{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_43662/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_43662","id":"gutenberg_43662","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/43662","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Ancient","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Egypt -- Antiquities","Egypt -- Religion"],"text":"MYTHS AND LEGENDS\n\nANCIENT EGYPT\n\nby\n\nLEWIS SPENCE\n\nAuthor of \"The Myths of Mexico and Peru,\"\n\"The Civilisation of Ancient Mexico,\" \"The Popol Vuh,\"\n\"The Myths of the North American Indians\"\n\nBOSTON\n\nDAVID D. NICKERSON & COMPANY\n\nPUBLISHERS\n\n1915\n\n\n[Illustration: The Presentation of Ani to Osiris) From the\nPapyrus of Ani--Reproduced from the Facsimile by Permission of the\nDirector of the British Museum]\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nIn this volume the religious history of ancient Egypt has been reviewed\nin the light of the science of modern mythology. Few Egyptologists\nare well informed regarding the basic laws of that science, and much\nmisapprehension regarding the character and attributes of many of\nthe deities worshipped in the Nile Valley in times past has thereby\nresulted. The statement that Egyptian religious ideas cannot be collated\nwith barbarian and savage conceptions simply because they are Egyptian\nand therefore 'classic' and inviolate will no longer remain unquestioned\namong that section of the public accustomed to think for itself, and\nsuch pronouncements as that the animal gods of Egypt have no connexion\nwith totemic origins will shortly assume their proper perspective.\n\nIn advancing ideas so iconoclastic--which all will remember were\nadumbrated by the late Mr. Andrew Lang and strongly buttressed by Sir\nJames Frazer--it is essential that I should at the outset protect\nmyself against any charges of lack of acquaintance with the science of\nEgyptology. Such a work as this, which attempts to further recent views\nconcerning a well-worn subject, must by the very circumstances of its\neffort be cast and written in popular style. That such a treatment is\nsufficient to prejudice it in the eyes of a certain type of critic I am\nwell aware. A long series of handbooks and articles had prepared critics\nfor my work in this series upon Mexican and Peruvian myth, and it was\ngenerally admitted that I spoke upon these subjects out of the authority\nof long experience.\n\nI find it necessary to state, then, that the study of Egyptian\nhieroglyphs is not new to me. For several years I laboured at\nthese assiduously, studying the languages, Semitic and African,\nincluding Coptic, which are cognate with the Egyptian. In the study\nof hieroglyphic systems I was attracted toward the wonderful system\nof writing which prevailed among the Maya of Central America, and\nthrough it to the consideration of Mexican arch\u00e6ology in general. My\ngrounding in the Egyptian language has also stood me in good stead, and\nif for reasons connected with the necessity for popular presentation\nmy pages are not littered with hieroglyphs, I can lay claim to such a\nknowledge of Egyptian linguistic origins as can control any derivations\nhere attempted--which, however, have not been ventured upon without\nthe countenance of other and higher authorities. If I have differed\nfrom Egyptologists of standing in matters mythological, I have been\nsedulously careful not to attempt the impertinence of contradicting them\nin matters linguistic.\n\nTheir lifelong acquaintance with original texts gives them, of course,\nauthority to which I gladly bow, but I feel, on the other hand, that\nmy own close studies of mythological problems, which are as vital to\nthe interests of the science as its linguistic and arch\u00e6ological sides,\nentitle me to advance my personal views upon such, even when these\nare opposed to those of authorities whose reputation in the field of\nEgyptology stands deservedly high.\n\nStudents of myth and Egyptology, as well as the general reader drawn\nto the subjects by the glamour of the mystic atmosphere which, let us\nhope, will ever surround them, will find that I have not hesitated to\nattack hypotheses concerning the character and attributes of certain\ndeities the mythological type of which may have been regarded by many as\nultimately fixed. This applies especially to my attempted reconstruction\nof the natures of Osiris, Isis, Thoth, and several other divinities.\nMy remarks, too, upon totemism in Egypt may engender opposition, though\nI believe that the rank of the authorities I can call to my aid will\nsucceed in disarming criticism of my arguments.\n\nNo one can rightly comprehend the trend and currents of Egyptian faith\nwho does not possess some acquaintance with Egyptian history, manners,\nand customs. I have therefore provided brief synopses of these, as well\nas some account of Egyptian arch\u00e6ology. To Mr. W.G. Blaikie Murdoch,\nwhose works and influence on modern art are well known to its more\nserious students, I am obliged for the greatest possible assistance and\nguidance in the section dealing with the art of ancient Egypt. To my\nassistants, Miss Mavie Jack and Miss Katherine Nixey, I am much beholden\nfor the collection and arrangement of valuable material and for many\nsuggestions.\n\nL.S.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n\n     I.    INTRODUCTORY\n    II.    EXPLORATION, HISTORY, AND CUSTOMS\n   III.    THE PRIESTHOOD: MYSTERIES AND TEMPLES\n    IV.    THE CULT OF OSIRIS\n     V.    THE GREAT GODS\n    VI.    EGYPTIAN LITERATURE\n   VII.    MAGIC\n  VIII.    FOREIGN AND ANIMAL GODS: THE LATE PERIOD\n\nGLOSSARY AND INDEX\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n      The Presentation of Ani to Osiris _Frontispiece_\n      The Egyptian Symbol of the Soul\n      Pylon, Karnak\n      The Pyramids of Gizeh\n      Model of a Funeral Boat\n      Canopic Jars representing the Four Sons of Horus\n      Temple of Horus at Edf\u00fb\n      Scene representing the driving of a Herd of Cattle\n      R\u0101hetep, a Priest\n      Osiris\n      Osiris beguiled into the Chest\n      Isis and the Baby Prince\n      The Departure of Isis from Byblos\n      A Shrine of Osiris\n      Isis\n      Winged Isis\n      Cippus of Horus\n      Horus in Battle\n      Nephthys\n      Set\n      Anubis\n      Thoth and Ma\u0101t\n      The Weighing of the Heart\n      Ra\n      Isis and Ra\n      Amen-Ra\n      Mut and Ptah\n      Sekhmet and Bast\n      Khnemu, I-em-hetep and Nefer-Tem\n      Aten\n      Hathor\n      Hapi\n      Taurt and Khonsu\n      The Maiden of Bekhten\n      The Goddesses as Dancing-girls\n      Thoth and the Chief Magician\n      \"Who are you?\"\n      The Treasure-Chamber of Rhampsinites\n      Isis conjured Ra to tell his Name\n      Amulet of Hathor\n      Bes\n      Procession of the Sacred Bull\n      Sebek\n      Rameses II accompanied by a Lion\n      Mummied Cats\n      Horus the Child\n      Hauling Blocks of Stone for the Pyramids\n      Head-rest\n      Temple of Isis at Phil\u00e6\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I: INTRODUCTORY\n\n\nThe group of beliefs which constituted what for convenience' sake is\ncalled the Egyptian religion in an existence of some thousands of years\npassed through nearly every phase known to the student of comparative\nmythology. If the theologians of ancient Egypt found it impossible to\nform a pantheon of deities with any hope of consistency, assigning to\neach god or goddess his or her proper position in the divine galaxy as\nruling over a definite sphere, cosmic or psychical, it may be asked\nin what manner the modern mythologist is better equipped to reduce to\norder elements so recondite and difficult of elucidation as the mythic\nshapes of the divinities worshipped in the Nile Valley. But the answer\nis ready. The modern science of comparative religion is extending year\nby year, and its light is slowly but certainly becoming diffused among\nthe dark places of the ancient faiths. By the gleam of this magic\nlamp, then--more wonderful than any dreamt of by the makers of Eastern\nfable--let us walk in the gloom of the pyramids, in the cool shadows of\nruined temples, aye, through the tortuous labyrinth of the Egyptian mind\nitself, trusting that by virtue of the light we carry we shall succeed\nin unravelling to some extent the age-long enigma of this mystic land.\n\nOne of the first considerations which occur to us is that among such\na concourse of gods as is presented by the Egyptian religion it would\nhave been surprising if confusion had not arisen in the native mind\nconcerning them. This is proved by the texts, which display in many\ncases much difficulty in defining the exact qualities of certain\ndeities, their grouping and classification. The origin of this haziness\nis not far to seek. The deities of the country multiplied at such an\nastonishing rate that whereas we find the texts of the early dynasties\ngive us the names of some two hundred deities only, the later Theban\nRecension (or version) of the _Book of the Dead_ supplies nearly five\nhundred, to which remain to be added the names of mythological beings to\nthe number of eight hundred.\n\n\nLocal Gods\n\nAnother cause which made for confusion was that in every large town of\nUpper and Lower Egypt and its neighbourhood religion took what might\nalmost be called a local form. Thus the great gods of the country\nwere known by different names in each nome or province, their ritual\nwas distinctive, and even the legends of their origin and adventures\nassumed a different shape. Many of the great cities, too, possessed\nspecial gods of their own, and to these were often added the attributes\nof one or more of the greater and more popular forms of godhead. The\nfaith of the city that was the royal residence became the religion _par\nexcellence_ of the entire kingdom, its temple became the Mecca of all\ngood Egyptians, and its god was, so long as these conditions obtained,\nthe Jupiter of the Egyptian pantheon. It might have been expected that\nwhen Egypt attained a uniformity of culture, art, and nationhood, her\nreligion, as in the case of other peoples, would also become uniform\nand simplified. But such a consummation was never achieved. Even\nforeign intercourse failed almost entirely to break down the religious\nconservatism of priesthood and people. Indeed, the people may be said to\nhave proved themselves more conservative than the priests. Alterations\nin religious policy, differentiation in legend and hieratic texts\nemanated from time to time from the various colleges of priests, or\nfrom that fount of religion, the sovereign himself; but never was\na change made in deference to the popular clamour unless it was a\nreversion to an older type. Indeed, as the dynasties advance we behold\nthe spectacle of a theological gulf growing betwixt priests and people,\nthe former becoming more idealistic and the latter remaining as true to\nthe outer semblance of things, the symbolic, as of old.\n\nThe evolution of religion in ancient Egypt must have taken the same\ncourse as among other races, and any hypothesis which attempts to\nexplain it otherwise is almost certainly doomed to non-success. Of late\nyears many works by learned Egyptologists have been published which\npurport to supply a more or less wide survey of Egyptian mythology and\nto unravel its deeper significances. The authors of some of these works,\nhowever admirable they may be as arch\u00e6ologists or as translators of\nhieroglyphic texts, are for the most part but poorly equipped to grapple\nwith mythological difficulties. To ensure success in mythological\nelucidation a special training is necessary, and a prolonged familiarity\nwith the phenomena of early religion in its many and diverse forms is a\nfirst essential. In the work of one foreign Egyptologist of standing,\nfor example, a candid confession is made of ignorance regarding\nmythological processes. He claims to present the \"Egyptian religion as\nit appears to an unprejudiced observer who knows nothing of the modern\nscience of religions.\" Another Egyptologist of the first rank writes\nupon the subject of totemism in the most elementary manner, and puts\nforward the claim that such a system never existed in the Nile valley.\nBut these questions will be dealt with in their proper places.\n\nBeginning with forms of the lower cultus--forms almost certainly of\nAfrican origin--the older religion of Egypt persisted strongly up to\nthe time of the Hyksos period, after which time the official religion\nof the country may be found in one or other form of sun-worship. That\nis to say, all the principal deities of the country were at some time\namalgamated or identified with the central idea of a sun-god.\n\nThe Egyptian religion of the Middle and Late Kingdoms was as much a\nthing of philosophic invention as later Greek myth, only, so far as we\nhave the means of judging, it was not nearly so artistic or successful.\nFor, whereas we find numerous allusions in the texts to definite myths,\nwe seldom find in Egyptian literature the myths themselves. Indeed,\nour chief repository of Egyptian religious tales is the _De Iside et\nOsiride_ of the Greek Plutarch--an uncertain authority. It is presumed\nthat the myths were so well known popularly that to write them down\nfor the use of such a highly religious people as the Egyptians would\nhave been a work of supererogation. The loss to posterity, however, is\nimmeasurable, and, lacking a full chronicle of the deeds of the gods of\nEgypt, we can only grope through textual and allied matter for scraps\nof intelligence which, when pieced together, present anything but an\nappearance of solidity and comprehensiveness.\n\n\nAnimism\n\nIt has been admitted that the ancient Egyptians, like other early\nraces, could not have evolved a religion unless by the usual processes\nof religious growth. Thus we discover, by means of numerous clues more\nor less strong, that they passed through the phase known as animism,\nor animatism.[1] This is the belief that practically every object\nin the universe surrounding man has a soul and a personality such\nas he himself possesses. Man at an early date of his consciousness\nformulated the belief in a soul, that mysterious second self which even\nthe most debased races believe in. The phenomena of sleep, the return\nof consciousness after slumber, and the strange experiences of life\nand adventures in dreamland while asleep would force early man to the\nconclusion that he possessed a double or second self, and it was merely\nan extension of that idea which made him suppose that this secondary\npersonality would continue to exist after death.\n\nBut what proof have we that the early dwellers in Egypt passed through\nthis phase? Besides the belief in a human soul, the animistic condition\nof mind sees in every natural object a living entity. Thus trees,\nrivers, winds, and animals all possess the gift of rational thought and\nspeech. How is it possible to prove that the ancient Egyptians believed\nthat such objects possessed conscious souls and individualities of their\nown?\n\nFirst as to the early Egyptian belief that man himself possessed a\nsoul. The Egyptian symbol for the soul (the _ba_) is a man-headed bird.\nNow the conception of the soul as a bird is a very common one among\nsavages and barbarians of a low order. To uncultured man the bird is\nalways incomprehensible because of its magical power of flight, its\nappearance in the sky where dwell the gods, and its song, approaching\nspeech. From the bird the savage evolves the idea of the winged spirit\nor god, the messenger from the heavens. Thus many supernatural beings in\nall mythological systems are given wings. Many American Indian tribes\nbelieve that birds are the visible spirits of the dead. The Powhatans\nof Virginia believed that birds received the souls of their chiefs\nat death, and the Aztecs that the spirits of departed warriors took\nthe shapes of humming-birds and flitted from flower to flower in the\nsunshine. The Boros of Brazil believe that the soul has the shape of a\nbird, and passes in that form out of the body in dream.[2] The Bilquila\nIndians of British Columbia conceive the soul as residing in an egg\nsituated in the nape of the neck. If the shell cracks and the soul flies\naway the man must perish. A Melanesian magician was accustomed to send\nout his soul in the form of an eagle to find out what was happening in\npassing ships. Pliny states that the soul of Aristeas of Proconnesus\nwas seen to issue from his mouth in the shape of a raven. A like belief\noccurs in countries so far distant from one another as Bohemia and\nMalaysia.\n\nWe see from these parallel examples, then, that the ancient Egyptians\nwere not singular in figuring the soul in bird-shape. This idea partakes\nof the nature of animistic belief. But other and more concrete examples\nof this phase of religious activity occur to us. For instance, the\nobjects found in early graves in Egypt, as elsewhere, are sometimes\nbroken with the manifest intention of setting free their 'spirits,'\ndoubtless to join that of their owner. Again, in the myth of Osiris we\nfind that his coffin when at rest in Byblos became entangled in the\ngrowth of a tree--an obvious piece of folk-memory crystallizing the race\nreminiscence of an early form of tree-worship--a branch of animistic\nbelief. In the texts, too, statements frequently occur which can be\nreferred only to an early condition of animism. Thus each door in the\notherworld was sentient, and would open if correctly adjured. We find\nin chapter lxxxvi of the Papyrus of Ani the Flame of the Sun addressed\nas an individual, as is the ferry-boat of Ra in chapter xlii. \"I am\nthe knot of the Aser tree,\" says the dead man in the same chapter,\nreferring to the tree which wound itself around the coffin of Osiris.\nAll these are animistic references, and could be easily multiplied by a\nglance through any representative Egyptian manuscript. The practice of\nmagic, too, in later times in the Nile Valley is to some extent merely a\nsurvival of animistic belief.\n\n\nFetishism and Totemism\n\nFetishism, too, bulks largely in Egyptian religious conceptions. Many of\nthe gods are represented as carrying the fetishes from which they may\nhave originally been derived. Thus the arrow of Neith is fetishistic (a\nstatement which will afterwards be justified), as are the symbols of Min\nand other deities.\n\nFetishism, regarding which I have given a prolonged explanation\nelsewhere,[3] is a term applied to the use of objects large or small,\nnatural or artificial, regarded as possessing consciousness, volition,\nand supernatural qualities--in short, a fetish object is the home of\na wandering spirit which has taken up residence there. The remnants\nof fetishism are also to be discerned in the amulets which were worn\nby every Egyptian, living and dead. All amulets partake of the nature\nof fetishes, and the remark is often heard that good luck resides in\nthem. That is, just as the savage believes that a powerful agency\nworking for his good dwells in the portable fetish, so the civilized\nman cannot altogether discredit the idea that the object attached to\nhis watch-chain does not possess some inherent quality of good fortune.\nMany of these amulets typify divinities, such as the 'buckle' sign which\nsymbolizes the protection of Isis; the sacred eye representative of\nHorus; and the symbol of the parallel fingers might perhaps recall the\nfetishistic necklaces of fingers found among many savage peoples.\n\nMany Egyptologists deny that totemism entered as a force into the\nreligion of ancient Egypt. Totemism may be defined as the recognition,\nexploitation, and adjustment of the imaginary mystic relationship of\nthe individual or the tribe to the supernatural powers or spirits which\nsurround them. Whereas the fetish is to some extent the servant of its\nowner, a spirit lured to dwell in a material object to do the behest of\nan individual or a community, the totem, whether personal or tribal, is\na patron and protector and is often represented in animal or vegetable\nshape. The basic difference between the individual and tribal totem is\nstill obscure, but for our present purpose it will be sufficient to deal\nwith the latter. The most notable antagonist of the theory that some of\nthe divinities of ancient Egypt are of totemic origin is Dr. E.A. Wallis\nBudge, the well-known Egyptologist. In his _Gods of the Egyptians_\nhe says: \"It now seems to be generally admitted by ethnologists that\nthere are three main causes which have induced men to worship animals,\n_i.e._ they have worshipped them as animals or as the dwelling-place\nof gods or as representatives of tribal ancestors. There is no reason\nwhatsoever for doubting that in neolithic times the primitive Egyptians\nworshipped animals as animals and as nothing more.\" None of the above\nstatements approaches a definition of totemism. The theory that the\ntotem is a tribal ancestor is now regarded as doubtful. Dr. Budge\ncontinues: \"The question as to whether the Egyptians worshipped animals\nas representatives of tribal ancestors or 'totems' is one which has\ngiven rise to much discussion, and this is not to be wondered at, for\nthe subject is one of difficulty. We know that many of the standards\nwhich represent the nomes of Egypt are distinguished by figures of birds\nand animals, _e.g._ the hawk, the bull, the hare, etc. But it is not\nclear whether these are intended to represent 'totems' or not.... The\nanimal or bird standing on the top of a nome perch or standard is not\nintended for a fetish or a representative of a tribal ancestor, but for\na creature which was regarded as the deity under whose protection the\npeople of a certain tract of territory were placed, and we may assume\nthat within the limits of that territory it was unlawful to kill or\ninjure such animal or bird.\" Totems are invariably carried on banners,\npoles, and shields, and it is unlawful to kill them. He also states\nthat the totemic theory \"may explain certain facts connected with the\nanimal-worship of numbers of savage and half-savage tribes in some parts\nof the world, but it cannot in the writer's opinion be regarded as\naffording an explanation of the animal-worship of the Egyptians.\"\n\nWherefore, it may be asked, was Egypt alone immune from the influence\nof totemism? Dr. Budge continues, by way of final refutation of the\ntotemic theory, that on nome standards several objects besides animals\nwere worshipped and regarded as gods, or that they became the symbols\nof the deities which were worshipped in them. Thus on some standards\nwere displayed representations of hills, arrows, fish, and so forth.\nThese objects, Dr. Budge seems to imply, cannot be fetishistic or\ntotemic. Dr. Budge cannot, for example, find the reason why three\nhills were connected with a god. This does not present a mythological\nproblem of high complexity. In many parts of the world mountain-peaks,\nseparately or in groups, are objects of direct worship. A mountain may\nbe worshipped because it is the abode of a god; for its own sake, as\nwere Olympus, Sinai, and Carmel, which latterly became the high places\nof deities; or because they were supposed to be the birthplaces of\ncertain tribes. In old Peru, for example, as we are informed by the\nIndian writer Salcamayhua, each localized tribe or Ayllu had its own\n_paccarisca_, or place of origin, many of which were mountains which\nwere addressed by the natives in the formula:\n\n  \"Thou art my birthplace,\n   Thou art my lifespring,\n   Guard me from evil,\n       O paccarisca!\"\n\nThese mountains were, of course, oracular, as those represented on the\nEgyptian standards would probably be. That they were worshipped as the\nhouses of oracles and for their own sakes, and not as the home of a\ndeity, seems to be proved in that they, rather than such a deity, are\nrepresented in the standards.\n\nNeither can Dr. Budge decipher in a mythological sense the symbol of two\narrows placed notch to notch with double barbs pointing outward. Arrows\nof this type are common as fetishes in several parts of the world. Among\nthe Cheyenne Indians of the Plains the set of four sacred 'medicine'\narrows constitutes the tribal palladium which they claim to have had\nfrom the beginning of the world, and which was annually utilized in\ntribal ceremonial as lately as 1904. They also had a rite spoken of as\n'fixing' the arrows, which was undertaken by priests specially set apart\nas the guardians of this great fetish.[4]\n\nBut there are other and much more apparent proofs of the totemic nature\nof a number of the Egyptian deities. It is obvious, for example, that\nthe cat-headed Bast, who was worshipped first in the shape of a cat,\nwas originally a cat totem. The crocodile was the incarnation of the\ngod Sebek, and dwelt in a lake near Krokodilopolis. Ra and Horus are\nrepresented with the heads of hawks, and Thoth with the head of an ibis.\nAnubis has the head of a jackal. That some of these forms are totemic\nis not open to doubt. But it was a decadent totemism, in which the more\nprimitive sentiment was focused on particular animals considered as\ndivine, totems which had become full-fledged divinities. The Egyptians\ncarried standards on which were represented their totemic animals\nprecisely as the natives of the Upper Darling engrave their totem on\ntheir shields, and as several American tribes in time of war carry\nsticks surmounted by pieces of bark on which their animal totems are\npainted. An instance of protection by a totem is alluded to by Diodorus,\nwho states that there was a tale in Egypt that one of the ancient kings\nhad been saved from death by a crocodile. Lastly, in many of the nomes\nof Egypt certain animals were not eaten by the inhabitants. This is a\nsure indication of the existence of totemism, for the presence of which\nin Egypt no better proof could be adduced.\n\nThere is no reason to suppose, however, that in later times animals\nwere not worshipped in Egypt for other than totemic reasons. The\nlater worship of animals may have been a relic of totemism, but it\nis more likely to have been merely symbolic in character. Even when\nthe attendant rites and beliefs of totemism cease to be recognized,\nthe totem animal may retain its bestial form instead of assuming a\nsemi-human one. There is a pony totem worshipped by a certain tribe of\nNorth American Indians which is at present in course of evolution into a\nfull-fledged divinity, but which persists in retaining its equine form.\nAgain, the ability of the Egyptian gods to transform themselves into\nanimals by means of magical formul\u00e6[5] is eloquent in many cases of\ntheir totemic origin. It has been said that not only individual animals\nbut all the animals of a class were sacred in certain nomes. In these\ncases, says Wiedemann, \"the animals were not honoured as gods, but\nrather as specially favoured by the gods.\" But as this is exactly what\nhappens among peoples in the totemic stage, this contention must fall to\nthe ground.\n\n\nCreation Myths\n\nThere are several accounts in existence which deal with the Egyptian\nconception of the creation of the world and of man. We find a company of\neight gods alluded to in the Pyramid Texts as the original makers and\nmoulders of the universe. The god Nu and his consort Nut were deities\nof the firmament and the rain which proceeds therefrom. Hehu and Hehut\nappear to personify fire, and Kekui and Kekuit the darkness which\nbrooded over the primeval abyss of water. Kerh and Kerhet also appear\nto have personified Night or Chaos. Some of these gods have the heads\nof frogs,[6] others those of serpents, and in this connexion we are\nreminded of the deities which are alluded to in the story of creation\nrecorded in the _Popol Vuh_, the sacred book of the Kiche Indians of\nGuatemala, two of whom, Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, are called \"the ancient\nserpents covered with green feathers,\" male and female. We find in the\naccount of the creation story now under consideration the admixture of\nthe germs of life enveloped in thick darkness, so well known to the\nstudent of mythology as symptomatic of creation myths all the world\nover. A papyrus (_c_. 312 B.C.) preserved in the British Museum contains\na series of chapters of a magical nature, the object of which is to\ndestroy Apepi, the fiend of darkness, and in it we find two copies of\nthe story of creation which detail the means by which the sun came into\nbeing. In one account the god Ra says that he took upon himself the\nform of Khepera, the deity who was usually credited with the creative\nfaculty. He proceeds to say that he continued to create new things out\nof those which he had already made, and that they went forth from his\nmouth. \"Heaven,\" he says, \"did not exist and earth had not come into\nbeing, and the things of the earth and creeping things had not come\ninto existence in that place, and I raised them from out of Nu from a\nstate of inactivity.\" This would imply that Khepera moulded life in\nthe universe from the matter supplied from the watery abyss of Nu. \"I\nfound no place,\" says Khepera, \"whereon I could stand. I worked a charm\nupon my own heart. I laid a foundation in Ma\u0101t. I made every form. I\nwas one by myself. I had not emitted from myself the god Shu, and I had\nnot spit out from myself the goddess Tefnut. There was no other being\nwho worked with me.\" The word Ma\u0101t signifies law, order, or regularity,\nand from the allusion to working a charm upon his heart we may take\nit that Khepera made use of magical skill in the creative process, or\nit may mean, in Scriptural phraseology, that \"he took thought unto\nhimself\" to make a world. The god continues that from the foundation of\nhis heart multitudes of things came into being. But the sun, the eye of\nNu, was \"covered up behind Shu and Tefnut,\" and it was only after an\nindefinite period of time that these two beings, the children of Nu,\nwere raised up from out the watery mass and brought their father's eye\nalong with them. In this connexion we find that the sun, as an eye, has\na certain affinity with water. Thus Odin pledged his eye to Mimir for\na draught from the well of wisdom, and we find that sacred wells famous\nfor the cure of blindness are often connected with legends of saints\nwho sacrificed their own eyesight.[7] The allusion in those legends is\nprobably to the circumstance that the sun as reflected in water has the\nappearance of an eye. Thus when Shu and Tefnut arose from the waters the\neye of Nu followed them. Shu in this case may represent the daylight and\nTefnut moisture.\n\nKhepera then wept copiously, and from the tears which he shed sprang men\nand women. The god then made another eye, which in all probability was\nthe moon. After this he created plants and herbs, reptiles and creeping\nthings, while from Shu and Tefnut came Geb and Nut, Osiris and Isis,\nSet, Nephthys and Horus at a birth. These make up the company of the\ngreat gods at Heliopolis, and this is sufficient to show that the latter\npart of the story at least was a priestly concoction.\n\nBut there was another version, obviously an account of the creation\naccording to the worshippers of Osiris. In the beginning of this Khepera\ntells us at once that he is Osiris, the cause of primeval matter. This\naccount was merely a frank usurpation of the creation legend for the\nbehoof of the Osirian cult. Osiris in this version states that in the\nbeginning he was entirely alone. From the inert abyss of Nu he raised\na god-soul--that is, he gave the primeval abyss a soul of its own. The\nmyth then proceeds word for word in exactly the same manner as that\nwhich deals with the creative work of Khepera. But only so far, for we\nfind Nu in a measure identified with Khepera, and Osiris declaring that\nhis eye, the sun, was covered over with large bushes for a long period\nof years. Men are then made by a process similar to that described in\nthe first legend. From these accounts we find that the ancient Egyptians\nbelieved that an eternal deity dwelling in a primeval abyss where he\ncould find no foothold endowed the watery mass beneath him with a soul;\nthat he created the earth by placing a charm upon his heart, otherwise\nfrom his own consciousness, and that it served him as a place to stand\nupon; that he produced the gods Shu and Tefnut, who in turn became\nthe parents of the great company of gods; and that he dispersed the\ndarkness by making the sun and moon out of his eyes. After these acts\nfollowed the almost insensible creation of men and women by the process\nof weeping, and the more sophisticated making of vegetation, reptiles,\nand stars. In all this we see the survival of a creation myth of a\nmost primitive and barbarous type, which much more resembles the crude\nimaginings of the Red Man than any concept which might be presumed to\nhave arisen from the consciousness of 'classic' Egypt. But it is from\nsuch unpromising material that all religious systems spring, and however\nstrenuous the defence made in order to prove that the Egyptians differed\nin this respect from other races, that defence is bound in no prolonged\ntime to be battered down by the ruthless artillery of fact.\n\nWe have references to other deities in the Pyramid Texts, some of whom\nappear to be nameless. For example, in the text of Pepi I we find homage\nrendered to one who has four faces and who brings the storm. This would\nseem to be a god of wind and rain, whose countenances are set toward\nthe four points of the compass, whence come the four winds. Indeed, the\ncontext proves this when it says: \"Thou hast taken thy spear which is\ndear to thee, thy pointed weapon which thrusteth down riverbanks with\ndouble point like the darts of Ra and a double haft like the claws of\nthe goddess Maftet.\"\n\n\nThe 'Companies' of the Gods\n\nIn the Pyramid Texts we find frequent mention of several groups\nconsisting of nine gods each. One of these companies of gods, or\nEnneads, was called the Great and another the Little, and the nine gods\nof Horus are also alluded to. It is not known, however, whether this\ngroup is in any way connected with either of the others. We also read\nin the Pyramid Texts of Teta of a double group of eighteen gods which\nrecur in the text of Pepi I. These eighteen gods may simply be the\nGreat and Little companies of gods taken together. In the texts of Pepi\nI and Teta, however, we find a third company of nine gods, officially\nrecognized by the priests of Heliopolis, and all three companies are\nrepresented by twenty-seven symbols representing the word _neter_ (god)\nplaced in a row.\n\nAlthough these companies of gods are spoken of as containing nine\ndeities, that is owing to their designation of _Pesedt_, which signifies\n'nine'. The Little company in reality contains eleven gods, but nine was\ntheir original number, and, as Sir Gaston Maspero says, each of them,\nespecially the first and last, could be developed. A local company such\nas that of Heliopolis might have the god of another nome or district\nembraced in it in one of two ways; that is, the alien god might replace\none of the local gods or be set side by side with him. Again, strange\ngods could be absorbed in the leader of the _Pesedt_. When a fresh god\nwas admitted into a company all the other deities who were connected\nwith him were also included, but their names were not classed beside\nthose of its original members.\n\nThese three companies of gods were fully developed by the period of\nthe Fifth Dynasty, and there is little doubt that the Egyptian theology\nowed the formation of this pantheon to the caste of priests ruling at\nHeliopolis.\n\nTo the third _Pesedt_ they gave no name. The gods of the first\ncompany are Tem, Shu, Tefnut, Qeb, Nut, Osiris, Isis, Set, Nephthys.\nOccasionally Horus is given as the chief of the company instead of Tem.\nIn the text of Unas we find the names of the gods of the Little company\ngiven, but they are for the most part quite unimportant. The third\ncompany is rarely mentioned, and the names of its gods are unknown.\nEarth as well as heaven and the underworld had its quota of deities,\nand it is considered highly probable that the three companies of gods\nare referable one to each of these regions. The members of each company\nvaried in different periods and in different cities. But the great local\ngod or goddess was always the head of the company in a given vicinity.\nAs has been said, he might be joined to another deity. At Heliopolis,\nfor example, where the chief local god was Tem, the priests joined to\nhis name that of Ra, and addressed him in prayer as Ra-Tem. Texts of all\nperiods show that the chief local gods of many cities retained their\npre-eminence almost to the end. The land of Egypt was divided into\nprovinces called _hesput_, to which the Greeks gave the name of _nome_.\nIn each of these a certain god or group of gods held sway, the variation\nbeing caused by racial and other considerations. To the people of each\nnome their god was the deity _par excellence_, and in early times it is\nplain that the worship of each province amounted almost to a separate\nreligion. This division of the country must have taken place at an early\nepoch, and it certainly contributed greatly to the conservation of\nreligious differences. The nome gods certainly date from pre-dynastic\ntimes, as is proved by inscriptions antedating the Pyramid Texts. The\nnumber of these provinces varied from one period to another, but the\naverage seems to have been between thirty-five and forty. It would serve\nno purpose to enumerate the gods of the various nomes in this place, as\nmany of them are obscure, but as each deity is dealt with the nome to\nwhich he belongs will be mentioned. Several nomes worshipped the same\ngod. For example, Horus was worshipped in not less than six, while in\nthree provinces Khnemu was worshipped, and Hathor in six.\n\n\nThe Egyptian Idea of God\n\nThe word by which the Egyptians implied deity and, indeed, supernatural\nbeings of any description was _neter_. The hieroglyphic which represents\nthis idea is described by most Egyptologists as resembling an axe-head\nlet into a long wooden handle. Some arch\u00e6ologists have attempted to show\nthat the figure resembled in outline a roll of yellow cloth, the lower\npart bound or laced over, the upper part appearing as a flap at the top,\nprobably for unwinding. It has been thought possible that the object\nrepresents a fetish--for instance, a bone carefully wound round with\ncloth, and not the cloth alone.\n\nWe are ignorant of most of the gods worshipped during the first four\ndynasties, chiefly because of the lack of documentary evidence, although\nsome are known from the inscription called the Palermo Stone, which\nalludes to several local deities. Some portions of the _Book of the\nDead_ may have been revised during the First Dynasty, and from this we\nmay argue that the religion of the Egyptians, as revealed in the later\ntexts, closely resembled that in existence during the first three\ndynasties. It is only when we come to the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties\nthat we discover material for the study of the Egyptian pantheon in\nthe Pyramid Texts of Unas, Teta, Pepi the First, and others. By this\nperiod the first phase of Egyptian development appears to have been\nentered upon. At the same time it is plain that the material afforded\nby the Pyramid Texts contains stratum upon stratum of religious thought\nand conception, in all probability bequeathed to the pyramid builders\nby innumerable generations of men. In these wondrous texts we find\ncrystallized examples of the most primitive and barbarous religious\nelements--animistic, fetishistic, and totemic. These texts are for the\nmost part funerary and, in consequence, relate chiefly to deities of the\nunderworld.\n\n\nDeities of the Pyramid Texts\n\nIn order to understand this earliest fixed phase of religious thought\nin Egypt, it is necessary to pass in brief review the deities alluded\nto in the Pyramid Texts, and for the moment to regard them separately\nfrom the rest of the Egyptian pantheon. In doing so we must beware of\ndefinitely labelling these conceptions with such names as 'water-god,'\n'thunder-god,' 'sun-god,' and so forth. Despite the labours of the\nlast half-century, the science of mythology is yet in its infancy, and\nworkers in its sphere are now beginning to suspect that mere variants\nor phases of certain deities, which are by no means separate entities,\nhave in many cases been credited with an individual status they do not\ndeserve. The deities of the Greek and Roman pantheons are doubtless\ngood examples of gods whose attributes are finally fixed. Thus one may\nsay of Mars that he is a war-god, and of Pallas Athene that she is a\ngoddess of wisdom, but these were merely the attributes possessed\nby these deities which were most popular and uppermost in the public\nconsciousness. Recent research has proved that most of the Greek and\nRoman deities are traceable to earlier forms, some of which possess a\nvariety of attributes, others of which are more simple in form than\nthe later conception which is developed from them. Again, many deities\nwhich exhibit some particular tendency are necessarily connected with\nother natural forms. Thus many rain gods or goddesses are connected with\nthunder and lightning. Possession of the lightning arrow frequently\nimplies a connexion with hunting or war. All moon-gods are deities of\nmoisture, and preside over birth. Some deities of rain preside also\nover the winds, thunder and lightning, the chase and war, general\nculture, and so forth. A sun-god, as lord of the vault of heaven, can\npreside over all the meteorological manifestations thereof. He is god\nof growth, of wealth, because gold possesses the yellow colour of\nhis beams, of travelling, because he walks the heavens, and he rules\ncountless other departments of existence. From polytheism may evolve in\ntime a condition of monotheism, in which one god holds complete sway\nover mankind--that is, one deity may become so popular, or the priestly\ncaste connected with him so powerful, that all other cults languish\nas his spreads and grows. But, on the other hand, polytheism, or the\nmultiplicity of deities, may well spring from an early monotheism,[8]\nitself the child of a successful fetish or totem, for the attributes\nof a great single god may, in the hands of a people still partially in\nthe animistic stage, become so infused with individuality as to appear\nentirely separate entities. In dealing, then, with the gods alluded to\nin the Pyramid Texts, several of which are obviously derivative, we must\nrecollect that although in a manner it is necessary to affix to them\nsome more or less definite description, it will be well to bear in mind\nthe substance of this paragraph.\n\nWe are not at present finally considering the natures or characteristics\nof the deities mentioned in the Pyramid Texts, but merely affording such\na brief outline of them as will give the reader some idea of Egyptian\nreligion in general during the early dynasties.\n\nThe goddess Net, or Neith, who is mentioned in the Pyramid Texts of\nUnas, is a figure in which we descry a personification of moisture or\nrain, because of her possession of the arrow, the symbol of lightning.\nThe hawk-headed Horus, probably originally a hawk totem, is one of the\nmanifestations of the sun-deity, from whom he may have evolved, or\nwith whom he may have been confounded. Khepera, also found in the Unas\nTexts, is another form of the sun. His possession of the beetle glyph\nis symbolical of the manner in which the sun rolls over the face of the\nsky as the Egyptian beetle or scarab\u00e6us rolled its eggs over the sand.\nKhnemu, the ram-headed, whose name signifies 'the moulder' or 'uniter,'\nwas probably the totemic deity of an immigrant race who had achieved\ngodhead, and perhaps monotheism, or at least creatorship, in another\nsphere, and who had been accepted into Egyptian belief with all his\nattributes. Sebek, the crocodile-god, Ra and Ptah, two other forms of\nthe sun-god, Nu, the watery mass of heaven, are also alluded to in the\nPyramid Texts of Unas and Teta, as is Hathor.\n\n\nEarly Burials\n\nEgyptian religious tenets carefully fostered the idea of the\npreservation of the human body after death. In the earliest period the\nburials of the time throw much light on the nature of religious belief.\nThe corpse was buried in such a posture that it would appear to have\nbeen doubled up prior to interment. The knees touch the chin, and the\nhands are disposed in front of the face. The head was turned to the\nwest. In later prehistoric times the body was often closely bound with\nwrappings which were so tightly drawn as to force all the bones parallel\nwith each other. Later still, a less contracted attitude was adopted,\nwhich in turn gave way to a fully extended position. In the late\nprehistoric period the corpse is found wrapped in linen cloths. It was\nsurrounded with articles provided for its use, nourishment, or defence\nin the other-world, or perhaps for that of its _ka_, or double--stone\nvessels containing beer, unguents of various kinds, flint knives and\nspear-heads, necklaces and other objects of daily use which the deceased\nhad employed during life. Amulets were placed upon the corpse to protect\nit against evil spirits both in this world and in the life beyond.\n\nIn the Old Kingdom, which may be designated the Pyramid Age, we find\na new description of burial coming into fashion. Mummification of a\nsimple kind became the vogue. There is good reason to suppose that\nthis custom arose out of the cult of Osiris, the god of the dead, and\nit powerfully influenced all future Egyptian funerary and theological\npractice and thought. But between what may be conveniently described as\nthe 'prehistoric' period and that of the Pyramids several other types\nof tomb had found popularity. The Pharaoh, during the First Dynasty,\nwas buried in a large rectangular building of brick, which had several\nchambers inaccessible from outside. In one of these the body of the king\nwas laid, and in the others a variety of offerings and utensils were\nstored. The whole was merely an elaboration of the prehistoric method\nof sepulture. The exterior of the tomb was broken up by niches in the\nform of doors, through which it was thought the _ka_ of the dead king\nwould be able to leave and re-enter his tomb at will. Round the whole a\nwall was built, and fresh offerings to the deceased royalty were placed\nwithin the niches or alcoves of the tomb from time to time, and over all\na mound of earth or brick was probably heaped. The name-stele of the\nmonarch was blazoned in hieroglyphs on a large memorial slab outside,\nwithout any allusion to his life, character, or actions. Several of\nthe early royal burial-places contain the graves of women, servants,\nand dogs. These in true Neolithic fashion had been slaughtered at the\ngrave of the Pharaoh in order that they might accompany him and attend\nto his comfort and requirements in the new life. Later these sacrifices\nwere discontinued, and instead of a graveside holocaust the images or\npictures of wives and dependents were placed in the royal tomb.\n\n\nThe Pyramid\n\nFrom such a resting-place was gradually evolved the stupendous\nconception of the pyramid. The pyramid is, in effect, nothing but a vast\nfuneral cairn, a huge grave-mound, on which, instead of stones or pieces\nof rock, enormous blocks of granite were piled. Often the burial-chamber\nit contains is nothing more than a mere vault, to which access is gained\nby a narrow passage or gallery, which was carefully blocked up after the\nroyal funeral.\n\nOriginally these burial-chambers were quite unadorned, and it was not\nuntil the end of the Middle Kingdom that it became usual to inscribe\ntheir walls with texts relating to the future life. Thus originated\nthose wonderful Pyramid Texts from which we have learned so much of the\nlore of ancient Egypt. On the eastern side of the pyramid was built\na temple dedicated to the defunct monarch, in which offerings to his\nmanes were duly and punctually made. As he became deified upon death,\nso his statue in his character of a divinity was placed in an apartment\nspecially prepared for it. The pile of stones proper from which the\npyramid was evolved may be traced to the retaining wall of the tomb.\nBy the Third Dynasty this small retaining wall had become roofed over\nand expanded into a solid mass of brickwork, called by the Arabs a\n_mastaba_, which was practically a truncated pyramid. This pile of\nbrickwork was later in the same dynasty copied in stone, as at Saqqara,\nand enlarged by repeated additions and successive coats of masonry.\nLastly, the whole received a casing of limestone blocks, and we have\nsuch a structure as the pyramid of Medum.\n\n\nPyramidal Architecture\n\nThe pyramidal form of architecture is peculiar to Egypt, and even there\nis confined to the period from the Fourth to the Twelfth Dynasty, or\nbefore 3000 B.C. The Mexican and Central American teocalli, or stepped\ntemple, has frequently been erroneously compared to the pyramid, but\nwhereas it was a place of worship, the Egyptian form was purely a\nplace of sepulture. A definite design lay behind each of these vast\nstructures. It seems to have occurred to some writers that the pyramids\nwere built haphazard and by dint of brute force. So far from this\nbeing the case, they were constructed with extraordinary care, and\nmathematical computations of considerable complexity are manifest in\ntheir design.\n\nThe early pyramids were composed of horizontal layers of rough-hewn\nblocks of stone, held together principally by their own weight, but\nbetween the interstices of which mortar was placed. In the later stages\nof the type the core of the structure was formed chiefly of rubble, of\nwhich stone, mud, and mud bricks were the principal constituents. This\nwas faced outwardly with a fine casing of stone, carefully dressed and\njoined, and the mortuary-chambers showed similar care in construction.\nThese were generally placed below the ground level, and access was\ngained to them by a gallery opening on the northern side of the pyramid.\nThese are usually blocked once or more by massive monoliths, and were\nsometimes closed externally by stone doors revolving on a pivot in order\nthat the priests might gain entrance when desired.\n\nThe first pyramid has been definitely attributed to Cheops or Khufu, and\nis situated at Gizeh. The second is credited to Dad-ef-ra, and was built\nat Abu Roash. Khafra was entombed in the second pyramid of Gizeh, and\nthat known as 'the Upper' at the same place was tenanted by the corpse\nof Menkaura. The smaller structures at Gizeh near the great and third\npyramids were constructed for the families of Khufu and Khafra.\n\n\n'Lost' Pyramids\n\nSeveral of the pyramids alluded to in the ancient texts of these\nbuildings have either entirely disappeared, or cannot be identified.\nThus the burial-place of Shepseskaf, known by the delightful title of\n'the Cool,' is unknown. We can picture the shaven priests stealing\ninto the recesses of its thickly shadowed galleries to shelter from\nthe fierce Egyptian sun. No doubt the _ka_ of Shepseskaf found its\nshade acceptable enough as he played at draughts with his mummy in its\ninaccessible chambers. It is known that the pyramid of Menkauhor, 'the\nmost divine edifice,' is somewhere at Saqqara, but which of its stately\npiles can be attributed to him it is impossible to say. So with the\npyramid of Assa, who is mentioned in tablets at Saqqara, Karnak, and\nelsewhere. This was called 'the Beautiful.' Neither can the similarly\nnamed 'beautiful rising' of Rameses and the 'firm life' of Neferarkara\nbe satisfactorily placed. It is highly unlikely that these structures\ncan have crumbled into a ruin so complete that no trace whatsoever has\nbeen left of them--that is, unless they were built of mud bricks. The\nbrick pyramid of Amenemhat III at Howara, however, still remains, as\ndoes that of Senusert III at Dahshur.\n\nSo much has been written of late concerning the pyramids that it would\nbe idle to pursue the subject further in a work such as this, which\nprofesses to give an account of the mythology of Egypt and an outline\nonly of its polity and arts. There can be little interest for the\ngeneral reader in mere measurements and records of bulk.\n\n\nMummification\n\nMummification was, as has been said, probably an invention of the\nOsirian cult. The priests of Osiris taught that the body of man was\na sacred thing and not to be abandoned to the beasts of the desert,\nbecause from it would spring the effulgent and regenerated envelope\nof the purified spirit. In prehistoric times some attempt appears to\nhave been made toward preservation, either by drying in the sun or\nsmearing the corpse with a resinous preparation; and as the centuries\nwent by this primitive treatment developed into the elaborate art of\nembalming, with all its gloomy, if picturesque, ceremonial. By the time\nof the Middle Kingdom, as is evidenced by the graves of Beni Hassan,\nthe practice prevailed of removing the internal organs and placing them\nin a box divided into four compartments inscribed with the names of the\nfour canopic deities who presided over them. In some burials of this\ndate, to avoid the trouble of removing the intestines those responsible\nfor the obsequies simply made up parcels which purported, by written\ndescriptions upon them, to contain the organs in question, believing,\ndoubtless, that the written statement that these bundles contained the\nheart, lungs, and so forth was magically efficacious, and quite as\nsatisfactory as their real presence within the receptacle.\n\nWe do not find the process of mummification reaching any degree of\nelaboration until the period of the New Kingdom. At first it was\nconfined to the Pharaohs alone, who were identified with Osiris; but the\nnecessity for a retinue which would attend him in the dark halls of the\nTuat prescribed that his courtiers also should be embalmed. The custom\nwas taken up by the wealthy, and filtered down from rank to rank until\nat length even the corpse of the poorest Egyptian was at least subjected\nto a process of pickling in a bath of natron. The art reached its height\nin the Twenty-first Dynasty. At that period the process was costly in\nthe extreme, and a mummification of an elaborate kind cost about \u00a3700\nin modern currency. When the relations of the deceased consulted the\nprofessional embalmers they were shown models of mummies, one of which\nthey selected. The corpse was then placed in the hands of the embalmers.\nFirst of all they injected a corrosive into the brain cavity, after\nwhich its softened contents were removed through the nostrils by hooked\ninstruments. A mummifier, whose office rendered him almost a pariah,\nso sacred was the human body considered, made an incision in the corpse\nwith a flint knife, a time-honoured instrument that seems eloquent of\nprehistoric practice. The intestines and the principal organs were then\nremoved, washed, and steeped in palm wine. The body then underwent\na drying process, and, according to the period, was stripped of its\nflesh, only the skin remaining, or was stuffed with sawdust, skilfully\nintroduced through incisions, so that the natural form was completely\nrestored. The cavity occupied by the organs might otherwise be stuffed\nwith myrrh, cassia, or other spices. When sewn up the corpse was next\npickled in a bath of natron for seventy days, and then meticulously\nbandaged with linen which had been dipped in some adhesive substance.\nA coffin was built for it which retained the shape of the human form,\nand which was gaily and elaborately painted with figures of divinities,\namulets, symbols, and sometimes burial scenes. The carven countenance of\nthe deceased surmounted this funerary finery, and the short wig, typical\nof the living Egyptian, glowed in gilded hues or in less costly colour\nabove the conventional death-mask, which in general bore but little\nresemblance to him.\n\nThe canopic jars in which the intestines were placed had lids so\ncarven as to resemble human heads, but subsequent to the Eighteenth\nDynasty the heads of the four sons of Horus, the man-headed Mesti, the\nape-headed Hapi, the jackal Tuamutef, and the falcon Qebhsenn\u016df, the\n'genii' who guarded the north, south, east, and west, were represented\nupon their covers. In their respective jars were placed the stomach and\nlarger intestines, the smaller intestines, the lungs and heart, and\nthe liver and gall-bladder. These jars were placed in the tomb beside\nthe mummy, so that upon resurrection it could easily command their\ncontents. It is a striking circumstance that we discover a parallel to\nthese 'genii' among the ancient Maya of Central America, who possessed\nfour deities placed one at each point of the compass to uphold the\nheavens. Their names were Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac, or, according to\nother authorities, Hobnil, Kanzicnal, Zaczini, and Hozanek, and it\nhas been stated that the Maya made use of funerary jars called after\nthese, _bacabs_, which held the internal organs of their dead.[9]\nStrangely enough, the ancient Mexicans also practised a description of\nmummification, as did the Peruvians.[10]\n\n\nFuneral Offerings\n\nThe tomb furniture of the Egyptians of the higher ranks was elaborate\nand costly--chairs, jars, weapons, mirrors, sometimes even chariots,\nand wigs. Beginning with the Middle Kingdom (Eighteenth Dynasty),\nsmall statuettes, called _ushabtiu_, were placed in each tomb. These\nrepresented various trades, and were supposed to assist or serve the\ndeceased in the otherworld. The walls of the tomb and the sides of\nthe sarcophagus were usually covered with texts from the _Book of the\nDead_, or formul\u00e6 devoting offerings of loaves, geese, beer, and other\nprovisions to the _ka_ of the deceased. The burial ceremony was stately\nand imposing. Sometimes it chanced that the corpse had to be conveyed by\nwater, and gaily painted boats held the funeral procession; or else the\nchain of mourners moved slowly along by the western bank of the Nile.\nThe ceremonial at the tomb appears to have been almost of a theatrical\ncharacter, and symbolized the night journey of Ra-Osiris. The prescribed\nprayers were recited, and incense was offered up. The kinsmen of the\ndeceased were loud in their lamentations, and were assisted in these\nby a professional class of mourners who 'keened' loudly and shrilly\nas the procession slowly approached the _mastaba_, or tomb, in which\nthe mummy was to be laid to rest. It was taken from the coffin when it\narrived at the door of its long home, and was placed upright against the\nwall of the _mastaba_ by a priest wearing the mask of the jackal-headed\ngod Anubis. At this point an elaborate ceremony was performed, known\nas the 'opening of the mouth.' With many magical spells and signs the\nmouth of the deceased was opened by means of a hook, after which he\nwas supposed to be able to make use of his mouth for the purpose of\nspeaking, eating, or drinking. Special literature had sprung up in\nconnexion with this custom, and was known as _The Book of the Opening of\nthe Mouth_. Elaborate and numerous were the instruments employed in the\nceremony: the _pesh-ken_, or hook, made of a pinkish flint, the knife\nof greyish-green stone, the vases, small stone knives representing the\n'metal of the north' and the 'metal of the south,' the unguents and\noils, and so on. Interminable was the ceremonial in the case of a person\nof importance, at least twenty-eight formul\u00e6 having to be recited, many\nof which were accompanied by lustration, purification, and, on the\npart of the priests who officiated, a change of costume. The coffin\ncontaining the mummy was then lowered into the tomb by means of a long\nrope, and was received by the grave-diggers.\n\n\nThe Ka\n\nThe dead man was practically at the mercy of the living for subsistence\nin the otherworld. Unless his kinsmen continued their offerings to him\nhe was indeed in bad case, for his _ka_ would starve. This _ka_ was his\ndouble, and came into the world at the same time as himself. It must be\nsharply distinguished from the _ba_, or soul, which usually took the\nform of a bird after the death of its owner, and, indeed, was capable of\nassuming such shape as it chose if the funeral ceremonies were carried\nout correctly. Some Egyptologists consider the _ka_ to be the special\nactive force which imbues the human being with life, and it may be\nequivalent to the Hebrew expression 'spirit' as apart from 'soul.' In\nthe book of Genesis we are informed that God breathed the breath of life\ninto man and he lived. In like manner did He lay His arms behind the\nprimeval gods, and forthwith His _ka_ went up over them, and they lived.\nWhen the man died his _ka_ quitted the body, but did not cease to take\nan interest in it, and on occasion even reanimated it. It was on behalf\nof the _ka_ that Egyptian tombs were so well furnished with food and\ndrink, and the necessities, not to say the luxuries, of existence.\n\n\nThe Ba\n\nThe _ba_, as has been mentioned, did not remain with the body, but took\nwing after death. Among primitive peoples--the aborigines of America,\nfor instance--the soul is frequently regarded as possessing the form and\nattributes of a bird. The ability of the bird to make passage for itself\nacross the great ocean of air, the incomprehensibility of its gift of\nflight, the mystery of its song, its connexion with 'heaven,' render it\na being at once strange and enviable. Such freedom, argues primitive\nman, must have the liberated soul, untrammelled by the hindering flesh.\nSo, too, must gods and spirits be winged, and such, he hopes, will be\nhis own condition when he has shaken off the mortal coil and rises on\npinions to the heavenly mansions. Thus the Bororos of Brazil believe\nthat the soul possesses the form of a bird. The Bilquila Indians of\nBritish Columbia think that the soul dwells in an egg in the nape of\nthe neck, and that upon death this egg is hatched and the enclosed bird\ntakes flight. In Bohemian folk-lore we learn that the soul is popularly\nconceived as a white bird. The Malays and the Battas of Sumatra also\ndepict the immortal part of man in bird-shape, as do the Javanese and\nBorneans. Thus we see that the Egyptian concept is paralleled in many\na distant land. But nowhere do we find the belief so strong or so\npersistent over a prolonged period of time as in the valley of the Nile.\n\nNo race conferred so much importance and dignity upon the cult of the\ndead as the Egyptian. It is no exaggeration to say that the life of\nthe Egyptian of the cultured class was one prolonged preparation for\ndeath. It is probable, however, that he was, through force of custom and\nenvironment, unaware of the circumstance. It is dangerous to indulge in\na universal assertion with reference to an entire nation. But if any\npeople ever regarded life as a mere academy of preparation for eternity,\nit was the mysterious and fascinating race whose vast remains litter\nthe banks of the world's most ancient river, and frown upon the less\nmajestic undertakings of a civilization which has usurped the theatre of\ntheir myriad wondrous deeds.\n\n\n\n[1] Certain forms of belief are now spoken of by some mythologists as\n'pre-animistic.' But these are not as yet sufficiently well defined\nto permit of accurate classification. See Marett, _The Threshold of\nReligion_.\n\n[2] K. von den Steinen _Unter den Naturvolker Zentral-Brasiliens_\n(Berlin, 1894).\n\n[3] See _Myths and Legends of the North American Indians_, p. 87.\n\n\n[4] See _Handbook of North American Indians_, article \"Cheyenne.\"\n\n[5] As do many primitive supernatural beings all over the world.\n\n[6] This is typical of many water gods in America and Australia. See\nLang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, vol. i, p. 43.\n\n[7] See Gomme, _Ethnology in Folklore_.\n\n[8] See Lang, _The Making of Religion_ and _The New Mythology_, for\nhypothesis of a monotheism prior to animistic belief.\n\n[9] H. de Charencey, _Le Mythe de Votan_, p. 39. There is but little\nsubstantiation for the latter part of this statement, however. The\n_bacabs_ were closely identified with the Maya _chac_, or rain-gods.\n\n[10] See my _Myths of Mexico and Peru_.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II: EXPLORATION, HISTORY, AND CUSTOMS\n\n\nThe Nile Valley\n\nThe River Nile is the element which creates the special characteristics\nof Egypt, and differentiates it from other parts of the Sahara Desert.\nAt its annual overflow this river deposits a rich sediment, which\nmakes the fertile plains on either side such a contrast to the brown\nmonotony of the desert. East and west of the Nile valley stretch great\nwastes, broken here and there by green oases, and the general scenery\nis too uniform to be interesting, the Delta itself presenting a richly\ncultivated level plain, interspersed by the lofty dark brown mounds of\nancient cities and villages set in groves of palm-trees.\n\nIn Upper Egypt the Nile valley is narrow, and is bounded by mountains\ninconsiderable in height, and which never rise into peaks. Sometimes\nthey approach the river in the form of promontories, and sometimes are\ndivided by the beds of ancient watercourses. These are sufficiently\npicturesque, but otherwise the landscape is not striking. In colour,\nhowever, it is remarkably so. \"The bright green of the fields, the\nreddish brown or dull green of the great river contrasting with the bare\nyellow rocks seen beneath a brilliant sun and deep blue sky, present\nviews of great beauty.\"\n\n\nRacial Origin\n\nThe question of the racial origin of the people of ancient Egypt is\none of great complexity. In graves and early cultural remains we find\ntraces of several races which at remote periods entered the country,\nand concerning whom the data are so scanty that it is highly dangerous\nto generalize about them. According to Professor Sergi of Rome, the\noriginator of the theory that a great civilizing stock arose at an early\nperiod on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, the ancient Egyptian\nbelonged to the eastern branch of this race, along with the Nubians,\nAbyssinians, Galla, Masai, and Somali. The evidence of language is\nvague, for in this, as in other instances, it may only be cultural.\n\nAnother theory is that which would people the Nile valley in early times\nwith a pygmy race, who were dispossessed and driven out by the immigrant\nMediterraneans. The theory that the Mediterranean people entered Egypt\ndirectly from their original home does not agree with that which would\nmake a stone-working race populating the country at an early period\nemanate from Palestine. It would appear from a consideration of the data\nthat these were Mediterraneans who had had long practice in working\nin stone in a country abounding in that material. These were probably\nfollowed by successive immigrations from the east and from Arabia or its\nneighbourhood, whence came a people cognate with the Babylonians and\nconversant with their culture, which they had absorbed in a common early\nhome which cannot now be located. These imposed their Semitic vocabulary\nupon the Hamitic syntax of the people they found in the Nile valley.\nBut although they revolutionized the language, they only partially\nsucceeded in altering the religion, which remained for the most part\nof the Osirian type, blending later with the Horus hawk-worship of the\nnew-comers. There are not wanting those who think that these immigrants\nfrom Arabia were Hamites, who attained to a high civilization in Western\nArabia, and, pressed on by Semitic hordes from the north, crossed the\nRed Sea in vessels and made their first base in Egypt at Berenice.\nThe dynastic Egyptians, according to this view, are Hamitic, and\nnot far removed in physical type from the Galla of to-day, but had,\nperhaps, some element of the proto-Semitic.[1] They are thought \"to have\nconcentrated themselves in the narrow strip of fertility along the banks\nof the Nile.\" It would indeed be difficult to discern where else they\ncould have concentrated themselves.\n\nThe dynastic history of ancient Egypt extends, at the lowest\ncomputation, over a period of more than three thousand years. In view of\nchronological difficulties, it has been found convenient to adopt the\ndynastic system of reckoning chosen by Manetho, an Egyptian priest who\nlived in the third century before Christ. Manetho divided the history\nof Egypt into thirty-one dynasties, of which some twenty-six comprise\nthe period between Mena's Conquest and the Persian Conquest, while the\nothers cover the period of Persian, Hellenic, and Latin supremacy. With\nthe Persian Conquest, however, came the disintegration of the Egyptian\nEmpire, and at that point purely native history comes to an end.\n\nThough Manetho's dynastic divisions have been adopted by modern\nEgyptologists, his chronology is not so well received, though it is\nsupported by at least one distinguished authority--Professor Flinders\nPetrie. The general tendency at the present day is to accept the minimum\nchronology which is known as that of the Berlin School, which places\nMena's Conquest at 3400 B.C. and the Twelfth Dynasty about 2000 B.C.,\nrather than that of Professor Petrie, which would place these events\nat 5500 B.C. and 3400 B.C. respectively. It is customary to group the\nvarious dynasties into three periods--the Old Kingdom, comprising\nDynasties I to VIII; the Middle Kingdom, Dynasties IX to XVIII; and the\nNew Empire, Dynasties XVIII to XXVI. These divisions, however, do not\nimply any break in the course of Egyptian history, but are merely used\nfor the sake of convenience. The following Table compares the systems\nof dating in vogue with students of Egyptian history, according to\nProfessor Petrie and the Berlin School, as represented by Professor\nBreasted:\n\n      PETRIE (1906)          BERLIN SCHOOL (1906)\n\n           B.C.                     B.C.\n\n       I   5510                     3400\n      II   5247\n     III   4945                     2980\n      IV   4731                     2900\n       V   4454                     2750\n      VI   4206                     2625\n     VII   4003                     2475\n    VIII   3933\n      IX   3787                     2445\n       X   3687\n      XI   3502                     2160\n     XII   3459                     2000\n    XIII   3246                     1788\n     XIV   2793\n      XV   2533\n     XVI   2249\n    XVII   1731\n   XVIII   1580                     1580\n     XIX   1322                     1350\n      XX   1202                     1200\n     XXI   1102                     1090\n    XXII    958                      945\n   XXIII    755                      745\n    XXIV    721                      718\n     XXV    715                      712\n    XXVI    664                      663\n   XXVII    525                      525\n  XXVIII    405\n    XXIX    399\n     XXX    378\n\n\nEgyptian Exploration\n\nEgypt, with its mighty ruins wrapped in silence and mystery, long ago\nattracted the curiosity of the traveller, for the traditions of a high\ncivilization, of its religion, government, and culture, lingered in the\nmemory of man; and there, from temple, pyramid, palace, and city, he has\nsought and gained actual and manifold proofs of the existence of that\nancient kingdom. And not only has its own history thus been unveiled\nto the modern world, but intertwined therewith has been traced that of\nother nations and powers, among them Persia, Greece, and Rome.\n\nThe earliest instance in this country of the collecting of Egyptian\nantiques is in 1683, when a valuable stele belonging to the Old\nKingdom was brought from Saqqara and presented to the Ashmolean Museum\nat Oxford, while in the eighteenth century some attempt was made at\nplanning and describing Egyptian ruins, and the identification of some\nof the sites with cities mentioned in classical writings. In 1798 a\nscientific commission, including artists and arch\u00e6ologists, accompanied\nNapoleon's military expedition into Egypt, and much valuable work\nwas accomplished by these savants, the record of which fills several\nvolumes of the _Description de l'Egypte_, while the large collection of\nantiquities gathered by them, including the famous Rosetta Stone, which\nproved the key to the mystery of the Egyptian hieroglyphic writing,\ncame into British possession in the year 1801. Then, under Mehemet Ali,\nEgypt was opened to Europeans, and from this time onward great numbers\nof antiquities were taken from the country and found their way into\nEuropean collections and museums, especially the British Museum, the\nLouvre, and those at Leyden, Berlin, and Turin. The largest collection\nof Egyptian objects is that at Cairo.\n\n\nEarly Researches\n\nIn 1821 came the decipherment of the Rosetta Stone by Champollion,\nand this added a new zest to exploration and collecting. Champollion\nhimself, together with Rosellini, was sent by the Governments of France\nand Tuscany on an expedition to Egypt, and much was done in copying\nstel\u00e6 and inscriptions. But the Prussian Government initiated a greater\nundertaking in 1842, under Lepsius, who extended his researches from\nEgypt into Nubia as far as Khartoum, and again into Syria and Palestine.\nThis expedition, with its scientific methods, yielded a wonderful\nharvest of valuable results. The official preservation of the ancient\nmonuments and ruins against exploitation by dealers or destruction by\nvandals was first undertaken by Mehemet Ali, who appointed Mariette to\nthis onerous post, and under his wise and able direction invaluable\nwork was accomplished. This has been developed under the British\nsuzerainty. The ancient sites are claimed by the Government, and the\nService of Antiquities has an annual grant of large dimensions and\nemploys many European and native officials. All provinces are included\nin its survey, and no excavations may take place without its permission;\nand this is granted to responsible persons only, and on the terms that\nhalf of the antiquities discovered shall become the property of the\nEgyptian Government, the other half going to the finders. Sir Gaston\nMaspero, director of the Museum at Cairo, has made many brilliant\ncontributions to Egyptian arch\u00e6ology. As early as 1862 the Scottish\narch\u00e6ologist, Rhind, saw the necessity for some definite scientific and\ncomprehensive system of excavation if really valuable results were to\nbe obtained, and lamented the lack of any such methods in his time.\nIn 1883 this system of investigation was inaugurated at Tanis under\nProfessor Flinders Petrie. Everything, large and small, found during the\nexcavation of city, temple, or grave is collected and interpreted, and\nmade to yield its quota of evidence and information. This method gives\nevery object its value. Attention is not concentrated on one department\nalone, hence nothing is wasted or lost, and knowledge of the arts and\ncrafts, the customs, the literature and religion of ancient Egypt is\nslowly gathered, and all takes its due place in the pageant of history\nunfolded before us.\n\nMuch of the mystery that hung over Egypt has departed, but the glamour\nand fascination she exerted in the past are still as great as ever.\nThese are not lessened by our more intimate knowledge of her ancient\ncivilization, but rather increased a hundredfold. The silence of\ncenturies has been broken, the hieroglyphs have told their tale to\nmodern man, who listens with ever-deepening interest to the voice of\nthe Past. The drifting sand of the desert has been cleared away and\nancient buildings stand again in the sunlight and yield their secrets\nveiled for so many centuries. The graves tell over again the unchanging\nsorrow of death and the world-old longings of man. Apart from the\nliterary remains, papyri and inscriptions, the material results have\nbeen immense. The ancient topography of the land has become known by\nthe remains of roads, canals, quarries, and mines. The sites of towns,\nwith the temples, fortifications, and private dwellings, have been\ncomprehensively treated, so that the record is almost complete from the\nbuilding of the foundation to the decorative designs of the artists.\nThe site of each city, again, is generally that of several belonging\nto different epochs; the ruins of the older buildings were levelled\nto an even surface and the newer one begun several feet higher. The\nartificial mounds thus made are sometimes as much as 80 or 90 feet in\nheight. These foundations did not deter the Egyptian architects from\nerecting lofty buildings, such as those in Memphis, for in several\ncities walls exist to-day from 30 to 40 feet in height. To support\nthese they were thickened at the base and the floors vaulted. Amongst\nthe limestone remains of houses are often found fragments of sandstone,\ngranite, and alabaster quarried from some ruined temple, which shows\nthat the Egyptians of those far-away days did exactly the same as their\ndescendants, and despoiled the neglected and ruined monuments.\n\n\nTown Planning\n\nThe plan of a town excavated shows the houses gathered closely around\nthe temple and its square enclosure. This served as fortress and refuge\nif the town were attacked. The plan was regular in towns that were\nbuilt in one period, with wide paved streets running at right angles\nand provided with stone channels to carry off water and drainage. The\nbuildings were arranged in line. In cities that were the product of\ncenturies there was, however, great irregularity--houses heaped in\nmazes of blind alleys, and dark, narrow streets. There was generally\nan open space, shaded by sycamores, used two or three times a month\nas a market-place. The poorer classes were housed in hovels, rarely\nexceeding 12 or 16 feet in length, and little better than the huts\nof the fellaheen of to-day. The houses of the middle class, such\nas shop-keepers, small officials, and foremen, were of a better\ndescription, though rather small. They usually contained half a dozen\nrooms, and some were two or three stories high, while narrow courtyards\nseparated them from the street, though more often the house fronted\ndirectly on the road and was built on three sides of a courtyard. That\nexcellent sanitary and hygienic conditions were known in ancient Egypt\nhas been amply proved, for even poorer houses at Kah\u00fbn boasted a stone\ntank, and this luxury was universal except among the very poor. At Tell\nel Amarna, in the house of a high official of the Eighteenth Dynasty,\nan elaborate bath and ingenious system of water-supply have been found.\nThe arrangements of the ordinary house were much the same as obtain\nin the East of to-day, the ground floor including store-rooms, barns,\nand stables; the next for living and sleeping; the roof for sleeping\nin summer, while here also the women gossiped and cooked. An outside\nstaircase, narrow and very steep, led to the upper rooms. These were\noblong in shape, and the door was the only means of ventilation and\nlighting. For decoration the walls were sometimes whitewashed, or\ndecorated with red and yellow, or painted with domestic scenes.\n\n\nPalaces and Mansions\n\nThe palaces and mansions of the wealthy and great generally stood in\nthe midst of a garden or courtyard planted with trees surrounded with\ncrenellated walls, broken only by a doorway, which often indicated the\nsocial importance of the family. At times it was a portico supported\non columns and adorned with statues; at others, a pylon similar to\nthose at the entrance of temples. \"The interior,\" says Maspero, \"almost\nresembled a small town divided into quarters by irregular walls. In some\ncases the dwelling-house stood at the farther end; while the granaries,\nstables, and domestic offices were distributed in different parts of\nthe enclosure.\" Paintings and plans on walls of tombs, the remains of\nhouses at Tell el Amarna and of the palace of Akhenaten, have supplied\nthe means by which we learn these details. The pictorial plan of a\nTheban house, half palace, half villa, is thus elucidated by Maspero:\n\"The enclosure is rectangular, surrounded by a crenellated wall. The\nprincipal entrance opens upon a road bordered by trees by the side of\na canal or branch of the Nile. The garden is symmetrically divided by\nlow stone walls. In the centre is a large trellis supported on four\nrows of small columns; to right and left are four pools stocked with\nducks and geese, two leafy conservatories, two summer-houses, and\navenues of sycamores, date-palms, and d\u00f4m-palms. At the back, facing\nthe entrance, is the house, two-storied and of small dimensions,\nsurmounted by a painted cornice.\" On one of the tombs of Tell el Amarna\nis to be found a representation of the palace of A\u00ef, who later ascended\nthe throne of Egypt. This is of large size, rectangular in shape, the\nfa\u00e7ade wider than the sides. The staircases running to the terraced\nroof lead into two small chambers at each corner of the back wall. The\ndwelling-house itself is contained within this outer building, and was\nsacred to the family and its head, and only intimate friends had the\nright of entrance. The remains of the ruined palace of Akhenaten at\nTell el Amarna also follows much the same plan, with the addition of\na pavilion for the queen's use, containing a large hall 51 feet by 21\nfeet. In this palace was another immense hall, its dimensions being 423\nfeet by 234 feet. It contained 542 mud pillars, 52 inches square. It\ncommunicated with five smaller halls. \"The pillars were whitened, and\nthe ceilings were painted with vine-leaves and bunches of grapes on a\nyellow ground.\" Many of the mansions and houses afford some beautiful\nspecimens of the decorative art of those days. Remains of the domestic\narchitecture of the Old Kingdom are not numerous, but the general plan\nseems to have been much the same as in the later periods. The small\nantiquities discovered, such as utensils, clothes, weapons, amulets,\nand other articles which have been found in great numbers, fill in the\npicture of the domestic life of ancient Egypt; while temple and fortress\nand monument tell of the religion, the warfare, and the enterprise in\nthat distant epoch.\n\nThese excavations cover a large area. Upper, Middle, and Lower Egypt\nand Nubia have been extensively explored, likewise the Sinai Peninsula\nand Syria, with its numerous tablets of conquest. In Nubia, states\nan authority, owing to the poverty of the country and its scanty\npopulation, the proportion of monuments surviving is infinitely greater\nthan in Egypt. Many temples, tombs, quarries, forts, grottos, and\npyramids have been found in a good state of preservation. In Upper\nEgypt are to be found the great pyramids and the necropolis of Memphis,\nwith various smaller pyramids to the south, and it also boasts of the\nstupendous ruins of Thebes on both sides of the river, the tombs and\nquarries of Assuan, and the temples of Phil\u00e6, though these by no means\nexhaust the list of sites which have been excavated, while it is well\nknown that many still hold mysteries as yet untouched.\n\n\nLife and Law in Ancient Egypt\n\nThe existence of Egypt as a native monarchy stretched over such an\nextended period that it is extremely difficult to generalize concerning\nthe method of its government or the life of its people. At the same\ntime no civilization with a record of thousands of years behind it\nexhibits less change either in political or domestic affairs. It is\ncertain that once an agricultural mode of life was accepted by the\nEgyptians they quickly contracted those manners and customs which they\nretained up to the period of foreign invasion; and so far as the lower\nclasses are concerned, there can be little doubt that the stream of\ndaily life flowed on from century to century placid and unaltered. The\nscience of folklore has of late years proved to us how little alteration\nthe passage of time brings to the life and thought of a people whose\nenvironment is such that outward forces are seldom brought to bear upon\nthem. Especially was this the case with the inhabitants of the Nile\nvalley, who for many centuries were sheltered by geographical and other\npeculiarities from the inroads of other civilized races, and who by the\ntime that foreign invaders mingled with them had attained such a settled\ncourse of existence, and were so powerfully influenced by tradition, as\nto be practically immune from the effects of racial intermixture. It\nmust also be borne in mind that such invaders as Egypt knew would not\nbring their womankind with them, and that their marriage to Egyptian\nwomen would have the effect in a generation or two of completely\nabsorbing them into the native population, so that the racial standard\nremained practically unaltered. Again, their numbers would be relatively\nsmall compared with the population of Egypt. The environment of the\nNile valley is exceptionally well suited to the continuance of type,\nas is evidenced by the persistence of form in its domestic and other\nanimals. Time and again have foreign sheep, goats, asses, and so forth\nbeen introduced into it, with the result that shortly afterward they\nbecame absorbed into the prevailing Egyptian type of their kind, with\nscarcely any modification. The horse and the camel were comparatively\nlate importations into Egypt, and the tardy introduction of the former\nis eloquent of the isolated character of the country.\n\nThe feudal system was general throughout ancient Egypt, and the Pharaoh\nwas chiefly employed in keeping his greater subjects in check. These\nmodelled their principalities upon the central power, and even such\nas had no claim to royal blood kept up establishments of considerable\nmagnitude. Officials swarmed in the Nile valley, and it does not seem\nthat they were actuated by a very high standard of political morality,\nor, at least in practice, they fell short of it. Members of the royal\nfamily were generally granted high office, and this meant that the\ncountry was in effect administered by an hereditary bureaucracy. A\nchancellor or vizier was directly responsible to the monarch for\nthe condition of the country--its business, finance, and legal\nadministration.\n\n\nCommerce\n\nWe know but little concerning the commercial affairs of ancient Egypt.\nIn all probability open-air markets were held. Currency was unknown\nuntil the era of the Persian invasion, and until then rings of gold,\nsilver, and bronze were employed in exchange. Barter, however, prevailed\nuniversally. Corn was, of course, the staple produce of Egypt, and\nseems to have been exported to some extent to other countries, as were\npapyrus rolls and linen; but practically all silver and copper had to\nbe imported, as had precious woods, the pelts of rare animals, ivory,\nspices and incense, and stone for the manufacture of rare vessels. Many\nof these supplies reached Egypt in the shape of tribute, but records\nare extant of expeditions sent out by the king for the purpose of\nobtaining foreign rarities. A great deal of Egyptian trade was in the\nhands of foreigners. The Ph\u0153nicians evidently opened up communication\nwith Egypt as early as the Third Dynasty. In later times an extensive\ntrade was carried on with Greece, and Psammetichus I (_c._ 570 B.C.)\nfounded the town of Naucratis as the centre of Greek trade in Egypt.\n\n\nAgriculture\n\nAgriculture was the backbone of Egyptian wealth; the nature of the\nsoil--rich, black mud, deposited by the Nile, which also served to\nirrigate it--rendered the practice of farming peculiarly simple. The\nintense heat, too, assisted the speedy growth of grain. Cultivation was\npossible almost all the year round, but usually terminated with the\nharvests gathered in at the end of April, from which month to June a\nperiod of slackness was afforded the farmer. A great variety of crops\nwas sown, but wheat and barley were the most popular; durra, of which\nbread was made, lentils, peas, beans, radishes, lettuces, onions,\nand flax were also cultivated. Fruits were represented by the grape,\npomegranate, fig, and date. Timber was scanty and, as has been said,\nwas mostly imported. In early times it was probably more abundant,\nbut the introduction of the camel and the goat proved its ruin, these\nanimals stripping the bark from the trees and devouring the shoots.\nWine was chiefly made in the district of Mareotis, near Alexandria, and\nappears to have possessed a very delicate flavour. The papyrus plant was\nwidely cultivated from the earliest times; the stem was employed for\nboat-building and rope-making, as well as for writing materials.\n\n\nLegal Code\n\nEgyptian law appears to have been traditional, and no remains of any\nspecific code have come down to us. Royal decrees and regulations\nwere promulgated from time to time, and these were usually engraved\non stone and carefully preserved. In the Ptolemaic period travelling\ncourts were instituted, which settled litigation of all descriptions;\nbut the traditional law of the country appears to have been well known\nto the people and fully recognized by their rulers. A favourite way of\nhaving a grievance redressed was to petition the king or one of the\ngreat feudal princes. Courts sitting to hear specific cases were nearly\nalways composed of royal or territorial persons in early days, and in\nlater times of officials. The right to appeal to the king existed.\nEvidence was given upon oath, a favourite oath being \"By the king\" or\n\"By the life of the king.\" Only occasionally was torture employed for\nthe purpose of extracting evidence. Penalties were various. In many\ninstances the accused was allowed to take his own life. For minor crimes\nthe bastinado or disfigurement by cutting off the nose, banishment or\nfine, were the usual punishments. During the Old Kingdom decapitation\nwas the usual means of inflicting death. The drawing up of contracts was\nuniversal, and these were, as a rule, duly witnessed. From the time of\nthe Twenty-fifth Dynasty these are discovered in abundance, and usually\nrefer to sales or loans. Although a woman could inherit property, she\nhad not the entire right of dealing with it, but, if divorced, her dowry\ncould not be forfeited. Many of these ancient documents deal with the\nbuying and selling of slaves. It is not clear, however, whether or not\nthe consent of a slave was necessary to his sale.\n\n\nScience\n\nKnowledge and learning of every description were, of course,\nsubordinated to the religious idea, which was the paramount\nconsideration in Egyptian life. With architecture we have dealt\nelsewhere. It would seem that scientific operations of all sorts were\ncarried out, not by means of any given formul\u00e6, but merely by rule\nof thumb. Wonderful results were obtained by the simplest means, and\nthe methods by which the pyramids were raised are still somewhat of a\nmystery. The dates of festivals were astronomically fixed; and it has\nbeen stated that the pyramids and other large buildings were orientated\nin the same manner. The beginning of the inundation of the Nile was\nmarked by the rising of the star Sothis or Sirius. A great many Egyptian\ninventions appear to be of considerable antiquity, but the inventive\nfaculty of the race would seem to have been stunted or altogether lost\nin later times. Attempts at progress were absolutely unknown even when\nthe Egyptians came into contact with foreigners, and all innovations\nwere looked upon askance.\n\n\nThe Peasantry\n\nIt is uncertain to what extent the people followed the nobility in\nthe very rigorous religious programme that these had set themselves.\nThat they were as deeply superstitious as their betters there can be\nlittle doubt; but that they regarded themselves as fit subjects for the\nsame otherworld to which the aristocracy were bound is unlikely in the\nextreme. Probably at the best they thought they might find some corner\nin the dark realm of Osiris where they would not be utterly annihilated,\nor that at least their _kas_ would be duly fed and nourished by the\nofferings made to them by their children. The Egyptian peasant was\npre-eminently a son of the soil, hard-working, patient, and content,\nwith little in the way of food, shelter, and raiment--not at all unlike\nthe fellah of the present day. The lot of the Egyptian peasant woman\nwas, like that of her husband, one of arduous toil. She was usually\nmarried about the age of fifteen, and by the age of thirty was often a\ngrandmother. The care of her dwelling and children was not, however,\npermitted to occupy all her time, for at certain seasons she was\nexpected to assist her husband in the field, where she probably received\nmore blows than thanks. Justice was not very even-handed, and redress\nfor any individual of the peasant class was not easily obtained; it is\nstrange that the conditions under which the peasantry dwelt did not\nfoment rebellion. Probably the only reason that such outbreaks did not\ntake place was that the condition of servitude was too deep and that,\nlike most Orientals, the Egyptians were fatalists.\n\n\nCostume\n\nThe fashion of apparel differed considerably with the dynasties. As\nwe have already noted, the Pharaoh possessed a peculiar attire of his\nown, upon which that of the upper ranks of society was to some extent\nmodelled. The climate did not permit or encourage the wearing of heavy\nmaterial, so that fine linen was greatly in use. The upper portions\nof the body were only partially covered, and amongst the nobility in\nancient times a species of linen skirt was worn. The women's dress\nfrom the earliest times was a dress reaching from the armpits to the\nankles, with straps over the shoulders. The men's dress was usually a\nform of loin-cloth. The wearing of wigs was practically universal, and\noriginated in prehistoric times. At some early period native ritual\nhad prescribed that the head must be shaved, so that the fashion of the\nlong peruke, or the close-fitting cloth cap with ear-lappets, became\npractically a necessity. We find, however, that some ladies refused to\nsacrifice their hair, and in the well-known statue of Nefert we notice\nthe bands of natural hair, neatly smoothed down over the brow, peeping\nout beneath the heavy wig she is wearing. Practically all classes wore\nsandals of leather or plaited papyrus.\n\nIn general appearance the Egyptian was tall, being considerably\nabove the European average in height. The race were for the most\npart dolichocephalic, or long-skulled, narrow-waisted and angular.\nIn later life they frequently became corpulent, but during youth and\nearly manhood presented rather a 'wiry' appearance. They had, however,\nbroad shoulders and a well-developed chest-cavity. The examination of\nthousands of mummies by Dr. Elliot Smith has proved that in later times\nthe Egyptian race greatly improved in physique and muscular qualities.\nIn character the Egyptian was grave, and perhaps a little taciturn,\nbeing in this respect not unlike the Scot and the Spaniard; but, like\nthese peoples, he had also a strain of gaiety in his composition, and\nhis popular literature is in places eloquent of the philosophy of\n_laissez-faire_. It is probable that the stern religious code under\nwhich he lived drove him at times to deep disgust of his surroundings.\nThe Egyptian peasant's amusement at times took the form of intoxication,\nand pictures are extant which show the labourer being borne home on\nthe shoulders of his fellows. Among the upper classes, too, it cannot\nbe denied that a philosophy of pleasure had gained a very strong\nhold, especially in later times. They probably thought that if they\ncommitted the _Book of the Dead_ to heart they were sure of a blissful\nfuture, and that in this lay their whole moral duty. As regards their\nethical standpoint, it may be said that they were rather _unmoral_ than\n_immoral_, and that good and evil, as we understand it, were almost\nunknown to them. The Egyptians as a race possessed, however, an innate\nlove of justice and right thinking, and they will always take their\nplace in the roll of nations as a people who have done more than perhaps\nany other to upbuild the fabric of order, decency, and propriety.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III: THE PRIESTHOOD: MYSTERIES AND TEMPLES\n\n\nThe Priesthood\n\nThe power and condition of the Egyptian priesthood varied greatly\nwith the passing of the centuries. It was in all likelihood at all\ntimes independent of the royal power, and indeed there were periods in\nEgyptian history when the sway of the Pharaohs was seriously endangered,\nor altogether eclipsed, by the ecclesiastical party. Vast grants of\nland had enriched the hundreds of temples which crowded the Egyptian\nland, and these gave employment to a veritable army of dependents and\nofficials. Under the New Kingdom, for example, the wealth and power\nof the god Amen rivalled, if it did not eclipse, that of the Pharaoh\nhimself. In the time of Rameses III this influential cult numbered no\nfewer than 80,000 dependents, exclusive of worshippers, and its wealth\ncan be assessed by the circumstance that it could count its cattle by\nthe hundred thousand head. The kings, however, periodically attempted to\ndiminish the power of the priesthood by nominating their own relatives\nor adherents to its principal offices.\n\nIn early days the great lords of the soil took upon themselves the title\nand duties of chief priest in their territory, thus combining the feudal\nand ecclesiastical offices. Beneath them were a number of priests, both\nlay and professional. But in later times this system was exchanged for\none in which a rigorous discipline necessitated the appointment of a\nprofessional class whose duties were sharply outlined and specialized.\nDespite this, however, and contrary to popular belief, at no time did\nthe priestly power combine itself into a caste that was distinctly\nseparate from the laity, the members of which continued to act along\nwith it. Individuals of the priesthood were generally alluded to as _hen\nneter_ ('servant of the god') or _uab_ ('the pure'). In some localities\nthe chief priests possessed distinctive titles, such as _Khorp hemtiu_\n('chief of the artificers') in the temple of Ptah, or _Ur ma_ ('the\nGreat Seer'--literally, 'Great One of Seeing') at Heliopolis. At Mendes\nhe was known by the title, odd enough for an ecclesiastical dignitary,\nof 'Director of the Soldiers,' and at Thebes as 'First Prophet of Amen.'\nThose priests who conducted the ceremonial were known as _kheri-heb_.\n\nThe duties of the priesthood were arduous. A most stringent and exacting\ncode had to be followed so far as cleanliness and discipline were\nconcerned. Constant purifications and lustrations succeeded each other,\nand the garb of the religious must be fresh and unspotted. It consisted\nentirely of the purest and whitest linen, the wearing of woollen and\nother fabrics being strictly forbidden, and even abhorred. The head\nwas closely shaven, and no head-dress was worn. The priest's day was\nthoroughly mapped out for him. If he was on duty, he duly washed himself\nand proceeded to the Holy of Holies, where he repeated certain formul\u00e6,\naccompanying them by prescribed gestures, preparatory to breaking the\nseal which closed the sanctuary. Standing face to face with the god, he\nprostrated himself, and after performing other ritualistic offices he\npresented the deity with a small image of Ma\u0101t, the goddess of Truth.\nThe god, powerless before this moment to participate in the ceremonial,\nwas then supposedly regaled with a collation the principal items in\nwhich seem to have been beef, geese, bread, and beer, having consumed\nwhich he re-entered his shrine, and did not appear until the morning\nfollowing. In the entire ritual of these morning offerings it would\nappear that the officiating priest represents Horus, son of Osiris,\nwho, like all dutiful Egyptian sons, sees to the welfare of his father\nafter death. Thus the ritual is coloured by the Osirian myth. The\nremainder of the day was passed in meditation, the study of various\narts and sciences, theoretical and manual, and officiation at public\nreligious ceremonies. Even the night had its duties; for lustration\nand purification were undertaken in the small hours, the priest being\nawakened for that purpose about or after midnight.\n\n\nThe College of Thebes\n\nEarly Greek travellers in Egypt, and especially Herodotus and Strabo,\nspeak with enthusiasm of the abilities of the Egyptian priests and the\nhigh standard of philosophic thought to which they had attained. The\ngreat college of priests at Thebes is alluded to with admiration by\nStrabo. Its members were probably the most learned and acute theologians\nand philosophers in ancient Egypt. Colleges of almost equal importance\nexisted elsewhere, as at Anu, the On or Heliopolis of the Greeks.\nEach nome or province had its own great temple, which developed the\nprovincial religion regardless of faiths which existed but a few miles\naway. The god of the nome was its divinity _par excellence_, Ruler of\nthe Gods, Creator of the Universe, and giver of all good things to his\nfolk.\n\nBut it must not be imagined that, if the priesthood as a body was\nwealthy, some of its members did not suffer the pinch of hardship.\nThus, although the best conditions attached to office in the great\ntemples, these were by no means overstaffed. At Abydos only five\npriests composed the staff, while Siut had ten attached to it. Again,\nthe smaller temples possessed revenues by no means in proportion to\ntheir size. A study of this subject shows the stipend of the chief\npriests of the smaller shrines. \"On the western border of the Fay\u00fbm,\"\nsays Erman, \"on the lake of Moeris, was the temple of _Sobk[2] of the\nIsland, Soknopaios_ as it is called by the Greeks. It had a high-priest\nwho received a small stipend of 344 drachm\u00e6, and all the other priests\ntogether received daily about one bushel of wheat as remuneration for\ntheir trouble. They were not even immune from the statutory labour on\nthe embankments, and if this was lessened for them, it was owing to\nthe good offices of their fellow-citizens. The revenues of the temple,\nboth in regular incomes and what was given in offerings, was used for\nthe requirements of the ceremonies, for at every festival fine linen\nmust be provided for the clothing of the three statues of the gods,\nand each time that cost 100 drachm\u00e6; 20 drachm\u00e6 were paid on each\noccasion for the unguents and oil of myrrh employed in anointing the\nstatues, 500 drachm\u00e6 were for incense, while 40 drachm\u00e6 were required\nto supply sacrifices and incense for the birthdays of the emperor. And\nyet these priests, who were in the position of the peasantry and of the\nlower classes of townspeople, maintained that their position in no way\ndiminished their ancient sanctity.\"\n\nPriestesses also held offices in the temples. In earlier times these\nofficiated at the shrines of both gods and goddesses, and it is only at\na later date that we find them less often as celebrants in the temples\ndedicated to male deities, where they acted chiefly as musicians.\n\n\nMysteries\n\nThere is a popular fallacy to the effect that 'volumes' have been\nwritten concerning the Egyptian 'mysteries,' those picturesque and\nunearthly ceremonies of initiation which are supposed to have taken\nplace in subterranean dusk, surrounded by all the circumstances of\noccult rite and custom. The truth is that works which deal with the\nsubject are exceedingly rare, and are certainly not of the kind from\nwhich we can hope to glean anything concerning the mysteries of Egyptian\npriestcraft. We shall do better to turn to the analogous instances of\nGrecian practice or even to those of savage and semi-civilized peoples\nconcerning whose mysteries a good deal has been unearthed of recent\nyears.\n\nRegarding the Egyptian mysteries but little is known. We have it on the\nauthority of Herodotus that mysteries existed, possibly those in the\ncase cited being the annual commemoration of the sufferings and death of\nOsiris. Says Herodotus:\n\n\"At Sa\u00efs in the Temple of Minerva, beneath the Churche and neere unto\nthe walle of Minerva, in a base Chappell, are standinge certayne greate\nbrooches of stone, whereto is adioyninge a lowe place in manner of a\nDungeon, couered over wyth a stone curiously wroughte, the vaute it\nselfe being on euery side carued with most exquisite arte, in biggnesse\nmatching with that in Delos, which is called Trocho\u00efdes. Herein euery\none counterfayteth the shadowes of his owne affections and phantasies\nin the nyghte season, which the Aegyptians call Mysteryes; touchinge\nwhiche, God forbid, I should aduenture to discouer so much as they\nvouchsafed to tell mee.\"\n\nIn chapter i of the _Book of the Dead_, too, we encounter the phrase,\n\"I look upon the hidden things in _Re-stau_\"--an allusion to the\nceremonies which were performed in the sanctuary of Seker, the god of\ndeath at Saqqara. These typified the birth and death of the sun-god, and\nwere celebrated betwixt midnight and dawn. Again, in chapter cxxv of\nthe _Book of the Dead_ (Papyrus of Ani) we read, \"I have entered into\n_Re-stau_ [the other world of Seker, near Memphis] and I have seen the\nHidden One [or mystery] who is therein.\"\n\nChapter cxlviii (_Sa\u00efte Recension_) is to be recited \"on the day of the\nnew moon, on the sixth-day festival, on the fifteenth-day festival,\non the festival of Uag, on the festival of Thoth, on the birthday of\nOsiris, on the festival of Menu, on the night of Heker, during the\nmysteries of Ma\u0101t, during the celebration of the mysteries of Akertet,\"\nand so forth. Herodotus, who was supposed to have been initiated into\nthese mysteries, is righteously cryptic concerning them, and just as he\nhas aroused our interest to fever heat he invariably sees fit to remark\nthat his lips are sealed on the subject.\n\nBut is there anything so very extraordinary in these terrible doings?\nTheosophists and others would lead us to suppose that in the gloomy\ncrypts of Egypt weird spiritistic rites of evocation and magical\nceremonies of dark import were gone through. What are the probabilities?\n\n\nThe Greek Mysteries\n\nLet us briefly examine the mysteries of ancient Greece. We find that\nthese are for the most part pre-Hellenic, and that the conquered\npopulations of the country adopted the mystic attitude in order to\nshroud their religious ceremonies from the eyes of the invaders. Now\nthose early populations inherited a strong cultural influence from\nEgypt. The most important of the mysteries was perhaps the Eleusinian,\nand we may take it as typical of the Greek religious mysteries as a\nwhole. The chief figures in this mysterious cult were Demeter and Kore\n(or Persephone) and Pluto. Now these are all deities of the underworld\nand, like many other gods of Hades all the world over, they are also\ndeities possessing an agricultural significance. Much remains uncertain\nregarding the actual ritual in the hall of the Myst\u00e6, but one thing\nis certain, and that is that the ceremony was in the nature of a\nreligious drama or Passion-play, in which were enacted the adventures of\nDemeter and Kore, symbolic of the growth of the corn. Hippolytus also\nstated that a cornstalk was shown to the worshippers at the Eleusinian\nmysteries. The whole mystery then resolved itself into symbolism of the\ngrowth of the crops. Exactly how the ceremonies in connexion with this\ncame to have the appearance of those usually associated with a savage\nsecret society is not quite clear. The blackfellows of Australia and\ncertain North American Indian tribes possess societies and celebrations\nalmost identical with that of Eleusis, but why they should be wrapped\nin such mystery it is difficult to understand. It has been stated\nthat the mystic setting of these cults arose in many cases from the\ndread of the under-world and the miasma which emanated therefrom, and\nwhich necessitated a ritual purification; but this does not seem at\nall explanatory. In the _Popul Vuh_ of Central America we find what\nappear to be the doings of a secret society among the deities of the\nunderworld, some of whom are gods of growth.\n\nWe seem to see some such society outlined in the _Book of the Dead_,\nwhich perhaps dates from prehistoric times, and is most probably the\nremains of a Neolithic cult connected with the phenomena of growth.\nIn its pages we find password and countersign and all the magical\nmaterial necessary to the existence of such a secret cult as we have\nbeen speaking of. We may take it, then, that the Egyptian mysteries\nstrongly resembled those of Greece, that their ritual was of a character\nsimilar to that of the _Book of the Dead_, and that it perhaps possessed\nan origin in common with that work. These mystical associations would\nappear to be all of Neolithic origin, and to possess an agricultural\nbasis for the most part. When, therefore, we see in Herodotus and\nelsewhere a strong disposition to preserve these mysteries intact we\nfind ourselves once more face to face with the original question--Why\nare they mysteries?\n\nIn the first place, all growth is mysterious, and primitive man probably\nregarded it as in some manner magical. Secondly, it is noticeable that\nnearly all these mysteries, in the old world at least, took place\nunderground, in darkness, and that there was enacted the symbolism of\nthe growth of corn, probably for the purpose of inciting the powers of\ngrowth to greater activity by dint of sympathetic magic.\n\n\nThe Egyptian Temple\n\nThe earliest form of temple was a mere hut of plaited wickerwork,\nserving as a shrine for the symbols of the god; the altar but a mat\nof reeds. The earliest temples evolve from a wall built round the\nname-stel\u00e6, which was afterward roofed in. With the advent of the New\nEmpire the temple-building became of a much more complicated character,\nthough the essential plan from the earliest period to the latest\nremained practically unchanged. The simplest form was a surrounding\nwall, the pylon or entrance gateway with flanking towers, before which\nwere generally placed two colossal statues of the king and two obelisks,\nthen the innermost sanctuary, the _naos_, which held the divine symbols.\nThis was elaborated by various additions, such as three pylons, divided\nby three avenues of sphinxes, then columned courts, and a hypostyle\nor columnar hall. In this way many of the Egyptian kings enlarged the\nbuildings of their predecessors.\n\nThese temples stood in the midst of populous cities, the huge\nsurrounding wall shutting out the noise and bustle of the narrow\nstreets. Leading up to the great pylon, the chief gateway, was a broad\nroad carried right through the inhabited quarter and guarded on each\nside by rows of lions, rams, or other sacred animals. In front of the\ngateway were two obelisks, likewise statues of the king who founded the\ntemple, as protector of the sanctuary. On either side of the entrance\nstood a high tower, square in shape, with the sides sloping inward.\nThese were of course originally designed for defensive purposes, and\nthe passage through the pylon could thus be successfully barred against\nall foes, while from postern-gates in the wall sorties could be made.\nTall masts were fixed in sockets at the foot of the pylon. From these\ngaily coloured streamers waved to keep afar all menace of evil, as did\nthe symbol of the sun, the Winged Disk, over the great doors. These\nwere often made of wood, a valuable material in Egypt, and covered with\na sheathing of glittering gold. The outer walls were decorated with\nbrightly coloured reliefs and inscriptions, depicting the deeds of the\nfounder, for the temple was as much a personal monument as a shrine of\nthe tutelary deity. Inside the pylon was a great court, open to the\nsky, usually only colonnaded on either side, but in larger temples,\nas that of Karnak, a series of columns ran the length of the centre.\nHere the great festivals were held, in which a large number of citizens\nhad the right to take part. By a low doorway from this the hypostyle was\nentered, the windows of which were near the roof, so that the light was\ndim, while the sanctuary was in complete and profound darkness.\n\n\nThe Holy Place\n\nThis, the Holy Place, was the chief room of the temple. Here stood the\n_naos_, a box rectangular in shape and open in front, often with a\nlatticework door. This served as the receptacle of the divine symbols or\nin some cases as the cage of the sacred animal. On either side of the\nsanctuary were dark chambers, used as the store-rooms for the sacred\nvestments, the processional standards and sacred barque, the temple\nfurniture, and so on. It is to be noted that as the progression was from\nthe blazing light of the first great court to the complete darkness of\nthe Holy of Holies, so the roofs grew less lofty. The inside walls and\ncolumns were decorated with reliefs in brilliant colours depicting the\nrites and worship connected with the presiding deity in ceremonial order.\n\nSurrounding the temple was the _temenos_, enveloped by a wall in which\nwere situated other and smaller temples, with groves of sacred trees\nand birds, lakes on which the sacred barque floated, the dwellings of\nthe priests, and sometimes palaces amid the gardens. Outside again were\nsacred ways that led in different directions, some branching from temple\nto temple, through cities, villages, and fields, while at the side steps\nsloped down to the Nile, where boats were anchored. Along these ways\nwent the sacred processions, bearing the images of the gods; by them\ncame the monarch in royal state to make offerings to the gods; and here\nthe dead were carried to their tombs across the Nile.\n\nGreece has frequently been alluded to as the 'Land of Temples.' The\nappellation might with greater justice be applied to Egypt, where\nfanes of Cyclopean magnitude rose in every nome ere yet Hellas could\nboast knowledge of the mason's art. Still they stand, those giant\nshrines, well-nigh as perfect as when fresh from the chisels of the old\nhierophants who shaped and designed them. And so long as a fostering\nlove of the past dwells in the heart of man so long shall they remain.\n\n\n[1] See Seligmann, _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_,\nvol. xliii.\n\n[2] Sebek.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV: THE CULT OF OSIRIS\n\n\nOsiris\n\nOne of the principal figures in the Egyptian pantheon, and one whose\nelements it is most difficult to disentangle, is Osiris, or As-ar.\nThe oldest and most simple form of the name is expressed by two\nhieroglyphics representing a throne and an eye. These, however, cast\nbut little light on the meaning of the name. Even the later Egyptians\nthemselves were ignorant of its derivation, for we find that they\nthought it meant 'the Strength of the Eye'--that is, the strength of the\nsun-god, Ra. The second syllable of the name, _ar_, may, however, be in\nsome manner connected with Ra, as we shall see later. In dynastic times\nOsiris was regarded as god of the dead and the under-world. Indeed, he\noccupied the same position in that sphere as Ra did in the land of the\nliving. We must also recollect that the realm of the under-world was the\nrealm of night.\n\nThe origins of Osiris are extremely obscure. We cannot glean from the\ntexts when or where he first began to be worshipped, but that his\ncult is greatly more ancient than any text is certain. The earliest\ndynastic centres of his worship were Abydos and Mendes. He is perhaps\nrepresented on a mace-head of Narmer found at Hieraconpolis, and on a\nwooden plaque of the reign of Udy-mu (Den) or Hesepti, the fifth king of\nthe First Dynasty, who is figured as dancing before him. This shows that\na centre of Osiris-worship existed at Abydos during the First Dynasty.\nBut allusions in the Pyramid Texts give us to understand that prior to\nthis shrines had been raised to Osiris in various parts of the Nile\ncountry. As has been outlined in the chapter on the _Book of the Dead_,\nOsiris dwells peaceably in the underworld with the justified, judging\nthe souls of the departed as they appear before him. This paradise was\nknown as Aaru, which, it is important to note, although situated in the\nunder-world, was originally thought to be in the sky.\n\nOsiris is usually figured as wrapped in mummy bandages and wearing\nthe white cone-shaped crown of the South, yet Dr. Budge says of him:\n\"Everything which the texts of all periods record concerning him goes\nto show that he was an indigenous god of North-east Africa, and that\nhis home and origin were possibly Libyan.\" In any case, we may take it\nthat Osiris was genuinely African in origin, and that he was indigenous\nto the soil of the Dark Continent. Brugsch and Sir Gaston Maspero both\nregarded him as a water-god,[1] and thought that he represented the\ncreative and nutritive powers of the Nile stream in general, and of the\ninundation in particular. This theory is agreed to by Dr. Budge, but\nif Osiris is a god of the Nile alone, why import him from the Libyan\ndesert, which boasts of no rivers? River-gods do not as a rule emanate\nfrom regions of sand. Before proceeding further it will be well to\nrelate the myth of Osiris.\n\n\nThe Myth of Osiris\n\nPlutarch is our principal authority for the legend of Osiris. A complete\nversion of the tale is not to be found in Egyptian texts, though these\nconfirm the accounts given by the Greek writers. The following is a\nbrief account of the myth as it is related in Plutarch's _De Iside et\nOsiride_:\n\nRhea (the Egyptian Nut, the sky-goddess) was the wife of Helios (Ra).\nShe was, however, beloved by Kronos (Geb), whose affection she returned.\nWhen Ra discovered his wife's infidelity he was wrathful indeed, and\npronounced a curse upon her, saying that her child should not be born\nin any month or in any year. Now the curse of Ra the mighty could not\nbe turned aside, for Ra was the chief of all the gods. In her distress\nNut called upon the god Thoth (the Greek Hermes), who also loved her.\nThoth knew that the curse of Ra must be fulfilled, yet by a very cunning\nstratagem he found a way out of the difficulty. He went to Silene,\nthe moon-goddess, whose light rivalled that of the sun himself, and\nchallenged her[2] to a game of tables. The stakes on both sides were\nhigh, but Silene staked some of her light, the seventieth part of each\nof her illuminations, and lost. Thus it came about that her light wanes\nand dwindles at certain periods, so that she is no longer the rival of\nthe sun. From the light which he had won from the moon-goddess Thoth\nmade five days which he added to the year (at that time consisting of\nthree hundred and sixty days) in such wise that they belonged neither\nto the preceding nor to the following year, nor to any month. On these\nfive days Nut was delivered of her five children. Osiris was born on the\nfirst day, Horus on the second, Set on the third, Isis on the fourth,\nand Nephthys on the fifth.[3] On the birth of Osiris a loud voice was\nheard throughout all the world saying, \"The lord of all the earth is\nborn!\" A slightly different tradition relates that a certain man named\nPamyles, carrying water from the temple of Ra at Thebes, heard a\nvoice commanding him to proclaim the birth of \"the good and great king\nOsiris,\" which he straightway did. For this reason the education of\nthe young Osiris was entrusted to Pamyles. Thus, it is said, was the\nfestival of the Pamilia instituted.\n\nIn course of time the prophecies concerning Osiris were fulfilled, and\nhe became a great and wise king. The land of Egypt flourished under his\nrule as it had never done heretofore. Like many another 'hero-god,' he\nset himself the task of civilizing his people, who at his coming were\nin a very barbarous condition, indulging in cannibalistic and other\nsavage practices. He gave them a code of laws, taught them the arts\nof husbandry, and showed them the proper rites wherewith to worship\nthe gods. And when he had succeeded in establishing law and order in\nEgypt he betook himself to distant lands to continue there his work\nof civilization. So gentle and good was he, and so pleasant were his\nmethods of instilling knowledge into the minds of the barbarians, that\nthey worshipped the very ground whereon he trod.\n\n\nSet, the Enemy\n\nHe had one bitter enemy, however, in his brother Set, the Greek Typhon.\nDuring the absence of Osiris his wife Isis ruled the country so well\nthat the schemes of the wicked Set to take a share in its government\nwere not allowed to mature. But on the king's return Set fixed on a\nplan whereby to rid himself altogether of the king, his brother. For\nthe accomplishment of his ends he leagued himself with Aso, the queen\nof Ethiopia, and seventy-two other conspirators. Then, after secretly\nmeasuring the king's body, he caused to be made a marvellous chest,\nrichly fashioned and adorned, which would contain exactly the body of\nOsiris. This done, he invited his fellow-plotters and his brother the\nking to a great feast. Now Osiris had frequently been warned by the\nqueen to beware of Set, but, having no evil in himself, the king feared\nit not in others, so he betook himself to the banquet.\n\nWhen the feast was over Set had the beautiful chest brought into the\nbanqueting-hall, and said, as though in jest, that it should belong to\nhim whom it would fit. One after another the guests lay down in the\nchest, but it fitted none of them till the turn of Osiris came. Quite\nunsuspicious of treachery, the king laid himself down in the great\nreceptacle. In a moment the conspirators had nailed down the lid,\npouring boiling lead over it lest there should be any aperture. Then\nthey set the coffin adrift on the Nile, at its Tanaitic mouth. These\nthings befell, say some, in the twenty-eighth year of Osiris' life;\nothers say in the twenty-eighth year of his reign.\n\nWhen the news reached the ears of Isis she was sore stricken, and cut\noff a lock of her hair and put on mourning apparel. Knowing well that\nthe dead cannot rest till their bodies have been buried with funeral\nrites, she set out to find the corpse of her husband. For a long time\nher search went unrewarded, though she asked every man and woman she met\nwhether they had seen the richly decorated chest. At length it occurred\nto her to inquire of some children who played by the Nile, and, as it\nchanced, they were able to tell her that the chest had been brought to\nthe Tanaitic mouth of the Nile by Set and his accomplices. From that\ntime children were regarded by the Egyptians as having some special\nfaculty of divination.\n\n\nThe Tamarisk-tree\n\nBy and by the queen gained information of a more exact kind through the\nagency of demons, by whom she was informed that the chest had been cast\nup on the shore of Byblos, and flung by the waves into a tamarisk-bush,\nwhich had shot up miraculously into a magnificent tree, enclosing the\ncoffin of Osiris in its trunk. The king of that country, Melcarthus\nby name, was astonished at the height and beauty of the tree, and had\nit cut down and a pillar made from its trunk wherewith to support the\nroof of his palace. Within this pillar, therefore, was hidden the chest\ncontaining the body of Osiris. Isis hastened with all speed to Byblos,\nwhere she seated herself by the side of a fountain. To none of those who\napproached her would she vouchsafe a word, saving only to the queen's\nmaidens, and these she addressed very graciously, braiding their hair\nand perfuming them with her breath, more fragrant than the odour of\nflowers. When the maidens returned to the palace the queen inquired\nhow it came that their hair and clothes were so delightfully perfumed,\nwhereupon they related their encounter with the beautiful stranger.\nQueen Astarte, or Athenais, bade that she be conducted to the palace,\nwelcomed her graciously, and appointed her nurse to one of the young\nprinces.\n\n\nThe Grief of Isis\n\nIsis fed the boy by giving him her finger to suck. Every night, when\nall had retired to rest, she would pile great logs on the fire and\nthrust the child among them, and, changing herself into a swallow, would\ntwitter mournful lamentations for her dead husband. Rumours of these\nstrange practices were brought by the queen's maidens to the ears of\ntheir mistress, who determined to see for herself whether or not there\nwas any truth in them. So she concealed herself in the great hall, and\nwhen night came sure enough Isis barred the doors and piled logs on\nthe fire, thrusting the child among the glowing wood. The queen rushed\nforward with a loud cry and rescued her boy from the flames. The goddess\nreproved her sternly, declaring that by her action she had deprived\nthe young prince of immortality. Then Isis revealed her identity to\nthe awe-stricken Athenais and told her story, begging that the pillar\nwhich supported the roof might be given to her. When her request had\nbeen granted she cut open the tree, took out the coffin containing the\nbody of Osiris, and mourned so loudly over it that one of the young\nprinces died of terror. Then she took the chest by sea to Egypt, being\naccompanied on the journey by the elder son of King Melcarthus. The\nchild's ultimate fate is variously recounted by several conflicting\ntraditions. The tree which had held the body of the god was long\npreserved and worshipped at Byblos.\n\nArrived in Egypt, Isis opened the chest and wept long and sorely over\nthe remains of her royal husband. But now she bethought herself of\nher son Harpocrates, or Horus the Child, whom she had left in Buto,\nand leaving the chest in a secret place, she set off to search for\nhim. Meanwhile Set, while hunting by the light of the moon, discovered\nthe richly adorned coffin and in his rage rent the body into fourteen\npieces, which he scattered here and there throughout the country.\n\nUpon learning of this fresh outrage on the body of the god, Isis took\na boat of papyrus-reeds and journeyed forth once more in search of her\nhusband's remains. After this crocodiles would not touch a papyrus boat,\nprobably because they thought it contained the goddess, still pursuing\nher weary search. Whenever Isis found a portion of the corpse she buried\nit and built a shrine to mark the spot. It is for this reason that there\nare so many tombs of Osiris in Egypt.[4]\n\n\nThe Vengeance of Horus\n\nBy this time Horus had reached manhood, and Osiris, returning from the\nDuat, where he reigned as king of the dead, encouraged him to avenge the\nwrongs of his parents. Horus thereupon did battle with Set, the victory\nfalling now to one, now to the other. At one time Set was taken captive\nby his enemy and given into the custody of Isis, but the latter, to her\nson's amazement and indignation, set him at liberty. So angry was Horus\nthat he tore the crown from his mother's head. Thoth, however, gave her\na helmet in the shape of a cow's head. Another version states that Horus\ncut off his mother's head, which Thoth, the maker of magic, stuck on\nagain in the form of a cow's.\n\nHorus and Set, it is said, still do battle with one another, yet victory\nhas fallen to neither. When Horus shall have vanquished his enemy,\nOsiris will return to earth and reign once more as king in Egypt.\n\n\nSir J.G. Frazer on Osiris\n\nFrom the particulars of this myth Sir J. G. Frazer has argued[5] that\nOsiris was \"one of those personifications of vegetation whose annual\ndeath and resurrection have been celebrated in so many lands\"--that he\nwas a god of vegetation analogous to Adonis and Attis.\n\n\"The general similarity of the myth and ritual of Osiris to those of\nAdonis and Attis,\" says Sir J.G. Frazer, \"is obvious. In all three cases\nwe see a god whose untimely and violent death is mourned by a loving\ngoddess and annually celebrated by his worshippers. The character of\nOsiris as a deity of vegetation is brought out by the legend that he was\nthe first to teach men the use of corn, and by the custom of beginning\nhis annual festival with the tillage of the ground. He is said also to\nhave introduced the cultivation of the vine. In one of the chambers\ndedicated to Osiris in the great temple of Isis at Phil\u00e6 the dead body\nof Osiris is represented with stalks of corn springing from it, and a\npriest is depicted watering the stalks from a pitcher which he holds in\nhis hand. The accompanying legend sets forth that 'this is the form of\nhim whom one may not name, Osiris of the mysteries, who springs from the\nreturning waters.' It would seem impossible to devise a more graphic\nway of depicting Osiris as a personification of the corn; while the\ninscription attached to the picture proves that this personification\nwas the kernel of the mysteries of the god, the innermost secret\nthat was only revealed to the initiated. In estimating the mythical\ncharacter of Osiris, very great weight must be given to this monument.\nThe story that his mangled remains were scattered up and down the land\nmay be a mythical way of expressing either the sowing or the winnowing\nof the grain. The latter interpretation is supported by the tale\nthat Isis placed the severed limbs of Osiris on a corn-sieve. Or the\nlegend may be a reminiscence of the custom of slaying a human victim\nas a representative of the corn-spirit, and distributing his flesh or\nscattering his ashes over the fields to fertilize them.\"\n\n\n\"But Osiris was more than a spirit of the corn; he was also a\ntree-spirit, and this may well have been his original character, since\nthe worship of trees is naturally older in the history of religion\nthan the worship of the cereals. His character as a tree-spirit was\nrepresented very graphically in a ceremony described by Firmicus\nMaternus. A pine-tree having been cut down, the centre was hollowed out,\nand with the wood thus excavated an image of Osiris was made, which was\nthen 'buried' in the hollow of the tree. Here, again, it is hard to\nimagine how the conception of a tree as tenanted by a personal being\ncould be more plainly expressed. The image of Osiris thus made was kept\nfor a year and then burned, exactly as was done with the image of Attis\nwhich was attached to the pine-tree. The ceremony of cutting the tree,\nas described by Firmicus Maternus, appears to be alluded to by Plutarch.\nIt was probably the ritual counterpart of the mythical discovery of the\nbody of Osiris enclosed in the erica-tree. We may conjecture that the\nerection of the _Tatu_ pillar at the close of the annual festival of\nOsiris was identical with the ceremony described by Firmicus; it is to\nbe noted that in the myth the erica-tree formed a pillar in the king's\nhouse. Like the similar custom of cutting a pine-tree and fastening an\nimage to it, in the rites of Attis, the ceremony perhaps belonged to\nthe class of customs of which the bringing in the Maypole is among the\nmost familiar. As to the pine-tree in particular, at Denderah the tree\nof Osiris is a conifer, and the coffer containing the body of Osiris is\nhere depicted as enclosed within the tree. A pine-cone often appears on\nthe monuments as an offering presented to Osiris, and a manuscript of\nthe Louvre speaks of the cedar as sprung from him. The sycamore and the\ntamarisk are also his trees. In inscriptions he is spoken of as residing\nin them, and his mother Nut is frequently portrayed in a sycamore. In a\nsepulchre at How (Diospolis Parva) a tamarisk is depicted overshadowing\nthe coffer of Osiris; and in the series of sculptures which illustrate\nthe mystic history of Osiris in the great temple of Isis at Phil\u00e6 a\ntamarisk is figured with two men pouring water on it. The inscription\non this last monument leaves no doubt, says Brugsch, that the verdure\nof the earth was believed to be connected with the verdure of the tree,\nand that the sculpture refers to the grave of Osiris at Phil\u00e6, of\nwhich Plutarch tells us that it was overshadowed by a _methide_ plant,\ntaller than any olive-tree. This sculpture, it may be observed, occurs\nin the same chamber in which the god is depicted as a corpse with ears\nof corn sprouting from him. In inscriptions he is referred to as 'the\none in the tree,' 'the solitary one in the acacia,' and so forth. On\nthe monuments he sometimes appears as a mummy covered with a tree or\nwith plants. It accords with the character of Osiris as a tree-spirit\nthat his worshippers were forbidden to injure fruit-trees, and with his\ncharacter as a god of vegetation in general that they were not allowed\nto stop up wells of water, which are so important for the irrigation of\nhot southern lands.\"\n\nSir J.G. Frazer goes on to combat the theory of Lepsius that Osiris was\nto be identified with the sun-god Ra. Osiris, says the German scholar,\nwas named Osiris-Ra even in the _Book of the Dead_, and Isis, his\nspouse, is often called the royal consort of Ra. This identification,\nSir J.G. Frazer thinks, may have had a political significance. He\nadmits that the myth of Osiris might express the daily appearance and\ndisappearance of the sun, and points out that most of the writers who\nfavour the solar theory are careful to indicate that it is the daily,\nand not the annual, course of the sun to which they understand the myth\nto apply. But, then, why, pertinently asks Sir J. G. Frazer, was it\ncelebrated by an annual ceremony? \"This fact alone seems fatal to the\ninterpretation of the myth as descriptive of sunset and sunrise. Again,\nthough the sun may be said to die daily, in what sense can it be said to\nbe torn in pieces?\"\n\nPlutarch says that some of the Egyptian philosophers interpreted Osiris\nas the moon, \"because the moon, with her humid and generative light,\nis favourable to the propagation of animals and the growth of plants.\"\nAmong primitive peoples the moon is regarded as a great source of\nmoisture. Vegetation is thought to flourish beneath her pale rays, and\nshe is understood as fostering the multiplication of the human species\nas well as animal and plant life. Sir J. G. Frazer enumerates several\nreasons to prove that Osiris possessed a lunar significance. Briefly\nthese are that he is said to have lived or reigned twenty-eight years,\nthe mythical expression of a lunar month, and that his body is said to\nhave been rent into fourteen pieces--\"This might be interpreted as the\nwaning moon, which appears to lose a portion of itself on each of the\nfourteen days that make up the second half of the lunar month.\" Typhon\nfound the body of Osiris at the full moon; thus its dismemberment would\nbegin with the waning of the moon.\n\n\nPrimitive Conceptions of the Moon\n\nPrimitive man explains the waning moon as actually dwindling, and it\nappears to him as if it is being broken in pieces or eaten away. The\nKlamath Indians of South-west Oregon allude to the moon as 'the One\nBroken in Pieces,' and the Dacotas believe that when the moon is full a\nhorde of mice begin to nibble at one side of it until they have devoured\nthe whole. To continue Sir J.G. Frazer's argument, he quotes Plutarch\nto the effect that at the new moon of the month Phanemoth, which was\nthe beginning of spring, the Egyptians celebrated what they called 'the\nentry of Osiris into the moon'; that at the ceremony called the 'Burial\nof Osiris' they made a crescent-shaped chest, \"because the moon when it\napproaches the sun assumes the form of a crescent and vanishes\"; and\nthat once a year, at the full moon, pigs (possibly symbolical of Set, or\nTyphon) were sacrificed simultaneously to the moon and to Osiris. Again,\nin a hymn supposed to be addressed by Isis to Osiris it is said that\nThoth\n\n  Placeth thy soul in the barque Ma\u0101t\n  In that name which is thine of god-moon.\n\nAnd again:\n\n  Thou who comest to us as a child each month,\n  We do not cease to contemplate thee.\n  Thine emanation heightens the brilliancy\n  Of the stars of Orion in the firmament.\n\nIn this hymn Osiris is deliberately identified with the moon.[6]\n\nIn effect, then, Sir James Frazer's theory regarding Osiris is that\nhe was a vegetation or corn god, who later became identified, or\nconfounded, with the moon. But surely it is as reasonable to suppose\nthat it was because of his status as moon-god that he ranked as a deity\nof vegetation.\n\nA brief consideration of the circumstances connected with lunar worship\nmight lead us to some such supposition. The sun in his status of deity\nrequires but little explanation. The phenomena of growth are attributed\nto his agency at an early period of human thought, and it is probable\nthat wind, rain, and other atmospheric manifestations are likewise\ncredited to his action, or regarded as emanations from him. Especially\nis this the case in tropical climates, where the rapidity of vegetable\ngrowth is such as to afford to man an absolute demonstration of the\nsolar power. By analogy, then, that sun of the night, the moon, comes to\nbe regarded as an agency of growth, and primitive peoples attribute to\nit powers in this respect almost equal to those of the sun. Again, it\nmust be borne in mind that, for some reason still obscure, the moon is\nregarded as the great reservoir of magical power. The two great orbs of\nnight and day require but little excuse for godhead. To primitive man\nthe sun is obviously godlike, for upon him the barbarian agriculturist\ndepends for his very existence, and there is behind him no history of\nan evolution from earlier forms. It is likewise with the moon-god.\nIn the Libyan desert at night the moon is an object which dominates\nthe entire landscape, and it is difficult to believe that its intense\nbrilliance and all-pervading light must not have deeply impressed the\nwandering tribes of that region with a sense of reverence and worship.\nIndeed, reverence for such an object might well precede the worship of\na mere corn and tree spirit, who in such surroundings could not have\nmuch scope for the manifestation of his powers. We can see, then, that\nthis moon-god of the Neolithic Nubians, imported into a more fertile\nland, would speedily become identified with the powers of growth through\nmoisture, and thus with the Nile itself.\n\nOsiris in his character of god of the dead affords no great difficulties\nof elucidation, and in this one figure we behold the junction of the\nideas of the moon, moisture, the under-world, and death--in fact, all\nthe phenomena of birth and decay.\n\n\nOsiris and the Persephone Myth\n\nThe reader cannot fail to have observed the very close resemblance\nbetween the myth of Osiris and that of Demeter and Kore, or Persephone.\nIndeed, some of the adventures of Isis, notably that concerning the\nchild of the king of Byblos, are practically identical with incidents\nin the career of Demeter. It is highly probable that the two myths\npossessed a common origin. But whereas in the Greek example we find the\nmother searching for her child, in the Egyptian myth the wife searches\nfor the remains of her husband. In the Greek tale we have Pluto as the\nhusband of Persephone and the ruler of the under-world also regarded,\nlike Osiris, as a god of grain and growth, whilst Persephone, like Isis,\nprobably personifies the grain itself. In the Greek myth we have one\nmale and two female principles, and in the Egyptian one male and one\nfemale. The analogy could perhaps be pressed further by the inclusion in\nthe Egyptian version of the goddess Nephthys, who was a sister-goddess\nto Isis or stood to her in some such relationship. It would seem,\nthen, as if the Hellenic myth had been sophisticated by early Egyptian\ninfluences, perhaps working through a Cretan intercommunication.\n\nIt remains, then, to regard Osiris in the light of ruler of the\nunderworld. To some extent this has been done in the chapter which deals\nwith the _Book of the Dead_. The god of the underworld, as has been\npointed out, is in nearly every instance a god of vegetable growth, and\nit was not because Osiris was god of the dead that he presided over\nfertility, but the converse. To speak more plainly, Osiris was first god\nof fertility, and the circumstance that he presided over the underworld\nwas a later innovation. But it was not adventitious; it was the logical\noutcome of his status as god of growth.\n\n\nA New Osirian Theory\n\nWe must also take into brief consideration his personification of Ra,\nwhom he meets, blends with, and under whose name he nightly sails\nthrough his own dominions. This would seem like the fusion of a sun and\nmoon myth; the myth of the sun travelling nightly beneath the earth\nfused with that of the moon's nocturnal journey across the vault of\nheaven. A moment's consideration will show how this fusion took place.\nOsiris was a moon-god. That circumstance accounts for one half of the\nmyth; the other half is to be accounted for as follows: Ra, the sun-god,\nmust perambulate the underworld at night if he is to appear on the\nfringes of the east in the morning. But Osiris as a lunar deity, and\nperhaps as the older god, as well as in his character as god of the\nunderworld, is already occupying the orbit he must trace. The orbits of\nboth deities are fused in one, and there would appear to be some proof\nof this in the fact that, in the realm of Seker, Afra (or Ra-Osiris)\nchanges the direction of his journey from north to south to a line due\neast toward the mountains of sunrise. The fusion of the two myths is\nquite a logical one, as the moon during the night travels in the same\ndirection as the sun has taken during the day--that is, from east to\nwest.\n\nIt will readily be seen how Osiris came to be regarded not only as\ngod and judge of the dead, but also as symbolical of the resurrection\nof the body of man. Sir James Frazer lays great stress upon a picture\nof Osiris in which his body is shown covered with sprouting shoots of\ncorn, and he seems to be of opinion that this is positive evidence that\nOsiris was a corn-god. In our view the picture is simply symbolical of\nresurrection. The circumstance that Osiris is represented in the picture\nas in the recumbent position of the dead lends added weight to this\nsupposition. The corn-shoot is a world-wide symbol of resurrection. In\nthe Eleusinian mysteries a shoot of corn was shown to the neophytes as\ntypical of physical rebirth, and a North American Indian is quoted by\nLoskiel, one of the Moravian Brethren, as having spoken: \"We Indians\nshall not for ever die. Even the grains of corn we put under the earth\ngrow up and become living things.\" Among the Maya of Central America,\nas well as among the Mexicans, the maize-goddess has a son, the young,\ngreen, tender shoot of the maize plant, who is strongly reminiscent of\nHorus, the son of Osiris, and who may be taken as typical of bodily\nresurrection. Later the vegetation myth clustering round Osiris was\nmetamorphosed into a theological tenet regarding human resurrection,\nand Osiris was believed to have been once a human being who had died\nand had been dismembered. His body, however, was made whole again by\nIsis, Anubis and Horus acting upon the instructions of Thoth. A good\ndeal of magical ceremony appears to have been mingled with the process,\nand this in turn was utilized in the case of every dead Egyptian by the\npriests in connexion with the embalmment and burial of the dead in the\nhope of resurrection. Osiris, however, was regarded as the principal\ncause of human resurrection, and he was capable of giving life after\ndeath because he had attained to it. He was entitled 'Eternity and\nEverlastingness,' and he it was who made men and women to be born again.\nThis conception of resurrection appears to have been in vogue in Egypt\nfrom very early times. The great authority upon Osiris is the _Book of\nthe Dead_, which might well be called the 'Book of Osiris,' and in\nwhich are recounted his daily doings and his nightly journeyings in his\nkingdom of the underworld.\n\n\nIsis\n\nIsis, or Ast, must be regarded as one of the earliest and most important\nconceptions of female godhead in ancient Egypt. In the dynastic period\nshe was regarded as the feminine counterpart of Osiris, and we may take\nit that before the dawn of Egyptian history she occupied a similar\nposition. The philology of the name appears to be unfathomable. No\nother deity has probably been worshipped for such an extent of time,\nfor her cult did not perish with that of most other Egyptian gods, but\nflourished later in Greece and Rome, and is seriously carried on in\nParis to-day.\n\nIsis was perhaps of Libyan origin, and is usually depicted in the form\nof a woman crowned with her name-symbol and holding in her hand a\nsceptre of papyrus. Her crown is surmounted by a pair of horns holding\na disk, which in turn is sometimes crested by her hieroglyph, which\nrepresents a seat or throne. Sometimes also she is represented as\npossessing radiant and many-coloured wings, with which she stirs to life\nthe inanimate body of Osiris.\n\nNo other goddess was on the whole so popular with the Egyptians, and\nthe reason for this is probably to be found in the circumstances of\ntravail and pity which run through her myth. These drew the sympathies\nof the people to her, but they were not the only reasons why she was\nbeloved by the Egyptian masses, for she was the great and beneficent\nmother-goddess and represented the maternal spirit in its most intimate\nand affectionate guise. In her myth, perhaps one of the most touching\nand beautiful which ever sprang from the consciousness of a people,\nwe find evolved from what may have been a mere corn-spirit a type of\nwifely and maternal affection mourning the death of her cherished\nhusband, and seeking by every means in her power to restore him to life.\n\n\nIsis as the Wind\n\nAlthough Isis had undoubtedly many forms, and although she may be\nregarded as the great corn-mother of Egypt, the probabilities are that\nin one of her phases she represents the wind of heaven. This does not\nappear to have been recognized by students of Egyptology, but the record\nseems a fairly clear one. Osiris in his guise of the corn dies and comes\nto life again and is sown broadcast over the land. Isis is disconsolate\nand moans terribly over his loss; in fact, so loud and heartrending is\nher grief that the child of the King of Byblos, whom she is nursing,\ndies of terror. From her, grateful odours emanate, as the women of the\nQueen of Byblos experience. She transforms herself into a swallow.\nShe restores the dead Osiris to life by fanning him with her wings\nand filling his mouth and nostrils with sweet air. It is noteworthy\nthat she is one of the few Egyptian deities who possess wings. She is\na great traveller, and unceasingly moans and sobs. If these qualities\nand circumstances are not allegorical of the wind, a much more\ningenious hypothesis than the above will be necessary to account for\ntheir mythological connexion. Isis wails like the wind, she shrieks in\ntempest, she carries the fragrance of spices and flowers throughout\nthe country, she takes the shape of a swallow, one of the swiftest of\nbirds and typical of the rapidity of the wind, she employs the element\nof which she is mistress to revivify the dead Osiris, she possesses\nwings, as do all deities connected with the wind, and like the rest of\nher kind she is constantly travelling up and down the land. We do not\nadvance the hypothesis that she is a wind-goddess _par excellence_, but\nin one of her phases she certainly typifies the revivifying power of the\nspring wind, which wails and sobs over the grave of the sleeping grain,\nbringing reanimating breath to the inert seeds.\n\nIsis is one of those deities who from fortuitous and other circumstances\nare fated to achieve greatness. From a Libyan spirit connected in some\nmanner with the growth of the crops, she rose to such supreme importance\nduring her reign of nearly four thousand years in Egypt that every\ndescription of attribute was heaped upon her in abundance. This is\ninvariably the case with successful deities. Not only do they absorb\nthe attributes of their contemporaries in the pantheon, but qualities\nwhich are actually at variance with their original character are grafted\nupon them because of their very popularity. This was the case, for\ninstance, with Tezcatlipoca, a Mexican deity, originally god of the air,\nwho later became god of fate and fortune, and practically head of the\nAztec pantheon; and many other instances might be adduced. Thus Isis is\na giver of life and food to the dead in the Duat--that is, she brings\nwith her the fresh air of heaven into the underworld--and as the air-god\nTezcatlipoca was identified with justice, so Isis is identified with\nMa\u0101t, the goddess of justice.\n\nIsis may also typify the wind of morning, from which the sun is born.\nIn most countries at the moment of sunrise a wind springs up which may\nbe said to usher the sun into existence. In her myth, too, we find that\non leaving the house where she had been imprisoned by Set (the summer\ndwelling of the wind, which during that season leaves Egypt altogether)\nshe is preceded by seven scorpions, the fierce-stinging blasts of\nwinter. They show her the way through swamps and marshes. Women shut\nthe doors in her face; a child is stung by one of the scorpions, but\nIsis restores it to life--that is, the child recovers with the approach\nof better weather. Her own son Horus is stung by a scorpion--that is,\nthe heat of the sun is rendered weak by the cold of winter until it is\nrestored by Isis, the genial spring wind.\n\n\nManifold Attributes of Isis\n\nThe myth of Isis became so real to the people of Egypt that they came\nto regard her very intimately indeed, and fully believed that she had\nonce been a veritable woman. In a more allegorical manner she was\nof course the great feminine fructifier of the soil. She was also a\npowerful enchantress, as is shown by the number of deities and human\nbeings whom she rescued from death. Words of great and compelling power\nwere hers. Her astronomical symbol was the star Sept, which marked the\nspring and the approach of the inundation of the Nile, an added evidence\nthat in one of her phases she was goddess of the winds of spring. As\nthe light-giver at this season of the year she was called Khut, and as\ngoddess of the fruitful earth Usert. As the force which impelled the\npowers of spring and sent forth the Nile flood she was Sati, and as the\ngoddess of fertile waters she was Anqet. She was further the deity of\ncultivated lands and fields, goddess of harvest and goddess of food.\nSo that from first to last she personified the forces which make for\ngrowth and nourishment. She personifies the power of the spring season,\nthe power of the earth to grow and yield grain, motherhood and all the\nattributes and affinities which spring therefrom. It is not necessary\nin this place to trace her worship into Greece, Rome, and Western\nEurope, where it became greatly degraded from its pristine purity. The\ndignified worship of the great mother took on under European auspices\nan orgiastic character which appealed to the false mystic of Greece,\nRome, Gaul, and Britain just as it does to-day to his Transatlantic or\nParisian prototype. But the strength of the cult in the country of its\norigin is evinced by the circumstance that it was not finally deserted\nuntil the middle of the fifth century A.D.\n\n\nHorus\n\nAs we have seen, the god Ra was depicted as a falcon, but there was\nanother god of similar form who had been worshipped before him in the\nland of Egypt. This was the god Heru, or Horus, 'He who is above.'\nThis god had many shapes. As Horus the Elder he is delineated as a\nman with the head of a falcon, and was believed to be the son of Geb\nand Nut. Horus proper was perhaps regarded as the face of heaven, the\ncountenance of the sky, and as Horus the Elder he represented the\nface by day in contradistinction to Set, who was the face by night.\nHorus the Younger, or Harpocrates as he was called by the Greeks to\ndistinguish him from Horus the Elder, is represented as a youth, and\nwas the son of a Horus-god and the goddess Rat-Tauit, who appears to\nhave been worshipped at Hermonthis in the form of a hippopotamus. Horus\nthe Younger represented the earliest rays of the rising sun, and had no\nfewer than seven aspects or forms. To detail all the variants of Horus\nwould be foreign to the purpose of this work, so it must suffice to\nenumerate the more important of them. The Horus of the Two Horizons,\nthe Harmachis of the Greeks, was one of the chief forms of the\nsun-god Ra, and represented the sun in his diurnal course from sunrise\nto sunset. He thus included the personalities of Ra, Tem, and Khepera,\nand this affords a good example of the widespread system of overlapping\nwhich obtained in Egyptian mythology, and which does not appear to\nsuch an extent in any other mythology. Probably a number of these\nHorus-gods were local. Thus we find Harmachis worshipped principally\nat Heliopolis and Apollinopolis. His best-known monument is the famous\nSphinx, near the pyramids of Gizeh. We find the first mention of the\nSphinx in inscriptions in the days of Thothmes IV, when we read in the\ntext inscribed on the stele between the paws of the Sphinx the following\nlegend of Thothmes and the Sphinx.\n\n\nThe Dream of Thothmes\n\nThere was a king in Egypt called Thothmes, a mighty monarch, skilled in\nthe arts of war and of the chase. He was good to look upon, too, with a\nbeauty like unto that of Horus, whom Isis bare in the Northern Marshes,\nand greatly was he loved by gods and men.\n\nHe was wont to hunt in the burning desert, alone, or with only a few\ncompanions, and this is told of one of his hunting expeditions.\n\nOne day, before he had ascended the throne of Egypt, he was hunting\nunattended in the desert. It was noontide, and the sun beat fiercely\ndown upon him, so that he was fain to seek the shadow of the mighty\nHarmachis, the Sphinx. Great and powerful was the god, and very majestic\nwas his image, with the face of a man and the body of a lion, a snake\nupon his brow. In many temples were sacrifices made to him, in many\ntowns did men worship with their faces turned toward him.\n\nIn the great cool shadow Thothmes laid himself down to rest, and sleep\nenchained his senses. And as he slept he dreamed, and behold! the Sphinx\nopened its lips and spoke to him; it was no longer a thing of motionless\nrock, but the god himself, the great Harmachis. And he addressed the\ndreamer thus:\n\n\"Behold me, O Thothmes, for I am the Sun-god, the ruler of all peoples.\nHarmachis is my name, and Ra, and Khepera, and Tem. I am thy father,\nand thou art my son, and through me shall all good come upon thee if\nthou wilt hearken to my words. The land of Egypt shall be thine, and the\nNorth Land, and the South Land. In prosperity and happiness shalt thou\nrule for many years.\"\n\nHe paused, and it seemed to Thothmes as if the god were struggling to\nfree himself from the overwhelming sands, for only his head was visible.\n\n\"It is as thou seest,\" Harmachis resumed; \"the sands of the desert are\nover me. Do that quickly which I command thee, O my son Thothmes.\"\n\nEre Thothmes could reply the vision faded and he awoke. The living god\nwas gone, and in his place was the mighty image, hewn from the solid\nrock.\n\nAnd here the story must perforce end. It is inscribed on a stele in\nthe little temple which lies between the paws of the Sphinx, and the\nremainder of the inscription is so defaced as to be indecipherable.\n\n\nHeru-Behudeti\n\nOne of the greatest and most important of all the forms of Horus is\nHeru-Behudeti, who typifies midday, and therefore the greatest heat\nof the sun. It was in this form that Horus waged war against Set. His\nprincipal shrines were at Edf\u00fb, Phil\u00e6, Mesen, Aat-ab, and Tanis, where\nhe was worshipped under the form of a lion trampling upon its enemies.\nIn general, however, he is depicted as hawk-headed and bearing in his\nhand a weapon, usually a club or mace to symbolize his character as a\ndestroyer. In the old Arthurian romances, and, indeed, in many medi\u00e6val\ntales which have a mythological ancestry, we read of how certain knights\nin combat with their enemies grew stronger as the sun waxed in the\nheavens, and when his beams declined their strength failed them. So was\nit with Sir Belin, with King Arthur, who in his frenzy slew thousands,\nand with St George, the patron saint of England, originally an Egyptian\nhero. These figures were all probably sun-gods at some early period\nof their development. They are obscure in birth and origin, as is\nthe luminary they symbolize--that is, they spring from the darkness.\nArthur's origin, for example, was unknown to him until the age of\nmanhood, and the same holds good of Beowulf. As they grew in power, like\nthe sun which they typify, the solar heroes frequently became insane,\nand laid about them with such pitiless fury that they slaughtered\nthousands in a manner of which no ordinary paladin would be capable.\nThis is typical of the strength and fury of the sun at midday in Eastern\nclimates. Heru-Behudeti, then, because he was god of the midday sun, was\nthe pitiless warrior wielding the club, perhaps typifying sunstroke, and\nthe bow and arrows, symbolizing his fierce beams which were to destroy\nthe dragon of night and his fiendish crew. He was well represented as\na lion, for what is so fierce as the tropical sun? At midday he was\nall-conquering and had trampled the night-dragon out of sight. In this\nmanner, too, he represented the force of good against that of evil. The\nfollowing is the myth of his battles with Set and the battalions of his\nevil companions.\n\n\nThe Myth of the Winged Disk\n\nIn the year 363 of the reign of Ra-Horakhti upon the earth it befell\nthat the god was in Nubia with a mighty army. Set, the Evil One, had\nrebelled against him, for Ra was advanced in years, and Set was of all\nbeings the most cunning and treacherous. He it was also who had slain\nhis twin-brother Osiris, the great and good king; and for this reason\nHorus, the brother of Osiris, desired greatly to have his life.\n\nWith his chariots and horsemen and foot-soldiers Ra embarked on the\nGreat River and came to Edf\u00fb, where Horus of Edf\u00fb joined him.\n\n\"O Ra,\" said Horus, \"great are thine enemies, and cunningly do they\nconspire against thee!\"\n\n\"My son,\" answered Ra, \"arm thee and go forth against mine enemies, and\nslay them speedily.\"\n\nThereupon Horus sought the aid of the god Thoth, the master of all\nmagic, by whose aid he changed himself into a great sun-disk, with\nresplendent wings outstretched on either side. Straight to the sun\nhe flew, and from the heavens he looked so fiercely upon his enemies\nand Ra's, that they neither heard nor saw aright. Each man judged his\nneighbour to be a stranger, and a cry went up that the foe were upon\nthem. Each turned his weapon against the other, the majority were slain,\nand the handful of survivors scattered. And Horus hovered for a while\nover the battle-plain, hoping to find Set, but the arch-enemy was not\nthere; he was hiding in the North Country.\n\nThen Horus returned to Ra, who embraced him kindly. And Horus took Ra\nand the goddess Astarte, and showed them the battlefield strewn with\ncorpses.\n\nRa, king of the gods, said to those in his train: \"Come, let us voyage\nto the Nile, for our enemies are slain.\" But Set still had a large\nfollowing, and some of his associates he commanded to turn themselves\ninto crocodiles and hippopotami, so that they might swallow the\noccupants of the divine barque and yet remain invulnerable by reason\nof their thick hides. Horus, however, had gathered his band of smiths,\neach of whom made for himself an iron lance and a chain, on which Thoth\nbestowed some of his ever-powerful magic. Horus also repeated the\nformul\u00e6 in the _Book of Slaying the Hippopotamus_. So that when the\nfierce animals charged up the river the god was ready for them; many of\nthem were pierced by the magic weapons and died, while the remainder\nfled. Those who fled to the south were pursued by Horus, and were at\nlength overtaken. Another great conflict ensued, wherein the followers\nof Set were again vanquished. According to the desire of Ra, a shrine\nwas raised to commemorate the victory, and his image placed therein. Yet\nanother encounter, however, was to take place in the South Land ere the\nfollowers of Set were utterly destroyed.\n\n\nThe Slaughter of the Monsters\n\nThen Horus and Ra sailed northward toward the sea in search of Set and\nhis allies, hoping to slay all the crocodiles and hippopotami, which\nwere the bodily forms of their foes. But the beasts kept under water,\nand four days had elapsed ere Horus caught sight of them. He at once\nattacked them, and wrought great havoc with his glittering weapons, to\nthe delight of Ra and Thoth, who watched the conflict from the boat. A\nhundred and forty-two prisoners were taken on this occasion. Yet did\nHorus continue to pursue his enemies, always in the form of a burning\ndisk with wings like unto the sunset, and attended by the goddesses\nNekhbet and Uazet in the shape of two snakes. Once more he overtook\nthe allies of Set, this time at the Western Waters of Mert. On this\noccasion, as on the others, Horus was victorious, and nearly four\nhundred prisoners were brought to the boat of Ra and slain.\n\nThen was Set very greatly incensed, and decided to come forth in person\nto do battle with Horus. Horrible indeed were his cries and curses when\nhe heard the losses his army had sustained. And Horus and his followers\nwent out to meet the army of Set, and long and furious was the battle.\nAt length Horus took a prisoner whom he believed to be Set. The wretched\nbeing was dragged before Ra, who gave him into the hands of his captor,\nbidding the latter do with him what he would. Then Horus killed his\nprisoner, cut off his head, dragged him through the dust, and cut his\nbody in pieces, even as Set had done to Osiris. But, after all, it was\nonly one of Set's associates who had perished thus miserably. The Evil\nOne himself was still at large, vowing vengeance on his enemies. In\nthe form of a large snake he hid himself under the earth, while his\nfollowers took courage from the knowledge that he had eluded his enemy.\nYet again, however, were they defeated by Horus, who slew great numbers\nof them. The gods remained for six days on the canal, waiting for the\nreappearance of the foe, but none were to be seen. Then Horus scattered\nabroad his followers to destroy the remnant of Set's army.\n\nThe last two battles were fought at Thal\u00fb (Zaru), and at Sha\u00efs, in\nNubia. At Thal\u00fb Horus took the form of a fierce lion, and slew a\nhundred and forty-two enemies. At Sha\u00efs he appeared once more in the\nshape of a great shining disk with wings of splendid plumage, and with\nthe goddesses Nekhbet and Uazet on either side of it in the shape of\ncrowned snakes. On these occasions also Horus was victorious.\n\nThere are various endings to this myth. It is said that the prisoner\nwhom Horus caused to be decapitated was none other than Set, whose fate,\nhowever, did not hinder him from living again and taking the form of\na serpent. According to this version Horus of Edf\u00fb was accompanied by\nHorus the Child, son of Isis and Osiris. In the same inscription which\ngives an account of the battles Horus the Elder and Horus the Child\nare utterly confused at the end. So while Horus the Elder fights the\nbattles, Horus the Child kills Set. They are looked upon as one and the\nsame. On capturing Set, therefore, Horus, according to one account,\ndelivered him into the hands of Isis, who cut off his head.\n\nAnother version, again, has it that the decisive battle has not yet been\nfought, and that Horus will finally destroy his enemy, when Osiris and\nthe gods once more return to earth.\n\n\nOther Horus Legends\n\nYet another account states that when Horus the Child had become a man\nSet came forth and challenged him to mortal combat. So Horus set out in\na boat splendidly decorated by Isis, who also laid magic spells upon it,\nso that its occupant might not be overcome. Meanwhile the arch-foe of\nthe gods had taken upon himself the shape of a huge red hippopotamus.\nAnd he caused a raging storm to break over the boats of Horus and\nhis train, so that the waters were lashed into fury; and had it not\nbeen that the boats were protected by magic, all would assuredly have\nperished. Horus, however, held on his course undismayed. He had taken\nthe form of a youth of giant stature, and towered at the gilded prow of\nhis boat, which shone like sunlight amid the storm and the darkness.\nA great harpoon was poised in his hand, such a weapon as an ordinary\nmortal could not lift. In the water the red hippopotamus waited for the\nwrecking of the boat, so that he might swallow his enemies. But this he\nwas destined never to do, for directly he showed himself above water\nthe mighty harpoon was launched at his head and sank into his brain.\nAnd this was the end of Set, the Evil One, the murderer of Osiris and\nthe enemy of Ra. In honour of Horus the Conqueror hymns and triumphal\nchoruses were sung throughout the land.\n\nIn the myth of the battles of Horus it is easy to discern what is\nperhaps the most universal of all mythological conceptions--the solar\nmyth. Horus (called in the Edf\u00fb text Horbeh\u00fbdti, _i.e._ Horus of Edf\u00fb)\nwas originally a sun-god, and as such was equivalent to Ra, but in time\nthe two gods came to be regarded as separate and distinct personages,\nRa being the highest, and Horus serving him as a sort of war-captain.\nThe winged disk, therefore, and all his train represented the powers of\nlight, while the wicked Set and his companions symbolized darkness. Thus\nit is that while Horus was always victorious over his enemies, he never\nsucceeded (according to the most widespread form of the tradition) in\ndestroying them utterly.\n\nWhen Horus had routed the enemy in the form of a winged disk, that\nsymbol came to be regarded as an excellent protective against violence\nand destruction. It was therefore repeated many times--especially in\nthe New Kingdom--in temples, on monuments, stel\u00e6, and so on, and it was\nbelieved that the more numerous the representations of it, the more\nefficacious did the charm become. In its simplest form the image is\nmerely that of a winged disk, but at times there is a serpent on either\nside of the disk, representing the goddesses Nekhbet and Uazet.\n\nThe principal version of the myth, dealing with Hor-Beh\u00fbdti, or Horus\nof Edf\u00fb, was really a local form belonging to Edf\u00fb, though in time it\ngained a wider acceptance. In other forms of the legend other gods took\nthe chief _r\u00f4le_ as destroyer of the enemies of Ra.\n\nWith this legend of light and darkness came to be fused another, that\nwhich relates how Horus avenged the death of Osiris. It is noticeable\nthat in this second myth there exists some confusion between Horus the\nElder and Horus the Child, respectively brother and son of Osiris.\nNo mention is made of Osiris in the Edf\u00fb text, but that this myth is\na sequel to the legend of Osiris is implied by the circumstance that\nSet is handed over for punishment to Isis and Horus the Child. In the\nlater form of the story the conflict is not properly between light and\ndarkness, but rather between the forces of good and evil.\n\nIn this legend one of the most noteworthy circumstances is that the\nfollowers of Horus were armed with weapons of metal. His followers are\ncalled in the Egyptian text Mesniu, or Mesnitu, which in all probability\nsignifies 'workers in metal,' or 'blacksmiths.' The worshippers of Horus\nof Behudet continually alluded to him as 'Lord of the Forge-city,' or\nEdf\u00fb, where tradition asserted he carried on the work of a blacksmith.\nAt Edf\u00fb, indeed, the great golden disk of the sun itself had been\nforged, as we see from a certain inscription, and in the temple of that\ncity was a chamber behind the sanctuary called Mesnet, or 'the foundry,'\nwhere the blacksmith caste of priests attended upon the god. From\nsculptures upon the walls of the temple we see that these are arrayed\nin short robes and a species of collar which is almost a cape, that they\ncarry their spears head downward, and a weapon of metal resembling a\ndagger. Horus of Behudet, who accompanies them, is dressed in a similar\nfashion, and is represented as spearing a hippopotamus, round which he\nhas wound a double chain of metal. This illustrates the story of the\ndefeat of Set by Horus of Behudet, and we may be justified in believing\nthat the legend possessed a more or less historic basis. Here we have\na tribe or caste of metal-workers at war with what is obviously a\nmore primitive race, whom they defeat with their weapons of metal and\nbind with their chains, afterward slaughtering them at leisure. It is\nsignificant that they do not slay them out of hand. For what, then, do\nthey reserve them? Obviously for human sacrifice. They are a caste of\nsun-worshippers, and human blood was as necessary to the sustenance of\nthe sun in early Egypt as it was in ancient Mexico, where the military\ncaste, living under the patronage of the sun, always refrained from\nslaying an enemy in battle if they could make him prisoner, to be\nsacrificed at leisure. The circumstances of the legend would appear to\nindicate that we are here following the adventures of some West Asiatic\ninvader who, with followers armed with metal, landed on the soil of\nEgypt, made himself master of Edf\u00fb, and, marching northward, established\nhimself in the land by force of arms. This story, or portion of history,\nprobably became amalgamated, perhaps by priestly influence, with the\nlegend of Horus, the god of heaven in the earliest times.\n\nAnother important form of Horus was that known as Horus, son of Isis,\nand of Osiris. He represented the rising sun, as did several other\nforms of Horus, and possessed many aspects or variants. His shrines\nwere so numerous that at one epoch or another he was identified with\nall the other Horus-gods, but he chiefly represented the new sun, born\ndaily, and he was son and successor of Osiris. He was extremely popular,\nas being a well-marked type of resurrection after death. As Osiris\nrepresented 'yesterday,' so Horus, his son, stood for 'to-day' in the\nEgyptian mind. Although some texts state that Osiris was his father,\nothers claim this position for Ra, but the two in this instance are\nreally one and the same and interchangeable.\n\nOsiris became the father of Horus after he was dead; such is the origin\nof several sun-heroes. As has been said, the birth of such is usually\npeculiar and obscure. Isis, while tending the infant Horus and in fear\nof the persecutions of Set, took shelter in the swamps of the Delta, and\nhid herself and her child amidst a dense mass of papyrus plants. To the\nEgyptian of the Delta it would of course seem as if the sun took its\nrise from amidst the papyrus-covered swamps which stretched on every\nside to the horizon, so we may regard this part of the myth as allegory\npure and simple. The circumstances of the escape of Isis from Set have\nalready been detailed in the myth of Osiris.\n\nThe filial respect which Horus displayed for the memory of his father\nOsiris won him much honour from the Egyptians. He it was who fixed the\ndetails of the god's mummification, and who set the standard for the\npious Egyptian son. In this respect he was regarded as a helper of\nthe dead, and was thought to mediate between them and the judges of\nthe Taut. In his work of caring for the deceased he had a number of\nhelpers, known as the followers of Horus, who were regarded as gods of\nthe cardinal points. They are given positions of great importance in\nthe _Book of the Dead_, and shared the protection of the body of the\ndeceased, as has been mentioned in the paragraph concerning the mummy.\nThey were four in number and were named Hapi, Tuamutef, Amset, and\nQebhsennuf.\n\nHorus, son of Isis and Osiris, was regarded as of such importance that\nhe absorbed the attributes of all the other Horus-gods, but in certain\ntexts he is represented as a child, with forefinger to lip, and wearing\nthe lock of hair at the side of the head which indicates youth. In later\ntimes he was figured in a great many different fanciful forms.\n\n\nThe Black Hog\n\nRa, Set, and Horus are concerned in an Egyptian myth which attempts an\nexplanation of eclipses of the sun and moon. Set and Horus were bitter\nenemies, yet Set did not dare to enter the fray openly, for he feared\nHorus as evil must ever fear good. So he devised subtle and underhand\nschemes whereby he might compass the fall of Horus, and this is how the\nmatter fell out.\n\nOne day Horus sought Ra with a request to be allowed to read the future\nin his eyes. This request Ra granted willingly because of his love for\nHorus, the beloved of gods and men. Whilst they conversed there passed\nthem a black hog, a huge, sinister animal, ferocious of aspect, and with\neyes that glinted with cunning and cruelty. Now, though neither Ra nor\nHorus was aware of the fact, the black hog was Set himself, who had the\npower to take upon him the shape of any animal he chose.\n\n\"What an evil monster!\" cried Ra, as he looked upon the animal.\n\nHorus also turned his gaze in the direction of the black hog, in whom\nhe still failed to recognize his enemy. This was Set's opportunity. He\nshot a bolt of fire straight into the eye of the god. Horus was half\ncrazed with the violence of the pain. \"Set hath done me this evil,\"\nhe cried; \"he shall not go unpunished.\" But Set had vanished, and was\nnot to be found anywhere. Yet for the evil that had come upon Horus Ra\ncursed the pig.\n\nWhen the young god recovered his sight Ra gave to him the city of P\u00e9,\nwhereat he was much delighted; and at his smile the cloud of darkness\npassed away, and all the land rejoiced.\n\nA Greek version of the myth has it that the black hog tore out the eye\nof Horus and swallowed it, but was forced by Ra (Helios) to restore\nit. The eyes of Horus are of course the sun and moon, one of which\nis swallowed or destroyed by the 'black hog' during an eclipse. The\nrestoration of light to the earth is occasioned by the joy of Horus on\nbeing presented with the city of P\u00e9.\n\n\nNephthys\n\nThe female counterpart of Set was Nephthys. She was the daughter of\nGeb[7] and Nut, the sister and wife of Set, and the mother of Anubis,\nbut whether by Osiris or Set is not clear. The words Nebt-het mean 'the\nlady of the house,' or sky. Although Nephthys is associated with Set,\nshe appears to remain more faithful to her sister Isis, whom she assists\nto regain the scattered limbs of Osiris. She is represented in the\nform of a woman wearing upon her head the symbol of her name, _i.e._ a\nbasket and a house (reading Nebt-het). She appears in some ways in the\n_Book of the Dead_ as an assistant of her sister Isis, standing behind\nOsiris when the hearts of the dead are weighed, and kneeling at the\nhead of Osiris' bier. She was supposed to possess great magical powers\nlike her sister, and resembles her in possessing many forms. She is also\nsupposed to protect Osiris in his form of moon-god. Plutarch throws some\nlight upon Egyptian belief concerning this goddess. He says that Anubis\nwas the son of Osiris and Nephthys, and that Typhon or Set was first\napprised of their amour by finding a garland of flowers which had been\nleft behind him by Osiris. As Isis represents fruitfulness, so, he says,\nNephthys signifies corruption. Dr. Budge, commenting upon this passage,\nsays that it is clear that Nephthys is the personification of darkness\nand of all that belongs to it, and that her attributes were of a passive\nrather than of an active character. \"She was the opposite of Isis in\nevery respect. Isis symbolized birth, growth, development, and vigour;\nbut Nephthys was the type of death, decay, diminution, and immobility.\"\nThe two goddesses were, however, associated inseparably with each other.\n\"Isis, according to Plutarch, represents the part of the world which\nis visible, whilst Nephthys represents that which is invisible....\nIsis and Nephthys represent respectively the things which are and the\nthings which are yet to come into being, the beginning and the end,\nbirth and death, and life and death. We have unfortunately no means of\nknowing what the primitive conception of the attributes of Nephthys\nwas, but it is most improbable that it included any of the views on the\nsubject which were current in Plutarch's time. Nephthys is not a goddess\nwith well-defined characteristics, but she may, generally speaking,\nbe described as the goddess of the death which is not eternal.\" Dr.\nBudge proceeds to say that Nephthys, although a goddess of death, was\nassociated with the coming into existence of the life which springs\nfrom death. With Isis she prepared the funeral bed of Osiris and made\nhis mummy-wrappings. Along with Isis she guarded the corpse of Osiris.\nIn later times the goddesses were represented by two priestesses whose\nhair was shaved off and who wore ram's-wool garlands upon their heads.\nOn the arm of one was a fillet inscribed to Isis, and the other wore a\nlike band inscribed to Nephthys.\n\n\nSet\n\nThe cult of Set was of the greatest antiquity, and although in later\ntimes he was regarded as evil personified, this was not his original\n_r\u00f4le_. According to the priests of Heliopolis he was the son of Geb and\nNut, and therefore brother of Osiris, Isis, and Nephthys, husband of the\nlatter goddess and father of Anubis. These relationships, however, were\nall manufactured for him at a comparatively late period. In the Pyramid\nTexts we find Set acting as a friend to the dead, and he even assisted\nOsiris to reach heaven by means of a ladder. He is also associated with\nHorus and is regarded as his equal. But in time they came to be regarded\nas mortal enemies, who were only prevented from entirely destroying one\nanother by the wise Thoth. Horus the Elder was the god of the sky by\nday, and Set the god of the sky by night. The one was in fact the direct\nopposite of the other.\n\nThe derivation of the name Set presents many difficulties of\nelucidation. The determinative of his hieroglyph is either the figure\nof an animal or a stone, which latter seems to symbolize the stony\nor desert country on either side of the Nile. As to the animal which\npictorially represents him, it has by no means been identified, but\nvarious authorities have likened it to a camel and an okapi. In any\ncase it must have been a denizen of the desert inimical to man.\n\nAs Horus was the god of the North, so was Set god of the South. Dr.\nBrugsch considered Set symbolized the downward motion of the sun in\nthe lower hemisphere, thus making him the source of the destructive\nheat of summer. As the days began to shorten and the nights to lengthen\nit was thought that he stole the light from the sun-god. He was\nlikewise instrumental in the monthly destruction of the moon. Storms,\nearthquakes, and eclipses and all natural phenomena which caused\ndarkness were attributed to him, and from an ethical point of view he\nwas the god of sin and evil.\n\nWe find the myths of the combat between Set and Horus evolving from a\nsimple opposition of day and night into a combat between the two gods.\nRa and Osiris, instead of Horus, are sometimes ranged against Set. The\ncombat symbolized the moral idea of the victory of good over evil, and\nthose of the dead who were justified were regarded as having overcome\nSet as Osiris had done. In his combat with the sun-god Set took the form\nof the monster serpent Apep and was accompanied by an army of lesser\nserpents and reptiles of every description. In later times we find him\nidentified with Typhon. All desert animals and those which inhabited\nthe waters were regarded as the children of Set, as were animals with\nred hair or skins, or even red-haired men. Such animals were often\nsacrificed ritually in propitiation of Set. In the month Pachons an\nantelope and a black pig were sacrificed to him in order to deter him\nfrom attacking the full moon, and on the great festival of Heru-Behudeti\nsuch birds and fish as were thought to be of his following were trodden\nunderfoot to the cry that Ra had triumphed over his enemies.\n\nSet had also a kingdom in the northern sky, and his peculiar abode was\nthe Great Bear. As in some other countries, the north was considered\nby the Egyptians as the place of darkness, cold, and death. Thus we\nfind that by the Mexicans and Maya the abode of the god of death\nwas considered to be the north, and that among the latter people\nthe hieroglyph for the north is a human bone placed before the head\nof the death-god. The goddess Reret, who has the head and body of\na hippopotamus, was supposed to have the evil influence of Set in\nrestraint. She is pictured as holding darkness fettered by a chain, and\nis considered to be a form of Isis.\n\nIt was probably about the Twenty-second Dynasty that the worship of Set\nbegan to decline, and that he took on the shape of an evil deity. The\ntheory has been put forward that the Hyksos invaders identified him\nwith certain of their gods, and that this sufficed to bring him into\ndisrepute with the Egyptians.\n\n\nSet and the Ass\n\nPlutarch, in his _De Iside et Osiride_, has an interesting passage\nconcerning the alleged resemblance between the ass and Set. He says (the\ntranslation is the old one of Squire):\n\n\"Hence their ignominious treatment of those persons, whom from the\nredness of their complexions they imagine to bear a resemblance to him;\nand hence likewise is derived the custom of the Coptites of throwing an\nAss down a precipice; because it is usually of this colour. Nay, the\ninhabitants of Busiris and Lycopolis carry their detestation of this\nanimal so far, as never to make any use of trumpets, because of the\nsimilitude between their sound and the braying of an ass. In a word,\nthis animal is in general regarded by them as unclean and impure,\nmerely on account of the resemblance which they conceive it bears to\nTypho; and in consequence of this notion, those cakes which they offer\nwith their sacrifices during the last two months Pa\u03cbni and Phaophi,\nhave the impression of an ass, bound, stamped upon them. For the same\nreason likewise, when they sacrifice to the Sun, they strictly enjoyn\nall those who approach to worship the God, neither to wear any gold\nabout them, nor to give provender to any ass. It is moreover evident,\nsay they, that even the Pythagoreans looked upon Typho to have been of\nthe rank or order of Demons, as, according to them, 'he was produced\nin the even number fifty-six.' For as the power of the Triangle is\nexpressive of the nature of Pluto, Bacchus, and Mars, the properties\nof the Square of Rhea, Venus, Ceres, Vesta, and Juno; of the Dodecagon\nof Juppiter; so, as we are informed by Eudoxus, is the figure of 56\nangles expressive of the nature of Typho: as therefore all the others\nabove-mentioned in the Pythagorean system are looked upon as so many\nGenii or Demons, so in like manner must this latter be regarded by them.\n'Tis from this persuasion likewise of the red complexion of Typho,\nthat the Egyptians make use of no other bullocks in their sacrifice\nbut what are of this colour. Nay, so extremely curious are they in\nthis respect, that if there be so much as one black or white hair in\nthe beast, 'tis sufficient to render it improper for this service. For\n'tis their opinion, that sacrifices ought not to be made of such things\nas are in themselves agreeable and well-pleasing to the Gods, but, on\nthe contrary, rather of such creatures wherein the souls of wicked and\nunjust men have been confined during the course of their transmigration.\nHence sprang that custom, which was formerly observed by them, of\npronouncing a solemn curse upon the head of the beast which was to be\noffered in sacrifice, and afterwards of cutting it off and throwing it\ninto the Nile, though now they dispose of it to foreigners. No bullock\ntherefore is permitted to be offered to the Gods, which has not the seal\nof the Sphragist\u00e6 first stamped upon it, an order of priests peculiarly\nset apart for this purpose, from whence likewise they derive their\nname. Their impress, according to Castor, is 'a man upon his knees with\nhis hands tied behind him and a sword pointed at his throat'. Nor is\nit from his colour only that they maintain a resemblance between the\nass and Typho, but from the stupidity likewise and sensuality of his\ndisposition; and agreeably to this notion, having a more particular\nhatred to Ochus than to any other of the Persian monarchs who reigned\nover them, looking upon him as an execrable and abominable wretch, they\ngave him the nickname of the Ass, which drew the following reply from\nthat prince, 'But this ass shall dine upon your ox,' and accordingly he\nslew the Apis: this story is thus related by Dino.\"\n\nIn certain phases of his myth Set is symbolized as a black pig.\nEspecially is this the case when he is shown by Ra to Horus, and tears\nthe latter's eye out of his head.\n\n\nAnubis\n\nAnubis, or, as the Egyptians called him, An-pu, was, according to some,\nthe son of Osiris and Nephthys, and to others the son of Set. He had the\nhead of a jackal and the body of a man, and was evidently symbolical of\nthe animal which prowled about the tombs of the dead. His worship was of\ngreat antiquity, and it may be that in early times he had been a totem.\nHe was the guide of the dead in the underworld on their way to the abode\nof Osiris. In many mythologies a dog is the companion of the dead man\nto the otherworld. Its remains are found in prehistoric graves; in both\nMexico and Peru dogs were sacrificed at burial, and, indeed, the custom\nis a very widespread one. Now it is not improbable that Anubis may have\ntypified the prehistoric half-domesticated jackal, or early type of dog\nthat was supposed to guide the wanderer through the underworld. Plutarch\nsays of Anubis that the Egyptians imagine a resemblance between him and\nthe dog.\n\nAnubis was particularly worshipped at Lycopolis, Abt, and elsewhere. He\nplays a prominent part in the _Book of the Dead_, especially in those\npassages which are connected with the justification and the embalming\nof the deceased. He it was who embalmed the body of Osiris. Indeed, he\nrendered great assistance to the mourning sisters, and in this he may\ntypify the faithful and helpful qualities of the dog. This is all the\nmore striking if he is to be accepted as the son of Set, and the whole\nevolution of the deity would seem to imply that whereas the semi-savage,\nhalf-domesticated dog was originally nocturnal and of doubtful value,\nunder domestication its virtues became apparent. It is probable that,\ncould research be pushed back to a sufficiently remote epoch, and did\npaintings of such an early period exist, we should find Anubis pictured\nas the faithful dog preceding the deceased on the journey to the Duat.\nLater, when every deity in the picture had received a special function\nthrough the aid of priestly ingenuity, and perhaps in an area where\nthe jackal or dog was totemic, we find the companion of the dead still\naccompanying him indeed, still his guide through the darkness, but in\nthe guise and with the attributes of a full-grown deity. How he came to\nbe the mummifier of Osiris it would, indeed, be hard to say; probably\nthe association or the jackal with the burial-ground would account for\nthis. He was symbolical of the grave. Professor Petrie has put it on\nrecord that the best guides to Egyptian tombs are the jackal-trails. A\nspeech of Anubis in the _Book of the Dead_, chapter cli, is suggestive\nof his protective character. \"I have come,\" he says, \"to protect\nOsiris.\" In many countries the dog is dispatched with the deceased for\nthe purpose of protecting him against various grisly enemies he may meet\non the way to Hades, and it is not unlikely that Anubis played a similar\npart in very early times.\n\nIt is the duty of Anubis to see that the beam of the great balance\nwherein the heart of the deceased is weighed is in its proper position.\nAs Thoth acts for the gods, so Anubis appears for the dead man, whom\nhe also protects against the 'Eater of the Dead.' He also guided the\nsouls of the dead through the underworld, being assisted in this duty\nby Up-uaut, another jackal-headed deity, whose name signifies 'Opener\nof the Ways.' These gods have sometimes been confounded with one\nanother, but in certain texts they are separately alluded to. The name\nof the latter deity is significant of his probable early function.\nAnubis, thinks Dr. Budge, was the opener of the roads of the north,\nand Up-uaut of those of the south. \"In fact,\" he says, \"Anubis was the\npersonification of the summer solstice, and Ap-uat [Up-uaut] of the\nwinter solstice.\" He goes on to say that when they appear with the two\nUtchats, or eyes of Ra, they symbolize the four quarters of heaven and\nof earth, and the four seasons of the year. Plutarch has also a passage\nupon the astronomical significance of Anubis which seems far from clear.\n\nAt Heliopolis, Anubis was to some extent fused with Horus as regards\nhis attributes, and in some manner he took on the character of the old\nfusion between Horus and Set, in this latter connexion personifying\ndeath and decay. In the _Golden Ass_ of Apuleius we find that Anubis had\nvotaries in Rome, and it is noticeable that in this account he is spoken\nof as having a dog's head.\n\n\nThoth\n\nThoth, or Tehuti, was a highly composite deity. His birth was coeval\nwith that of Ra. Let us enumerate his attributes before we seek to\ndisentangle his significance. He is alluded to as the counter of the\nstars, the measurer and enumerator of the earth, as being twice great\nand thrice great lord of books, scribe of the gods, and as possessing\nknowledge of divine speech, in which he was 'mighty.' In general he was\nfigured in human form with the head of an ibis, but sometimes he appears\nin the shape of that bird. He wears upon his head the crescent moon and\ndisk, the Atef crown, and the crowns of the North and South. In the\n_Book of the Dead_ he is drawn as holding the writing reed and palette\nof the scribe, and as placing on his tablets the records of the deceased\nwhose heart is being weighed before him. There is no reason to suppose\nthat Thoth was totemic in character, as he belongs to the cosmogonic\nor nature deities, few or none of whom were of this type. Another form\nof Thoth is that of the dog-headed ape, which, it has been stated,\nsymbolizes his powers of equilibrium. His principal seat of worship was\nHermopolis, where Ra was supposed to have risen for the first time. To\nThoth was ascribed the mental powers of Ra, and, indeed, the dicta of Ra\nseem to have come from his lips. He was the Divine Speech personified.\nBut we are looking ahead. Let us discover his primitive significance\nbefore we enumerate the more or less complex attributes which are heaped\nupon him in later times.\n\nIt is pretty clear that Thoth is originally a moon-god. He is called\nthe 'great god' and 'lord of heaven.' Among primitive peoples the moon\nis the great regulator of the seasons. A lunar calendar is invariably\nin use prior to the introduction of the computation of time by solar\nrevolution. The moon is thus the 'great measurer' of primitive life.\nThus primitive peoples speak about the 'seed moon,' the 'deer moon,'\nthe 'grain' or 'harvest moon,' and so on. Thoth, then, was a measurer\nbecause he was a moon-god, and conversely because of his lunar\nsignificance he was _the_ measurer. As Aah-Tehuti he symbolizes the\nnew moon, as it is from the first appearance that time is measured by\nprimitive peoples. His eye signifies the full moon in the same manner\nthat the eye of Ra signifies the sun at mid-day. But it also symbolizes\nthe left eye of Ra, or the cold half of the year, when the sun's rays\nwere not so strong. It is sometimes also called the 'black eye of\nHorus,' the 'white eye' being the sun. This serves to illustrate how\ngreatly the attributes of the Egyptian deities had become confused. As\nhe was a moon-god, so he was to some extent connected with moisture, and\nwe find him alluded to in chapter xcv of the _Book of the Dead_ as a\nrain and thunder god.\n\n\nThoth as Soul-Recorder\n\nIt is, however, as the recorder of souls before Osiris that Thoth was\nimportant in the eyes of the Egyptian priesthood. He held this office\nbecause of his knowledge of letters and his gift of knowing what was\nright or in equilibrium. Again, he had the power of imparting the\nmanner in which words should be correctly spoken. As has already been\nsaid, the mode of speech, the tone in which words were pronounced,\nspelt success or failure in both prayer and magical incantations. The\nsecret of this Thoth taught to men, and this it was that the Egyptians\nespecially desired to learn. Through the formula of Thoth the gates of\nthe Duat were opened to the deceased, and he was safeguarded against its\nterrors. The _Book of the Dead_ was indeed believed to be the work of\nThoth, as was the _Book of Breathings_, a much later work.\n\nThe Greek writers upon things Egyptian imagined Thoth, whom they called\nTrismegistos, or Hermes the Thrice Great, as the prime source of all\nlearning and wisdom. They ascribed to him the invention of the sciences\nof astronomy and astrology, mathematics, geometry, and medicine. The\nletters of the alphabet were also his invention, from which sprang the\narts of reading and writing. According to them the 'Books of Thoth' were\nforty-two in number, and were divided into six classes, dealing with law\nand theology, the service of the gods, history, geography and writing,\nastronomy and astrology, religious writings and medicine. It is almost\ncertain that most of this mass of material was the work of Alexandrian\nGreeks sophisticated by ancient Egyptian lore.\n\n\nMa\u0101t\n\nThe goddess Ma\u0101t closely resembles Thoth, and has indeed been regarded\nas the female counterpart of that god. She was one of the original\ngoddesses, for when the boat of Ra rose above the waters of the primeval\nabyss of Nu for the first time she had her place in it beside Thoth.\nShe is symbolized by the ostrich feather, which she either holds or\nwhich decorates her headdress. Dr. Budge states that the reason for\nthe association of the ostrich feather with Ma\u0101t is unknown, as is\nthe primitive conception which underlies her name. But it is likely\nthat the equal-sidedness of the feather, its division into halves,\nrendered it a fitting symbol of balance or equilibrium. Among the Maya\nof Central America the feather denoted the plural number. The word,\nwe are told, indicates \"that which is straight.\" The name Ma\u0101t with\nthe ancient Egyptians came to imply anything which was true, genuine,\nor real. Thus the goddess was the personification of law, order, and\ntruth. She indicated the regularity with which Ra rose and set in the\nsky, and, assisted by Thoth, wrote down his daily course for him every\nday. In this capacity she is called the 'daughter of Ra' and the 'eye\nof Ra.' As the personification of justice her moral power was immense\nand inexorable. In fact, she came to be regarded as that fate from whom\nevery man receives his deserts. She sat in a hall in the underworld\nto hear the confessions of the dead, the door of which was guarded by\nAnubis. The deceased had to satisfy forty-two assessors or judges in\nthis hall, after which he proceeded to the presence of Osiris, whom he\nassured that he had 'done Ma\u0101t,' and had been purified by her.\n\n\nThe Book of the Dead\n\nThe _Book of the Dead_, the Egyptian title of which, _Pert em hru_, has\nbeen variously translated 'coming forth by day' and the 'manifestation\nday,' is a great body of religious compositions compiled for the use\nof the dead in the otherworld. It is probable that the name had a\nsignificance for the Egyptians which is incapable of being rendered\nin any modern language, and this is borne out by another of its\ntitles--'The chapter of making perfect the Khu' (or spirit). Texts\ndealing with the welfare of the dead and their life in the world beyond\nthe grave are known to have been in use among the Egyptians as early\nas 4000 B.C. The oldest form of the _Book of the Dead_ known to us is\nrepresented in the Pyramid Texts. With the invention of mummification\na more complete funerary ritual arose, based on the hope that such\nceremonies as it imposed would ensure the corpse against corruption,\npreserve it for ever, and introduce it to a beatified existence among\nthe gods. Almost immediately prior to the dynastic era a great stimulus\nappears to have been given to the cult of Osiris throughout Egypt. He\nhad now become the god of the dead _par excellence_, and his dogma\ntaught that from the preserved corpse would spring a beautified astral\nbody, the future home of the spirit of the deceased. It therefore\nbecame necessary to adopt measures of the greatest precaution for the\npreservation of human remains.\n\nThe generality of the texts comprised in the _Book of the Dead_ are in\none form or another of much greater antiquity than the period of Mena,\nthe first historical king of Egypt. Indeed, from internal evidence it\nis possible to show that many of these were revised or edited long\nbefore the copies known to us were made. Even at as early a date as 3300\nB.C. the professional writers who transcribed the ancient texts appear\nto have been so puzzled by their contents that they hardly understood\ntheir purport.[8] Dr. Budge states: \"We are in any case justified in\nestimating the earliest form of the work to be contemporaneous with the\nfoundation of the civilization which we call 'Egyptian' in the valley of\nthe Nile.\"[9]\n\n\nA 'Discovery' 3400 Years Old\n\nA hieratic inscription upon the sarcophagus of Queen Khnem-nefert,\nwife of Mentu-hetep, a king of the Eleventh Dynasty (_c._ 2500 B.C.),\nstates that a certain chapter of the _Book of the Dead_ was discovered\nin the reign of Hesep-ti, the fifth king of the First Dynasty, who\nflourished about 4266 B.C. This sarcophagus affords us two copies of\nthe said chapter, one immediately following the other. That as early\nas 2500 B.C. a chapter of the _Book of the Dead_ should be referred\nto a date almost 2000 years before that time is astounding, and the\nmind reels before the idea of a tradition which, during comparatively\nunlettered centuries, could have conserved a religious formula almost\nunimpaired. Thus thirty-four centuries ago a portion of the _Book of\nthe Dead_ was regarded as extremely ancient, mysterious, and difficult\nof comprehension. It will be noted also that the inscription on the\ntomb of Queen Khnem-nefert bears out that the chapter in question was\n'discovered' about 4266 B.C. If it was merely discovered at that early\nera, what periods of remoteness lie between that epoch and the time when\nit was first reduced to writing? The description of the chapter on the\nsarcophagus of the royal lady states that \"this chapter was found in the\nfoundations beneath the Dweller in the Hennu Boat by the foreman of the\nbuilders in the time of the king of the South and North, Hesep-ti, whose\nword is truth\"; and the Nebseni Papyrus says that the chapter was found\nin the city of Khemennu or Hermopolis, on a block of alabaster, written\nin letters of lapis-lazuli, under the feet of the god. It also appears\nfrom the Turin Papyrus, which dates from the period of the Twenty-sixth\nDynasty, that the name of the finder was Heru-ta-ta-f, the son of\nCheops, who was at the time engaged in a tour of inspection of the\ntemples. Sir Gaston Maspero is doubtful concerning the importance which\nshould be attached to the statement regarding the chapter on the tomb of\nQueen Khnem-nefert, but M. Naville considers the chapter in question one\nof the oldest in the _Book of the Dead_.\n\nA bas-relief of the Second Dynasty bears an inscription dedicating\nto the shade of a certain priest the formula of the \"thousands of\nloaves of bread, thousands of jugs of ale,\" and so forth, so common\nin later times. We thus see that 4000 years B.C. it was regarded as a\nreligious duty to provide offerings of meat and drink for the dead,\nand there seems to be good evidence, from the nature of the formula\nin question, that it had become fixed and ritualistic by this period.\nThis passage would appear to justify the text on the sarcophagus of the\nwife of Mentu-hetep. A few centuries later, about the time of Seneferu\n(_c._ 3766 B.C.), the cult of the dead had expanded greatly from the\narchitectural point of view, and larger and more imposing cenotaphs were\nprovided for them. Victorious wars had brought much wealth to Egypt,\nand its inhabitants were better able to meet the very considerable\nexpenditure entailed upon them by one of the most expensive cults known\nto the history of religion. In the reign of Men-kau-Ra a revision of\ncertain parts of the text of the _Book of the Dead_ appears to have been\nundertaken. The authority for this is the rubrics attached to certain\nchapters which state that they were found inscribed upon a block of\nalabaster in letters of lapis-lazuli in the time of that monarch.\n\nWe do not find a text comprising the _Book of the Dead_ as a whole until\nthe reign of Unas (3333 B.C.), whose pyramid was opened in 1881 by Sir\nG. Maspero. The stone walls were covered with texts extremely difficult\nof decipherment, because of their archaic character and spelling, among\nthem many from the _Book of the Dead_. Continuing his excavations at\nSaqqarah, Maspero made his way into the pyramid of Teta (3300 B.C.),\nin which he discovered inscriptions, some of which were identical with\nthose in the pyramid of Unas, so that the existence of a fully formed\n_Book of the Dead_ by the time of the first king of the Sixth Dynasty\nwas proven. Additional texts were found in the tomb of Pepi I (3233\nB.C.). From this it will be seen that before the close of the Sixth\nDynasty five copies of a series of texts, forming the _Book of the Dead_\nof that period, are in evidence, and, as has been observed, there is\nsubstantial proof that its ceremonial was in vogue in the Second, and\nprobably in the First, Dynasty. Its text continued to be copied and\nemployed until the second century of the Christian era.\n\nIt would appear that each chapter of the _Book of the Dead_ had an\nindependent origin, and it is probable that their inclusion and adoption\ninto the body of the work were spread over many centuries. It is\npossible that some of the texts reflect changes in theological opinion,\nbut each chapter stands by itself. It would seem, however, that there\nwas a traditional order in the sequence of the chapters.\n\n\nThe Three Recensions\n\nThere were three recensions or versions of the _Book of the Dead_--the\nHeliopolitan, the Theban, and the Sa\u00efte. The Heliopolitan Recension\nwas edited by the priests of the College of Anu, or On, known to the\nGreeks as Heliopolis, and was based upon texts not now recoverable.\nThe Pyramids of Unas, Teta, and Pepi contain the original texts of this\nrecension, which represent the theological system introduced by the\npriests of Ra. The essentials of the primitive Egyptian religion are,\nhowever, retained, the only modification in them being the introduction\nof the solar doctrine of Ra. In later times the priesthood of Ra were\nforced to acknowledge the supremacy of Osiris, and this theological\ndefeat is visible in the more modern texts. Between the Sixth and\nEleventh Dynasties the priests of On edited a number of fresh chapters\nfrom time to time.\n\nThe Theban Recension was much in vogue from the Eighteenth to the\nTwenty-second Dynasties, and was usually written upon papyri and painted\nupon coffins in hieroglyphs. Each chapter was preserved distinct from\nthe others, but appears to have had no distinct place in the entire\ncollection.\n\nThe Sa\u00efte Recension was definitely arranged at some date prior to the\nTwenty-sixth Dynasty, and is written upon coffins and papyri, and also\nin hieratic and demotic script. It continued to be employed to the end\nof the Ptolemaic period.\n\nAs we have previously noticed, the _Book of the Dead_ was for their\nuse from the moment when they found themselves inhabitants of the\notherworld. Magic was the very mainspring of existence in that sphere,\nand unless a spirit was acquainted with the formul\u00e6 which compelled the\nrespect of the various gods and demons, and even of inanimate objects,\nit was helpless. The region to which the dead departed the primitive\nEgyptians called Duat. They believed it to be formed of the body of\nOsiris. It was regarded as dark and gloomy, containing pits of fire\nand dreadful monsters which circled the earth, and was in its turn\nbounded by a river and a lofty chain of mountains. The part of it that\nwas nearest to Egypt was regarded as a description of mingled desert\nand forest, through which the soul of the deceased might not hope to\nstruggle unless guided by some benevolent spirit who knew the paths\nthrough this country of despair. Thick darkness covered everything, and\nunder veil of this the hideous inhabitants of the place practised all\nsorts of hostility to the new-comer, unless by the use of words of power\nhe could prove his superiority over them. But there was one delectable\npart in this horrid region--the Sekhet Hetepet, the Elysian fields which\ncontained the Sekhet Aaru, or the Field of Reeds, where dwelt the god\nOsiris and his company. At first he had domain over this part of the\nDuat alone, but gradually he succeeded in extending it over the entire\ncountry of the dead, of which he was monarch. We find also a god of the\nDuat named Duati, but who appears to have been more a personification of\nthe region than anything else. Now the wish of all good men was to win\nto the kingdom of Osiris, and to that end they made an exhaustive study\nof the prayers and ritual of the _Book of the Dead_, in order that they\nmight the more easily penetrate to the region of bliss. This they might\nreach by two ways--by land and by water. The path by water was no whit\nless dreadful than that by land, the passage of the soul being barred by\nstreams of fire and boiling water, and the banks of the rivers navigated\nwere populous with evil spirits.\n\n\nThe Place of Reeds\n\nWe learn from the Theban Recension that there were seven halls or\nmansions in the Field of Reeds, all of which had to be passed through\nby the soul before it was received by the god in person. Three\ngods guarded the door of each hall--the doorkeeper, watchman, and\nquestioner. It was necessary for the new-comer to address each god by\nhis name. There were also names for the doors which must be borne in\nmind. The name of each god was in reality a spell consisting of a number\nof words. The Place of Reeds was divided into fifteen regions, each of\nwhich was presided over by a god. The first of these was called Amentet,\nwhere dwelt those souls who lived upon earth-offerings; it was ruled\nover by Menuqet. The second was Sekhet Aaru, the Field of Reeds proper,\nthe walls surrounding which were formed of the stuff of which the sky is\nmade. Here dwelt the souls, who were nine cubits high, under the rule of\nRa Heru-Khuti, and this place was the centre of the kingdom of Osiris.\nThe third was the place of the spirit-souls, a region of fire. In the\nfourth dwelt the terrible serpent Sati-temui, which preyed on the dead\nwho dwelt in the Duat. The fifth region was inhabited by spirits who fed\nupon the shadows of the weak and helpless souls. They appear to have\nbeen a description of vampire. The remaining regions were very similar\nto these.\n\n\nThe Journey of Osiris\n\nWe find other descriptions of the Duat in the _Book of Gates_ and the\n_Book of Him that is in the Duat_, in which is outlined the journey\nthat the sun-god makes through the otherworld after he has set upon the\nearth-world. Immediately after sinking he takes the form of Osiris,\nwhich in this instance is that of a ram with a man's head. Coming to the\nantechamber of the Duat in the west, his entrance is heralded by songs\nof praise, raised by the Ape-gods, while serpents blow fire from their\nmouths by the light of which his Pilot-gods steer his craft. All the\ndoors are thrown open, and the dead, revived by the earthly air which\nOsiris carries with him, come to life again for a brief hour. All the\ncreatures of this portion of the Duat are provided with meat and drink\nby command of the god. Such of the dead as dwell here are those who have\nfailed to pass the various tests for entrance to his court, and all that\nthey exist for is the material comfort provided for them by the brief\ndiurnal passage of the deity. When the sun, who in this form is known\nas Af Ra, reaches the entrance to the second part of the Duat, which\nis called Urnes, the gods of the first section depart from him, and do\nnot again behold his face until the following night. At this point the\nboat of Af Ra is met by the boats of Osiris and his attendant gods, and\nin this place also Osiris desires that the dead should receive food,\nlight, and air. Here he grapples with the serpents Hau and Neha-her, as\ndo most sun-gods during the time of darkness, and, having overcome them,\nis led into the Field of the Grain-gods, where he reposes for a while.\nWhen there he hearkens to the prayers of the living on behalf of the\ndead, and takes account of the offerings made by them. Continuing his\njourney, he traverses the twelve sections of the Duat. In some of these\nwe see what were probably quite separate realms of the dead, such as the\nRealm of Seker, a god who is perhaps of greater antiquity than Osiris.\nIn this place his boat is useless, as there is no river in the gloomy\nkingdom of Seker, which appears completely alien to Osiris. He therefore\nrepeats words of awful power, which compel the gods of the place to lead\nhim by subterranean passages from which he emerges into Amhet, where is\nsituated a stream of boiling water. But he is not out of the kingdom of\nSeker until he reaches the sixth section, where dwell the dead kings of\nEgypt and the 'Khu' or Spirit-souls. It is at this point of his journey\nthat Af Ra turns his face toward the east and directs his course to the\nMountain of the Sunrise; previous to this he has been journeying from\nthe south to the north. In the seventh section he is joined by Isis and\nother deities, and here his path is obstructed by the wicked serpent\nApep, through whose body the attendant deities drive their daggers.\nA company of gods tow him through the eighth section, but his vessel\nsails itself through the ninth, and in the tenth and eleventh he seems\nto pass over a series of lakes, which may represent the lagoons of the\neastern delta. In the latter section his progress is lighted by a disk\nof light, encircled by a serpent, which rests upon the prow of the boat.\nThe twelfth section contains the great mass of celestial waters called\nNu, and here dwells Nut, the personification of the morning. Before the\nboat looms the great serpent Ankh-neteru, and twelve of the gods, taking\nhold of the tow-line, enter this serpent at the tail and draw the god in\nhis boat through the monstrous body, bringing Af Ra out at its mouth;\nbut not as Af Ra, for during this passage he has been transformed into\nKhepera, in which shape he is towed into the sky by twelve goddesses,\nwho lead him before Shu, the god of the atmosphere of the terrestrial\nworld. Shu places him in the opening in the semicircular wall which\nforms the end of the twelfth section, and he now appears to mortal eyes\nas a disk of light, having discarded his mummified form, in which he\ntraversed the Duat. His progress is followed by the acclamations of his\ncompany of gods, who fall upon and destroy his enemies and sing hymns of\npraise to him. The Duat, as described in the _Book of Gates_, differs\nconsiderably from that of the _Book of Him that is in the Duat_, but it\nalso possesses twelve sections, and a similar journey is outlined in it.\n\nThe principal gods alluded to in the _Book of the Dead_ are: Tem or\nAtmu, Nu, Ra, Khepra, Ptah, Ptah-Seker, Khnemu, Shu, Set, Horus, Thoth,\nNephthys, Anubis, Amen, and Anu--in fact, the majority of the principal\ndivinities of Egypt. Besides these there were many lesser gods and a\ngreat company of spirits, demons, and other supernatural beings. Many\nof these demons were very ancient forms of half-forgotten deities. It\nwill be noticed that at practically every stage of his journey Osiris\nleft behind him one or more of his divine companions, who henceforth\nwere supposed to become the rulers or satraps of the regions in which he\nhad quitted them. So might an earthly Pharaoh reward his courtiers for\nservices rendered.\n\nIt was only during the Middle Kingdom that the conception of Osiris as\njudge of the dead took definite form and received general recognition.\nIn one of the chapters of the _Book of the Dead_ we find him seated\nin a large hall the roof of which is covered with fire and symbols of\ntruth. Before him are the symbol of Anubis, the four sons of Horus, and\nthe Devourer of the West, a monster who serves as his protector. In\nthe rear sit the forty-two judges of the dead. The deceased makes his\nappearance before the god and his heart is placed in a great balance\nto be weighed by Anubis, Thoth, the scribe of the gods, standing by to\nnote the result upon his tablets. Having communicated this to Osiris,\nthe dead man, if found worthy, is presented to the deity, to whom he\nrepeats a long prayer, in which he states that he has not committed any\nevil. Those who could not pass the test were hurried away, and so far as\nis known were in danger of being devoured by a frightful monster called\nBeby, which awaited them outside. The justified deceased took part in\nthe life of Osiris and the other gods, which appears to have been very\nmuch the same as that of the Egyptian aristocracy. As has been said, the\ndeceased might also transform himself into any animal form he cared.\nThe life of the justified dead is well outlined in an inscription on\nthe tomb of Paheri, prince of El Kab, which is as follows: \"Thou goest\nin and out with a glad heart, and with the rewards of the gods.... Thou\nbecomest a living soul; thou hast power over bread, water, and air. Thou\nchangest thyself into a ph\u0153nix or a swallow, a sparrow-hawk or a heron,\nas thou desirest. Thou dost cross in the boat and art not hindered. Thou\nsailest upon the water when a flood ariseth. Thou livest anew and thy\nsoul is not parted from thy body. Thy soul is a god together with the\nilluminated, and the excellent souls speak with thee. Thou art among\nthem and (verily) receivest what is given upon earth; thou possessest\nwater, possessest air, hast superabundance of that which thou desirest.\nThine eyes are given to thee to see, and thine ears to hear speech, thy\nmouth speaketh, thy legs move, thy hands and arms bestir themselves for\nthee, thy flesh grows, thy veins are in health, and thou feelest thyself\nwell in all thy limbs. Thou hast thine upright heart in thy possession,\nand thy earlier heart belongs to thee. Thou dost mount up to heaven, and\nart summoned each day to the libation table of Wennofre, thou receivest\nthe good which has been offered to him and the gifts of the Lords of the\nnecropolis.\"\n\nThe _Book of the Dead_ is obviously an allegory of the passage of the\nsun through the underworld. The sinking of the sun at nightfall would\nnaturally arouse in primitive man thoughts as to where the luminary\ndwelt during the hours of gloom, for the sun was to early man a living\nthing. He could watch its motion across the sky, and the light and\nother benefits which he received from it came to make him regard it\nas the source of all good. It appeared plain to him that its diurnal\ncareer was cut short by the attacks of some enemy, and the logical\nsequel of the belief in the solar deity as a beneficent power was of\ncourse that the force hostile to him must be of evil disposition. It\ncame to be figured as a serpent or dragon which nightly battled with the\nluminary and for a season prevailed. The gods of many religions have to\ndescend into the otherworld to do battle with the forces of death and\nhell. We may see an analogy to the _Book of the Dead_ in the Central\nAmerican _Popol Vuh_, in which two hero-gods, the sons and nephews of\nthe sun and the moon, descend into the dark abyss of the Maya Hades,\nrout its forces, and return triumphant. It has been suggested that the\n_Book of the Dead_ was nothing more or less than the ritual of a secret\nbrotherhood, and that the various halls mentioned in it symbolized the\nseveral stages of initiation through which the members had to pass.\n\nIt is curious that in his recent interesting book on _Mexican\nArch\u00e6ology_ Mr. T. Athol Joyce, of the British Museum, has mentioned\nthat the court of the Maya underworld, as alluded to in the _Popol Vuh_,\n\"seems to have been conducted on the principle of a secret society with\na definite form of initiation.\" It is practically certain that the\nmysteries of Eleusis, and similar Greek initiatory ceremonies, were\nconcerned with the life of the underworld, especially with the story of\nDemeter and Kore, or Ceres, and that a theatric representation of the\nwanderings of the mother in search of her daughter in the underworld\nwas given in the course of the ceremonial. These Greek deities, besides\nbeing gods of the dead, were gods of agriculture--corn-gods; but gods\nof the underworld often presided over the growth of the crops, as it\nwas believed that the grain germinated underneath the earth by their\ninfluence. For example, we find in the _Popol Vuh_ that Xquiq, daughter\nof one of the lords of the underworld, was able to reap a field of maize\nin a few minutes in a spot where before there had been none. All this\nwould seem to point to the probability that if the _Book of the Dead_\ndid not contain an early type of initiatory ceremonial, it may have\npowerfully influenced the ceremonial of mysteries when they arose. The\nmysteries of the Cabiri, for example, are supposed to be of Egyptian\norigin. On the other hand, it may be possible that the _Book of the\nDead_ represents the ceremonial of an older prehistoric mystery, which\nhad been forgotten by the dynastic Egyptians. Savage races all over\nthe world possess such mysteries. The Indians of North America and the\nBlackfellows of Australia possess most elaborate initiatory ceremonies;\nand it is quite possible that the _Book of the Dead_ may preserve the\nritual of Neolithic savages who practised it thousands of years prior to\nits connexion with the worship of Osiris.\n\n\nThe Place of Punishment\n\nAlthough there does not appear to have been a portion of the Duat\nspecially reserved for the wicked, they were sufficiently tormented\nin many ways to render their existence a punishment for any misdeeds\ncommitted during life. At one end of this region were pits of fire where\ngrisly deities presided, superintending the destruction of the bodies of\nthe deceased and hacking them to pieces before they were burned. Their\npunishment was, however, mitigated by the appearance of Ra-Osiris on his\nnightly journey, for as he advanced their torments ceased for the time\nbeing.\n\nThe deities who inflicted punishment upon the damned were the enemies\nof Ra-Osiris--personifications of darkness, night, fog, mist, vapour,\ntempest, wind, and so forth, and these were destroyed daily by the\nfiery beams of the luminary. These were pictured in human form, and the\nscenes of their destruction by fire have often been mistakenly supposed\nto represent the burning of the souls of the doomed. This evil host\nwas renewed with every revolution of the sun, so that a fresh phalanx\nof enemies appeared to attack Ra each night and morning. It was during\nthe interval between dawn and sunrise that they were discomfited and\npunished. The souls of the doomed were in no wise enabled to hinder the\nprogress of Ra, but in later times these were in some measure identified\nwith the enemies of Ra, with whom they dwelt and whom they assisted\nto attack the sun-god. In the strife which ensued they were pierced\nby the fiery sun-rays, symbolized as darts or spears, and the knives\nwhich hacked their bodies in pieces were typical of the flames of fire\nemanating from the body of Ra. The lakes and pits of fire in which they\nwere submerged typified the appearance of the eastern heavens at sunrise.\n\nThere was nothing in the Egyptian creed to justify the belief in\neverlasting punishment, and such a view is unsupported by the material\nof the texts. There is, in fact, no parallel in the Egyptian religion\nto the Gehenna of the Hebrews, or the Purgatory and Hell of medieval\nEurope. The Egyptian idea of death did not include the conception of\nthe resurrection of a second physical body in the underworld, but,\nshould the physical body be destroyed, they considered that the _ka_ or\ndouble, the shadow and spirit of man, might also perish. It is strange,\nall the same, to observe that the Egyptian idea of temporary punishment\nafter death appears to have coloured the medieval Christian conception\nof that state through Coptic sources. Indeed, the Coptic Christians\nof Egypt appear to have borrowed the idea of punishment in the Duat\nalmost entire from their pagan ancestors or contemporaries. Am\u00e9lineau\ncites a Coptic work in which a dead Egyptian tells how at the hour of\ndissolution avenging angels collected around him with knives and other\nweapons, which they thrust through and through him. Other spirits tore\nhis soul from his body and, securing it to the back of a black horse,\ngalloped off with it to Amentet. On arrival there he was first tortured\nin a place filled with noisome reptiles, and was then thrust into outer\ndarkness. He fell into another pit at least two hundred feet deep, in\nwhich were assembled reptiles of every description, each having seven\nheads, and here he was given over to a serpent which had teeth like\niron stakes. From Monday to Friday of each week this monster gnawed\nand tore at the doomed wretch, who rested only from this torment on\nSaturday and Sunday. In the circumstance that it does not posit eternal\npunishment, the region of torment, if so it can be named, differs from\nsimilar ideas in other mythologies; but in the essence concerning the\nnature of the punishment meted out, the cutting with knives, stabbing\nwith spears, burning with fire, and so forth, it is practically at\none with the underworlds of other faiths. The scenery of the Egyptian\ninfernal regions also closely resembles that of its equivalents in other\nmythologies. It was not to be supposed that the Egyptians, with their\nelaborate precautions against bodily attack after death, should believe\nin eternal punishment. They may have believed in punishment for each\nother, but it is highly improbable that any Egyptian who had devoted any\ntime to the study of the _Book of the Dead_ believed that he himself\nwas doomed. His whole future, according to that book, hung upon his\nknowledge of the words of power written therein, and surely no one with\nsuch a comparatively easy means of escape could have been so foolish as\nto neglect it.\n\n\nThe Egyptian Heaven\n\nAs has been said, the exact position of heaven does not appear to have\nbeen located, but it may be said in a general sense that the Egyptians\nbelieved it to be placed somewhere above the sky. They called it Pet,\nwhich expression they used in contradistinction to the word Nu, meaning\nsky. The heavens and the sky they regarded as a slab, each end of which\nrested on a support formed of the two mountains Bakhau and Manu, the\nmountains of sunrise and sunset. In primitive times heaven was conceived\nas consisting of two portions, the east and the west; but later it was\ndivided into four parts, each of which was placed under the sovereignty\nof a god. This region was supported by four pillars, each of which again\nwas under the direction of a deity, and at a comparatively late period\nan extra pillar was added to support the middle. In one myth we find the\nheavens spoken of as representing a human head, the sun and moon forming\nthe eyes, and the supports of heaven being formed by the hair. The gods\nof the four quarters who guarded the original pillars were those deities\nknown as Canopic (see p. 28), or otherwise called the Children of Horus.\n\nIn heaven dwelt the great god Ra, who sat upon a metal throne, the sides\nof which were embossed with the faces of lions and the hoofs of bulls.\nHis train or company surrounded him, and was in its turn encircled by\nthe lesser companies of deities. Each of the gods who presided over the\nworld and the Duat had also his own place in heaven. Beneath the lesser\ngods again came beings who might well be described as angelical. First\namong these were the Shemsu-heru, or followers of Horus, who waited\nupon the sun-god, and, if necessary, came to his protection. They were\nregarded as being essential to his welfare. Next came the Ashemu, the\nattributes of which are unknown, and after those the Henmemet, perhaps\nsouls who were to become human beings, but their status is by no means\nclear. They were supposed to live upon grain and herbs. There were also\nbeings called Utennu and Afa, regarding the characteristics of which\nabsolutely nothing is known. Following these came an innumerable host\nof spirits, souls and so forth, chiefly of those who had once dwelt\nupon the earth, and who were known collectively as 'the living ones.'\nThe Egyptians thought these might wander about the earth and return\nto heaven at certain fixed times, the idea arising probably because\nthey wished to provide a future for the body as well as for the soul\nand spirit. As explained previously, the gods of heaven had their\ncomplements or doubles on earth, and man in some degree was supposed to\npartake of this dual nature. The Egyptian conception of heaven altered\nslowly throughout the centuries. An examination of the earliest records\navailable shows that the idea of existence after death was a sort of\nshadowy extension of the life of this world. Such an idea is common\nto all primitive races. As they progressed, however, this conception\nbecame entirely changed and a more spiritual one took its place. The\nsoul, _ba_, and the spirit, _khu_, which were usually represented as a\nhawk and a heron in the hieroglyphic texts, partook of heavenly food and\nbecame one with the gods, and in time became united with the glorified\nbody or heavenly frame, so that the soul-spirit, power, shade, double,\nand name of the deceased were all collected in the one heavenly body\nknown as _sahu_, which may be described as the spiritual body. It was\nconsidered to grow out of the dead body, and its existence became\npossible through the magic ceremonies performed and the words of power\nspoken by the priests during the burial service.\n\n\nHow the Blessed Lived\n\nIn the _Book of the Dead_ it is stated that the spirits of heaven are in\nnumber 4,601,200. It has been suggested that this number was probably\nthe Egyptian enumeration of all those human spirits who had died and\nhad attained to heaven; but this is hardly probable, for obvious\nreasons. The manner in which these spirits employed their time is a\nlittle obscure. Some directed the revolutions of the heavenly bodies;\nothers accompanied the great gods in their journey through the heavens;\nwhile still others superintended mundane affairs. They chanted eternal\npraises of Ra as supreme monarch of the gods, and their hymns described\nthe wonders of his power and glory. They lived upon the rays of light\nwhich fell from the eye of Horus--that is, they were nourished upon\nsunlight, so that in time their bodies became wholly composed of light.\nAccording to one myth the gods themselves lived upon a species of plant\ncalled the 'plant of life,' which appears to have grown beside a great\nlake. But such a conception is in consonance with an almost separate\ntheological idea to the effect that the deceased dwelt in a Paradise\nwhere luxuriant grain-fields were watered by numerous canals, and where\nmaterial delights of every kind abounded. It was perhaps this place in\nwhich the 'bread of eternity' and the 'beer of eternity,' the celestial\nfig-tree, and other such conceptions were supposed to form the food of\nthe dead. The blessed were supposed to be arrayed in garments similar\nto those which clothed the gods, but certain of them seem to have worn\nwhite linen apparel, with white sandals on their feet.\n\nAll this goes to show that the heaven of the primitive Egyptians was\nnothing more than an extension of terrestrial conditions, or perhaps\nit might be said an improvement upon them. So long as the Egyptian\nhad the wherewithal to make bread and to brew beer, and had cleanly\ngarments, and shelter under a homestead the ground round which was\nintersected with numerous canals, he considered that to be the best of\nall possible heavens. The crops, of course, would grow of themselves.\nThe whole idea was quite a material one, if the life was simple but\ncomfortable. There is nothing sophisticated about the Egyptian heaven\nlike the Mohammedan or Christian realms of bliss; even the manner of\nreaching it was primitive, the early dwellers by the Nile imagining\nthat they could reach it by climbing on to its metal floor by way of\nthe mountains which supported it, and their later descendants believing\nthat a ladder was necessary for the ascent. In many tombs models of\nthese ladders were placed so that the dead people might make use of\ntheir astral counterparts to gain the celestial regions. Even Osiris\nrequired such a ladder, and was helped to ascend it by Ra and Horus,\nor by Horus and Set. Many pictures of such ladders are also found in\nvarious papyri of the _Book of the Dead_ which were placed in tombs. Its\nlength was regulated by the deceased himself according to the power of\nthe magical words he pronounced over it. The deceased by words of power\nwas further enabled to turn himself into many bird and animal shapes. It\nis difficult to understand the reason for these animal transformations\nin Paradise, but the conception has a parallel in the idea of the Aztec\nwarriors that when they entered the domain of the sun-god they would\naccompany him in his course and would descend to earth during part of\nhis daily journey in the shape of humming-birds.\n\n\n[1] See _Zeitschrift f\u03cbr Aeg. Sprache_, li. p. 127: \"The Cult of the\nDrowned in Egypt.\"\n\n[2] The moon is always masculine in Egypt. I am here following\nPlutarch.--AUTHOR.\n\n[3] Another version gives the children of Nut thus: Osiris, Isis, Set,\nNephthys, and Anubis.\n\n[4] Lang states (art. \"Mythology\" in _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_) that\n\"the Osirian myth originated in the same sort of fancy as the Pacullic\nstory of the dismembered beaver out of whose body things were made.\"\n\n[5] _Golden Bough_, vol. ii. p. 137.\n\n[6] See M.A. Murray, _Osireion at Abydos_, p. 26.\n\n[7] Or Seb.\n\n[8] Maspero, _Recueil de Travaux_, vol. iv, p. 62.\n\n[9] _Book of the Dead_, Papyrus of Ani, vol. i, p. 7.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V: THE GREAT GODS\n\n\nRa, the Sun-God\n\nRa, the great god of the sun, appears to have occupied a prominent\nposition in the Egyptian pantheon at a very early period. The Egyptians\nof later days appear to have thought that the name was in some way\nassociated with creation. Sun-worship in Egypt was very ancient, and\nit is probable that a number of sun-cults became fused in that of Ra.\nIt is certain, indeed, that this was the case with the cult of the\nhawk-god Heru or Horus. Both of these deities are usually figured with\nthe body of a man and the head of a hawk, but they sometimes have the\nveritable form of that bird. The hawk in Egypt appears to have been\nidentified with the sun from the earliest times. Its power of flight\nand the heights to which it can rise were probably the reasons assigned\nfor its association with the great luminary of day. But in many lands\nbirds of heaven-aspiring flight have symbolized the sun. Among several\nof the North American Indian tribes the eagle typifies the sun. The\ncondor typified the orb of day in ancient Peru, and perhaps the eagle\ndid the same in some aspects of the Mexican religion. But it is not\nalways birds of lofty flight which typify the sun. Thus the quetzal bird\nseems to have stood for it in Mexico and Central America, and in the\nsame countries the humming-bird or colibri was sometimes associated with\nit. It is strange that just as we find the bird and the serpent combined\nin the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, so we discover them to some extent\nassociated in Ra, who wears as his symbol the disk of the sun encircled\nby the serpent Khut.\n\nThe Egyptians had several varying conceptions as to the manner in which\nthe sun crossed the heavens. One of these was that it sailed over\nthe watery mass of the sky in relays of boats or barques. Thus the\nrising sun occupied the barque Manzet, which means 'growing strong,'\nand the evening sun was ferried to the place of setting by the barque\nMesektet, which means 'growing weak,' in both of which names will be\nreadily discovered allegorical titles for the rising and setting sun.\nThe definite path of Ra across the sky had been planned at the time of\ncreation by the goddess Ma\u0101t, who personified justice and order.\n\nThe daily voyage of Ra was assisted by a company of friendly deities,\nwho navigated his barque to the place of the setting sun, the course\nbeing set out by Thoth and Ma\u0101t, while Horus acted as steersman and\ncommander. On each side of the boat swam one of two pilot fishes called\nAbtu and Ant, but, notwithstanding the assistance of his fellow deities,\nthe barque of Ra was constantly beset by the most grisly monsters and\ndemons, who strove to put every obstacle in the way of its successful\npassage.\n\nBy far the most potent of these was the serpent Apep, who personified\nthe darkness of night, and concerning whom we gain much information\nfrom the _Book of Overthrowing Apep_, which gives spells and other\ninstructions for the checkmating of the monster, which were recited\ndaily in the temple of Amen-Ra at Thebes. In these Apep is referred to\nas a crocodile and a serpent, and it is described how by the aid of\nsympathetic magic he is to be speared, cut with knives, decapitated,\nroasted, and finally consumed by fire, and his evil followers also.\nThese magical acts were duly carried out at Thebes day by day, and it\nwas supposed that they greatly assisted the journey of the sun-god. In\nApep we have a figure such as is known in nearly every mythology. He is\nthe monster who daily combats with, and finally succeeds in devouring,\nthe sun. He is the same as the dragons which fought with Beowulf the\nsun-hero, as the night-dragon of Chinese mythology, as the Fenris-wolf\nof Scandinavian story, and the multitudinous monsters of fable, legend,\nand romance. We find his counterpart also in the Babylonian dragon\nTiamat, who was slain by Marduk.\n\n\nRat\n\nIn the late period there was invented for Ra a female counterpart, Rat,\nwho is depicted as a woman having on her head a disk with horns and\na ur\u00e6us. She does not seem to have been of any great importance, and\nperhaps only sprang from the idea that every great deity must have his\nfemale double. The worship of Ra in Egypt during the dynastic period was\ncentred in the city of Anu, On, or Heliopolis, about five miles from the\nmodern Cairo. The priests of the god had settled there during the Fifth\nDynasty, the first king of which, User-ka-f, was high-priest of the\ngod, a circumstance which denotes that the cult must even at this early\nperiod (3350 B.C.) have gained great ascendancy in that part of Egypt.\n\nAn ancient legend describes how the progeny of Ra first gained the\nEgyptian throne, and will be found on page 200.\n\nThis tradition proves that in early times the kings of Egypt believed\nthemselves to have been descended from Ra, who, it was affirmed, had\nonce ruled over the country, and whose blood flowed in the veins of\nthe entire Egyptian royal family. Indeed, Ra was said to have been the\nactual father of several Egyptian kings, who were therefore regarded as\ngods incarnate. Such priestly fictions gave the theocratic class added\npower, until at last the worship of Ra practically superseded that of\nalmost every other deity in the Nile valley, these being absorbed\ninto the theological system of the priests of Heliopolis, and granted\nsubordinate positions in the group which surrounded the great sun-god.\n\n\nFusion of Myths\n\nIt is not in Egypt alone that we find such astute subterfuges made to\nsubserve the purposes of the priesthood. In most mythologies we discover\nthat legends of creation and of the origin of deities have in many cases\nbeen manufactured from two or more myths which have been so skilfully\namalgamated that it is only by the most careful and patient study that\nthey can be resolved into their original components. Thus we find in\nthe Book of Genesis that beside the existence of Jahveh, the creative\npower, we have evidences of a polytheistic pantheon called Elohim. This\nshows that two accounts of the Hebrew creation, the one monotheistic\nand the other polytheistic, have become fused together. Perhaps one of\nthe best examples of this dovetailing of myths is to be found in one\nof the creation legends of Peru, in which philosophic skill has fused\nall the forms of worship through which Peruvian thought passed into one\ndefinite whole. Thus the various stages of belief from simple animism\nto anthropomorphism are visible to the student of mythology in perusing\nthis one legend. That the same feat had been accomplished by the Kiches\nof Central America in their wonderful book, the _Popol Vuh_, was shown\nby the writer in an article printed in the _Times_ some years ago.\n\nThe original local god of Heliopolis was Tem or Atum, who was united\nwith Ra as Ra-Tem. The power of the priests of Ra declined somewhat\nabout the close of the Sixth Dynasty, but in the reign of Senusert I[1]\n(_c._ 2433 B.C.) the temple at Heliopolis was rebuilt, being dedicated\nto Ra and to two of his forms, Horus and Temu. In this temple were kept\nmodels of the sacred boats of Ra, the Manzet, containing a hawk-headed\nfigure of Ra, and the Mesektet, a man-headed statue of him.\n\nPrimitive as is the nature of sun-worship, it possesses elements which\nenable it to survive where many more advanced and complicated cults\nsuccumb. Even in such a country, side by side with an aristocracy of\nreal intelligence but limited opportunities, there must naturally\nhave existed millions of peasants and helots who were only to be\ndistinguished from savages because of their contact with their superiors\nand their settlement as an agricultural race. To them the sun would,\nit might be thought, appear as the god _par excellence_, the great\nquickener and fructifier; but we find the cult of Ra more or less of an\naristocratic theological system, in early times at least; and for the\ncult of the people we have to turn to the worship of Osiris. Undoubtedly\nthe best parallel to the worship of Ra in Egypt is to be found in that\nof the sun in ancient Peru. Just as the monarch of Peru personified\nthe sun on earth, and acted as his regent in the terrestrial sphere,\nso the Egyptian monarchs styled themselves 'sons of the sun.' In both\ninstances the solar cult was eminently aristocratic in character. This\nis proved by the circumstance that the paradise of Ra was a sphere\nmore spiritual by far than that of Osiris, with its purely material\ndelights. Those happy enough to gain the heaven of the sun-god were\nclothed with light, and their food was described as 'light.' The Osirian\nparadise, again, it will be recalled, consisted of converse with Osiris\nand feasting with him. Indeed, the aristocratic caste in all countries\nshrinks from the conception that it must in the afterlife rub shoulders\nwith the common herd. This was definitely the case in ancient Mexico\nand Scandinavia, where only warriors killed in battle might enter\nparadise. These beliefs, however, were never sufficiently powerful\nto obliterate the cult of Osiris, and as the Egyptian mind was of a\nstrongly material cast, it greatly favoured the conception of a 'field\nof reeds' and a 'field of peace,' where man could enjoy the good things\nand creature-comforts that he so much desired upon earth, rather than\nthe unsubstantial fare and raiment of the more superlative sphere of Ra.\n\n\nRa and Osiris\n\nA great but silent struggle was waged for many centuries between the\npriesthoods of Ra and Osiris, but in the end the beliefs clustering\naround the latter deity gained pre-eminence, and he took over the\ntitles, powers, and attributes of the great god of the sun. Then it was\nprobable, as has elsewhere been stated, that the conception of a moon-\nand a sun-god became fused in his person. The worship of Osiris was\nfundamentally African and Egyptian in character, but there is strong\nreason to believe that the cult of Ra possessed many foreign elements,\npossibly West Asiatic in origin, which accounts for the coldness with\nwhich the masses of Egypt regarded his worship. Heliopolis, his city,\ncontained many inhabitants of Asiatic birth, and this may account to\nsome extent for the introduction of some of the tenets in his creed\nwhich the native Egyptians found unpalatable.\n\nThere is no doubt, however, that, to the aristocracy of Egypt at least,\nRa stood in the position of creator and father of the gods. Osiris stood\nin relation to him as a son. In fact, the relations of these two deities\nmay be regarded as that between god the father and god the son, and\njust as in certain theologies the figure of god the son has overshadowed\nthat of god the father, so did Osiris overshadow Ra.\n\nThe god Tem, or Atum, who, as has been said, was originally the local\ndeity of Heliopolis, was in the dynastic period held to be one of the\nforms of Ra, and a personification of the setting sun. Tem was one of\nthe first gods of the Egyptians. He is depicted as sailing in the boat\nof Ra, with whom he was clearly united in early times as Ra-Tem. He\nappears to have been a god who possessed many attributes in common with\nRa, and later on he seems to have been identified with Osiris as well.\nIn the myth of Ra and Isis Ra says, \"I am Khepera in the morning, and Ra\nat noonday, and Tem in the evening,\" which shows that to the Egyptians\nthe day was divided into three parts, each of which was presided over by\na special form of the sun-god. Tem was worshipped in one of his forms as\na serpent, a fairly common shape for a sun-god, for in many countries\nthe snake or serpent, tail in mouth, symbolizes the disk of the sun.\n\n\nThe Sacred Beetle\n\nKhepera, the remaining form of Ra, is generally represented in human\nform with a beetle upon his head. The worship of the beetle was very\nancient in Egypt, and we must regard its fusion with the cult of Ra\nas due to priestly influence. The scarab\u00e6us, having laid its eggs in\nthe sand of Egypt, rolls them into a little ball of manure, which it\nthen propels across the sand with its hind legs to a hole which it has\npreviously dug, where the eggs are hatched by the rays of the sun.\nThis action of the beetle seemed to the ancient Egyptians to resemble\nthe rolling of the sun across the heavens, so that Khepera, the rising\nluminary, was symbolized by it.\n\nKhepera is a deity of some importance, for he is called creator of the\ngods and father of the gods. He was also looked upon as a type of the\nresurrection, because of his symbolizing the ball enclosing living\ngerms, and probably in a secondary sense, because the rising sun steps\nas it were from the grave of night morning after morning with the\ngreatest certainty. The scarabs which were found on Egyptian mummies\ntypified this hope of resurrection, and have been found in Egyptian\ntombs as old as the time of the Fourth Dynasty.\n\n\nAmen\n\nAlthough the god Amen appears to have been numbered among the deities of\nEgypt as early as the Fifth Dynasty, when he was alluded to as one of\nthe primeval gods,[2] it was not until a later period that his votaries\nbegan to exercise the enormous power which they wielded throughout\nEgypt. With the exception of Ra and Osiris, the worship of Amen was\nmore widespread than that of any other god in the Nile valley; but the\ncircumstances behind the growth of his cult certainly point to its\nhaving been disseminated by political rather than religious propaganda.\nWhat his attributes were in the time of the Ancient Empire we do not\nknow. The name means 'what is hidden,' or what cannot be seen, and we\nare constantly informed in votive hymns and other compositions that he\nis \"hidden to his children\" and \"hidden to gods and men.\" It has been\nadvanced that these expressions refer to the setting of the sun, but\nthere is far better reason for supposing that they imply that Amen is\na god who cannot be viewed by mortal eyes, invisible and inscrutable.\nIt is not difficult to see that the conception of such a deity would\nspeedily win favour with a priestly and theological class, who would\nquickly tire of the more material cults by which they were surrounded,\nand who would strain after a form of godhead less crude than the purely\nsymbolical systems which held sway in the country. In fact, the whole\ntheological history of Amen is that of a priesthood who were determined\nto impose upon a rather materialistic population a more spiritual type\nof worship and a higher conception of God.\n\nAmen was represented in numerous forms:[3] in the shape of a man seated\non a throne, with the head of a frog and the body of a man, with a\nserpent's head, as an ape and as a lion. But the most general form in\nwhich he was drawn was that of a bearded man wearing on his head two\nlong and very straight plumes, which are coloured alternately red and\ngreen or red and blue. He is clothed in a linen tunic, wears bracelets,\nand necklet, and from the back of his dress there hangs an animal's\ntail, which denotes that he was a god originating in early times. In\na later form he has the head of a hawk when fused with Ra. The great\ncentre of his worship and of his rise to power was the city of Thebes,\nwhere in the Twelfth Dynasty a temple was built in his honour. At that\nperiod he was a mere local god, but when the princes of Thebes came\ninto power and grasped the sovereignty of Egypt the reputation of\nAmen rose with theirs, and he became a prominent god in Upper Egypt.\nHis priesthood, seizing upon the new political conditions, cleverly\nsucceeded in identifying him with Ra and his subsidiary forms, all of\nwhose attributes they ascribed to Amen; but they further stated that\nalthough their deity included in himself all their characteristics, he\nwas much greater and loftier than they. As we have already observed,\nthe god of the capital of Egypt for the time being was the national\ndeity, and when this lot fell to the fortune of Amen his priesthood\ntook full advantage of it. Never was a god so exploited and, if the\nterm may be employed, advertised as was Amen. When evil days fell upon\nEgypt and the Hyksos overran the country, Amen, thanks to his priestly\nprotagonists, weathered the storm and, because of internecine strife,\nhad become the god _par excellence_ of the Egyptians. When the country\nrecovered from its troubles and matters began to right themselves once\nmore, the military successes of the kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty\nredounded greatly to the power and glory of Amen, and the spoil of\nconquered Palestine and Syria loaded his temples. There was of course\ngreat dissatisfaction on the part of the worshippers of Ra at such a\ncondition of affairs. Osiris, as the popular god, could not well be\ndisplaced, as he had too large a hold on the imagination of the people,\nand his cult and character were of too peculiar a nature to admit of\nusurpation by another deity. His cult had been slowly evolved, probably\nthrough many centuries, and the circumstances of his worship were\nunique. But the cult of Ra was challenged by that of a deity who not\nonly presented like attributes, but whose worship was on the whole more\nspiritual and of a higher trend than that of the great sun-god. We do\nnot know what theological battles were waged over the question of the\nsupremacy of the two gods, but we do know that priestly skill was, as in\nother cases, more than equal to the occasion. A fusion of the gods took\nplace. It would be rash to assert that this amalgamation was a planned\naffair between the two warring cults, and it is more probable that\ntheir devotees quietly acquiesced in a gradual process of fusion. The\nTheban priests would come to recognize that it was impossible to destroy\naltogether the worship of Ra, so they would as politic men bow to the\ninevitable and accept his amalgamation with their own deity.\n\n\nAmen's Rise to Power\n\nMany hymns of Amen-Ra, especially that occurring in the papyrus of\nHu-nefer, show the completeness of this fusion and the rapidity with\nwhich Amen had risen to power. In about a century from being a mere\nlocal god he had gained the title of 'king of the gods' of Egypt. His\npriesthood had become by far the most powerful and wealthy in the\nland, and even rivalled royalty itself. Their political power can\nonly be described as enormous. They made war and peace, and when the\nRamessid Dynasty came to an end the high-priest of Amen-Ra was raised\nto the royal power, instituting the Twenty-first Dynasty, known as\nthe 'dynasty of priest-kings.' But if they were strong in theology,\nthey were certainly not so in military genius. They could not enforce\nthe payment of tribute which their predecessors had wrung from the\nsurrounding countries, and their poverty increased rapidly. The shrines\nof the god languished for want of attendants, and even the higher ranks\nof the priesthood itself suffered a good deal of hardship. Robber bands\ninfested the vicinity of the temples, and the royal tombs were looted.\nBut if their power waned, their pretensions certainly did not, and even\nin the face of Libyan aggression in the Delta they continued to vaunt\nthe glory of the god whom they served. Examining the texts and hymns\nwhich tell us what we know of Amen-Ra, we find that in them he is\nconsidered as the general source of life, animate and inanimate, and is\nidentified with the creator of the universe, the 'unknown god.' All the\nattributes of the entire Egyptian pantheon were lavished upon him, with\nthe exception of those of Osiris, of whom the priests of Amen-Ra appear\nto have taken no notice. But they could not displace the great god of\nthe dead, although they might ignore him. In one of his forms certainly,\nthat of Khensu the Moon-god, Amen bears a slight likeness to Osiris,\nbut we cannot say that in this form he usurps the _r\u00f4le_ of the god of\nthe underworld in any respect. Amen-Ra even occupied the shrines of\nmany other gods throughout the Nile valley, absorbing their attributes\nand entirely taking their place. One of his most popular forms was that\nof a goose, and the animal was sacred to him in many parts of Egypt,\nas was the ram. Small figures of him made in the Ptolemaic form have\nthe bearded face of a man, the body of a beetle, the wings of a hawk,\nhuman legs with the toes and claws of a lion. All this, of course,\nonly symbolizes the many-sided character of him who was regarded as\nthe greatest of all gods, and typified the manner in which attributes\nof every description resided in him. The entire _pesedt_ or company of\nthe gods was supposed to be unified in Amen, and indeed we may describe\nhis cult as one of the most serious attempts of antiquity to formulate\na system of monotheism, the worship of a single god. That they did not\nachieve this was by no means their fault. We must look upon them as a\nband of enlightened men animated by a spiritual fire, which burned very\nbrightly among the sadly material surroundings of Egypt. But, like all\npriestly hierarchies, they possessed the inherent weakness of ambition\nand the love of overweening power. Had they relegated politics to its\nproper sphere, they might have been much more successful than they were;\nbut the true cause of their ultimate failure to conquer entirely the\nother cults of Egypt lay in the circumstance of the very ancient and\ndeep-seated nature of these cults, and of the primeval and besotted\nignorance of those who supported them.\n\n\nThe Oracle of Jupiter-Ammon\n\nNo part of Egypt was free from the dominion of Amen-Ra, which spread\nnorth and south, east and west, and had ramifications in Syria, Nubia,\nand other Egyptian dependencies. Its most powerful centres were\nThebes, Hermonthis, Coptos, Panopolis, Hermopolis Magna, and in Lower\nEgypt Memphis, Sa\u00efs, Heliopolis, and Mendes. In one of the oases in\nlater times he had a great oracle, known as that of Jupiter-Ammon, a\nmysterious spot frequented by superstitious Greeks and Romans, who went\nthere to consult the deity on matters of state or private importance.\nHere every roguery of priestcraft was practised. An idol of the god was\non occasion carried through the temple by his priests, responding, if he\nwere in a good humour, to his votaries, not by speech, but by nodding\nand pointing with outstretched arm. We know from classical authors that\nthe Egyptians possessed the most wonderful skill in the manufacture of\nautomata, and there is no room for doubt that the god responded to the\nquestions of the eager devotees who had made the journey to his shrine\nby means of cleverly concealed strings. But the oracle of Jupiter-Ammon\nin Libya is surrounded in obscurity. Even Alexander the Great paid a\nvisit to this famous shrine to satisfy himself whether or not he was the\nson of Jupiter. Lysander and Hannibal also journeyed thither, and the\nformer received a two-edged answer from the deity, not unlike that which\nMacbeth received from the witches.\n\n\nMut the Mother\n\nThe great female counterpart of Amen-Ra was Mut, the 'world-mother.'\nShe is usually represented as a woman wearing the united crowns of\nnorth and south, and holding the papyrus sceptre. In some pictures she\nis delineated with wings, and in others the heads of vultures project\nfrom her shoulders. Like her husband, she is occasionally adorned with\nevery description of attribute, human and animal, probably to typify\nher universal nature. Mut, like Amen, swallowed up a great many of the\nattributes of the female deities of Egypt. She was thus identified with\nBast, Nekhebet, and others, chiefly for the reason that because Amen\nhad usurped the attributes of other gods, she, as his wife, must do the\nsame. She is a striking example in mythology of what marriage can do\nfor a goddess. Even Hathor was identified with her, as was Ta-urt and\nevery other goddess who could be regarded as having the attributes of\na mother. Her worship centred at Thebes, where her temple was situated\na little to the south of the shrine of Amen-Ra. She was styled the\n'lady of heaven' and 'queen of the gods,' and her hieroglyphic symbol,\na vulture, was worn on the crowns of Egypt's queens as typical of\ntheir motherhood. The temple of Mut at Thebes was built by Amen-hetep\nIII about 1450 B.C. Its approach was lined by a wonderful avenue of\nsphinxes, and it overlooked an artificial lake. Mut was probably the\noriginal female counterpart of Nu, who in some manner became associated\nwith Amen. She is mentioned only once in the _Book of the Dead_ in\nthe Theban Recension, which is not a little strange considering the\nreputation she must have enjoyed with the priesthood of Amen.\n\n\nPtah\n\nPtah was the greatest of the gods of Memphis. He personified the rising\nsun, or, rather, a phase of it--that is, he represented the orb at the\ntime when it begins to rise above the horizon, or immediately after it\nhas risen. The name is said to mean 'opener,' from the circumstance that\nPtah was thought to open the day; but this derivation has been combated.\nDr. Brugsch suggests 'sculptor' or 'engraver' as the true translation,\nand as Ptah was the god of all handicrafts it seems most probable that\nthis is correct. Ptah seems to have retained the same characteristics\nfrom the period of the Second Dynasty down to the latest times. In early\ndays he seems to have been regarded as a creator, or perhaps he was\nconfounded with one of the first Egyptian creative deities. We find him\nalluded to in the Pyramid Text of Teta as the owner of a 'workshop,'\nand the passage seems to imply that it was Ptah who fashioned new boats\nin which the souls of the dead were to live in the Duat. From the _Book\nof the Dead_ we learn that he was a great worker in metals, a master\narchitect, and framer of everything in the universe; and the fact that\nthe Romans identified him with Vulcan greatly assists our understanding\nof his attributes.\n\nIt was Ptah who, in company with Khnemu, carried out the commands of\nThoth concerning the creation of the universe. To Khnemu was given the\nfashioning of animals, while Ptah was employed in making the heavens and\nthe earth. The great metal plate which was supposed to form the floor of\nheaven and the roof of the sky was made by Ptah, who also framed the\nsupports which upheld it. We find him constantly associated with other\ngods--that is, he takes on the attributes or characteristics of other\ndeities for certain fixed purposes. For example, as architect of the\nuniverse he partakes of the nature of Thoth, and as the god who beat out\nthe metal floor of heaven he resembles Shu.\n\nPtah is usually represented as a bearded man having a bald head, and\ndressed in habiliments which fit as closely as a shroud. From the back\nof his neck hangs a Menat, the symbol of happiness, and along with the\nusual insignia of royalty and godhead he holds the symbol of stability.\nAs Ptah-Seker he represents the union of the creative power with that\nof chaos or darkness:[4] Ptah-Seker is, indeed, a form of Osiris in\nhis guise of the Night-sun, or dead Sun-god. Seker is figured as a\nhawk-headed man in the form of a mummy, his body resembling that of\nPtah. Originally Seker represented darkness alone, but in later times\ncame to be identified with the Night-sun. Seker is, indeed, confounded\nin places with Sept, and even with Geb. He appears to have ruled that\nportion of the underworld where dwelt the souls of the inhabitants of\nMemphis and its neighbourhood.\n\n\nThe Seker-boat\n\nIn the great ceremonies connected with this god, and especially on the\nday of his festival, a boat called the Seker-boat was placed upon a\nsledge at sunrise, at the time when the rays of the sun were slowly\nbeginning to diffuse themselves over the earth. It was then drawn round\nthe sanctuary, which act typified the revolution of the sun. This boat\nwas known as Henu, and is mentioned several times in the _Book of the\nDead_. It did not resemble an ordinary boat, but one end of it was\nmuch higher than the other, and was fashioned in the shape of the head\nof an animal resembling a gazelle. In the centre of the vessel was a\ncoffer surmounted by a hawk with outspread wings, which was supposed\nto contain the body of Osiris, or of the dead Sun-god. The Seker- or\nHenu-boat was probably a form of the Mesektet-boat, in which the sun\nsailed over the sky during the second half of his daily journey, and\nin which he entered the underworld in the evening. Although Seker was\nfairly popular as a deity in ancient Egypt, his attributes seem to have\nbeen entirely usurped by Ptah. We also find the triple-named deity\nPtah-Seker-Asar or Ptah-Seker-Osiris, who is often represented as a hawk\non coffers and sarcophagi. About the Twenty-second Dynasty this triad\nhad practically become one with Osiris, and he had even variants which\ntook the attributes of Min, Amsu, and Khepera. He has been described as\nthe 'triune god of the resurrection.' There is very little doubt that\nthe amalgamation of these gods was brought about by priestly influence.\n\nPtah was also connected with the god known as Tenen, who is usually\nrepresented in human form and wearing on his head the crown with ostrich\nfeathers. He is also drawn working at a potter's wheel, upon which\nhe shapes the egg of the world. In other drawings he is depicted as\nholding a scimitar. Dr. Budge suggests that this weapon shows that he\nis the destructive power of nature or the warrior-god, but this is most\nunlikely. The scimitar of Ptah in his guise as Tenen is precisely the\nsame as those axes which are the attributes of creative deities all over\nthe world. With this scimitar he carves out the earth, as the god of the\nAinu of Japan shapes it with his hatchet, or as other deities which have\nalready been mentioned use their axes or hammers. Tenen was probably a\nprimeval creative god, but for that reason was co-ordinated with Ptah.\n\n\nSekhmet\n\nThe principal centre of the worship of Ptah was Memphis, in which were\nalso situated the temples of Sekhmet,[5] Bast, Osiris, Seker, Hathor,\nand I-em-hetep, as well as that of Ra. The female counterpart of Ptah\nwas Sekhmet, and they were the parents of Nefer-tem. Sekhmet was later\nidentified with forms of Hathor. She had the head of a lioness, and may\nbe looked upon as bearing the same relation to Bast as Nephthys bears to\nIsis. She was the personification of the fierce destroying heat of the\nsun's rays. One of her names is Nesert, flame, in which she personifies\nthe destroying element.\n\n\nThe Seven Wise Ones\n\nWe occasionally find Ptah in company with certain beings called the\nSeven Wise Ones of the goddess Meh-urt, who was their mother. We are\ntold that they came forth from the water, from the pupil of the eye\nof Ra, and that they took the form of seven hawks, flew upward, and,\ntogether with Thoth, presided over learning and letters. Ptah as\nmaster-architect and demiurge, carrying out the designs of Thoth and his\nassistants, partook of the attributes of all of them, as did his female\ncounterpart Sekhmet.\n\n\nBast\n\nBast, the Bubastis of the Greeks, possessed the attributes of the cat or\nlioness, the latter being a more modern development of her character.\nThe name implies 'the tearer' or 'render,' and she is also entitled\n'the lady of Sept'--that is, of the star Sothis. She was further\nsometimes identified with Isis and Hathor. In contradistinction to the\nfierce Sekhmet, she typified the mild fertilizing heat of the sun.\nThe cat loves to bask in the sun's rays, and it is probably for this\nreason that the animal was taken as symbolizing this goddess. She is\namalgamated with Sekhmet and Ra in a deity known as Sekhmet-Bast-Ra,\nand as such is represented as a woman with a man's head, and wings\nsprouting from her arms, and the heads of two vultures springing from\nher neck. She has also the claws of a lion. She was the goddess of the\neastern part of the Delta, and was worshipped at Bubastis, in Lower\nEgypt. Her worship seems to have been of very considerable antiquity\nin that region, and although she is mentioned in the Pyramid Texts, it\nis only occasionally that she figures in the _Book of the Dead_. In\nall probability she was originally a cat totem, and in any case was\nfirst worshipped in the shape of a cat pure and simple. It has been\nstated that she possesses the characteristics of a foreign goddess, but\nthere do not appear to be any very strong grounds for this assumption.\nAlthough she is connected with fire and with the sun, it would appear\nthat she also has some association with the lunar disk, for her son\nKhensu is a moon-god. Cat-gods are often associated with the moon,\nchiefly because of the fertility of the animal which typified the ideals\nof fruitfulness and growth connected with the lunar orb.\n\n\nThe Festival of Bast\n\nHerodotus gives a very picturesque description of a festival of this\ngoddess, which took place in the months of April and May. He says that\nthe inhabitants of the city of Bubastis sailed toward it in ships,\nplaying upon drums and tabors and making a great noise, those who did\nnot play clapping their hands and singing loudly. Having arrived at the\ncity, they danced and held festival with drinking and song.\n\nOf the city of Bubastis he gives a vivid picture, which has been\ntranslated by an old English author as follows: \"The noble city of\nBubastis seemeth to be very haughty and highly planted, in which city is\na temple of excellent memory dedicate to the goddesse Bubastis, called\nin our speech Diana, than the which, albeit there be other churches\nboth bigger and more richly furnished, yet for the sightly grace and\nseemelynesse of building, there is none comparable unto it. Besides,\nthe very entrance and way that leadeth unto the city, the rest is in\nforme of an Ilande, inclosed round about with two sundry streames of the\nriver Nilus, which runne to either side of the path way, and leauing\nas it were a lane or causey betweene them, without meeting, take their\ncourse another way. These armes of the floud are each of them an hundred\nfoote broade, beset on both sides the banckes with fayre braunched\ntrees, ouershadowing ye waters with a coole and pleasant shade. The\ngate or entry of the city is in heighth 10. paces, hauing in the front\na beautifull image, 6. cubites in measure. The temple it selfe situate\nin the middest of ye city, is euermore in sight to those yt passe to\nand fro. For although ye city by addition of earth was arrered and made\nhigher, yet ye temple standing as it did in ye beginning, and neuer\nmooued, is in maner of a lofty and stately tower, in open and cleare\nviewe to euery parte of ye city. Round about the which goeth a wall,\ningrauen with figures and portraitures of sundry beasts. The inner\ntemple is enuironed with an high grove of trees, set and planted by the\nhande and industrie of men: in the whiche temple is standing an image.\nThe length of the temple is in euery way a furlong. From the entrance of\nthe temple Eastward, there is a fayre large causey leading to the house\nof Mercury, in length three furlongs and four acres broade, all of faire\nstone, and hemmed in on each side with a course of goodly tall trees\nplanted by the hands of men, and thus as touching the description of ye\ntemple.\"\n\n\nNefer-Tem\n\nNefer-tem was the son of Ptah and Sekhmet, or of Ptah and Bast. He is\ndrawn as a man surmounted by plumes and sometimes standing upon a lion.\nIndeed, occasionally he is painted as having the head of a lion and\nwith a body in mummy-shape. In early times he was symbolized by the\nlotus-flower. He was the third member of the triad of Memphis, which was\nmade up of himself with Ptah and Sekhmet. His attributes are anything\nbut well defined, but he is probably the young Tem, god of the rising\nsun. He is perhaps typified by the lotus because the sun would often\nseem to the Egyptians to rise from beds of this plant in the Delta of\nthe country. In later texts he is identified with numerous gods all of\nwhom appear to be forms of Horus or Thoth.\n\n\nI-em-hetep\n\nI-em-hetep, another son of Ptah, was also regarded as the third member\nof the great triad of Memphis. The name means 'Come in peace,' and\nwas given him because he was supposed to bring the art of healing to\nmankind. Like his father Ptah, he is depicted as wearing a skull-cap.\nBefore him is stretched a roll of papyrus to typify his character as\na god of study and learning; but it is as a god of medicine that he\nwas most popular in Egypt. In later times he took the place of\nThoth as scribe of the gods, and provided the words of magic power\nwhich protected the dead from their enemies in the Duat. He had also a\nfunerary character, which perhaps implies that physicians may have been\nin some manner connected with the art of embalmment. He is addressed in\na text of the Ptolemies in his temple on the island of Phil\u00e6 as \"he who\ngiveth life to all men.\" He was also supposed to send the boon of sleep\nto the suffering, and indeed the sorrowful and afflicted were under his\nespecial patronage. Dr. Budge ventures the opinion that \"if we could\ntrace his history to its beginning, we should find probably that he was\noriginally a very highly skilled medicine-man, who had introduced some\nelementary knowledge of medicine amongst the Egyptians, and who was\nconnected with the practice of the art of preserving the bodies of the\ndead by means of drugs and spices and linen bandages.\" The supposition\nis a very likely one indeed, only the medicine-man must have become\nfairly sophisticated in later times, as is evidenced by his perusing\na roll of papyrus. I-em-hetep was the god of physicians and those who\ndealt in medical magic, and his worship was certainly of very ancient\ndate in Memphis. Dr. Budge goes so far as to suggest that I-em-hetep was\nthe deified form of a distinguished physician who was attached to the\npriesthood of Ra, and who flourished before the end of the rule of the\nkings of the Third Dynasty. In the songs which were sung in the temple\nof Antuf occurs the passage: \"I have heard the words of I-em-hetep and\nof Heru-tata-f, which are repeated over and over again, but where are\ntheir places this day? Their walls are overthrown, their seats have\nno longer any being, and they are as if they had never existed. No\nman cometh to declare unto us what manner of beings they were, and\nnone telleth us of their possessions.\" Heru-tata-f was a man of great\nlearning, who, as we find in the Tale of the Magician given elsewhere\nin this book, brought that mysterious person to the court of his father\nKhufu. He also discovered certain chapters of the _Book of the Dead_. It\nis likely, thinks Dr. Budge, that the said I-em-hetep who is mentioned\nin connexion with him was a man of the same type, a skilled physician,\nwhose acts and deeds were worthy of being classed with the words of\nHeru-tata-f. The pictures and figures of I-em-hetep suggest that he was\nof human and local origin, and he had a great hold upon the imagination\nof later Egyptians of the Sa\u00efte and Ptolemaic periods. He was indeed a\nspecies of Egyptian Hippocrates, who had probably, as Dr. Budge infers,\nbecome deified because of his great medical skill.\n\n\nKhnemu\n\nAt the city of Elephantine or Abu a great triad of gods was held in\nreverence. This consisted of Khnemu, Satet, Anqet. The worship of\nthe first-mentioned deity was of great antiquity, and even in the\ninscription of King Unas we find him alluded to in a manner which\nproves that his cult was very old. His position, too, had always\nbeen an exalted one, and even to the last he appears to have been of\nimportance in the eyes of the Gnostics. Khnemu was probably a god of\nthe pre-dynastic Egyptians. He was symbolized by the flat-horned ram,\nwhich appears to have been introduced into the country from the East.\nWe do not find him referred to in any inscription subsequent to the\nTwelfth Dynasty. He is usually represented in the form of a ram-headed\nman wearing the white crown, and sometimes the disk. In some instances\nhe is pictured as pouring water over the earth, and in others with a\njug above his horns--a sure indication that he is connected in some way\nwith moisture. His name signifies the builder or framer, and he it was\nwho fashioned the first man upon a potter's wheel, who made the first\negg from which sprang the sun, who made the bodies of the gods, and who\ncontinued to build them up and maintain them.\n\nKhnemu had been worshipped at Elephantine from time immemorial and was\ntherefore the god of the First Cataract. His female counterparts, Satet\nand Anqet, have been identified as a form of the star Sept and as a\nlocal Nubian goddess. From the texts it is pretty clear that Khnemu\nwas originally a river-god who, like Hapi, was regarded as the god of\nthe Nile and of the annual Nile flood, and it may be that he and Hapi\nwere Nile gods introduced by two separate races, or by the people of\ntwo different portions of the country. In the texts he is alluded to as\n\"father of the fathers of the gods and goddesses, lord of created things\nfrom himself, maker of heaven and earth and the Duat and water and\nmountains,\" so we see that, like Hapi, he had been identified with the\ncreative deities. He is sometimes represented as having four rams' heads\nupon a human body, and as he united within himself the attributes of\nRa, Shu, Geb, and Osiris, these heads may have typified the deities in\nquestion. Dr. Brugsch considered, however, that they symbolized the four\nelements--fire, air, earth, and water. But it is a little difficult to\nsee how this could be so. In any case, when represented with four heads\nKhnemu typified the great primeval creative force.\n\n\nThe Legend of the Nile's Source\n\nThe powers that were ascribed to Khnemu-Ra as god of the earthly Nile\nare exemplified in a story found inscribed on a rock on the island of\nSahal in 1890. The king mentioned in the inscription has been identified\nas Tcheser, the third monarch of the Third Dynasty.\n\nThe story relates that in the eighteenth year of this king's reign\na famine spread over Egypt because for seven years the Nile had not\nrisen in flood. Thus grain of all kinds was scarce, the fields and\ngardens yielded naught, so that the people had no food. Strong men\ntottered like the aged, the old fell to the ground and rose no more,\nthe children cried aloud with the pangs of hunger. And for the little\nfood there was men became thieves and robbed their neighbours. Reports\nof these terrible conditions reached the king upon his throne, and he\nwas stricken with grief. He remembered the god I-em-hetep, the son\nof Ptah, who had once delivered Egypt from a like disaster, but when\nhis help was invoked no answer was vouchsafed. Then Tcheser the king\nsent to his governor M\u0101ter, who ruled over the South, the island of\nElephantine, and Nubia, and asked him where was the source of the Nile\nand what was the name of the god or goddess of the river. And to answer\nthis dispatch M\u0101ter the governor went in person before the king. He told\nhim of the wonderful island of Elephantine, whereon was built the first\ncity ever known; that out of it rose the sun when he wanted to bestow\nlife upon mankind. Here also was a double cavern, Querti, in shape like\ntwo breasts, and from this cavern rose the Nile flood to bless the land\nwith fruitfulness when the god drew back the bolts of the door at the\nproper season. And this god was Khnemu. M\u0101ter described to his royal\nmaster the temple of the Nile god at Elephantine, and stated that other\ngods were in it, including the great deities Osiris, Horus, Isis, and\nNephthys. He told of the products of the country around, and said that\nfrom these, offerings should be made to Khnemu. Then the king rose and\noffered sacrifices unto the god and made supplication before him in his\ntemple. And the god heard and appeared before the grief-stricken king.\nHe said, \"I am Khnemu the Creator. My hands rest upon thee to protect\nthy person and to make sound thy body. I gave thee thine heart ... I am\nhe who created himself. I am the primeval watery abyss, and I am the\nNile who riseth at his will to give health to those who toil. I am the\nguide and director of all men, the Almighty, the father of the gods,\nShu, the mighty possessor of the earth.\" And then the god promised unto\nthe king that henceforward the Nile should rise every year as in the\nolden time, that the famine should be ended and great good come upon the\nland. But also he told the king how his shrine was desolate and that no\none troubled to restore it even although stone lay all around. And this\nthe king remembered and made a royal decree that lands on each side of\nthe Nile near the island where Khnemu dwelt were to be set apart as the\nendowment of his temple, that priests were to minister at his shrine,\nand for their maintenance a tax must be levied on the products of the\nland near by. And this decree the king caused to be cut upon a stone\nstele and set up in a prominent place as a lasting token of gratitude\nunto the god Khnemu, the god of the Nile.\n\n\nSatet\n\nSatet,[6] the principal female counterpart of Khnemu, was also a goddess\nof the inundation. The name probably means 'to pour out' or 'to scatter\nabroad,' so that it might signify a goddess who wielded the powers of\nrain. She carries in her hands a bow and arrows, as did Neith, typical\nof the rain or thunderbolt. She was regarded as a form of Isis from the\ncircumstance that both were connected with the star Sept, and in this\nguise she appears in the _Book of the Dead_ as a counterpart of Osiris.\n\n\nAnqet\n\nAnqet, the third member of the triad of Elephantine, was a\nsister-goddess of Satet. She wears a crown of feathers, which would go\nto show that her origin is a purely African one, and she may have been\na goddess of some of the islands in the First Cataract. She had been\nassociated with the other members of the triad from very early dynastic\ntimes, however, and her cult was fairly widely disseminated through\nNorthern Nubia. In later times her worship was centred at Sahal, where\nshe was regarded as a goddess of that island, and where she had a temple\nbuilt perhaps in the Eighteenth Dynasty. She had also a shrine at Phil\u00e6,\nwhere she was identified with Nephthys, as was almost necessary, seeing\nthat Osiris had been identified with Khnemu and Satet with Isis. Dr.\nBrugsch considered her a personification of the waters of the Nile, and\nthought that her name signified 'to surround,' 'to embrace,' and that it\nhad reference to the embracing and nourishing of the fields by the river.\n\n\nAten\n\nAten, the disk of the sun, stands in a class by himself in Egyptian\nmythology. Although he possesses certain broad characteristics in common\nwith other sun-gods of Egypt, yet an examination of this deity shows\nthat he differs widely from these in many respects, and that his cult\nis indeed entirely foreign to the religious genius of the Egyptian\npeople. The cult of Aten, of which there is little record before the\ntime of Amen-hetep IV, sprang into sudden prominence during that\nmonarch's reign and became for a time the State religion of Egypt. Of\nits origin nothing is known, and it would appear that under the Middle\nKingdom Aten was an obscure local deity, worshipped somewhere in the\nneighbourhood of Heliopolis. His important position in the Egyptian\npantheon is due to the fact that his cult was directly responsible for a\ngreat religious, social, and artistic revolution which occurred during\nthe reign of Amen-hetep IV.\n\nWith the overthrow of the Hyksos kings and the consequent establishment\nof the Theban monarchy (at the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty),\nAmen, the local god of Thebes, took the place of honour in the Egyptian\npantheon, and was worshipped as Amen-Ra. However, it is known that\nThothmes IV did much to restore the worship of Ra-Harmachis. His son,\nAmen-hetep III, built temples to this deity and to Aten at Memphis and\nThebes. In this he would appear to have been supported by his wife\nTyi,[7] daughter of Iuaa and Thuau, who, though not connected with the\nEgyptian royal line, became chief of the royal wives. Possibly she\nherself was originally a votary of Aten, which would account for the\nreverence with which her son, Amen-hetep IV, regarded that deity. On the\naccession of the last-named monarch he adopted the title of 'high-priest\nof Ra-Heru-Akhti,[8] the exalted one in the horizon, in his name of Shu\nwho is in Aten,' this implying that, according to the view generally\ncurrent at that period, he regarded Aten as the abode of the sun-god\nrather than as the divinity himself. In the early part of his reign\nAmen-hetep worshipped both Amen and Aten, the former in his _r\u00f4le_ of\nmonarch, the latter in his private capacity, while he also built a great\nobelisk at Thebes in honour of Ra-Harmachis. Then it became apparent\nthat the king desired to exalt Aten above all the other gods. This was\nby no means pleasing to the worshippers of Amen, whose priesthood was\nrecruited from the noblest families in the land. A struggle ensued\nbetween the votaries of Amen-Ra and those of Aten, and finally the king\nbuilt a new capital, dedicated to the faith of Aten, on the site of what\nis now Tell-el-Amarna, in Middle Egypt. Thence he withdrew with his\nfollowers when the struggle reached its height. To the new city he gave\nthe name of Akhet-Aten ('Horizon of Aten'). His own name, Amen-hetep, he\nchanged to Akh-en-Aten ('Glory of Aten').\n\n\nA Religion of One God\n\nOne of the features of the new religion was that it was essentially\nmonotheistic, and could not tolerate the inclusion of other deities.\nThus whereas certain sun-gods in like circumstances might have become\nfused with Ra, such fusion was impossible in the case of Aten. Not\nonly was he king of the gods, he was _the_ god, the divinity _par\nexcellence_. Yet did this monotheistic religion retain many of the forms\nand rites of other cults, paradoxical as this must have appeared. The\nking retained his title of 'son of the sun' (Aten), while he exchanged\nhis Horus and other titles for Aten titles. The burial customs and the\nuse of scarabs were still continued. Yet the name of Amen-Ra, with which\nthey had previously been associated, was everywhere obliterated by order\nof the king, even where it formed part of proper names. The temple\nwhich the king built to his god in Akhet-Aten he called Het-Benben, the\n'House of the Pyramidion.' It was never completed.\n\nThe religion thus thrust upon the people of Egypt met with a by no means\nready acceptance. The deities which had hitherto been evolved in each\nnome or province had each his special attributes and ritual, any or all\nof which might be absorbed by the central deity. But, as has been said,\nAten was incapable of this fusion with the local gods. He was indeed a\nmuch more colourless deity than Amen or Horus.\n\nIt is interesting to speculate upon the probable motives of Akh-en-Aten\nin introducing this new cult into Egypt. It has been suggested that his\ninauguration of Aten-worship was an enlightened, if somewhat misplaced,\nattempt to unite Egypt under the sway of one religion, a religion in\nwhich all could participate, which did not bear the _cachet_ of any one\nrace or caste, and which in consequence would prove equally acceptable\nto Syrian, Ethiopian, or Egyptian. If such were his aim, it is evident\nthat the people of Egypt were not prepared for the upheaval. The drastic\nand fanatical measures, too, of Akh-en-Aten defeated his own ends and\nroused distrust and hatred of the 'Aten heresy.'\n\n\nA Social Revolt\n\nAccompanying this religious revolution came a social and artistic\nrevolt of no less striking proportions. Aten as a deity was freed, in\ntheory at least, from the trammels of myth and ritual which had grown\nup round his predecessors in Egypt. His was essentially a naturalistic\ncult. Social life in Akhet-Aten, therefore, tended to become much freer\nand more natural. The king and queen moved among the people with less\nformality than had hitherto obtained; family life was subject to fewer\nrestraints; in short, a decided tendency to all that was natural and\nspontaneous was observable. The movement spread in time even to the\nart of the nation, which shows a certain departure from established\ntraditions in the matter of colouring, while during this reign Egyptian\nartists show for the first time that they appreciated the effects of\nlight and shade as well as of mere outline.\n\nWe have unfortunately no means of knowing the exact period of\nAkh-en-Aten's reign. Probably it covered about a score of years. After\nhim came various other rulers, but none of these upheld the Aten cult,\nwhich speedily declined, while the supremacy of Amen-Ra was triumphantly\nrestored. All monuments and temples in honour of Aten were effaced, and\nonly recovered within recent times by Lepsius, Petrie, and Davies. The\nlast refuge of the god was at Heliopolis, where a sanctuary remained to\nhim.\n\n\nAten's Attributes\n\nNow as to the attributes of Aten. As already stated he was a somewhat\ncolourless deity, and is perhaps better to be distinguished by the\nattributes which are not ascribed to him than by those which are, though\nin time some of the attributes of Ra, Horus, and other forms of the\nsun-god were given to him. From his original subordinate position as the\nabode of Ra--the material disk wherein the sun-god had his dwelling ('Ra\nin his Aten')--Aten came in time to signify both the god and the actual\nsolar disk. Attempts made to identify him with the Semitic Adonai,\nthe Greek Adonis, have met with no success. Evidence of Aten's early\nposition in the pantheon is to be found in the _Book of the Dead_, where\nRa is addressed thus: \"O thou beautiful being, thou dost renew thyself\nand make thyself young again under the form of Aten.\" \"Thou turnest thy\nface toward the underworld, and thou makest the earth to shine like fine\ncopper. The dead rise up to see thee, they breathe the air and they look\nupon thy face when Aten shineth in the horizon.\"\n\n\nA Hymn to Aten\n\nDuring the period when his cult was supreme in Egypt Aten was regarded\nby his worshippers as the creator, self-existent and everlasting,\nfructifier and nourisher of the earth and all it contains, measurer of\nthe lives of men. Aten was invested with a cartouche, wherein he is\nstyled 'Lord of heaven,' 'Lord of earth,' 'He who liveth for ever,' 'He\nwho illumineth the earth,' 'He who reigneth in truth'. A singularly\nbeautiful and poetic version of a hymn to Aten, in which he is exalted\nas the giver of life and fruitfulness to all things, has been found in\nthe tomb of A\u00ef, a high official under Amen-hetep, or Akh-en-Aten. It\nbegins thus:\n\n     Beauteous is thy resplendent appearing on the horizon of\n        heaven,\n     O Aten, who livest and art the beginning of life!\n\nHe it was who made the Nile in the Duat and conducted it to men, causing\nits waters to rise; he, also, who sent the rain to those lands which\nwere beyond the reach of the Nile's beneficent flood.\n\n     Thou makest the Nile in the underworld, thou conductest\n          it hither at thy pleasure,\n     That it may give life to men whom thou hast made for\n          thyself, Lord of All!\n     Thou givest the Nile in heaven that it descendeth to them.\n     It causeth its waters to rise upon the rocks like the sea;\n          it watereth their fields in their districts.\n\n     So are thy methods accomplished, O Lord of Eternity!\n          thou who art thyself the celestial Nile:\n     Thou art the king of the inhabitants of the lands,\n     And of the cattle going upon their feet in every land,\n          which go upon feet.\n     The Nile cometh out of the underworld to Egypt.\n\nThe Aten hymns, then, ascribe to the deity such attributes as any\npeople might see in their sun-god. All the paraphernalia of the cult\nof Ra, Osiris, and like divinities are absent. There is no mention of\nthe barques in which they sailed across the heavens; of Apep, the great\nserpent, and the other enemies of Ra; of the companies of gods and\ngoddesses which formed his train. We find in the cult of Aten no myths\nsuch as that of the battles of Horus, nor do the ceremonies and ritual\nof the domain of Osiris enter into it. All these are without parallel in\nthe Aten-worship. It is easily understood why it failed in its appeal to\nthe Egyptian people.\n\nAten was not even figured as anthropomorphic, as were Ra and Osiris, but\nwas invariably represented as the sun-disk, with rays emanating from it\nin a downward direction. Each ray terminated in a human hand, to which\nwere sometimes attached the sign of life, the sign of power, and so\non. Reliefs of this period frequently depict the king and queen seated\nwith their children, over their heads the symbol of Aten, one of whose\nnumerous hands presents the sign of life to each member of the royal\nfamily.\n\nIn short, the cult of Aten was the worship of the sun-god pure and\nsimple, shorn of the picturesque story and ritual so dear to the heart\nof the Egyptian.\n\n\nHathor\n\nIt is no easy matter to gauge the true mythological significance\nof the Egyptian goddess Hathor, patron of women, of love, and\nof pleasure, Lady of Heaven, and Mistress of the Underworld. She\noccupied a very important position in the pantheon of ancient Egypt,\ndating as she did from archaic or even pre-dynastic times. We find a\nmultitude of mythological ideas fused in the Hathor conception: she is\na moon-goddess, a sky-goddess, a goddess of the east, a goddess of the\nwest, a cosmic deity, an agricultural goddess, a goddess of moisture,\neven on occasion a solar deity. Though her original status is thus in a\nmeasure obscured, it is supposed that she is primarily a moon-goddess,\nfor reasons which follow hereafter.\n\nThe original form under which Hathor was worshipped was that of a cow.\nLater she is represented as a woman with the head of a cow, and finally\nwith a human head, the face broad, kindly, placid, and decidedly bovine,\nsometimes retaining the ears or horns of the animal she represents.\nShe is also shown with a head-dress resembling a pair of horns with\nthe moon-disk between them. Sometimes she is met with in the form of\na cow standing in a boat, surrounded by tall papyrus-reeds. Now in\nmythology the cow is often identified with the moon--why it is hard\nto say. Perhaps it may not be too far-fetched to suppose that the\nhorned appearance of the moon at certain seasons has suggested its\nassociation with the cow. Mythology is largely based on such superficial\nresemblances and analogies; it is by means of these that the primitive\nmind first learns to reason. Or it may be that the cow, naturally\nof great importance to agricultural peoples, was, by reason of this\nimportance, associated with the moon, mistress of the weather and\nprinciple of growth and fruitfulness. The fact that Hathor the cow is\nsometimes shown in a boat suggests that she was also a water-goddess,\nand heightens the probability that she was identified with the moon,\nfor the latter was regarded by the Egyptians as the source of all\nmoisture.\n\nThe name Hathor signifies 'House of Horus'--that is, the sky, wherein\ndwelt the sun-god Horus, and there is no doubt that at one time Hathor\nwas regarded as a sky-goddess, or a goddess of the eastern sky, where\nHorus was born; she has also been identified with the night sky and\nwith the sunset sky. If, however, we regard her as a moon-goddess, a\ngood deal of the mythology concerning her will become clear. She is,\nfor example, frequently spoken of as the 'Eye of Ra,' Ra, the sun-god,\nprobably possessing in this instance the wider significance of sky-god.\nShe is also designated 'The Golden One,' who stands high in the south\nas the Lady of Teka, and illumines the west as the Lady of Sa\u00efs. That\nshe is mistress of the underworld is likewise not surprising when we\nconsider her as identical with the moon, for does not the moon make\na daily pilgrimage through Amentet? Neither is it astonishing that a\ngoddess of moisture and vegetation should be found in the underworld\ndispensing water to the souls of the dead from the branches of a palm or\na sycamore.\n\n\nHathor as Love-Goddess\n\nOn the same hypothesis we may explain the somewhat paradoxical statement\nthat Hathor is 'mother of her father, daughter of her son'--that she\nis mother, wife, and daughter to Ra. The moon, when she appears in the\nheavens before the sun, may be regarded as his mother; when she reigns\ntogether with him she is his wife; when she rises after he has set she\nis his daughter. It is possible that the moon, with her generative and\nsustaining powers, may have been considered the creative and upholding\nforce of the universe, the great cosmic mother, who brought forth not\nonly the gods and goddesses over whom she rules, but likewise herself as\nwell. It was as the ideal of womanhood, therefore, whether as mother,\nwife, or daughter, that she received the homage of Egyptian women,\nand became the patron deity of love, joy, and merry-making, \"lady of\nmusic and mistress of song, lady of leaping, and mistress of wreathing\ngarlands.\" Temples were raised in her honour, notably one of exceptional\nbeauty at Denderah, in Upper Egypt, and she had shrines without number.\nShe became in time associated or even identified with many local\ngoddesses, and, indeed, it has been said that all Egyptian goddesses\nwere forms of Hathor.\n\nAs guardian of the dead Hathor is figured as a cow, issuing from the\nMountain of the West, and she is also represented as standing on its\nsummit receiving the setting sun and the souls of the dead (the latter\ntravelling in the footsteps of the sun-god). In this case Hathor\nmight be regarded as the western sky, but the myth might be equally\nsignificant of the moon, which sometimes \"stands on the mountains of the\nwest\" after the time of sunset, with horns resembling hands outstretched\nto welcome the unseen souls. Yet another point is worthy of note in\nconnexion with the mythological aspect of Hathor. When she was born as\nthe daughter of Ra (her mother was Nut, the sky-goddess) she was quite\nblack. This fact admits of several interpretations. It may be that\nHathor's swarthy complexion is indicative of an Ethiopian origin, or it\nmay be that she represents the night sky, which lightens with the growth\nof day. It is still possible, however, to regard her as typifying the\nmoon, which is 'born black,' with only a narrow crescent of light, but\nwhich grows brighter as it becomes older. It is unlikely that the keen\neyes of these primitive peoples would fail to observe the dark disk of\nthe new moon, faintly outlined with light reflected from the earth.\n\n\nThe Slaying of Men\n\nIn the following myth of Ra and Hathor the latter is plainly identified\nwith the lunar deity:\n\nLong ago there dwelt on earth Ra, the sun-god, the creator of men\nand things, and ruler over the gods. For a time men gave to him the\nreverence due to his exalted position, but at length he began to grow\nold, and they mocked him, saying, \"Behold! his bones are like silver,\nhis limbs are like gold, his hair is like unto real lapis-lazuli.\" Now\nRa was very wroth when he heard their blasphemy, so he called together\nhis followers, the gods and goddesses of his train, Shu and Tefnut, Geb\nand Nut, and Hathor, the eye of Ra.\n\nThe gods assembled secretly, so that the race of mankind might know\nnothing of their meeting. And when they were all gathered about the\nthrone of Ra, he said to Nun, the oldest of the gods:\n\n\"O Nun, thou first-born of the gods, whose son I am, I pray thee give me\nthy counsel. The men whom I have created have conceived evil against me,\neven those men who have issued forth from mine eye. They have murmured\nin their hearts, saying, 'Behold! the king has become old, his bones are\nlike silver, his limbs like gold, his hair like unto real lapis-lazuli.'\nTell me what shall be done unto them? For this have I sought thy\ncounsel. I will not destroy them till thou hast spoken.\"\n\nThen answered Nun:\n\n\"O thou great god, who art greater than he who made thee, thou son who\nart mightier than his father, do thou but turn thine eye upon them who\nblaspheme thee, and they shall perish from off the earth.\" Ra turned\nhis eye upon the blasphemers, according to the counsel of Nun. But the\nmen fled from the eye of Ra, and hid them in deserts and rocky places.\nThen did all the gods and goddesses give counsel to Ra that he should\nsend his eye down among men to smite them sorely. And the eye of Ra\ndescended in the form of the goddess Hathor, and smote the men in the\ndesert and slew them. Then Hathor returned to the court of Ra, and when\nthe king had given her welcome she said, \"I have been mighty among\nmankind. It is well pleasing to my heart.\"\n\nAll night Sekhmet[9] waded in the blood of those who had been slain,\nand on the morrow Ra feared that Hathor would slay the remnant of the\nhuman race, wherefore he said unto his attendants, \"Fetch to me swift\nmessengers who can outstrip the wind.\" When the messengers appeared\nthe majesty of Ra bade them bring a great number of mandrakes from\nElephantine. These Ra gave to Sekhmet, bidding her to pound them, and\nwhen this was done he mixed the mandrakes with some of the blood of\nthose whom Hathor had slain. Meanwhile servant-maids were busy preparing\nbeer from barley, and into this Ra poured the mixture. Thus were seven\nthousand jars of beer made.\n\nIn the morning Ra bade his attendants carry the beer to the place where\nHathor would seek to slay the remnant of mankind, and there pour it out.\nFor the sun-god said within himself, \"I will deliver mankind out of her\nhands.\"\n\nAnd it came to pass that at dawn Hathor reached the place where the beer\nlay, flooding the fields four spans deep. She was pleased with her\nbeautiful reflection, which smiled at her from the floods; and so deeply\ndid she drink of the beer that she became drunken, and was no more able\nto destroy men.\n\nHenceforward festivals were celebrated with high revelry in\ncommemoration of this event.\n\nThere is no doubt that in this myth the beer represents the annual rise\nof the Nile, and if further evidence be required than that contained in\nthe story, it lies in the fact that the Intoxication festivals of Hathor\nfall in the month of Thoth, the first month of the inundation.\n\nThe vengeance of Ra is doubtless the plagues and starvation which\naccompany the dry season immediately preceding the rise of the river.\nThe eye of Ra--that is, Hathor--must be either the sun or the moon;\nbut Ra himself is the sun-god, therefore Hathor is most probably the\nmoon. It must be borne in mind, of course, that the Egyptians believed\nthe moon wilfully to prevent the inundation, and thus were likely to\nregard her as the source of disasters arising from the drought. It is\nevident, too, that the eye of Ra wrought havoc among men _during the\nnight_--\"Day dawned, after this goddess had been slaughtering men as she\nwent upstream.\"\n\n\nThe Forms of Hathor\n\nHathor is sometimes identified with the star Sept, or Sothis (Sirius),\nwhich rose heliacally on the first day of the month of Thoth. When Ra\nentered his boat Sothis, or the goddess Hathor, took her place on his\nhead like a crown.\n\nReference has already been made to the numerous forms of this goddess.\nShe was identified with Aphrodite by the Greeks, and by the Egyptians\nwith a multitude of local deities. The _Seven Hathors_, sometimes\nstated to be independent deities, were in reality but a selection of\nforms of the goddess, which selection varied in the various localities.\nThus the Seven Hathors worshipped at Denderah were Hathor of Thebes,\nHathor of Heliopolis, Hathor of Aphroditopolis, Hathor of the Sinaitic\nPeninsula, Hathor of Momemphis, Hathor of Herakleopolis, and Hathor of\nKeset. These were represented as young women carrying tambourines and\nwearing the Hathor head-dress of a disk and a pair of horns. In the\nLitanies of Seker other groups of Seven Hathors are mentioned, while\nMariette includes yet a different company under that title.\n\nBriefly, Hathor is a personification of the female principle--primitive,\nfruitful, attractive--such as is known to most barbaric peoples, and\nbecoming more sophisticated as the centuries pass.\n\n\nHapi, the God of the Nile\n\nThis deity was especially connected with the great river whence Egypt\ndrew her sustenance, and as such was a god of very considerable\nimportance in the Egyptian pantheon. In time he became identified with\nOsiris. The name Hapi still baffles translation, and is probably of\npre-dynastic origin. Perhaps the first mention of this deity is in the\nText of Unas, where the Nile god is exhorted to fructify grain for the\nrequirements of the dead monarch. In the same texts Hapi is alluded\nto as a destructive force, symbolizing, of course, the inundations so\nfrequently caused by the River Nile.\n\nIn appearance Hapi possesses both male and female characteristics, the\nlatter indicating his powers of nourishment. As god of the North Nile\nhe is crowned with papyrus plants, and as god of the southern part of\nthe river with lotus plants. These two forms of Hapi resulted from the\ngeographical division of the country into Upper and Lower Egypt, and\nthey are sometimes combined in a single figure, when the god is shown\nholding in his hands both plants. On the thrones of certain of the\nPharaohs we often find the lotus and papyrus conjoined with the emblem\nof union, to signify the sovereignty of the monarch over both regions.\n\nThe very position of Hapi made it certain that he would become\nsuccessful as a deity. The entire country looked to the Nile as the\nsource of all wealth and provender, so that the deity which presided\nover it rapidly rose in public estimation. Thus Hapi quickly became\nidentified with the greater and more outstanding figures in early\nEgyptian mythology. He thus became a partner with the great original\ngods who had created the world, and finally came to be regarded as\nthe maker and moulder of everything within the universe. We find him\ncredited with the attributes of Nu, the primeval water-mass, and this\nin effect made him a father of Ra, who had emerged from that element.\nHapi, indeed, stood in more immediate relationship to the Egyptians than\nalmost any other god in their pantheon. Without the sun Egypt would have\nbeen plunged into darkness, but without the Nile every living creature\nwithin its borders would assuredly have perished.\n\nThe circumstance, too, that the source of the River Nile was unknown to\nthe Egyptians tended to add a mystery to the character of its presiding\ndeity. The people of the country could not understand the rise and fall\nof the river, which appeared to them to take place under supernatural\nauspices.\n\nOn the occasion of the annual rise of the Nile a great festival was held\nin honour of Hapi, and statues of the god were carried about through\nthe towns and villages. It is noticeable in many mythologies that gods\nof fructification are those honoured by the circulation of their images\nthroughout the region where they are worshipped, and it is a little\ndifficult to see why this should be so. It cannot be said that none but\ndeities with an agricultural significance were thus carried about, but\nit is noteworthy that these are by far the most numerous to receive such\nhonours.\n\n\nCounterparts of Hapi\n\nIsis was in a manner regarded as the female counterpart of Hapi, but we\nalso find that in the north of Egypt the goddess Natch-ura was regarded\nas the female companion of Hapi, and that Nekhebet reigned in the south\nin a like capacity. The following hymn to Hapi, found in a papyrus of\nthe Eighteenth or Nineteenth Dynasty, clearly shows the great importance\nof his worship in Egypt: \"Homage to thee, O Hapi, thou appearest in\nthis land, and thou comest in peace to make Egypt to live. Thou art the\nHidden One, and the guide of the darkness on the day when it is thy\npleasure to lead the same. Thou art the waterer of the fields which Ra\nhath created, thou givest life unto all animals, thou makest all the\nland to drink unceasingly as thou descendest on thy way from heaven.\nThou art the friend of bread and of Tchabu, thou makest to increase\nand be strong Nepra, thou makest prosperous every workshop, O Ptah,\nthou lord of fish; when the Inundation riseth, the waterfowl do not\nalight upon the fields that are sown with wheat. Thou art the creator\nof barley, and thou makest the temples to endure, for millions of years\nrepose of thy fingers hath been an abomination to thee. Thou art the\nlord of the poor and needy. If thou wert overthrown in the heavens the\ngods would fall upon their faces and men would perish. He causeth the\nwhole earth to be opened by the cattle, and princes and peasants lie\ndown and rest.... Thy form is that of Khnemu. When thou shinest upon\nthe earth shouts of joy ascend, for all people are joyful, and every\nmighty man receiveth food, and every tooth is provided with food. Thou\nart the bringer of food, thou art the mighty one of meat and drink, thou\nart the creator of all good things, the lord of divine meat, pleasant\nand choice.... Thou makest the herb to grow for the cattle, and thou\ntakest heed unto what is sacrificed unto every god. The choicest incense\nis that which followeth thee, thou art the lord of the two lands. Thou\nfillest the storehouses, thou heapest high with corn the granaries, and\nthou takest heed unto what is sacrificed unto every god. The choicest\nincense is that which followeth thee, thou art the lord of the two\nlands. Thou fillest the storehouses, thou heapest high with corn the\ngranaries, and thou takest heed to the affairs of the poor and needy.\nThou makest the herb and green things to grow that the desires of all\nmay be satisfied, and thou art not reduced thereby. Thou makest thy\nstrength to be a shield for man.\"\n\n\nNut\n\nThe goddess Nut was the daughter of Shu and Tefnut, the wife of Geb, and\nthe mother of Osiris and Isis, Set and Nephthys. She personified the sky\nand the vault of heaven. A good many other goddesses probably became\nabsorbed in her from time to time. She is, however, the personification\nof the day sky, a certain Naut representing the sky of night, but this\ndistinction was an early one. She was indeed the counterpart of Nu, and\nrepresented the great watery abyss, out of which all things originally\ncame, so that Nut, the spouse of Nu, and Nut, the spouse of Geb, are\none and the same being. She is usually represented as a woman carrying\nupon her head a vase of water, which plainly indicates her character.\nSometimes she wears the horns and disk of Hathor, but she has many other\nguises as the great mother of the gods.\n\nHer most general appearance, however, is that of a woman resting on\nhands and feet, her body forming an arch, thus representing the sky. Her\nlimbs typified the four pillars on which the sky was supposed to rest.\nShe was supposed originally to be reclining on Geb, the earth, when Shu\nraised her from this position. This myth is a very common one among the\naborigines of America, but in an inverted sense, as it is usually the\nsky which takes the place of the original father, and the earth that of\nthe great mother. These are usually separated by the creative deity,\njust as were Geb and Nut, and the allegory represents the separation of\nthe earth from the waters which were above it, and the creation of the\nworld.\n\nAccording to another myth Nut gave birth daily to the sun-god, who\npassed across her body, which represented the sky. In a variant account\nhe is represented as travelling across her back. The limbs and body of\nthe goddess are bespangled with stars. In another pictorial description\nof Nut we see a second female figure drawn inside the first, and\nwithin that again the body of a man, the last two conforming to the\nsemicircular shape of the sky-goddess. This is explained as meaning that\nthe two women personify the day and night skies, but it does not account\nfor the male body, which may represent the Duat. Again we read that Nut\nwas transformed into a great cow, and she is frequently represented\nin this form. The deceased are described in the _Book of the Dead_\nas relying on her for fresh air in the underworld, over the waters of\nwhich she was supposed to have dominion. She possessed a sacred tree,\nthe sycamore, which was situated at Heliopolis, at the foot of which the\nserpent Apep was slain by the great cat Ra. The branches of this tree\nwere regarded as a place of refuge for the weary dead in noonday during\nthe summer, and in its shade they were refreshed by the food on which\nthe goddess herself lived.\n\nIt was asserted by the priests of Denderah that Nut had her origin in\ntheir city, and that there she became the mother of Isis. Her five\nchildren, Osiris, Horus, Set, Isis, and Nephthys, were born on the five\nepagomenal days of the year--that is, the five days over the three\nhundred and sixty. As in Mexico, certain of these were regarded as\nunlucky. Nut plays a prominent part in the underworld, and the dead are\ncareful to retain her good offices, probably in order that they may have\nplenty of air. Indeed, her favour renewed their bodies and they were\nenabled to rise and journey with the sun-god each day, even as did Ra,\nthe son of Nut. A portrait of the goddess was often painted on the cover\nof the coffin as a mark of her protection, and this was rarely omitted\nin the Egyptian burial ceremonies.\n\n\nTaurt\n\nTaurt is usually pictured as a hippopotamus standing upon her hind legs,\nholding in her hand an amulet which has not yet been satisfactorily\nexplained. She wears on her head the solar disk and two tall feathers.\nOccasionally she is pictured in human form with the cow-horns worn by\nall Egyptian goddesses. She was regarded as the mother and nurse of the\ngods, and had a counterpart in Apet, the hippopotamus-goddess of\nThebes, who was supposed by some Egyptians to have been the mother of\nOsiris. In later times Taurt was known as Rert or Reret, the female\nhippopotamus, but she was also identified with Isis, Hathor, Bast,\nand other goddesses. Her image in faience formed a favourite amulet,\nwhich, indeed, was almost as popular as that of Bes. Indeed, figures\nwhich appear to have been copied from that of Taurt are to be seen on\nMyken\u00e6an wall-scenes, so widespread was her fame. She was supposed to\nbe the guardian of the mountain of the west, through which lay the road\nto Hades. It would appear that she was certainly of totemic origin.\nHer popularity seems to have been greatest during the New Empire, and\nincreased greatly during the latter period.\n\n\nHekt\n\nHekt, the frog-headed goddess, was regarded as the wife of Khnemu,\nalthough in some degree she may be looked upon as a form of Hathor.\nHer character has not been made very clear by writers on Egyptian\nmythology, but the circumstance that she possesses the head of a frog\nobviously shows her connexion with water, and therefore with the powers\nof fructification. She appears also to have been associated with the\ndeities of growth. Many corn-gods are deities of resurrection and\nre-birth. At the festival of a certain Mexican goddess of the maize a\nfrog was placed upon the top of a sheaf of grain as being symbolical\nof the goddess. It might be hazardous to identify Hekt with the Greek\nHecate, who was perhaps a moon-goddess, and as such associated with\nwater. It is noticeable that Hecate is regarded by Farnell as a foreign\nimportation from Thrace. She is, of course, the goddess of the lower\nworld as well, just as Osiris, the moon-god, was god of the Egyptian\ndead. She was also worshipped at the Samothracian mysteries, which\nprobably had an Egyptian origin. We find that Hecate was also a goddess\nof fertility.\n\n\nKhonsu\n\nKhonsu was a lunar deity, and as such was often identified with Thoth.\nIndeed, at Hermopolis and Edf\u00fb the two were occasionally joined under\nthe name of Khonsu-Thoth. The name is derived from the root _khens_,\nto traverse, showing that he was the traveller who nightly crossed the\nheavens. He was depicted as a hawk-headed god crowned with the lunar\ncrescent and the solar disk. Rameses III built him a great temple at\nThebes between those of Amen and Mut. He had two distinct forms: Khonsu\nin Thebes Neferhetep, and Khonsu the carrier out of plans. The Greeks\ncompared Khonsu to Heracles, for what reason it would be difficult to\nsay. Occasionally the Egyptians fused him with Horus, Shu, and Ra, which\nshows that he could assume a solar character, as is indicated by his\nhawk-head. It would appear as if Khonsu, originally a moon-god, became\nalso a sun-god when the lunar calendar was merged into or abandoned for\nthe solar method of computation.\n\nThe following tale illustrates the healing power of Khonsu:\n\n\nThe Princess and the Demon\n\nIn the reign of King Rameses there were many fair women in Egypt, but\nlovelier than them all was the daughter of the prince of Bekhten, one\nof the king's vassals. Tall and slender and very shapely, of exquisite\nform and feature, there was nothing on earth with which to compare\nher beauty, so men compared it with the beauty of Amen-Ra, the great\nsun-god, the god of the light of day.\n\nNow King Rameses was a great conqueror and a mighty man of valour, who\nnumbered among his vassals princes of no mean degree. These latter came\nevery year to Naharaina, at the mouth of the Euphrates, to do homage\nto their overlord and to render tribute to him. Rich indeed was the\ntribute that the king received, for every prince who bowed before him\nwas accompanied by a retinue of slaves bearing treasures of gold and\nprecious stones and sweet-smelling woods, the choicest things that their\ndominions could afford.\n\nOn one such occasion Rameses and his princes were gathered at Naharaina,\nand the vassals vied with each other in the splendour of their\nofferings. But the Prince of Bekhten had a treasure which far surpassed\nthat of the others, for he had brought his beautiful daughter, she\nwhose beauty was as that of Amen-Ra. When the king saw her he loved her\nbeyond all else, and wished to make her his wife. For the rest of the\ntribute he cared nothing, and the homage of the remaining princes was\na weariness to him. So he married the princess, and gave to her a name\nwhich signifies 'Beauty of Ra.' And when they returned home the queen\nfulfilled her royal duties as became the Great Royal Wife, and was\nbeloved of her husband and her people.\n\nNow it came about that on the festival of the god Amen, when the sacred\nbarque is born aloft for all to see, the king and queen went up to\nthe temple to do honour to the sun-god. And while they worshipped,\nattendants sought them with the news that a messenger from the Prince\nof Bekhten waited without and would have speech with them. The king\nbade that the messenger be admitted. Rich gifts he bore from the Prince\nof Bekhten to his daughter, the Great Royal Wife, while to the king he\nbowed very low, saying:\n\n\"Behold, O king, the little sister of the Great Royal Wife lies ill. I\npray thee, therefore, to send a physician to heal her of her malady.\"\n\nThen the king called his wise men about him and deliberated whom\nhe should send to the succour of his wife's sister. At length the\nwise men brought before the king one of their number, a scribe named\nTehuti-em-heb, who was accordingly appointed to accompany the messenger\nto Bekhten, there to heal the queen's sister, Bent-reshy.\n\nBut, alas! when they reached the domains of the Prince of Bekhten\nTehuti-em-heb found that the demon who was the cause of the princess's\naffliction was far too powerful to be expelled by his skill. When the\nmaid's father heard that the Egyptian scribe was powerless to cast out\nthe demon he fell into despair, thinking his last hope had gone. But\nTehuti-em-heb comforted him as best he might, bidding him send once more\nto Egypt to beseech the intervention of Khonsu, Expeller of Demons, on\nhis daughter's behalf. So the Lord of Bekhten sent yet another messenger\nto the court of Rameses.\n\nNow the land of Bekhten was far from the land of Egypt, and the journey\nbetween them occupied a year and five months. When the messenger of\nthe Prince of Bekhten reached Egypt he found Rameses in Thebes, in the\ntemple of Khonsu, for it was the month which was sacred to that god. And\nthe messenger bowed before Rameses and gave him the message sent by the\nqueen's father. In the temple at Thebes there were two statues of the\ngod Khonsu, one called Khonsu in Thebes Neferhetep, the other Khonsu,\nExpeller of Demons, both representing the god as a handsome youth.\nRameses approached Khonsu in Thebes Neferhetep and prayed that he would\npermit Khonsu, the Expeller of Demons, to go to the land of Bekhten for\nthe healing of Bent-reshy, the queen's little sister. Khonsu in Thebes\nNeferhetep bowed his assent, and gave his protection to the Expeller of\nDemons. When this was done Khonsu, Expeller of Demons, was dispatched to\nBekhten, accompanied by a large retinue, and with ceremony befitting a\nking. They journeyed for a year and five months, and at length reached\nthe land of the queen's father. The prince himself and all his people\nhastened to greet Khonsu, prostrating themselves and offering rich gifts\neven as they might have done to the King of Egypt himself. Meanwhile\nBent-reshy's illness had continued unabated, for the demon who possessed\nher was very potent. But when Khonsu was conducted to her chamber,\nbehold! she grew well in a moment, to the joy of her father and his\ncourtiers. The demon who had come out of her acknowledged Khonsu as his\nsuperior, and those who stood by heard with awe a conversation pass\nbetween them.\n\n\"O Khonsu,\" said the spirit, \"I am thy slave. If thou commandest that I\ngo from hence, I will go. But I pray thee ask of the Prince of Bekhten\nthat he will make a holy day for me and a sacrifice. Then shall I go in\npeace.\"\n\n\"It shall be as thou hast said,\" replied Khonsu, and he commanded the\nPrince of Bekhten to make a sacrifice and a holy day for the demon who\nhad possessed Bent-reshy.\n\nFirst the people made a great sacrifice to Khonsu, the Expeller of\nDemons; then they made one for the demon, who thereafter departed in\npeace. But when he had gone the mind of the Prince of Bekhten was\ngrievously troubled, for he thought: \"Perchance he will come again unto\nour land, and torment the people even as he has tormented my daughter,\nBent-reshy.\" So he determined that Khonsu, the Expeller of Demons, must\nnot be allowed to depart from Bekhten, but must be kept there always,\nlest the demon should return.\n\nFor more than three years, therefore, the Prince of Bekhten kept Khonsu\nwithin his domains, and would not allow him to depart. But one night\nhe had a dream which altered his determination. In his dream he stood\nbefore the shrine of Khonsu, Expeller of Demons. And as he looked,\nbehold! the doors of the shrine were flung wide, and the god himself\nissued forth, took the form of a hawk with wonderful golden plumage, and\nflew toward Egypt. When he awoke the Lord of Bekhten knew that the real\ngod had departed to Egypt, and that it was useless to keep any longer\nhis statue. Moreover, he feared the vengeance of Khonsu. So on the\nmorrow he loaded the statue of Khonsu, the Expeller of Demons, with rich\nand beautiful gifts, and sent him away to Egypt with a princely retinue.\n\nWhen the return journey was accomplished Khonsu, Expeller of Demons,\nbestowed all the costly gifts on Khonsu in Thebes Neferhetep, keeping\nnothing for himself of all he had received.\n\n\nMinor Deities\n\nThere were hundreds of minor gods surrounding the Egyptian pantheon, and\nthe characteristics of only a few of these can be dealt with. Each hour\nof the day had its representative deity, as had each hour of the night.\nThe four winds were also represented in the Egyptian pantheon, as in the\nGreek. The north wind was called Qebui, and is pictured as a four-headed\nram with wings; the south wind, Shehbui, is represented as a man with\na lion's head, and wings; and the west wind, Huzayui, has a serpent's\nhead on the body of a winged man. The east wind, Henkhisesui, sometimes\ntimes occurs in anthropomorphic shape, and, like the north wind, has a\nram's head, but he is occasionally figured as a winged beetle with the\nhead of a ram.\n\nThe senses were also symbolized by deities. Saa was the god of the sense\nof touch or feeling. He is depicted in human shape and wears upon his\nhead a sign composed of parallel lines, which as they rise grow smaller.\nIn the Theban Recension of the _Book of the Dead_ he is shown in the\njudgment scene amongst those gods who watch the weighing of the heart\nof the deceased. Saa is sometimes shown as sailing with Thoth and other\ngods in the boat of Ra. In one passage he is alluded to as the son of\nGeb. He is the personification of intelligence, human and divine.\n\nThe god of taste was called Hu. He is also depicted as a man, and is\nsaid to have come into existence from a drop of blood which fell from\nRa. He became the personification of the divine food upon which the gods\nand the blessed dead lived.\n\nMaa was the god of sight. He is also drawn as a man having an eye placed\nover his head, which is also the symbol of his name.\n\nSetem was the god of hearing, and in his case his head is surmounted by\nan ear.[10]\n\nThe planets were also deified. Saturn was called Horus, the bull of\nheaven; Mars was also identified with Horus under the name of the 'red\nHorus,' but, strictly speaking, was under the guardianship of Ra; the\ngod of Mercury was Set, and of Venus, Osiris. Some of the constellations\nwere also identified with deities. The Great Bear was known as 'the\nhaunch,' and Draco was identified with the hippopotamus Reret.\n\nThe days of the month had also patron gods.\n\n\n[1] Or Usertsen.\n\n[2] There is a mention in the pyramid of Unas (Sixth Dynasty) of a deity\nwhich may mean Amen, but may also mean 'The Hidden One,' and the epithet\nwhich follows appears to apply to Osiris.\n\n[3] Budge, _The Gods of Egypt_, ii. p. 2.\n\n[4] Budge, _op. cit._ i. p. 503.\n\n[5] Or Sekmet.\n\n[6] Or Setet = shooter (with arrows).\n\n[7] Or Thi.\n\n[8] Or Ra-Heru-Khuti.\n\n[9] Or Sekhet. Sekhmet is the same personage as Hathor in the original\ntext. The beer was made by the people of On, who mixed the 'mandrake'\nwith it, and Sekhmet-Hathor drank it.\n\n[10] Personifications of the senses with appropriate names.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI: EGYPTIAN LITERATURE\n\n\nEgyptian Language and Writing\n\nThe earliest knowledge we have of the Egyptian language is furnished by\nancient inscriptions belonging to the First Dynasty, about 3300 B.C.\nFrom these onward its rise and its decay may be traced down through the\ndifferent writings on temples, monuments, and papyri to the fourteenth\ncentury A.D.,[1] when Coptic manuscripts end the tale. Of the living\ntongue, as apart from the purely literary language of the hieroglyphic\ninscriptions, the truest idea is given by the popular tales, letters,\nand business documents which have come down to us, wherein the scribes\nnaturally kept close to the current forms of speech, thus revealing the\nchanges the language underwent.\n\nThat Egyptian is related to Semitic is practically certain, though\nhere a racial problem intervenes and confuses, for the Egyptian race\nproper is not and never was, so far as can be ascertained, Semitic\nin type. Erman tries to explain this by the quite probable theory\nthat in the prehistoric period a horde of warlike Semites conquered\na part of Egypt and settled there, like the Arabs of a later period,\nand imposed their language on the country, but as a distinct race\ndied out, either by reason of the climate or absorption by the native\npopulation, who, however, had acquired the strangers' language, though\nbut imperfectly. Under these conditions the language gradually changed.\nThe consonants were mispronounced, strong consonants giving place to\nweak, and these in turn, disappearing altogether, produced biliterals\nfrom the triliteral roots. This tendency, together with periphrastic\ninstead of verbal conjugation, continued to the end. Coptic, the\nlatest form, is thus biliteral in character, and tenses of remarkable\nprecision were developed in the verb by means of periphrases; but the\ngreat resemblances between Coptic and Semitic must also be traced to the\ncontinuous Semitic influences of late periods.\n\nThe Egyptian language naturally divides into its progressive stages.\nThese are Old Egyptian, Middle and Late Egyptian, Demotic and Coptic.\n_Old Egyptian_ is the language belonging to the Old Kingdom. It\nsupplied the literary model for the later period, as evidenced by the\ninscriptions, but that it should be affected by the changing forms\nof contemporary speech was inevitable, though in the main its chief\ncharacteristics were preserved. The earliest specimens we have are\ninscriptions belonging to the First Dynasty, which, however, are too\nbrief to give much insight into the language and speech of that period.\nNext come many inscriptions and some few historical texts in the\nlanguage of the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Dynasties. The greatest amount\nbelonging to this phase is the large collection of ritual texts and\nspells inscribed in the Pyramids belonging to the Sixth Dynasty.\n\n_Middle_ and _Late Egyptian_ belong to the Middle and New Kingdoms\nrespectively, and approximate to the common speech of the people.\nWritings in the former, extant to this day, are tales, letters, and\nbusiness documents of the Twelfth Dynasty on to the beginning of the\nNew Kingdom, written on papyri in hieratic script. The Eighteenth to\nthe Twenty-first Dynasty furnish us with specimens of Late Egyptian\nin various hieratic papyri. In regard to these an authority states:\n\"The spelling of Late Egyptian is very extraordinary, full of false\netymologies, otiose signs, etc., the old orthography being quite\nunable to adapt itself neatly to the profoundly modified language.\nNevertheless, this clumsy spelling is expressive, and the very mistakes\nare instructive as to the pronunciation.\"\n\n_Demotic_ represents the vulgar dialect of the Sa\u00efte period, and is\nreally applied to the character in which it is written. It may be traced\nback to the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, about 900 B.C., and it continued in\nuse until the fourth century A.D. Demotic documents are mostly contracts\nof sale and legal matters, though some magical texts and a curious tale,\nthe Papyrus of Setna, are also written in this character. _Coptic_ is\nthe latest form which the language took, or rather it is a dialect\nform of Egyptian, of which four or five varieties are known. Coptic\nis written with the letters of the Greek alphabet, and is really the\nonly stage of the language where the spelling gives a clear idea of the\npronunciation. To the Greek characters were added six taken from the\nDemotic in order to express sounds peculiar to the Egyptian language.\nThis, together with Greek transcriptions of Egyptian names and words,\nhave supplied the only means of arriving at some idea of the accurate\nvocalization of the Egyptian language. One reason for this ignorance\nthat of necessity prevailed is the fact that the Egyptian system of\nwriting gives merely the consonantal skeletons of words, never recording\nthe internal vowel changes, and often omitting semi-consonants.\n\n\nThe Hieroglyphs\n\nThe ancient Egyptian system of writing would seem to be, from all\navailable evidence, of purely native origin. Its rise, development, and\nfinal extinction can all be traced within the Nile valley, though it\ntravelled by conquest into Syria under the Eighteenth Dynasty and onward\nfor the engraving of Egyptian inscriptions in that country. Again, it\nis held by some authorities to be quite possible that the merchants\nof Ph\u0153nicia and the \u00c6gean had evolved from the Egyptian hieratic the\ncursive form of writing, their 'Ph\u0153nician' alphabet, about 1000 B.C. The\nhieroglyphic character was originally picture-writing in its simplest\nform, but had become more complex by the time it is met with first,\nin inscriptions belonging to the First Dynasty. It underwent some\nchanges, but the final mode it assumed persisted practically unaltered\nfrom the Fourth Dynasty down to its expiry in the fourth century A.D.\nBy that time all knowledge of the meaning of the characters had died\nout, and it was not until the discovery of the Rosetta Stone[2] and the\ndecipherment of its lingual inscription in Greek and Egyptian that any\nprogress could be made in the reading of hieroglyphic writing. The signs\nare of two kinds, one to represent sounds, the phonetic--which is again\ndivided into two varieties, the alphabetic and syllabic--and the other\nto represent ideas, the ideographic. These latter signs are pictorial\nrepresentations of the object spoken of, which are placed after the\nphonetically written words as 'determinatives,' or representative\nsymbols. These again are of two kinds, generic, being determinative of a\nclass, and specific, of a particular object. There is no rule[3] as to\nthe arrangement of the text. It is read either from right to left, left\nto right, or in columns, its commencement being from that side toward\nwhich the bird and animal characters face. About five hundred characters\nwere used. Hieratic writing is to be found in the First Dynasty,\napproximating closely to the hieroglyphic, but by the time of the Middle\nKingdom this resemblance is lost. The commercial era of the Twenty-sixth\nDynasty brought into everyday use the Demotic form, and thenceforth\nhieratic was used for the copying of religious and traditional texts\non papyrus, and in time was understood by the learned only, for in the\nPtolemaic period, whenever the text of a royal decree was inscribed\nupon a stele which was to be set up in a public place, a version of\nthe said decree in the Demotic character was added. Stel\u00e6 inscribed in\nhieroglyphic, Demotic, and Greek have been found, the most famous of\nthese being the Decree of Canopu, belonging to Ptolemy III, 247 B.C.,\nand the Rosetta Stone, set up in the reign of Ptolemy V, Epiphanes,\n205 B.C. It was this latter stone and its inscription which gave the\nkey to unravelling the mystery of hieroglyphic writing in the last\ncentury, and thus restoring to modern times the knowledge of ancient\nEgyptian language and literature. As has been shown, the hieroglyphic\nsystem of writing had fallen into disuse long before the close of Roman\nrule in Egypt, and again the widespread use of Greek and Latin among\nthe aristocratic and official classes had caused the disappearance\nof Egyptian as the language of state. It probably lingered, together\nwith the study of hieroglyphs, among learned men and priests in remote\ndistricts, but by the fourth or fifth century A.D. had become a lost\nart. Then in 1799 came the finding of the Rosetta Stone with its lingual\ninscription, consisting of fourteen lines of hieroglyphs, thirty-two\nlines of Demotic, and fifty-four lines of Greek. By the comparison and\ndecipherment of these versions the Egyptian alphabet was discovered, and\nthe clue thus found to the lost language of ancient Egypt. To Akerblad\nin 1802, Young in 1818, and Champollion in 1822 must be given the honour\nfor this momentous discovery, restoring to our knowledge the wonderful\ncivilization, art, and literature of a great race.\n\n\nLiterature\n\nIf one commences the study of Egyptian texts with an examination of\nthe _Book of the Dead_, and turns from its gloomy, if picturesque,\npages to the rest of the national literature, he is perhaps doomed to\ndisappointment, for the field of Egyptian letters, though somewhat\nwidespread, presents a poverty of invention and verbiage exhibited by\nfew literatures, ancient or modern. In the early periods, as might\nbe expected, the style is simple to banality, whilst later a stiff\nand pompous fashion too often mars what might otherwise have been\nmeritorious work.\n\nDocuments of almost every conceivable kind have come down to us--letters\nof business men, legal scripts, fragments of historical information,\nmagical papyri; scientific, theological, and popular works, even\nfiction and poetry, are fairly well represented. Most of the standard\nworks, such as books of proverbs or instructions like those attributed\nto Ptah-hotep and Kagemni, appear to have been of great age, dating\nnot later than the Middle Kingdom. The style of these was imitated\nby most writers, just as the shape and colour of the hieroglyphs and\nwall-paintings were sedulously copied by draughtsmen and scribes.\nAmenemhat I wrote a work resembling Machiavelli's _The Prince_ for the\ninstruction of his son in the principles of good government, and the\ninstructions of Ani to his heir are of similar character. In Egyptian\nliterature we frequently find parallelisms of phrase like those of\nHebrew poetry, and repetitions are common. Philosophical treatises,\nalthough rare, appear to have had some vogue, and the great problems\nof existence seem to have been disputed in their pages in the form of\na dialogue. A papyrus of the Middle Kingdom (_c._ 2500 B.C.) now\nin the Berlin Museum descants upon the justification of suicide. The\ndisputants are a man and his _khu_ or other-self. The man in question\nappears to be weary of existence and has made up his mind to destroy\nhimself. He trembles for the future, and seems afraid that his corpse\nmay be neglected. In this dilemma he turns to his _khu_ and entreats\nit to perform for him the duties of a relative. This request the _khu_\nrefuses point-blank, and urges its possessor to forget his sorrows and\nto render his life as happy as possible. It indicates that after death\nthe remembrance of the deceased speedily vanishes, and even granite\nmonuments cannot retain it for long. This counsel the man bitterly\nrejects, exclaiming that his relatives have forsaken him and that his\nname is utterly condemned; everywhere the proud triumph and the humble\nare oppressed; the wicked man flourishes and dishonesty is universal;\nof just and contented men there are none. Death appears to him very\npleasing; in his coffin he will be surrounded by the fragrance of myrrh,\nwill repose in the cool shadows and partake of the offerings made to\nhim. After this outburst the _khu_ argues no longer and assents to the\nman's proposals, agreeing that when he is at rest it shall descend to\nhim, and together they will prepare for themselves an abiding-place.\n\n\nThe Cat and the Jackal\n\nAnother such discussion, which possesses some rather amusing\ncharacteristics, is found in a Late Demotic papyrus, and is perhaps\ntinged with Greek ideas. The dialecticians in this instance are a\nmonster cat, who represents the goddess Bast, and a diminutive jackal.\nThe feline adopts orthodox views and gives it as her opinion that\nthe world is directed by the gods, who will see to it that vice is\nvanquished and that virtue is triumphant in the end. If even a little\nlamb be injured, the violence offered will rebound upon the man who\nharms it. The sun may be darkened by clouds for a season, thunderstorms\nmay roll, the sunrise may be veiled by the vapours of morning; but\neventually the light of day will break forth through all, and joy will\nreign supreme. The jackal, on the other hand, is a realist. According\nto him might is right on earth. The lizard, he remarks, devours the\ninsect, and in its turn becomes the prey of the bat, which is swallowed\nby the snake, upon which the hawk pounces. Nature is ever at strife. The\nscheme of the jackal's reasoning reminds one of that advanced by Darwin\nin his theory of the survival of the fittest: Nature is \"careless of\nthe single life.\" How is the sinner to be punished, and what prayer,\nhowever powerful, can deter him? The contest between the animals grows\nwarmer; they adduce many proverbs and fables to illustrate the various\npoints at issue, and occasionally specific complaints are made against\nthe gods themselves. The author has evidently a leaning toward the\njackal, whose subtle reasoning occasionally throws the cat into a rage.\nMost unfortunately the text is badly preserved, and many of its passages\nare exceedingly obscure; but it stands as an early example of the\nnever-ending war between the optimist and the pessimist.\n\n\nTravellers' Tales\n\nSome of the most interesting passages in Egyptian literature are those\nwhich deal with travel and adventure. The natives of Egypt were by no\nmeans travellers, and for the most part confined their journeyings and\nexcursions to the precincts of their own country, and even to their own\nnomes or provinces. To pass beyond the borders of Khemi appeared to\nthem a formidable undertaking. But it was necessary that ambassadors\nshould be sent to the surrounding states, and that tribute which had\nbeen agreed upon should be properly enforced. As the benefits of trade\ngrew apparent Egyptian merchants pushed their way into the surrounding\nregions, and criminals often saved themselves by flight into foreign\ncountries. Those who had sojourned abroad were wont upon return home to\ngather their friends and neighbours about them and regale them with an\naccount of their travels. Some of these are in the best style of Sir\nJohn Maundeville, while others again are simple and correct narratives\nof possible events.\n\n\nThe Story of Saneha\n\nOne of these, the story of Saneha, dates from the Middle Kingdom, and\npossessed a great vogue for at least a thousand years. It is unknown\nwhether its central figure is real or fictitious, as the name was a\nfairly common one at that period. Saneha was an official under the first\nking of the Twelfth Dynasty, Amenemhat I. When Amenemhat died and his\nson Senusert I[4] came to the throne, he chanced to be hidden near by\nwhere a secret reception of a certain embassy was held, all knowledge\nof which his royal master desired should be kept inviolate. In terror\nlest his presence should have been observed by someone, he fled eastward\nacross the Delta, passed the frontier, and journeyed to the Bitter\nLakes, where he became overpowered by thirst. Here he felt that death\nhad come upon him, but, summoning his courage, he pressed forward and,\nhearing the lowing of cattle, walked in their direction. Tending the\ncattle was a man of the desert, who provided him with water and boiled\nmilk, and offered him a home with his tribe. But Saneha considered\nhimself unsafe so near the frontier, and proceeded to the Upper Tenu,\nperhaps the south of Palestine. Here he encountered a tribe, with which\nhe dwelt for some time, marrying the eldest daughter of its chief, and\nhe became wealthy in land and cattle and was regarded with much respect.\nBut as he grew older a great longing came upon him to behold the land\nof Egypt once more. King Senusert was communicated with, and permission\nwas granted to Saneha to return. The king received him kindly and his\nbedouin garments were exchanged for costly Egyptian robes. A splendid\ntomb was built for him, and he was once more received into the royal\nfavour.\n\nThe papyrus is valuable as affording vivid descriptions of the life of\nthe tribes of Southern Palestine, the forays of the various clans and\nthe picturesque barbarism of nomadic life. But the narrative is often\ninterrupted by irritating eulogies upon the King of Egypt.\n\n\nThe Shipwrecked Sailor\n\nIn sharp contradistinction to this is a tale of the Twelfth Dynasty,\nknown as the Story of the Shipwrecked Sailor, preserved in the Hermitage\nCollection at Petrograd. A wandering sailor, recounting his adventures\nto his superior officer, begs of him an introduction to Pharaoh. His\nmaster will not credit his story, but the man protests that it is true.\nHe was bound for the mines of the king, he says, and took ship on a\nvessel 150 cubits long and 40 cubits wide, manned by one hundred of\nthe best sailors of Egypt, whose hearts were stronger than lions, and\nwho were inured to hardship and voyage. They laughed at the thought of\ntempests, but as they approached land a great wind arose and mighty\nwaves dashed against the vessel. The narrator seized upon a piece of\ntimber, and not too soon, for the ship and all who remained in her were\nsubmerged. He floated for three days and then was cast on an island,\nwhere he crawled into the shadow of some bushes upon which grew figs and\ngrapes. He also succeeded in finding melons, berries, and grain, and in\nsnaring fishes and birds. Contented to remain there awhile, he dug a pit\nand lighted a fire, and offered up a sacrifice to the gods.\n\nAll at once a terrible uproar like to the rumbling of thunder surprised\nhim out of his equanimity. At first he took it to be the noise of a\ntempest at sea, but shortly he perceived that the trees shook and that\nthe earth had become violently agitated. Just before him lay a great\nserpent thirty cubits long, with a beard two cubits in length; its\nback was covered with scales of gold, and its body was the colour of\nlapis-lazuli. Terrified, the sailor threw himself on his face before\nthis monster, which regarded him for a moment with its terrible eyes,\nand then, opening its ponderous jaws, addressed him as follows: \"What\nhas brought thee to this island, little one? Speak quickly, and if\nthou dost not acquaint me with something I have not heard, or knew not\nbefore, thou shalt vanish like flame.\" Without giving the unfortunate\nmariner time to answer, it raised him in its jaws and carried him to\nits lair, where it laid him down gently enough, safe and sound. Once\nmore it demanded of him what power had brought him to that island, and\nthe sailor, trembling in every limb, replied that on his way to the\nmines of Pharaoh he had been wrecked. On hearing his tale the serpent\ntold him to be of good cheer and not to be afraid; that God had brought\nhim to a blessed island where nothing was lacking, and which was filled\nwith all good things; that in four months' time a ship should come for\nhim; that he should return into Egypt; and that he should die in his\nown town. To cheer him up the benevolent monster described the island\nto him. Its population consisted of seventy-five serpents, young and\nold, and there these beings dwelt in harmony and plenty. The sailor on\nhis part was none the less friendly, and in the goodness of his heart\noffered to recount to Pharaoh the presence and condition of the serpent\nisland, promising to bring to the monster personally sacred oils and\nperfumes and the incense with which the gods were honoured. He would\nalso slay asses for him in sacrifice, pluck birds for him, and bring him\nships full of the treasures of Egypt.\n\nIn reply the serpent merely smiled at him indulgently and a little\ndisdainfully. \"Tell me not,\" he said, \"that you are rich in perfumes,\nfor I know that all you have is but ordinary incense. I am Prince of\nthe Land of Punt and possess as much perfume as I require, and let me\ntell you that when you depart from this place you shall never behold it\nagain, for it shall be changed into waves.\"\n\nIn due time the ship approached, as the serpent had prophesied, and\nin order to observe by what sort of company it was manned the sailor\nclimbed into a high tree. As it neared the shore the serpent bade him\nfarewell, and provided him with gifts of precious perfumes, sweet\nwoods, cassia, kohl, incense, ivory tusks, apes, baboons, and all kinds\nof precious merchandise. Embarking with these, he was finally told by\nthe genius of the island that in two months he should behold his wife\nand children. The rescued mariner then sailed through Nubia down the\nNile to the residence of the Pharaoh, and the tale ends with the request\non the part of its narrator that his captain should provide him with an\nescort so that he might present himself before the Pharaoh and recount\nhis story. The island upon which he had been wrecked was the island of\nthe Ka--that is, the Soul. Such a story would not by any means seem\nastounding to the ancient Egyptians, among whom many such romances were\ncurrent. Indeed, so abundant were these, and so many absurd notions did\nthey propagate, that we find the spirit of satire aroused against them\nin a London papyrus dating about 1250 B.C., which relates an imaginary\njourney through Palestine and Ph\u0153nicia, the aim of which is not to\ndescribe the journey itself, but to laugh to scorn the artificialities\nand absurdities of the popular romances of the day.\n\n\nThe Fable of the Head and the Stomach\n\nRomances regarding life in Egypt, such as that dealing with King\nRhampsinitus given elsewhere, are frequent. A papyrus of about 1250\nB.C. has for its background the war against the Hyksos, and describes\nan encounter between rival princes--Apepi, leader of the Hyksos, and\nthe nationalist prince, Ra-sekenen, who dwelt in Upper Egypt. They\npropounded riddles to one another, and on their solutions the fate of\none of them depended. Fables were extremely popular in the Nile valley\nfrom an early period. In the Turin Museum an example, dating about\n1000 B.C., is painted upon two small boards and contains the story of a\ndispute between the head and the stomach. The Court of the Thirty, the\nsupreme tribunal of Egypt, sits in judgment. The stomach first brings\nforward its case; but here the document is defective. We have, however,\nthe reply of the head, who at considerable length argues that he is the\nprincipal beam, from which all the other beams that support the house\nradiate. His is the eye that sees, the mouth that speaks, the nose that\nbreathes. The rest of the proceedings and the verdict are unfortunately\nwanting. It is interesting, however, to know of this early progenitor\nof the widespread fable of the strife between the stomach and its\nprincipals which was adduced by Menenius Agrippa to the Roman plebeians,\nwhen, in 492 B.C., they threatened to forsake the city, as a symbol of\nwhat might happen if they proceeded to extremities. It contains good\nproof that the popular story has, as a rule, a lease of life spreading\nover many centuries, and that, originating in one country, it becomes\nin time the property of many. It has often been asserted that in all\nlikelihood the fables of \u00c6sop must have originated in Egypt, the land of\nanimal-worship; and it is noteworthy that in the Leyden Demotic papyrus\nwe find the fable of the grateful mouse and the lion which had become\nentangled in the net. But this dates within the Christian era, and is\nprobably Greek in conception. However, we discover stories of animals\nacting as human beings, playing games, engaging in war, just as we do\nin the folklore of other barbarian peoples. Lepsius imagines that the\npurport of most of these is satirical.\n\n\nThe Rebuking of Amasis\n\nIn a papyrus of the Ptolemaic period we find the old expedient of\nrebuking a king by recounting to him an apposite story. The monarch in\nquestion was Amasis (died 526 B.C.), a pleasure-loving ruler, who was\nwont to imbibe too freely and too often of an Egyptian intoxicating\nbeverage called kelebi. It happened one day that he spake to his\nnobles, \"It is my good pleasure to drink Egyptian kelebi.\" They spake,\n\"O our mighty lord, it is hard to drink Egyptian kelebi.\" He said unto\nthem, \"Hath that which I say unto you an evil savour?\" They said, \"O\nour mighty lord, that which pleaseth the king, let him do.\" The king\ncommanded, \"Let Egyptian kelebi be brought to the lake,\" and they did\naccording to the word of the king. The king washed himself, with his\nchildren, and there was no other wine set before them but Egyptian\nkelebi. The king feasted with his children, he drank much wine for the\nlove which he bore to Egyptian kelebi; then, on the evening of that day,\nthe king fell asleep by the lake, for he had commanded a couch to be\nplaced in an arbour on the shore of the lake. When the morning dawned\nthe king could not arise because of the heaviness of his carouse. When\nan hour had passed and he still could not arise, then the courtiers\nlamented, saying, \"Can such things be? Behold, the king drinketh himself\ndrunken like a man of the people.[5] A man of the people cannot come\ninto the presence of the king on matters of business.\" Therefore the\ncourtiers went to the place where the king was lying, and spake, \"O our\nmighty lord, what wish doth the king cherish?\" The king said, \"It is\nmy will and pleasure to make myself drunken. Is there none among you\ncan tell me a story that I may keep myself from sleep?\" Now among the\ncourtiers there was a high official named Peun, who knew many tales. He\nstood before the king, and began: \"O our mighty lord, knoweth the king\nnot the story of the young sailor? In the days of King Psammetichus\nthere was a young sailor and he was wedded. Another sailor fell in\nlove with the wife of the first, and she loved him in return. Then it\nhappened one day that the king summoned him to his presence. When the\nfeast was over great desire took hold upon him\"--here a hiatus occurs\nin the text--\"and he wished once more to come into the presence of the\nking. He returned to his home and washed himself, with his wife, but he\ncould not drink as aforetime. When the hour came for bed he could not\nbring himself to sleep because of the great grief that oppressed him.\nThen said his wife unto him, 'What hath befallen thee on the river?'\"\nMost unfortunately the remainder of the text is wanting, and exactly in\nwhat manner the relation of what happened to King Psammetichus edified\nKing Amasis we cannot tell.\n\n\nTales of Magic\n\nAs was only to be expected, a goodly number of Egyptian stories abounded\nin the magical element. Notably is this the case in the Westcar papyrus\nwritten about 1800 B.C. and now in the Berlin Museum. Unluckily both\nthe beginning and end of this manuscript are wanting, yet sufficient\nof it remains to permit us to glean the purport of the whole. It\nrecounts how Khufu, or Kheops, the famous builder of the great pyramid\nat Gizeh, gathered his sons and his councillors around him and asked\nif any of them were aware of a man who could recount to him tales of\nthe magicians. His son Khafra, in reply, stated that he was aware of\none such tale, which had been handed down from the days of the king's\nforefather Nebka, and that it dealt with what occurred when he went into\nthe temple of Ptah of Ankhtaui. Whilst proceeding to the temple Nebka\nturned aside to visit his chief reciter, Uba-aner. He was followed by\nhis retinue, among whom was a certain page, with whom Uba-aner's wife\nfell in love, and sent her servant to him with a present of a chest\nfull of beautiful raiment. They met clandestinely in a summer-house or\npavilion in the garden of Uba-aner, where they quaffed wine and made\nmerry. But the steward of the house considered it his duty to inform his\nmaster of these happenings, and Uba-aner, being a man versed in magic,\nresolved to avenge himself thereby. He called for his casket of ebony\nand electrum, and when they had brought it he fashioned a crocodile of\nwax of the length of seven fingers, and he laid a spell upon it; and\ntoward evening the page went to the lake, which was in the garden, to\nbathe, whereupon, acting on his master's instructions, the steward threw\nin the waxen crocodile behind him. At once it became a great crocodile,\nseven cubits in length, and, opening its horrid jaws, seized on the\npage and dragged him under. During this time the king had been staying\nwith Uba-aner, and at the end of seven days he went forth again. As he\nwas about to leave the house Uba-aner requested him to come and see the\nmarvel which had happened. They went to the lake-side, and the reciter\ncalled upon the crocodile, which at once arose from the water holding\nthe page.\n\n\"O king,\" said Uba-aner, \"whatever I desire this crocodile to do, he\nwill do.\" The king requested that the animal should be returned to the\nwater; but Uba-aner lifted the crocodile in his hand, and straightway it\nturned to wax again. He then acquainted the king with what had passed\nbetween the page and his wife, and the monarch indignantly ordered\nthe crocodile once more to seize the page, which it immediately did,\nplunging into the water with its prey and disappearing for ever. Nebka\nthen commanded that the wife of Uba-aner be brought forth and that she\nbe burned with fire and her ashes cast into the river.\n\nSo pleased was Khufu with this story that he ordered that the shade of\nNebka should be presented with a thousand loaves, a hundred draughts\nof beer, an ox, and two jars of incense, and that the _ka_ of Uba-aner\nshould receive a loaf, a jar of beer, a jar of incense, and a portion of\nmeat.\n\n\nThe Parting of the Waters\n\nAnother of the king's sons then told of a marvellous happening which\ncame to pass in the days of King Seneferu. Seneferu, feeling extremely\nbored and jaded, sought in every apartment of his palace for something\nwith which to amuse himself, but in vain; so he called for Zazamankh,\nhis chief reciter and scribe of the rolls, to whom he told his\npredicament. Zazamankh advised that the king should command that a boat\nbe made ready, and that he should go upon the lake of the palace and\nbe rowed to and fro upon its glassy surface by the royal ladies. He\nasked for twenty oars of ebony inlaid with gold, with blades of light\nwood inlaid with electrum. These were to be rowed by twenty ladies. The\nking's heart was gladdened by the exercise; but one of the ladies who\nwas steering lost a jewel of malachite from her hair. Immediately she\nceased her singing, and so did her companions, and they ceased to row.\nSeneferu inquired the reason, and they replied, \"The steerswoman rows\nnot.\" The king then turned to the lady who had lost her jewel and asked\nher why she did not row. \"Alas!\" she replied, \"my jewel of malachite has\nfallen in the water, and my heart is sad.\" The king bade her be of good\ncheer and said that he would replace it; but she childishly replied that\nshe wanted her own piece of malachite back in its setting. The king then\ncalled for Zazamankh and acquainted him with the circumstance which had\nbefallen. Zazamankh then uttered a powerful spell, and behold! one part\nof the waters of the lake was piled upon the other, so that far below\nthem the king and the rowers could see the jewel lying upon a piece\nof potsherd. Zazamankh descended from the boat and secured the jewel\nand brought it back to its owner, after which he once more commanded\nthe waters to return to the place whence they came. This surprising\nact lightened the hearts of the entire company, so that they spent a\njoyful afternoon, and Zazamankh was richly rewarded for his magical\nskill. Pharaoh was so pleased with this tale that he commanded that the\nshade of Seneferu should receive an offering similar to what had been\npresented to Nebka, and that the _ka_ of Zazamankh should have presented\nto it a loaf, a jar of beer, and a jar of incense.\n\n\nThe Prophecy of Dedi\n\nBut a third son told the king that, so far from recounting tales\nconcerning persons of bygone times, he could tell him a magical story\nof a man who lived in his own days. His name was Dedi, and he dwelt at\nDedsneferu. He was 110 years old, and he ate daily five hundred loaves\nof bread and a side of beef, and drank a hundred draughts of beer. So\ngreat was his magical learning that if the head of a man or an animal\nwere smitten off, Dedi could restore the deceased to life. He could tame\nwild beasts, and knew the designs of the House of Thoth. This design the\nking, Khufu, might like to know, and it would perhaps be of use to him\nin the construction of his pyramid. Khufu at once ordered his son to\nbring this Dedi before him, and the prince, whose name was Hordedef,[6]\ntook ship up the Nile to where the venerable magician dwelt. He was\ncarried in a litter to the house of Dedi, whom he found lying on a couch\nat the door of his house in process of being massaged by his servants.\nHordedef told him that he had come from afar to bring him before his\nfather, Khufu. Dedi replied with the salutation of praise, and together\nthey went toward the ship which had brought the prince thither. Dedi\nasked that he might be given a boat and that his youths and his books\nmight be brought to him. He was provided with two boats, in which these\nwere stowed, and Dedi himself sat in the barge of the prince. They duly\nreached the palace, where Hordedef announced to the king that he had\nbrought the ancient sorcerer. The Pharaoh at once gave orders that he\nshould be led before him, and when he came asked how it was that he\nhad not before heard of him; and Dedi replied, \"He only who is called\ncometh; the king calleth me, and behold I come.\" Khufu said to him, \"Is\nit sooth, as is said of thee, that if the head is smitten off a man\nor an animal, thou canst restore either to life?\" Dedi replied in the\naffirmative. The king then requested that a prisoner be brought to him,\nbut Dedi begged that a man should not be used for this purpose, saying,\n\"Behold, we do not even thus to our cattle.\" A duck was then brought\nto him and decapitated, and its body was laid on the west side of the\nhall, and its head on the east side. Dedi then spoke some magic words,\nand lo! the body and the head of the bird approached each other and\njoined, and the duck stood up and quacked. He then performed the same\nfeat with a goose and an ox.\n\nKhufu, delighted with the success of these experiments, then asked Dedi\nif he knew of the designs of the House of Thoth. The magician replied\nthat he did not know their number, but that he knew where they were.\nPharaoh then asked him their hiding-place, and was told that in a\nchamber in Heliopolis, called the Plan-room, was a chest of whetstone in\nwhich the plans were concealed, Dedi adding, \"O king, it is not I that\nshall bring them to thee.\" \"Who, then,\" asked Khufu, \"shall bring them\nto me?\" And Dedi replied, \"The eldest of the three children of Rud-didet\nshall bring them to thee.\" \"And who is Rud-didet?\" asked Khufu. \"She\nis,\" replied Dedi, \"the wife of a priest of Ra, lord of Sakhebu. But\nthese three sons of hers are the sons of Ra the god, who has promised\nher that they shall reign over all this land, and that the eldest of\nthem shall be high-priest in Heliopolis.\" At this the king's heart was\nmuch troubled, and Dedi, seeing that he was in fear of the future, said\nto him, \"Be not afraid because of what I have said, O king; for thy\nson shall reign, and thy son's son, before Rud-didet's sons shall rule\nthe land; and behold! this progeny of Ra is not yet born.\" Khufu then\nannounced his intention of visiting the temple of Ra when the banks of\nthe canal of Letopolis were cut, and Dedi promised that the banks of the\ncanal should hold at least four cubits of water. The sorcerer was then\nplaced in the palace of Hordedef, and was daily provided with a thousand\nloaves, a hundred draughts of beer, an ox, and a hundred bunches of\nonions.\n\n\nThe Visit of the Goddesses\n\nNow when the sons of Ra and Rud-didet were born, that deity requested\nIsis, Nebhat, Meskhent, Hakt, and Khnumu to go to her, and taking the\nform of dancing-girls, all except the god Khnumu, who followed them\nas a porter, they descended to earth and approached the house of the\npriest Ra-user, Rud-didet's husband, and played before him with their\ninstruments of music. They endowed the children with various attributes,\nand called them User-ref, Sah-ra, and Kaku. They then quitted the\nhouse and bade Ra-user rejoice. In return for their good wishes he\nbestowed upon them a bushel of barley, which Khnumu placed upon his\nhead; but as they were on the way back to their divine abode Isis said\nunto the others, \"Would it not have been better had we done a marvel\nfor these children?\" To this the others assented, and they there and\nthen fashioned a likeness of the crowns of Egypt, of the crown of the\nUpper Land, and of the crown of the Lower, and hid them in the bushel\nof barley. They then returned to the house of Ra-user and requested\npermission to leave the barley in a closed chamber, which they sealed\nup, and then took their leave. A few weeks afterward Rud-didet asked her\nhandmaid if the house and all that was in it were in good condition, and\nthe handmaid replied that all was satisfactory except that the brewing\nbarley was not yet brought. Her mistress then inquired why that had not\nbeen done, and the servant answered that their store had been given to\nthe dancing-girls, who had arrived on the day of the children's birth,\nand that it now lay in the closed chamber under their seal. Rud-didet\nthen ordered the maid to use it for the present, saying that Ra-user\ncould replace it before their return. The girl opened the chamber and,\nentering, was surprised to hear people talking and singing, music and\nthe sound of dancing, and such sounds as one hears in the palace of the\nking. She quickly returned and acquainted her mistress with what she\nhad heard. Rud-didet then entered the room herself and also heard the\nsounds, but could not locate them. At last she laid her ear to the sack\nwhich held the barley, and found that the sounds proceeded from it. She\nat once placed it in a chest, which she put for security in a greater\nchest, and this she bound round with leather and laid in a store-room,\ntaking the precaution to seal it, and when Ra-user returned she told him\nwhat had occurred.\n\nSome days after, Rud-didet had occasion to rebuke her servant and beat\nher with stripes, and the maid grumbled and said to her companions, \"Why\nhas this been done to me? I will go to King Khufu and tell him that\nher three sons are destined to become kings.\" She then betook herself\nto her uncle; but he would not hearken to her treachery and struck her\na violent blow with a bunch of flax which he held. Feeling faint, she\nwent down to the riverside for a draught of water, but was seized upon\nby a crocodile, who carried her away. Her uncle then presented himself\nto Rud-didet, whom he found in a most dejected condition. He asked her\nwhat made her downcast, and she replied that she feared treachery from\nthe handmaiden. \"You need not fear for her,\" replied the man, \"because\nshe has been seized upon by a crocodile.\" At this point the manuscript\nfails us. It is indeed unfortunate that such an interesting domestic\npassage has not been spared. The three kings whose names appear in the\nstory as the triplet sons of Rud-didet reigned during the Fifth Dynasty,\nso that they could hardly have been born in the Fourth. The tale\nwould seem to be based upon the official adoption of the worship of Ra\nin Egypt. It may be mentioned that the real names of the three children,\nUser-ref, Sah-ra, and Kaku, are intended as a play upon the names of the\nfirst three kings of the Fifth Dynasty, User-kaf, Sahu-ra, and Kaka. The\nstory of the fatal children born to usurp a throne is a very common one\nin all mythologies, and it is inevitable that the monarch whose line is\ndoomed to extinction should make an effort to destroy them while yet\nthey are in the cradle. The Greek myth of Dana\u00eb and the old romance\nof Sir Torrent of Portugal are examples of this. Medi\u00e6val romance is,\nindeed, full of such stories, but this is probably the earliest example\non record.\n\n\nLyric and Folk Poetry\n\nEgypt was not without its lyric and folk poetry; however, the romantic\nwas not the _forte_ of the Egyptians. It is noteworthy at the same\ntime that most Oriental peoples sing while at their work, and it would\nbe strange if the labourer on the banks of the Nile had not done so.\nThe fellah of to-day chants monotonously and endlessly while toiling,\nrepeating the same words and music over and over again; but the scribe\nof early Egypt regarded the folk-song as unfit for transmission to\nposterity. Occasionally a song is recaptured from mural inscriptions.\nThe shepherd who wades through the half-submerged fields, driving\nhis sheep before him, sings: \"In the water walks the shepherd with\nthe fishes. He talks with the cat-fish; with the fish he exchanges a\ngreeting.\" We have also a threshing song: \"Thresh ye, O oxen; thresh for\nyourselves. Thresh straw for your fodder and grain for your masters.\nRest not, for the air is cool this day.\"\n\nA few love-songs have also survived. These were probably very numerous.\nFor the most part they are intense and passionate. Three collections\nof love-songs of about 1200 B.C. have been unearthed, one of which is\ncontained in a papyrus now in the British Museum. On a stele in the\nLouvre the praise of the wife of a king of about 700 B.C. is sung as\nfollows: \"The sweet one, sweet in love; the sweet one, sweet in love in\nthe presence of the king; the sweet one, sweet in love before all men;\nthe beloved before all women; the king's daughter who is sweet in love.\nThe fairest among women, a maid whose like none has seen. Blacker is\nher hair than the darkness of night, blacker than the berries of the\nblackberry bush. Harder are her teeth than the flints on the sickle. A\nwreath of flowers is each of her breasts, close nestling on her arms.\"\n\n\nThe True History of Setne and his son Se-Osiris[7]\n\nThis story was discovered written on some papyrus belonging to the\nBritish Museum. An English translation was published in 1900 by Mr.\nF. Ll. Griffiths, and one in French by Sir G. Maspero in 1901. It is\nwritten on the back of some official documents in Greek and dates\nfrom the seventh year of the Emperor Claudian. The papyrus is much\ndilapidated and pasted end to end; it is incomplete, and the beginning\nof the history has disappeared. By the writing one would judge the copy\nto belong to the latter half of the second century of our era. The Setne\nalluded to is the same who figures in the story of Setne and the Mummies\nrelated in the chapter on Magic.\n\nOnce upon a time there was a king called Ousimares, and he had a\nson called Setne. This son was a scribe; he was clever with his\nhands, indeed in all things, and he excelled all men of the world\nlearned in the arts or those among the renowned scribes of Egypt. It\nhappened that the chiefs of certain foreign lands sent a message to\nPharaoh challenging him to find one who would do such and such a thing\nunder certain conditions. If this were done, then these chiefs would\nacknowledge the inferiority of their country to Egypt; but if, on the\nother hand, neither scribe nor wise man could accomplish it, then they\nwould proclaim the inferiority of Egypt. Now Ousimares called his son\nSetne and repeated these words to him, and immediately Setne gave the\nanswer to that which the chiefs had propounded, so that the latter were\nforced to carry out the conditions and admit the superiority of Egypt.\nAnd thus were they robbed of their triumph, so great was the wisdom of\nSetne, and none other ever dared to send such messages to Pharaoh.\n\nNow Setne and his wife Mah\u00eetouaskh\u00eet were greatly grieved, for they had\nno son. One day when he was troubled more than usual over this his wife\nwent to the temple of Imhetep, and she prayed before him, saying, \"Turn\nthy face to me, O Imhetep, son of Ptah, thou who workest miracles, who\nart beneficent in all thy doings. It is thou who canst give a son to\nthose who are sonless. Oh, hear my prayer, and grant that I shall bear\na son!\" And that night Mah\u00eetouaskh\u00eet slept in the temple, and there she\ndreamed a dream wherein she was directed to prepare a magical remedy,\nand told that by this means her desire for a son should be fulfilled. On\nwaking she did all according to her dream, and in time it was known that\na child was to be born to her and Setne, who told it before Pharaoh with\ngreat joy, while to his wife, for her protection, he gave an amulet and\nput spells about her.\n\nAnd one night Setne dreamed, and a voice said to him, \"Mah\u00eetouaskh\u00eet,\nthy wife, will bring forth a son, and through him many wonders shall\nbe accomplished in the land of Egypt. And the name of thy son shall be\nSe-Osiris.\" When Setne awoke and remembered these words he rejoiced and\nwas glad in heart.\n\n\nSe-Osiris\n\nIn due time a son was born, and according to the dream he was called\nSe-Osiris. And the child developed rapidly beyond all other children,\nand Setne loved him so greatly that scarce an hour passed without his\nseeing him. In time he was put to school, but soon showed that he knew\nmore than the tutor could teach him. He began to read the magical papyri\nwith the priestly scribes in the 'Double House of Life' of the temple\nof Ptah, and all those about him were lost in astonishment. Then was\nSetne so pleased that he led his son before Pharaoh to the festival\nthat all the magicians of the king might strive against him and have to\nacknowledge their defeat.\n\nAnd one day, when Setne, together with the boy Se-Osiris, was preparing\nfor the festival, loud voices of lamentation rose upon the air, and\nSetne, looking forth from the terrace of his apartments, saw the body of\na rich man being carried to the mountains for burial with great honour\nand loud wailing. Again he looked forth, and this time he saw the body\nof a peasant borne along wrapped in a mat of straw and without a soul\nto mourn him. And seeing this Setne exclaimed, \"By the life of Osiris,\ngod of Amenti, may it be that I come into Amenti as this rich man\ncomes, honoured and lamented, and not as the peasant, alone and already\nforgotten!\" Upon hearing this Se-Osiris said, \"Nay, my father, rather\nmay the fate of the poor man be thine, and not that of the rich one!\"\nSetne was astonished and hurt at this and cried, \"Are they the words of\na son who loves his father?\" Se-Osiris answered him: \"My father, I will\nshow to thee each in his place, the peasant unwept and the rich man so\nlamented.\"\n\n\nA Vision of Amenti\n\nThen Setne demanded of him how he could accomplish this. The child\nSe-Osiris began to recite words from the magical books, words of power.\nNext he took his father by the hand and led him to an unknown place\nin the mountains of Memphis. Here there were seven great halls filled\nwith people of all conditions. They traversed three of these without\nhindrance. Upon entering the fourth Setne saw a mass of men who rushed\nhither and thither, writhing as creatures attacked them from behind;\nothers, famished, were springing and jumping in their efforts to reach\nthe food suspended above them, whilst some, again, dug holes at their\nfeet to prevent them attaining their object. In the fifth hall were\nvenerable shades who had each found their proper and fitting place, but\nthose who were accused of crimes lingered kneeling at the door, which\npivoted upon the eye of a man who ceaselessly prayed and groaned. In\nthe sixth hall were the gods of Amenti, who sat in council, each in his\nplace, whilst the keepers of the portals called out the causes. In the\nseventh hall was seated the great god Osiris on a golden throne, crowned\nwith the plumed diadem. On his left was Anubis, and on his right the god\nThoth. In the midst were the scales wherein were weighed the faults and\nvirtues of the souls of the dead, while Thoth wrote down the judgment\nthat Anubis pronounced. Then those whose faults outweighed their virtues\nwere delivered to Amait, the attendant of the Lord of Amenti; their\nsouls and bodies were destroyed for ever. But those whose virtues were\ngreater than their failings took their place among the gods and shades,\nand there their souls found a heaven. Those, again, whose merits and\nfaults were equal were put amongst the servitors of Sekerosiris.\n\nThen Setne saw near the place of Osiris one of exalted rank and robed in\nthe finest linen. And while Setne was marvelling at all he had seen in\nthe land of Amenti, Se-Osiris, his little son, said unto him, \"My father\nSetne, seest thou that great personage in fine robes and near to Osiris?\nThat peasant whom thou didst see carried out of Memphis without a soul\nto accompany him, and his body wrapped in a mat, dost thou remember,\nmy father? Well, that peasant is the one beside Osiris! When he had\ncome to Amenti and they weighed his faults and virtues, lo! his virtues\noutweighed all. And by the judgment of the gods all the honours that had\nbeen the share of the rich man were given to the peasant, and by the law\nof Osiris he takes his place midst the honoured and exalted. But the\nrich man, when he had come to Hades and his merits were weighed, lo! his\nfaults weighed heavier, and he is that man you have seen upon whose eye\npivots the door of the fifth hall, the man who cries and prays aloud\nwith great agony. By the life of Osiris, god of Amenti, if upon earth I\nsaid to thee, 'Rather may the fate of the peasant be thine than that of\nthe rich man,' it was because I knew their fates, my father.\"\n\nAnd Setne answered and said, \"My son Se-Osiris, numberless marvels have\nI seen in Amenti; but tell me the meaning of those people we saw rushing\nbefore creatures who devoured them, and the others ever trying to reach\nthe food beyond their reach.\"[8]\n\nSe-Osiris answered him:\n\n\"In truth, my father, they are under the curse of the gods; they are\nthose who upon earth wasted their substance, and the creatures who\ndevour them without ceasing are the women with whom they squandered both\nlife and substance, and now they have naught, though they should work\nday and night. And so it is with all: as they have been on earth, so it\nis with them in Amenti, according to their good and bad deeds. That is\nthe immutable law of the gods, the law that knows no change and under\nwhich all men must come when they enter Hades.\"\n\nThen Setne and his son returned hand in hand from the mountains of\nMemphis. A fear was upon Setne because of Se-Osiris, who answered not,\nand then he pronounced words that exorcize the ghosts of the dead.\nAlways afterward he remembered all he had seen and marvelled thereat,\nbut spoke of it to no man. And when Se-Osiris was twelve years of age\nthere was no scribe or magician in Memphis who was his equal in the\nreading of the magical books.\n\n\nThe Reading of the Sealed Letter\n\nAfter this it happened one day that the Pharaoh Ousimares was seated\nin the Hall of Audience with the princes, the military chiefs, and\nthe nobles of Egypt, each according to his rank, gathered about him.\nOne said unto Pharaoh, \"Here is a rascally Ethiopian who would fain\nhave speech with you and who carries a sealed letter.\" And Pharaoh\ncommanded that the man be brought before him. And when he was come he\nmade obeisance and said, \"Here is a sealed letter which I bear, and I\nwould fain know if amongst your wise men there are any who can read its\ncontents without breaking the seals. If, O king, you have not such a\none among your scribes and magicians, I shall take back to my country,\nthe land of the Negro, the story of Egypt's failure and inferiority.\"\nUpon hearing these words all were amazed, and those about the king\nexclaimed loudly, while Pharaoh bade some bring to him his son Setne.\nWhen he had come, instantly obeying the royal command and bowing low\nbefore him, Pharaoh said, \"My son Setne, hast thou heard the words of\nthis insolent Ethiopian?\" and then he repeated the challenge. Then was\nSetne astonished, but he answered immediately, \"Great Lord, who can read\na letter without its being opened and spread before him? But if you will\ngive me ten days, I will think upon it and do what I can to avoid the\nreport of Egypt's failure being carried to the Negroes, eaters of gum.\"\nAnd Pharaoh said, \"Those days are granted, my son.\" Then were rooms\nappointed for the Ethiopian, and Pharaoh rose from his palace sad at\nheart and went fasting to his couch.\n\nAnd Setne, pondering and much disturbed, threw himself upon his couch,\nbut knew no rest. His wife Mah\u00eetouaskh\u00eet came to him and would fain have\nshared his trouble, but he said that it was not for a woman to share or\none that she might help him in. Later, his son Se-Osiris came and begged\nto know what so sorely troubled his father, and again Setne refused to\nspeak, saying that it was not for a child. But the boy persisted, and at\nlast Setne told him of the challenge of the Ethiopian. The moment he had\nfinished Se-Osiris laughed, and his father asked the reason of his mirth.\n\n\"My father,\" he answered, \"I laugh to see you there, so troubled in\nheart because of such a small affair. I will read that letter of the\nEthiopian, read it all without breaking the seals.\"\n\nHearing this, Setne rose instantly.\n\n\"But what proof can you give me of the truth of what you say, my son?\"\n\nSe-Osiris answered, \"My father, go thou to the lower floor of this house\nand take what books you please from their place. As you do so I shall\nread that which you have taken from its place while I stand before you.\"\n\nAnd it happened as Se-Osiris had said. Each book that his father lifted\nthe boy read without its being opened. Upon this Setne lost no time in\nacquainting Pharaoh with all that Se-Osiris had done, and so lightened\nwas the heart of the king that he made a feast in honour of Setne and\nhis young son.\n\nAfter this Pharaoh sent for the Ethiopian. And when he entered the Hall\nof Audience he was placed in the midst of all, and the young Se-Osiris\ntook up his place beside him. But first the boy put a curse upon the man\nand his gods if he should dare to say falsely that what he read was not\ntrue. And seeing the boy, the Ethiopian prostrated himself before him\nin fear. Then Se-Osiris began to read the letter with its seals still\nunbroken, and all heard his voice. And the words were:\n\n\nThe Contents of the Letter\n\n\"It happened during the reign of the Pharaoh Manakhphr\u00ea-Siamon, who was\na beneficent ruler and in whose time the land overflowed with all good\nthings, who endowed the temples richly, that when the King of Nubia was\ntaking his rest in the pleasure-kiosk of Amen he overheard the voices\nof three Ethiopians who were talking behind the house. One of them was\nspeaking in a high voice, saying, among other things, that if the god\nAmen would preserve him from the enmity of the King of Egypt he could\nput a spell on the people of that country so that a great darkness\nshould reign and they should not see the moon for three days and three\nnights. Then the second man said that if Amen would guard him he would\ncause the Pharaoh to be transported to the land of the Negroes, and\nthere, before the king of that country and in public, he should suffer\nfive hundred blows, and afterward he should be taken back to his country\nin not more than six hours. After this the third man spoke, saying that\nif Amen would preserve him he would then send a blight upon the land of\nEgypt, a blight for the space of three years. When the king heard this\nhe ordered that these three men be brought before him.\n\n\"He said unto them, 'Which of you said that he would cause that the\npeople of Egypt should not see the moon for three days and three\nnights?' And they answered that it was Horus, the son of Tririt (the\nsow).\n\n\"Again the king said, 'Which of you said that he had power to cause\nthe King of Egypt to be brought hither?' And they answered that it was\nHorus, the son of Tnahsit (the negress).\n\n\"Again the king said, 'Which of you said that he would cause a blight\nto fall upon Egypt?' And they answered that it was Horus, the son of\nTriph\u00eet (the princess).\n\n\"Then the king bade Horus, the son of Tnahsit, come near, and he said\nto him, 'By Amen, the Bull of Meroe, if thou canst accomplish what thou\nhast said, then rich rewards shall be thine.'\n\n\"And Horus, the son of Tnahsit, fashioned a litter and four bearers of\nwax. Over them he chanted magical words, he breathed upon them and gave\nthem life, and finally he bade them wend their way to Egypt and bring\nback the king of that land in order that he might suffer five hundred\nblows from the kourbash before the King of the Negroes.\"\n\nHere Se-Osiris paused and, turning to the Ethiopian, said, \"The curse of\nAmen fall upon thee! These words that I have said, are they not written\nin the letter thou holdest in thine hand?\" And the rascally Ethiopian\nbowed low before him, saying, \"They are written there, my lord!\"\n\nThen Se-Osiris resumed his magical reading:\n\n\"And all happened as Horus, the son of Tnahsit, had devised. By the\npower of sorcery was Pharaoh taken to the land of the Negroes, and\nthere suffered five hundred blows of the kourbash. After that he was\ncarried back to Egypt, as had been said, and, wakening the next morning\nin the temple of the god Horus, he lay in great pain, his body sorely\nbruised. Bewildered, he asked his courtiers how such could have happened\nin Egypt. They, thinking some madness had fallen upon their king, and\nyet ashamed of their thoughts, spoke soothingly to him, and said that\nthe great gods would heal his afflictions. But still they asked him the\nmeaning of his strange words, and suddenly he remembered all that had\nhappened to him and recounted it to his courtiers.\"\n\n\nMagic versus Magic\n\n\"When they saw his bruised body they made a great clamour. And then\nPharaoh sent for his chief magician, and he at once cried out that\nthe evil and affliction of the king were due to the sorceries of the\nEthiopians.\n\n\"'By the life of Ptah,' he continued, 'I shall bring them to torture and\nexecution.'\n\n\"And Pharaoh bade him make all speed lest he should be carried away the\nnext night. And the chief magician carried his secret books and amulets\nto the place where Pharaoh lay, and chanted above him magical words\nand incantations. Then, with many gifts, he embarked in a boat and\nmade haste to reach the temple of Khmounon, and there he prayed to the\ngod Thoth that all evil should be averted from Pharaoh and the land of\nEgypt. And that night he slept in the temple, and he dreamed a dream in\nwhich the god Thoth appeared to him and instructed him in divine magic\nthat would preserve the king from the wiles of the Ethiopians.\n\n\"On waking the magician remembered all, and without losing a moment\nfulfilled all that he had been told in his dream. And then he wrote\nthe charm to preserve Pharaoh from all sorcery. On the second day the\nEthiopians endeavoured to renew their enchantments, but all was now\nunavailing against the person of Pharaoh. The third morning Pharaoh\nrecounted to his chief musicians all that had happened during the night,\nand how the Ethiopians had failed in their attempts.\n\n\"Then the magician fashioned a litter and four bearers of wax. He put\na spell upon them and breathed life into them, bidding them go and\nbring before Pharaoh the King of the Negroes, that he might suffer five\nhundred blows upon his body and then be carried back to his own land\nagain. And the waxen figures promised to do all as the magician had\ncommanded.\"\n\nAgain Se-Osiris paused, and again he demanded of the Ethiopian if his\nwords were not the words of the sealed letter. And the Ethiopian bowed\nlow to the ground, saying they were the words in very truth.\n\nSe-Osiris began again to read the hidden words:\n\n\"And as it happened to Pharaoh, so was the fate of the King of the\nNegroes, who awoke sorely bruised in the morning following. He called\nloudly for his courtiers, and when they saw the state of their king\nthey made a great clamour. Again he called and commanded that Horus,\nthe son of Tnahsit, be brought before him. When he had come the king\nthreatened him, and commanded him to go to Egypt and there learn how to\nsave him from the sorceries of Pharaoh's chief magician.\n\n\"But no spell devised by the Ethiopian could preserve the king from the\nmagic of the Egyptians, and three times was he carried to that country\nand humiliated, whilst his body was in great pain, so sorely bruised was\nit. Then he cursed Horus, the son of Tnahsit, and threatened him with\na slow and dreadful death unless he could preserve him from Pharaoh's\nvengeance.\n\n\"Then in fear and trouble Horus went to his mother Tnahsit and told\nher all, and that he must go to Egypt to see the one who had worked\nthese powerful sorceries and endeavour to inflict upon him a fitting\npunishment. And his mother, Tnahsit, on hearing this, warned him against\ncoming into the presence of Pharaoh's chief magician, for against him\nhe would never prevail, but know defeat. But he answered that he must\ngo. Then she arranged with him that by signs and signals between them\nhe should let her know how he fared, and if he were in danger, then\nshe should try to save him. And he promised, saying that if he were\nvanquished, then that which she ate, that which she drank, and the sky\nabove should turn to the colour of blood.\"\n\n\nThe War of Enchantments\n\n\"And after this he journeyed to Egypt, tracking the one whose sorceries\nhad prevailed against his own. He penetrated to the Royal Hall of\nAudience and came before Pharaoh, crying in a high voice, 'Who is it\namong you who is putting spells upon me?'\n\n\"And Pharaoh's chief magician called out in answer, saying, 'Ha!\nEthiopian, is it thou who workedst evil against Pharaoh?' and Horus,\nthe son of Tnahsit, cried out in great anger and by a spell he caused a\ngreat flame to rise from the midst of the hall, at which Pharaoh and the\nEgyptians cried out to the chief of the magicians to succour them. Then\nby his power he caused a shower of rain to fall so that the flame was\nextinguished.\n\n\"Again the Ethiopian wrought his magic and thereby caused a great\ndarkness to fall upon them all so that the people could not see each\nother, but this also was dispersed by the magician of the Egyptians.\nThen followed more machinations by Horus, the son of Tnahsit, but each\ntime was he vanquished. At last he asked for mercy and vowed before the\ngods that never again would he trouble Egypt or Pharaoh. They gave him\na boat and sent him back to his own land. So were the sorceries of the\nEthiopians rendered as naught.\"\n\nWith this Se-Osiris finished the reading of the sealed letter. And then\nhe began to reveal to all there, Pharaoh, the princes, and the nobles,\nthat the Ethiopian now before them was none other than that Horus, son\nof Tnahsit, returned after five hundred years to trouble Egypt and its\nking again. But against this day he himself, Se-Osiris, had been born\nagain, for he was that former chief magician of the Pharaoh Manakhphr\u00ea\ncome back once more to protect Egypt and Pharaoh from the wiles of the\nEthiopians.\n\nAnd with these words he caused a great flame to consume the Ethiopian,\nthere in the midst of the Hall of Audience, so that not a vestige of the\ncreature remained. But afterward when they looked for Se-Osiris he had\ndisappeared as a shadow from before Pharaoh and his father Setne, and\nnever again was he seen of them.\n\nAt these happenings everyone marvelled, and Pharaoh said that Se-Osiris\nwas the wisest and most wonderful of all magicians, and that never again\nwould the world see his like.\n\nBut the hearts of Setne and his wife were troubled, and they grieved\nsorely for their son Se-Osiris. Then comfort came to them, and again the\nwife of Setne bore a son, and they called him Ousimanthor. And so the\nheart of Setne was glad and he made offerings in the name of Se-Osiris\nin remembrance.\n\n\nHow Setnau Triumphed over the Assyrians\n\nAfter the close of the reign of Amysis a priest of 'Vulcan' named Setnau\nascended the throne. And this king treated the army with contempt and\ndisdain, thinking he had no need of them. Among other injustices he\nappropriated the lands which former kings had given to them.\n\nNow it came to pass that when Sennacherib, King of the Arabs and\nAssyrians, led his hosts against Egypt, the soldiers of the Egyptian\narmy refused to fight and repel them. Setnau, thus reduced to\npowerlessness, went to the temple and prayed the gods to help him in his\ndire straits. While thus troubled a sleep fell upon him, and in a dream\nit seemed that the god himself appeared and exhorted him to courage,\nsaying that all would fall to his advantage in the campaign against the\nAssyrians.\n\nGreatly cheered by this dream, Setnau called upon those of the army who\nwould follow him, and they camped at Peluce, a main approach into Egypt.\nNot only soldiers followed him, but merchants, artisans, and men of the\nstreet.\n\nNow when the Assyrians besieged the town, as they lay encamped about\nthe field rats during the night gnawed and devoured all the quivers,\nbows, and fittings of shields of the invaders, so that, on the morrow,\nwhen they would have given battle, behold! they were weaponless. Thus\ndisarmed, many of the hosts fled and many perished.\n\nAnd now in the temple of Vulcan stands a stone image of the god, bearing\nin his hand the figure of a rat. And the legend inscribed thereon runs,\n\"Who beholds me beholds God.\"\n\n\nThe Peasant and the Workman\n\nA tale of the Ninth Dynasty, which from the number of copies extant\nwould seem to have been very popular, relates how a peasant succeeded in\nobtaining justice after he had been robbed. Justice was not very easily\nobtained in Egypt in those times, for it seems to have been requisite\nthat a peasant should attract the judge's attention by some special\nmeans, if his case were to be heard at all. The story runs thus:\n\nIn the Salt Country there dwelt a sekhti (peasant) with his family. He\nmade his living by trading with Henenseten in salt, natron, rushes,\nand the other products of his country, and as he journeyed thither he\nhad to pass through the lands of the house of Fefa. Now there dwelt\nby the canal a man named Tehuti-nekht, the son of Asri, a serf to the\nHigh Steward Meruitensa. Tehuti-nekht had so far encroached on the\npath--for roads and paths were not protected by law in Egypt as in other\ncountries--that there was but a narrow strip left, with the canal on\none side and a cornfield on the other. When Tehuti-nekht saw the sekhti\napproaching with his burdened asses, his evil heart coveted the beasts\nand the goods they bore, and he called to the gods to open a way for\nhim to steal the possessions of the sekhti.\n\nThis was the plan he conceived. \"I will take,\" said he, \"a shawl, and\nwill spread it upon the path. If the sekhti drives his asses over\nit--and there is no other way--then I shall easily pick a quarrel with\nhim.\" He had no sooner thought of the project than it was carried into\neffect. A servant, at Tehuti-nekht's bidding, fetched a shawl and spread\nit over the path so that one end was in the water, the other among the\ncorn.\n\nWhen the sekhti drew nigh he drove his asses over the shawl. He had no\nalternative.\n\n\"Hold!\" cried Tehuti-nekht with well-simulated wrath, \"surely you do not\nintend to drive your beasts over my clothes!\"\n\n\"I will try to avoid them,\" responded the good-natured peasant, and he\ncaused the rest of his asses to pass higher up, among the corn.\n\n\"Do you, then, drive your asses through my corn?\" said Tehuti-nekht,\nmore wrathfully than ever.\n\n\"There is no other way,\" said the harassed peasant. \"You have blocked\nthe path with your shawl, and I must leave the path.\"\n\nWhile the two argued upon the matter one of the asses helped itself to a\nmouthful of corn, whereupon Tehuti-nekht's plaints broke out afresh.\n\n\"Behold!\" he cried, \"your ass is eating my corn. I will take your ass,\nand he shall pay for the theft.\"\n\n\"Shall I be robbed,\" cried the sekhti, \"in the lands of the Lord Steward\nMeruitensa, who treateth robbers so hardly? Behold, I will go to him. He\nwill not suffer this misdeed of thine.\"\n\n\"Thinkest thou he will hearken to thy plaint?\" sneered Tehuti-nekht.\n\"Poor as thou art, who will concern himself with thy woes? Lo, _I_ am\nthe Lord Steward Meruitensa,\" and so saying he beat the sekhti sorely,\nstole all his asses and drove them into pasture.\n\nIn vain the sekhti wept and implored him to restore his property.\nTehuti-nekht bade him hold his peace, threatening to send him to the\nDemon of Silence if he continued to complain. Nevertheless, the sekhti\npetitioned him for a whole day. At length, finding that he was wasting\nhis breath, the peasant betook himself to Henen-ni-sut, there to lay\nhis case before the Lord Steward Meruitensa. On his arrival he found\nthe latter preparing to embark in his boat, which was to carry him to\nthe judgment-hall. The sekhti bowed himself to the ground, and told the\nLord Steward that he had a grievance to lay before him, praying him to\nsend one of his followers to hear the tale. The Lord Steward granted the\nsuppliant's request, and sent to him one from among his train. To the\nmessenger the sekhti revealed all that had befallen him on his journey,\nthe manner in which Tehuti-nekht had closed the path so as to force him\nto trespass on the corn, and the cruelty with which he had beaten him\nand stolen his property. In due time these matters were told to the Lord\nSteward, who laid the case before the nobles who were with him in the\njudgment-hall.\n\n\"Let this sekhti bring a witness,\" they said, \"and if he establish his\ncase, it may be necessary to beat Tehuti-nekht, or perchance he will be\nmade to pay a trifle for the salt and natron he has stolen.\"\n\nThe Lord Steward said nothing, and the sekhti himself came unto him\nand hailed him as the greatest of the great, the orphan's father, the\nwidow's husband, the guide of the needy, and so on.\n\nVery eloquent was the sekhti, and in his florid speech he skilfully\ncombined eulogy with his plea for justice, so that the Lord Steward was\ninterested and flattered in spite of himself.\n\nNow at that time there sat upon the throne of Egypt the King\nNeb-ka-n-ra, and to him came the Lord Steward Meruitensa, saying:\n\n\"Behold, my lord, I have been sought by a sekhti whose goods were\nstolen. Most eloquent of mortals is he. What would my lord that I do\nunto him?\"\n\n\"Do not answer his speeches,\" said the king, \"but put his words in\nwriting and bring them to us. See that he and his wife and children are\nsupplied with meat and drink, but do not let him know who provides it.\"\n\nThe Lord Steward did as the king had commanded him. He gave to the\npeasant a daily ration of bread and beer, and to his wife sufficient\ncorn to feed herself and her children. But the sekhti knew not whence\nthe provisions came.\n\nA second time the peasant sought the judgment-hall and poured forth\nhis complaint to the Lord Steward; and yet a third time he came, and\nthe Lord Steward commanded that he be beaten with staves, to see\nwhether he would desist. But no, the sekhti came a fourth, a fifth, a\nsixth time, endeavouring with pleasant speeches to open the ear of the\njudge. Meruitensa hearkened to him not at all, yet the sekhti did not\ndespair, but came again unto the ninth time. And at the ninth time the\nLord Steward sent two of his followers to the sekhti, and the peasant\ntrembled exceedingly, for he feared that he was about to be beaten once\nmore because of his importunity. The message, however, was a reassuring\none. Meruitensa declared that he had been greatly delighted by the\npeasant's eloquence and would see that he obtained satisfaction. He then\ncaused the sekhti's petitions to be written on clean papyri and sent\nto the king, according as the monarch had commanded. Neb-ka-n-ra was\nalso much pleased with the speeches, but the giving of judgment he left\nentirely in the hands of the Lord Steward.\n\nMeruitensa therefore deprived Tehuti-nekht of all his offices and his\nproperty, and gave them to the sekhti, who thenceforth dwelt at the\nking's palace with all his family. And the sekhti became the chief\noverseer of Neb-ka-n-ra, and was greatly beloved by him.\n\n\nStory of the Two Brothers\n\nThe manuscript of this tale of the Nineteenth Dynasty was bought in\nItaly by Mme. Elizabeth d'Orbiney, and is called the d'Orbiney Papyrus.\nIt was acquired by the British Museum in 1857 and copied in facsimile.\nIt has been translated over and over again. The manuscript extends to\nnineteen pages of ten lines each, the first five pages having been\nconsiderably torn. Several gaps have been filled in by the modern\npossessors of the manuscript, and the restorations are signed. The\noriginal manuscript is stamped in two places with the name of its\nancient owner, Sety Merenptah, whom we know as Sety II. It was executed\nby Anena, a scribe who lived during the reigns of Rameses II, Merenptah,\nand Sety II, and is more than three thousand years old. Bitou, the hero\nof the story, a herd and husbandman, is perhaps identifiable with the\nGreek god Bitys.\n\nAnapou and Bitou were two brothers who lived in Egypt a long time ago.\nTo Anapou, as the elder, belonged house, cattle, and fields; and Bitou,\nthe younger, worked for him. Bitou was marvellously clever in his\nmanagement of the cattle and in all things relating to agriculture--he\ncould even tell what the cattle said to him and to each other. One day,\nas the brothers were working in the fields, Anapou sent Bitou home for\na large quantity of seed, as he saw the time had come for sowing. Bitou\nwent and got the seed, and after their day's work the two returned, to\nfind Anapou's wife lying moaning, and saying she had been thrashed by\nBitou until she was sore because she would not yield him something he\nhad asked of her when he came for the seed. Then Anapou sought to kill\nBitou by stealth, but Bitou, warned by the cattle, fled. His brother\novertook him, but the god Phra-Harmakhis caused a wide stream full of\ncrocodiles to arise between them, and Bitou asked his brother to wait\ntill break of day, when he would explain all that had happened. When day\nbroke Bitou told Anapou the truth, refusing at the same time ever to\nreturn to the house where Anapou's wife was. \"I shall go,\" he said, \"to\nthe Vale of the Acacia. Now listen to what will happen. I shall tear out\nmy heart by magic so as to place it on the topmost bough of the acacia,\nand when the acacia is cut down, and my heart will fall to the ground,\nyou will come to look for it. After you have looked for seven years do\nnot be discouraged, but put it in a vessel of cold water; that will\nbring me to life again. I shall certainly live again and be revenged on\nmy enemies. You will know that something of moment is about to happen to\nme when a jug of beer is given you and the froth shall run over. They\nwill then give you a jug of wine of which the sediment will rise to the\ntop. Rest no more when these things come about.\"\n\nHe went to the valley and his brother returned home, killed his wife,\nand mourned for Bitou.\n\nBitou, in the valley, spent his days in hunting, and at night slept\nunder the acacia, on top of which his heart was placed. One day he met\nthe nine gods, who gave him the daughter of the gods for his wife; but\nthe Seven Hathors swore she should die by the sword. He told her about\nhis heart, and that whoever should find the acacia would have to fight\nwith him.\n\n\nThe Treachery of Bitou's Wife\n\nPharaoh, hearing of this beautiful woman, desired to take possession\nof her, and sent armed men into the valley, all of whom Bitou killed.\nPharaoh at last enticed her away and made her his chief favourite. She\ntold him her husband's secret and bade him cut down the acacia-tree,\nwhich was accordingly done, and Bitou fell down dead at the same moment.\n\nThen what Bitou had foretold happened to his brother. Beer that foamed\nwas brought to him, and then wine which became muddy while he held\nthe cup. By these signs he knew that the time had come to act, and\ntaking his clothes and sandals and weapons, he set off for the valley.\nWhen he got there he found his brother lying dead on his bed. He went\nto the acacia to look for the heart, but could find only a berry,\nwhich, however, was the heart. He placed it in cold water, and Bitou\nwas restored to life. They embraced each other, and Bitou said to his\nbrother, \"I shall now become a sacred bull (Apis). Lead me, then, to\nPharaoh, who will reward you with gold and silver for having brought\nme. I shall then find means to punish my wife for having betrayed me.\"\nAnapou did as Bitou directed, and when the sun rose again next day,\nBitou having then assumed the form of a bull, he led him to court. There\nwere great rejoicings over the miraculous bull, and Pharaoh rewarded\nAnapou richly and preferred him before any other man.\n\nSome days after, the bull entered the harem and addressed his former\nwife. \"You see, I am still alive, after all,\" he said. \"Who are you?\"\nshe replied. He said, \"I am Bitou. You knew well what you were doing\nwhen you got Pharaoh to have the acacia cut down.\" Then she was very\nmuch afraid, and begged Pharaoh to grant her any request she would\nmake. Pharaoh, who loved her so much that he could refuse her nothing,\nconsented. \"Then,\" she said, \"give me the liver of the sacred bull to\neat, for nothing else will satisfy me.\" Pharaoh was very much grieved\nat this, but he had sworn, and one day when the people were offering up\nsacrifices to the bull he sent his butchers to cut its throat. When the\nbull was being killed two big drops of blood fell from his neck, and\nflowing till they were opposite Pharaoh's doorway, they sprang up in the\nform of two great trees, one at either side of the portal.\n\nAt this second miracle all the people rejoiced again and offered\nsacrifices to the two trees.\n\nA long time after, Pharaoh, in his crown of lapis-lazuli, with a garland\nof flowers round his neck, got into his electrum chair and was carried\nout to look at the two trees. His chief favourite--Bitou's wife--was\nbrought after him and they were set down, one under each tree. Then\nBitou, the tree under which his wife was seated, whispered to her,\n\"Faithless woman! I am Bitou, and I am still alive in spite of you. You\nmade Pharaoh cut down the acacia, and killed me. Then I became a bull\nand you had me slain.\"\n\nAfterward, when she was seated again with Pharaoh at table, she made\nhim swear another oath to do whatever she asked him, and Pharaoh swore\nagain. Then she said, \"Cut me down these two trees and make them into\ntwo good beams.\" What she demanded was done, but as the trees were being\ncut down a chip flew into her mouth. In due time she brought forth a\nmale child, whom Pharaoh loved and made Prince of the Upper Nile, and\nwhen Pharaoh died, Bitou, for _he_ was this child, succeeded him. Then\nhe summoned all the great officials, had his wife brought before him,\nand told them all that had happened. So she was put to death. Bitou\nlived and reigned for twenty years, and then his brother Anapou, whom he\nhad made his successor, reigned in his stead.\n\n\nThe Doomed Prince\n\nThis story is to be found in the Harris Papyrus in the British Museum.\nIt was complete when first discovered, but an unfortunate accident\npartly destroyed it, so that the end of the tale is lost. It is supposed\nto belong to the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty.\n\nThere was once a king who was sore in heart because no son had been born\nto him. He prayed the gods to grant his desire, and they decreed that as\nhe had prayed, so it should be. And his wife brought forth a son. When\nthe Hathors came to decide his destiny they said, \"His death shall be by\nthe crocodile, or by the serpent, or by the dog.\" And those who stood\nround, upon hearing this, hurried to tell the king, who was much grieved\nthereat and feared greatly.\n\nAnd because of what he had heard he caused a house to be built in the\nmountains and furnished richly and with all that could be desired, so\nthat the child should not go abroad. When the boy was grown he went one\nday upon the roof, and from there he saw a dog following a man upon the\nroad. Then he turned to his attendant and said, \"What is that which\nfollows the man coming along the road?\" And he was told that it was a\ndog.\n\nAnd the child at once wished to possess a dog, and when the king was\ntold of his desire he might not deny him, lest his heart should be sad.\n\nAs time went on and the child became a man he grew restive, and, being\ntold of the decree of the Hathors, at once sent a message to his father,\nsaying, \"Come, why and wherefore am I kept a prisoner? Though I am fated\nto three evil fates, let me follow my desires. Let God fulfil His will.\"\n\nAnd after this he was free and did as other men. He was given weapons\nand his dog was allowed to follow him, and they took him to the east\ncountry and said to him, \"Behold, thou art free to go wheresoever thou\nwilt.\"\n\nHe set his face to the north, his dog following, and his whim dictated\nhis path. Then he lived on all the choicest of the game of the desert.\nAnd then he came to the chief of Nahairana. And this chief had but one\nchild, a daughter. For her had been built a house with seventy windows\nseventy cubits from the ground. And here the chief had commanded all the\nsons of the chiefs of the country of Khalu to be brought, and he said to\nthem, \"He who climbs and reaches my daughter's windows shall win her for\nwife.\"\n\nAnd some time after this the prince arrived, and the people of the\nchief of Nahairana took the youth to the house and treated him with the\ngreatest honour and kindness. And as he partook of their food they asked\nhim whence he had come. He answered them, saying, \"I come from Egypt; I\nam the son of an officer of that land. My mother died and my father has\ntaken another wife, who, when she bore my father other children, grew\nto hate me. Therefore have I fled as a fugitive from her presence.\" And\nthey were sorry for him and embraced him.\n\nThen one day he asked the climbing youths what it was they did there.\nAnd when they told him that they climbed the height that they might win\nthe chief's daughter for wife, he decided to make the attempt with them,\nfor afar off he beheld the face of the chief's daughter looking forth\nfrom her window and turned toward them.\n\nAnd he climbed the dizzy height and reached her window. So glad was she\nthat she kissed and embraced him.\n\nAnd thinking to make glad the heart of her father, a messenger went to\nhim, saying, \"One of the youths hath reached thy daughter's window.\" The\nchief inquired which of the chief's sons had accomplished this, and he\nwas told that it was the fugitive from Egypt.\n\nAt this the chief of Nahairana was wroth and vowed that his daughter was\nnot for an Egyptian fugitive. \"Let him go back whence he came!\" he cried.\n\nAn attendant hurried to warn the youth, but the maiden held him fast and\nwould not let him go. She swore by the gods, saying, \"By the being of Ra\nHarakhti, if he is taken from me, I will neither eat nor drink and in\nthat hour I shall die!\"\n\nAnd her father was told of her vow, and hearing it he sent some to slay\nthe youth while he should be in his house. But the daughter of the chief\ndivined this and said again, \"By the great god Ra, if he be slain, then\nI shall die ere the set of sun. If I am parted from him, then I live no\nlonger!\"\n\nAgain her words were carried to the chief. He caused his daughter and\nthe youth to be brought before him, and at first the young man was\nafraid, but the chief of Nahairana embraced him affectionately, saying,\n\"Tell me who thou art, for now thou art as a son to me.\" He answered\nhim, \"I come from Egypt; I am the son of an officer of that land. My\nmother died and my father has taken another wife, who, when she bore my\nfather children, grew to hate me. Therefore have I fled as a fugitive\nfrom her presence!\"\n\nThen the chief gave him his daughter to wife; he gave him a house and\nslaves, he gave him lands and cattle and all manner of good gifts.\n\nThe time passed. One day the youth told his wife of his fate, saying to\nher, \"I am doomed to three evil fates--to die by a crocodile, a serpent,\nor a dog.\" And her heart was filled with a great dread. She said to him,\n\"Then let one kill the dog which follows thee.\" But he told her that\ncould not be, for he had brought it up from the time it was small.\n\nAt last the youth desired to travel to the land of Egypt, and his wife,\nfearing for him, would not let him go alone, so one went with him. They\ncame to a town, and the crocodile of the river was there. Now in that\ntown was a great and mighty man, and he bound the crocodile and would\nnot suffer it to escape. When it was bound the mighty man was at peace\nand walked abroad. When the sun rose the man went back to his house, and\nthis he did every day for two months.\n\nAfter this as the days passed the youth sat at ease in his house. When\nthe night came he lay on his couch and sleep fell upon him. Then his\nwife filled a bowl of milk and placed it by his side. Out from a hole\ncame a serpent, and it tried to bite the sleeping man, but his wife sat\nbeside him watching and unsleeping. And the servants, beholding the\nserpent, gave it milk so that it drank and was drunk and lay helpless on\nits back. Seeing this, with her dagger the wife dispatched it. Upon this\nher husband woke and, understanding all, was astonished. \"See,\" she said\nto him, \"thy god hath given one of thy dooms into thy hand. Surely he\nshall also give thee the others!\"\n\nAnd then the youth made sacrifices to his god and praised him always.\n\nOne day after this the youth walked abroad in his fields, his dog\nfollowing him. And his dog chased after the wild game, and he followed\nafter the dog, who plunged into the river. He also went into the river,\nand then out came the crocodile, who took him to the place where the\nmighty man lived. And as he carried him the crocodile said to the youth,\n\"Behold, I am thy doom, following after thee....\"\n\nAt this point the papyrus is so extensively mutilated that in all\nprobability we shall never know what happened to the prince. Was he at\nlast devoured by the crocodile? or perchance did his faithful dog lead\nhim into still graver danger? Let everyone concoct his own ending to the\ntale!\n\n\nThe Visit of Ounamounou to the Coasts of Egypt\n\nOn the sixteenth day of the thirteenth month, the harvest month,\nOunamounou, the chief priest of the temple of Amen-Ra, departed on a\nvoyage to procure wood for the fashioning of the sacred barque of the\ngod.\n\n\"When I arrived at Tanis,\" he says, \"I gave them the edicts of Amen-Ra,\nwhich they read and decided to obey. I stayed at Tanis till the\nfourteenth month of Shomou, when I embarked to voyage upon the Syrian\nsea. When the ship arrived at Dora, city of Zakkala, the Prince of the\nplace, Bad\u00eel, sent bread, meat, and wine unto me.\n\n\"While in this place a man of the vessel deserted, carrying with him\nmuch gold and silver. Thereupon I went to the Prince and made my\ncomplaint to him, saying that the gold belonged to Amen-Ra. And the\nPrince answered and said he knew naught of it, but if the robber were\nof his country, he would reimburse me out of his own treasury; if, on\nthe other hand, the robber were of my own company, I must stay there for\nsome days and he would search for the thief. I stayed nine days in that\nport. Then I went again to the Prince, saying, 'You have not yet found\nthe stolen gold. But now I must go. If you should find it in my absence,\nthen keep it against my return.' This was so arranged between us.\n\n\"Then I embarked again and reached Tyre, to whose Prince I recounted my\nloss, and complained that the Prince of Dora had not found my gold, but,\nbeing a friend of Bad\u00eel, he would not listen--indeed, threatened me. At\nbreak of day we set out in the direction of Byblos, and on the way a\nvessel of Zakkala overtook us with a coffer on board. On opening this\ncoffer I discovered money, and took possession of it. I said to them\nthat I would keep and use it until my stolen gold was restored to me.\nWhen they saw I was firm they accepted the situation and left me, and we\nat last reached Byblos.\n\n\"I disembarked, carrying the naos containing the statue of Amen-Ra,\nhaving put therein the treasure. But the Prince of Byblos bade me\nbegone. I said to him, 'Is this because the men of Zakkala have told\nyou that I took their money? That money is my own, for in their port\nthe gold of Amen-Ra was stolen. Besides, I come from Herihor to procure\nwood for the sacred barque of the god Amen-Ra.' I stayed in this port\nfor nineteen days, and each day the Prince sent this message bidding me\nbegone.\n\n\"Then one eve when the Prince of Byblos sacrificed to his gods, and one\ndanced before them, he mocked me and bade me bring my god to life. That\nnight I met a man whose vessel was bound for Egypt, and I charged him\nwith all concerning me. I said to him that I would embark and depart\nunknown to any, and surely the gods I trust would watch over me. While\nso debating the commander of the port came to me, saying, 'Stay; it is\nthe will of the Prince.' And I answered him, 'Are you not the one who\nbrought me the message each day bidding me begone, and never bade me\nstay? Now why is it that you bid me rest?'\n\n\"He turned and left me and went to the Prince, who this time sent a\nmessage to the captain of the vessel bidding him wait till the morrow.\nThe next morning he sent for me to be brought to the palace in which he\nlived beside the sea. I was taken to his chamber, and there he asked\nme how long it was I had been on this journey. I answered five months,\nbut he doubted me, asking where were the edicts of Amen-Ra which ought\nto be in my hands, and where was the letter of the high-priest? I told\nhim that I had given them to other princes. He was angered, and said\nthat I came with no proofs, and what was there to hinder him ordering\nthe captain of the vessel to kill me? Again I answered that I had come\nfrom Egypt for wood for the sacred barque. And then he told how formerly\nthose from Egypt had come in state to visit his city. After a long\naltercation with the Prince, and when I had told him that if he executed\nthe commands of Amen-Ra much good would be his, he still hesitated. Then\nI asked for a messenger to take a letter from me to the other Princes,\nSmendes and Tantamounou, and he would see how they would do my bidding\nand succour me.\n\n\"It seemed that the Prince had changed his mind, for after he had given\nmy letter to his messenger he ordered a ship to be loaded with wood,\nseven pieces in all, and to be taken to Egypt.\n\n\"His messenger went to Egypt and returned to me in the first month of\nthe winter. And soon the Princes Smendes and Tantamounou sent me ships\nladen with many gifts. Seeing this, the Prince was rejoiced, and soon\nhe commanded much wood to be hewn for me. And when it was finished he\ncame saying that he had done as his fathers had done before him, and\ngiving orders that the wood should be loaded on a vessel. He also said\nthat I had not been treated as were the envoys of Khamo\u00ees, who had lived\nseventeen years in the country and died there. Turning to his courtier,\nhe bade him show me their tomb. But I had no desire to see it, and said\nso. I also said, 'The envoys of Khamo\u00ees were but men of his household; I\ncame as the messenger of the great god Amen-Ra.'\n\n\"Then I bade him erect a stele and this inscription to be engraved\nthereon:\n\n\"'Amen-Ra, the great god of the gods, sent me a divine messenger,\ntogether with Ounamounou as his human ambassador, for the wood wherewith\nhis sacred barque should be fashioned. I cut down trees for this and\nloaded them, furnishing the vessels by which it was carried into Egypt.\nI did this that I may obtain immortal life from the great god Amen.'\n\n\"'And,' I continued, 'a messenger shall come from the land of Egypt who\nshall read your name upon the stele, and you shall receive the water of\nAmenti even as the gods.'\n\n\"He said, 'This is a wonderful thing you tell me.' Then I told him that\nwhen I returned I should acquaint the high-priest of Amen of how he, the\nPrince, had done all as he was commanded, and that he should assuredly\nreceive the gifts.\n\n\"When I went down to the shore where the wood was loaded I beheld eleven\nvessels sent from Zakkala to seize and imprison and prevent me from\nreaching Egypt. Then I was distressed and cried out, and a messenger\nfrom the Prince approached me, saying, 'What troubles you?'\n\n\"I explained to him what menaced me, and he went and told the Prince,\nwho was much distressed. To cheer me he sent gifts of food and wine, and\nan Egyptian singer, Tantnouit, whose songs he thought might chase away\nmy sorrow. His message was, 'Eat, drink, and be not troubled. You shall\nhear my plans in the morn.'\n\n\"And when the day was come the Prince called his men, and they set out\nand spoke to the men of Zakkala, asking them the object of their coming.\nThey answered that they had come to seize the vessels and their rascally\ncrews. He answered, 'I have not the power to take prisoner the messenger\nof Amen-Ra in my country. I shall let him go, and after you can do with\nhim as you please.'\n\n\"I embarked and left the port, and the wind drove me into the country of\nAlasia. There the people of the town came to put me to death, dragging\nme to the presence of Hatibi, the Princess of the city. I looked at the\nmen around, and asked was there not one who could understand Egyptian?\nOne came forward saying that he understood it. I said that I had heard\nthat if justice was to be found anywhere it was in Alasia, and yet here\nwere they ready to work an injustice. The Princess inquired what I had\nsaid.\n\n\"Again I spoke, and pleaded that as the storm had driven me into their\ncountry they should not slay me, for in truth I was a messenger of\nthe great god Amen-Ra. Then I pointed out that if harm came to me I\nwould be avenged. In a little while the Princess called her people and\ncaused them to relinquish their evil designs, saying to me, 'Be not\ntroubled....\"\n\nHere the papyrus ends. It is tantalizing not to know how Ounamounou\nmanaged to return to Egypt, but we may be sure a person of such infinite\nresource and determination, not to say doggedness, accomplished all he\ndesired.\n\n\nThe Story of Rhampsinites\n\nThe oldest form of this legend has been handed down to us by Herodotus.\nIt occurs in the ancient folklore of both Eastern and Western peoples\nand its origin has often been debated. If not really of Egyptian origin,\nit had certainly become Egyptianized when Herodotus found it. It relates\nhow King Rhampsinites possessed so much treasure that none of his\nsuccessors ever surpassed or even came near to having a like amount.\n\nTo ensure its safety he had a seemingly impregnable stone house built,\nin which he placed all his great wealth. By a clever trick, however,\nthe architect contrived to provide access to the treasure. He made one\nof the stones in two parts, so that one part could be removed; but\nso skilfully were the two parts placed together that they presented\na perfectly even surface, as of one single stone. Before he died he\nacquainted his two sons with the secret of the treasure-house, and after\nhis death they did not delay in putting their knowledge into practice.\nThey went by night, found the stone without any difficulty, withdrew it,\nstole a large sum of money, and replaced it in position.\n\nWhen the king discovered that thieves were at work he had man-traps\nplaced near the site of the treasure-house. One night the two brothers\ncame as usual, and one of them was caught in a trap. Seeing his danger,\nhe called his brother and said to him, \"We shall both perish and the\ntreasure be lost unless you cut off my head and take it away, so that no\none will recognize us as the thieves.\" The brother did as he advised:\nhe moved the stone back into position, cut off his brother's head and\ncarried it home.\n\nWhen the king found the headless body he was much disturbed, for there\nwere no traces of entrance to or exit from the treasure-house, and he\nbethought himself of this expedient: he had the dead body exposed on the\ncity wall and placed a guard round it with instructions to watch and\nreport whoever manifested any sign of grief on seeing the body. This act\nwas contrary to the practice of the Egyptians, who had usually too much\nrespect for the dead to indulge in it. Even in the case of an executed\ncriminal the remains were returned to the relatives to be embalmed.\nNevertheless Rhampsinites considered himself justified in adopting\nthis measure. The body was exposed, and the mother, although she did\nnot betray any sign of grief, insisted on her other son bringing it to\nher; otherwise she threatened to divulge his secret to the king. Seeing\nthat he dared not disobey, the son devised a stratagem. He saddled some\nasses and loaded them with goatskins full of wine--skins were used in\nEgypt for water only at most times, wine being held in short narrow\nvases--he drove the asses past the guard and, when passing, stealthily\nuntied one or two of the skins, and as the wine ran down and flowed on\nthe ground began to beat his head and make a great outcry. The guards\nran for vessels to save the precious liquid, and over the catastrophe\nthey became quite friendly with the thief and gave him meat, for which\nhe offered in exchange one of his skins of wine. They all sat down\nto drink together, and as they became merry over the wine he offered\nthem the remainder of his wine, which they took and drank until they\nwere quite tipsy. The thief, needless to say, had taken care to remain\ntolerably sober. After the guards were in a drunken sleep, he waited\ntill nightfall and then cut down his brother's body and took it home on\nthe asses to his mother. Before quitting the guards he shaved off all\nthe hair on one side of their faces.\n\nWhen the king heard of the trick he was furious, and, determined by fair\nmeans or foul to discover its author, he hit upon the following plan. He\nordered the princess, his daughter, to receive any man in the land, no\nmatter whom, and to grant him whatever favour he might ask of her, but\nfirst she must make him tell her what was the cleverest and wickedest\nthing he had ever done. When the thief told her his trick she was to\nhave him bound before he could escape. The princess was ready to do her\nfather's bidding, but the thief, knowing well what the king had in his\nmind, resolved to circumvent him a third time. He cut off the arm of\na newly dead man and, hiding it under his robe, obtained admission to\nthe princess. On being asked the question that she put to all comers,\nhe told her first about cutting off his brother's head in the trap, and\nthen went on to tell how, having made the guards tipsy, he had cut down\nhis brother's body. She at once called out and tried to seize him, but\nhe placed in her hand that of the dead man, which she grasped firmly,\nbelieving it to be the thief's, and he escaped in the darkness of the\nroom.\n\nThe king now owned himself beaten, and offered a free pardon and rich\nrewards to the man who had so boldly outwitted him. Trusting to his\nword, the thief presented himself before the king, and received not only\nwhat Rhampsinites had promised, but also the hand of the princess in\nmarriage, for he held the thief to be the cleverest of men in that he\nhad duped the Egyptians, who prided themselves on their astuteness.\n\n\nCivil War in Egypt: The Theft of the Cuirass\n\nIn the reign of the Pharaoh Petoubastis the Delta and great part of\nLower Egypt were divided into two rival factions, one part being headed\nby the chieftain Kamenophis, Prince of Mendes, and the other ruled by\nthe king-priest of Heliopolis, Ierharerou, and his ally Pakrourou,\nthe great chieftain of the east. Only four nomes in the middle of the\nDelta were subject to Kamenophis, whilst Ierharerou had succeeded in\nestablishing either his children or relations in most of the other\nnomes. Ierharerou possessed a cuirass to which he attached great value\nand which was generally regarded as a talisman. At his death Kamenophis,\ntaking advantage of the mourning and confusion in Heliopolis, seized\nthe cuirass and placed it in one of his own strongholds. Prince Pimon\u00ee\n'the little'--\"Pimon\u00ee of the strong fist,\" as he is sometimes called in\nthe narrative--the successor of Ierharerou, demanded its restoration.\nKamenophis refused, and hence arose a quarrel in which all the provinces\nof Egypt were implicated.\n\nPimon\u00ee and Pakrourou both presented themselves before King Petoubastis,\nasking his permission to be revenged on Kamenophis; but Pharaoh,\nwho knew that this would entail civil war, endeavoured to dissuade\nPimon\u00ee from taking steps against Kamenophis and, indeed, forbade him\nto proceed with his intentions, promising as compensation a splendid\nfuneral for Ierharerou. Unwillingly Pimon\u00ee submitted, but after the\nfuneral ceremonies were over resentment still burned within him, and\nhe and Pakrourou, \"the great chieftain of the east,\" returned again to\nPetoubastis at his court in Tanis. He received them rather impatiently,\nasking them why they troubled him again and declaring that he would not\nallow civil war during his reign. They, however, would not be satisfied\nand said they could not go on with the celebration of the feast that was\nto follow the religious rites of Ierharerou's funeral until the shield\nor cuirass was restored to its rightful owner.\n\nPharaoh then sent for Kamenophis, and requested him urgently to return\nthe shield, but in vain. Kamenophis declined to do so.\n\nThen said Pimon\u00ee, \"By Tem, the lord of Heliopolis, the great god, my\ngod, were it not for Pharaoh's decree and that my respect for him\nprotects you, I should kill you this very instant.\"\n\nKamenophis replied, \"By the life of Mendes, the great god, the war which\nwill break out in the nome, the battle which will break out in the city\nwill stir up clan against clan, and man against man, before the cuirass\nshall be wrested from the stronghold where I have placed it.\"\n\n\nThe Horrors of War\n\nPakrourou then said before the king, \"Is it right what Kamenophis has\ndone, and the words he has just spoken are they not said to provoke\nus to anger that we may measure our strength against his? I will make\nKamenophis and the nome of Mendes feel the shame of these words uttered\nto provoke civil war which Pharaoh has forbidden; I will glut them with\nwar. I said nothing because I knew the king did not want war; but if\nthe king remains neutral I shall be silent no longer, and the king shall\nsee all the horrors of civil war.\"\n\nPharaoh said, \"Be neither boastful nor timid, Pakrourou, great chieftain\nof the east, but now go each one of you to your nomes and your towns in\npeace, and give me but five days, and I swear by Amen-Ra that I shall\ncause the cuirass to be put back in the place from which it was taken.\"\n\nPimon\u00ee then said that if the cuirass were replaced nothing more should\nbe said about it, and there should be no war; but if it were withheld,\nhe would fight for it, against the whole of Egypt if necessary.\n\nKamenophis at this respectfully asked and obtained permission from\nPharaoh to order all his men to arm themselves, and to go with him to\nthe Lake of the Gazelle and prepare to fight.\n\nThen Pimon\u00ee, encouraged by Pakrourou, sent messages of a similar import\nto all his nomes and cities. Pakrourou further advised him to hasten to\nthe Lake of the Gazelle and be there before Kamenophis had assembled all\nhis men, and Pimon\u00ee, with only one band of men, took his advice and was\nfirst in the field, intending to wait there till his brothers, at the\nhead of their respective clans, should join him.\n\nNews of this was taken to Kamenophis, and he hastily assembled his four\nnomes, Tanis, Mendes, Tahait, and Sebennytos. Arrived at the lake, he at\nonce challenged Pimon\u00ee, and Pimon\u00ee, though his other forces had not yet\narrived, accepted the challenge.\n\nPimon\u00ee put on a shirt of byssus embroidered with silver and gold, and\nover that a second shirt of gold tissue; he also donned his copper\ncorselet and carried two golden swords; he put on his helmet and sallied\nforth to meet Kamenophis.\n\nWhile they were fighting, Zinonfi, Pimon\u00ee's young servant, ran off to\nwatch for the forces that were to come to Pimon\u00ee's aid, and he soon\ndescried a flotilla so large that the river could hardly carry all the\nbarges. They were the people of Heliopolis coming to help their chief.\nAs soon as they came within earshot Zinonfi called out to them to hurry,\nbecause Pimon\u00ee was being hard pressed by Kamenophis, which, indeed, was\ntrue, for his horse was slain under him.\n\nKamenophis redoubled his efforts when he saw the fresh forces arriving,\nand Petekhousou, Pimon\u00ee's brother, challenged Anoukhoron, the king's\nson, to single combat. When Pharaoh heard this he was very angry. He\nwent in person to the field of battle and forbade the combatants to\nproceed, and also commanded a truce until all the forces should be\nassembled.\n\nPetoubastis and all the chieftains occupied prominent positions so that\nthey could watch what was going on, and the men were as numerous as the\nsands of the seashore and their rage against each other uncontrollable.\nThe bands of the four nomes were ranged behind Kamenophis, and the bands\nof the nome of Heliopolis behind Pimon\u00ee the Little.\n\nThen Petoubastis gave Pakrourou a signal and he armed himself and went\ndown among the forces, stirring them all to deeds of valour; he pitted\nman against man, and great was the ardour he aroused in them.\n\n\nSuccour for Pakrourou\n\nAfter Pakrourou had left the _m\u00eal\u00e9e_, he met a mighty man in armour\nleading forty galleys and eight thousand soldiers. This was Moutoubaal,\na prince of Syria, who had been warned in a dream to repair to the\nLake of the Gazelle to help to regain the stolen cuirass. Pakrourou\ngave him a place, though all the forces were now disposed; but he\nordered him not to join in the fight until the opposite side--the men\nof Kamenophis--should attack their vessels. Moutoubaal, therefore,\nremained in his barque, and Pakrourou went back to his point of vantage\nto watch the progress of the battle. The two factions fought from four\nin the morning to nine in the evening. Finally Anoukhoron, the king's\nson, broke under the stress of the bands of Sebennytos and they rushed\ntoward the boats. Then Moutoubaal took his opportunity and went against\nthe bands of Sebennytos and overthrew them. He went on spreading\ndestruction among the forces of Kamenophis till Pharaoh called a halt;\nthen proceeded with Pakrourou to Moutoubaal and besought him to stay his\nhand, promising that he would see to it that the shield was restored.\nMoutoubaal accordingly quitted the lists after having wrought great\nhavoc among the men of Kamenophis. Then Pharaoh and Pakrourou went with\nMoutoubaal to the place where Pimon\u00ee was found engaged in mortal combat\nwith Kamenophis. Pimon\u00ee had got the upper hand and was about to slay his\nadversary, but they stopped him, and Pharaoh ordered Kamenophis to quit\nthe lists.\n\nAfter this Anoukhoron, the royal prince, was overthrown by Petekhousou,\nthe brother of Pimon\u00ee, but Pharaoh interposed and persuaded Petekhousou\nto spare his son, so the young man was allowed to withdraw unhurt.\n\nThe king said, \"By Amen-Ra, the sceptre has fallen from the hands of\nKamenophis, prince of Mendes. Petekhousou has vanquished my son, and the\nbands of the four strongest nomes in Egypt have been overthrown.\"\n\n\nThe Shield Regained\n\nThen Minnemai, Prince of the Eupuantine, the son of Ierharerou, the\npriest-king, to whom the shield had belonged, advanced from Thebes with\nall his forces. They assigned him a place next the ship of Takhos, the\nchief soldier of the nome of Mendes, and it happened that in the galley\nof Takhos lay the cuirass itself. And Minnemai called upon his gods to\nlet him behold his father's cuirass that he might be the instrument of\nits recapture. He armed himself, went to the galley of Takhos, and met\nthere nine thousand soldiers guarding the cuirass of Ierharerou, son\nof Osiris. Minnemai placed thirty-four guards on the footbridge of the\ngalley to prevent anyone from getting off, and he fell upon the soldiers\nguarding the cuirass. Takhos fought well and killed fifty-four men, but\nfinally gave in and retired to his vessel, where Minnemai followed him\nwith his Ethiopian warriors. The children of Ierharerou supported him\nand they seized the cuirass of Ierharerou.\n\nThus was the armour recaptured and brought back to its former place.\nThere was great joy among the children of Ierharerou and the troops of\nHeliopolis. They went before Pharaoh and said to him, \"Great master,\nhave the history of the war of the cuirass written, and the names of\nthe warriors who waged it, that posterity may know what a war was made\nin Egypt on account of the cuirass, in the nomes and in the cities;\nthen cause the history to be engraved on a stone stele in the temple of\nHeliopolis.\" And King Petoubastis did as they asked.\n\n\nThe Birth of Hatshepsut\n\nThe following story of the birth of Hatshepsut, the great queen, the\nbeloved of the gods, mistress of all lands under the sun, is not a\ndirect translation from the old papyrus which recounts it, but is told\nin the writer's own words:\n\nIn the land of the gods Amen-Ra held court. King of the gods was\nAmen-Ra, and the maker of men. On his right was Osiris, with the twin\ngoddesses Isis and Nephthys, Hathor the goddess of love, and Horus and\nAnubis. On his left was Mentu, the god of war, with Geb, the earth-god,\nand Nut, the sky-goddess, the gods Atmu and Shu, and the goddess Tefnut.\nAnd to the assembled gods Amen-Ra spake thus:\n\n\"I will make a great queen, who shall rule over Egypt and Syria, Nubia\nand Punt, so that all lands may be united under her sway. Worthy must\nthe maiden be of her great dominions, for she shall rule the whole\nworld.\"\n\nAs he spoke the god Thoth entered, he who has the form of an ibis, that\nhe may fly more swiftly than the swiftest arrow. In silence he listened\nto the words of Amen-Ra, the mightiest of the gods, the maker of men.\nThen he said:\n\n\"Behold, O Amen-Ra, there is in the land of Egypt a maiden of wondrous\nbeauty. The sun in his circuit shines not on anything more fair. Surely\nit is fitting that she be the mother of the great queen of whom thou\nspeakest.\"\n\n\"Thou sayest well,\" said Amen-Ra. \"Where shall we seek this fair\nprincess? What is her name?\"\n\n\"Her name is Aahmes,\" answered Thoth; \"she is wife to the King of Egypt,\nand dwelleth in his palace. I will lead thee to her.\"\n\n\"It is well,\" said Amen-Ra.\n\nThen Thoth, in the shape of an ibis, flew toward the land of Egypt, and\nwith him went Amen-Ra, in the form of the King of Egypt, and all the\ngods and goddesses, among them Neith, goddess of Sais, and the scorpion\ngoddess, Selk, on whose head was a scorpion bearing in each claw the\nsign of life.\n\nSilently the gods and goddesses entered the sleeping palace, and were\nconducted by Thoth to the chamber of Queen Aahmes. The queen lay asleep\non a couch shaped like a lion, and as they gazed upon her they saw\nthat Thoth had spoken truly, that she was indeed the fairest of mortal\nwomen, and they stood speechless with admiration for her beauty. But the\nfragrance which they had borne with them from the land of Punt awoke\nthe maiden, who looked with astonishment on her supernatural visitors.\nVery magnificent was Amen-Ra, the king of the gods, the maker of men, as\nhe stood before the queen. Jewels of gold and precious stones adorned\nhis person, and his beauty was as the beauty of the sun, so that the\nmaiden's heart was filled with delight. Amen-Ra placed in her hand the\nsign of life and the emblem of power, and the goddesses Neith and Selk\nraised her couch above the ground, so that she might be above the earth\nwhile she conversed with the gods.\n\nAt length the gods returned to the land of Punt, and Amen-Ra called for\nKhnum, the creator, the fashioner of the bodies of men.\n\n\"Fashion for me,\" said Amen-Ra, \"the body of my daughter, and the body\nof her _ka_. A great queen shall I make of her, and honour and power\nshall be hers all the days of her life.\"\n\n\"O Amen-Ra,\" answered Khnum, the creator, \"it shall be done as thou hast\nsaid. The beauty of thy daughter shall surpass that of the gods, and\nshall be worthy of her dignity and glory.\"\n\nSo Khnum fashioned the body of Amen-Ra's daughter and the body of\nher _ka_, the two forms exactly alike, and more beautiful than the\ndaughters of men. He fashioned them of clay with the aid of his potter's\nwheel, and Hekt, goddess of birth, knelt by his side, holding the sign\nof life toward the clay that the bodies of Hatshepsut and her _ka_ might\nbe filled with the breath of life.\n\nThen did the gods bring the bodies to the palace of the King of Egypt.\nKhnum, the creator, and Hekt, the goddess of birth, Isis, the great\nmother, and her twin sister Nephthys, Bes, the protector of children,\nand Meskhent and Ta-urt, all were present to hail the birth of\nHatshepsut, the great queen, the daughter of Amen-Ra and Queen Aahmes.\n\nGreat were the rejoicings when the child was born, and loud the praises\nchanted in her honour. And in time she became ruler of all countries,\nrich and powerful and beloved of Amen-Ra, the great queen for whom she\nhad been designed by the king of the gods.\n\nIn the valley of the Nile there was erected a temple to Queen\nHatshepsut. The temple stands to this day, and is now known as\nDeir-el-Bahari, the Northern Convent.\n\n\nHow Thoutii took the Town of Joppa\n\nThe fragments of this story are inscribed on the Harris Papyrus. Like\nthe story of the Predestined Prince, they were discovered in 1874 by\nGoodwin, who recognized in them the remnants of an historical narrative,\nand who informed the Arch\u00e6ological Society of his find. The beginning\nis lost. At the point where the narrative commences there are three\ncharacters: an Egyptian officer called Thoutii, the prince of a town in\nSyria, and his equerry. The tale deals with the recapture of Joppa (a\ntown of Palestine mentioned in the Bible) by Thoutii's stratagem. The\nstratagem employed bears some resemblance to that related in the story\nof the robber-captain in the _Arabian Nights_.\n\nIn the reign of Thothmes III, King of Egypt (Eighteenth Dynasty), the\nPrince of Joppa rose in rebellion and murdered all the Egyptian soldiers\nthat were quartered in the town. This news naturally excited Pharaoh's\nwrath, and he called together his nobles and generals and scribes to see\nwhat could be done. None of them, however, had any suggestion to make\nexcept Thoutii, a brilliant young infantry officer.\n\n\"Give me,\" he begged, \"your magic cane, O my king, and a body of\ninfantry and of charioteers, and I undertake to kill the Prince of Joppa\nand to take the town.\"\n\nPharaoh, who esteemed this officer highly and knew his worth, granted\nall that he asked--not exactly a modest request, for the cane was a\ntalisman supposed to render invisible anyone into whose possession it\nfell.\n\nThoutii then marched to Palestine with his men. Having arrived there, he\nhad a large skin bag made, big enough to hold a man, and he had irons\nmade for feet and hands, one pair being especially large and strong;\nalso shackles and yokes of wood, and four hundred jars. Then he sent to\nthe Prince of Joppa the following message: \"I am Thoutii, the Egyptian\ninfantry general. King Thothmes was jealous of my bravery and sought to\nkill me; but I have escaped from him, and I have stolen his magic cane,\nwhich is hidden in my baggage; and, if you like, I will give it to you,\nand I will join forces with you, I and my men, the pick of the Egyptian\narmy.\"\n\nThis message was very pleasant news to the Prince of Joppa, for he knew\nThoutii's reputation, and knew that he had no equal in all Egypt. He\nsent to Thoutii, accepting his offer, and promising him a share of his\nterritory. He then left Joppa, taking with him his equerry and the women\nand children, to greet the man whom he took to be a new and powerful\nally. He welcomed him warmly, and invited him into his camp to dine\nwith him. In course of conversation, as they were eating and drinking\ntogether, he asked Thoutii about the magic cane. Thoutii replied that\nit was concealed in the baggage with which his horses were laden, and\nrequested that his men and horses should be brought into the camp to be\nrefreshed and rested.\n\nThis was done: his horses were fed and tied up, the baggage was\nsearched, and the magic cane found.\n\n\nThe Stratagem\n\nHearing this, the Prince of Joppa expressed his eager wish to behold\nthe magic cane. Thoutii went and fetched it; then suddenly seizing the\nPrince by his clothes, he said, \"Behold here King Thothmes' magic cane,\"\nand with that he raised his hand and struck the Prince on the forehead\nso that the latter fell down unconscious before him. Then he put him\ninto the big leather sack he had with him and clapped the handcuffs on\nhis wrists and the irons on his feet. The face of the dead man being\ninvisible, Thoutii's stratagem was to pass off the corpse as his own.\nHe had the two hundred soldiers put into an equal number of the four\nhundred jars he had brought with him and filled the remainder with the\nropes and wooden shackles; then he sealed them, corded them, and gave\nthem to as many strong soldiers, saying, \"Go quickly and tell the Prince\nof Joppa's equerry that I am slain. Let him go and tell his mistress,\nthe Princess of Joppa, that Thoutii is conquered, that she may open the\ncity gates to receive the dead body of the vanquished and the jars of\nbooty that have been taken from him.\" The equerry received this message\nand ran to tell the joyful news to his mistress. The gates of the town\nwere opened, and Thoutii's men carried the jars containing the other\nsoldiers into the town. Then they released their companions, and the\nEgyptian force fell upon the inhabitants of the city and took them and\nbound them.\n\nAfter he had rested Thoutii sent a message to Pharaoh saying, \"I have\nkilled the Prince of Joppa and all the people of Joppa are prisoners.\nLet them be sent for and brought to Egypt, that your house may be filled\nwith male and female slaves who will be yours for ever. Let Amen-Ra, thy\nfather, the god of gods, be glorified.\"\n\n\n\n[1] Vansleb at the end of the seventeenth century perhaps heard it\nspoken.\n\n[2] The Rosetta Stone is written in three scripts, hieroglyphic,\nDemotic, and Greek.\n\n[3] Properly speaking, it should be written from right to left\nhorizontally. Only for decorative purposes is it inscribed from right to\nleft or in columns.\n\n[4] Or Usertsen.\n\n[5] This expression argues a greater decency in matters convivial in the\nEgypt of 526 B.C. than obtained in Georgian England.\n\n[6] Called Her-tata-f in another part of this manuscript.\n\n[7] The Demotic gives the name (or title) as Setne or Setme, and the\nname of the miraculous child as Si-Osiris (_i.e._ son of Osiris).\n\n[8] The whole of this is very obscure in the original.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII: MAGIC\n\n\nTo the peoples of antiquity Egypt appeared as the very mother of\nmagic. In the mysterious Nile country they found a magical system much\nmore highly developed than any within their native knowledge, and\nthe cult of the dead, with which Egyptian religion was so strongly\nidentified, appeared to the foreigner to savour of magical practice. If\nthe materials of the magical papyri be omitted, the accounts which we\npossess of Egyptian magic are almost wholly foreign, so that it is wiser\nto derive our data concerning it from the original native sources if we\ndesire to arrive at a proper understanding of Egyptian sorcery.\n\nMost of what has been written by Egyptologists on the subject of\nEgyptian magic has been penned on the assumption that magic is either\nmerely a degraded form of religion, or its foundation. This is one of\nthe results of the arch\u00e6ologist entering a domain (that of anthropology)\nwhere he is usually rather at a loss. For example, we find Sir Gaston\nMaspero stating that \"ancient magic was the very foundation of religion.\nThe faithful who desired to obtain some favour from a god had no chance\nof succeeding except by laying hands on the deity, and this arrest could\nonly be effected by means of a certain number of rites, sacrifices,\nprayers, and chants, which the god himself had revealed and which\nobliged him to do what was demanded of him.\"[1] Then we find Dr. Budge\nstating that in the religious texts and works we see how magic is made\nto be the handmaiden of religion, and that whereas non-Egyptian races\ndirected their art against the powers of darkness, and invoked a class\nof benevolent beings to their aid, the Egyptians aimed at complete\ncontrol over their native deities.\n\nLet us glance for a moment at the question of the origin of magic.\nConsiderable diversity of opinion exists regarding this subject among\npresent-day anthropologists, and the works of Frazer, Marett, Hubert,\nand Mauss, etc., although differing widely as regards its foundations,\nhave thrown much light upon a hitherto obscure problem. All writers on\nthe subject, however, appear to have ignored one notable circumstance\nin connexion with it--that is, the element of wonder, which is the true\nfount and source of veritable magic. According to the warring schools of\nanthropology, nearly all magic is sympathetic or mimetic in its nature.\nFor example, when the barbarian medicine-man desires rain he climbs a\ntree and sprinkles water upon the parched earth beneath, in the hope\nthat the deity responsible for the weather will do likewise; when the\nignorant sailor desires wind, he imitates the whistling of the gale.\nThis system is universal, but if our conclusions are well founded, the\nmagical element does not reside in such practices as these. It must be\nobvious, as Frazer has pointed out, that when the savage performs an\nact of sympathetic magic he does not regard it as magical--that is, to\nhis way of thinking it does not contain any element of wonder at all;\nhe regards his action as a cause which is certain to bring about the\ndesired effect, exactly as the scientific man of to-day believes that\nif he follows certain formul\u00e6 certain results will be achieved. Now the\ntrue magic of wonder argues from effect to cause; so it would appear as\nif sympathetic magic were merely a description of proto-science, due\nto mental processes entirely similar to those by which scientific laws\nare produced and scientific acts are performed--that there is a spirit\nof certainty about it which is not found, for example, in the magic of\nevocation.\n\nIt would, however, be rash to attempt to differentiate sympathetic magic\nentirely from what I would call the 'magic of wonder' at this juncture;\nindeed, our knowledge of the basic laws of magic is too slight as yet\nto permit of such a process. We find considerable overlapping between\nthe systems. For example, one of the ways by which evilly disposed\npersons could transform themselves into werewolves was by means of\nbuckling on a belt of wolfskin. Thus we see that in this instance the\ntrue wonder-magic of animal transformation is in some measure connected\nwith the sympathetic process, the idea being that the donning of\nwolfskin, or even the binding around one of a strip of the animal's\nhide, was sufficient to bestow the nature of the beast upon the wearer.\nIn passing, I may say, for the sake of completeness, that I believe the\nmagic of wonder to be almost entirely spiritistic in its nature, and\nthat it consists of evocation and similar processes. Here, of course,\nit may be quoted against me that certain incenses, planetary signs, and\nother media known to possess affinities for certain supernatural beings\nwere brought into use at the time of their evocation. Once more I admit\nthat the two systems overlap; but that will not convince me that they\nare in essence the same.[2]\n\n\nAntiquity of Egyptian Magic\n\nLike all magic, Egyptian magic was of prehistoric origin. As the savage\nof to-day employs the sympathetic process, so did the savage of the\nEgyptian Stone Age make use of it. That he also was fully aware of\nthe spiritistic side of magic is certain. Animism is the mother of\nspiritism. The concept of the soul was arrived at a comparatively early\nperiod in the history of man. The phenomenon of sleep puzzled him.\nWhither did the real man betake himself during the hours of slumber?\nThe Pal\u00e6olithic man watched his sleeping brother, who appeared to him\nas practically dead--dead, at least, to perception and the realities of\nlife. Something seemed to have escaped the sleeper; the real, vital,\nand vivifying element had temporarily departed from him. From his own\nexperience the puzzled savage knew that life did not cease with sleep,\nfor in a more shadowy and unsubstantial sphere he re-enacted the scenes\nof his everyday existence. If the man during sleep had experiences in\ndreamland or in distant parts, it was only reasonable to suppose that\nhis _ego_, his very self, had temporarily quitted the body. Grant so\nmuch, and you have two separate entities, body and soul, similar in\nappearance because the latter on the dream plane exercised functions\nidentical with those of the former on the corporeal plane.\n\n\nThe Wandering Spirit\n\nBut prehistoric logic did not stop here. So much premised, it extended\nits soul-theory to all animate beings, and even to things inanimate.\nWhere, for example, did the souls of men go after death? Their bodies\ndecayed, so it was only reasonable to suppose that they cast about them\nfor other corporeal media. Failing their ability to enter the body of a\nnew-born infant, they would take up their quarters in a tree, a rock, or\nany suitable natural object, and the terrified savage could hear their\nvoices crying down the wind and whispering through the leaves of the\nforest, possibly clamouring or entreating for that food and shelter\nwhich they could not obtain in their disembodied condition. All nature,\nthen, we see became animate to early man, and not less so to the early\nEgyptian than to others. But his hunting life had made prehistoric man\nexceptionally cunning and resourceful, and it would soon occur to him\n(in what manner we do not presume to say, as the point greatly requires\nelucidation) that he might possibly make use of such wandering and\nmasterless spirits as he knew were close to his call. In this desire, it\nappears to me (if the statement be not a platitude), we have one of the\norigins of the magic of wonder, and certainly the origin of spiritism.\nTrading upon the wish of the disembodied spirit to materialize,\nprehistoric man would construct a fetish[1] either in the human shape or\nin that of an animal, or in any weird presentment that squared with his\nideas of spiritual existence. He usually made it of no great dimensions,\nas he did not believe that the _alter ego_, or soul, was of any great\nsize. By threats or coaxings he prevailed upon the wandering spirit\n(whom he conceived as, like all the dead, cold, hungry, and homeless) to\nenter the little image, which duly became its corporeal abode, where its\nlips were piously smeared with the blood of animals slain in the chase,\nand where it was carefully attended. In return it was expected, by dint\nof its supernatural knowledge, that the soul contained in the fetish\nshould assist its master or coadjutor in every possible way.\n\n\nCoercing the Gods\n\nEgyptian magic differed from most other systems in the circumstance\nthat the native magician attempted to coerce certain of the gods into\naction on his behalf. Instances of this elsewhere are extremely rare,\nand it would seem as if the deities of Egypt had evolved in many cases\nfrom mere animistic conceptions. This is true in effect of all deities,\nbut at a certain point in their history most gods arrive at such a\ncondition of eminence that they soar far above any possibility of being\nemployed by the magician as mere tools for any personal purpose. We\noften, however, find the broken-down, or deserted, deity coerced by the\nmagician. Of this class Beelzebub might be taken as a good example. A\ngreat reputation is a hard thing to lose, and it is possible that the\nsorcerer may descry in the abandoned, and therefore idle, god a very\nsuitable medium for his purpose. But we find the divinities of Egypt\nfrightened into using their power on behalf of some paltry sorcerer even\nin the very zenith of their fame. One thing is of course essential to\na complete system of sorcery, and that is the existence of a number of\nspirits, the detritus of a vanished or submerged religion. As we know,\nthere were numerous strata in Egyptian religion--more than one faith had\nobtained on the banks of the Nile, and it may be that the worshippers\nof the deities of one system regarded the deities of another as magical\non the first introduction of a new system; in fact, these may have been\ninterchangeable, and it is possible that by the time the various gods\nbecame common to all the practice had become so universal as to be\nimpossible of abandonment.\n\nIf our conclusions are correct, it would seem that Maspero's statement\nthat magic is the foundation of religion is scarcely consonant with\nfact. We have seen that at least the greater part of barbarian magic\nso-called (that is, sympathetic magic) is probably not of the nature\nof magic at all, so that the scope of his contention is considerably\nlessened. Budge's dictum that the magic of every other nation of the\nAncient East but the Egyptian was directed entirely against the powers\nof darkness, and was invented to frustrate their fell designs by\ninvoking a class of benevolent beings, is so far an error in that the\npeoples of the Ancient Orient invoked evil beings equally with good. At\nthe same time it must be admitted that Egyptian magic had much more in\ncommon with religion than most other magical systems, and this arose\nfrom the extraordinary circumstances of the evolution of religion on\nEgyptian soil.\n\n\nNames of Power\n\nOne of the most striking circumstances in connexion with Egyptian magic\nwas the use of what has come to be known as 'names of power.' The\nsavage fancies that there is a very substantial bond between a man and\nhis name--that, in fact, magic may be wrought on a man just as easily\nthrough his name as through the possession of his hair or his nails.\nIndeed, primitive man regards his name as a vital portion of himself.\nSir John Rhys has shown that among the ancient Celts there was a\nuniversal belief not only that the name was a part of the man, but that\nit was that part of him which is termed the 'soul,' and many barbarian\nraces at the present day regard their names as vital parts of themselves\nand take extraordinary precautions to conceal their _real_ names lest\nthese should give to the witch, or shaman, a handle by which to injure\ntheir owners. Howitt has shown in a monograph on Australian medicine-men\nthat the Australian aborigine believes that if an enemy has his name\nhe has something which he can use magically to his detriment. The\nAustralian black is always reluctant to reveal his real name to anyone.\nThus in many Australian tribes a man gives up his name for ever at the\ntime when he undergoes initiation into the ceremonies which confer\nupon him the rites of manhood. This results in the use of such titles\namong the members of the tribe as 'brother,' 'nephew,' or 'cousin,' as\nthe case may be. New names are thus probably given at initiation, and\ncarefully concealed for fear of sorcery. We find the same superstition\nin Abyssinia, Chile, Senegambia, North America, and a score of other\ncountries. To return to Egypt, we find that many Egyptians received two\nnames--the 'great' name and the 'little' name, or the 'true' name and\nthe 'good' name; the latter was that made public, but the 'true' or\n'great' name was most carefully concealed.[4] We find the use of these\n'names of power' extremely common all over the East. Even to-day, in\nreading the sacred name, _Jahveh_, the Jews render it 'Adonai'; but\nnowhere was its use in such vogue as in Egypt. A good illustration of\nthe power possible to the wielder of a name is found in the legend of\nthe manner in which Isis succeeded in procuring his secret name from\nRa. Isis, weary of the world of mortals, determined to enter that of\nthe gods, and to this end made up her mind to worm his secret name from\nthe almighty Ra. This name was known to no mortal, and not even to any\ngod but himself. By this time Ra had grown old, and, like many another\nvenerable person, he often permitted the saliva to flow from the corners\nof his mouth. Some of this fell to the earth, and Isis, mixing it with\nthe soil, kneaded it into the shape of a serpent, and cunningly laid\nit in the path traversed by the great god every day. Bursting upon\nthe world in his effulgence, and attended by the entire pantheon, he\nwas astounded when the serpent, rising from its coil, stung him. He\ncried aloud with pain, and, in answer to the agitated questions of his\ninferior divinities, was silent. The poison swiftly overcame him, and a\ngreat ague seized him. He called all the gods to come that their healing\nwords might make him well, and with them came Isis, who cunningly\ninquired what ailed him. He related the incident of the serpent to her,\nand added that he was suffering the greatest agony. \"Then,\" said Isis,\n\"tell me thy name, Divine Father, for the man shall live who is called\nby his name.\" Ra attempted a compromise by stating that he was 'Khepera'\nin the morning, 'Ra' at noon, and 'Atem' in the evening; but the poison\nworked more fearfully within him than before, and he could no longer\nwalk. Isis conjured him to tell her his name in order that he might\nlive; so, hiding himself from all the other gods, he acquainted her\nwith his hidden title. When this was revealed Isis immediately banished\nthe poison from his veins, and he became whole again. The scribe takes\ninfinite care not to communicate the sacred name to his readers, and the\nprobabilities are that, although he knew the legend, he did not know the\nname himself, which was possibly 'unknown' to the wizards of Egypt. The\nspeech of Ra, \"I consent that Isis shall search into me and that my name\nshall pass from my breast into hers,\" would seem to show that not only\nwas the power of the god inextricably bound up with his _real_ name, but\nthat it was supposed to be lodged in an almost physical sense, somewhere\nin his breast, whence it could be extricated and transferred with all\nits supernatural powers to the breast of another. What Isis was able to\ndo was aspired to by every Egyptian magician, who left no stone unturned\nto accomplish this end. We find magicians threatening Osiris that if he\ndoes not do the bidding of the sorcerer, he will be named aloud in\nthe port of Busiris. The practice is by no means extinct in Egypt, for\nwe find in Lane's _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ that\nthe man who knows the most great name of God can, by the mere utterance\nof it, kill the living, raise the dead, and perform most marvellous\nmiracles; and if this was true of the Egypt of sixty years ago, we may\nbe sure that it is true of the Egypt of to-day.\n\nOccasionally the gods themselves vouchsafed to mankind the secret of\ntheir names, and divulged the formulas by which they might be evoked.\nWe find a parallel in the mythology of certain North American Indian\ntribes, where the secrets of initiatory ceremonies and 'medicine' in\ngeneral are divulged by deities to men.\n\n\n'Right Speaking'\n\nThere is no exact evidence that magical force was supposed in Egypt\nto be drawn from a great central reservoir like the _orenda_ of the\nNorth American Indians, the _kramat_ of the Malays, or the _mana_ of\nthe Melanesians. But it is possible that an examination of the texts\nwhich had for its end the discovery of the belief in such a force would\nprove successful. Magic had its recognized representatives; these\nwere the 'kheri-heb' priests, and in the period of the Old Kingdom\nthe higher offices in this caste were filled by sons of the Pharaohs.\nGreat importance was laid upon the manner in which the spell or magical\nformula was spoken. When a magician once found that a certain formula\nwas effective at a certain time, he was careful to repeat it, when\nnext he desired to say it, in an exactly similar tone and in similar\ncircumstances. This was called 'right speaking,'[5] and was practised\nby practically everyone in Egypt, as in the next world a correct\nknowledge of magic words and formul\u00e6 was absolutely essential. The\nguardians of the various gateways who are pictured in the _Book of the\nDead_ do not open to those who know not their names and who do not utter\nthem correctly. Unless certain prescribed prayers were uttered with the\ntrue intonations food was not forthcoming. The number of these formul\u00e6\nwas great. Each doorway in the otherworld had a title, and would not\nopen to the new-comer unless invoked by him correctly.\n\n\nA Magical Conspiracy\n\nIn these circumstances, then, we see how universal must have been the\nbelief in magic, and, trading upon this, many magical books were written\nand doubtless sold. One of the most interesting of those that have come\ndown to us is the Harris Papyrus, which contains many spells and charms.\nSuch manuscripts seem to have been housed in the royal libraries, and\nwe read of how a certain official at the court of Rameses III (about\n1200 B.C.), holding the office of overseer of the Treasury, conspired\nwith certain of his fellows to dethrone the king. The conspiracy was\ndiscovered, and in the official account of it we read that Hui, overseer\nof the royal cattle, procured a magical book from the king's library by\nmeans of which he attempted to injure the king. Betaking himself to a\nsecret place, he moulded figures of men in wax, and these he succeeded\nin smuggling into the royal palace through another official. The figures\nwere evidently intended to work harm to the king. He was charged with\ncarrying out \"all the wickednesses which his heart could imagine,\" to\nthe horror of the gods; and with making gods of wax and figures of\nmen, which should cause the persons whom they represented to become\nparalysed and helpless. The conspiracy was carefully investigated by\ntwo separate courts of inquiry, and the king ordained that those who\nwere guilty should die by their own hands. He further desired that he\nshould be told nothing whatever about the matter. Hui, amongst others,\nwas doomed to the fate of a suicide. Such wax figures as were employed\nby him were greatly in use among sorcerers throughout the Middle Ages,\nand are not yet quite dispensed with. Only a few years ago a clay\nfigure stuck full of pins and placed in a running stream was found in\nthe Highlands of Scotland. It was, of course, modelled to represent the\nperson it was desired to bewitch, and placed in the water in order that\nit should slowly wear away, the hope of the amateur sorcerer doubtless\nbeing that his enemy might, through the powers of sympathetic magic,\npeak and pine into a mortal illness. The method with the figures of wax\nwas, of course, to place them close by a fire so that they might slowly\nmelt.\n\n\nAmulets\n\nIn no country was the amulet more in use than in ancient Egypt. It was\nworn both by the dead and the living, and, indeed, every member of the\nbody was under the specific protection of some such talisman. A number\nof the amulets found upon mummies are inscribed with words of power,\nor magic formul\u00e6, which would prove of use to them in the otherworld.\nSome of the more important amulets were those of the Heart, the Scarab,\nwhich protected the heart; the Pillow, which was placed under the neck\nof the mummy with the object of protecting its head; the Collar of Gold,\nwhich was intended to give the deceased power to free himself from his\nswathings; the amulet of the Eye of Horus, the use of which was almost\nuniversal, and which brought strength, vigour, protection, and safety.\n\n\nSpells\n\nThe use of spells was universal. In the most primitive times the\nmagician seems to have imagined that all that was necessary for him to\ndo was to inform the evil demon that he intended to exorcize it. To\nthe dead who haunted a certain house and brought illness into it he\nthreatens destruction of their graves and deprivation of food-offerings.\nTo a disease which has attacked a patient he explains that it has\nfastened upon a most unlikely subject, who would probably do it more\nharm than good. Later, however, we find the magician requesting the aid\nof the gods. He invokes Ra, begging that he will keep watch over the\nevil spirits, and relates to that god their delinquencies. Occasionally\nhe himself takes the name of a divinity, and hurls his thunders at the\ndemon or the malady that threatens his client, saying, for example,\n\"Thou hast not the upper hand over me; I am Amen; I am the Great One,\nthe Lord of Might.\" The magician was often guided in his choice of\na guardian deity by episodes that occurred in the legends connected\nwith him. For example, a god who had once triumphed over serpents\nwould probably be the best protection against them. We find a certain\nspell which was supposed to cure scorpion stings desiring Ra to remove\nthe poison as the goddess Bast the Cat was cured--an incident in the\nhistory of the goddess. But we find that the deities who were nearest\nhumanity, and should typify in their legends the life of a man, were\nmost generally invoked. The crocodile, for example, will hurry off when\nhe is told how the body of Osiris lay in the water and was guarded by\nthe gods. Isis and Horus at one time hid in the swamps of the Delta, and\nif this be recalled it will act as a safeguard against the sting of a\nscorpion, an insect which haunts the swamp-lands.\n\n\nThe Gibberish of Magic\n\nAll this is, of course, of the nature of sympathetic magic, and we can\nobserve from it how often the spoken word can partake of the character\nof proto-science. But even in the case of the spoken word we have a\ncleavage between the two systems, for we find that it may consist, as in\nthese last examples, of sympathetic allusion to an incident in the life\nof a god, or else of mere gibberish, which certainly constitutes it a\npart of the magic of wonder. A great many of these seemingly nonsensical\nspells consist of foreign words and expressions, some of them of\nSyrian origin. It is well known that the shamanistic class in savage\ncommunities is prone to invent a secret language or dialect of its own,\nand that the vocabulary of such a jargon is usually either archaic or\nelse borrowed from a neighbouring language. For example, we find in one\nmagical formula such a sentence as the following: \"I am he that invokes\nthee in the Syrian tongue, the Great God, Zaala\u00ear, Iphphon. Do thou not\ndisregard the Hebrew appellation Ablanathanalb, Abrasil\u00f4a.\"\n\n\nThe Tale of Setne\n\nA tale which well instances the high standing of the magician in ancient\nEgypt and the use of magical models or figures is that related in a\npapyrus of the Ptolemaic period regarding the prince Setne, who had\nstudied to good purpose the manuscripts in the Double House of Life, or\nLibrary of Magical Books. He was conversing on one occasion with one of\nthe king's wise men who appeared sceptical of his powers. In reply to\nhis strictures upon the efficacy of magic Setne offered to take him to\na place where he would find a book possessed of magical powers written\nby Thoth himself, and containing two potent spells, the first of which\nwas capable of enchanting the entire universe, and so powerful that\nall animals and birds and fishes could be commanded by it. The second\nenabled a man in the tomb to see Ra rising in heaven with his cycle of\ngods; the Moon rising with all the stars of heaven; the fishes in the\ndepths of the ocean.\n\nThe wise man thereupon very naturally requested Setne to tell him the\nrepository of this marvellous volume, and learned that it was in the\ntomb of Nefer-ka-Ptah at Memphis. Thence Setne proceeded, accompanied\nby his brother, and passed three days and nights in seeking for the\ntomb of Nefer-ka-Ptah, which he eventually discovered. Uttering over\nit some magical words, the earth opened, and they descended to the\nchamber where the actual tomb was situated. The book, which lay in the\nsarcophagus, illuminated the place so brilliantly that they required\nno torches, and by its light they perceived in the grave not only its\noriginal inhabitant, but his wife and son, who, buried at Coptos, had\ncome in their _ka_-shapes to reside with their husband and father. Setne\ninformed them that he desired to remove the book, but Ahura, the wife\nof Nefer-ka-Ptah, earnestly requested him not to do so, and informed\nhim how its possession had already proved unfortunate to others. Her\nhusband, she said, had given up most of his time to the study of magic,\nand for the price of a hundred pieces of silver and two elaborate\nsarcophagi had bought from the priest of Ptah the secret of the\nhiding-place of the wonderful volume. The book was contained in an iron\nchest sunk in the middle of the river at Coptos; in the iron box was\na bronze box; in the bronze box a box of palm-tree wood, which again\ncontained a box of ebony and ivory, in which was a silver box, which\nlastly contained a gold box, the true receptacle of the book. Swarms of\nserpents and noxious reptiles of all kinds guarded the volume, and round\nit was coiled a serpent which could not die. Nefer-ka-Ptah, his wife\nand child, set out for Coptos, where he obtained from the high-priest\na model of a floating raft and figures of workmen provided with the\nnecessary tools. Over these he recited words of power, so that they\nbecame alive. Shortly afterward they located the box, and by further\nmagical formul\u00e6 Nefer-ka-Ptah put the reptiles which surrounded it to\nflight. Twice he slew the great serpent which lay coiled round the chest\nof iron, but each time it came to life again. The third time, however,\nhe cut it in twain, and laid sand between the two pieces, so that they\nmight not again join together. Opening the various boxes, he took out\nthe mysterious volume which they had contained, and read the first spell\nupon its pages. This acquainted him with all the secrets of heaven and\nearth. He perused the second and saw the sun rising in the heavens, with\nall the accompanying gods. His wife followed his example with similar\nresults. Nefer-ka-Ptah then copied the spells on a piece of papyrus, on\nwhich he sprinkled incense, dissolved the whole in water, and drank it,\nthus making certain that the knowledge of the formul\u00e6 would remain with\nhim for ever.\n\n\nA Game of Draughts with the Dead\n\nBut the god Thoth was angry with him for what he had done, and\nacquainted Ra with the sacrilegious act. Ra at once decided that\nNefer-ka-Ptah, his wife and child, should never return to Memphis;\nand whilst returning to Coptos, Ahura and her son fell into the\nriver and were drowned. Shortly afterward Nefer-ka-Ptah himself met a\nlike fate. All that they could say, however, could not prevail with\nSetne, who had made up his mind to possess the book. The disembodied\nNefer-ka-Ptah proposed, however, that its ownership should be settled\nby playing a game of draughts, the winner to retain the volume. To\nthis Setne agreed. Nefer-ka-Ptah did his best to win, first honestly,\nand then by fraud, but in the end he lost the game. Setne requested\nhis brother, who had accompanied him into the mausoleum, to ascend to\nthe place above and bring him his magical writings. This was done, and\nthe spells in question were laid upon Setne, who grasped the wonderful\nbook of Thoth and ascended to heaven with marvellous swiftness. As he\ndeparted, however, Nefer-ka-Ptah remarked to his wife that he would\nsoon make him return. The prophecy of Ahura that Setne would be unlucky\nif he persisted in keeping the volume was fully borne out, for he fell\nin love with a beautiful woman who worked him much woe, and such were\nhis troubles that the Pharaoh commanded him to return the book to the\nkeeping of Nefer-ka-Ptah.\n\n\nMedical Magic\n\nMagic very naturally played a large part in the practice of Egyptian\nmedicine. Many illnesses were supposed to be caused by demoniac\npossession, and the only cure was the expulsion of the evil spirit who\nhad taken up his abode in the body of the afflicted person. The Egyptian\nphysician could not have found the practice of his art very arduous,\nfor he theoretically divided the human body into thirty-six parts, each\nof which was presided over by a certain demon, and if the demon who\nattacked a specific part was properly invoked, it was considered that\na cure should result. There were gods of healing for each of the bodily\ndivisions. Several medical papyri are in existence which contain formul\u00e6\nto be employed against the demons of disease, as well as prescriptions\nfor the remedies to be used in specified cases of illness. Prayers were\nprescribed to be spoken while preparing the drugs. Often the unfortunate\npatient had to swallow the prescription written upon papyrus. Amulets\nwere regarded as most efficacious in cases of illness. It is said that\nthe peculiar letter which figures before modern medical prescriptions,\nand which physicians interpret as implying the word 'recipe,' is in\nreality an invocation to the god Ra, whose symbol it is, and that it\nsignifies \"in the name of Ra,\" or \"O Ra, God of Light and Health,\ninspire me.\"\n\n\nAlchemy\n\nIt has been averred with much likelihood that the science of alchemy\noriginated in ancient Egypt. The derivation of the word is usually\nreferred to the Arabic _al khemeia_, but it has also been stated[6] that\nit may be derived from the Egyptian word _kemt_, which means 'black' or\n'dusky,' and which was applied to the country on account of the dark\ncolour of the mud which forms the soil on each side of the Nile. The\nChristian Egyptians or Copts, it is thought, transmitted the word in\nthe form _kh\u00eame_ to the Greeks, Romans, Syrians, and Arabs. At an early\nperiod in their history the Egyptians had attained to considerable\nskill in the working of metals, and according to certain Greek writers\nthey employed quicksilver in the separation of gold and silver from\nthe native ore. The detritus which resulted from these processes\nformed a black powder, which was supposed to contain within itself\nthe individualities of the various metals which had contributed to its\ncomposition. In some manner this powder was identified with the body\nwhich the god Osiris was known to possess in the underworld, and to both\nwere attributed magical qualities, and both were thought to be sources\nof light and power. \"Thus,\" says Dr. Budge, \"side by side with the\ngrowth of skill in performing the ordinary processes of metal-working\nin Egypt, there grew up in that country the belief that magical\npowers existed in fluxes and alloys; and the art of manipulating the\nmetals, and the knowledge of the chemistry of the metals and of their\nmagical powers, were described by the name _khemeia_--that is to say,\n'the preparation of the black ore,' which was regarded as the active\nprinciple in the transmutation.\" If this ingenious theory be correct, we\nhave perhaps here not only the genesis of practical alchemy, but also\nthe origin of a part of alchemistical science, which until recently has\nbeen strangely neglected. The allusion is to spiritual alchemy, which\nemployed the same symbols and language as were used in the practical\nscience, and which is credited with containing, in allegory, many a deep\npsychical and mystical secret.[7]\n\n\nAnimal Transformation\n\nThe idea of animal transformation was evidently a very ancient one in\nEgypt. We find from the texts that it was thought that in the future\nlife both the gods and men were able at will to assume the form of\ncertain animals, birds, and plants. Nearly twelve chapters of the _Book\nof the Dead_ are occupied with spells which provide the deceased with\nformul\u00e6 to enable him to transform himself into any shape from a bird,\na serpent, or a crocodile to a god in the otherworld. He was able to\nassume practically any form, and to swim or fly to any distance in any\ndirection. Strangely enough, no animal is alluded to in the texts as a\ntype of his possible transformation.\n\nIn his valuable work upon _Egyptian Magic_, by far the most illuminating\ntext-book on the subject, Dr. Budge says: \"The Egyptians believed that\nas the souls of the departed could assume the form of any living thing\nor plant, so the 'gods,' who in many respects closely resembled them,\ncould and did take upon themselves the forms of birds and beasts. This\nwas the fundamental idea of the so-called 'Egyptian animal-worship,'\nwhich provoked the merriment of the cultured Greek, and drew down upon\nthe Egyptians the ridicule and abuse of the early Christian writers.\" He\nfurther states that the Egyptians paid honour to certain animal forms\nbecause they considered they possessed the characteristics of the gods,\nto whom they made them sacred.\n\nIn another chapter we have dealt with the question of the totemic origin\nof certain of the Egyptian deities. There can be little doubt that the\norigin of the conception whereby the gods took upon themselves the forms\nof animals was a totemic one, and not magical at all in its basis.\nRegarding Dr. Budge's other statement that it is wrong to say that the\nEgyptians worshipped animals in the ordinary sense of the word, one must\ndifferentiate between the attitude of primitive man toward his personal\nor tribal totem and toward the full-fledged deity. It is extremely\ndifficult at this time of day, even with the example of living totemic\ntribes before us, to ascertain the exact status of the totem as regards\nworship or adoration. The Egyptian god certainly received worship of\na very thorough description, and if he received it in his totem form,\nwe may take it that it was on account of his status as a deity, and not\nas a totem. The contention that the animal form of many of the Egyptian\ngods is not of totemic origin is a vain one, and cannot be upheld in the\nlight of modern researches. To state that the Egyptian gods were not\ntotemic in their origin simply because they were Egyptian is to take up\na totally untenable position--a position which cannot be supported by a\nsingle shred of evidence.\n\nWe do not hear very much concerning animal transformation on earth--that\nis, few tales exist which describe the metamorphosis of a sorcerer or\nwitch into an animal form. So far as one can judge, the idea of the\nwerewolf or any similar form was unknown in ancient Egypt. But a kindred\ntype of great antiquity was not wanting--that of the vampire. We do not\nfind the vampire in any concrete form, but figured as a ghost--indeed,\nas the wicked or spiteful dead so common in Hindu, Burmese, and Malay\nmythology. The Egyptian ghost slew the sleeping child by sucking its\nbreath, and, strangely enough, the charm employed against such a being\nwas the same as that used to-day in the Balkan peninsula against the\nattacks of the vampire--to wit, a wreath of garlic, a plant the vampire\nis known to detest.\n\nThe astrological knowledge of the Egyptians appears to have been\nexercised chiefly in the casting of horoscopes. Certain gods presided\nover certain periods of time, while others were identified with the\nheavenly bodies, and all were supposed to have power over the events\nwhich occurred in the periods subject to their control. In the later\npapyri spheres or tables of nativity are found, by means of which\nthe fate of a man could be calculated from such data as the hour of\nhis birth and so forth. As among most Oriental peoples, astrological\ncalendars, stating which days were auspicious or otherwise, were greatly\nin vogue, and these were to some extent founded on mythological events\nwhich had taken place on such and such a date, thus lending to it a\ncertain significance for all time.\n\n\nDreams\n\nDreams were also greatly relied upon in the affairs of life. These were\nbelieved to be sent by the gods, and it is probable that the Egyptian\nwho was exercised over his private affairs sought his repose in the hope\nof being vouchsafed a dream which would guide him in his conduct. Such\na practice is in vogue amongst certain North American Indian tribes\nto-day. Savage man goes to sleep trusting that his totem will grant\nhim a vision for the regulation of his future affairs. If the ancient\nEgyptian desired such illumination, he considered it wiser to sleep\nwithin a temple famous as the seat of an oracle. A class of professional\ninterpreters existed whose business it was to make clear the enigmatic\nportions of dreams. It was thought that diseases might be cured by\nnostrums communicated by the gods during sleep.\n\n\nMummy Magic\n\nThe treatment of the mummy and the various ceremonies in connexion with\nembalmment were undoubtedly magical in origin. As each bandage was laid\nin its exact position certain words of power were uttered which were\nsupposed to be efficacious in the preservation of the part swathed.\nAfter consecration the priest uttered an invocation to the deceased\nand then took a vase of liquid containing ten perfumes, with which he\nsmeared the body twice from head to foot, taking especial care to anoint\nthe head thoroughly. The internal organs were at this juncture then\nplaced on the body, and the backbone immersed in holy oil, supposed to\nbe an emanation from the gods Shu and Geb. Certain precious stones were\nthen laid on the mummy, each of which had its magical significance.\nThus crystal lightened his face, and carnelian strengthened his steps.\nA priest who personified the jackal-headed god Anubis then advanced,\nperformed certain symbolical ceremonies on the head of the mummy, and\nlaid certain bandages upon it. After a further anointing with oil the\ndeceased was declared to have \"received his head.\" The mummy's left hand\nwas then filled with thirty-six substances used in embalming, symbolical\nof the thirty-six forms of the god Osiris. The body was then rubbed with\nholy oil, the toes wrapped in linen, and after an appropriate address\nthe ceremony was completed.\n\n\n\n[1] _Etudes de Mythologie et d'Arch\u00e9ologie Egyptienne_, Paris, 1893,\nvol. i, p. 106.\n\n[2] I hope to elaborate this theory more fully in a later work.\n\n[3] For a very full account of Fetishism see my article in the\n_Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics_.\n\n[4] Lef\u00e9bure, _La Vertu et la Vie du Nom en Egypte_.\n\n[5] This expression _Ma\u0101 kheru_ etymologically means 'acquitted,' and is\na legal term.\n\n[6] See Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, p. 20.\n\n[7] See A. Waite, _Hidden Church of the Holy Grail_, pp. 533 _et seq._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII: FOREIGN AND ANIMAL GODS: THE LATE PERIOD\n\n\nForeign Deities\n\nThe attitude of the Egyptians as a nation toward 'other gods' seems to\nhave been singularly free from any bigotry for their native deities,\nthough of course the priesthood, of necessity, were more jealous and\nconservative in this respect. But the middle and lower classes adopted\nforeign gods freely, and in time the widespread belief in certain of\nthese compelled official recognition and consequent inclusion in the\nEgyptian pantheon. Various reasons for this lack of exclusiveness are\nquite apparent. The state religion was purely a matter of royal and\npriestly organization, of moment to the attendant court of nobles and\nofficials, but having no permanent or deep-seated effect on the people\ngenerally, each district following its local cult. Polytheistic worship\nwas thus a national tendency, and therefore, when the people came\ninto contact with foreign deities who possessed desirable qualities\nand powers, there was no sufficiently restraining force in their own\nreligion to prevent them from becoming devotees of the strange god.\nAgain, the divinity of another nation's god never seems to have been\ndisputed, for if a nation were powerful, then that itself was sufficient\nproof of the divine and magical nature of their deity, and by so much,\ntherefore, his power was to be feared and propitiated. That an element\nof fear was present in much of this god-adoption cannot be doubted.\nThis would hold true especially in the case of the soldiery, who would\npropitiate gods of war belonging to nations who had shown themselves\nsavage and furious in warfare; also in that of merchants, who, convoying\ntheir precious cargoes, would seek the gods who ruled the sea. There\nwas yet another aspect of the question and an important one. According\nto Egyptian thought, war between peoples was in fact war between their\nrespective deities, a trial of their powers; and as the vanquished king\nand people might be taken captive, so might the god. Indeed, it was a\nnecessity, for without the possession of the god it could not be said\nthat the conquest was completed and the kingdom won. We find traces of\nmany of these adoptions, not to be found among the official deities,\nin the numerous small stel\u00e6 belonging to private people and dedicated\nby them to these strange gods; in the small images which stood in the\npeople's houses; while many an inscription carven on the rocks of the\ndesert yields its quota of evidence. Libya, Palestine, Ph\u0153nicia, and\nSyria, each furnished the Egyptians with new gods; Ethiopia also. It\nis considered probable by some authorities that the goddesses Bast and\nNeith were of Libyan origin, though of this no positive statement can be\nmade. The worship of Bast and Neith was prevalent chiefly in the parts\nwhere the majority of the population were Libyan, and the latter was\nalmost neglected where the people were of pure Egyptian race.\n\n\nAsiatic Gods\n\nSemitic Asia supplied the greatest number of gods borrowed by the\nEgyptians, foremost among them being Baal, Ashtoreth, Anthat, Reshpu,\nand the goddess Qetesh. The greatest of all is, of course, the Syrian\nBaal, the terrible god of war, also a personification of those terrors\nof the desert, the burning heat of the sun and the destroying wind.\nThis god first became known to the Egyptians under the Eighteenth\nDynasty, when they were at war with the Syrians for centuries, and, as\nthey had proved anything but easily vanquished foes, their god must\nbe regarded with due reverence and awe. The Ramessides especially\nesteemed this deity, and \"had a special predilection for calling\nthemselves as brave and mighty as Baal in heaven,\" and under Rameses II\na temple of the god existed at Tanis, where this king carried out his\narchitectural undertakings on such a large scale. To a certain extent\nBaal was identified with Set, for a figure of the fabulous animal in\nwhich the latter became incarnate is placed by the Egyptians after\ntheir transliterations of the name Baal, from which it is evident that\nthey believed the two gods to have qualities and attributes in common.\nIndeed, in one case, that of the texts of Edf\u00fb, wherein is related the\nlegend of the Winged Sun Disk, the name of Baal is substituted for that\nof Set. Unfortunately, of his form and rites nothing is known.\n\nAnthat was a war-goddess whose cult was widespread in Syria, and at the\ntime when the Egyptians were making their Asiatic Empire she naturally\nbecame one of the adopted deities. Again, the huge number of Syrian\ncaptives brought into Egypt would undoubtedly introduce her worship as\nwell as that of others into the country, and therefore it is no surprise\nto learn that in the reign of Thothmes III a shrine was built and\ndedicated to Anthat at Thebes. Rameses II, of the Nineteenth Dynasty,\nhonoured this goddess often in his inscriptions, a custom followed by\nRameses III, also a great warrior, and the latter gave to his favourite\ndaughter the name of Banth-Anth, 'daughter of Anth.' Of the form of\nher worship little is known, but on Egyptian monuments she is called\nthe \"lady of heaven and mistress of the gods,\" and is depicted seated\non a throne or standing upright. Seated, she wields a club with her\nleft hand, and with her right holds spear and shield; standing, she is\nshown wearing a panther-skin, with the emblem of life in her left hand,\nwhile in the right she holds a papyrus sceptre. On her head is the White\nCrown. Her worship was well established in Egypt, and in time she was\nidentified with the native gods, and even said to have been produced by\nSet.\n\n\nAshtoreth\n\nAshtoreth was called by the Egyptians \"mistress of horses, lady of the\nchariot, dweller in Apollinopolis Magna.\" She is a Syrian deity, the\nterrible and destroying goddess of war, and her cult would seem to have\nbeen brought into Egypt during the Syrian campaign of Thothmes III. Her\nworship seems to have been well established in the country by the time\nof Amen-hetep III, for in a letter from Tushratta, king of the Mitanni,\nto this Pharaoh, he speaks of \"Ishtar of Nineveh, Lady of the World,\"\ngoing down into Egypt in his own reign and that of his father, and seems\nto infer that her worship there has declined, for he begs Amen-hetep to\nmake it increase tenfold. That it was widespread cannot be doubted. It\nflourished in the Delta, and was known there down to Christian times.\nThe eastern quarter of Tanis was dedicated to Ashtoreth as was a temple\nnear by on the shores of the Serbonian lake. Mention is made of a priest\nof Memphis who served Ashtoreth together with the moon-god Ah, for she\nwas also regarded as a moon-goddess, and was identified with one of\nthe forms of Hathor, or Isis-Hathor. In the treaty concluded between\nthe Kheta and the Egyptians she is mentioned as the national goddess\nof the Syrians, though by this time she was also a familiar deity to\nthe Egyptians, for proper names compounded with hers were current,\nand Rameses II, who had named his daughter after Anthat, also named\none of his sons after Ashtoreth: Mer-Astrot. Her designation 'lady of\nhorses and chariots' shows the comparatively late period at which she\nentered Egypt, for it was only about 1800 B.C., at the earliest during\nthe Hyksos period, that the Egyptians learned from the Semites of the\nEastern Desert how to use horses in war for charging and for drawing\nwar-chariots. Ashtoreth is depicted as lioness-headed, and mounted on a\nquadriga, she drives her rampant horses over prostrate foes, and thus\nwas the guide of the madly rushing war-chariot on the battlefield.\n\nQetesh in her native Syria seems to have been worshipped as a\nnature-goddess with rites that tended to the licentious. In Egypt she\ncame to be identified with one of the forms of Hathor, the goddess\nof love and beauty, also as a moon-goddess. By some authorities she\nis considered to have been another form and aspect of Ashtoreth. In\nEgyptian art she is represented as standing upon a lion, her figure\nentirely nude; in her right hand she holds lotus blossoms and a mirror,\nwhile in her left are two serpents. At a later period she is still\ndepicted in the same attitude, but on her head she wears the headdress\nof Hathor. On inscriptions of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties\nshe is called \"lady of heaven, mistress of all the gods, eye of Ra, who\nhas none like unto her.\" She was prayed to for gifts of life and health,\nand that after extreme old age her devotees might have a good burial in\nthe west of Thebes, proving that her worship existed in the capital of\nthe country. She sometimes appears with Amsu and the god Reshpu, with\nwhom she seems to be associated as one of a trinity.\n\nReshpu is another Syrian god whose cult became known in Egypt, the chief\ncentre of his worship being at Het-Reshp, in the Delta. In Syria he was\nregarded as a god of war, and in Egyptian monuments and temples he is\ndepicted in the form of a warrior with shield and spear in his left hand\nand a club in his right. Above his forehead projects a gazelle, which\nwould seem to be an ancient symbol of the god denoting his sovereignty\nover the desert. His titles as given in the Egyptian texts, where he\nis described as \"the great god, the lord of eternity, the prince of\neverlastingness, the lord of twofold strength among the company of\ngods,\" are largely borrowed from the native deities. Reshpu corresponds\nto the god known to the Ph\u0153nicians and worshipped both in Cyprus and\nCarthage, and is considered by some authorities to be a god of the\nburning and destructive power of fire, also of the lightning.\n\n\nSemitic and African Influence\n\nBesides supplying the Egyptians with specific deities, Semitic thought\ninfluenced their religious ideas regarding the mythology and nature\nof their own gods. Certain inanimate objects--especially stones, and\nin some cases trees--under this influence came to be looked upon\nas incorporations of deity, as that of the sun-god in Heliopolis,\nwhile a sign representing the archaic form of the symbol _Kh_ is the\nusual determinative of the name Set. It is a circumstance of some\nsignificance that the Asiatic deities in representation, as regards\nphysical appearance and symbolism, are depicted according to the\nEgyptian religious convention; but with gods of African origin it is\nfar otherwise. They are figured as hideous, frightful, distorted, and\nenormously fat creatures, resembling the negro human fetish which may\nbe found to-day among African tribes. Bes is the most important of the\nAfrican deities, and though he underwent many changes as time went on,\nwhich would seem to point to other origins, his original conception\nis decidedly African, and \"his cult in Egypt is coeval with dynastic\ncivilizations.\" His representations point to a savage origin. He is\ndepicted as a deformed dwarf with large stomach, bowed legs, and a\nhuge, bearded face. From his thick lips hangs a protruding tongue; his\nnose is flat, while his eyebrows are very shaggy. He wears a tiara of\nfeathers[1] on his head, and round his body a panther-skin, the tail\nof which hangs down and usually touches the ground behind him. Another\ndistinction is that he is generally drawn in full face, the Egyptian\ndeities being usually presented in profile. Though many names were\ngiven to him later, Bes was his usual appellation, which, according\nto Wiedemann, is derived from _besa_, a word designating one of the\ngreat felid\u00e6, the _Cyn\u0153lurus guttatus_, whose skin formed his clothing.\nHis cult existed over a long period--from the time of the Old Kingdom\ndown to Roman times, in which his oracle at Abydos was consulted down\nto a late period--and his influence may be traced in Alexandrian,\nHellenistic, and Ph\u0153nician art. The god Bes had varied characteristics.\nHe was associated with birth, and one of the oldest representations of\nhim is to be found in a relief in the temple of Hatshepsut, where he\nappears as attendant at the birth of the Great Queen. In this connexion\nhe appears in all the 'Birth Houses' of Egyptian temples, places where\nthe presiding god was supposed to have been born. As the child grew\nBes was supposed to provide it with amusement, and in this aspect he\nis shown as laughing at it, dancing grotesquely and playing on the\nharp. From this he came to be regarded as god of the dance, of music\nand joviality, hence of rest, joy, and pleasure; and his quaint figure\nis to be found carved upon the handles of mirrors, on palettes, and on\n_kohl_ vessels. He was appointed guardian of the young sun-god, and\ntherefore becomes the foe of all serpents, and is shown as gripping and\nstrangling them in his hands, or biting them in pieces. In time he was\nwholly identified with his ward Horus, and depicted with all the symbols\nand attributes of that deity, though his peculiar solar province was\nthe east. In the underworld Bes underwent a transformation. He became\nan avenging deity, carrying a menacing knife with which he essayed to\ntear out the hearts of the wicked, yet, even thus, to the good and\ndeserving he never failed to be a true friend and cheering companion.\nIn his menacing aspect he was called 'the Warrior,' and sometimes this\ncharacter was ascribed to him on earth also, where, bearing a shield and\nwielding a sword, he wages war for those under his protection, and those\nwho wear his image as an amulet.\n\nIt is undoubted that many local cults existed in different parts of\nEgypt and that gods of many and varied origins were the presiding\ndeities, but usually their power remained purely local and never\nattained to any great influence or fame.\n\n\nSacred Animals\n\nFrom the many sources whence comes our knowledge of ancient Egypt there\nis to be gathered a most comprehensive survey of the great extent\nand influence which animal-worship attained to in that country. It\nprevailed there from the earliest times and was far older than Egyptian\ncivilization. That much of it is of totemic origin cannot be gainsaid,\nan origin to be found among the pre-dynastic tribes whence sprang the\nEgyptian people.\n\nThe inspiring cause of animal-worship was undoubtedly at first nothing\nmore or less than fear, with an admixture of awesome admiration of the\ncreature's excelling power and strength. Later there developed the\nidea of animals as typifying gods, the actual embodiments of divine\nand superhuman attributes. Thus the bull and the ram, possessors of\nexceptional procreative energy, came to represent gods of nature and\nthe phenomena of yearly rejuvenescence, as is stated by Wiedemann:\n\"The generative power in the animal was identical with the force by\nwhich life is renewed in nature continually and in man after death.\"\nThroughout Egypt the bull and the cow, the latter as typifying\nfertility, were worshipped as agricultural gods.\n\nAgain, to the Egyptian mind, incapable of abstract thought, an\nimmaterial and intangible deity was an impossible conception. A god,\nand more so by reason of his godhead, must manifest and function in\nan actual body. The king was believed to be an incarnation of a god,\nbut he was apart and only one, and as the Egyptian everywhere craved\nthe manifestation of and communion with his gods, it thus came about\nthat incarnations of deity and its many attributes were multiplied.\nCertain animals could represent these to a greater degree than man,\nthough of course to Egyptian thought man was the standard by which\nall in the universe was to be measured and weighed. The gods were but\nlittle greater than men; they were limited, and might know death. Their\nimmortality was only acquired by the power of transmigration from one\nbody to another, escaping human death by transference to successive\nforms and a renewal of the life force.\n\nThe symbolism of the Egyptian religion is mostly expressed by means\nof animals. Thus the god of the dead is spoken of as a jackal, the\nwater-god as a crocodile, while the sky is a cow, the sun a falcon,\nthe moon an ibis. Because of this exaltation of certain animals whole\nspecies were held as sacred, and this led to the many strange ideas and\ncustoms amongst the Egyptians mentioned so often by classic writers, as,\nfor instance, considering a man fortunate who was eaten by a crocodile.\nWhen these animals died their owners mourned as for a relative, and the\ngreatest care was taken in the disposal of their remains. Cows were held\nin such veneration that their bodies were cast into the sacred waters of\nthe Nile, and a bull was buried outside the town, its horns protruding\nabove the ground to mark the place of interment. Other instances might\nbe adduced.\n\n\nApis\n\nFrom the earliest times the bull was worshipped in Egypt as the\npersonification of strength and virility and might in battle. Manetho\ntraces the cult of Apis to Kaiekhos, a king of the Second Dynasty, who\nappointed a chosen bull, Hap, to be a god; but \u00c6lian ascribes this to\nMena, the first historical king of Egypt.\n\nMuch of our knowledge concerning this cult is derived from Greek\nsources. Herodotus gives the following description of Apis: \"He is the\ncalf of a cow which is incapable of conceiving another offspring, and\nthe Egyptians say that lightning descends upon the cow from heaven and\nthat from thence it brings forth Apis. This calf has the following\nmarks: it is black and has a square spot of white on the forehead; and\non the back the figure of an eagle; and in the tail double hairs, and on\nthe tongue a beetle.\"\n\nAgain, Diodorus gives an account of the finding of the Apis and the\nmethod of its installation on the death and funeral of a former\nincarnation of the god Osiris: \"After the splendid funeral of Apis is\nover those priests who have charge of the business seek out another calf\nas like the former as they can possibly find, and when they have found\none an end is put to all further mourning and lamentation, and such\npriests as are appointed for that purpose lead the young ox through the\ncity of Nile and feed him forty days. Then they put him into a barge\nwherein is a golden cabin and so transport him as a god to Memphis and\nplace him in Vulcan's grove. During the forty days before mentioned none\nbut women are admitted to see him, and these, naked, are placed full in\nhis view. Afterward they are forbidden to come into the sight of this\nnew god. For the adoration of this ox they give this reason. They say\nthat the soul of Osiris passed into an ox and therefore whenever the ox\nis dedicated, to this very day the spirit of Osiris is infused into one\nox after another to posterity. But some say that the members of Osiris\n(who was killed by Typhon) were thrown by Isis into an ox made of wood\ncovered with ox-hides, and from thence the city of Bubastis was called.\"\n\nGreat honour was also paid to the mother of the chosen bull, and\napartments in the temple were set apart for her beside the splendid ones\noccupied by the Apis. This animal was given rich beds to lie upon, its\nfood was of the purest and most delicate, while water from a special\nwell at Memphis was given to it alone, the water of the Nile being\nconsidered fattening. A number of carefully selected cows were presented\nto the Apis, and these again had their attendant priests. Usually the\nsacred bull was kept in seclusion, but when on certain occasions he\nappeared in public a crowd of boys marched in procession beside him\nsinging hymns. The birthday of the Apis was celebrated for seven days\nwith great rejoicings, and it was believed that during this period no\nman was attacked by a crocodile.\n\n\nThe Apis Oracle\n\nThus in the temple of Ptah were great honours paid to the Apis bull, and\nthe Pharaohs gave lavishly of their wealth to its cult, and foreigners,\nsuch as Alexander the Great and Titus, presented it with offerings.\nOracles, as usual, were looked for from this god, and the method of\nobtaining them is thus described by Wiedemann:\n\n\"Chiefly it was renowned for its oracles, which were imparted in very\nvarious ways. When the bull licked the garments of the celebrated\nEudoxus of Cnidus, this signified the astronomer's approaching death;\na like fate was predicted to Germanicus when it refused to eat at his\nhand; and the conquest of Egypt by Augustus was announced beforehand by\nits bellowing. Some inquiries were answered by the animal's passing into\none or other of the two rooms placed at its disposition, and others by\ndreams which were vouchsafed to inquirers who slept in the temple, and\nwhich were explained by the sacred interpreters. Other inquiries, again,\nthough presented to the creature itself, found their reply through the\nvoices of children playing before the temple, whose words assumed to\nthe believing inquirer the form of a rhythmic answer to his question.\nProphecies of a general kind took place during the procession of the\nApis.\" Of this Pliny says: \"Then the youths who accompanied him sang\nhymns in his honour, while the Apis appeared to understand all, and to\ndesire that he should be worshipped. Suddenly the spirit took possession\nof the youths and they prophesied.\"\n\nThere were also sacrifices made to the Apis, and these, strangely\nenough, were oxen, chosen with the greatest care. The head of the\nslaughtered animal was usually thrown into the Nile with the following\nwords pronounced above it: \"If any evil be about to befall either those\nwho now sacrifice or upon the land of Egypt, may it be averted on this\nhead.\"\n\nSome authorities state that after a certain number of years the Apis\nwas slain and a new one obtained, but it is generally believed that the\nApis died a natural death. Its body was embalmed and general mourning\nwas observed. The mummy was buried with all magnificence.[2] In 1851\nMariette discovered the famous Serapeum wherein had been buried the\nsacred bulls of Memphis from the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 1500\nB.C. Here in the gigantic sarcophagi, weighing about fifty-eight tons\neach, were discovered some of the remains of these animals. The chapels\nof the Serapeum were evidently places of pilgrimage, for many votive\nstatues and stel\u00e6 have been found there dedicated to the dead Apis, \"in\nhopes of thereby gaining his favour and the fulfilment of their various\nwishes.\" The Apis, though dead, was even yet more powerful, for his soul\nbecame joined to that of Osiris, and thus the dual god Osiris-Apis was\nformed, a name more familiar in the Grecian form _Serapis_. To this god\nthe Greeks ascribed the attributes of their own deity Hades, convinced\nof the similarity to Osiris, the great god of the underworld. In both\nEgypt and Greece Serapis came to be looked upon as the male counterpart\nof Isis. Under the Romans the cult of Serapis extended in all directions\nof the Empire, claiming devotees of all classes and races. It reached as\nfar north in Britain as York.\n\nAt Heliopolis another bull, Mnevis, was worshipped as typifying the sun\nand its life-giving powers. Manetho ascribes this cult also to Kaiekhos,\nof the Second Dynasty, as well as the worship of the _Ram of Mendes_.\n\nThis obtained chiefly in the Deltaic cities, such as Hermopolis,\nLycopolis, and Mendes, the last named being the most famous shrine. The\norigin of this worship was merely that of a local and tribal animal god,\nbut, persisting through the changing civilization, it became of more\nthan local influence as the city grew in wealth and importance, while\nthe priesthood were among the most wealthy and powerful in Egypt, and\nthe animal god was identified \"first with the indigenous god Osiris,\nsecondly with the sun-god Ra, and thirdly with the great Ram-god of the\nSouth and Elephantine, _i.e._ Khnemu.\"\n\nGreek writers furnish us with much graphic material concerning these\nanimal cults, as in some instances they were eye-witnesses of the ritual\nconnected with them. Herodotus states that the god Pan and another\ngoat-like deity were worshipped with a wealth of symbolic display and\ngorgeous rite as gods of generation and fecundity. As in many countries\nwhere animal worship obtained the beast chosen for adoration was picked\nfrom a number because of certain distinguishing marks upon its hide, was\nenthroned with much pomp and received an imposing public funeral on its\ndecease.\n\nOn the stele of Mendes deciphered by Mariette was found an inscription\nstating that Ptolemy II Philadelphus rebuilt the temple of Mendes and\nassisted in person at the enthronement of two Rams, and in a relief on\nthe upper portion of this stele are to be seen the figures of two royal\nPtolemies and an Arsino\u00eb making offerings to the Ram and his female\ncounterpart Hatmehit.\n\n\nThe Crocodile\n\nThe crocodile was the incarnation of the god Sebek. It would seem\nbeyond doubt that abject fear was the primal origin of the worship of\nthis repulsive creature, and the idea that its evil and menacing traits\nmight be averted by propitiation, for in the dry season these reptiles\nwandered over the cultivated lands and devoured all at will. Later,\nbeneficent attributes were ascribed to it, but the dark side always\npersisted. In the benign aspect he is connected with Ra, and again\nwith Osiris, though in legendary lore he is both the friend and foe\nof Osiris. One version tells how a crocodile carried the dead body of\nOsiris safely to land upon its back, whilst another relates that only by\nIsis placing Horus in a little ark woven of papyrus reeds was she able\nto protect him against the attacks of the malevolent Sebek. This clearly\nidentifies him with Set, the murderer of Osiris, and in this connexion\nthe powers of darkness are symbolized by four crocodiles, who are shown\nin the _Book of the Dead_ as menacing the deceased. Whilst still living,\nmen sought deliverance from these horrible shapes of the underworld by\nmeans of incantations.\n\nBut again he is said to be beneficent to the dead, and in the Pyramid\nTexts it is Sebek who restores sight to the eyes of the deceased,\nwho, indeed, revives all his faculties, is his guide in the untried\nnew life, and helps him to overthrow Set, the evil one who preys upon\nevery 'Osiris.' In this character he is the helper and protector of\nthe child Horus. But his characters are multiple, and he is to be\nfound participating in the rites of all the other gods of the Egyptian\npantheon.\n\nQuite in consonance with this is the fact that while in some parts of\nEgypt the crocodile was held sacred, in other districts it was killed;\nindeed, the hunting of it was a popular sport with the nobles of the Old\nKingdom. By some the crocodile was looked upon as a protector of Egypt,\nDiodorus stating that \"but for them Arabian and African robbers would\nswim across the Nile and pillage the country in all directions.\"\n\nHerodotus also states these conflicting views regarding the crocodile,\ntogether with many of the fabulous stories of its wisdom and habits. He\ntells how at Thebes and Lake Moeris they were held sacred, and how when\ntame the people bedecked them with jewels, placing bracelets on their\nfore-paws, while they were fed on the most delicate foods. After death\nthe body was embalmed with many rites and buried in the subterranean\nLabyrinth, a place held so sacred that Herodotus was not allowed to\nenter it.\n\nThe centre of this worship was Krokodilopolis, in the Fay\u00fbm, and Strabo,\nwho visited Egypt during the reign of the Emperor Augustus, gives the\nfollowing account in which he tells that the sacred crocodile \"was kept\napart by himself in a lake; it is tame and gentle to the priests. It\nis fed with bread, flesh, and wine, which strangers who come to see it\nalways present. Our host, a distinguished person, who was our guide\nabout the city, accompanied us to the lake, and brought from the supper\ntable a small cake, dressed meat, and a small vessel containing honey\nand milk. The animal was lying on the edge of the lake. The priests went\nup to it; some of them opened its mouth, another put the cake into it,\nthen the meat, and afterward poured down the honey and milk. The animal\nthen leaped into the lake and crossed to the other side. When another\nstranger arrived with his offering, the priests took it and, going round\nto the other side, caught the animal and repeated the process in the\nsame manner as before.\"\n\nThis cult lasted far into the Roman period. Sebek also had his oracle,\nand foretold the demise of King Ptolem\u00e6us by refusing to listen to him\nor obey the attendant priests.\n\nIn religious art Sebek is often represented as a crocodile-headed man\nwearing the solar disk with a ur\u00e6us, or, again, with a pair of horns and\nthe plumes of Amen.\n\n\nThe Lion\n\nThe lion could hardly fail to be the centre of a cult, and there is\nample proof that this animal was, from early dynastic times, worshipped\nfor his great strength and courage. He was identified with the solar\ndeities, with the sun-god Horus or Ra. The Delta was the home of\nthe Egyptian lion, and the chief centre of the cult was the city of\nLeontopolis, in the Northern Delta, where, according to \u00c6lian, the\nsacred lions were fed upon slaughtered animals, and sometimes a live\ncalf was put in the den that they might have the pleasure of killing\nit. Whilst the feeding was proceeding the priests chanted and sang.\nBut the same writer also states that lions were kept in the temple at\nHeliopolis, as well as at many other places throughout Egypt.\n\n\nThe Lion Guardian\n\nThe outstanding characteristic of the lion was that of guardianship, and\nthis is to be found in the part played by the ancient lion-god Aker,\nwho guarded the gate of the dawn through which the sun passed each\nmorning. The later idea that the sun-god passed through a dark passage\nin the earth which hid his light, and so caused the darkness of night,\nwhile his emergence therefrom was the signal of day, necessitated the\nexistence of two guardian lions, who were called Sef and Dua--that is,\n'Yesterday' and 'To-morrow.' From this was derived the practice of\nplacing statues of lions at the doors of palaces and tombs as guardians\nof both living and dead against all evil. These statues were often given\nthe heads of men, and are familiar under the Greek name of 'Sphinxes,'\nthough the characteristics of the Egyptian lion-statue were very\ndifferent from those of the Grecian 'Sphinx.'\n\nThe most famous of all is, of course, the wonderful 'Sphinx' at Gizeh,\nthe symbol of the sun-god Ra, or rather his colossal abode erected\nthere, facing the rising sun that he might protect the dead sleeping in\nthe tombs round about.\n\nThere were many lion-headed gods and goddesses, in some cases\npersonifying the destructive power. In the underworld lion-headed\ndeities guarded some of the halls and pylons there, and that the lion\nwas connected in some way with the dead is proved by the fact that the\nhead of the bier was always made in the form of a lion's head, while the\nfoot was not seldom decorated with a lion's tail.\n\nA curious point is that it was evidently permissible to kill the lions\nof another country, if not those of Egypt, for we find that Amen-hetep\nIII boasted of having shot with his own bow one hundred and two\nfierce lions. Rameses II and Rameses III both kept a tame lion, which\naccompanied them into battle and actually attacked the enemy. In this\ncase, however, it is evident that primarily the lion was a symbol of\nguardianship.\n\n\nThe Cat\n\nThe cat was regarded both as an incarnation of Bast, the goddess of\nBubastis, and therefore sacred to her, and as a personification of\nthe sun. Throughout Egyptian mythology the cat is to be found, and\ngenerally in a beneficent aspect. In the _Book of the Dead_ it is a cat\nwho cuts off the head of the serpent of darkness and who assists in the\ndestruction of the foes of Osiris. On every side there is ample evidence\nthat everywhere in Egypt the cat was held in great reverence after the\nTwenty-second Dynasty. The classical writers are again our authorities.\nDiodorus relates that the cats were fed on bread and milk and slices of\nNile fish, and that the animals came to their meals at certain calls.\nAfter death their bodies were carefully embalmed and, with spices and\ndrugs, swathed in linen sheets. The penalty of death was meted out to\nanyone who killed a cat, be it by accident or of intent, and a case is\ngiven in which a Roman who had killed a cat was set upon by the enraged\npopulace and made to pay for the outrage with his life. A passage from\nHerodotus further illustrates the esteem in which these animals were\nheld: \"When a conflagration takes place a supernatural impulse seizes on\nthe cats. For the Egyptians, standing at a distance, take care of the\ncats and neglect to put out the fire; but the cats, making their escape,\nand leaping over the men, throw themselves into the fire; and when this\nhappens great lamentations are made among the Egyptians. In whatsoever\nhouse a cat dies a natural death all the family shave their eyebrows\nonly, but if a dog die they shave their whole body and the head. All\ncats that die are carried to certain sacred houses, where, being first\nembalmed, they are buried in the city of Bubastis.\"\n\n\nThe Dog\n\nDogs were held in great honour by the Egyptians, as in the city of\nCynopolis, yet strangely enough, they were never looked upon as a\npossible incarnation of a god, though there seems to have been some\nconfusion of the dog with the jackal, sacred to Anubis, who ministered\nto Osiris and acted as guide to the souls of the dead. Another animal\nso confounded was the wolf, which was specially venerated at Lycopolis.\nThe fact that the jackal was to be found chiefly in the deserts and\nmountains where tombs were usually located led to its early association\nwith the dead and the underworld in Egyptian mythology, the character\nascribed to it being beneficent and that of a guide.\n\n\nThe Hippopotamus\n\nAnother cult probably founded on fear was that of the hippopotamus.\nTa-urt, the hippopotamus-goddess, came in time to be identified with\nnearly every goddess in the Egyptian pantheon, and though her attributes\nare those of benevolence and protectiveness, the original traits of\nferocious destructiveness were not wholly obliterated, for we find these\npersonified in the monster, half-hippopotamus, called Amemt, who attends\nthe Judgment Scene. In this same scene is the dog-headed ape, who sits\nand watches the pointer of the scales and reports the results to Thoth.\nThis animal was greatly revered by the Egyptians. The cult is probably\nextremely ancient. Apes were kept in many temples, mostly those of the\nlunar deities, as that of Khensu at Thebes.\n\n\nOther Animals\n\nTwo animals, the ass and the pig, attained a peculiar reputation for\nevil, though in some aspects looked upon as sacrosanct. They were\nalways connected with the powers of darkness and evil. In the case of\nthe ass opinion seems to have fluctuated, for in some instances this\nanimal figures as a personification of the sun-god Ra. Many smaller\nanimals are to be found in the mythology of Egypt, among which may be\nmentioned the hare, which was worshipped as a deity, the shrew-mouse,\nsacred to the goddess Buto, the ichneumon, and the bat, whilst reptiles\nwere represented by the tortoise, associated with night, therefore\nwith darkness and evil; and the serpent, clearly propitiated through\nfear at first, though afterward credited with beneficent motives. The\nur\u00e6us became the symbol of divinity and royalty, a symbol worn by the\ngods and the kings. But the evil side was undoubtedly prominent in the\nmind of the Egyptian, for all the terrors of death and the Unknown were\npersonified in the monster serpent Apep, who led his broods of serpents\nagainst both gods and men in the gloom of the underworld. Others were\nthe scorpion, associated sometimes with evil, but also sacred to\nIsis; and the frog, worshipped in pre-dynastic times as the symbol\nof generation, birth, and fecundity. This cult was the most ancient\nin Egypt and is connected with the creation myth. The goddess Heqt,\nidentified with Hathor, is depicted with the head of a frog.\n\n\nThe Ibis\n\nAmongst birds worshipped by the Egyptians, one of the most important\nwas the ibis. It was associated with Thoth and the moon, and in the\nearliest period the city of Hermopolis was the centre of this cult. A\npassage in Herodotus gives many interesting details concerning the ideas\nheld regarding the bird. He tells us that he went to a certain place\nin Arabia, near the city of Buto, to learn about the winged serpents,\nbrought into Egypt by the west wind, which the ibis was believed to\ndestroy along with the ordinary reptiles common to the country. Arriving\nthere, he \"saw the backbones and ribs of serpents in such numbers as\nit was impossible to describe; of the ribs there were a multitude of\nheaps, some great, some small, some of medium size. The place where\nthe bones lie is at the entrance of a narrow gorge between steep\nmountains, which there opens upon a wide plain communicating with the\ngreat plain of Egypt. The story goes that, with the spring, the winged\nsnakes come flying from Arabia toward Egypt, but are met in this gorge\nby the birds called ibises, who bar their entrance and destroy them.\nThe Arabians assert, and the Egyptians admit, that it is on account of\nthis service that the Egyptians hold the ibis in so much reverence.\nThe ibis is a bird of a deep black colour, with legs like a crane; its\nbeak is strongly hooked, and its size that of the landrail. This is a\ndescription of the black ibis which contends with the serpents.\"\n\nAnother bird held in great reverence was the bennu, a bird of the\nheron species which gave rise to the mythical bird, the ph\u0153nix. It is\nidentified with the sun, a symbol of the rising and the setting sun.\nMany fables arose concerning this bird, and are recounted by Herodotus\nand Pliny. Another sun-bird was the falcon, sacred to Horus, Ra, and\nOsiris, and this was worshipped throughout Egypt in the pre-dynastic\nperiod. In another form, represented with a human head, it was symbolic\nof the human soul, a distinction it shared with the heron and swallow,\nin both of which it was believed the human soul might reincarnate\nitself. Plutarch says that it was in the form of a swallow that Isis\nlamented the death of Osiris. Also sacred to Isis was the goose, though\none species of it was devoted to Amen-Ra; while the vulture was the\nsymbol of the goddesses Nekhebet and Mut. There is some evidence to\nprove that certain fish were held as sacred, and worshipped because of\ntheir mythological connexion with divers gods and goddesses.\n\n\nSacred Trees\n\nThough as a country Egypt was not rich in trees, yet certain of the\nfamily played a not unimportant part in the religious cult, so much so\nthat tree-worship has been accepted as a fact by most Egyptologists.\nThat these trees were held in special veneration would support that\nbelief, though recorded instances of actual tree-worship are rare. This\nWiedemann attributes to the same reason that accounts for the scant\nnotice taken in Egyptian texts of animal-worship, though we know from\nother sources that it formed the most considerable part in popular\nreligion. And the reason is that official religion took but little\nnotice of the 'minor' divinities to whom the people turned rather than\nto the greater gods; that the priestly class hardly admitted to their\npantheon the 'rustic and plebeian' deities of the lower classes. He goes\non to say that \"so far as we can judge, the reception of tree-worship\ninto temple-service and mythology was always the result of a compromise;\nthe priests were compelled to make concessions to the faith of\nthe masses and admit into the temples the worship of the people's\ndivinities; but they did so grudgingly, and this explains the apparent\ninsignificance of the official cult of vegetation in Egypt as compared\nwith the worship of the great gods and their cycles.\"\n\nIn their religious symbolism we find the ancient sacred tree which grew\nin the 'Great Hall' of Heliopolis on the place where the solar cat slew\nthat great serpent of evil, Apep, the place, too, from which the Ph\u0153nix\nrose. The leaves of this tree possessed magical powers, for when Thoth\nor the goddess Safekht wrote thereon the name of the monarch, then was\nhe endowed with immortality. Again, there was the wonderful tree, a\ntamarisk, which wound its stem and branches about the chest that held\nthe dead Osiris. An olive-tree is mentioned, too, the habitation of a\nnameless demon.\n\nThe sycamore, whose shade was so welcome in the brazen glare of Egypt,\nhad its counterpart in the Land of the Dead, and from its midst leaned\nout a Hathor, Lady of the Underworld, offering sustenance and water to\nthe passing souls. Sometimes it is a palm-tree from which she ministers\nto the dead, and perhaps it is a leaf from this tree circled by inverted\nhorns which stands for the peculiar symbol of Safekht, the goddess\nof learning. But the sycamore seems to have been first favourite,\nand on some monuments it is represented with peasants gathered round\nfervently paying their devotions to it and making offerings of fruit and\nvegetables and jars of water. It was always held as sacred to Nut and\nHathor, and their doubles were believed to inhabit it, a certain species\nbeing regarded as \"the living body of Hathor on earth\"; indeed, the\nMemphite Hathor was called the 'Lady of the Sycamore.'\n\nAs to the later development of this belief Wiedemann states: \"In\nPtolemaic times a systematic attempt was made to introduce this form of\ncult into the temple of every nome; according to the contemporary lists\nrelating to the subject, twenty-four nomes worshipped the Nile acacia,\nseventeen the _Corda myxa_, sixteen the _Zizyphus Spina Christi_,\nwhile other trees, such as the sycamore, the _Juniperus Ph\u0153nica_, and\nthe _Tamarisk Nilotica_, are named but once or twice. Ten kinds of\nsacred trees are here mentioned, in all of which as many as three were\nsometimes worshipped in the same nome.\" Again, there is evidence to\nprove that every temple had its sacred tree and sacred groves, whilst\nit is recorded that rare trees were brought as precious spoil from\nconquered countries, their roots carefully encased in great chests of\nearth that they might be planted about temples and palaces.\n\n\nThe Lotus\n\nAmongst flora the only kind which may be said to be sacred is the lotus.\nIn Egyptian symbolism and decoration it is to be found everywhere. From\nthe cup of a lotus blossom issues the boy Horus, the 'rising sun,' and\nagain it is the symbol of resurrection, when Nefer-tem, crowned with the\nflowers, grants continuance of life in the world to come. On the altars\nof offering the blossoms were laid in profusion.\n\n\nReligion of the Late Period\n\nThe conclusion of the New Empire and the succession of political chaos\nduring what is known as the Libyan period witnessed what was really,\nso far as Egyptian religion is concerned, the beginning of the end.\nThenceforward a gradual decline is apparent in the ancient faith of the\nPharaohs, a subtle decay which the great revival of the eighth century\nand onward was powerless to arrest. The ever-increasing introduction\ninto it of foreign elements, Greek and Persian and Semitic, and the\ntreasuring of the dry husks of ancient things, from which the soul\nhad long since departed--these sapped the strength and virility of\nthe Egyptian religion, hampered true progress, and contributed to its\ndownfall, till it was finally vanquished and thrown into obscurity by\nthe devotees of Christianity.\n\nAt the beginning of the Libyan period, then, there were a number of\npetty rulers in the land of Egypt--a monarch held court at Tanis, in the\nDelta; at Thebes the priesthood of Amen's cult were the rulers; other\ndistricts were governed by the chief men among the Libyan soldiery. One\nof these latter, Sheshonk by name, attained supremacy about the middle\nof the tenth century B.C., and as his capital was at Bubastis, Bast, the\ncat-headed goddess of that locality, became for a time supreme deity\nof Egypt, while other Delta divinities also came into vogue. A share\nof the worship also fell to Amen. It is remarkable that this deity was\nhimself the ruler of Thebes, being represented by a _Divine Wife_,\nalways the eldest princess of the ruling family. So firm was the belief\nin the divine government of Thebes that no human monarch of the Late\nperiod, however powerful, made any attempt to take the city. Meanwhile a\nrevulsion of feeling occurred against Set, the dark brother of Isis and\nOsiris. Hitherto his position among the gods of the Egyptian pantheon\nhad been unquestioned, but now he was thrown from his high estate and\nconfused or identified with the dragon Apep; he was no longer a god, but\na devil.\n\nThe cult of the oracle flourished greatly during the decadent period,\nand afforded, as we may conjecture, considerable scope for priestly\ningenuity. The usual method of consulting the oracle was to write on\npapyrus certain words, whether of advice or judgment, which it was\nproposed to put into the mouth of the deity, and to which he might\nassent by nodding.\n\n\nA Religious Reaction\n\nToward the end of the eighth century B.C. a great religious reaction set\nin. Hitherto the brilliant opening of the New Empire, particularly the\ntime of Rameses II, had set a model for the pious of the Late period;\nnow the Old Kingdom, its monuments, rites, and customs, its fervent\npiety and its proud conservatism, was become the model epoch for the\nwhole nation. It was, however, less a faithful copy than a caricature of\nthe Old Kingdom which the Decadent period provided. All that was most\nstrange and _outr\u00e9_ in the ancient religion was sought out and emulated.\nOld monuments and religious literature were studied; the language and\northography of long-past centuries were revived and adopted; and if\nmuch of this was incomprehensible to the bulk of the people, its very\nmystery but made it the more sacred. In the funerary practices of the\ntime the antiquarian spirit is very evident. Ancient funerary literature\nwas held in high esteem; the Pyramid Texts were revived; old coffins,\nand even fragments of such, were utilized in the burying of the dead.\nThe tomb furniture was elaborate and magnificent--in the case of rich\npersons, at least--while even the poorest had some such furnishings\nprovided for them. Ushabti figures of blue faience were buried with the\ndeceased, to accomplish for him any compulsory labour he might be called\nupon to do in the domain of Osiris, and scarabs also were placed in his\ncoffin. The rites and ceremonies of mummification followed those of the\nOld Kingdom, and were religiously carried out. The graves of even the\nroyal Thebans were not so magnificent as those of private persons of\nthis era. Yet because their inscriptions were almost invariably borrowed\nfrom the Old Kingdom, it is hard to guess what their ideas really were\non the subjects of death and the underworld. It may be that these also\nwere borrowed. From the tombs of foreigners--of Syrians belonging to the\nfifth century B.C.--some little information may be gathered relative\nto the status of the dead in the underworld which probably represents\nthe popular view of the time. Herodotus asserts that the Egyptians of\nthis epoch believed in the transmigration of souls, and it is possible\nthat they did hold this belief in some form. It may well have been a\ndevelopment of the still more ancient idea that the soul was capable or\nappearing in a variety of shapes--as a bird, an animal, and so on.\n\n\nThe Worship of Animals\n\nA very prominent feature of the religion of the Late period, and one\nwhich well illustrates the note of exaggeration already mentioned,\nwas the worship of animals, carried by the pious Egyptian to a point\nlittle short of ludicrous. Cats and crocodiles, birds, beetles, rams,\nsnakes, and countless other creatures were reverenced with a lavishness\nof ceremony and ritual which the Egyptian knew well how to bestow.\nEspecially to Apis, the bull of the temple of Ptah in Memphis, was\nworship accorded. The Sa\u00efte king Amasis, who did a great deal in\nconnexion with the restoration of ancient monuments, is mentioned as\nhaving been especially devoted to the sacred bull, in whose honour\nhe raised the first of the colossal sarcophagi at Saqqara. But these\nelaborate burial rites were not reserved for individual sacred animals;\nthey were accorded to entire classes. It was a work of piety, for\ninstance, to mummify a dead cat, convey the remains to Bubastis, where\nreigned the cat-headed Bast, and there inter the animal in a vault\nprovided with suitable furnishings. Dead mice and sparrowhawks were\ntaken to Buto; the ibis found his last resting-place at Eshmun\u00ean; while\nthe cow, the most sacred of Egyptian animals, was thrown at death into\nthe Nile.\n\nIt is notable that, despite the exclusiveness which characterized this\nphase of the Egyptian religion and the contempt with which the Egyptians\nregarded everything that was not of their land, several foreign elements\ncrept into their faith and were incorporated with it during the Sa\u00eftic\nand Persian supremacies. The oracles, which played a conspicuous part in\nthe religious government of the country, were probably not of Egyptian\norigin; the burning of sacrifices was a Semitic custom which the people\nof the Nile valley had adopted. Already there was a considerable Greek\nelement in Egypt, and in the time of Amasis a Greek town--Naukratis--had\nbeen founded there. It is therefore not improbable that Greek ideas also\nentered into the national faith, colouring the ancient gods, and perhaps\nsuggesting to Herodotus that resemblance which caused him to identify\nthe divinities of Egypt with those of Greece--Osiris with Dionysos, Isis\nwith Demeter, Horus with Apollo, Set with Typhon, and so on. Naturally\nthis identification became much more general and complete in later\nyears, when the Hellenes were masters in Egypt.\n\nBesides these foreign ideas grafted on the Egyptian religion, there\nwere innovations suggested by the native priests themselves, such as\nthe deification of certain national heroes admired by the populace\nfor their skill in learning and magic. Such hero-gods were Imhotep, a\ndistinguished author and architect under King Zoser at an early period\nof dynastic history, and Amenhetep, son of H\u0101pu, who was thought to have\nseen and conversed with the gods. Both heroes were adored with the gods\nat Thebes and Karnak.\n\n\nReligion under Persian Rule\n\nIf the Sa\u00efte rulers endeavoured to keep on good terms with the\npriesthood, the Persian monarchs who succeeded them were no whit behind\nin this matter. Even the boldest of them found it to his advantage to\nbow before the native deities, and to give to these his protection.\nMeanwhile the Egyptian dynasts, who ruled contemporaneously with the\nPersians, were allowed to proceed unmolested with the building of\ntemples and monuments. Strangely enough, in view of the nearness of\nthe Greek conquest and the consequent amalgamation of the religions\nof Greece and Egypt, this period was characterized by a hatred and\ncontempt on the part of the Egyptians for all foreigners dwelling in\ntheir cities. Kambyses, who heaped indignity upon the Apis bull and\nfinally slew the animal, was afterward persuaded by his physician,\nUsa-hor-res-net, to recant his heresy, and was further induced to banish\nforeigners out of the temple area and to destroy their houses. Other\nrulers levied taxes on Greek imports, devoting the revenue thus obtained\nto the goddess Neith.\n\n\nThe Ptolemaic Period\n\nAs has been said, Greek ideas had already found their way into the\nreligion of Egypt when the Alexandrine conquest in the fourth century\nB.C. made the Greeks dominant. Yet the ancient religion held its ground\nand maintained its established character in all essential respects. The\nHellenic monarchs vied with their predecessors in the tolerance and\nrespect which they accorded to the native religion. It was they who\nmaintained the Egyptian deities in splendid state; restored statues,\nbooks, and so on which the Persians had taken from the country; even\nthey themselves worshipped the absurd animal deities of the Egyptians.\n\nThis was the great epoch of temple-building in Egypt. The temples of\nDendereh, Edf\u00fb, Kom Ombo, Phil\u00e6, and many other famous structures were\nraised under Ptolemaic and Roman rulers. For the favours shown them\nby the conquerors the priests were duly grateful, even to the extent\nof deifying their rulers while they were yet alive. It was said of\nPtolemy and his consort that \"the beneficent gods have benefited the\ntemples in the land and greatly increased the dignity of the gods. They\nhave provided in every way for Apis, Mnevis, and the other esteemed\nsacred animals with great sumptuousness and cost.\" There was even a\nnew order[3] of priesthood instituted, known as the \"priesthood of the\nbeneficent gods.\"\n\nDuring the period of Roman ascendancy the high-priest was the most\nimportant religious official within a considerable area, acting as the\nrepresentative of a still higher Roman official, the high-priest of\nAlexander and of all Egypt. The priests of the larger temples, on which\ngrants of money and land had been lavishly bestowed, were doubtless\nsufficiently well provided for, but in the smaller temples things were\nfar otherwise, if we are to judge from the evidence at our disposal.\nThe Theban priests especially were regarded as sages well versed in the\nlore of antiquity, and as such were much sought after by travellers\nfrom Rome. In Thebes also were priestesses, consecrated to the service\nof Amen, the god of that district, to whom the Greeks as well as the\nEgyptians rendered homage, identifying him with Zeus.\n\nThe worship of animals continued unabated during the Hellenic period;\nit is even probable that this phase of the Egyptian religion had become\nmore pronounced under the Greek rule, for Strabo, writing in the time\nof Augustus, asserts that statues of sacred animals had practically\ndisplaced those of the gods. The sacred Ram (Khnemu) of Mendes was\nworshipped both by conquered and conquerors, as was the Apis bull and\nthe sacred crocodile, and it would seem that the temple revenues were at\ntimes increased by the displaying of these animals to the curious gaze\nof strangers.\n\n\nFusion of Greek and Egyptian Ideas\n\nMeanwhile Greek and Egyptian ideas were becoming more and more\ncompletely fused. As already mentioned, Amen was identified with Zeus,\nIsis with Demeter, Hathor with Aphrodite, Osiris with Pluto, Set with\nTyphon, Bast with Artemis, and Horus with Apollo. This feature was very\nstrikingly exemplified in the god Sarapis,[4] a deity equally reverenced\nby the Greeks and the Egyptians. Sarapis, as the former called him, or\nAsar-Hapi, as he was known to the latter, was a name compounded from\nOsiris and Apis. So early as the beginning of the New Empire these two\ndeities--Apis, the sacred bull of Mendes, and Osiris, the 'Bull of the\nWest'--had been to some extent identified, and finally the Apis had\nbeen given the attributes of a god of the underworld. To the Greeks, it\nwould appear, Sarapis was the form taken by the _deceased_ Apis bull.\nTradition assigns the identification of Sarapis with Pluto to the reign\nof Ptolemy Soter. Plutarch gives the following version of the legend.\n\n\nThe Legend of Sarapis\n\n\"Ptolemy, surnamed the Saviour, had a dream wherein a certain colossean\nstatue, such as he had never seen before, appeared unto him, commanding\nhim to remove it as soon as possible from the place where it then stood\nto Alexandria. Upon this the king was in great perplexity, as he knew\nneither to whom the statue belonged nor where to look for it. Upon his\nrelating the vision to his friends, a certain person named Sosibius, who\nhad been a great traveller, declared that he had seen just such a statue\nas the king described at Sinope. Soteles and Dionysius were hereupon\nimmediately dispatched in order to bring it away with them, which they\nat length accomplished, though not without much difficulty and the\nmanifest interposition of providence. Timotheus the Interpreter and\nManetho, as soon as the statue was shown to them, from the Cerberus and\nDragon that accompanied it concluded that it was designed to represent\nPluto, and persuaded the king that it was in reality none other than the\nEgyptian _Sarapis_; for it must be observed that the statue had not this\nname before it was brought to Alexandria, it being given to it afterward\nby the Egyptians, as the equivalent, in their opinion, to its old one of\nPluto.\"\n\nAnother version of the tale asserts that the people of Sinope would not\nconsent to part with the statue of their god, whereupon the statue of\nits own accord set sail for Alexandria, which it reached at the end of\nthree days. But whatever the means by which Ptolemy contrived to bring\nthe statue to Egypt, there is no doubt that his provision of a god which\ncould be worshipped both by Greeks and Egyptians, without violation of\nthe principles of either, was a diplomatic move which was justified in\nits results. In the temples Sarapis was figured as a mummy with a high\ncrown and plaited beard; or, as Asar-Hapi, he was represented as a bull,\nwith the solar disk and ur\u00e6us between his horns. In the small figures\nwhich were worshipped privately, however, he is shown in human shape,\nbearded and curly-haired after the Greek fashion.\n\nIf Sarapis was one of the most important of Egyptian deities of\nthis period, Horus the Child (the Greek Harpocrates) was one of the\nbest-loved. In the early centuries of the Christian era he is shown as\na child, sometimes seated in a lotus-blossom, sometimes in a ship, or\nagain enthroned as a follower of the sun-god; frequently he carries a\ncornucopia or a jar. It is as a child that he was loved and worshipped\nby the people, with whom he seems to have been a universal favourite.\nAnother popular deity was Isis, some of whose forms were decidedly\nGrecian. She was the goddess of Alexandria and patron of sea-faring, the\nAphrodite of the Greeks and the Isis of the Egyptians, and at times she\nis confused with Hathor. She and Osiris are also figured as serpents,\nthough the god of the dead is more often represented in his Sarapis\nform, ruling in the underworld and accompanied by Cerberus. Another\ndeity who became popular during the Hellenic period, though formerly\noccupying a very obscure position in the Pantheon, was the god Bes,\nfigured as an armed warrior, still, however, retaining his grotesque\ncharacter. A figure borrowed, doubtless, from Christianity represents\nIsis and Horus in a posture strongly reminiscent of the Madonna and\nChild.\n\n\nAn Architectural Renaissance\n\nThe cult of the Old Kingdom persisted through the early, and perhaps\neven into the later, Hellenic period. Those temples raised in the time\nof the Ptolemies exhibit strong resemblances to those of the Old\nKingdom. Dendereh, for example, was built to a design of the time of\nKheops, and Imhotep, the hero-god, was the architect of Edf\u00fb. The walls\nof these Ptolemaic temples were covered with inscriptions dealing with\nthe rites and customs used therein. Temple ceremonials and festivals,\nsuch as that of Horus of Edf\u00fb, were held as in ancient times. The\nancient written language was studied by the priests, who thus had at\ntheir command a tongue unknown to the laity. A reversion to ancient\nthings was evident in every phase of the Egyptian religion, and the\nGreeks, far from dispelling the dust of long-past centuries, entered\npartly into the spirit of the time, gave their protection to the old\ncustoms and cults, and themselves worshipped at the shrines of sacred\ncats, cows, and crocodiles. Truly a strange position for the fathers of\nclassicism!\n\nDuring the early centuries of the Christian era foreign religions\nbegan to penetrate the land of the Pharaohs and to mingle with the\nGr\u00e6co-Egyptian compound in a manner most perplexing to the student of\nthe period. The predominant alien faith, and the one which finally\ntriumphed, was Christianity. Osiris, the Greek gods, and the archangel\nSabaoth are mentioned in the same breath. In the magical texts\nespecially this confusion is noticeable, for they frequently contain\nChristian, Jewish, Greek, and Egyptian allusions. Doubtless the\nmagicians reasoned that if the deities of one faith failed them those of\nanother might prove more successful, and so, to make assurance doubly\nsure, they included all the gods they knew in their formul\u00e6.\n\n\nChange in the Conception of the Underworld\n\nMeanwhile a change took place in the popular conception of the\nunderworld. It was still the Duat, governed by Osiris or Sarapis; but\nnow it tended to be a place of punishment for the wicked, where the\nfuture of the deceased was influenced less by his tomb-furnishings\nand inscriptions than by the conduct of his life while on earth.\nNevertheless, the burial rites continued to be elaborate and costly.\nMummification was extensively practised even among Christians, and\namulets were buried in their coffins. In the fourth and fifth centuries\nthere was still a considerable proportion of pagans in the country:\nin Alexandria Sarapis was the principal deity; in Memphis Imhotep was\nworshipped under the name of Asklepios; Zeus, Apollo, and Rhea were\nfavourite divinities, while at Abydos the oracle of Bes was worshipped.\n\n\nTwilight of the Gods\n\nAt length, however, Christian fanaticism blotted out the ancient\nreligion of the Pharaohs, as well as many of its priests and adherents.\nThe temple of Sarapis was stormed amid scenes of riot and turbulence,\nand the last refuge of the Egyptian faith was gone. Henceforth the names\nand myths of the ancient deities survived only in the spells and formul\u00e6\nof the magicians, while their dreary ghosts haunted the ruined temples\nwherein they were nevermore to reign.\n\n\n[1] In the earliest representations the feathers do not appear.\n\n[2] In the earliest sarcophagi in the Serapeum no mummies were found,\nonly a few bones.\n\n[3] _Cf._ the priests of the kings of the Old Kingdom.\n\n[4] Or Serapis.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX: EGYPTIAN ART\n\n\nThe output of the great Egyptian masters of the graphic arts has\nvirtually no counterpart, and, bold as this statement may appear at\nfirst sight, it will be found to withstand tolerably close scrutiny.\nLooking at some of the incomparable embroideries of bygone Persia,\nstudying the divine porcelain of medi\u00e6val China, or turning over\nwoodcuts by the great Japanese artists of the Ukiyo\u00e9 school--men like\nHokusai and Utamaro, Hiroshige, Yeizan and Toyokuni--we no doubt feel\nourselves in touch with something different from European art, yet\nonly partly different. Strange as these Eastern objects are, we find\nin them a certain familiarity, we find them expressive of emotions and\nsentiments not altogether unknown to us; and herein Egyptian things are\ndifferent, for these seem to us entirely novel, they suggest some weird,\nenchanted world untrodden by the foot of man, perhaps a supernatural\nworld. Nor is their strangeness, their almost sinister unfamiliarity so\nvery hard to explain, it being due not only to the curious conventions\nwhich the Egyptian masters obeyed so implicitly century after century,\nbut to the fact that the arts were indigenous to ancient Egypt. Japan\nderived her painting from China about the fourteenth century A.D.;\nChinese work, in turn, frequently discloses affinities with that of\nancient Greece; and the great Italian masters of the Renaissance\nowed much to the Gr\u00e6co-Roman school; while the old Spanish artists,\nagain, were under obligations to the Moors and Arabs, and in England\nand in Scotland, in Germany and in France, painting did not grow up\nlike a flower, but was rather an exotic imported chiefly from the Low\nCountries. In short, throughout bygone times, no less essentially than\nin modern periods, the arts in nearly every country owed something to\nthose of other countries, a great interchange going forward perpetually;\nbut the mighty works of Egypt were mostly wrought long before the advent\nof this interchange, and painting and sculpture, architecture and other\ndomestic arts, would seem to have arisen of their own accord in the land\nof Isis, there to thrive and develop throughout \u00e6ons of years a pure\nAfrican product, uninfluenced in any way by the handiwork of other races.\n\nIt is always difficult to speak of the origin of anything, for even\nthe oldest thing has its ancestry. And while it is possible to treat\nwith some definiteness of the first great period of Egyptian art, the\nThinite, which commenced about 5000 B.C., we have to remember that the\noutput of this period was no exception to the rule aforesaid, but had\nits ancestry, this consisting in the work of the shadowy pre-dynastic\ntime. Even at that far-off era crude images of living animals were\nmade in Egypt, mud, of course, being the material commonly used; while\na great deal of pottery, some of it incised with quaint patterns, was\nalso produced; and if many of these vases and the like are no better\nthan those of most primitive artists, others, again, manifest a distinct\nfeeling for shapeliness and proportion. Nor did the Egyptians of this\nperiod eschew that immemorial practice, the decoration of themselves;\nfor among the oldest relics of the country's art are numerous personal\nornaments, some made of bone or of shell, some of stone or ivory, and\nsome even of precious metals. Moreover, rude forms of architecture were\nearly essayed, this in its turn begetting pristine efforts at mural\nembellishment.\n\nIn pre-dynastic Egypt the dead were usually interred in shallow graves\nwith no embellishment, only one painted tomb of that early period\nbeing known. When, however, we pass to the study of the period which\nsucceeded, it is the art of sepulchral decoration which first claims\nattention. Not even in Roman Catholic countries, not even in China, has\nthe welfare of the dead ever been thought of so lovingly, so constantly\nand zealously, as in ancient Egypt. A very solid affair was the Egyptian\ntomb of this era, built commonly of limestone or sandstone, but\noccasionally of granite, or of breccia from the Arabian mountains; and\nin the case of a notable person the sides of his tomb were duly carved\nwith pictures of his deeds while on earth, and more especially with\npictures illustrating his prospective passage through the underworld.\nGenerally, too, a statue glorified the outside of his tomb, this statue\nbeing wrought of alabaster, schist or serpentine, diorite or limestone,\ngranite or sandstone; and the sculptor, be it noted, never aimed\nprimarily at decoration, but invariably at a portrait of the defunct.\nMoreover, he would seem to have pondered very deeply on the question\nof durability, attaching his work firmly to its _repoussoir_, or, more\noften, making it a very part thereof; and to illustrate the Egyptian's\npredilection in this respect we may mention two works, both in the\nCairo Museum, the one showing the Pharaoh Mycerinus seated, the other\ndepicting a group of three people, likewise seated. In both cases the\nstatuary have been hewn out of the great pieces of rock supporting them,\nand could not possibly be removed therefrom save by elaborate cutting\nwith mallet and chisel.\n\nA wealth of other statues belonging to the early dynastic era are\nstill extant, many of them possessing rare artistic value. And if\nthe same can hardly be said with reference to existing specimens of\nthe relief-cutting of this period, when turning from these to early\ndomestic art we are struck repeatedly by its infinite loveliness.\nProminent among such things as merit this praise are numerous bracelets,\nwhile the Cairo Museum contains two fine carved ivory feet of a stool\nwhich express great vigour of artistic conception, and the same\ncollection includes sundry tiny figures of monkeys, lions, and dogs, all\nof them manifestly the work of a master who had a keen sense for the\ncurious beauty which lurks in the grotesque.\n\nTo an early period also, that of the Pyramid Kings, should be assigned\nthose amazing monuments of the industry and ingenuity of bygone Egypt,\nthe Pyramids and the Sphinx--works which have evoked nearly as much\neloquence, alike in prose and verse, as the _Monna Lisa_ of Leonardo\nda Vinci and the Elgin Marbles of Phidias. Usually supposed to have\nbeen wrought early in the era in question, their inception is, however,\nwrapped in mystery; but whatever the true solution of that enigma,\nthis Memphite period was certainly one which witnessed considerable\ndevelopments in Egyptian art. True, there is little opportunity of\nstudying the architecture of the time, such relics as exist consisting\nin little more than heaps of stone or masses of sun-dried brick; yet\nin the field of sculpture, on the contrary, we are enabled to note and\nscrutinize progress. Heretofore sepulchral statues had been virtually\na preserve of the rich and great, but now all sorts and conditions of\ntombs--or, at least, the tombs of many comparatively poor people--were\ngarnished in this way; and as the defunct was often portrayed in\nan attitude indicating his career on earth, this statuary offers a\nvaluable sidelight on Memphite Egyptian life. Thus we find, here a\nman engaged in brewing, there another seated at secretarial work, his\nposture practically that of the modern tailor; while we observe\nalso that care for the welfare of a deceased magnate of any kind was\nbeing manifested on a more intricate scale than hitherto. That is to\nsay, suppose his friends and relations should be anxious that he should\nbe well fed in the hereafter, they would embellish his resting-place\nwith statuary delineating a kitchen in being; while sometimes, with an\nanalogous end in view, they would represent in the tomb-chapel a group\nof musicians, each depicted with his instrument in his hands.[1] And\nin all these works, as also in divers others of a different nature, we\nnotice a more fluent handling than that characterizing the generality of\nthose of pre-dynastic days, as witness what is possibly the very crown\nof the Pyramid age (Fourth Dynasty) sculpture, the full-length at Cairo\nof the 'Sheikh-el-Beled' (whose real name was Ka-aper), a figure wrought\nin a fashion vigorous and confident as anything from the hand of Rodin\nor Mestrovic. Furthermore, we mark again and again that artists were\nnow beginning to express their respective individualities, they were\nshowing themselves less prone to conform slavishly to a given _r\u00e9gime_;\nand it is significant that one of the Pyramid age sculptors, Ptah-Ankh,\nfar from hiding his identity like all his predecessors, saw fit on one\noccasion to model a stone relief in which he himself figured as sitting\nin a boat.\n\n\nThe Materials of Painting\n\nIt should be noted at this juncture that these Egyptian bas-reliefs\nwere not usually left in a monochromatic state as is customary in\nmodern Europe; for the painter, on the contrary, was generally called\nto the sculptor's aid, while even portrait statues were frequently\ncoloured also. And apart from work of this order, the craft of painting\non sun-dried clay was carried to no mean height of excellence during\nPyramid days, as also was that of painting on papyrus, while mummy\ncases were often decked with multitudinous hues. The colours in many\nof these old Egyptian works still possess great depth and brilliance,\nwhile, indeed, some of them have lasted far better than those in divers\nItalian frescoes of the Renaissance, and infinitely better than those\nin numerous pictures by Reynolds and Turner; and thus we naturally\npause to ask the questions: What manner of pigments were commonly used\nin Egypt? and what, exactly, was the _modus operandi_ of the country's\npainters? Well, an Egyptian artist usually kept his paints in the\ncondition of powder, and on starting work he liquefied them with a\nmixture of water and gum tragacanth; while he next proceeded to apply\nthis solution with a reed pen, or with brushes made of soft hair, few\nmen being in the habit of using more than two brushes, a thick one and\na thin. Then as to the colours themselves, the gold we sometimes see\nis, of course, easily accounted for; while black, it would seem, was\nobtained by burning the bones of animals, and white was made of gypsum\nmixed with honey or albumen. Red and yellow, again, were procured by\nmore familiar processes, the former being derived from sulphuret of\nmercury, the latter simply from clay; while blue, a comparatively rare\nshade in natural objects other than the sea and sky, and therefore hard\nto obtain, was evolved from lapis-lazuli. The picture duly finished,\nsome painters would cover it with a coat of transparent varnish, made\nfrom the gum of the acacia; but the men who did this were really few in\nnumber, and the colours in their works have not lasted well--not nearly\nso well as those in paintings by masters who left varnish severely alone.\n\nLeaving these technical details and returning to the actual history\nof the arts in Egypt, we must speak now of the Middle Kingdom, which\ncommenced with the Ninth Dynasty (_c._ 2445) and lasted to the\nSeventeenth Dynasty. During this time the craft of building developed\napace, among the results being the obelisk of Heliopolis. And if these\nare works reflecting thaumaturgic mechanical ingenuity rather than\ngreat artistic taste, the latter is certainly manifest in two other\nvast structures of early Theban days, the temple of Kom-es-Sagha and\nthe portico of Sa Renput I. Much fine domestic art was also made at\nthis time, as witness the diadem and crown of Khnemit, both of which\nare now at Cairo. A more natural style became discernible, both as\nregards bas-reliefs and paintings. Indeed, many sketches and paintings\nof this period, especially those which delineate scenes of sport, war,\nand athletics, possess a spirit and dash which show that the race of\nEgyptian artists was becoming more skilled in the free use of the brush.\nOne of the most remarkable paintings of this period is a picture at Beni\nHassan, the subject of which is a series of wrestling bouts.\n\n\nNew Empire Art\n\nIn the period of the New Empire (Eighteenth to Thirty-first Dynasties)\nthe student of Egyptian art is confronted with a veritable embarrassment\nof riches, chiefly architectural. It was this period which witnessed the\ncompletion of such imposing structures as the hypostyle hall at Karnak,\nthe temple of Rameses III at Medinet-hab\u00fb, and the great assemblage of\necclesiastical edifices at D\u00ear-el-Bahari. The finest and most imposing\nbuildings at Luxor likewise belong to this era, as do the rock-cut\ntemples at B\u00eat-el-W\u00e1l\u00ee and Abu-Simbel. The sculptors of the period\nalso achieved lasting triumphs, especially in the two colossal figures\nof Memnon at Thebes, and the famous Avenue of Sphinxes at Karnak. The\nstatue of Thothmes III, Amenophis, the son of Hapu, and Queen Tyi are\nalso of great \u00e6sthetic interest. Turning to bas-relief, the likenesses\nof Seti I (Abydos), Septah Meneptah, and Queen Aahmes (a plaster cast in\nthe temple at D\u00ear-el-Bahari) claim our attention, the last-named being\namong the loveliest of all Egyptian works of the kind. The delicacy and\nrefinement of this masterpiece surpasses almost any relief executed in\nEgypt before it. In fact, a greater refinement begins to be apparent in\nthe Egyptian art work of this period, even the domestic arts showing\ngreater attention to delicacy. Lines of great subtlety appear chased on\ntable utensils, while equal skill is apparent in numerous amulets and\nmuch of the jewellery of the period. Little boxes, handles of mirrors\nand spoons designed to hold cosmetics are in many cases the result\nof craftsmanship of a very high order. One of the spoons depicts a\nwoman swimming behind a swan, and inevitably recalls the myth of Leda.\nFinally, much beautiful furniture was made during this period, perhaps\nthe best existing specimen being a chair in the Cairo Museum, its arms\nadroitly carved in the form of stealthy-looking panthers.\n\nDuring this period the use of wood as a medium for artistic\nrepresentation seems to have been on the increase. Contemporaneously the\ncraft of casting in metal was improved and then virtually perfected,\na consummation which had an important influence upon sculpture. This,\ntoo, was the epoch at which the Egyptian artists in colour revolted\nagainst the conventionality which had in ancient times beset their\ncraft. Until this time they had not attempted to colour realistically.\nCertain objects were tinted according to tradition as taught in their\nschools. Thus the flesh of a man was painted a reddish brown, that of a\nwoman yellow, that of a priest blue, and so forth. And it was not until\nthe period of the New Empire that artists began to revolt seriously\nagainst this system. One unknown master went so far as to indulge in\nrosy flesh-tints, and it is natural to inquire whether it was foreign\ninfluence which aroused this iconoclastic act. Be that as it may, there\ncan be no doubt that Egyptian artists began to learn from those of other\nlands--the Assyrians, for instance--and this circumstance renders the\nstudy of Egyptian art during this period somewhat difficult and complex.\n\nThe last period of Egyptian art, the Sa\u00efte, commenced about 721 B.C.\nDuring this epoch the incursions of the Persians, Greeks, and finally\nof the Romans are seen acting materially on the country's productions,\noften to their detriment, for instead of working naturally, instead of\nemploying their own national style, the Egyptian artists of the Sa\u00efte\nperiod were prone to imitate, uttering themselves haltingly in fashions\nborrowed from other races.\n\nBut it is a mistake to maintain, as is occasionally done, that this\nwaning of lofty traditions began with the very advent of the Sa\u00efte\nage. It is a mistake to contend that no vital art was executed by the\nEgyptians thenceforward. Not till the eve of the advent of Christ did\nEgyptian jewellery and craftsmanship in general begin to decline; while\nas to architecture, Herodotus speaks in the most eulogistic terms of the\ngreat buildings at Sa\u00efs. Unfortunately most of these are demolished,\nand we have no chance of studying them at first hand. The Pharaohs of\nthe Sa\u00eftic period lost the vast command of labour of their Theban and\nMemphite predecessors; nevertheless the dawn of the last period in\nEgyptian art saw the completion of many noble edifices. The pronaos of\nKomombos, the temple of Isis at Phil\u00e6, and the kiosk of Nectanebu at\nthe same place, deserve citation, as also do the Mammisi and temple of\nHorus at Edf\u00fb. Yet everywhere are to be seen structures of this period\ninfluenced by Greek or Roman ideas, and others which are clearly the\nwork of Egyptian masons acting under the instructions of alien masters.\n\nThe painting of this period embraces numerous works equal to any\nproduct of earlier times--for example, the vignette of the Judgment\nbefore Osiris contained in the papyrus of Queen Mat-ka-r\u00e9. But we also\nobserve Egyptian artists forsaking their time-honoured colour-schemes\nand using such tints as green and mauve, probably copied from Hellenic\ndecorations. In the bas-reliefs of the time, moreover, we find much\nwhich is sadly mechanical--so mechanical that we are persuaded that\nit was done to order from drawing supplied by foreigners. Nor is\nthe history of Sa\u00efte statuary greatly different from that of those\narts mentioned above, for while at first a wealth of splendid things\nwere achieved--notably a study of Osiris recumbent and a portrait\nof Petubastis--the mechanical element crept into this domain as it\nhad done into the others. Sculptors became mere artisans, slaving at\nthe reproduction of prescribed patterns. Some actually kept in stock\nready-made statues of the human body, the heads to be added as clients\npresented themselves.\n\n\nEgyptian Art Influences\n\nStill, the expression of a nation's soul does not entirely vanish,\nand if Egyptian artists were ultimately influenced by the conquering\nRomans, the Italian craftsmen came no less surely under the sway\nof the great Egyptian schools, and, as noted at the outset of this\nchapter, the Romans inspired much of the work of the Italian masters\nof the Renaissance, whose output was long regarded as the flower of\nEuropean art. We find Egyptian influences strong in Spain, for the art\nof the Nile had cast its potent spell over the Arabs, who at a later\ndate became almost the fathers of the domestic arts in the Iberian\npeninsula; and so it is with no surprise that, when looking at old\nSpanish ornaments, we frequently find them bearing a close resemblance\nto analogous articles made for the belles of Memphis and of Thebes.\nNor was France without some more direct Egyptian influence than that\nwhich reached her indirectly through Italy. The characteristic art of\nthe French Empire was directly descended from Egyptian art. Under Louis\nXIV French painting and craftsmanship were ornate and pompous in the\nextreme, but in the following reign luxury in all departments of life\nwas at a discount. A new simplicity was demanded, and while craftsmen\nwere casting about for patterns suited to this taste, the Comte de\nCaylus published his monumental work on the antiquities of Greece,\nRome, and Egypt, its pages embellished throughout with illustrations\nfrom the author's own hand.[2] It speedily kindled inspiration in the\nminds of numerous artists, and we may place to its credit some of the\nmost tasteful and beautiful furniture ever designed. The Egyptian\nexpedition of Napoleon, too, led to the importation of Egyptian\narticles, and thenceforth until the eve of Waterloo scarcely a table,\nchair, or mirror of French manufacture with any claims to artistry but\ndisclosed the influence of the Egyptian schools. Not only were actual\nshapes borrowed, but it was quite common to decorate furniture with\npseudo-Egyptian statuettes and reliefs, or with brass plaques chased in\nimitation of parts of Egyptian pictures.\n\nThe pseudo-Egyptian craftsmanship of the Empire--so apt an expression\nof the temper of French thought at that time--may be studied well at\nFontainebleau or at Marlborough House in London, while of course it is\nin evidence in the backgrounds of many Empire pictures, in particular\nthose of Louis David. Indeed, that master himself, the most influential\nFrench painter of his day, owed something to the Egyptian school, while\na similar debt is suggested by sundry works of the sculptors Chinard\nand Houdon; and a study of Empire buildings reveals that the architects\nof the period, mainly devoted though they were to ancient Greece and\nRome, were not uninfluenced by the art of the land of the Pharaohs. Nor\nwas this true only of the French architects, for that great Scottish\nartist in stone, Robert Adam, who died the year the French Republic\nwas established, would seem to have shared the attraction. He often\nintroduced Egyptian objects into his decorative schemes, while the\nlarge, imposing simplicity he frequently attained is rich in suggestion\nof notable Egyptian edifices. The same massive 'Egyptian' simplicity is\nto be seen in the statuary of the mighty Serb, Ivan Mestrovic, as also\nin that of the Swede, David Edstr\u00f6m. Indeed, it would be wearisome to\nenumerate all the artists of different nationalities who have clearly\nbeen indebted to the genius of Egypt, but we must not conclude without\nsome reference to the influence of the school on the Post-Impressionist\npainters.\n\nThe Post-Impressionists were not, as is commonly said, direct\ndescendants of the Impressionist group, but rather seceders therefrom.\nTheir watchword was simplicity, and in pursuance of this ideal they\nturned lovingly to study primitive art, especially that of the\nEgyptians, finding therein that simple element which they desired.\n\n\nArtistic Remains\n\nReturning to our main subject, we may ask, What is the actual \u00e6sthetic\nvalue of Egyptian art to our own generation?\n\nImagine a museum, some thousands of years hence, ostensibly representing\nthe art of France from the beginning of the fifteenth century to the\nend of the nineteenth; and suppose this crammed with the off-scourings\nof the Salon school and the autotypes and _bric-\u00e0-brac_ of the Rue de\nRivoli, with only here and there a Clouet, a Boucher, or a Lancret, only\nhere and there a Clodion, a Dalou, or a Rodin. Would not visitors to\nsuch a collection be certain to conclude that the French were anything\nbut artistic? Conditions such as those indicated above obtain in nearly\nevery Egyptian collection of the present day. The point of view of those\nin charge of museums and exhibits seems to be that anything of Egyptian\norigin should be treasured, however lacking it may be in artistic merit,\nand small wonder if the average visitor of taste has not the patience\nto search through such heterogeneous collections in which the few vital\narticles are buried. The great mass of Egyptian remains are far inferior\nto those of Greek origin, wrought in the time of Phidias and Apelles;\nthe master works of Egypt, on the other hand, are equal to the artistic\nproducts of any age, and it is with these master works, and only with\nthese, that we must concern ourselves here.\n\n\nEgyptian Colour-harmonies\n\nThe Egyptian painter seldom or never sought to blend his different\nshades into each other, he seldom or never dealt in gradations;\ninstead he painted in large patches, each patch clearly demarked from\nits neighbour. But with this system he achieved some of the grandest\ncolour-harmonies, as witness the papyrus of Ani,[3] wherein the\nprominent notes are brown and yellow, green, white and black. Even more\nbeautiful is the papyrus of Queen Mat-ka-r\u00e9, slightly higher in pitch\nthan the last-named, and dominated by an exquisite reddish yellow;\nwhile, turning to polychromatic sculpture, surely there was never a\nlovelier piece of colouring than the statue of Princess Neferet, with\nits rich greens and reds, its browns and whites. Scarcely inferior to\nthis is the coffin of Khnumu-Hotep, painted with gold, black, and brown,\nand with stripes of peacock-blue decorated with patterns in gold.\n\nIf the Egyptian was a divine colourist, he was still more surely a\nmaster of composition. The artist striving after harmony in design may\narrange a host of figures upon a canvas, or he may take for his purpose\nonly a very few objects. The former, the usual practice of the European\nschool, is infinitely the easier of the two; but the Egyptian commonly\nchose the latter, and on his piece of papyrus or on his plaque of stone\nhe placed his few objects so happily and in such perfect \u00e6sthetic\nrelationship to each other that the whole space used appears to be\ndecorated. His draughtsmanship, besides, is usually of high excellence;\nhere, too, he faces a difficulty, giving a bold impression rather than\na detailed drawing, yet so expressive are his lines that the work\npossesses abundantly the illusion of life.\n\n\nThe Great Simplicity of Egyptian Art\n\nWe have spoken of sundry Egyptian works as subtle, delicate, and\nrefined; but these are not characteristic examples, they are not those\nwhich chiefly command homage. Subtlety, an exquisite quality, one of the\nultimate qualities, is nevertheless closely allied to weakness, and the\nsustained effort to express it is apt to prove injurious to the artist.\nWhistler, for one, striving after the delicate, the refined and subtle,\ntoo often approximated effeminacy; and some of the greater Japanese\npainters, preoccupied with dreamy half-tints and febrile lines, came\ndangerously near producing the merely pretty. In the characteristic work\nof the Egyptians, however, we never detect a hint of this failing; for\ntheirs is before all else a powerful, bold, simple art, often reflecting\na grand, ruthless brutality like that in the great English dramatists.\nWe have seen that it was their simplicity which engaged the Frenchmen\nof the Empire, eager to make something of a strenuous temper; we have\nseen that it was this element, too, which commanded homage from the\nPost-Impressionists, so intensely serious and aspirational a group. And\nmay we not add that this simplicity is the loftiest factor discernible\nin Egyptian art? May we not add that the Egyptians achieved this merit\nwith a triumph almost unrivalled by other races? And may we not say,\nfinally, that simplicity is the noblest of all artistic qualities? The\ngreat poems, those which live from generation unto generation, are\nmost assuredly those in which the subject is expressed with divine\nsimplicity, the poet attaining the maximum of expression with the\nminimum of means, which is exactly what the great painters and sculptors\nof Egypt compassed.\n\nBut simplicity, like subtlety, has its concomitant danger, for what is\nvery simple is apt to be deficient in mystery, so essential an item in\na vital work of art. Yet here, again, we find the Egyptian victorious;\nhe has adroitly evaded the peril of baldness. The Egyptian sculptor,\nproducing a portrait, always adumbrates the character of his sitter,\nitself a mysterious quality, and there is in a host of Egyptian works of\nart a curious sense of infinity, a suggestion of the eternal riddle of\nthe universe. They are the most mysterious works ever wrought by man,\nsome seeming verily eloquent of silence; we feel in their presence a\nstrange mood of awe, a feeling which has been thus happily expressed:\n\n     Tread lightly, O my dancing feet,\n       Lest your untimely murmurs stir\n     Dust of forgotten men who find death sweet,\n       At rest within their sepulchre.\n\nThese lines, written by Lady Margaret Sackville while tarrying at\nAssouan, crystallize the reverential mood which often possesses us in\nthe presence of Egyptian art; and yet, are these entombed men of whom\nthe writer sings really forgotten?\n\n     Past ruined Ilion Helen lives,\n\neternal life vouchsafed to her by the song of Homer; surely bygone\nEgyptians have, in like fashion, won immortality through the genius of\ntheir mighty artists.\n\n\n[1] Single statues in the Old Kingdom, figures in groups in Middle\nKingdom.\n\n[2] _Recueil d'antiquit\u00e9s \u00e9gyptiennes, \u00e9trusques, grecques, romaines et\ngauloises_. Six vols. Paris, 1752-1755.\n\n[3] See Frontispiece and illustration facing p. 120 [reproduced in black\nand white in the present edition].\n\n\n\n\nGLOSSARY AND INDEX\n\n\nTHE PRONUNCIATION OF EGYPTIAN\n\n\nThe correct pronunciation of Old, Middle, and Late Egyptian can only be\ngleaned by analogy from that of Coptic, which represents the popular\nlanguage of Egypt from the third to the ninth century A.D. But this\ntongue was strongly reinforced by Greek loan-words, and as it was\nrendered in writing by the Greek alphabet it is difficult to say how\nmuch of the native linguistic element it really represents. But its\northography gives a clear idea of its pronunciation, and it is the\nmainstay of Egyptian philologists in restoring the word-forms of the\nancient language, or at least Late Egyptian, between which and the\nMiddle and Old dialects there is a wide linguistic gap. Indeed, the\npronunciation of these archaic forms is probably for ever lost to modern\nscholarship. Speaking generally, Egyptian words and names are usually\npronounced by scholars as they are spelt.\n\n(Index not retained in text-version.)","title":"Myths and Legends of Ancient Egypt","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":99648}