem\n      et resurrectionem Adonidis planctu et gaudio prosequens: quorum\n      alterum in seminibus, quae moriuntur in terra, alterum in segetibus,\n      quibus mortua semina renascuntur, ostendi putat._\u201d Ammianus\n      Marcellinus, xix. 1. 11, \u201c_in sollemnibus Adonidis sacris, quod\n      simulacrum aliquod esse frugum adultarum religiones mysticae\n      docent_.\u201d _Id._ xxii. 9. 15, \u201c_amato Veneris, ut fabulae fingunt,\n      apri dente ferali deleto, quod in adulto flore sectarum est indicium\n      frugum_.\u201d Clement of Alexandria, _Hom._ 6. 11 (quoted by W.\n      Mannhardt, _Antique Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 281), \u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n      \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f61\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2. _Etymologieum Magnum_ _s.v._ \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2\n      \u03ba\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd; \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f04\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2; \u03bf\u1f36\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2,\n      \u1f00\u03c1\u03ad\u03c3\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd. Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ iii. II. 9, \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c3\u03cd\u03bc\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd. Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et\n      mundo,\u201d iv. _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A.\n      Mullach, iii. 32, \u03bf\u1f31 \u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03b9\u03bf\u03b9 ... \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c3\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2\n      ... \u1f3c\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b3\u1fc6\u03bd ... \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2. Joannes Lydus, _De\n      mensibus_, iv. 4, \u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f08\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9, \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u039c\u03b1\u0390\u1ff3 ... \u1f22 \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2,\n      \u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6, \u1f0c\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bd \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2, \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb. The view that Tammuz or\n      Adonis is a personification of the dying and reviving vegetation is\n      now accepted by many scholars. See P. Jensen, _Kosmologie der\n      Babylonier_ (Strasburg, 1890), p. 480; _id._,\n      _Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen_, pp. 411, 560; H. Zimmern,\n      in E. Schrader\u2019s _Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,3 p. 397;\n      A. Jeremias, _s.v._ \u201cNergal,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n      griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iii. 265; R. W\u00fcnsch, _Das\n      Fr\u00fchlingsfest der Insel Malta_ (Leipsic, 1902), p. 21; M. J.\n      Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions S\u00e9mitiques_,2 pp. 306 _sqq._; W.\n      W. Graf Baudissin, \u201cTammuz,\u201d _Realencyclop\u00e4die f\u00fcr protestantische\n      Theologie und Kirchengeschichte_; _id._, _Esmun und Adonis_, pp. 81,\n      141, 169, etc.; and Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2.\n      pp. 394, 427. Prof. Jastrow regards Tammuz as a god both of the sun\n      and of vegetation (_Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 547,\n      564, 574, 588). But such a combination of disparate qualities seems\n      artificial and unlikely.\n\n M176 Tammuz or Adonis as a corn-spirit bruised and ground in a mill.\n\n  689 D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg,\n      1856), ii. 27; _id._, _Ueber Tamm\u00fbz und die Menschenverehrung bei\n      den alten Babylioniern_ (St. Petersburg, 1860), p. 38. Compare W. W.\n      Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 111 _sqq._\n\n M177 The mourning for Adonis interpreted as a harvest rite.\n\n  690 M. J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions S\u00e9mitiques_2 (Paris,\n      1905), pp. 307 _sq._\n\n  691 Hence Philo of Alexandria dates the corn-reaping in the middle of\n      spring (\u039c\u03b5\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f14\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f04\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9, _De special. legibus_,\n      i. 183, vol. v. p. 44, ed. L. Cohn). On this subject Professor W. M.\n      Flinders Petrie writes to me: \u201cThe Coptic calendar puts on April 2\n      beginning of wheat harvest in Upper Egypt, May 2 wheat harvest,\n      Lower Egypt. Barley is two or three weeks earlier than wheat in\n      Palestine, but probably less in Egypt. The Palestine harvest is\n      about the time of that in North Egypt.\u201d With regard to Palestine we\n      are told that \u201cthe harvest begins with the barley in April; in the\n      valley of the Jordan it begins at the end of March. Between the end\n      of the barley harvest and the beginning of the wheat harvest an\n      interval of two or three weeks elapses. Thus as a rule the business\n      of harvest lasts about seven weeks\u201d (J. Benzinger, _Hebr\u00e4ische\n      Arch\u00e4ologie_, Freiburg i. B. and Leipsic, 1894, p. 209). \u201cThe\n      principal grain crops of Palestine are barley, wheat, lentils,\n      maize, and millet. Of the latter there is very little, and it is all\n      gathered in by the end of May. The maize is then only just beginning\n      to shoot. In the hotter parts of the Jordan valley the barley\n      harvest is over by the end of March, and throughout the country the\n      wheat harvest is at its height at the end of May, excepting in the\n      highlands of Galilee, where it is about a fortnight later\u201d (H. B.\n      Tristram, _The Land of Israel_, Fourth Edition, London, 1882, pp.\n      583 _sq._). As to Greece, Professor E. A. Gardner tells me that\n      harvest is from April to May in the plains and about a month later\n      in the mountains. He adds that \u201cbarley may, then, be assigned to the\n      latter part of April, wheat to May in the lower ground, but you know\n      the great difference of climate between different parts; there is\n      the same difference of a month in the vintage.\u201d Mrs. Hawes (Miss\n      Boyd), who excavated at Gournia, tells me that in Crete the barley\n      is cut in April and the beginning of May, and that the wheat is cut\n      and threshed from about the twentieth of June, though the dates\n      naturally vary somewhat with the height of the place above the sea.\n      June is also the season when the wheat is threshed in Euboea (R. A.\n      Arnold, _From the Levant_, London, 1868, i. 250). Thus it seems\n      possible that the spring festival of Adonis coincided with the\n      cutting of the first barley in March, and his summer festival with\n      the threshing of the last wheat in June. Father Lagrange (_op. cit._\n      pp. 305 _sq._) argues that the rites of Adonis were always\n      celebrated in summer at the solstice of June or soon afterwards.\n      Baudissin also holds that the summer celebration is the only one\n      which is clearly attested, and that if there was a celebration in\n      spring it must have had a different signification than the death of\n      the god. See his _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 132 _sq._\n\n  692 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2. See below, vol. ii. pp. 45 _sq._\n\n_  693 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 180 _sqq._, 204 _sqq._\n\n M178 But probably Adonis was a spirit of fruits, edible roots, and grass\n      before he became a spirit of the cultivated corn.\n M179 The propitiation of the corn-spirit may have fused with the worship\n      of the dead.\n\n  694 W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 1\n      _sqq._; _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 216 _sqq._\n\n M180 The festival of the dead a festival of flowers.\n\n  695 T. B. Macaulay, _History of England_, chapter xx. vol. iv. (London,\n      1855) p. 410.\n\n  696 This explanation of the name _Anthesteria_, as applied to a festival\n      of the dead, is due to Mr. R. W\u00fcnsch (_Das Fr\u00fchlingsfest der Insel\n      Malta_, Leipsic, 1902, pp. 43 _sqq._). I cannot accept the late Dr.\n      A. W. Verrall\u2019s ingenious derivation of the word from a verb\n      \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 in the sense of \u201cto conjure up\u201d (\u201cThe Name\n      Anthesteria,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xx. (1900) pp.\n      115-117). As to the festival see E. Rohde, _Psyche_3 (T\u00fcbingen and\n      Leipsic, 1903), i. 236 _sqq._; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to\n      the Study of Greek Religion_2 (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 32 _sqq._ In\n      Annam people offer food to their dead on the graves when the earth\n      begins to grow green in spring. The ceremony takes place on the\n      third day of the third month, the sun then entering the sign of\n      Taurus. See Paul Giran, _Magie et Religion Annamites_ (Paris, 1912),\n      pp. 423 _sq._\n\n  697 E. Renan, _Mission de Ph\u00e9nicie_ (Paris, 1864), p. 216.\n\n M181 Pots of corn, herbs, and flowers, called the gardens of Adonis.\n\n  698 For the authorities see Raoul Rochette, \u201cM\u00e9moire sur les jardins\n      d\u2019Adonis,\u201d _Revue Arch\u00e9ologique_, viii. (1851) pp. 97-123; W.\n      Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 279, note 2, and p. 280,\n      note 2. To the authorities cited by Mannhardt add Theophrastus,\n      _Hist. Plant._ vi. 7. 3; _id._, _De Causis Plant._ i. 12. 2;\n      Gregorius Cyprius, i. 7; Macarius, i. 63; Apostolius, i. 34;\n      Diogenianus, i. 14; Plutarch, _De sera num. vind._ 17. Women only\n      are mentioned as planting the gardens of Adonis by Plutarch, _l.c._;\n      Julian, _Convivium_, p. 329 ed. Spanheim (p. 423 ed. Hertlein);\n      Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ xi. 590. On the other hand, Apostolius\n      and Diogenianus (_ll.cc._) say \u03c6\u03c5\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03c6\u03c5\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9. The earliest\n      extant Greek writer who mentions the gardens of Adonis is Plato\n      (_Phaedrus_, p. 276 B). The procession at the festival of Adonis is\n      mentioned in an Attic inscription of 302 or 301 B.C. (G.\n      Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. p. 564,\n      No. 726). Gardens of Adonis are perhaps alluded to by Isaiah (xvii.\n      10, with the commentators).\n\n M182 These gardens of Adonis were charms to promote the growth of\n      vegetation. The throwing of the \u201cgardens\u201d into water was a\n      rain-charm. Parallel European customs of drenching the corn with\n      water at harvest or sowing. Use of water as a rain-charm at harvest\n      and sowing.\n\n  699 In hot southern countries like Egypt and the Semitic regions of\n      Western Asia, where vegetation depends chiefly or entirely upon\n      irrigation, the purpose of the charm is doubtless to secure a\n      plentiful flow of water in the streams. But as the ultimate object\n      and the charms for securing it are the same in both cases, I have\n      not thought it necessary always to point out the distinction.\n\n_  700 The Dying God_, pp. 232, 233 _sqq._\n\n_  701 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 272 _sqq._\n\n  702 W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarst\u00e4mme_\n      (Berlin, 1875), p. 214; W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in\n      Meinung und Branch der Rom\u00e4nen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1866),\n      pp. 18 _sq._ The custom of throwing water on the last wagon-load of\n      corn returning from the harvest-field has been practised within\n      living memory in Wigtownshire, and at Orwell in Cambridgeshire. See\n      J. G. Frazer, \u201cNotes on Harvest Customs,\u201d _Folk-lore Journal_, vii.\n      (1889) pp. 50, 51. (In the first of these passages the Orwell at\n      which the custom used to be observed is said to be in Kent; this was\n      a mistake of mine, which my informant, the Rev. E. B. Birks,\n      formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, afterwards\n      corrected.) Mr. R. F. Davis writes to me (March 4, 1906) from\n      Campbell College, Belfast: \u201cBetween 30 and 40 years ago I was\n      staying, as a very small boy, at a Nottinghamshire farmhouse at\n      harvest-time, and was allowed\u2014as a great privilege\u2014to ride home on\n      the top of the last load. All the harvesters followed the waggon,\n      and on reaching the farmyard we found the maids of the farm gathered\n      near the gate, with bowls and buckets of water, which they proceeded\n      to throw on the men, who got thoroughly drenched.\u201d\n\n  703 G. A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n      Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermanstadt, 1880), p. 24; H. von Wlislocki, _Sitten\n      und Brauch der Siebenb\u00fcrger Sachsen_ (Hamburg, 1888), p. 32.\n\n  704 G. Drosinis, _Land und Leute in Nord-Eub\u00f6a_ (Leipsic, 1884), p. 53.\n\n  705 Matth\u00e4us Pr\u00e4torius, _Deliciae Prussicae_ (Berlin, 1871), p. 55; W.\n      Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 214 _sq._, note.\n\n  706 M. Pr\u00e4torius, _op. cit._ p. 60; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 215,\n      note.\n\n  707 H. Prahn, \u201cGlaube und Brauch in der Mark Brandenburg,\u201d _Zeitschrift\n      des Vereins f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, i. (1891) p. 186.\n\n  708 O. Hartung, \u201cZur Volkskunde aus Anhalt,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Vereins\n      f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) p. 150.\n\n  709 W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Marburg, 1888), p.\n      51.\n\n_  710 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, ii.\n      (Munich, 1863) p. 297.\n\n  711 E. H. Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben_ (Strasburg, 1900), p. 420.\n\n  712 J. Walter Fewkes, \u201cThe Tusayan New Fire Ceremony,\u201d _Proceedings of\n      the Boston Society of Natural History_, xxvi. (1895) p. 446.\n\n  713 \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan \u00e0 son \u00e9v\u00eaque,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) pp.\n      181 _sq._\n\n M183 Gardens of Adonis among the Oraons and Mundas of Bengal.\n\n_  714 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 59 _sqq._\n\n  715 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872), p.\n      259.\n\n  716 E. T. Dalton, _op. cit._ p. 188. As to the influence which trees are\n      supposed to exercise on the crops, see _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 47 _sqq._\n\n M184 Gardens of Adonis in Rajputana.\n\n  717 Lieut.-Col. James Tod, _Annals and Antiquities of Rajast\u2019han_, i.\n      (London, 1829) pp. 570-572.\n\n  718 G. F. D\u2019Penha, \u201cA Collection of Notes on Marriage Customs in the\n      Madras Presidency,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_, xxv. (1896) p. 144; E.\n      Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906), p.\n      2.\n\n M185 Gardens of Adonis in North-Western and Central India.\n\n  719 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western\n      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 870.\n\n  720 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 293 _sq._ Compare Baboo Ishuree Dass,\n      _Domestic Manners and Customs of the Hindoos of Northern India_\n      (Benares, 1860), pp. 111 _sq._ According to the latter writer, the\n      festival of Salono [not Salonan] takes place in August, and the\n      barley is planted by women and girls in baskets a few days before\n      the festival, to be thrown by them into a river or tank when the\n      grain has sprouted to the height of a few inches.\n\n  721 Mrs. J. C. Murray-Aynsley, \u201cSecular and Religious Dances,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore Journal_, v. (1887) pp. 253 _sq._ The writer thinks that\n      the ceremony \u201cprobably fixes the season for sowing some particular\n      crop.\u201d\n\n_  722 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency_, xx. (Bombay, 1884) p. 454.\n      This passage was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Crooke.\n\n_  723 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency_, xx. 443, 460.\n\n M186 Gardens of Adonis in Bavaria. Gardens of Adonis on St. John\u2019s Day in\n      Sardinia.\n\n_  724 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_ (Munich,\n      1860-1867), ii. 298.\n\n  725 Antonio Bresciani, _Dei costumi dell\u2019 isola di Sardegna comparati\n      cogli antichissimi popoli orientali_ (Rome and Turin, 1866), pp. 427\n      _sq._; R. Tennant, _Sardinia and its Resources_ (Rome and London,\n      1885), p. 187; S. Gabriele, \u201cUsi dei contadini della Sardegna,\u201d\n      _Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari_, vii. (1888) pp.\n      469 _sq._ Tennant says that the pots are kept in a dark warm place,\n      and that the children leap across the fire.\n\n M187 Gardens of Adonis on St. John\u2019s Day in Sicily.\n\n  726 G. Pitr\u00e8, _Usi e Costumi, Credenze e Pregiudizi del Popolo\n      Siciliano_ (Palermo, 1889), ii. 271-278. Compare _id._, _Spettacoli\n      e Feste Popolari Siciliane_ (Palermo, 1881), pp. 297 _sq._ In the\n      Abruzzi also young men and young women become gossips by exchanging\n      nosegays on St. John\u2019s Day, and the tie thus formed is regarded as\n      sacred. See G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_\n      (Palermo, 1890), pp. 165 _sq._\n\n M188 In these Sardinian and Sicilian ceremonies St. John may have taken\n      the place of Adonis. Custom of bathing in water or washing in dew on\n      the Eve or Day of St. John (Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day).\n      Petrarch at Cologne on St. John\u2019s Eve.\n\n  727 R. W\u00fcnsch, _Das Fr\u00fchlingsfest der Insel Malta_, pp. 47-57.\n\n  728 See above, pp. 10, note 1, 224 _sq._, 226.\n\n  729 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 490.\n\n  730 G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_, pp. 156-160. A\n      passage in Isaiah (xxvi. 19) seems to imply that dew possessed the\n      magical virtue of restoring the dead to life. In this passage of\n      Isaiah the customs which I have cited in the text perhaps favour the\n      ordinary interpretation of \u05d8\u05dc \u05d0\u05d5\u05e8\u05ea as \u201cdew of herbs\u201d (compare 2\n      Kings iv. 39) against the interpretation \u201cdew of lights,\u201d which some\n      modern commentators (Dillmann, Skinner, Whitehouse), following\n      Jerome, have adopted.\n\n  731 G. Pitr\u00e8, _Feste patronali in Sicilia_ (Turin and Palermo, 1900),\n      pp. 488, 491-493.\n\n  732 G. Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane_, p. 307.\n\n  733 Petrarch, _Epistolae de rebus familiaribus_, i. 4 (vol. i. pp. 44-46\n      ed. J. Fracassetti, Florence, 1859-1862). The passage is quoted by\n      J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 489 _sq._\n\n  734 J. Grimm, _op. cit._ i. 489.\n\n  735 Letter of Dr. Otero Acevado, of Madrid, _Le Temps_, September 1898.\n\n  736 J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau,\n      1883-1887), ii. 8; A. de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des\n      provinces de France_ (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 150.\n\n  737 A. de Nore, _op. cit._ p. 20; B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _R\u00e9miniscences\n      populaires de la Provence_ (Paris, 1885), pp. 135-141.\n\n  738 A. Breuil, \u201cDu Culte de St. Jean Baptiste,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\n      des Antiquaires de Picardie_, viii. (1845) pp. 237 _sq._ Compare\n      _Balder the Beautiful_, i. 193 _sq._\n\n  739 Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_, edited by J.\n      F. Ramirez (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 293.\n\n M189 The custom of bathing at midsummer is pagan, not Christian, in its\n      origin.\n\n  740 Augustine, _Opera_, v. (Paris, 1683) col. 903; _id._, Pars Secunda,\n      coll. 461 _sq._ The second of these passages occurs in a sermon of\n      doubtful authenticity. Both have been quoted by J. Grimm, _Deutsche\n      Mythologie_,4 i. 490.\n\n  741 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), pp. 567 _sq._; E. Westermarck, \u201cMidsummer Customs in\n      Morocco,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 31 _sq._; _id._, _Ceremonies\n      and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of the Solar\n      Year, and the Weather_ (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 84-86. See _Balder\n      the Beautiful_, i. 216.\n\n M190 Old heathen festival of midsummer in Europe and the East.\n M191 Midsummer fires and midsummer couples in relation to vegetation.\n\n_  742 Balder the Beautiful_, i. 160 _sqq._\n\n_  743 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 65 _sq._\n\n_  744 The Dying God_, p. 262.\n\n  745 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 257.\n\n M192 Gardens of Adonis intended to foster the growth of vegetation, and\n      especially of the crops. Modes of divination at midsummer like the\n      gardens of Adonis.\n\n_  746 Balder the Beautiful_, i. 328 _sqq._, ii. 21 _sqq._\n\n  747 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 464; K. von Leoprechting, _Aus dem\n      Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855), p. 183. For more evidence see _Balder the\n      Beautiful_, i. 165, 166, 166 _sq._, 168, 173, 174.\n\n  748 The use of gardens of Adonis to fertilize the human sexes appears\n      plainly in the corresponding Indian practices. See above, pp. 241,\n      242, 243.\n\n  749 G. Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane_, pp. 296 _sq._\n\n  750 G. Pitr\u00e8, _op. cit._ pp. 302 _sq._; Antonio de Nino, _Usi e Costumi\n      Abruzzesi_ (Florence, 1879-1883), i. 55 _sq._; A. de Gubernatis,\n      _Usi Nuziali in Italia e presso gli altri Popoli Indo-Europei_\n      (Milan, 1878), pp. 39 _sq._ Compare L. Passarini, \u201cIl Comparatico e\n      la Festa di S. Giovanni nelle Marche e in Roma,\u201d _Archivio per lo\n      Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari_, i. (1882) p. 135. At Smyrna a\n      blossom of the _Agnus castus_ is used on St. John\u2019s Day for a\n      similar purpose, but the mode in which the omens are drawn is\n      somewhat different. See Teofilo, \u201cLa notte di San Giovanni in\n      Oriente,\u201d _Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari_, vii.\n      (1888) pp. 128-130.\n\n  751 Matth\u00e4us Pr\u00e4torius, _Deliciae Prussicae_ (Berlin, 1871), p. 56.\n\n_  752 The Dying God_, pp. 261 _sq._\n\n_  753 The Dying God_, pp. 233 _sqq._, 261 _sqq._\n\n M193 Sicilian gardens of Adonis in spring.\n\n  754 G. Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane_, p. 211.\n\n  755 \u039a\u03ae\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f61\u03c3\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b1\u03c6\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f08\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9, Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ xi.\n      590.\n\n  756 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La tradizione Greco-Latina negli usi e nelle\n      credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_ (Cosenza, 1884), p. 50.\n\n M194 Resemblance of the Easter ceremonies in the Greek Church to the\n      rites of Adonis.\n\n  757 C. Wachsmuth, _Das alte Griechenland im neuen_ (Bonn, 1864), pp. 26.\n      _sq._ The writer compares these ceremonies with the Eleusinian\n      rites. But I agree with Mr. R. W\u00fcnsch (_Das Fr\u00fchlingsfest der Insel\n      Malta_, pp. 49 _sq._) that the resemblance to the Adonis festival is\n      still closer. Compare V. Dorsa, _La tradizione Greco-Latina negli\n      usi e nelle credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_, pp. 49\n      _sq._ Prof. Wachsmuth\u2019s description seems to apply to Athens. In the\n      country districts the ritual is apparently similar. See R. A.\n      Arnold, _From the Levant_ (London, 1868), pp. 251 _sq._, 259 _sq._\n      So in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem the death and\n      burial of Christ are acted over a life-like effigy. See Henry\n      Maundrell, _Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, __A.D.__\n      1697_, Fourth Edition (Perth, 1800), pp. 110 _sqq._; _id._, in Th.\n      Wright\u2019s _Early Travels in Palestine_ (London, 1848), pp. 443-445.\n\n M195 Resemblance of the Easter ceremonies in the Catholic Church to the\n      rites of Adonis.\n\n  758 G. Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane_, pp. 217 _sq._\n\n  759 G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_, pp. 118-120; A. de\n      Nino, _Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_, i. 64 _sq._, ii. 210-212. At\n      Roccacaramanico part of the Easter spectacle is the death of Judas,\n      who, personated by a living man, pretends to hang himself upon a\n      tree or a great branch, which has been brought into the church and\n      planted near the high altar for the purpose (A. de Nino, _op. cit._\n      ii. 211).\n\n  760 The drama of the death and resurrection of Christ was formerly\n      celebrated at Easter in England. See Abbot Gasquet, _Parish Life in\n      Mediaeval England_, pp. 177 _sqq._, 182 _sq._\n\n M196 The Christian festival of Easter perhaps grafted on a festival of\n      Adonis.\n\n  761 The comparison has already been made by A. Maury, who also compares\n      the Easter ceremonies of the Catholic Church with the rites of\n      Adonis (_Histoire des Religions de la Gr\u00e8ce Antique_, Paris,\n      1857-1859, vol. iii. p. 221).\n\n M197 The worship of Adonis at Bethlehem. The Morning Star, identified\n      with Venus, may have been the signal for the festival of Adonis. The\n      Star of Bethlehem.\n\n  762 Jerome, _Epist._ lviii. 3 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, xxii. 581).\n\n  763 Bethlehem is \u05d1\u05d9\u05ea-\u05dc\u05d7\u05dd, literally \u201cHouse of Bread.\u201d The name is\n      appropriate, for \u201cthe immediate neighbourhood is very fertile,\n      bearing, besides wheat and barley, groves of olive and almond, and\n      vineyards. The wine of Bethlehem (\u2018Talham\u012b\u2019) is among the best of\n      Palestine. So great fertility must mean that the site was occupied,\n      in spite of the want of springs, from the earliest times\u201d (George\n      Adam Smith, _s.v._ \u201cBethlehem,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, i. 560). It\n      was in the harvest-fields of Bethlehem that Ruth, at least in the\n      poet\u2019s fancy, listened to the nightingale \u201camid the alien corn.\u201d\n\n  764 John vi. 35.\n\n  765 Above, p. 227.\n\n  766 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. 14, \u201c_Urbique propinquans in speciem\n      alicujus numinis votis excipitur publicis, miratus voces\n      multitudinis magnae, salutare sidus inluxisse eois partibus\n      adclamantis._\u201d We may compare the greeting which a tribe of South\n      American Indians used to give to a worshipful star after its\n      temporary disappearance. \u201cThe Abipones think that the Pleiades,\n      composed of seven stars, is an image of their ancestor. As the\n      constellation is invisible for some months in the sky of South\n      America, they believe that their ancestor is ill, and every year\n      they are mortally afraid that he will die. But when the said stars\n      reappear in the month of May, they imagine that their ancestor is\n      recovered from his sickness and has returned; so they hail him with\n      joyous shouts and the glad music of pipes and war-horns. They\n      congratulate him on his recovery. \u2018How we thank you! At last you\n      have come back? Oh, have you happily recovered?\u2019 With such cries\n      they fill the air, attesting at once their gladness and their\n      folly.\u201d See M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_ (Vienna,\n      1784), ii. 77.\n\n  767 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 370 _sqq._;\n      H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_,3 p. 424.\n\n  768 Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, ii. 5 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Graeca_, lxvii. 948). The connexion of the meteor with the festival\n      of Adonis is not mentioned by Sozomenus, but is confirmed by\n      Zosimus, who says (_Hist._ i. 58) that a light like a torch or a\n      globe of fire was seen on the sanctuary at the seasons when the\n      people assembled to worship the goddess and to cast their offerings\n      of gold, silver, and fine raiment into a lake beside the temple. As\n      to Aphaca and the grave of Adonis see above, pp. 28 _sq._\n\n  769 Matthew ii. 1-12.\n\n M198 Attis the Phrygian counterpart of Adonis. His relation to Cybele.\n      His miraculous birth. The death of Attis.\n\n  770 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59. 7; Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et\n      mundo,\u201d iv., _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A.\n      Mullach, iii. 33; Scholiast on Nicander, _Alexipharmaca_, 8;\n      Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 3 and 22. The\n      ancient evidence, literary and inscriptional, as to the myth and\n      ritual of Attis has been collected and discussed by Mr. H. Hepding\n      in his monograph, _Attis, seine Mythen und sein Kult_ (Giessen,\n      1903).\n\n  771 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 9, p. 168 ed. L.\n      Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (G\u00f6ttingen, 1859); Socrates, _Historia\n      Ecclesiastica_, iii. 23. 51 _sqq._\n\n  772 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 223 _sqq._; Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 15;\n      _id._, _Ad Nationes_, i. 10; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, iv. 35.\n      As to Cybele, the Great Mother, the Mother of the Gods, conceived as\n      the source of all life, both animal and vegetable, see Rapp, in W.\n      H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, _s.v._\n      \u201cKybele,\u201d ii. 1638 _sqq._\n\n  773 Scholiast on Lucian, _Jupiter Tragoedus_, 8, p. 60 ed. H. Rabe\n      (Leipsic, 1906), (vol. iv. p. 173 ed. C. Jacobitz); Hippolytus,\n      _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 9, pp. 168, 170 ed. Duncker and\n      Schneidewin.\n\n  774 Pausanias, vii. 17. 11; Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v.\n      9, pp. 166, 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; Arnobius, _Adversus\n      Nationes_, v. 6.\n\n  775 See above, pp. 99 _sqq._\n\n  776 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, pp. 115 _sq._\n      See above, pp. 78, 213 _sqq._\n\n  777 That Attis was killed by a boar was stated by Hermesianax, an\n      elegiac poet of the fourth century B.C. (Pausanias, vii. 17);\n      compare Scholiast on Nicander, _Alexipharmaca_, 8. The other story\n      is told by Arnobius (_Adversus Nationes_, v. 5 _sqq._) on the\n      authority of Timotheus, who professed to derive it from recondite\n      antiquarian works and from the very heart of the mysteries. It is\n      obviously identical with the account which Pausanias (_l.c._)\n      mentions as the story current in Pessinus. According to Servius (on\n      Virgil, _Aen._ ix. 115), Attis was found bleeding to death under a\n      pine-tree, but the wound which robbed him of his virility and his\n      life was not inflicted by himself. The Timotheus cited by Pausanias\n      may be the Timotheus who was consulted by Ptolemy Soter on religious\n      matters and helped to establish the worship of Serapis. See\n      Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 28; Franz Cumont, _Les Religions\n      Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 77, 113,\n      335.\n\n  778 Pausanias, vii. 17. 10; Julian, _Orat._ v. 177 B, p. 229, ed. F. C.\n      Hertlein (Leipsic, 1875-1876). Similarly at Comana in Pontus, the\n      seat of the worship of the goddess Ma, pork was not eaten, and swine\n      might not even be brought into the city (Strabo, xii. 8. 9, p. 575).\n      As to Comana see above, p. 39.\n\n  779 S. Sophronius, \u201cSS. Cyri et Joannis Miracula,\u201d Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Graeca_, lxxxvii. Pars Tertia, col. 3624, \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bb\u03ac\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u1f19\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74\u03bd\n      \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03bb\u03af\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd [_scil._ \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03b1\u03bd] \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u1fc3 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f08\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2\n      \u0398\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70 \u03ba\u03c1\u03ad\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03b9\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f55\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1.\n\n  780 Ovid, _Metam._ x. 103 _sqq._\n\n M199 Worship of Cybele introduced into Rome in 204 B.C.\n\n  781 Livy, xxix. chs. 10, 11, and 14; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 259 _sqq._;\n      Herodian, ii. 11. As to the stone which represented the goddess see\n      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, vii. 49.\n\n  782 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 16.\n\n M200 Attis and his eunuch priests the Galli at Rome.\n\n  783 Lucretius, ii. 598 _sqq._; Catullus, lxiii.; Varro, _Satir.\n      Menipp._, ed. F. B\u00fccheler (Berlin, 1882), pp. 176, 178; Ovid,\n      _Fasti_, iv. 181 _sqq._, 223 _sqq._, 361 _sqq._; Dionysius\n      Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 19, compare Polybius, xxii. 18\n      ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1866-1868).\n\n  784 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 41. See Robinson Ellis,\n      _Commentary on Catullus_ (Oxford, 1876), pp. 206 _sq._; H. Hepding,\n      _Attis_, pp. 142 _sqq._; Fr. Cumont, _Les Religions Orientales dans\n      le Paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 83 _sq._\n\n      It is held by Prof. A. von Domaszewski that the Claudius who\n      incorporated the Phrygian worship of the sacred tree in the Roman\n      ritual was not the emperor of the first century but the emperor of\n      the third century, Claudius Gothicus, who came to the throne in 268\n      A.D. See A. von Domaszewski, \u201cMagna Mater in Latin Inscriptions,\u201d\n      _The Journal of Roman Studies_, i. (1911) p. 56. The later date, it\n      is said, fits better with the slow development of the worship. But\n      on the other hand this view is open to certain objections. (1)\n      Joannes Lydus, our only authority on the point, appears to identify\n      the Claudius in question with the emperor of the first century. (2)\n      The great and widespread popularity of the Phrygian worship in the\n      Roman empire long before 268 A.D. is amply attested by an array of\n      ancient writers and inscriptions, especially by a great series of\n      inscriptions referring to the colleges of Tree-bearers\n      (_Dendrophori_), from which we learn that one of these colleges,\n      devoted to the worship of Cybele and Attis, existed at Rome in the\n      age of the Antonines, about a century before the accession of\n      Claudius Gothicus. (3) Passages of the Augustan historians (Aelius\n      Lampridius, _Alexander Severus_, 37; Trebellius Pollio, _Claudius_,\n      iv. 2) refer to the great spring festival of Cybele and Attis in a\n      way which seems to imply that the festival was officially recognized\n      by the Roman government before Claudius Gothicus succeeded to the\n      purple; and we may hesitate to follow Prof. von Domaszewski in\n      simply excising these passages as the work of an \u201cimpudent forger.\u201d\n      (4) The official establishment of the bloody Phrygian superstition\n      suits better the life and character of the superstitious, timid,\n      cruel, pedantic Claudius of the first century than the gallant\n      soldier his namesake in the third century. The one lounged away his\n      contemptible days in the safety of the palace, surrounded by a hedge\n      of lifeguards. The other spent the two years of his brief but\n      glorious reign in camps and battlefields on the frontier, combating\n      the barbarian enemies of the empire; and it is probable that he had\n      as little leisure as inclination to pander to the superstitions of\n      the Roman populace. For these reasons it seems better with Mr.\n      Hepding and Prof. Cumont to acquiesce in the traditional view that\n      the rites of Attis were officially celebrated at Rome from the first\n      century onward.\n\n      An intermediate view is adopted by Prof. G. Wissowa, who, brushing\n      aside the statement of Joannes Lydus altogether, would seemingly\n      assign the public institution of the rites to the middle of the\n      second century A.D. on the ground that the earliest extant evidence\n      of their public celebration refers to that period (_Religion und\n      Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 Munich, 1912, p. 322). But, considering the\n      extremely imperfect evidence at our disposal for the history of\n      these centuries, it seems rash to infer that an official cult cannot\n      have been older than the earliest notice of it which has chanced to\n      come down to us.\n\n  785 Arrian, _Tactica_, 33; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xii. 836.\n\n  786 On the festival see J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2\n      (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 370 _sqq._; the calendar of Philocalus, in\n      _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vol. i.2 Pars prior (Berlin,\n      1893), p. 260, with Th. Mommsen\u2019s commentary (pp. 313 _sq._); W.\n      Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 291 _sqq._; _id._,\n      _Baumkultus_, pp. 572 _sqq._; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der\n      R\u00f6mer_,2 pp. 318 _sqq._; H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 147 _sqq._; J.\n      Toutain, _Les Cultes Pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire Romain_, ii. (Paris, 1911)\n      pp. 82 _sqq._\n\n M201 The spring festival of Cybele and Attis at Rome. The Day of Blood.\n\n  787 Julian, _Orat._ v. 168 C, p. 218 ed. F. C. Hertlein (Leipsic,\n      1875-1876); Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 41; Arnobius,\n      _Adversus Nationes_, v. chs. 7, 16, 39; Firmicus Maternus, _De\n      errore profanarum religionum_, 27; Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis\n      et mundo,\u201d iv., _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A.\n      Mullach, iii. 33. As to the guild of Tree-bearers (_Dendrophori_)\n      see Joannes Lydus, _l.c._; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae\n      Selectae_, Nos. 4116 _sq._, 4171-4174, 4176; H. Hepding, _Attis_,\n      pp. 86, 92, 93, 96, 152 _sqq._; F. Cumont, _s.v._ \u201cDendrophori,\u201d in\n      Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen\n      Altertumswissenschaft_, v. 1. coll. 216-219; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes\n      Pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire Romain_, ii. 82 _sq._, 92 _sq._\n\n  788 Julian, _l.c._ and 169 C, p. 219 ed. F. C. Hertlein. The ceremony\n      may have been combined with the old _tubilustrium_ or purification\n      of trumpets, which fell on this day. See Joannes Lydus, _De\n      mensibus_, iv. 42; Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 14; Festus, pp.\n      352, 353 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the\n      Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899), p. 62.\n\n  789 Trebellius Pollio, _Claudius_, 4; Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 25.\n\n  790 Lucian, _Deorum dialogi_, xii. 1; Seneca, _Agamemnon_, 686 _sqq._;\n      Martial, xi. 84. 3 _sq._; Valerius Flaccus, _Argonaut._ viii. 239\n      _sqq._; Statius, _Theb._ x. 170 _sqq._; Apuleius, _Metam._ viii. 27;\n      Lactantius, _Divinarum Institutionum Epitome_, 23 (18, vol. i. p.\n      689 ed. Brandt and Laubmann); H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 158 _sqq._ As\n      to the music of these dancing dervishes see also Lucretius, ii. 618\n      _sqq._\n\n_  791 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 90 _sq._, 101 _sq._\n\n  792 Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 22 and 24; Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._\n      i. 21. 16; _id._, _Epitoma_, 8; Schol. on Lucian, _Jupiter\n      Tragoedus_, 8 (p. 60 ed. H. Rabe); Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ix.\n      115; Prudentius, _Peristephan._ x. 1066 _sqq._; \u201cPassio Sancti\n      Symphoriani,\u201d chs. 2 and 6 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, v. 1463,\n      1466); Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 14; Scholiast on Nicander,\n      _Alexipharmaca_, 8; H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 163 _sq._ A story told\n      by Clement of Alexandria (_Protrept._ ii. 15, p. 13 ed. Potter)\n      suggests that weaker brethren may have been allowed to sacrifice the\n      virility of a ram instead of their own. We know from inscriptions\n      that rams and bulls were regularly sacrificed at the mysteries of\n      Attis and the Great Mother, and that the testicles of the bulls were\n      used for a special purpose, probably as a fertility charm. May not\n      the testicles of the rams have been employed for the same purpose?\n      and may not those of both animals have been substitutes for the\n      corresponding organs in men? As to the sacrifices of rams and bulls\n      see G. Zippel, \u201cDas Taurobolium,\u201d _Festschrift zum f\u00fcnfzigj\u00e4hrigen\n      Doctorjubil\u00e4um L. Friedlaender_ (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 498 _sqq._; H.\n      Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 4118 _sqq._; J.\n      Toutain, _Les Cultes Pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire Romain_, ii. 84 _sqq._\n\n  793 Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 5 _sq._\n\n M202 Eunuch priests in the service of Asiatic goddesses.\n\n  794 Strabo, xiv. 1. 23, p. 641.\n\n  795 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 15, 27, 50-53.\n\n  796 Lucian, _op. cit._ 10.\n\n  797 Lucian, _op. cit._ 15.\n\n  798 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49-51.\n\n  799 Catullus, _Carm._ lxiii. I agree with Mr. H. Hepding (_Attis_, p.\n      140) in thinking that the subject of the poem is not the mythical\n      Attis, but one of his ordinary priests, who bore the name and\n      imitated the sufferings of his god. Thus interpreted the poem gains\n      greatly in force and pathos. The real sorrows of our fellow-men\n      touch us more nearly than the imaginary pangs of the gods.\n\n      As the sacrifice of virility and the institution of eunuch priests\n      appear to be rare, I will add a few examples. At Stratonicea in\n      Caria a eunuch held a sacred office in connexion with the worship of\n      Zeus and Hecate (_Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, No. 2715).\n      According to Eustathius (on Homer, _Iliad_, xix. 254, p. 1183) the\n      Egyptian priests were eunuchs who had sacrificed their virility as a\n      first-fruit to the gods. In Corea \u201cduring a certain night, known as\n      _Chu-il_, in the twelfth moon, the palace eunuchs, of whom there are\n      some three hundred, perform a ceremony supposed to ensure a\n      bountiful crop in the ensuing year. They chant in chorus prayers,\n      swinging burning torches around them the while. This is said to be\n      symbolical of burning the dead grass, so as to destroy the field\n      mice and other vermin.\u201d See W. Woodville Rockhill, \u201cNotes on some of\n      the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea,\u201d _The American\n      Anthropologist_, iv. (Washington, 1891) p. 185. Compare Mrs. Bishop,\n      _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 56 _sq._ It appears\n      that among the Ekoi of Southern Nigeria both men and women are, or\n      used to be, mutilated by the excision of their genital organs at an\n      annual festival, which is celebrated in order to produce plentiful\n      harvests and immunity from thunderbolts. The victims apparently die\n      from loss of blood. See P. Amaury Talbot, _In the Shadow of the\n      Bush_ (London, 1912), pp. 74 _sqq._ Mr. Talbot writes to me: \u201cA\n      horrible case has just happened at Idua, where, at the new yam\n      planting, a man cut off his own _membrum virile_\u201d (letter dated\n      Eket, Nr Calabar, Southern Nigeria, Feb. 7th, 1913). Amongst the\n      Ba-sundi and Ba-bwende of the Congo many youths are castrated \u201cin\n      order to more fittingly offer themselves to the phallic worship,\n      which increasingly prevails as we advance from the coast to the\n      interior. At certain villages between Manyanga and Isangila there\n      are curious eunuch dances to celebrate the new moon, in which a\n      white cock is thrown up into the air alive, with clipped wings, and\n      as it falls towards the ground it is caught and plucked by the\n      eunuchs. I was told that originally this used to be a human\n      sacrifice, and that a young boy or girl was thrown up into the air\n      and torn to pieces by the eunuchs as he or she fell, but that of\n      late years slaves had got scarce or manners milder, and a white cock\n      was now substituted\u201d (H. H. Johnston, \u201cOn the Races of the Congo,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 473;\n      compare _id._, _The River Congo_, London, 1884, p. 409). In India,\n      men who are born eunuchs or in some way deformed are sometimes\n      dedicated to a goddess named Huligamma. They wear female attire and\n      might be mistaken for women. Also men who are or believe themselves\n      impotent will vow to dress as women and serve the goddess in the\n      hope of recovering their virility. See F. Fawcett, \u201cOn Basivis,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, ii. 343 _sq._ In\n      Pegu the English traveller, Alexander Hamilton, witnessed a dance in\n      honour of the gods of the earth. \u201cHermaphrodites, who are numerous\n      in this country, are generally chosen, if there are enough present\n      to make a set for the dance. I saw nine dance like mad folks for\n      above half-an-hour; and then some of them fell in fits, foaming at\n      the mouth for the space of half-an-hour; and, when their senses are\n      restored, they pretend to foretell plenty or scarcity of corn for\n      that year, if the year will prove sickly or salutary to the people,\n      and several other things of moment, and all by that half hour\u2019s\n      conversation that the furious dancer had with the gods while she was\n      in a trance\u201d (A. Hamilton, \u201cA New Account of the East Indies,\u201d in J.\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, viii. 427). So in the worship of\n      Attis the Archigallus or head of the eunuch priests prophesied;\n      perhaps he in like manner worked himself up to the pitch of\n      inspiration by a frenzied dance. See H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones\n      Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 142, 143, Nos. 4130, 4136;\n      G. Wilmanns, _Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_ (Berlin, 1873), vol.\n      i. p. 36, Nos. 119a, 120; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes Pa\u00efens dans\n      l\u2019Empire Romain_, ii. 93 _sq._ As to the sacrifice of virility in\n      the Syrian religion compare Th. N\u00f6ldeke, \u201cDie Selbstentmannung bei\n      den Syrern,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, x. (1907) pp.\n      150-152.\n\n M203 The sacrifice of virility. The mourning for Attis.\n\n  800 Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 7 and 16; Servius on Virgil,\n      _Aen._ ix. 115.\n\n  801 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59; Arrian, _Tactica_, 33; Scholiast on\n      Nicander, _Alexipharmaca_, 8; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore\n      profanarum religionum_, 3 and 22; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v.\n      16; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ix. 115.\n\n  802 See above, p. 267.\n\n  803 Arnobius, _l.c._; Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et mundo,\u201d iv.,\n      _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.\n\n  804 Above, p. 230.\n\n  805 See below, p. 274.\n\n M204 The Festival of Joy (_Hilaria_) for the resurrection of Attis on\n      March 25th. The procession to the Almo.\n\n  806 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 22, \u201c_Nocte\n      quadam simulacrum in lectica supinum ponitur et per numeros digestis\n      fletibus plangitur: deinde cum se ficta lamentatione satiaverint,\n      lumen infertur: tunc a sacerdote omnium qui flebant fauces\n      unguentur, quibus perunctis hoc lento murmure susurrat:_\n\n      \u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bc\u03cd\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03ad\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03b5\u03c3\u03c9\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5; \u1f14\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u1f21\u03bc\u1fd6\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03cc\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd\n      \u03c3\u03c9\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1.\n\n      _Quid miseros hortaris gaudeant? quid deceptos homines laetari\n      compellis? quam illis spem, quam salutem funesta persuasione\n      promittis? Dei tui mors nota est, vita non paret.... Idolum sepelis,\n      idolum plangis, idolum de sepultura proferis, et miser cum haec\n      feceris, gaudes. Tu deum tuum liberas, tu jacentia lapidis membra\n      componis, tu insensibile corrigis saxum._\u201d In this passage Firmicus\n      does not expressly mention Attis, but that the reference is to his\n      rites is made probable by a comparison with chapter 3 of the same\n      writer\u2019s work. Compare also Damascius, in Photius\u2019s _Bibliotheca_,\n      p. 345 A, 5 _sqq._, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824), \u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f39\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\n      \u1f10\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5\u03c5\u03b4\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03b4\u03cc\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd \u1f44\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1 \u1f41 \u1f0c\u03c4\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, \u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u03bc\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\n      \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f31\u03bb\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd; \u1f45\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\n      \u1f10\u03b4\u03ae\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f10\u03be \u1f85\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b3\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\u03c5\u1fd6\u03b1\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c3\u03c9\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03bd. See further Fr. Cumont,\n      _Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909),\n      pp. 89 _sq._\n\n  807 Macrobius, _Saturn_. i. 21. 10; Flavius Vopiscus, _Aurelianus_, i.\n      1; Julian, _Or._ v. pp. 168 D, 169 D; Damascius, _l.c._; Herodian,\n      i. 10. 5-7; Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et mundo,\u201d _Fragmenta\n      Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. In like\n      manner Easter Sunday, the Resurrection-day of Christ, was called by\n      some ancient writers the Sunday of Joy (_Dominica Gaudii_). The\n      emperors used to celebrate the happy day by releasing from prison\n      all but the worst offenders. See J. Bingham, _The Antiquities of the\n      Christian Church_, bk. xx. ch. vi. \u00a7\u00a7 5 _sq._ (Bingham\u2019s _Works_\n      (Oxford, 1855), vii. 317 _sqq._).\n\n  808 Aelius Lampridius, _Alexander Severus_, 37.\n\n_  809 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), pp.\n      260, 313 _sq._; H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 51, 172.\n\n  810 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 337-346; Silius Italicus, _Punic._ viii. 365;\n      Valerius Flaccus, _Argonaut._ viii. 239 _sqq._; Martial, iii. 47. 1\n      _sq._; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 3. 7; Arnobius, _Adversus\n      Nationes_, vii. 32; Prudentius, _Peristephon._ x. 154 _sqq._ For the\n      description of the image of the goddess see Arnobius, _Adversus\n      Nationes_, vii. 49. At Carthage the goddess was carried to her bath\n      in a litter, not in a wagon (Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, ii. 4).\n      The bath formed part of the festival in Phrygia, whence the custom\n      was borrowed by the Romans (Arrian, _Tactica_, 33). At Cyzicus the\n      Placianian Mother, a form of Cybele, was served by women called\n      \u201cmarine\u201d (\u0398\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9), whose duty it probably was to wash her image\n      in the sea (Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, Brussels,\n      1900, pp. 403 _sq._, No. 537). See further J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische\n      Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 373; H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 133 _sq._\n\n M205 The mysteries of Attis. The sacrament. The baptism of blood. The\n      Vatican a centre of the worship of Attis.\n\n  811 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 15, p. 13 ed. Potter;\n      Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 18.\n\n  812 Above, p. 272.\n\n  813 H. Hepding, _Attis_, p. 185.\n\n  814 Prudentius, _Peristephan._ x. 1006-1050; compare Firmicus Maternus,\n      _De errore profanarum religionum_, 28. 8. That the bath of bull\u2019s\n      blood (_taurobolium_) was believed to regenerate the devotee for\n      eternity is proved by an inscription found at Rome, which records\n      that a certain Sextilius Agesilaus Aedesius, who dedicated an altar\n      to Attis and the Mother of the Gods, was _taurobolio criobolioque in\n      aeternum renatus_ (_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vi. No. 510; H.\n      Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, No. 4152). The phrase\n      _arcanis perfusionibus in aeternum renatus_ occurs in a dedication\n      to Mithra (_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vi. No. 736), which,\n      however, is suspected of being spurious. As to the inscriptions\n      which refer to the _taurobolium_ see G. Zippel, \u201cDas Taurobolium,\u201d\n      in _Festschrift zum f\u00fcnfzigj\u00e4hrigen Doctorjubil\u00e4um L. Friedlaender\n      dargebracht von seinen Sch\u00fclern_ (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 498-520; H.\n      Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. pp.\n      140-147, Nos. 4118-4159. As to the origin of the _taurobolium_ and\n      the meaning of the word, see Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments\n      Figur\u00e9s relatifs aux Myst\u00e8res de Mithra_ (Brussels, 1896-1899), i.\n      334 _sq._; _id._, _Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme\n      Romain_,2 pp. 100 _sqq._; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes Pa\u00efens dans\n      l\u2019Empire Romain_, ii. 84 _sqq._; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus\n      der R\u00f6mer_,2 pp. 322 _sqq._ The _taurobolium_ seems to have formed\n      no part of the original worship of Cybele and to have been imported\n      into it at a comparatively late date, perhaps in the second century\n      of our era. Its origin is obscure. In the majority of the older\n      inscriptions the name of the rite appears as _tauropolium_, and it\n      has been held that this is the true form, being derived from the\n      worship of the Asiatic goddess Artemis Tauropolis (Strabo, xii. 2.\n      7, p. 537). This was formerly the view of Prof. F. Cumont (_s.v._\n      \u201cAnaitis,\u201d in Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen\n      Altertumswissenschaft_, i. 2. col. 2031); but he now prefers the\n      form _taurobolium_, and would deduce both the name and the rite from\n      an ancient Anatolian hunting custom of lassoing wild bulls.\n\n  815 Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et mundo,\u201d iv., _Fragmenta\n      Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.\n\n  816 Sallustius philosophus, _l.c._\n\n_  817 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vi. Nos. 497-504; H. Dessau,\n      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 4145, 4147-4151, 4153;\n      _Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae_, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin,\n      1890), p. 270, No. 1020; G. Zippel, _op. cit._ pp. 509 _sq._, 519;\n      H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 83, 86-88, 176; Ch. Huelsen, _Topographie\n      der Stadt Rom im Alterthum, von H. Jordan_, i. 3 (Berlin, 1907), pp.\n      658 _sq._\n\n_  818 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiii. No. 1751; H. Dessau,\n      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, No. 4131; G. Wilmanns, _Exempla\n      Inscriptionum Latinarum_ (Berlin, 1873), vol. ii. p. 125, No. 2278;\n      G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 p. 267; H. Hepding,\n      _Attis_, pp. 169-171, 176.\n\n_  819 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiii. No. 1751; G. Wilmanns,\n      _Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vol. i. pp. 35-37, Nos. 119, 123,\n      124; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 4127, 4129,\n      4131, 4140; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 pp. 322\n      _sqq._; H. Hepding, _Attis_, p. 191.\n\n M206 The sanctity of the pine-tree in the worship of Attis.\n\n  820 As to the monuments see H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_,\n      Nos. 4143, 4152, 4153; H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 82, 83, 88, 89.\n\n  821 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 27.\n\n_  822 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 47 _sq._, 71;\n      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 138, 143, 152, 153, 154,\n      155, 156, 157, 158.\n\n  823 Etymologicum Magnum, p. 220, line 20, \u0393\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f41 \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03c1\n      \u03a0\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2; \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c6\u03cd\u03bb\u03bb\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b9\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c7\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f61\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f31 \u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9. \u1fbd\u0391\u03b5\u1f76 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1\n      \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u0394\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b9\u03c3\u03c3\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf. But there seems to be\n      some confusion here between the rites of Dionysus and those of\n      Attis; ivy was certainly sacred to Dionysus (Pausanias, i. 31. 6\n      with my note). Compare C. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_ (K\u00f6nigsberg,\n      1829), i. 657, who, in the passage quoted, rightly defends the\n      readings \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c7\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 and \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf.\n\n_  824 Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xix. 105. Compare Athenaeus, ii. 49, p.\n      57. The nuts of the silver-pine (_Pinus edulis_) are a favourite\n      food of the Californian Indians (S. Powers, _Tribes of California_\n      (Washington, 1877), p. 421); the Wintun Indians hold a pine-nut\n      dance when the nuts are fit to be gathered (_ib._ p. 237). The\n      Shuswap Indians of British Columbia collect the cones of various\n      sorts of pines and eat the nutlets which they extract from them. See\n      G. M. Dawson, \u201cNotes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,\u201d\n      _Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, ix.\n      (Montreal, 1892) Transactions, section ii. p. 22. With regard to the\n      Araucanian Indians of South America we read that \u201cthe great staple\n      food, the base of all their subsistence, save among the coast\n      tribes, was the _pi\u00f1on_, the fruit of the Araucanian pine\n      (_Araucaria imbricata_). Every year during the autumn months\n      excursions are made by the whole tribe to the pine forests, where\n      they remain until they have collected sufficient for the following\n      year. Each tribe has its own district, inherited by custom from\n      generation to generation and inviolate, by unwritten law, from other\n      tribes, even in time of warfare. This harvest was formerly of such\n      supreme importance, that all inter-tribal quarrels and warfares were\n      suspended by mutual accord during this period.\u201d See R. E. Latcham,\n      \u201cEthnology of the Araucanos,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxix. (1909) p. 341. The Gilyaks of the Amoor valley in\n      like manner eat the nutlets of the Siberian stone-pine (L. von\n      Schrenk, _Die V\u00f6lker des Amur-Landes_, iii. 440). See also the\n      commentators on Herodotus, iv. 109 \u03c6\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03b3\u03ad\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9.\n\n  825 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xiv. 103.\n\n  826 Strabo, x. 3. 12 _sqq._, pp. 469 _sqq._ However, tipsy people were\n      excluded from the sanctuary of Attis (Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_,\n      v. 6).\n\n  827 Scholiast on Lucian, _Dial. Meretr._ ii. 1, p. 276 ed. H. Rabe\n      (Leipsic, 1906).\n\n M207 Attis as a corn-god. Cybele as a goddess of fertility. The bathing\n      of her image either a rain-charm or a marriage-rite.\n\n  828 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 8 and 9, pp. 162, 168\n      ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore\n      profanarum religionum_, 3; Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et\n      mundo,\u201d _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach,\n      iii. 33. Others identified him with the spring flowers. See\n      Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iii. 11. 8 and 12, iii. 13. 10\n      ed. F. A. Heinichen (Leipsic, 1842-1843); Augustine, _De civitate\n      Dei_, vii. 25.\n\n  829 W. Helbig, _F\u00fchrer durch die \u00f6ffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer\n      Altert\u00fcmer in Rom_2 (Leipsic, 1899), i. 481, No. 721.\n\n  830 The urn is in the Lateran Museum at Rome (No. 1046). It is not\n      described by W. Helbig in his _F\u00fchrer_.2 The inscription on the urn\n      (_M. Modius Maxximus archigallus coloniae Ostiens_) is published by\n      H. Dessau (_Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, No. 4162), who does not\n      notice the curious and interesting composition of the cock\u2019s tail.\n      The bird is chosen as an emblem of the priest with a punning\n      reference to the word _gallus_, which in Latin means a cock as well\n      as a priest of Attis.\n\n  831 Gregory of Tours, _De gloria confessorum_, 77 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Latina_, lxxi. 884). That the goddess here referred to was Cybele\n      and not a native Gallic deity, as I formerly thought (_Lectures on\n      the Early History of the Kingship_, p. 178), seems proved by the\n      \u201cPassion of St. Symphorian,\u201d chs. 2 and 6 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Graeca_, v. 1463, 1466). Gregory and the author of the \u201cPassion of\n      St. Symphorian\u201d call the goddess simply Berecynthia, the latter\n      writer adding \u201cthe Mother of the Demons,\u201d which is plainly a\n      Christian version of the title \u201cMother of the Gods.\u201d\n\n  832 Above, p. 265. In the island of Thera an ox, wheat, barley, wine,\n      and \u201cother first-fruits of all that the seasons produce\u201d were\n      offered to the Mother of the Gods, plainly because she was deemed\n      the source of fertility. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. p. 426, No. 630.\n\n  833 H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 215-217; compare _id._ p. 175 note 7.\n\n  834 Ptolemaeus, _Nov. Hist._ i. p. 183 of A. Westermann\u2019s _Mythographi\n      Graeci_ (Brunswick, 1843).\n\n  835 Pausanias, viii. 25. 5 _sq._\n\n  836 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xii. 30. The place was in Mesopotamia, and the\n      goddess was probably Astarte. So Lucian (_De dea Syria_) calls the\n      Astarte of Hierapolis \u201cthe Assyrian Hera.\u201d\n\n  837 Pausanias, ii. 38. 2.\n\n  838 Julian, _Orat._ v. 173 _sqq._ (pp. 225 _sqq._ ed. F. C. Hertlein);\n      H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 155-157. However, apples, pomegranates, and\n      dates were also forbidden. The story that the mother of Attis\n      conceived him through contact with a pomegranate (above, pp. 263,\n      269) might explain the prohibition of that fruit. But the reasons\n      for tabooing apples and dates are not apparent, though Julian tried\n      to discover them. He suggested that dates may have been forbidden\n      because the date-palm does not grow in Phrygia, the native land of\n      Cybele and Attis.\n\n M208 The name Attis seems to mean \u201cfather.\u201d\n\n  839 P. Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen\n      Sprache_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1896), p. 355.\n\n  840 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58. 4; Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium\n      haeresium_, i. 9, p. 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin. A Latin\n      dedication to _Atte Papa_ has been found at Aquileia (F. Cumont, in\n      Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Realencyclop\u00e4die der classischen\n      Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 2180, _s.v._ \u201cAttepata\u201d H. Hepding,\n      _Attis_, p. 86). Greek dedications to Papas or to Zeus Papas occur\n      in Phrygia (H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 78 _sq._). Compare A. B. Cook,\n      \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xviii. (1904) p.\n      79.\n\n  841 Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 6 and 13.\n\n  842 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_2 (London, 1873), i. 223.\n\n M209 Relation of Attis to the Mother Goddess. Attis as a Sky-god or\n      Heavenly Father. Stories of the emasculation of the Sky-god.\n\n  843 Rapp, _s.v._ \u201cKybele,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\n      r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1648.\n\n  844 She is called a \u201cmotherless virgin\u201d by Julian (_Or._ v. 166 B, p.\n      215 ed. F. C. Hertlein), and there was a _Parthenon_ or virgin\u2019s\n      chamber in her sanctuary at Cyzicus (Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 404, No. 538). Compare Rapp, in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1648;\n      Wagner, _s.v._ \u201cNana,\u201d _ibid._ iii. 4 _sq._ Another great goddess of\n      fertility who was conceived as a Virgin Mother was the Egyptian\n      Neith or Net. She is called \u201cthe Great Goddess, the Mother of All\n      the Gods,\u201d and was believed to have brought forth Ra, the Sun,\n      without the help of a male partner. See C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der\n      Religion im Altertum_, i. 111; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the\n      Egyptians_ (London, 1904), i. 457-462. The latter writer says (p.\n      462): \u201cIn very early times Net was the personification of the\n      eternal female principle of life which was self-sustaining and\n      self-existent, and was secret and unknown, and all-pervading; the\n      more material thinkers, whilst admitting that she brought forth her\n      son R\u0101 without the aid of a husband, were unable to divorce from\n      their minds the idea that a male germ was necessary for its\n      production, and finding it impossible to derive it from a being\n      external to the goddess, assumed that she herself provided not only\n      the substance which was to form the body of R\u0101 but also the male\n      germ which fecundated it. Thus Net was the type of\n      partheno-genesis.\u201d\n\n  845 Quoted by Eustathius on Homer, _Il._ v. 408; _Fragmenta Historicorum\n      Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 592, Frag. 30.\n\n  846 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2 i. 321 _sqq._, ii. 270\n      _sqq._ For example, the Ewe people of Togo-land, in West Africa,\n      think that the Earth is the wife of the Sky, and that their marriage\n      takes place in the rainy season, when the rain causes the seeds to\n      sprout and bear fruit. These fruits they regard as the children of\n      Mother Earth, who in their opinion is the mother also of men and of\n      gods. See J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 464, 548.\n      In the regions of the Senegal and the Niger it is believed that the\n      Sky-god and the Earth-goddess are the parents of the principal\n      spirits who dispense life and death, weal and woe, among mankind.\n      The eldest son of Sky and Earth is represented in very various\n      forms, sometimes as a hermaphrodite, sometimes in semi-animal shape,\n      with the head of a bull, a crocodile, a fish, or a serpent. His name\n      varies in the different tribes, but the outward form of his\n      ceremonies is everywhere similar. His rites, which are to some\n      extent veiled in mystery, are forbidden to women. See Maurice\n      Delafosse, _Haut-S\u00e9n\u00e9gal-Niger_ (Paris, 1912), iii. 173-175.\n\n  847 Hesiod, _Theogony_, 159 _sqq._\n\n  848 Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 16; Aristides, _Or._ iii. (vol. i.\n      p. 35 ed. G. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1829); Scholiast on Apollonius\n      Rhodius, _Argon._ iv. 983.\n\n  849 A. Lang, _Custom and Myth_ (London, 1884), pp. 45 _sqq._; _id._,\n      _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_ (London, 1887), i. 299 _sqq._ In\n      Egyptian mythology the separation of heaven and earth was ascribed\n      to Shu, the god of light, who insinuated himself between the bodies\n      of Seb (Keb) the earth-god and of Nut the sky-goddess. On the\n      monuments Shu is represented holding up the star-spangled body of\n      Nut on his hands, while Seb reclines on the ground. See A.\n      Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1897), pp.\n      230 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 90,\n      97 _sq._, 100, 105; A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_2 (Berlin,\n      1909), pp. 35 _sq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im\n      Altertum_, i. 33 _sq._ Thus contrary to the usual mythical\n      conception the Egyptians regarded the earth as male and the sky as\n      female. An allusion in the _Book of the Dead_ (ch. 69, vol. ii. p.\n      235, E. A. Wallis Budge\u2019s translation, London, 1901) has been\n      interpreted as a hint that Osiris mutilated his father Seb at the\n      separation of earth and heaven, just as Cronus mutilated his father\n      Uranus. See H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_\n      (Leipsic, 1885-1888), p. 581; E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ ii. 99\n      _sq._ Sometimes the Egyptians conceived the sky as a great cow\n      standing with its legs on the earth. See A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische\n      Religion_,2 pp. 7, 8.\n\n  850 Compare _The Dying God_, pp. 105 _sqq._\n\n  851 Julian, _Or._ v. pp. 165 B, 170 D (pp. 214, 221, ed. F. C.\n      Hertlein); Sallustius philosophus, \u201cDe diis et mundo,\u201d iv.\n      _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.\n\n  852 Drexler, _s.v._ \u201cMen,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\n      r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 2745; H. Hepding, _Attis_, p. 120, note 8.\n\n  853 H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. pp.\n      145 _sq._, Nos. 4146-4149; H. Hepding, _Attis_, pp. 82, 86 _sq._, 89\n      _sq._ As to Men Tyrannus, see Drexler, _s.v._ \u201cMen,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Myth._ ii. 2687 _sqq._\n\n  854 On the other hand Sir W. M. Ramsay holds that Attis and Men are\n      deities of similar character and origin, but differentiated from\n      each other by development in different surroundings (_Cities and\n      Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. 169); but he denies that Men was a\n      moon-god (_op. cit._ i. 104, note 4).\n\n M210 The high priest of Attis bore the god\u2019s name and seems to have\n      personated him. The drawing of the high priest\u2019s blood may have been\n      a substitute for putting him to death in the character of the god.\n      The name of Attis in the royal families of Phrygia and Lydia. The\n      Phrygian priests of Attis may have been members of the royal family.\n\n  855 In letters of Eumenes and Attalus, preserved in inscriptions at\n      Sivrihissar, the priest at Pessinus is addressed as Attis. See A.\n      von Domaszewski, \u201cBriefe der Attaliden an den Priester von\n      Pessinus,\u201d _Archaeologische-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus\n      Oesterreich-Ungarn_, viii. (1884) pp. 96, 98; Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 57 _sq._ No. 45; W. Dittenberger,\n      _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), vol.\n      i. pp. 482 _sqq._ No. 315. For more evidence of inscriptions see H.\n      Hepding, _Attis_, p. 79; Rapp, _s.v._ \u201cAttis,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n      _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 724. See also\n      Polybius, xxii. 18 (20), (ed. L. Dindorf), who mentions a priest of\n      the Mother of the Gods named Attis at Pessinus.\n\n  856 The conjecture is that of Henzen, in _Annal. d. Inst._ 1856, p. 110,\n      referred to by Rapp, _l.c._\n\n_  857 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 75 _sq._; _The Dying\n      God_, pp. 151 _sq._, 209.\n\n  858 Article \u201cPhrygia,\u201d in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 9th ed. xviii.\n      (1885) p. 853. Elsewhere, speaking of the religions of Asia Minor in\n      general, the same writer says: \u201cThe highest priests and priestesses\n      played the parts of the great gods in the mystic ritual, wore their\n      dress, and bore their names\u201d (_Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i.\n      101).\n\n  859 Strabo, xii. 5. 3, p. 567.\n\n  860 (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, \u201cA Study of Phrygian Art,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic\n      Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 379 _sqq._; _id._, \u201cA Study of Phrygian\n      Art,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, x. (1889) pp. 156 _sqq._; G.\n      Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, v. 82\n      _sqq._\n\n  861 Herodotus, i. 94. According to Sir W. M. Ramsay, the conquering and\n      ruling caste in Lydia belonged to the Phrygian stock (_Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) p. 351).\n\n  862 Herodotus, i. 34-45. The tradition that Croesus would allow no iron\n      weapon to come near Atys suggests that a similar taboo may have been\n      imposed on the Phrygian priests named Attis. For taboos of this sort\n      see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 225 _sqq._\n\n  863 H. Stein on Herodotus, i. 43; Ed. Meyer, _s.v._ \u201cAtys,\u201d in\n      Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen\n      Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 2 col. 2262.\n\n  864 See above, pp. 13, 16 _sq._, 48 _sqq._\n\n_  865 The Dying God_, pp. 161 _sqq._\n\n  866 See (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, _s.v._ \u201cPhrygia,\u201d _Encyclopaedia\n      Britannica_, 9th ed. xviii. 849 _sq._; _id._, \u201cA Study of Phrygian\n      Art,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 350 _sq._ Prof.\n      P. Kretschmer holds that both Cybele and Attis were gods of the\n      indigenous Asiatic population, not of the Phrygian invaders\n      (_Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_, G\u00f6ttingen,\n      1896, pp. 194 _sq._).\n\n M211 The way in which the representatives of Attis were put to death is\n      perhaps shown by the legend of Marsyas, who was hung on a pine-tree\n      and flayed by Apollo.\n\n  867 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58 _sq._ As to Marsyas in the character of a\n      shepherd or herdsman see Hyginus, _Fab._ 165; Nonnus, _Dionys._ i.\n      41 _sqq._ He is called a Silenus by Pausanias (i. 24. 1).\n\n  868 Pausanias, x. 30. 9.\n\n  869 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 4. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 165. Many\n      ancient writers mention that the tree on which Marsyas suffered\n      death was a pine. See Apollodorus, _l.c._; Nicander,\n      _Alexipharmaca_, 301 _sq._, with the Scholiast\u2019s note; Lucian,\n      _Tragodopodagra_, 314 _sq._; Archias Mitylenaeus, in _Anthologia\n      Palatina_, vii. 696; Philostratus, Junior, _Imagines_, i. 3; Longus,\n      _Pastor._ iv. 8; Zenobius, _Cent._ iv. 81; J. Tzetzes, _Chiliades_,\n      i. 353 sqq. Pliny alone declares the tree to have been a plane,\n      which according to him was still shown at Aulocrene on the way from\n      Apamea to Phrygia (_Nat. Hist._ xvi. 240). On a candelabra in the\n      Vatican the defeated Marsyas is represented hanging on a pine-tree\n      (W. Helbig, _F\u00fchrer_,2 i. 225 _sq._); but the monumental evidence is\n      not consistent on this point (Jessen, _s.v._ \u201cMarsyas,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 2442). The\n      position which the pine held in the myth and ritual of Cybele\n      supports the preponderance of ancient testimony in favour of that\n      tree.\n\n  870 Herodotus, vii. 26; Xenophon, _Anabasis_, i. 2. 8; Livy, xxxviii.\n      13. 6; Quintus Curtius, iii. 1. 1-5; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 106.\n      Herodotus calls the river the Catarrhactes.\n\n  871 Aelian, _Var. Hist_. xiii. 21.\n\n M212 Marsyas apparently a double of Attis. The hanging and spearing of\n      Odin and his human victims on sacred trees. The hanging and spearing\n      of human victims among the Bagobos.\n\n  872 Catullus, lxiii. 22; Lucretius, ii. 620; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 181\n      _sq._, 341; Polyaenus, _Stratagem._ viii. 53. 4. Flutes or pipes\n      often appear on her monuments. See H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae\n      Selectae_, Nos. 4100, 4143, 4145, 4152, 4153.\n\n  873 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 9, p. 168, ed. Duncker\n      and Schneidewin.\n\n  874 Adam of Bremen, _Descriptio insularum Aquilonis_, 27 (Migne\u2019s\n      _Patrologia Latina_, cxlvi. 643).\n\n  875 S. Bugge, _Studien \u00fcber die Entstehung der n\u00f6rdischen G\u00f6tter- und\n      Heldensagen_ (Munich, 1889), pp. 339 _sqq._; K. Simrock, _Die Edda_8\n      (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 382; K. M\u00fcllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_\n      (Berlin, 1870-1900), iv. 244 _sq._; H. M. Chadwick, _The Cult of\n      Othin_ (London, 1899), pp. 3-20. The old English custom of hanging\n      and disembowelling traitors was probably derived from a practice of\n      thus sacrificing them to Odin; for among many races, including the\n      Teutonic and Latin peoples, capital punishment appears to have been\n      originally a religious rite, a sacrifice or consecration of the\n      criminal to the god whom he had offended. See F. Liebrecht, _Zur\n      Volkskunde_ (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 8 _sq._; K. von Amira, in H.\n      Paul\u2019s _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_,2 iii. (Strasburg,\n      1900) pp. 197 _sq._; G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, _Corpus\n      Poeticum Boreale_ (Oxford, 1883), i. 410; W. Golther, _Handbuch der\n      germanischen Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 548 _sq._; Th.\n      Mommsen, _Roman History_, bk. i. ch. 12 (vol. i. p. 192, ed. 1868);\n      _id._, _R\u00f6misches Strafrecht_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 900 _sqq._; F.\n      Granger, _The Worship of the Romans_ (London, 1895), pp. 259 _sqq._;\n      E. Westermarck, _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_, i.\n      (London, 1906) pp. 439 _sq._ So, too, among barbarous peoples the\n      slaughter of prisoners in war is often a sacrifice offered by the\n      victors to the gods to whose aid they ascribe the victory. See A. B.\n      Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London, 1887),\n      pp. 169 _sq._; W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_2 (London,\n      1832-1836), i. 289; Diodorus Siculus, xx. 65; Strabo, vii. 2. 3, p.\n      294; Caesar, _De bello Gallico_, vi. 17; Tacitus, _Annals_, i. 61,\n      xiii. 57; Procopius, De bello Gothico, ii. 15. 24, ii. 25. 9;\n      Jornandes, _Getica_, vi. 41; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4\n      (Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 36 _sq._; Fr. Schwally, _Semitische\n      Kriegsaltert\u00fcmer_ (Leipsic, 1901), pp. 29 _sqq._\n\n_  876 Havamal_, 139 _sqq._ (K. Simrock, _Die Edda_,8 p. 55; K.\n      M\u00fcllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_, v. 270 _sq._).\n\n  877 Fay-Cooper Cole, _The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao_\n      (Chicago, 1913), pp. 114 _sqq._ (_Field Museum of Natural History,\n      Publication 170_).\n\n M213 The hanging of Artemis. The hanging of Helen. The hanging of animal\n      victims.\n\n  878 Pausanias, viii. 23. 6 _sq._ The story, mentioned by Pausanias, that\n      some children tied a rope round the neck of the image of Artemis was\n      probably invented to explain a ritual practice of the same sort, as\n      scholars have rightly perceived. See L. Preller, _Griechische\n      Mythologie_, i.4 305, note 2; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek\n      States_ (Oxford, 1896-1909), ii. 428 _sq._; M. P. Nilsson,\n      _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 232 _sqq._ The Arcadian\n      worship of the Hanged Artemis was noticed by Callimachus. See\n      Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 38, p. 32, ed. Potter.\n\n  879 Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ xii. 85, p. 1714; I. Bekker, _Anecdota\n      Graeca_ (Berlin, 1814-1821), i. 336 _sq._, _s.v._ \u1f0c\u03b3\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03b1 \u1f19\u03ba\u03ac\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2. The\n      goddess Hecate was sometimes identified with Artemis, though in\n      origin probably she was quite distinct. See L. R. Farnell, _The\n      Cults of the Greek States_, ii. 499 _sqq._\n\n  880 Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ xiii.\n\n  881 Pausanias, iii. 19. 9 _sq._\n\n  882 H. von Fritze, \u201cZum griechischen Opferritual,\u201d _Jahrbuch des kaiser.\n      deutsch. Arch\u00e4ologischen Instituts_, xviii. (1903) pp. 58-67. In the\n      ritual of Eleusis the sacrificial oxen were sometimes lifted up by\n      young men from the ground. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge\n      Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 166 _sq._ No. 521 (\u1f24\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf \u03b4\u1f72\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u1fd6\u03bd\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03b8\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03b9, \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb.); E. S.\n      Roberts and E. A. Gardner, _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, ii.\n      (Cambridge, 1905) pp. 176 _sq._, No. 65. In this inscription the\n      word \u1f24\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf is differently interpreted by P. Stengel, who supposes\n      that it refers merely to turning backwards and upwards the head of\n      the victim. See P. Stengel, \u201cZum griechischen Opferritual,\u201d\n      _Jahrbuch des kaiser. deutsch. Arch\u00e4ologischen Instituts_, xviii.\n      (1903) pp. 113-123. But it seems highly improbable that so trivial\n      an act should be solemnly commemorated in an inscription among the\n      exploits of the young men (_epheboi_) who performed it. On the other\n      hand, we know that at Nysa the young men did lift and carry the\n      sacrificial bull, and that the act was deemed worthy of\n      commemoration on the coins. See above, p. 206. The Wajagga of East\n      Africa dread the ghosts of suicides; so when a man has hanged\n      himself they take the rope from his neck and hang a goat in the\n      fatal noose, after which they slay the animal. This is supposed to\n      appease the ghost and prevent him from tempting human beings to\n      follow his bad example. See B. Gutmann, \u201cTrauer und Begrabnissitten\n      der Wadschagga,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxix. (1906) p. 200.\n\n  883 See above, p. 146.\n\n M214 Use of the skins of human victims to effect their resurrection.\n\n_  884 The Scapegoat_, pp. 294 _sqq._\n\n  885 Herodotus, iv. 71 _sq._\n\n M215 Skins of men and horses stuffed and set up at graves. Some tribes of\n      Borneo use the skulls of their enemies to ensure the fertility of\n      the ground and of women, the abundance of game, and so forth.\n\n  886 Jean du Plan de Carpin, _Historia Mongalorum_, ed. D\u2019Avezac (Paris,\n      1838), cap. iii. \u00a7 iii.\n\n_  887 Voyages d\u2019Ibn Batoutah, texte Arabe accompagn\u00e9 d\u2019une traduction_,\n      par C. D\u00e9fr\u00e9mery et B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 300\n      _sq._ For more evidence of similar customs, observed by Turanian\n      peoples, see K. Neumann, _Die Hellenen im Skythenlande_ (Berlin,\n      1855), pp. 237-239.\n\n  888 Captain R. Fitz-roy, _Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His\n      Majesty\u2019s Ships __\u201c__Adventure__\u201d__ and __\u201c__Beagle__\u201d_ (London,\n      1839), ii. 155 _sq._\n\n  889 Herodotus, iv. 103. Many Scythians flayed their dead enemies, and,\n      stretching the skin on a wooden framework, carried it about with\n      them on horseback (Herodotus, iv. 64). The souls of the dead may\n      have been thought to attend on and serve the man who thus bore their\n      remains about with him. It is also possible that the custom was\n      nothing more than a barbarous mode of wreaking vengeance on the\n      dead. Thus a Persian king has been known to flay an enemy, stuff the\n      skin with chaff, and hang it on a high tree (Procopius, _De bello\n      Persico_, i. 5. 28). This was the treatment which the arch-heretic\n      Manichaeus is said to have received at the hands of the Persian king\n      whose son he failed to cure (Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i.\n      22; Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 137, 139). Still such a\n      punishment may have been suggested by a religious rite. The idea of\n      crucifying their human victims appears to have been suggested to the\n      negroes of Benin by the crucifixes of the early Portuguese\n      missionaries. See H. Ling Roth, _Great Benin_ (Halifax, 1903), pp.\n      14 _sq._\n\n  890 W. H. Furness, _Home-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters_ (Philadelphia,\n      1902), p. 59. According to Messrs. Hose and McDougall, the spirits\n      which animate the skulls appear not to be those of the persons from\n      whose shoulders the heads were taken. However, the spirits (called\n      _Toh_) reside in or about the heads, and \u201cit is held that in some\n      way their presence in the house brings prosperity to it, especially\n      in the form of good crops; and so essential to the welfare of the\n      house are the heads held to be that, if through fire a house has\n      lost its heads and has no occasion for war, the people will beg a\n      head, or even a fragment of one, from some friendly house, and will\n      instal it in their own with the usual ceremonies.\u201d See Ch. Hose and\n      W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_ (London, 1912), ii. 20,\n      23.\n\n  891 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London,\n      1863), i. 197.\n\n  892 Hugh Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), pp. 206 _sq._ In quoting this\n      passage I have taken the liberty to correct a grammatical slip.\n\n  893 Spenser St. John, _op. cit._ i. 204. See further G. A. Wilken, \u201cIets\n      over de schedelvereering,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxviii. (1889) pp. 89-129;\n      _id._, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iv. 37-81. A\n      different view of the purpose of head-hunting is maintained by Mr.\n      A. C. Kruyt, in his essay, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s van\n      Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen\n      der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde,\n      Vierde Reeks, iii. 2 (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 147 _sqq._\n\n      The natives of Nias, an island to the west of Sumatra, think it\n      necessary to obtain the heads of their enemies for the purpose of\n      celebrating the final obsequies of a dead chief. Their notion seems\n      to be that the ghost of the deceased ruler demands this sacrifice in\n      his honour, and will punish the omission of it by sending sickness\n      or other misfortunes on the survivors. Thus among these people the\n      custom of head-hunting is based on their belief in human immortality\n      and on their conception of the exacting demands which the dead make\n      upon the living. When the skulls have been presented to a dead\n      chief, the priest prays to him for his blessing on the sowing and\n      harvesting of the rice, on the fruitfulness of women, and so forth.\n      See C. Fries, \u201cDas \u2018Koppensnellen\u2019 auf Nias,\u201d _Allgemeine\n      Missions-Zeitschrift_, February, 1908, pp. 73-88. From this account\n      it would seem that it is not the spirits of the slain men, but the\n      ghost of the dead chief from whom the blessings of fertility and so\n      forth are supposed to emanate. Compare Th. C. Rappard, \u201cHet eiland\n      Nias en zijne bewoners,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, lxii. (1909) pp. 609-611.\n\n M216 The stuffed skin of the human representative of the Phrygian god may\n      have been used for like purposes.\n\n_  894 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 4-7.\n\n_  895 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 169 _sqq._\n\n M217 Popularity of the worship of Cybele and Attis in the Roman Empire.\n\n  896 H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 4099, 4100, 4103,\n      4105, 4106, 4116, 4117, 4119, 4120, 4121, 4123, 4124, 4127, 4128,\n      4131, 4136, 4139, 4140, 4142, 4156, 4163, 4167; H. Hepding, _Attis_,\n      pp. 85, 86, 93, 94, 95, Inscr. Nos. 21-24, 26, 50, 51, 52, 61, 62,\n      63. See further, J. Toutain, _Les Cultes Pa\u00efens dans l\u2019Empire\n      Romain_ (Paris, 1911), pp. 73 _sqq._, 103 _sqq._\n\n  897 S. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_2\n      (London, 1899), p. 16.\n\n  898 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 26.\n\n  899 But the two were publicly worshipped at Dyme and Patrae in Achaia\n      (Pausanias, vii. 17. 9, vii. 20. 3), and there was an association\n      for their worship at Piraeus. See P. Foucart, _Des Associations\n      Religieuses chez les Grecs_ (Paris, 1873), pp. 85 _sqq._, 196; Ch.\n      Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 772, No. 982.\n\n  900 Rapp, _s.v._ \u201cKybele,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\n      r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 1656.\n\n  901 As to the savage theory of inspiration or possession by a deity see\n      (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2 ii. 131 _sqq._ As to\n      the savage theory of a new birth see _Balder the Beautiful_, ii. 251\n      _sqq._ As to the use of blood to wash away sins see _The Magic Art\n      and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 107 _sqq._; _Psyche\u2019s Task_, Second\n      Edition, pp. 44 _sq._, 47 _sqq._, 116 _sq._ Among the Cameroon\n      negroes accidental homicide can be expiated by the blood of an\n      animal. The relations of the slayer and of the slain assemble. An\n      animal is killed and every person present is smeared with its blood\n      on his face and breast. They think that the guilt of manslaughter is\n      thus atoned for, and that no punishment will overtake the homicide.\n      See Missionary Autenrieth, \u201cZur Religion der Kamerun-Neger,\u201d in\n      _Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xii. (1893)\n      pp. 93 _sq._ In Car Nicobar a man possessed by devils is cleansed of\n      them by being rubbed all over with pig\u2019s blood and beaten with\n      leaves. The devils are thus transferred to the leaves, which are\n      thrown into the sea before daybreak. See V. Solomon, \u201cExtracts from\n      diaries kept in Car Nicobar,\u201d in _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 227. Similarly the ancient Greeks\n      purified a homicide by means of pig\u2019s blood and laurel leaves. See\n      my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8 (vol. iii. pp. 276-279). The\n      original idea of thus purging a manslayer was probably to rid him of\n      the angry ghost of his victim, just as in Car Nicobar a man is rid\n      of devils in the same manner. The purgative virtue ascribed to the\n      blood in these ceremonies may be based on the notion that the\n      offended spirit accepts it as a substitute for the blood of the\n      guilty person. This was the view of C. Meiners (_Geschichte der\n      Religionen_, Hanover, 1806-1807, ii. 137 _sq._) and of E. Rohde\n      (_Psyche_,3 T\u00fcbingen and Leipsic, 1903, ii. 77 _sq._).\n\n  902 A good instance of such an attempt to dress up savagery in the garb\n      of philosophy is the fifth speech of the emperor Julian, \u201cOn the\n      Mother of the Gods\u201d (pp. 206 _sqq._ ed. F. C. Hertlein, Leipsic,\n      1875-1876).\n\n M218 The spread of Oriental faiths over the Roman Empire contributed to\n      undermine the fabric of Greek and Roman civilization by inculcating\n      the salvation of the individual soul as the supreme aim of life.\n\n  903 As to the diffusion of Oriental religions in the Roman Empire see G.\n      Boissier, _La Religion Romaine d\u2019Auguste aux Antonins_5 (Paris,\n      1900), i. 349 _sqq._; J. Reville, _La Religion \u00e0 Rome sous les\n      S\u00e9v\u00e8res_ (Paris, 1886), pp. 47 _sqq._; S. Dill, _Roman Society in\n      the Last Century of the Western Empire_2 (London, 1899), pp. 76\n      _sqq._\n\n  904 Compare Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 604, vi. 661; Origen, _Contra\n      Celsum_, viii. 73 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xi. 1628); G.\n      Boissier, _La Religion Romaine d\u2019Auguste aux Antonins_5 (Paris,\n      1900), i. 357 _sq._; E. Westermarck, _The Origin and Development of\n      the Moral Ideas_ (London, 1906-1908), i. 345 _sq._; H. H. Milman,\n      _History of Latin Christianity_,4 i. 150-153, ii. 90. In the passage\n      just cited Origen tells us that the Christians refused to follow the\n      Emperor to the field of battle even when he ordered them to do so;\n      but he adds that they gave the emperor the benefit of their prayers\n      and thus did him more real service than if they had fought for him\n      with the sword. On the decline of the civic virtues under the\n      influence of Christian asceticism see W. E. H. Lecky, _History of\n      European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne_3 (London, 1877), ii.\n      139 _sqq._\n\n  905 To prevent misapprehension I will add that the spread of Oriental\n      religions was only one of many causes which contributed to the\n      downfall of ancient civilization. Among these contributory causes a\n      friend, for whose judgment and learning I entertain the highest\n      respect, counts bad government and a ruinous fiscal system, two of\n      the most powerful agents to blast the prosperity of nations, as may\n      be seen in our own day by the blight which has struck the Turkish\n      empire. It is probable, too, as my friend thinks, that the rapid\n      diffusion of alien faiths was as much an effect as a cause of\n      widespread intellectual decay. Such unwholesome growths could hardly\n      have fastened upon the Graeco-Roman mind in the days of its full\n      vigour. We may remember the energy with which the Roman Government\n      combated the first outbreak of the Bacchic plague (Th. Mommsen,\n      _Roman History_, iii. 115 _sq._, ed. 1894). The disastrous effects\n      of Roman financial oppression on the industries and population of\n      the empire, particularly of Greece, are described by George Finlay\n      (_Greece under the Romans_,2 Edinburgh and London, 1857, pp. 47\n      _sqq._).\n\n M219 Popularity of the worship of Mithra; its resemblance to Christianity\n      and its rivalry with that religion. The festival of Christmas\n      borrowed by the Church from the religion of Mithra.\n\n  906 See Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments figur\u00e9s relatifs aux Myst\u00e8res\n      de Mithra_ (Brussels, 1896-1899); _id._, _s.v._ \u201cMithras,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 3028 _sqq._\n      Compare _id._, _Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain_2\n      (Paris, 1909), pp. 207 _sqq._\n\n  907 Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 333 _sqq._\n\n  908 E. Renan, _Marc-Aur\u00e8le et la Fin du Monde Antique_ (Paris, 1882),\n      pp. 576 _sqq._; Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 339 _sqq._\n\n  909 Tertullian, _De corona_, 15; _id._, _De praescriptione\n      haereticorum_, 40; Justin Martyr, _Apologia_, i. 66; _id._,\n      _Dialogus cum Tryphone_, 78 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, vi. 429,\n      660). Tertullian explained in like manner the resemblance of the\n      fasts of Isis and Cybele to the fasts of Christianity (_De jejunio_,\n      16). Justin Martyr thought that by listening to the words of the\n      inspired prophets the devils discovered the divine intentions and\n      anticipated them by a series of profane and blasphemous imitations.\n      Among these travesties of Christian truth he enumerates the death,\n      resurrection, and ascension of Dionysus, the virgin birth of\n      Perseus, and Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus, whom he regards as a\n      parody of Christ riding on an ass. See Justin Martyr, _Apology_, i.\n      54.\n\n  910 J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, translated\n      by E. Grimston (London, 1880), bk. v. chs. 11, 16, 17, 18, 24-28,\n      vol. ii. pp. 324 _sq._, 334 _sqq._, 356 _sqq._\n\n  911 Compare S. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western\n      Empire_2 (London, 1899), pp. 80 _sqq._; _id._, _Roman Society from\n      Nero to Marcus Aurelius_ (London, 1904), pp. 619 _sqq._\n\n  912 E. Renan, _Marc-Aur\u00e8le et la Fin du Monde Antique_ (Paris, 1882),\n      pp. 579 _sq._; Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 338.\n\n  913 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 221; Columella, _De re rustica_, ix. 14.\n      12; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen\n      Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), ii. 124; G. F. Unger, in Iwan\n      M\u00fcller\u2019s _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, i.1\n      (N\u00f6rdlingen, 1886) p. 649.\n\n  914 In the calendar of Philocalus the twenty-fifth of December is marked\n      _N. Invicti_, that is, _Natalis Solis Invicti_. See _Corpus\n      Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), p. 278,\n      with Th. Mommsen\u2019s commentary, pp. 338 _sq._\n\n  915 Cosmas Hierosolymitanus, _Commentarii in Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni\n      Carmina_ (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xxxviii. 464): \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd\n      [Christmas] \u1f27\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u1f14\u03ba\u03c0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f1c\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2, \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u1fbd \u1f24\u03bd\n      \u1f10\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd\u03cd\u03ba\u03c4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f10\u03bd \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c3\u1f76\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03b5\u03c1\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9, \u1f44\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd\n      \u1f10\u03be\u03b9\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f14\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03b6\u03bf\u03bd: \u201c\u1f29 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd, \u03b1\u1f54\u03be\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c6\u1ff6\u03c2.\u201d \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd \u1f18\u03c0\u03b9\u03c6\u03ac\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f41\n      \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u039a\u03c5\u03c0\u03c1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03a3\u03b1\u1fe4\u1fe5\u03b1\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2 \u1f04\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u1fc7\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fbd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c3\u03b5\u03b2\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u1fc3 \u1f08\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03b4\u03af\u03c4\u1fc3, \u1f24\u03bd \u03b4\u1f74 \u03a7\u03b1\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u1fb6 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b1\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\n      \u03b3\u03bb\u03ce\u03c4\u03c4\u1fc3. The passage is quoted, with some verbal variations, by Ch.\n      Aug. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_ (K\u00f6nigsberg, 1829), ii. 1227 note 2. See\n      Franz Cumont, \u201cLe Natalis Invicti,\u201d _Comptes Rendus de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie\n      des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1911_ (Paris, 1911), pp.\n      292-298, whose learned elucidations I follow in the text. That the\n      festival of the Nativity of the Sun was similarly celebrated in\n      Egypt may be inferred from a Greek calendar drawn up by the\n      astrologer Antiochus in Lower Egypt at the end of the second or the\n      beginning of the third century A.D.; for under the 25th December the\n      calendar has the entry, \u201cBirthday of the Sun, the light waxes\u201d\n      (\u1f29\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03b8\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd; \u03b1\u1f54\u03be\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c6\u1ff6\u03c2). See F. Cumont, _op. cit._ p. 294.\n\n  916 Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, i. 18. 10.\n\n  917 F. Cumont, _s.v._ \u201cCaelestis,\u201d in Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die\n      der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. i. 1247 _sqq._ She was\n      called the Queen of Heaven (Jeremiah vii. 18, xliv. 18), the\n      Heavenly Goddess (Herodotus, iii. 8; Pausanias, i. 14. 7), or the\n      Heavenly Virgin (Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 23; Augustine, _De\n      civitate Dei_, ii. 4). The Greeks spoke of her as the Heavenly\n      Aphrodite (Herodotus, i. 105; Pausanias, i. 14. 7). A Greek\n      inscription found in Delos contains a dedication to Astarte\n      Aphrodite; and another found in the same island couples Palestinian\n      Astarte and Heavenly Aphrodite. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge\n      Inscriptionum Graecorum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 619 _sq._, No. 764; R. A.\n      Stewart Macalister, _The Philistines, their History and\n      Civilization_ (London, 1913), p. 94.\n\n  918 Dedications to Mithra the Unconquered Sun (_Soli invicto Mithrae_)\n      have been found in abundance. See Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_,\n      ii. 99 _sqq._ As to the worship of the Unconquered Sun (_Sol\n      Invictus_) see H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn, 1911), pp.\n      348 _sqq._\n\n  919 Fr. Cumont, _op. cit._ i. 325 _sq._, 339.\n\n  920 J. Bingham, _The Antiquities of the Christian Church_, bk. xx. ch.\n      iv. (Bingham\u2019s _Works_, vol. vii. pp. 279 _sqq._, Oxford, 1855); C.\n      A. Credner, \u201cDe natalitiorum Christi origine,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die\n      historische Theologie_, iii. 2 (1833), pp. 236 _sqq._; Mgr. L.\n      Duchesne, _Origines du Culte Chr\u00e9tien_3 (Paris, 1903), pp. 257\n      _sqq._; Th. Mommsen, in _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars\n      prior, p. 338. The earliest mention of the festival of Christmas is\n      in the calendar of Philocalus, which was drawn up at Rome in 336\n      A.D. The words are _VIII. kal. jan._, _natus Christus in Betleem\n      Judee_ (L. Duchesne, _op. cit._ p. 258).\n\n M220 Motives for the institution of Christmas.\n\n  921 Quoted by C. A. Credner, _op. cit._ p. 239, note 46; by Th. Mommsen,\n      _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior, pp. 338 _sq._; and\n      by H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn, 1911), pp. 349 _sq._\n\n  922 Augustine, _Serm._ cxc. 1 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, xxxviii.\n      1007).\n\n  923 Leo the Great, _Serm._ xxii. (_al._ xxi.) 6 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Latina_, liv. 198). Compare St. Ambrose, _Serm._ vi. 1 (Migne\u2019s\n      _Patrologia Latina_, xvii. 614).\n\n M221 The Easter celebration of the death and resurrection of Christ\n      appears to have been assimilated to the celebration of the death and\n      resurrection of Attis, which was held at Rome at the same season.\n      Heathen festivals displaced by Christian.\n\n  924 A. Credner, _op. cit._ pp. 236 _sqq._; E. B. Tylor, _Primitive\n      Culture_,2 ii. 297 _sq._; Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 342,\n      355 _sq._; Th. Mommsen, in _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2\n      Pars prior, pp. 338 _sq._; H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn,\n      1911), pp. 348 _sqq._ A different explanation of Christmas has been\n      put forward by Mgr. Duchesne. He shows that among the early\n      Christians the death of Christ was commonly supposed to have fallen\n      on the twenty-fifth of March, that day having been \u201cchosen\n      arbitrarily, or rather suggested by its coincidence with the\n      official equinox of spring.\u201d It would be natural to assume that\n      Christ had lived an exact number of years on earth, and therefore\n      that his incarnation as well as his death took place on the\n      twenty-fifth of March. In point of fact the Church has placed the\n      Annunciation and with it the beginning of his mother\u2019s pregnancy on\n      that very day. If that were so, his birth would in the course of\n      nature have occurred nine months later, that is, on the twenty-fifth\n      of December. Thus on Mgr. Duchesne\u2019s theory the date of the Nativity\n      was obtained by inference from the date of the Crucifixion, which in\n      its turn was chosen because it coincided with the official equinox\n      of spring. Mgr. Duchesne does not notice the coincidence of the\n      vernal equinox with the festival of Attis. See his work, _Origines\n      du Culte Chr\u00e9tien_3 (Paris, 1903), pp. 261-265, 272. The tradition\n      that both the conception and the death of Christ fell on the\n      twenty-fifth of March is mentioned and apparently accepted by\n      Augustine (_De Trinitate_, iv. 9, Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, xlii.\n      894).\n\n  925 See above, pp. 253 _sqq._\n\n  926 However, the lament for Adonis is mentioned by Ovid (_Ars Amat._ i.\n      75 _sq._) along with the Jewish observance of the Sabbath.\n\n  927 See above, pp. 268 _sqq._\n\n  928 Columella, _De re rustica_, ix. 14. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii.\n      246; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 21. 10; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der\n      mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, ii. 124.\n\n  929 Mgr. L. Duchesne, _Origines du Culte Chr\u00e9tien_,3 pp. 262 _sq._ That\n      Christ was crucified on the twenty-fifth of March in the year 29 is\n      expressly affirmed by Tertullian (_Adversus Judaeos_, 8, vol. ii. p.\n      719, ed. F. Oehler), Hippolytus (_Commentary on Daniel_, iv. 23,\n      vol. i. p. 242, ed. Bonwetsch and Achelis), and Augustine (_De\n      civitate Dei_, xviii. 54; _id._, _De Trinitate_, iv. 9). See also\n      _Thesaurus Linguae Latinae_, iv. (Leipsic, 1906- 1909) col. 1222,\n      _s.v._ \u201cCrucimissio\u201d: \u201c_POL. SILV.__ fast. Mart 25 aequinoctium.\n      principium veris. crucimissio gentilium. Christus passus hoc die._\u201d\n      From this last testimony we learn that there was a gentile as well\n      as a Christian crucifixion at the spring equinox. The gentile\n      crucifixion was probably the affixing of the effigy of Attis to the\n      tree, though at Rome that ceremony appears to have taken place on\n      the twenty-second rather than on the twenty-fifth of March. See\n      above, p. 267. The Quartodecimans of Phrygia celebrated the\n      twenty-fifth of March as the day of Christ\u2019s death, quoting as their\n      authority certain acts of Pilate; in Cappadocia the adherents of\n      this sect were divided between the twenty-fifth of March and the\n      fourteenth of the moon. See Epiphanius, _Adversus Haeres._ l. 1\n      (vol. ii. p. 447, ed. G. Dindorf; Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xli.\n      884 _sq._). In Gaul the death and resurrection of Christ were\n      regularly celebrated on the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March\n      as late as the sixth century. See Gregory of Tours, _Historia\n      Francorum_, viii. 31. 6 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, lxxi. 566); S.\n      Martinus Dumiensis (bishop of Braga), _De Pascha_, 1 (Migne\u2019s\n      _Patrologia Latina_, lxxii. 50), who says: \u201c_A plerisque Gallicanis\n      episcopis usque ante non multum tempus custoditum est, ut semper\n      VIII. Kal. April. diem Paschae celebrent, in quo facta Christi\n      resurrectio traditur._\u201d According to this last testimony, it was the\n      resurrection, not the crucifixion, of Christ that was celebrated on\n      the twenty-fifth of March; but Mgr. Duchesne attributes the\n      statement to a mistake of the writer. With regard to the Roman\n      practice the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March are marked in\n      ancient Martyrologies as the dates of the Crucifixion and\n      Resurrection. See _Vetustius Occidentalis Ecclesiae Martyrologium_,\n      ed. Franciscus Maria Florentinus (Lucca, 1667), pp. 396 _sq._, 405\n      _sq._ On this subject Mgr. Duchesne observes: \u201cHippolytus, in his\n      Paschal Table, marks the Passion of Christ in a year in which the\n      fourteenth of Nisan falls on Friday twenty-fifth March. In his\n      commentary on Daniel he expressly indicates Friday the twenty-fifth\n      of March and the consulship of the two Gemini. The Philocalien\n      Catalogue of the Popes gives the same date as to day and year. It is\n      to be noted that the cycle of Hippolytus and the Philocalien\n      Catalogue are derived from official documents, and may be cited as\n      evidence of the Roman ecclesiastical usage\u201d (_Origines du Culte\n      Chr\u00e9tien_,3 p. 262).\n\n  930 Mgr. L. Duchesne, _op. cit._ p. 263.\n\n  931 Mgr. L. Duchesne, _l.c._ A sect of the Montanists held that the\n      world began and that the sun and moon were created at the spring\n      equinox, which, however, they dated on the twenty-fourth of March\n      (Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, vii. 18). At Henen-Su in Egypt\n      there was celebrated a festival of the \u201changing out of the heavens,\u201d\n      that is, the supposed reconstituting of the heavens each year in the\n      spring (E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 63).\n      But the Egyptians thought that the creation of the world took place\n      at the rising of Sirius (Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 24;\n      Solinus, xxxii. 13), which in antiquity fell on the twentieth of\n      July (L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen\n      Chronologie_, i. 127 _sqq._).\n\n  932 See above, pp. 263, 281 _sqq._\n\n_  933 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 324 _sqq._\n\n  934 Above, pp. 246 _sqq._\n\n_  935 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 14 _sqq._\n\n  936 See below, vol. ii. pp. 81 _sqq._\n\n  937 Above, pp. 302 _sqq._\n\n  938 Another instance of the substitution of a Christian for a pagan\n      festival may be mentioned. On the first of August the people of\n      Alexandria used to commemorate the defeat of Mark Antony by Augustus\n      and the entrance of the victor into their city. The heathen pomp of\n      the festival offended Eudoxia, wife of Theodosius the Younger, and\n      she decreed that on that day the Alexandrians should thenceforth\n      celebrate the deliverance of St. Peter from prison instead of the\n      deliverance of their city from the yoke of Antony and Cleopatra. See\n      L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen\n      Chronologie_, i. 154.\n\n M222 Coincidence between the pagan and the Christian festivals of the\n      divine death and resurrection.\n\n  939 Lactantius, _De mortibus persecutorum_, 2; _id._, _Divin. Institut._\n      iv. 10. 18. As to the evidence of the Gallic usage see S. Martinus\n      Dumiensis, quoted above, p. 307 note.\n\n M223 Different theories by which pagans and Christians explained the\n      coincidence.\n\n  940 The passage occurs in the 84th of the _Quaestiones Veteris et Novi\n      Testamenti_ (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, xxxv. 2279), which are\n      printed in the works of Augustine, though internal evidence is said\n      to shew that they cannot be by that Father, and that they were\n      written three hundred years after the destruction of Jerusalem. The\n      writer\u2019s words are as follows: \u201c_Diabolus autem, qui est satanas, ut\n      fallaciae suae auctoritatem aliquam possit adhibere, et mendacia sua\n      commentitia veritate colorare, primo mense quo sacramenta dominica\n      scit celebranda, quia non mediocris potentiae est, Paganis quae\n      observarent instituit mysteria, ut animas eorum duabus ex causis in\n      errore detineret: ut quia praevenit veritatem fallacia, melius\n      quiddam fallacia videretur, quasi antiquitate praejudicans veritati.\n      Et quia in primo mense, in quo aequinoctium habent Romani, sicut et\n      nos, ea ipsa observatio ab his custoditur; ita etiam per sanguinem\n      dicant expiationem fieri, sicut et nos per crucem: hac versutia\n      Paganos detinet in errore, ut putent veritatem nostram imitationem\n      potius videri quam veritatem, quasi per aemulationem superstitione\n      quadam inventam. Nec enim verum potest, inquiunt, aestimari quod\n      postea est inventum. Sed quia apud nos pro certo veritas est, et ab\n      initio haec est, virtutum atque prodigiorum signa perhibent\n      testimonium, ut, teste virtute, diaboli improbitas innotescat._\u201d I\n      have to thank my learned friend Professor Franz Cumont for pointing\n      out this passage to me. He had previously indicated and discussed it\n      (\u201cLa Pol\u00e9mique de l\u2019Ambrosiaster contre les Pa\u00efens,\u201d _Revue\n      d\u2019Histoire et de Litt\u00e9rature religieuses_, viii. (1903) pp. 419\n      _sqq._). Though the name of Attis is not mentioned in the passage, I\n      agree with Prof. Cumont in holding that the bloody expiatory rites\n      at the spring equinox, to which the writer refers, can only be those\n      of the Day of Blood which formed part of the great aequinoctial\n      festival of Attis. Compare F. Cumont, _Les Religions Orientales dans\n      le Paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 106 _sq._, 333 _sq._\n\n M224 Compromise of Christianity with paganism. Parallel with Buddhism.\n\n  941 On the decadence of Buddhism and its gradual assimilation to those\n      popular Oriental superstitions against which it was at first\n      directed, see Monier Williams, _Buddhism_2 (London, 1890), pp. 147\n      _sqq._\n\n  942 The historical reality both of Buddha and of Christ has sometimes\n      been doubted or denied. It would be just as reasonable to question\n      the historical existence of Alexander the Great and Charlemagne on\n      account of the legends which have gathered round them. The great\n      religious movements which have stirred humanity to its depths and\n      altered the beliefs of nations spring ultimately from the conscious\n      and deliberate efforts of extraordinary minds, not from the blind\n      unconscious co-operation of the multitude. The attempt to explain\n      history without the influence of great men may flatter the vanity of\n      the vulgar, but it will find no favour with the philosophic\n      historian.\n\n M225 The Greek Hyacinth interpreted as the vegetation which blooms and\n      withers away.\n\n  943 G. F. Sch\u00f6mann, _Griechische Alterth\u00fcmer_4 (Berlin, 1897-1902), ii.\n      473; L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp.\n      248 _sq._; Greve, _s.v._ \u201cHyakinthos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon\n      der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 2763 _sq._ Other views of\n      Hyacinth have been expressed by G. F. Welcker (_Griechische\n      G\u00f6tterlehre_, G\u00f6ttingen, 1857-1862, i. 472), G. F. Unger (\u201cDer\n      Isthmientag und die Hyakinthien,\u201d _Philologus_, xxxvii. (1877) pp.\n      20 _sqq._), E. Rohde (_Psyche_,3 i. 137 _sqq._) and S. Wide\n      (_Lakonische Kulte_, Leipsic, 1893, p. 290).\n\n  944 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 3. 3, iii. 10. 3; Nicander, _Ther._\n      901 _sqq._, with the Scholiast\u2019s note; Lucian, _De saltatione_, 45;\n      Pausanias, iii. 1. 3, iii. 19. 5; J. Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, i. 241\n      _sqq._; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 161-219; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxi. 66.\n\n  945 Theophrastus, _Histor. Plant._ vi. 8. 1 _sq._ That the hyacinth was\n      a spring flower is plainly indicated also by Philostratus (_Imag._\n      i. 23. 1) and Ovid (_Metam._ x. 162-166). See further Greve, _s.v._\n      \u201cHyakinthos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, i. 2764; J. Murr, _Die Pflanzenwelt in der griechischen\n      Mythologie_ (Innsbruck, 1890), pp. 257 _sqq._; O. Schrader,\n      _Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901),\n      pp. 383 _sq._ Miss J. E. Harrison was so kind as to present me with\n      two specimens of the flower (_Delphinium Ajacis_) on which the woful\n      letters were plainly visible. A flower similarly marked, of a colour\n      between white and red, was associated with the death of Ajax\n      (Pausanias, i. 35. 4). But usually the two flowers were thought to\n      be the same (Ovid, _Metam._ xiii. 394 _sqq._; Scholiast on\n      Theocritus, x. 28; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxi. 66; Eustathius on Homer,\n      _Iliad_, ii. 557, p. 285).\n\n  946 Xenophon, _Hellenica_, iv. 5. 7-17; Pausanias, iii. 10. 1.\n\n M226 The tomb and the festival of Hyacinth at Amyclae.\n\n  947 Pausanias, iii. 1. 3, iii. 19. 1-5.\n\n  948 Hesychius, _s.v._ \u1f19\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u03b2\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2; G. F. Unger in _Philologus_, xxxvii.\n      (1877) pp. 13-33; Greve, _s.v._ \u201cHyakinthos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n      _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 2762; W. Smith,\n      _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,3 i. 339. From Xenophon\n      (_Hellenica_, iv. 5) we learn that in 390 B.C. the Hyacinthian\n      followed soon after the Isthmian festival, which that year fell in\n      spring. Others, however, identifying Hecatombeus with the Attic\n      month Hecatombaeon, would place the Hyacinthia in July (K. O.\n      M\u00fcller, _Dorier_,2 Breslau, 1844, i. 358). In Rhodes, Cos, and other\n      Greek states there was a month called Hyacinthius, which probably\n      took its name from the Hyacinthian festival. The month is thought to\n      correspond to the Athenian Scirophorion and therefore to June. See\n      E. Bischof, \u201cDe fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,\u201d _Leipziger Studien\n      f\u00fcr classische Philologie_, vii. (1884) pp. 369 _sq._, 381, 384,\n      410, 414 _sq._; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2\n      vol. i. pp. 396, 607, Nos. 614, note 3, 744, note 1. If this latter\n      identification of the month is correct, it would furnish an argument\n      for dating the Spartan festival of Hyacinth in June also. The\n      question is too intricate to be discussed here.\n\n  949 Athenaeus, iv. 17, pp. 139 _sq._ Strabo speaks (vi. 3. 2, p. 278) of\n      a contest at the Hyacinthian festival. It may have been the chariot\n      races mentioned by Athenaeus.\n\n  950 Hesychius, _s.v._ \u03a0\u03bf\u03bb\u03cd\u03b2\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1.\n\n M227 Hyacinth an aboriginal god, perhaps a king, who was worshipped in\n      Laconia before the invasion of the Dorians. His sister Polyboea may\n      perhaps have been his spouse.\n\n  951 E. Rohde, _Psyche_,3 i. 137 _sqq._\n\n  952 Pausanias, iii. 19. 3. The Greek word here used for sacrifice\n      (\u1f10\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd) properly denotes sacrifices offered to the heroic or\n      worshipful dead; another word (\u03b8\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd) was employed for sacrifices\n      offered to gods. The two terms are distinguished by Pausanias here\n      and elsewhere (ii. 10. 1, ii. 11. 7). Compare Herodotus, ii. 44.\n      Sacrifices to the worshipful dead were often annual. See Pausanias,\n      iii. 1. 8, vii. 19. 10, vii. 20. 9, viii. 14. 11, viii. 41. 1, ix.\n      38. 5, x. 24. 6. It has been observed by E. Rehde (_Psyche_,3 i.\n      139, note 2) that sacrifices were frequently offered to a hero\n      before a god, and he suggests with much probability that in these\n      cases the worship of the hero was older than that of the deity.\n\n  953 Pausanias, iii. 19. 14.\n\n  954 See above, p. 44; and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 05 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":144103}