{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_46422/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_46422","id":"gutenberg_46422","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/46422","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Delaware Indians","Delaware language -- Texts","Picture-writing, Indian"],"text":"LIBRARY\n           OF\n    ABORIGINAL AMERICAN\n       LITERATURE.\n\n         No. V.\n\n       EDITED BY\n   D. G. BRINTON, M.D.\n\n     PHILADELPHIA\n         1885\n\n\n\n\n               THE LEN\u00c2P\u00c9 AND THEIR LEGENDS;\n\n            WITH THE COMPLETE TEXT AND SYMBOLS\n                   OF THE WALAM OLUM,\n\n  A NEW TRANSLATION, AND AN INQUIRY INTO ITS AUTHENTICITY.\n\n                            BY\n                 DANIEL G. BRINTON, A.M., M.D.,\n\n       PROFESSOR OF ETHNOLOGY AND ARCH\u00c6OLOGY AT THE\n        ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES, PHILADELPHIA.\n\n    President of the Numismatic and Antiquarian; Society of\n   Philadelphia; Member of the American Philosophical Society,\n   the American Antiquarian Society, the Pennsylvania Historical\n   Society, etc.; Membre de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Royale des Antiquaires\n   du Nord; D\u00e9l\u00e9gn\u00e9 G\u00e9n\u00e9ral de l'Institution Ethnographique;\n   Vice-President du Congr\u00e9s International des Americanistes;\n   Corresponding Member of the Anthropological Society of\n   Washington, etc.\n\n                      D. G. BRINTON.\n                      PHILADELPHIA.\n                          1885.\n\n    Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1885, by\n                      D. G. BRINTON,\n  In the Office of the Librarian of Congress. All rights reserved.\n\n\nTranscriber's Notes:\n Words or phrases with an underscore(_) before and after are italicized.\n Words or phrases with an equal sign(=) before and after are in bold.\n Obvious spelling and punctuation mistakes have been corrected.\n The use of the digit 8 to represent a 'whistled' letter w has been\n   retained as in the original.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nIn the present volume I have grouped a series of ethnological studies\nof the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Maryland, around\nwhat is asserted to be one of the most curious records of ancient\nAmerican history.\n\nFor a long time this record--the WALAM OLUM, or Red Score--was supposed\nto have been lost. Having obtained the original text complete about\na year ago, I printed a few copies and sent them to several educated\nnative Delawares with a request for aid in its translation and opinions\non its authenticity. The results will be found in the following pages.\n\nThe interest in the subject thus excited prompted me to a general\nreview of our knowledge of the Lenape or Delawares, their history and\ntraditions, their language and customs. This disclosed the existence\nof a number of MSS. not mentioned in bibliographies, some in the first\nrank of importance, especially in the field of linguistics. Of these I\nhave made free use.\n\nIn the course of these studies I have received suggestions and\nassistance from a number of obliging friends, among whom I would\nmention the native Delawares, the Rev. Albert Anthony, and the Rev.\nJohn Kilbuck; Mr. Horatio Hale and the Right Rev. E. de Schweinitz; Dr.\nJ. Hammond Trambull, Prof. A. M. Elliott and Gen. John Mason Brown.\n\nNot without hesitation do I send forth this volume to the learned\nworld. Regarded as an authentic memorial, the original text of the\nWALAM OLUM will require a more accurate rendering than I have been able\nto give it; while the possibility that a more searching criticism will\ndemonstrate it to have been a fabrication may condemn as labor lost the\npains that I have bestowed upon it. Yet even in the latter case my work\nwill not have been in vain. There is, I trust, sufficient in the volume\nto justify its appearance, apart from the Red Score; and the latter,\nby means of this complete presentation, can now be assigned its true\nposition in American archaeology, whatever that may be.\n\n\n\n\n                                CONTENTS.\n\n                                                                   PAGE\n  CHAPTER I.--\u00a7 1. THE ALGONKIN STOCK                                9\n      Scheme of its Dialects.--Probable Primitive Location.\n              \u00a7 2. THE IROQUIS STOCK                                13\n      The Susquehannocks--The Hurons--The Cherokees.\n\n  CHAPTER II.--THE WAPANACHKI OR EASTERN ALGONKIN CONFEDERACY       19\n      The Confederated Tribes--The Mohegans--The Nanticokes.--The\n      Conoys.--The Shawnees.--The Saponies.--The Assiwikalees.\n\n  CHAPTER III.--THE LENAPE OR DELAWARES                             33\n      Derivation of the Name Lenape.--The Three Sub-Tribes:\n      the Minsi or Wolf, the Unami or Turtle, and the Unalachtgo\n      or Turkey Tribes.--Their Totems.--The New Jersey Tribes:\n      the Wapings, Sanhicans and Mantas.--Political Constitution\n      of the Lenape.--Vegetable Food Resources.--Domestic\n      Architecture.--Manufactures.--Paints and Dyes.--Dogs.--\n      Interments.--Computation of Time.--Picture Writing.--\n      Record Sticks.--Moral and Mental Character.--Religious\n      Belief.--Doctrine of the Soul.--The Native Priests.--\n      Religious Ceremonies.\n\n  CHAPTER IV.--THE LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE OF THE LENAPE            74\n      \u00a7 1. Literature of the Lenape Tongue.--\n             Campanius; Penn; Thomas; Zeisberger; Heckewelder;\n             Roth; Ettwem; Grube; Dencke; Luckenbach; Henry;\n             Vocabularies; a Native Letter.\n      \u00a7 2. General Remarks on the Lenape.\n      \u00a7 3. Dialects of the Lenape.\n      \u00a7 4. Special Structure of the Lenape.--The Root and the Theme;\n             Prefixes; Suffixes; Derivatives; Grammatical Notes.\n\n  CHAPTER V.--HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE LENAPE                    109\n      \u00a7 1. The Lenape as \"Women.\"\n      \u00a7 2. Recent Migrations of the Lenape.\n      \u00a7 3. Missionary Efforts in the Provinces of Pennsylvania\n             and New Jersey.\n\n  CHAPTER VI.--MYTHS AND TRADITIONS OF THE LENAPE                  130\n\n      Cosmogonical and Culture Myths.--The Culture-hero,\n           Michabo.--Myths from Lindstrom, Ettwein, Jasper\n           Donkers, Zeisberger.--Native Symbolism--The Saturnian\n           Age.--Mohegan Cosmogony and Migration Myth.\n      National Traditions.--Beatty's Account.--The Number Seven.--\n           Heckewelder's Account.--Prehistoric Migrations.--Shawnee\n           Legend.--Lenape Legend of the Naked Bear.\n\n  CHAPTER VII.--THE WALAM OLUM:\n                 ITS ORIGIN, AUTHENTICITY AND CONTENTS             148\n\n      Biographical Sketch of Rafinesque.--Value of his Writings.--\n           His account of the WALUM OLUM.--Was it a Forgery?--\n           Rafinesque's Character.--The Text Pronounced Genuine\n           by Native Delawares.--Conclusion Reached.\n\n      Phonetic System of the WALUM OLUM.--Metrical Form.--\n           Pictographic System--Derivation and Precise Meaning\n           of WALUM OLUM.--The MS of the WALUM OLUM.--General\n           Synopsis of the WALUM OLUM--Synopsis of its Parts.\n\n  THE WALUM OLUM.--ORIGINAL TEXT AND TRANSLATION                   169\n\n  NOTES                                                            219\n  VOCABULARY                                                       233\n  APPENDIX                                                         255\n  INDEX                                                            257\n\n\n\n\nTHE LENAPE AND THEIR LEGENDS.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\n\u00a7 1. THE ALGONKIN STOCK.\n\nScheme of its Dialects--Probable Primitive Location\n\n\u00a7 2. THE IROQUIS STOCK.\n\nThe Susquehannocks--The Hurons--The Cherokees\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _The Algonkin Stock_.\n\nAbout the period 1500-1600, those related tribes whom we now know by\nthe name of Algonkins were at the height of their prosperity. They\noccupied the Atlantic coast from the Savannah river on the south to the\nstrait of Belle Isle on the north. The whole of Newfoundland was in\ntheir possession; in Labrador they were neighbors to the Eskimos; their\nnorthernmost branch, the Crees, dwelt along the southern shores of\nHudson Bay, and followed the streams which flow into it from the west,\nuntil they met the Chipeways, closely akin to themselves, who roamed\nover the water shed of Lake Superior. The Blackfeet carried a remote\ndialect of their tongue quite to the Rocky Mountains; while the fertile\nprairies of Illinois and Indiana were the homes of the Miamis. The area\nof Ohio and Kentucky was very thinly peopled by a few of their roving\nbands; but east of the Alleghanies, in the valleys of the Delaware,\nthe Potomac and the Hudson, over the barren hills of New England and\nNova Scotia, and throughout the swamps and forests of Virginia and the\nCarolinas, their osier cabins and palisadoed strongholds, their maize\nfields and workshops of stone implements, were numerously located.\n\nIt is needless for my purpose to enumerate the many small tribes which\nmade up this great group. The more prominent were the Micmacs of Nova\nScotia, the Abnakis of Maine, the Pequots and Narragansets, in New\nEngland, the Mohegans of the Hudson, the Lenape on the Delaware, the\nNanticokes around Chesapeake Bay, the Pascataway on the Potomac, and\nthe Powhatans and Shawnees further south; while between the Great Lakes\nand the Ohio river were the Ottawas, the Illinois, the Pottawatomies,\nthe Kikapoos, Piankishaws, etc.\n\nThe dialects of all these were related, and evidently at some distant\nday had been derived from the same primitive tongue. Which of them had\npreserved the ancient forms most closely, it may be premature to decide\npositively, but the tendency of modern studies has been to assign that\nplace to the Cree--the northernmost of all.\n\nWe cannot erect a genealogical tree of these dialects. It is not\nprobable that they branched off, one after another, from a common\nstock. The ancient tribes each took their several ways from a common\ncentre, and formed nuclei for subsequent development. We may, however,\ngroup them in such a manner as roughly to indicate their relationship.\nThis I do on the following page:--\n\n  Cree,\n  Old Algonkin,\n  Montagnais.\n              Chipeway,\n              Ottawa,\n              Pottawattomie,\n              Miami,\n              Peoria,\n              Pea,\n              Piankishaw,\n              Kaskaskia,\n              Menominee,\n              Sac,\n              Fox,\n              Kikapoo.\n                      Sheshatapoosh,\n                      Secoffee,\n                      Micmac,\n                      Melisceet,\n                      Etchemin,\n                      Abnaki.\n                               Mohegan,\n                               Massachusetts,\n                               Shawnee,\n                               Minsi,      }\n                               Unami,      }\n                               Unalachtigo,}\n                               Nanticoke,\n                               Powhatan,\n                               Pampticoke.\n                                            Blackfoot,\n                                            Gros Ventre,\n                                            Sheyenne.\n\n\nGranting, as we must, some common geographical centre for these many\ndialects, the question where this was located becomes an interesting\none.\n\nMore than one attempt to answer it has been made. Mr. Lewis H. Morgan\nthought there was evidence to show that the valley of the Columbia\nriver, Oregon, \"was the initial point from which the Algonkin stock\nemigrated to the great lake region and thence to the Atlantic\ncoast.\"[1] This is in direct conflict with the evidence of language,\nas the Blackfoot or Satsika is the most corrupt and altered of the\nAlgonkin dialects. Basing his argument on this evidence, Mr. Horatio\nHale reaches a conclusion precisely the reverse of that of Morgan. \"The\ncourse of migration of the Indian tribes,\" writes Mr. Hale, \"has been\nfrom the Atlantic coast westward and southward. The traditions of the\nAlgonkins seem to point to Hudson's Bay and the coast of Labrador.\"[2]\nThis latter view is certainly that which accords best with the\ntestimony of language and of history.\n\nWe know that both Chipeways and Crees have been steadily pressing\nwestward since their country was first explored, driving before them\nthe Blackfeet and Dakotas.[3]\n\nThe Cree language is built up on a few simple, unchangeable radicals\nand elementary words, denoting being, relation, energy, etc.; it\nhas extreme regularity of construction, a single negative, is\nalmost wholly verbal and markedly incorporative, has its grammatical\nelements better defined than its neighbors, and a more consistent\nphonetic system.[4] For these and similar reasons we are justified\nin considering it the nearest representative we possess of the\npristine Algonkin tongue, and unless strong grounds to the contrary\nare advanced, it is proper to assume that the purest dialect is found\nnearest the primeval home of the stock.\n\n\n\u00a72. _The Iroquois Stock_.\n\nSurrounded on all sides by the Algonkins were the _Iroquois_, once\ncalled the Five or Six Nations. When first discovered they were on the\nSt. Lawrence, near Montreal, and in the Lake Region of Central New\nYork. Various other, tribes, not in their confederacy, and generally\nat war with them, spoke dialects of the same language. Such were the\nHurons or Wyandots, between the Georgian Bay and Lake Erie, the Neutral\nNation on the Niagara river, the Eries on the southern shore of the\nlake of that name, the Nottoways in Virginia, and the Tuscaroras in\nNorth Carolina. The Cherokees, found by the whites in East Tennessee,\nbut whose national legend, carefully preserved for generations, located\nthem originally on the head waters of the Ohio, were a remote offshoot\nof this same stem.\n\n\n_The Susquehannocks_.\n\nThe valley of the Susquehanna river was occupied by a tribe of Iroquois\nlineage and language, known as the _Susquehannocks, Conestogas_ and\n_Andastes_. The last name is Iroquois, from _andasta_, a cabin pole.\nBy some, \"Susquehannock\" has also been explained as an Iroquois word,\nbut its form is certainly Algonkin. The terminal _k_ is the place-sign,\n_hanna_ denotes a flowing stream, while the adjectival prefix has been\nidentified by Heckewelder with _schachage_, straight, from the direct\ncourse of the river near its mouth, and by Mr. Guss with _woski_, new,\nwhich, he thinks, referred to fresh or spring water.\n\nOf these the former will appear the preferable, if we allow for the\nsoftening of the gutturals, which was a phonetic trait of the Unami\ndialect of the Lenape.\n\nThe Susquehannocks were always at deadly feud with the Iroquois,\nand between wars, the smallpox and the whites, they were finally\nexterminated. The particulars of their short and sad history have\nbeen presented with his characteristic thoroughness by Dr. John G.\nShea,[5] and later by Prof. N. L. Guss.[6] They were usually called\nby the Delawares _Mengwe_, which was the term they applied to all\nthe Iroquois-speaking tribes.[7] The English corrupted it to Minqua\nand Mingo, and as the eastern trail of the Susquehannocks lay up the\nConestoga Creek, and down the Christina, both those streams were called\n\"Mingo Creek\" by the early settlers.\n\nIt is important for the ethnology of Pennsylvania, to understand that\nat the time of the first settlement the whole of the Susquehanna\nValley, from the Chesapeake to the New York lakes, was owned and\ncontrolled by Iroquois-speaking tribes. A different and erroneous\nopinion was expressed by Heckewelder, and has been generally received.\nHe speaks of the Lenape Minsi as occupying the head waters of the\nSusquehanna. This was not so in the historic period.\n\nThe claims of the Susquehannocks extended down the Chesapeake Bay on\nthe east shore, as far as the Choptank River, and on the west shore as\nfar as the Patuxent. In 1654 they ceded to the government of Maryland\ntheir southern territory to these boundaries.[8] The first English\nexplorers met them on the Potomac, about the Falls, and the Pascatoways\nwere deserting their villages and fleeing before them, when, in 1634,\nCalvert founded his colony at St. Mary's.\n\nTheir subjection to the Five Nations took place about 1680, and\nit was through the rights obtained by this conquest that, at the\ntreaty of Lancaster, 1744, Canassatego, the Onondaga speaker for the\nNation, claimed pay from the government of Maryland for the lands\non the Potomac, or, as that river was called in his tongue, the\n_Cohongorontas_.\n\n\n_The Hurons._\n\nThe Hurons, Wyandots, or Wendats, were another Iroquois people, who\nseem, at some remote epoch, to have come into contact with the Lenape.\nThe latter called them _Delamattenos_[9] and claimed to have driven\nthem out of a portion of their possessions. A Chipeway tradition also\nstates that the Hurons were driven north from the lake shores by\nAlgonkin tribes.[10] We know, from the early accounts of the Jesuits,\nthat there was commercial intercourse between them and the tribes\nsouth of the lakes, the materials of trade being principally fish and\ncorn.[11] The Jesuit _Relations_ of 1648 contain quite a full account\nof a Huron convert who, in that year, visited the Lenape on the\nDelaware River, and had an interview with the Swedish Governor, whom he\ntook to task for neglecting the morals of his men.\n\n\n_The Cherokees._\n\nThe Cherokees were called by the Delawares _Kittuwa_ (_Kuttoowauw_, in\nthe spelling of the native Aupaumut). This word I suppose to be derived\nfrom the prefix, _kit_, great, and the root _tawa_ (Cree, _yette_,\n_tawa_), to open, whence tawatawik, an open, _i.e._, uninhabited place,\na wilderness (Zeisberger).\n\nThe designation is geographical. According to the tradition of the\nCherokees, they once lived (probably about the fourteenth century)\nin the Ohio Valley, and claimed to have been the constructors of the\nGrave Creek and other earthworks there.[12] Some support is given to\nthis claim by the recent linguistic investigations of Mr. Horatio\nHale,[13] and the archaeological researches of Prof. Cyrus Thomas.[14]\nThey were driven southward by their warlike neighbors, locating their\ncouncil fire first near Monticello, Va., and the main body reaching\nEast Tennessee about the close of the fifteenth century. As late as\n1730 some of them continued to live east of the Alleghanies, while, on\nthe other hand, it is evident, from the proper names preserved by the\nchroniclers of De Soto's expedition (1542), that at that period others\nheld the mountains of Northern Georgia. To the Delawares they remained\n_kit-tawa-wi_, inhabitants of the great wilderness of Southern Ohio and\nKentucky.\n\nDelaware traditions distinctly recalled the period when portions of the\nCherokees were on the Ohio, and recounted long wars with them.[15] When\nthe Lenape assumed the office of peacemaker, this feud ceased, and\nwas not renewed until the general turmoil of the French-Indian wars,\n1750-60. After this closed, in 1768, the Cherokees sought and effected\na renewal of their peaceful relations with the Delawares, and in 1779\nthey even sent a deputation of \"condolence\" to their \"grandfather,\" the\nLenape, on the death of the head chief, White Eyes.[16]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Lewis H. Morgan, _Indian Migrations_, in Beach's _Indian Miscellany_,\np. 218.\n\n[2] H. Hale, _Indian Migrations as Evidenced by Language_, p. 24.\n(Chicago, 1883.)\n\n[3] See the R. P. A. Lacombe _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris.\nIntrod._, p. xi. (Montreal, 1874.)\n\n[4] See Joseph Howse, _A grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 13, et al.\n(London, 1842)\n\n[5] In a note to Mr. Gowan's edition of George Alsop's _Province\nof Maryland_, pp. 117-121 (New York, 1869); also, in 1858, in an\narticle \"On the Identity of the Adastas, Minquas, Susquehannocks, and\nConestogas,\" in the _Amer. Hist. Mag._, Vol. II, p. 294.\n\n[6] _Early Indian History on the Susquehanna_, p. 31.\n(Harrisburg, 1883).\n\n[7] _Megnwe_ is the Onondaga _yenkwe_, males, or men, _viri_, and was\nborrowed from that dialect by the Delawares, as a general term. Bishop\nEttwein states that the Iroquois called the Delawares, Mohegans, and\nall the New England Indians _Agozhagduta_.\n\n[8] Bozman, _History of Maryland_, Vol. I, p. 167.\n\n[9] Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations_, p. 80.\n\n[10] Peter Jones, _History of the Ojibway Nation_, p. 32.\n\n[11] _Relation da Jesuites_, 1637, p. 154. The Hurons, at that time,\nare stated to have had reliable traditions running back more than two\nhundred years. _Relation de 1639_, p. 50.\n\n[12] \"The Cherokees had an oration, in which was contained the history\nof their migrations, which was lengthy.\" This tradition related \"that\nthey came from the upper part of the Ohio, where they erected the\nmounds on Grave Creek, and that they removed hither [to East Tennessee]\nfrom the country where Monticello is situated.\" This memory of their\nmigrations was preserved and handed down by official orators, who\nrepeated it annually, in public, at the national festival of the green\ncorn dance. J. Haywood, _Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee_,\npp. 224-237. (Nashville, 1823.) Haywood adds: \"It is now nearly\nforgotten.\" I have made vain attempts to recover some fragments of it\nfrom the present residents of the Cherokee Nation.\n\n[13] _Indian Migrations as Evidenced by Language_, p. 22.\n\n[14] Prof. Thomas has shown beyond reasonable doubt that the Cherokees\nwere mound builders within the historic period.\n\n[15] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., p. 160; Heckewelder,\n_History of the Indian Nations_, p. 54. Bishop Ettwein states that the\nlast Cherokees were driven from the upper Ohio river about 1700-10. His\nessay on the \"Traditions and Languages of the Indian Nations,\" written\nfor General Washington, in 1788, was first published in the _Bulletin\nof the Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1844.\n\n[16] Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. 88, 327. Mr. H. Hale, in _The\nIroquois Book of Rites_, has fully explained the meaning and importance\nof the custom of \"condolence.\" The Stockbridge Indian, Aupaumut, in\nhis Journal, writes of the Delawares, that when they lose a relative,\n\"according to ancient custom, long as they are not comforted, they are\nnot to speak in public, and this ceremonie of comforting each other is\nhighly esteemed among these nations.\" _Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut_,\nin _Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._, Vol. II, p. 99.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nTHE WAPANACHKI OR EASTERN ALGONKIN CONFEDERACY.\n\nThe Confederated Tribes--The Mohegans--The Nanticokes--The Conoys--The\nShawnees--The Saponies--The Assiwikalees\n\n\n_The Confederated Tribes._\n\nAll the Algonkin nations who dwelt north of the Potomac, on the east\nshore of Chesapeake Bay, and in the basins of the Delaware and Hudson\nrivers, claimed near kinship and an identical origin, and were at times\nunited into a loose, defensive confederacy.\n\nBy the western and southern tribes they were collectively known as\n_Wapanachkik_--\"those of the eastern region\"--which in the form\n_Abnaki_ is now confined to the remnant of a tribe in Maine. The\nDelawares in the far West retain traditionally the ancient confederate\nname, and still speak of themselves as \"Eastlanders\"--_O-puh-narke_.\n(Morgan.)\n\nThe members of the confederacy were the Mohegans (Mahicanni) of the\nHudson, who occupied the valley of that river to the falls above the\nsite of Albany, the various New Jersey tribes, the Delawares proper on\nthe Delaware river and its branches, including the Minsi or Monseys,\namong the mountains, the Nanticokes, between Chesapeake Bay and the\nAtlantic, and the small tribe called Canai, Kanawhas or Ganawese, whose\ntowns were on tributaries of the Potomac and Patuxent.\n\nThat all these were united in some sort of an alliance, with the\nDelawares at its head, is not only proved by the traditions of this\ntribe itself, but by the distinct assertion of the Mohegans and\nothers, and by events within historical times, as the reunion of the\nNanticokes, New Jersey and Eastern Indians with the Delawares as with\nthe parent stem.[17]\n\n\n_The Mohegans._\n\nThe Mohegans, _Mo-h\u00e9-kun-ne-uk_, dwelt on the tide-waters of the\nHudson, and from this their name was derived. Dr. Trumbull, indeed,\nfollowing Schoolcraft, thinks that they \"took their tribal name from\n_maingan_, a wolf, and _Moheganick_ = Chip. _maniganikan_, 'country\nof wolves.'\"[18] They, themselves, however, translate it, \"seaside\npeople,\" or more fully, \"people of the great waters which are\nconstantly ebbing or flowing.\"[19] The compound is _machaak_, great,\n_hickan_, tide (\"ebbing tide,\" Zeis; \"tide of flood,\" Campanius) and\n_ik_, animate plural termination.\n\nThe Mohegans on the Hudson are said to have been divided into three\nphratries, the Bear, the Wolf and the Turtle, of whom the Bear had\nthe primacy.[20] Mr. Morgan, however, who examined, in 1860, the\nrepresentatives of the nation in Kansas,[21] discovered that they had\nprecisely the same phratries as the Delawares, that is the Wolf, the\nTurtle, and the Turkey, each subdivided into three or four gentes. He\njustly observes that this \"proves their immediate connection with the\nDelawares and Munsees by descent,\" and thus renders their myths and\ntraditions of the more import in the present study.\n\nLinguistically, the Mohegans were more closely allied to the tribes of\nNew England than to those of the Delaware Valley. Evidently, most of\nthe tribes of Massachusetts and Connecticut were comparatively recent\noffshoots of the parent stem on the Hudson, supposing the course of\nmigration had been eastward.\n\nIn some of his unpublished notes Mr. Heckewelder identifies the\n_Wampanos_, who lived in Connecticut, along the shore of Long Island\nSound, and whose council fire was where New Haven now stands, as\nMohegans, while the _Wapings_ or _Opings_ of the Northern Jersey shore\nwere a mixed clan derived from intermarriages between Mohegans and\nMonseys.[22]\n\n\n_The Nanticokes_.\n\nThe Nanticokes occupied the territory between Chesapeake Bay and the\nocean, except its southern extremity, which appears to have been under\nthe control of the Powhatan tribe of Virginia.\n\nThe derivation of Nanticoke is from the Delaware _Un\u00e9chtgo_,\n\"tide-water people,\" and is merely another form of _Unalachtgo_, the\nname of one of the Lenape sub-tribes. In both cases it is a mere\ngeographical term, and not a national eponym.\n\nIn the records of the treaty at Fort Johnston, 1757, the Nanticokes are\nalso named _Tiawco_. This is their Mohegan name, _Otay\u00e3chgo_, which\nmeans \"bridge people,\" or bridge makers, the reference being to the\nskill with which the Nanticokes could fasten floating logs together to\nconstruct a bridge across a stream. In the Delaware dialect this was\n_Tawachgu\u00e1no_, from _taiachquoan_, a bridge. The latter enables us to\nidentify the Tockwhoghs, whom Captain John Smith met on the Chesapeake,\nin 1608, with the Nanticokes. The _Kuscarawocks_, whom he also visited,\nhave been conclusively shown by Mr. Bozman[23] to have been also\nNanticokes.\n\nBy ancient traditions, they looked up to the Lenape as their\n\"grandfather,\" and considered the Mohegans their \"brethren.\"[24] That\nis, they were, as occasion required, attached to the same confederacy.\n\nIn manners and customs they differed little from their northern\nrelatives. The only peculiarity in this respect which is noted of\nthem was the extravagant consideration they bestowed on the bones of\nthe dead. The corpse was buried for some months, then exhumed and the\nbones carefully cleaned and placed in an ossuary called _man-to-kump_\n(= _manito_, with the locative termination, place of the mystery or\nspirit).\n\nWhen they removed from one place to another these bones were carried\nwith them. Even those who migrated to northern Pennsylvania, about\nthe middle of the last century, piously brought along these venerable\nrelics, and finally interred them near the present site of Towanda,\nwhence its name, _Tawundeunk_, \"where we bury our dead.\"[25]\n\nTheir dialect varied considerably from the Delaware; of which it is\nclearly a deteriorated form. It is characterized by abbreviated words\nand strongly expirated accents, as _tah! quah! quak! su_, short; _quah!\nnah! qut_, long.\n\nOur knowledge of it is limited to a few vocabularies. The earliest\nwas taken down by Captain John Smith, during his exploration of the\nChesapeake. The most valuable is one obtained by Mr. William Vans\nMurray, in 1792, from the remnant in Maryland. It is in the library of\nthe American Philosophical Society, and has never been correctly or\ncompletely printed.\n\nThe Nanticokes broke up early. Between the steady encroachments of the\nwhites and the attacks of the Iroquois they found themselves between\nthe upper and the nether millstones.\n\nAccording to their own statement to Governor Evans, at a conference\nin 1707, they had at that time been tributary to the latter for\ntwenty-seven years, _i.e._, since 1680. Their last head chief, or\n\"crowned king,\" Winicaco, died about 1720. A few years after this\noccurrence bands of them began to remove to Pennsylvania, and at the\nmiddle of the century were living at the mouth of the Juniata, under\nthe immediate control of the Iroquois. Thence they removed to Wyoming,\nand in 1753, \"in a fleet of twenty-five canoes,\" to the Iroquois lands\nin western New York. Others of their nation were brought there by the\nIroquois in 1767; but by the close of the century only five families\nsurvived in that region.[26]\n\nA small band called the _Wiwash_ remained on Goose creek, Dorchester\ncounty, Maryland, to the same date.\n\n\n_The Conoys._\n\nThe fourth member of the Wapanachki was that nation variously called in\nthe old records _Conoys_, _Ganawese_ or _Canaways_, the proper form of\nwhich Mr. Heckewelder states to be _Canai_.[27]\n\nConsiderable obscurity has rested on the early location and affiliation\nof this people. Mr. Heckewelder vaguely places them \"at a distance\non the Potomac,\" and supposes them to have been the Kanawhas of West\nVirginia.[28] This is a loose guess. They were, in fact, none other\nthan the Piscataways of Southern Maryland, who occupied the area\nbetween Chesapeake Bay and the lower Potomac, about St. Mary's, and\nalong the Piscataway creek and Patuxent river.\n\nProof of this is furnished by the speech of their venerable head chief,\n\"Old Sack,\" at a conference in Philadelphia in 1743.[29] His words\nwere: \"Our forefathers came from Piscatua to an island in Potowmeck;\nand from thence down to Philadelphia, in old Proprietor Penn's time,\nto show their friendship to the Proprietor. After their return they\nbrought down all their brothers from Potowmeck to Conejoholo, on the\neast side Sasquehannah, and built a town there.\"\n\nThis interesting identification shows that they were the people whom\nCaptain John Smith found (1608) in numerous villages along the Patuxent\nand the left bank of the lower Potomac. The local names show them to\nhave been of Algonkin stock and akin to the Nanticokes.\n\nConoy, Ganawese, Kanawha, are all various spellings of a derivative\nfrom an Algonkin root, meaning \"it is long\" (Del. _guneu_, long, Cree\n_kinowaw_, it is long,) and is found applied to various streams in\nAlgonkin territory.[30]\n\nPiscataway, or Pascatoway, as it is spelled in the early narratives,\nalso recurs as a local name in various parts of the Northern States.\nIt is from, the root _pashk_, which means to separate, to divide. Many\nderivatives from it are in use in the Delaware tongue. In the Cree\nwe have the impersonal form, _pakestikweyaw_, or the active animate\n_pasketiwa_, in the sense of \"the division or branch of a river.\"[31]\nThe site of Kittamaquindi (_kittamaque-ink_, Great Beaver Place,) the\nso-called \"metropolis of Pascatoe,\"[32] was where Tinker's creek and\nPiscataway creek branch off from their common estuary, about fifteen\nmiles south of Washington city.\n\nThe \"emperor\" Chitomachen, Strong Bear (_chitani_, strong, _macha_,\nbear), who bore the title _Tayac_ (Nanticoke, _tallak_, head chief)\nruled over a dominion which extended about 130 miles from east to west.\n\nThe district was thinly peopled. On the upper shores of the west side\nof the Chesapeake Captain John Smith and the other early explorers\nfound scarcely any inhabitants. In 1631 Captain Henry Fleet estimated\nthe total number of natives \"in Potomack and places adjacent,\" at not\nover 5000 persons.[33] This included both sides of the river as high up\nas the Falls, and the shores of Chesapeake Bay.\n\nChitomachen, with his family, was converted to the Catholic faith\nin 1640, by the exertions of the Jesuit missionary, Father Andrew\nWhite, but died the year after. When the English first settled at St.\nMary's, the tribe was deserting its ancient seats, through fear of the\nSusquehannocks, and diminished rapidly after that date.\n\nFather White was among them from 1634 to 1642, and composed a grammar,\ndictionary and catechism of their tongue. Of these, the catechism is\nyet preserved in manuscript, in the library of the Domus Professa\nof the Jesuits, in Rome. It would be a great benefit to students\nof Algonkin dialects to have his linguistic works sought out and\npublished. How far his knowledge of the language extended is uncertain.\nIn a letter from one of the missionaries, dated 1642, who speaks\nof White, the writer adds: \"The difficulty of the language is so\ngreat that none of us can yet converse with the Indians without an\ninterpreter.\"[34]\n\nThat it was an Algonkin dialect, closely akin to the Nanticoke, is\nclear from the words and proper names preserved in the early records\nand locally to this day. The only word which has created doubts has\nbeen the name of \"a certain imaginary spirit called _Ochre_.\"[35]\nIt has been supposed that this was the Huron _oki_. But it is pure\nAlgonkin. It is the Cree _oki-sikow_ (_\u00eatre du ciel_, _ange_, Lacombe),\nthe Abnaki _ooskoo_ (_katini ooskoo_, Bon Esprit, _matsini ooskoo_,\nMauvais Esprit, Rasles).\n\nIt was nearly allied to that spoken in Virginia among Powhatan's\nsubjects, as an English boy who had lived with that chieftain served as\nan interpreter between the settlers and the Patuxent and neighboring\nIndians.[36]\n\nThe Conoys were removed, before 1743, from Conejoholo to Conoy town,\nfurther up the Susquehanna, and in 1744 they joined several other\nfragmentary bands at Shamokin (where Sunbury, Pa., now stands). Later,\nthey became merged with the Nanticokes.[37]\n\n\n_The Shawnees_.\n\nThe wanderings of the unstable and migratory Shawnees have occupied the\nattention of several writers, but it cannot be said that either their\nhistory or their affiliations have been satisfactorily worked out.[38]\n\nTheir dialect is more akin to the Mohegan than to the Delaware, and\nwhen, in 1692, they first appeared in the area of the Eastern Algonkin\nConfederacy, they came as the friends and relatives of the former.[39]\n\nThey were divided into four bands, as follows:--\n\n1. _Piqua_, properly _Pikoweu_, \"he comes from the ashes.\"\n\n2. _Mequachake_, \"a fat man filled,\" signifying completion or\nperfection. This band held the privilege of the hereditary priesthood.\n\n3. Kiscapocoke.\n\n4. Chilicothe.[40]\n\nOf these, that which settled in Pennsylvania was the _Pikoweu_,\nwho occupied and gave their name to the Pequa valley in Lancaster\ncounty.[41]\n\nAccording to ancient Mohegan tradition, the New England _Pequods_ were\nmembers of this band. These moved eastwardly from the Hudson river,\nand extended their conquests over the greater part of the area of\nConnecticut. Dr. Trumbull, however,[42] assigns a different meaning to\ntheir name, and a more appropriate one--_Peguit\u00f3og_, the Destroyers.\nSome countenance is given to the tradition by the similarity of the\nShawnee to the Mohegan, standing, as it does, more closely related to\nit than to the Unami Delaware.\n\nIt has been argued that a band of the Shawnees lived in Southern New\nJersey when that territory first came to the knowledge of the whites.\nOn a Dutch map, drawn in 1614 or thereabouts, a tribe called _Saw\nwanew_ is located on the left bank of the Delaware river, near the\nBay;[43] and DeLaet speaks of the _Sawanoos_ as living there.\n\nI am inclined to believe that, in both these cases, the term was used\nby the natives around New York Bay in its simple geographical sense of\n\"south\" or \"southern,\" and not as a tribal designation. It frequently\nappears with this original meaning in the WALUAM OLUM.\n\n\n_The Sapoonees_.\n\nA tribe called the Sapoonees, or Saponies, is mentioned as living in\nPennsylvania, attached to the Delawares, about the middle of the last\ncentury.[44]\n\nThey are no doubt the Saponas who once dwelt on a branch of the Great\nPedee river in North Carolina, and who moved north about the year\n1720.[45]\n\nThey were said to have joined the Tuscaroras, but the Pennsylvania\nrecords class them with the Delawares. Others, impressed by the\nsimilarity of _Sa-po-nees_ to _Pa-nis_, have imagined they were the\nPawnees, now of the west. There is not the slightest importance to be\nattached to this casual similarity of names.\n\nThey were called, by the Iroquois, _Tadirighrones_, and were distinctly\nidentified by them with the nation known to the English as the\nCatawbas.[46] For a long time the two nations carried on a bitter\nwarfare.\n\n\n_The Assiwikales_.\n\nThis band of about fifty families, or one hundred men (about three\nhundred souls), are stated to have come from South Carolina to the\nPotomac late in the seventeenth century, and in 1731 were settled\npartly on the Susquehanna and partly on the upper Ohio or Alleghany.\nTheir chief was named Aqueioma, or Achequeloma.\n\nTheir name appears to be a compound of _assin_, stone; and _wikwam_,\nhouse, and they were probably Algonkin neighbors of the Shawnees\nin their southern homes, and united with them in their northern\nmigration.[47]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[17] Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations_, p. 60, and\n_Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut_, 1791, in _Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._,\nVol. II. The latter, himself a native Mohegan, repeatedly refers to\n\"the ancient covenant of our ancestors,\" by which this confederacy\nwas instituted, which included the \"Wenaumeew (Unami), the Wemintheew\n(Minsi), the Wenuhtokowuk (Nanticokes) and Kuhnauwantheew (Kanawha).\"\nFrom old Pennsylvania documents, Proud gives the members of the\nconfederacy or league as \"the Chiholacki or Delawares, the Wanami, the\nMunsi, the Mohicans and Wappingers.\" _History of Penna._, Vol. II,\np. 297, note. Compare J. Long, _Voyages and Travels_, p. 10 (London,\n1791), who gives the same list. Mr. Ruttenber writes: \"In considering\nthe political relations of the Lenapes, they should be considered as\nthe most formidable of the Indian confederacies at the time of the\ndiscovery of America, and as having maintained for many years the\nposition which subsequently fell to the Iroquois.\"--_Indian Tribes on\nHudson River_, p. 64.\n\n[18] Trumbull, _Indian Names in Connecticut_, p. 31. Schoolcraft had\nalready given the same derivation in his _History and Statistics of the\nIndian Tribes_.\n\n[19] Capt. Hendricks, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls._, Vol. IX, p. 101.\nLewis H. Morgan, _Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity_, p. 289.\n\n[20] Ruttenber, _History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 50.\n\n[21] Morgan, _Ancient Society_, pp. 173-4.\n\n[22] These opinions are from a MS. in the library of the American\nPhilosophical Society, in the handwriting of Mr. Heckewelder, entitled\n_Notes, Amendments and Additions to Heckewelder's History of the\nIndians_ (8vo, pp. 38.) Unfortunately, this MS. was not placed in\nthe hands of Mr. Reichel when he prepared the second edition of\nHeckewelder's work for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.\n\nAn unpublished and hitherto unknown work on the Mohegan language is\nthe _Miscellanea Lingua Nationis Indica Mahikan dicta, cur\u00e0 scepta \u00e0\nJoh. Jac. Schmick_, 2 vols., small 8vo.; MS. in the possession of the\nAmerican Philosophical Society. Schmick was a Moravian missionary, born\nin 1714, died 1778. He acquired the Mohegan dialect among the converts\nat Gnadenh\u00fctten. His work is without date, but may be placed at about\n1765. It is grammatical rather than lexicographical, and offers\nnumerous verbal forms and familiar phrases.\n\n[23] J. Bozman, _History of Maryland_, Vol. I, pp. 112, 114, 121,\n177. This laborious writer still remains the best authority on the\naboriginal inhabitants of Maryland.\n\n[24] \"The We nuh tok o wuk are our brothers according to ancient\nagreement,\" _Journal of Hendrick Aupaumut_, _Mems. Hist, Soc. Pa._, Vol.\nII, P. 77.\n\n[25] Charles Beatty, _Journal of a Journey_, etc., p. 87. Heckewelder,\n_Indian Nations_, pp. 90, et seq. Ibid. _Trans. Am. Phil. Soc._, Vol.\nIV, p. 362.\n\n[26] The authorities for these facts are Bozman, _History of Maryland_,\nVol. I, pp. 175-180; Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. 93, sqq.; E.\nde Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 208, 322, etc.; the Treaty\nRecords, and MSS. in the library of the American Philosophical Society.\n\nThat the Nanticokes came from the South into Maryland has been\nmaintained, on the ground that as late as 1770 they claimed land in\nNorth Carolina. _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. VIII, p. 243. But\nthe term \"Carolina\" was, I think, used erroneously in the document\nreferred to, instead of Maryland, where at that date there were still\nmany of the tribe.\n\n[27] _History of the Indian Nations_, Introduction, p. xlii.\n\n[28] Ibid., pp. 90-122.\n\n[29] _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Vol. IV, p. 657.\nFurther proof of this in a Treaty of Peace concluded in 1682 by the New\nYork colonial government, between the Senecas and Maryland Indians. In\nthis instrument we find this tribe referred to as \"the Canowes alias\nPiscatowayes,\" and elsewhere as the \"Piscatoway of Cachnawayes.\" _New\nYork Colonial Documents_, Vol. III, pp. 322, 323.\n\n[30] I am aware that Mr. Johnston, deriving his information from\nShawnee interpreters, translated the name Kanawha, as \"having\nwhirlpools.\" (_Trans. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Vol. I, p. 297.) But I\nprefer the derivation given in the text.\n\n[31] Lacombe, _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_, s. v. In Delaware\nthe root takes the form _pach_, from which are derived, by suffixes,\nthe words _pach-at_, to split, _pachgeechen_, where the road branches\noff, _pachshican_, a knife = something that divides, etc.\n\n[32] _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_, p. 63. (Edition of the Md.\nHist. Soc. 1874.)\n\n[33] See his _Journal_, published in Neill's _Founders of Maryland_\n(Albany, 1876). Fleet was a prisoner among the Pascatoways for five\nyears, and served as an interpreter to Calvert's colony.\n\n[34] _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_, p. 84. The Rev. Mr. Kampman,\nat one time Moravian missionary among the Delawares, told me that\neven with the modern aids of grammars, dictionaries and educated\nnative instructors, it is considered to require five years to obtain a\nsufficient knowledge of their language to preach in it. The slowness of\nthe early Maryland priests to master its intricacies, therefore, need\nnot surprise us.\n\n[35] \"Omni vero ratione placare conantur phantasticum quemdam spiritum\nquem Ochre nominant, ut ne noceat.\" _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_,\np. 40.\n\n[36] Bozman, _History of Maryland_, Vol. I, p. 166.\n\n[37] \"The Nanticokes and Conoys are now one nation.\" _Minutes of the\nProvincial Council of Penna._, 1759, Vol. VIII, p. 176.\n\n[38] On this tribe see \"The Shawnees and Their Migrations,\" by Dr. D. G.\nBrinton, in the _American Historical Magazine_, 1866; M. F. Force, _Some\nEarly Notices of the Indians of Ohio_, Cincinnati, 1879.\n\n[39] See _Colonial History of New York_, Vol. IV. Index. Loskiel,\n_Geschichte der Mission_, etc., p. 25.\n\n[40] These names are as given by John Johnston, Indian agent, in 1819.\n_Arch\u00e6ologia Americana_, Vol. I, p. 275. Heckewelder says they had four\ndivisions, but mentions only two, the _Pecuw\u00e9si_ and _Woketam\u00f3si_.\n(MSS. in Lib. Am. Philos. Soc.)\n\n[41] \"That branch of Shawanos which had settled part in Pennsylvania\nand part in New England were of the tribe of Shawanos then and ever\nsince called _Pi'coweu_ or _Pe'koweu_, and after emigrating to the\nwestward settled on and near the Scioto river, where, to this day, the\nextensive flats go under the name of 'Pickoway Plains.'\" Heckewelder\nMSS. in Lib. Am. Phil. Soc.\n\n[42] In a note to Roger Williams, _Key into the Language of America_,\np. 22. The tradition referred to is mentioned in the Heckewelder MSS.\n\n[43] Printed in the _Colonial History of New York_, Vol. I. Compare\nForce, _ubi supr\u00e1_, pp. 16, 17.\n\n[44] Rev. J. Morse, _Report on Indian Affairs_, p. 362.\n\n[45] See Gallatin, _Synopsis of the Indian Tribes_, pp. 85, 86.\n\n[46] See _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. V, pp. 660, 673, etc.\n\n[47] _Pennsylvania Archives_, Vol. I, pp. 299, 300, 302. Gov. Gordon\nwrites to the \"Chiefs of ye Shawanese and Assekelaes,\" under date\nDecember, 1731, \"I find by our Records that about 34 Years since some\nNumbers of your Nation came to Sasquehannah,\" etc. Ibid., p. 302.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nTHE LENAPE OR DELAWARES.\n\nDerivation of the Name Lenape.--The Three Sub-Tribes the Minsi\nor Wolf, the Unami or Turtle, and the Unalachtgo or Turkey\nTribes--Their Totems--The New Jersey Tribes the Wapings, Sanhicans\nand Mantas--Political Constitution of the Lenape--Vegetable Food\nResources--Domestic Architecture--Manufactures.--Paints and Dyes.--\nDogs--Interments--Computation of Time--Picture Writing--Record Sticks--\nMoral and Mental Character--Religious Belief.--Doctrine of the Soul.--\nThe Native Priests.--Religious Ceremonies.\n\n\n_Derivation of Lenni Lenape_.\n\nThe proper name of the Delaware Indians was and is _Lenap\u00e9_, (a as in\nfather, \u00e9 as a in mate). Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull[48] is quite wide of\nthe mark both in calling this a \"misnomer,\" and in attributing its\nintroduction to Mr. Heckewelder.\n\nLong before that worthy missionary was born, the name was in use in the\nofficial documents of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania as the synonym\nin the native tongue for the Delaware Indians,[49] and it is still\nretained by their remnant in Kansas as the proper term to designate\ntheir collective nation, embracing its sub-tribes.[50]\n\nThe derivation of _Lenape_ has been discussed with no little learning,\nas well as the adjective _lenni_, which often precedes it (Lenni\nLenape). Mr. Heckewelder stated that _lenni_ means \"original, pure,\"\nand that _Lenape_ signifies \"people.\"[51] Dr. Trumbull, in the course\nof a long examination of the words for \"man\" in the Algonkin dialects,\nreaches the conclusion that \"Len-\u00e2p\u00e9\" denotes \"a common adult male,\"\n_i. e._, an Indian man; _lenno len\u00e2p\u00e9_, an Indian of _our_ tribe or\nnation, and, consequently, _vir_, \"a man of men.\"[52] He derives these\ntwo words from the roots _len_ (= _nen_), a pronominal possessive, and\n_ape_, an inseparable generic particle, \"denoting an adult male.\"\n\nI differ, with hesitation, from such an eminent authority; but this\nexplanation does not, to my mind, give the precise meaning of the term.\nNo doubt, both _lenno_, which in Delaware means _man_, and _len_, in\nLenape, are from the pronominal radicle of the first person _n\u00e9_, I,\nwe, mine, our. As the native considered his tribe the oldest, as well\nas the most important of created beings, \"ours\" with him came to be\nsynonymous with what was esteemed ancient, indigenous, primeval, as\nwell as human, man-like, _par excellence_. \"We\" and \"men\" were to\nhim the same. The initial _l_ is but a slight modification of the _n_\nsound, and is given by Campanius as an _r_, \"_rhenus_, homo.\"\n\n_Lenape_, therefore, does not mean \"a common adult male,\" but rather \"a\nmale of our kind,\" or \"our men.\"[53]\n\nThe termination _ap\u00e9_ is said by Heckewelder to convey the idea of\n\"walking or being in an erect posture.\" A comparison of the various\nAlgonkin dialects indicates that it was originally a locative,\nsignifying staying in a place, abiding or sitting. Thus, in Cree,\n_ap\u00fa_, he is there; in Chipeway, _abi_, he is at home; in Delaware,\n_n'dappin_, I am here. The transfer of this idea to the male sex is\nseen in the Cree, _ap_, to sit upon, to place oneself on top, _apa_, to\ncover (animate and active); Chipeway, _nabe_, the male of quadrupeds.\nBaraga says that for a Chipeway woman to call her husband _nin nabem_\n(lit. my coverer, comp. French, _femme couverte_), is coarse.\n\n\n_The Lenape Sub-Tribes._\n\nThe Lenape were divided into three sub-tribes:--\n\n1. The Minsi, Monseys, Montheys, Munsees, or Minisinks.\n\n2. The Unami, or Wonameys.\n\n3. The Unalachtigo.\n\nNo explanation of these designations will be found in Heckewelder or\nthe older writers. From investigations among living Delawares, carried\nout at my request by Mr. Horatio Hale, it is evident that they are\nwholly geographical, and refer to the locations of these sub-tribes on\nthe Delaware river.\n\n_Minsi_, properly _Minsiu_, and formerly _Minassiniu_, means \"people of\nthe stony country,\" or briefly, \"mountaineers.\" It is a synthesis of\n_minthiu_, to be scattered, and _achsin_, stone, according to the best\nliving native authorities.[54]\n\n_Unami_, or _W'n\u00e3miu_, means \"people down the river,\" from _naheu_,\ndown-stream.\n\n_Unalachtigo_, properly _W'nal\u00e3chtko_, means \"people who live near the\nocean,\" from _wunalawat_, to go towards, and _t'kow_ or _t'kou_, wave.\n\nHistorically, such were the positions of these sub-tribes when they\nfirst came to the knowledge of Europeans.\n\nThe Minsi lived in the mountainous region at the head waters of the\nDelaware, above the Forks, or junction of the Lehigh river. One of\ntheir principal fires was on the Minisink plains, above the Water Gap,\nand another on the East Branch of the Delaware, which they called\n_Namaes Sipu_, Fish River. Their hunting grounds embraced lands now\nin the three colonies of Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey. The\nlast mentioned extinguished their title in 1758, by the payment of one\nthousand pounds.\n\nThat, at any time, as Heckewelder asserts, their territory extended\nup the Hudson as far as tide-water, and westward \"far beyond the\nSusquehannah,\" is surely incorrect. Only after the beginning of the\neighteenth century, when they had been long subject to the Iroquois,\nhave we any historic evidence that they had a settlement on the last\nnamed river.\n\nThe Unamis' territory on the right bank of the Delaware river extended\nfrom the Lehigh valley southward. It was with them and their southern\nneighbors, the Unalachtigos, that Penn dealt for the land ceded him\nin the Indian Deed of 1682. The Minsis did not take part in the\ntransaction, and it was not until 1737 that the Colonial authorities\ntreated directly with the latter for the cession of their territory.[55]\n\nThe Unalachtigo or Turkey totem had its principal seat on the affluents\nof the Delaware near where Wilmington now stands. About this point,\nCaptain John Smith, on his map (1609,) locates the _Chikahokin_. In\nlater writers this name is spelled _Chihohockies_, _Chiholacki_ and\n_Chikolacki_, and is stated by the historians Proud and Smith to be\nsynonymous with Delawares.[56] The correct form is _Chikelaki_, from\n_chik'eno_, turkey, the modern form as given by Whipple,[57] and _aki_\nland. The _n_, _l_ and _r_ were alternating letters in this dialect.\n\nThe population was, however, very sparse, owing to the predatory\nincursions of the Susquehannocks, whose trails, leading up the Octorara\nand Conestoga, and down the Christina and Brandywine Creeks, were\nfollowed by war parties annually, and desolated the west shores of the\nBay and lower river. When, in 1634, Captain Thomas Young explored the\nriver, the few natives he found on the west side told him (through the\nmedium of his Algonkin Virginian interpreter) that the \"Minquaos\" had\nkilled their people, burnt their villages, and destroyed their crops,\nso that \"the Indians had wholly left that side of the river which was\nnext their enemies, and had retired themselves on the other side farre\nup into the woods.\"[58]\n\nNorth of the Chikelaki, Smith's map locates the _Macovks_. This name\ndoes not appear in later authors, but near that site were the _Okahoki_\nband, who occupied the shores of Ridley and Crum creeks and the land\nbetween them. There they remained until 1703, when they were removed to\na small reservation of 500 acres in what is now Willistown township,\nChester county.[59]\n\n\n_The Totemic Animals._\n\nThese three sub-tribes had each its totemic animal, from which it\nclaimed a mystical descent. The Minsi had the Wolf, the Unami the\nTurtle, and the Unalachtigo the Turkey. The Unamis claimed and were\nconceded the precedence of the others, because their ancestor, the\nTurtle, was not the common animal, so-called, but the great original\ntortoise which bears the world on its back, and was the first of living\nbeings, as I shall explain on a later page.\n\nIn referring to the totemic animals the common names were not used, but\nmetaphorical expressions. Thus the Wolf was referred to as _Ptuksit_,\nRound Foot (_ptuk_, round, _sit_, foot, from the shape of its paws;)\nthe turtle was _Pakoango_, the Crawler; and the turkey was _Pullaeu_,\nhe does not chew,[60] referring to the bird's manner of swallowing food.\n\nThe signs of these animals were employed in their picture writing,\npainted on their houses or inscribed on rocks, to designate the\nrespective sub-tribes. But only in the case of the Unamis was the whole\nanimal represented. The Turkey tribe painted only one foot of their\ntotemic bird, and the Minsi the extended foot of the wolf, though they\nsometimes added an outline of the rest of the animal.[61]\n\nThese three divisions of the Lenape were neither \"gentes\" nor\n\"phratries,\" though Mr. Morgan has endeavored to force them into his\nsystem by stating that they were \"of the nature of phratries.\"[62]\nEach was divided into twelve families bearing female names, and hence\nprobably referring to some unexplained matriarchal system. They were,\nas I have called them, sub-tribes. In their own orations they referred\nto each other as \"playmates.\" (Heckewelder.)\n\n\n_The New Jersey Lenape._\n\nThe native name of New Jersey is given as Sh\u00e3'akbee (English\northography: \u00e3 as in fate); or as the German missionaries wrote it,\n_Sche'jachbi_. It is a compound of _bi_, water, _aki_, land, and\nthe adjective prefix _schey_, which means something long and narrow\n(_scheyek_, a string of wampum; _schajelinquall_, the edge of the eyes,\nthe eyelids, etc.) This would be equivalent to \"long-land water,\" and,\naccording to the rules of Delaware grammar, which place the noun used\nin the genitive sense before the noun which governs it, the term would\nbe more suitable to some body of water, Delaware bay or the ocean, than\nto the main land.\n\nThe Lenape distinctly claimed the whole of the present area of New\nJersey. Their great chief, Tedyuscung, stated at the Conference at\nEaston (1757), that their lands reached eastward to the shore of the\nsea. The New Jersey tribes fully recognized their unity. As early as\n1694, at an interview with Governor Markham at Philadelphia, when the\nfamous Tamany and other Lenape chieftains were present, Mohocksey, a\nchief of the Jersey Indians, said: \"Though we live on the other side\nof the water (_i.e._, the Delaware river), yet we reckon ourselves all\none, because,\" he added, giving a characteristically native reason,\n\"because we drink one water.\"[63]\n\nThe names, number and position of the Jersey tribes have not been very\nclearly made out. A pamphlet published in London, in 1648, states\nthat there were twenty-three Indian kinglets in its area, with about\n2000 warriors in all. Of these, Master Robert Evelin, a surveyor, who\nspent several years in the Province about 1635, names nine on the left\nbank of the Delaware, between Cape May and the Falls. The names are\nextremely corrupt, but it may be worth while giving them.[64]\n\n1. Kechemeches, 500 men, five miles above Cape May.\n\n2. Manteses, 100 bowmen, twelve leagues above the former.\n\n3. Sikonesses.\n\n4. Asomoches, 100 men.\n\n5. Eriwoneck, 40 men.\n\n6. Ramcock, 100 men.\n\n7. Axion, 200 men.\n\n8. Calcefar, 150 men.\n\n9. Mosilian, 200 men, at the Falls.\n\nOf these, the Mantes lived on Salem creek; _Ramcock_ is Rancocas creek;\nthe _Eriwoneck_ are evidently the _Ermomex_ of Van der Donck's map of\n1656; _Axion_ may be for Assiscunk creek, above Burlington, from Del.\n_assiscu_, mud; _assiscunk_, a muddy place. Lindstrom and Van der Donck\nname the most Southern tribe in New Jersey _Naraticons_. They were on\nand near Raccoon creek, which on Lindstrom's map is _Narraticon Sipu_,\nthe Naraticon river. Probably the English name is simply a translation\nof the Del. _nachenum_, raccoon.\n\nIn 1675 the number of sachems in Jersey of sufficient importance for\nthe then Governor Andros to treat with were four. It is noted that when\nhe had made them the presents customary on such occasions, \"They return\nthanks and fall a kintacoying, singing _kenon, kenon_.\"[65] This was\nthe Delaware _genan_ (_genama_, thank ye him. Zeis).\n\nThe total number in New Jersey a few years before this (1671) were\nestimated by the authorities at \"about a thousand persons, besides\nwomen and children.\"[66]\n\nThe \"_Wakings, Opings_ or _Pomptons_,\" as they are named in the old\nrecords, were the tribe which dwelt on the west shore of New York\nharbor and southwardly, or, more exactly, \"from Roeloff Jansen's Kill\nto the sea.\"[67] They were of the Minsi totem, and were the earliest of\nthe Lenape who saw white men, when, in 1524, the keel of Verrazano was\nthe first to plough the waters of New York harbor.\n\nThe name Waping or Oping is derived from _Wapan_, east, and was applied\nto them as the easternmost of the Lenape nation.[68] Their other name,\nPompton, Mr Heckewelder identifies with _pihm-tom_, crooked-mouthed,\nthough its applicability is not obvious.[69]\n\nIn the middle of the eighteenth century the remains of the Pompton\nIndians resided on the Raritan river. The boundaries of their territory\nwere defined in 1756, at the Treaty of Crosswicks.\n\nThe _Sanhicans_ occupied the Delaware shore at the Falls, near where\nTrenton now stands, and extended eastward along the upper Indian path\nquite to New York bay. Heckewelder says that this name, _Sankhicani_,\nmeans a gun lock, and was applied by the Lenape to the Mohawks who\nwere first furnished with muskets by the Europeans. This has led some\nwriters to locate a band of Mohawks at the Falls.\n\nThe Sanhicans were, however, undoubtedly Lenape. Campanius, who quotes\nthe name of the place in 1642, classes them as such. In Van der\nDonck's map, of 1656, they are marked as possessing the land at the\nFalls and Manhattan Bay; and De Laet gives the numerals and a number of\nwords from their dialect, which are all pure Delaware, as:--\n\n             _Sanhican._           _Delaware._\n  Deer,        atto,                 achtu.\n  Bear,        machquoyuo,           machquak.\n  Wolf,        metumnu,              metemmeu.\n  Turkey,      sickenum,             tschickenum.\n\nTheir name has lost its first syllable. It should be _assanhican_.\nThis means not merely and not originally a gun-flint, but any stone\nimplement, from _achsin_, or, in the New Jersey dialect, _assun_,\na stone, and _hican_, an instrument. They were distinctively \"the\nstone-implement people.\"\n\nThis is plainly with reference to their manufactures near Trenton.\nThe great deposit of post-glacial gravels at this point abound with\nquartzite fragments suitable for working into stone implements, and to\nwhat extent they were utilized by the natives is shown by the enormous\ncollection, numbering over thirty thousand specimens, which Dr. Charles\nC. Abbott, of Trenton, has made in that immediate vicinity. A horde of\nover 125 beautifully chipped lance heads of quartz and jasper, and the\nremains of a workshop of remarkable magnitude, were evidences of the\nextensive manufacture that once prevailed there.\n\nThe left bank of the Delaware, from the vicinity of Burlington quite\nto and below Salem, was held by a warlike tribe known to the settlers\nas the _Mantas_, or _Mantos_, or _Mandes_, otherwise named the Frog\nIndians. They extended eastward along the main or southern Indian\npath, which led from the Delaware, below the mouth of Rancocas Creek,\nto the extensive Indian plantations or corn fields near Sandy Hook,\nmentioned by Campanius and Lindstrom.[70]\n\nMr. Henry has derived their name from _mangi_, great,[71] and others\nhave suggested _menatey_, an island; but I do not think either of these\nis tenable. I have no doubt that _mante_ is simply a mis-spelling of\n_monthee_, which is the form given by the East Jersey and Stockbridge\nIndians to the name of the Minsi or Monsey sub-tribe of the\nDelawares.[72] This is further indicated by the fact that toward the\nbeginning of the eighteenth century they incorporated themselves wholly\nwith the two other Lenape sub-tribes.[73] We thus find that the Minsis\nwere not confined to the North and Northwest, as Heckewelder and others\nwrote, but had pressed southward in New Jersey, quite to the shores of\nDelaware Bay.\n\nThe New Jersey Indians disappeared rapidly. As early as 1721 an\nofficial document states that they were \"but few, and very innocent and\nfriendly.\"[74] When, in 1745, the missionary Brainerd visited their\nsettlement at Crosweeksung, Burlington county, he found some \"who\nhad lived with the white people under gospel light, had learned to\nread, were civil, etc.\"[75] Those with whom he labored at this place\nsubsequently removed to New Stockbridge, Mass., and united with the\nMohegans and others there.[76]\n\nThe Swedish traveler, Peter Kalm, who spent about a year in New Jersey\nin 1749, observes that the disappearance of the native population\nwas principally due to two agencies. Smallpox destroyed \"incredible\nnumbers\", \"but brandy has killed most of the Indians.\"[77]\n\nThe dialect of the New Jersey Indians was soft and vocalic, avoiding\nthe gutturals of their northern relatives, and without the frequent\nunpleasant forcible expirations of the Nanticoke. A vocabulary of\nit, obtained for Mr. Thomas Jefferson, in 1792, at the village of\nEdgpiihik, West New Jersey, is in MS. in the library of the American\nPhilosophical Society.\n\n\n_Political Constitution_.\n\nEach totem of the Lenape recognized a chieftain, called sachem,\n_sakima_, a word found in most Algonkin dialects, with slight\nvariations (Chip. _ogima_, Cree, _okimaw_, Pequot, _sachimma_), and\nderived from a root _\u00f4ki_, signifying above in space, and by a transfer\nfrequent in all languages, above in power. Thus, in Cree,[78] we\nhave _s\u00e2kamow_, \"il projecte, il montre la t\u00eate,\" and in Delaware,\n_w'ochgitschi_, the part above, the upper part (Zeisberger), etc.\n\nIt appears from Mr. Morgan's inquiries, that at present and of later\nyears, \"the office of sachem is hereditary in the gens, but elective\namong its members.\"[79] Loskiel, however, writing on the excellent\nauthority of Zeisberger, states explicitly that the chief of each totem\nwas selected and inaugurated by those of the remaining two.[80] By\ncommon and ancient consent, the chief selected from the Turtle totem\nwas head chief of the whole Lenape nation.\n\nThese chieftains were the \"peace chiefs.\" They could neither go to war\nthemselves, nor send nor receive the war belt--the ominous string of\ndark wampum, which indicated that the tempest of strife was to be let\nloose. Their proper badge was the wampum belt, with a diamond-shaped\nfigure in the centre, worked in white beads, which was the symbol of\nthe peaceful council fire, and was called by that name.\n\nWar was declared by the people at the instigation of the \"war\ncaptains,\" valorous braves of any birth or family who had distinguished\nthemselves by personal prowess, and especially by good success in\nforays against the enemy.[81]\n\nNor did the authority of the chiefs extend to any infringement on\nthe traditional rights of the gens, as, for instance, that of blood\nrevenge. The ignorance of this limitation of the central power led to\nvarious misunderstandings at the time, on the part of the colonial\nauthorities, and since then, by later historians. Thus, in 1728, \"the\nDelaware Indians on Brandywine\" were summoned by the Governor to answer\nabout a murder. Their chief, Civility, answered that it was committed\nby the Minisinks, \"over whom they had no authority.\"[82] This did not\nmean but that in some matters authority could be exerted, but not in a\nquestion relating to a feud of blood.\n\n\n_Agriculture and Food Resources_.\n\nThe Lenape did not depend solely on the chase for subsistence. They\nwere largely agricultural, and raised a variety of edible plants.\nIndian corn was, as usual, the staple; but in addition to that, they\nhad extensive fields of squashes, beans and sweet potatoes.[83] The\nhardy variety of tobacco was also freely cultivated.\n\nThe value of Indian corn, the _Zea mais_, must have been known to\nthe Algonkin tribes while they still formed one nation, as the same\nname is applied to it by tribes geographically the widest apart.\nThus the Micmacs of Nova Scotia call it _pe-\u00e3s'kumun-ul_ whose\ntheme _\u00e3s'ku-mun_ reappears in the _wuskannem_ (Elliott) and the\n_scannemeneash_ (Roger Williams) of New England, in the Delaware\n_jesquem_ (Campanius), and _chasquem_ (Zeis.), and even in the Piegan\nBlackfoot _esko-tope_.\n\nThe first radical _ask_, Chip. _ashk_, Del. _aski_, means \"green.\" The\napplication is to the green waving plant, so conspicuous in the fields\nduring the summer months. The second _m\u00fcn_ or _min_ is a generic suffix\napplied to all sorts of small edible fruits. In the Blackfoot its place\nis supplied by another, and in the Unami Delaware it is abbreviated to\nthe letter _m_.\n\nOn the other hand, in the Chipeway word for corn, _mandamin_, Ottawa\n_mindamin_, Cree _mattamin_, the second radical is retained in full,\nwhile for the first is substituted an abbreviation of _manito_, divine\n(\"it is divine, supernatural, or mysterious\"); if we may accept the\nopinion of Mr. Schoolcraft, and I know of no more plausible etymology.\n\nTobacco was called by the Delawares _kscha-tey_, Zeis., _seka-ta_,\nCamp., or in the English orthography _shuate_ (Vocab. N. J. Inds.),\nand _kosh\u00e3htahe_ (Cummmings). I am inclined to think that these are but\ndialectic variations and different orthographies of the root _'ta_\nor _'dam_ (_a_ nasal) found in the New England _wutt\u00e3m-anog_, Micmac\n_t\u00f9mawa_, Abnaki _wh'd\u00e3man_ (Rasle), Cree _tchist\u00e9maw_, Chip. _assema_\n(= _ast\u00e9-maw_), Blackfoot _pi-st\u00e3-kan_; a root which Dr. J. H. Trumbull\nhas satisfactorily identified as meaning \"to drink,\" the smoke being\nswallowed and likened to water. \"To drink tobacco\" was the usual old\nEnglish expression for \"to smoke.\"\n\nIf this etymology is correct, it leads to the inference that tobacco\nalso was known to the ancient Algonkins before they split up into the\nmany nations which we now know, and furthermore that they must have\nlived in a region where these two semi-tropical or wholly tropical\nplants, Indian corn and tobacco, had been already introduced and\ncultivated by some more ancient race. To conclude that they themselves\nbrought them from a tropical land, would be too hazardous.\n\nThe pipes in which the tobacco was smoked were called _appooke_ (modern\nDelaware _o'pahokun'_, Cumings' Vocab.) They were of earthenware and\nof stone; sometimes, it is said, of copper. According to Kalm, the\nceremonial pipes were of a red stone, possibly the western pipe stone,\nand were very highly prized.[84]\n\nOf wild fruits and plants they consumed the esculent and nutritious\ntubers on the roots of the Wild Bean, _Apios tuberosa_, the large,\noval, fleshy roots of the arrow-leaved _Sagittaria_, the former\nof which the Indians called _hobbenis_, and the latter _katniss_,\nnames which they subsequently applied to the European turnip. They\nalso roasted and ate the acrid cormus of the Indian turnip, _Arum\ntriphyllum_, in Delaware _taw-ho_, _taw-hin_ or _tuck-ah_, and\ncollected for food the seeds of the Golden Club, _Orontium aquaticum_,\ncommon in the pools along the creeks and rivers. Its native name was\n_taw-kee_.[85]\n\n\n_House Building._\n\nIn their domestic architecture they differed noticeably from the\nIroquois and even the Mohegans. Their houses were not communal, but\neach family had its separate residence, a wattled hut, with rounded\ntop, thatched with mats woven of the long leaves of the Indian corn\nor the stalks of the sweet flag (_Acorus calamus_,) or of the bark of\ntrees (_anacon_, a mat, Z.) These were built in groups and surrounded\nwith a palisade to protect the inhabitants from sudden inroads.[86]\n\nIn the centre was sometimes erected a mound of earth, both as a place\nof observation and as a location to place the children and women. The\nremains of these circular ramparts enclosing a central mound were seen\nby the early settlers at the Falls of the Delaware and up the Lehigh\nvalley.\n\n\n_Manufactures_.\n\nThe art of the potter was known and extensively practiced, but did not\nindicate any unusual proficiency, either in the process of manufacture\nor in the methods of decoration, although the late Mr. F. Peale thought\nthat, in the latter respect, the Delaware pottery had some claims to a\nhigh rank.[87] The representation of animal forms was quite unusual,\nonly some few and inferior examples having been found.\n\nTheir skill in manufacturing bead work and feather mantles, and in\ndressing deer skins, excited the admiration of the early voyagers.\nAlthough their weapons and utensils were mostly of stone, there was a\nconsiderable supply of native copper among them, in use as ornaments,\nfor arrow heads and pipes. Some specimens of it have been found by\nDr. Abbott near Trenton, and by other collectors in Pennsylvania,[88]\nand its scarcity in modern collections is to be attributed to its\nbeing bought up and melted by the whites rather than to its limited\nemployment.\n\nSoap stone was hollowed out with considerable skill, to form bowls, and\nthe wood of the sassafras tree was highly esteemed for the same purpose\n(Kalm).\n\nThe maize was broken up in wooden or stone mortars with a stone pestle,\nthe native name of which was _pocohaac_, a word signifying also the\nvirile member.\n\nTheir arms were the war club or tomahawk, _tomhickan_, the bow,\n_hattape_, and arrow, _alluns_, the spear, _tanganaoun_, and for\ndefence Bishop Ettwein states they carried a round shield of thick,\ndried hide.\n\nThe spear was also used for spearing fish, which they, moreover, knew\nhow to catch with \"brush nets,\" and with fish hooks made of bone and\nthe dried claws of birds (Kalm).[89]\n\n\n_Paints and Dyes_.\n\nThe paints and dyes used by the Lenape and neighboring Indians were\nderived both from the vegetable and mineral realms. From the former\nthey obtained red, white and blue clays, which were in such extensive\ndemand that the vicinity of those streams in New Castle county,\nDelaware, which are now called White Clay Creek and Red Clay Creek, was\nwidely known to the natives as _Walamink_, the Place of Paint.\n\nThe vegetable world supplied a variety of dyes in the colored juices of\nplants. These were mixed with the acid juice of the wild, sweet-scented\ncrab apple (_Pyrus coronaria_; in Lenape, _tombic'anall_), to fix the\ndye.\n\nA red was yielded by the root of the _Sanguinaria Canadensis_, still\ncalled \"Indian paint root;\" an orange by the root of _Phytolacca\ndecandra_, the poke or pocoon; a yellow by the root of _Hydrastis\nCanadensis_; a black by a mixture of sumac and white walnut bark,\netc.[90]\n\n\n_Dogs_.\n\nThe only domestic animal they possessed was a small species of dogs\nwith pointed ears. These were called _allum_, and were preserved less\nfor protection or for use in hunting than for food, and especially for\nceremonial purposes.[91]\n\n\n_Interments_.\n\nThe custom of common ossuaries for each gens appears to have prevailed\namong the Lenape. Gabriel Thomas states that: \"If a person of Note dies\nvery far away from his place of residence, they will convey his Bones\nhome some considerable Time after, to be buried there.\"[92] Bishop\nEttwein speaks of mounds for common burial, though he appears to limit\ntheir use to times of war.[93]\n\nOne of these communal graveyards of the Minsis covers an area of\nsix acres on the Neversink creek,[94] while, according to tradition,\nanother of great antiquity and extent was located on the islands in the\nDelaware river, above the Water-Gap.[95]\n\n\n_Computation of Time._\n\nThe accuracy with which the natives computed time becomes a subject of\nprime consideration in a study of their annals. It would appear that\nthe Eastern Algonkins were not deficient in astronomical knowledge.\nRoger Williams remarks, \"they much observe the Starres, and their very\nchildren can give names to many of them;\"[96] and the same testimony is\nborne by Wassenaer. The latter, speaking of the tribes around New York\nHarbor, in 1630, says that their year began with the first moon after\nthe February moon; and that the time for planting was calculated by the\nrising of the constellation Taurus in a certain quarter. They named\nthis constellation the horned head of some great fictitious animal.[97]\n\nZeisberger observes that, in his day, the Lenape did not have a fixed\nbeginning to their year, but reckoned from one seeding time to another,\nor from when the corn was ripe, etc.[98] Nevertheless, they had a word\nfor year, _gachtin_, and counted their ages and the sequence of events\nby yearly periods. The Chipeways count by winters (_pipun-agak_, in\nwhich the first word means winter, and the second is a plural form\nsimilar to the Del. _gachtin_); but the Lenape did not apparently\nfollow them in this. They recognized only twelve moons in the year\nand not thirteen, as did the New England nations; at least, the names\nof but twelve months have been preserved.[99] The day periods were\nreckoned usually by nights, but it was not improper to count by \"suns\"\nor days.\n\n\n_Pictographic Signs_.\n\nThe picture writing of the Delawares has been quite fully described\nby Zeisberger, Loskiel and Heckewelder. It was scratched upon stone\n(Loskiel), or more frequently cut in or painted upon the bark of trees\nor pieces of wood. The colors were chiefly black and red. The system\nwas highly conventionalized, so that it could readily be understood by\nall their tribes, and also by others with whom they came in contact,\nthe Shawnees, Wyandots, Chipeways, etc.\n\nThe subjects had reference not merely to matters of present interest,\nbut to the former history of their nation, and were directed \"to the\npreservation of the memory of famous men, and to the recollection\nof events and actions of note.\" Therefore, their Agamemnons felt no\nanxiety for the absence of a Homer, but \"confidently reckoned that\ntheir noble deeds would be held in memory long after their bodies had\nperished.\"[100]\n\nThe material on which the drawings were made was generally so\nperishable that few examples have been left to us. One, a stone about\nseven inches long, found in central New Jersey, has been described and\nfigured by Dr. Abbott.[101] It represents an arrow crossing certain\nstraight lines. Several \"gorgets\" (smooth stone tablets pierced with\nholes for suspension, and probably used for ceremonial purposes),\nstone knives and pebbles, showing inscribed marks and lines, and rude\nfigures, are engraved in Dr. Abbott's book; others similar have been\nseen in Bucks and Berks counties, Pa.\n\nThere was a remarkable series of hieroglyphics, some eighty in\nnumber, on a rock at Safe Harbor, on the Susquehanna. They have been\nphotographed and described by Prof. T. C. Porter, of Lancaster, but\nhave yet to be carefully analyzed.[102] From its location, it was\nprobably the work of the Susquehannocks, and did not belong to the\ngeneral system of Algonkin pictography.\n\nIf the rude drawings appended to the early treatises as signatures\nof native sachems be taken as a guide, little or no uniformity\nprevailed in the personal signs. The same chieftain would, on various\noccasions, employ symbols differing so widely that they have no visible\nrelation.[103]\n\nAn interesting incident is recorded by Friend John Richardson when\non a visit to William Penn, at his manor of Pennsburg, in 1701. Penn\nasked the Indian interpreter to give him some idea of what the native\nnotion of God was. The interpreter, at a loss for words, had recourse\nto picture writing, and describing a number of circles, one inside the\nother, he pointed to the centre of the innermost and smallest one,\nand there, \"placed, as he said, by way of representation, the Great\nMan.\"[104] The explanation was striking and suggestive, and hints at\nthe meaning of the not infrequent symbol of the concentric circles.\n\nAn alleged piece of Delaware pictography is copied by Schoolcraft[105]\nfrom the London _Arch\u00e6ologia_, Vol. IV. It purports to be an inscription\nfound on the Muskingum river in 1780, and the interpretation is said to\nhave been supplied by the celebrated Delaware chief, Captain White Eyes\n(Coquethagechton). As interpreted, it relates to massacres of the whites\nby the Delaware chief, Wingenund, in the border war of 1763.\n\nThere is a tissue of errors here. The pictograph, \"drawn with charcoal\nand oil on a tree,\" must have been quite recent, and is not likely\nto have referred to events seventeen years antecedent. There is no\nevidence that Wingenund took part in Pontiac's conspiracy, and he was\nthe consistent friend of the whites.[106] Several of the characters\nare not like Indian pictographs. And finally, White Eyes, the alleged\ninterpreter in 1780, had died at Tuscarawas, two years before, Nov.\n10th, 1778![107]\n\n\n_Record Sticks_.\n\nThe Algonkin nations very generally preserved their myths, their\nchronicles, and the memory of events, speeches, etc., by means of\nmarked sticks. As early as 1646, the Jesuit missionaries in Canada made\nuse of these to teach their converts the prayers of the Church and\ntheir sermons.[108]\n\nThe name applied to these record or tally-sticks was, among the Crees\nand Chipeways, _massinahigan_, which is the common word now for book,\nbut which originally meant \"a piece of wood marked with fire,\" from\nthe verb _masin\u00e1kisan_, I imprint a mark upon it with fire, I burn\na mark upon it,[109] thus indicating the rude beginning of a system\nof mnemonic aids. The Lenape words for book, _malackhickan_, Camp.,\n_mamalekhican_ Zeis., were probably from the same root.\n\nIn later days, instead of burning the marks upon the sticks, they were\npainted, the colors as well as the figures having certain conventional\nmeanings.[110]\n\nThese sticks are described as about six inches in length, slender,\nthough varying in shape, and tied up in bundles.[111] Such bundles are\nmentioned by the interpreter Conrad Weiser, as in use in 1748 when he\nwas on his embassy in the Indian country.[112] The expression, \"we tied\nup in bundles,\" is translated by Mr. Heckewelder, _olumapisid_, and a\nhead chief of the Lenape, usually called _Olomipees_, was thus named,\napparently as preserver of such records.[113] I shall return on a later\npage to the precise meaning of this term.\n\nThe word signifying to paint was _walam\u00e9n_, which does not appear\nin western dialects, but is found precisely the same in the Abnaki,\nwhere it is given by Rasles, _8ramann_[114], which, transliterated\ninto Delaware (where the _l_ is substituted for the _r_), would be\n_w'lam'an_. From this word came _Wallam\u00fcnk_, the name applied by the\nnatives to a tract in New Castle county, Delaware, since at that\nlocality they procured supplies of colored earth, which they employed\nin painting. It means \"the place of paint.\"[115]\n\nRoger Williams, describing the New England Indians, speaks of\n\"_Wunnam_, their red painting, which they most delight in, and is both\nthe Barke of the Fine, as also a red Earth.\"[116]\n\nThe word is derived from Narr. _wunne_, Del. _wulit_, Chip. _gwanatsch_\n= beautiful, handsome, good, pretty, etc.\n\nThe Indian who had artistically bedaubed his skin with red, ochreous\nclay, was esteemed In full dress, and delightful to look upon. Hence\nthe term _wulit_, fine, pretty, came to be applied to the paint itself.\n\nThe custom of using such sticks, painted or notched, was by no means\npeculiar to the Delawares. They were familiar to the Iroquois, and the\nearly travelers found them in common employment among the southern\ntribes.[117]\n\nAs the art advanced, in place of simple sticks, painted or notched,\nwooden tablets came into use, on which the symbols were scratched or\nengraved with a sharp flint or knife. Such are those still in use among\nthe Chipeway, described by Dr. James as \"rude pictures carved on a flat\npiece of wood;\"[118] by the native Copway, as \"board plates;\"[119]\nand more precisely by Mr. Schoolcraft, as \"a tabular piece of wood,\ncovered on both sides with a series of devices cut between parallel\nlines.\"[120]\n\nThe Chipeway terms applied to these devices or symbols are, according\nto Mr. Schoolcraft, _kekeewin_, for those in ordinary and common use,\nand _kekeenowin_, for those connected with the mysteries, the \"meda\nworship\" and the \"great medicine.\" Both words are evidently from a\nradical signifying a mark or sign, appearing in the words given in\nBaraga's \"Otchipwe Dictionary,\" _kikinawadjiton_, I mark it, I put a\ncertain mark on it, and _kikinoamawa_, I teach, instruct him.\n\n\n_Moral and Mental Character._\n\nThe character of the Delawares was estimated very differently, even by\nthose who had the best opportunities of judging. The missionaries are\nsevere upon them. Brainerd described them as \"unspeakably indolent and\nslothful. They have little or no ambition or resolution; not one in a\nthousand of them that has the spirit of a man.\"[121] No more favorable\nwas the opinion of Zeisberger. He speaks of their alleged bravery\nwith the utmost contempt, and morally he puts them down as \"the most\nordinary and the vilest of savages.\"[122]\n\nPerhaps these worthy missionaries measured them by the standard of the\nChristian ideal, by which, alas, we all fall wofully short.\n\nCertainly, other competent observers report much more cheerfully. One\nof the first explorers of the Delaware, Captain Thomas Young (1634),\ndescribes them as \"very well proportioned, well featured, gentle,\ntractable and docile.\"[123]\n\nOf their domestic affections, Mr. Heckewelder writes: \"I do not believe\nthat there are any people on earth who are more attached to their\nrelatives and offspring than these Indians are.\"[124]\n\nTheir action toward the Society of Friends in Pennsylvania indicates\na sense of honor and a respect for pledges which we might not\nexpect. They had learned and well understood that the Friends were\nnon-combatants, and as such they never forgot to spare them, even in\nthe bloody scenes of border warfare.\n\n\"Amidst all the devastating incursions of the Indians in North America,\nit is a remarkable fact that no Friend who stood faithful to his\nprinciples in the disuse of all weapons of war, the cause of which\nwas generally well understood by the Indians, ever suffered personal\nmolestation from them.\"[125]\n\nThe fact that for more than forty years after the founding of Penn's\ncolony there was not a single murder committed on a settler by an\nIndian, itself speaks volumes for their self-control and moral\ncharacter. So far from seeking quarrels with the whites they extended\nthem friendly aid and comfort.[126]\n\nEven after they had become embittered and corrupted by the gross\nknavery of the whites (for example, the notorious \"long walk,\") and\nthe debasing influence of alcohol, such an authority as Gen. Wm. H.\nHarrison could write these words about the Delawares: \"A long and\nintimate knowledge of them, in peace and war, as enemies and friends,\nhas left upon my mind the most favorable impression of their character\nfor bravery, generosity and fidelity to their engagements.\"[127] More\nthan this, and from a higher source, could scarcely be asked.\n\nThat intellectually they were by no means deficient is acknowledged by\nBrainerd himself. \"The children,\" he writes, \"learn with surprising\nreadiness; their master tells me he never had an English school that\nlearned, in general, so fast.\"[128]\n\n\n_Religious Beliefs_.\n\nWith the hints given us in various authors, it is not difficult to\nreconstruct the primitive religious notions of the Delawares. They\nresembled closely those of the other Algonkin nations, and were founded\non those general mythical principles which, in my \"Myths of the New\nWorld,\" I have shown existed widely throughout America. These are, the\nworship of Light, especially in its concrete manifestations of fire and\nthe sun; of the Four Winds, as typical of the cardinal points, and as\nthe rain bringers; and of the Totemic Animal.\n\nAs the embodiment of Light, some spoke of the sun as a deity,[129]\nwhile their fifth and greatest festival was held in honor of Fire,\nwhich they personified, and called the Grandfather of all Indian\nnations. They assigned to it twelve divine assistants, who were\nrepresented by so many actors in the ceremony, with evident reference\nto the twelve moons or months of the year, the fire being a type of the\nheavenly blaze, the sun.[130]\n\nBut both Sun and Fire were only material emblems of the mystery of\nLight. This was the \"body or fountain of deity,\" which Brainerd said\nthey described to him in terms that he could not clearly understand;\nsomething \"all light;\" a being \"_in_ whom the earth, and all things\nin it, may be seen;\" a \"great man, clothed with the day, yea, with\nthe brightest day, a day of many years, yea, a day of everlasting\ncontinuance.\" From him proceeded, in him were, to him returned, all\nthings and the souls of all things.\n\nSuch was the extraordinary doctrine which a converted priest of the\nnative religion informed Brainerd was the teaching of the medicine\nmen.[131]\n\nThe familiar Algonkin myth of the \"Great Hare,\" which I have elsewhere\nshown to be distinctively a myth of Light,[132] was also well known to\nthe Delawares, and they applied to this animal, also, the appellation\nof the \"Grandfather of the Indians.\"[133] Like the fire, the hare was\nconsidered their ancestor, and in both instances the Light was meant,\nfire being its symbol, and the word for hare being identical with that\nof brightness and light.\n\nAs in Mexico and elsewhere, this light or bright ancestor was the\nculture hero of their mythology, their pristine instructor in the\narts, and figured in some of their legends as a white man, who, in\nsome remote time, visited them from the east, and brought them their\ncivilization.[134]\n\nI desire to lay especial stress on these proofs of Light worship among\nthe Delawares, for it has an immediate bearing on several points in the\nWALAM OLUM. There are no compounds more frequent in that document than\nthose with the root signifying \"light,\" \"brightness,\" etc., and this is\none of the evidences of its authenticity.\n\nNext in order, or rather, parallel with and a part of the worship of\nLight, was that of the Four Cardinal Points, always identified with\nthe Four Winds, the bringers of rain and sunshine, the rulers of the\nweather.\n\n\"After the strictest inquiry respecting their notions of the Deity,\"\nsays David Brainerd, \"I find that in ancient times, before the coming\nof the white people, some supposed there were four invisible powers,\nwho presided over the four corners of the earth.\"[135]\n\nThe Montauk Indians of Long Island, a branch of the Mohegans, also\nworshiped these four deities, as we are informed by the Rev Sampson\nOccum;[136] and Captain Argoll found them again in 1616 among the\naccolents of the Potomac, close relatives of the Delawares. Their chief\ntold him: \"We have five gods in all, our chief god appears often unto\nus in the form of a mighty great hare, the other four have no visible\nshape, but are indeed the four winds, which keep the four corners of\nthe earth.\"[137]\n\nThese are the fundamental doctrines, the universal _credo_, of not only\nall the Algonkin faiths, but of all or nearly all primitive American\nreligions.\n\nThis is very far from the popular conception of Indian religion, with\nits \"Good Spirit\" and \"Bad Spirit.\" Such ideas were not familiar to\nthe native mind. Heckewelder, Brainerd and Loskiel all assure us in\npositive terms that the notion of a bad spirit, a \"Devil,\" was wholly\nunknown to the aborigines, and entirely borrowed from the whites.\nNor was the Divinity of Light looked upon as a beneficent father, or\nanything of that kind. The Indian did not appeal to him for assistance,\nas to his _totemic and personal gods_.\n\nThese were conceived to be in the form of animals, and various acts\nof propitiation to them were performed. Such acts were not a worship\nof the animals themselves. Brainerd explains this very correctly when\nhe says: \"They do not suppose a divine power essential to or inhering\nin these creatures, but that some invisible beings, not distinguished\nfrom each other by certain names, but only notionally, communicate to\nthese animals a great power, and so make these creatures the immediate\nauthors of good to certain persons. Hence such a creature becomes\n_sacred_ to the person to whom he is supposed to be the immediate\nauthor of good, and through him they must worship the invisible powers,\nthough to others he is no more than another creature.\"[138]\n\nThey rarely attempted to set forth the divinity in image. The rude\nrepresentation of a human head, cut in wood, small enough to be carried\non the person, or life size on a post, was their only idol. This was\ncalled _wsinkhoalican_. They also drew and perhaps carved emblems of\ntheir totemic guardian. Mr. Beatty describes the head chief's home as a\nlong building of wood: \"Over the door a turtle is drawn, which is the\nensign of this particular tribe. On each door post was cut the face of\na grave old man.\"[139]\n\nOccasionally, rude representations of the human head, chipped out of\nstone, are exhumed in those parts of Pennsylvania and New Jersey once\ninhabited by the Lenape.[140] These are doubtless the _wsinkhoalican_\nabove mentioned.\n\n\n_Doctrine of the Soul_.\n\nThere was a general belief in a soul, spirit or immaterial part of\nman. For this the native words were _tschipey_ and _tschitschank_ (in\nBrainerd, _chichuny_). The former is derived from a root signifying to\nbe separate or apart, while the latter means \"the shadow.\"[141]\n\nTheir doctrine was that after death the soul went _south_, where it\nwould enjoy a happy life for a certain term, and then could return and\nbe born again into the world. In moments of spiritual illumination it\nwas deemed possible to recall past existences, and even to remember\nthe happy epoch passed in the realm of bliss.[142]\n\nThe path to this abode of the blessed was by the Milky Way, wherein the\nopinion of the Delawares coincided with that of various other American\nnations, as the Eskimos, on the north, and the Guaranis of Paraguay, on\nthe south.\n\nThe ordinary euphemism to inform a person that his death was at hand\nwas: \"You are about to visit your ancestors;\"[143] but most observers\nagree that they were a timorous people, with none of that contempt of\ndeath sometimes assigned them.[144]\n\n\n_The Native Priests._\n\nAn important class among the Lenape were those called by the whites\ndoctors, conjurers, or medicine men, who were really the native\npriests. They appear to have been of two schools, the one devoting\nthemselves mainly to divination, the other to healing.\n\nAccording to Brainerd, the title of the former among the Delawares,\nas among the New England Indians, was _powwow_, a word meaning \"a\ndreamer;\" Chip., _bawadjagan_, a dream; _nind apawe_, I dream; Cree,\n_pawa-miwin_, a dream. They were the interpreters of the dreams of\nothers, and themselves claimed the power of dreaming truthfully of the\nfuture and the absent.[145] In their visions their guardian spirit\nvisited them; they became, in their own words, \"all light,\" and they\n\"could see through men, and knew the thoughts of their hearts.\"[146]\nAt such times they were also instructed at what spot the hunters could\nsuccessfully seek game.\n\nThe other school of the priestly class was called, as we are informed\nby Mr. Heckewelder, _medeu_.[147] This is the same term which we\nfind in Chipeway as _mide_ (_medaween_, Schoolcraft), and in Cree as\n_mitew_, meaning a conjurer, a member of the Great Medicine Lodge.[148]\nI suspect the word is from _m'iteh_, heart (Chip. _k'ide_, thy heart),\nas this organ was considered the source and centre of life and the\nemotions, and is constantly spoken of in a figurative sense in Indian\nconversation and oratory.\n\nAmong the natives around New York Bay there was a body of conjurers who\nprofessed great austerity of life. They had no fixed homes, pretended\nto absolute continence, and both exorcised sickness and officiated\nat the funeral rites. Their name, as reported by the Dutch, was\n_kitzinacka_, which is evidently Great Snake (_gitschi_, _achkook_).\nThe interesting fact is added, that at certain periodical festivals a\nsacrifice was prepared, which it was believed was carried off by a\nhuge serpent.[149]\n\nWhen the missionaries came among the Indians, the shrewd and able\nnatives who had been accustomed to practice on the credulity of their\nfellows recognized that the new faith would destroy their power, and\ntherefore they attacked it vigorously. Preachers arose among them, and\nclaimed to have had communications from the Great Spirit about all the\nmatters which the Christian teachers talked of. These native exhorters\nfabricated visions and revelations, and displayed symbolic drawings on\ndeerskins, showing the journey of the soul after death, the path to\nheaven, the twelve emetics and purges which would clean a man of sin,\netc.\n\nSuch were the famed prophets Papunhank and Wangomen, who set up as\nrivals in opposition to David Zeisberger; and such those who so\nconstantly frustrated the efforts of the pious Brainerd. Often do both\nof these self-sacrificing apostles to the Indians complain of the evil\ninfluence which such false teachers exerted among the Delawares.[150]\n\nThe existence of this class of impostors is significant for the\nappreciation of such a document as the WALAM OLUM. They were partially\nacquainted with the Bible history of creation; some had learned to\nread and write in the mission schools; they were eager to imitate\nthe wisdom of the whites, while at the same time they were intent on\nclaiming authentic antiquity and originality for all their sayings.\n\n\n_Religious Ceremonies._\n\nThe principal sacred ceremony was the dance and accompanying song.\nThis was called _kanti kanti_, from a verbal found in most Algonkin\ndialects with the primary meaning to sing (Abnaki, _skan_, je danse et\nchante en m\u00eame temps, Rasles; Cree, _nikam_; Chip., _nigam_, I sing).\nFrom this noisy rite, which seems to have formed a part of all the\nnative celebrations, the settlers coined the word _cantico_, which has\nsurvived and become incorporated into the English tongue.\n\nZeisberger describes other festivals, some five in number. The most\ninteresting is that called _Machtoga_, which he translates \"to sweat.\"\nThis was held in honor of \"their Grandfather, the Fire.\" The number\ntwelve appears in it frequently as regulating the actions and numbers\nof the performers. This had evident reference to the twelve months of\nthe year, but his description is too vague to allow a satisfactory\nanalysis of the rite.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[48] See his remarks in the Transactions of the _American Philological\nAssociation_, 1872, p. 157.\n\n[49] For instance, in Governor Patrick Gordon's Letter to the Friends,\n1728, where he speaks of \"Our Lenappys or Delaware Indians,\" in\n_Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, p. 230. At the treaty of Easton, 1756,\nTedyuscung, head chief of the Delawares, is stated to have represented\nthe \"Lenopi\" Indians (_Minutes of the Council_, Phila., 1757), and in\nthe \"Conference of Eleven Nations living West of Allegheny,\" held at\nPhiladelphia, 1759, the Delawares are included under the tribal name\n\"Leonopy.\" See _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Vol.\nVIII, p. 418.\n\n[50] So Mr. Lewis H. Morgan says, and he obtained the facts on the\nspot. \"Len-\u00e3'-pe was their former name, and is still used.\" _Systems of\nConsanguinity and Affinity_, p. 289 (Washington, 1871).\n\n[51] _History of the Indian Nations_, p. 401.\n\n[52] _Transactions of the American Philological Association_, 1871, p.\n144.\n\n[53] Zeisberger's translation of Lenni Lenape as \"people of the same\nnation,\" would be more literal if it were put \"men of our nation.\"\n\nPresident Stiles, in his _Itinerary_, makes the statement: \"The\nDelaware tribe is called _Poh-he-gan_ or _Mo-hee-gan_ by themselves,\nand _Auquitsaukon_.\" I have not been able to reach a satisfactory\nsolution of the first and third of these names.\n\nThat the Delawares did use the term Lenape as their own designation, is\nshown by the refrain of one of their chants, preserved by Heckewelder.\n\nIt was--\"_Husca n'lenape-win_,\" Truly I--a Lenape--am.\n\nOr: \"I am a true man of our people.\" _Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc._, Vol.\nIV, N. Ser., p. 381.\n\n[54] Mr. Eager, in his _History of Orange County_, quotes the old\nsurveyor, Nicolas Scull (1730), in favor of translating _minisink_ \"the\nwater is gone,\" and Ruttenber, in his _History of the Native Tribes\nof the Hudson River_, supposes that it is derived from _menatey_, an\nisland. Neither of these commends itself to modern Delawares.\n\n[55] See _Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, pp. 540-1.\n\n[56] Proud, _History of Penna_, Vol. II, p. 297, S Smith, _Hist of New\nJersey_, p. 456; Henry, _Dict. of the Delaware Lang._, MS., p. 539.\n\n[57] Delaware Vocabulary in Whipple, Ewbank & Turner's _Report_, 1855.\nThe German form is _tsickenum_.\n\n[58] _A Brief Relation of the Voyage of Captayne Thomas Yong_, in\n_Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls._, 4th series, Vol. IX, p. 119.\n\n[59] See the original Warrant of Survey and Minutes relating thereto,\nin Dr. George Smith's _History of Delaware County, Pa._, pp. 209, 210\n(Phila., 1862). The derivation is uncertain. Captain John Smith gives\n_mahcawq_ for pumpkin, and this appears to be the word in the native\nname of Chester Creek, _Macopanackhan_, which is also seen in _Marcus_\nHook. (See Smith's _Hist. Del. Co._, pp. 145, 381.) I am inclined to\nidentify the _Macocks_ with the _M'okahoka_ as \"the people of the\npumpkin place,\" or where those vegetables were cultivated.\n\n[60] The Shawnee word is the same, _pellewaa_, whence their name for\nthe Ohio River, _Pellewaa seepee_, Turkey River. (Rev. David Jones,\n_Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West\nSide of the River Ohio in 1772 and 1773_, p. 20.) From this is derived\nthe shortened form _Plaen_, seen in _Playwickey_, or _Planwikit_, the\ntown of those of the Turkey Tribe, in Berks county, Pa. (Heckewelder,\n_Indian Names_, p, 355.)\n\n[61] Heckewelder, _Hist. Indian Nations_, pp. 253-4.\n\n[62] Lewis H. Morgan, _Ancient Society_, pp. 171-2.\n\n[63] _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania_, July 6th,\n1694.\n\n[64] Master Evelin's Letter is printed in Smith's _History of New\nJersey_, 2d ed. Some doubt has been cast on his letter, because of\nits connection with the mythical \"New Albion,\" but his personality\nand presence on the river have been vindicated. See _The American\nHistorical Magazine_, Vol. I, 2d series, pp. 75, 76.\n\n[65] _New Jersey Archives_, Vol. I, p. 183.\n\n[66] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 73.\n\n[67] Ruttenber, _Hist. of the Indian Tribes of Hudson River_, s. v.\n\n[68] Heckewelder, in his unpublished MSS, asserts that both these names\nmean \"Opossum\". It is true that the name of this animal in Lenape is\n_woapink_, in the New Jersey dialect _opiing_, and in the Nanticoke of\nSmith _oposon_, but all these are derived from the root _wab_, which\noriginally meant \"white,\" and was applied to the East as the place of\nthe dawn and the light. The reference is to the light gray, or whitish,\ncolor of the animal's hair. Compare the Cree, _wapiskowes_, cendr\u00e9, il\na le poil blafard Lacombe, _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_ s v.\n\n[69] _On Indian Names_, p. 375, in _Trans American Philosophical\nSociety_, Vol. III, n. ser.\n\n[70] Proud, _History of Pennsylvania_, Vol. I, 144, II, p. 295.\nHeckewelder, _Tran. Am. Philo. Soc._, Vol. IV, p. 376.\n\n[71] Matthew G. Henry, _Delaware Indian Dictionary_, p. 709. (MS in the\nLibrary of the Am. Phil. Soc.)\n\n[72] \"The Monthees who we called Wemintheuw,\" etc. _Journal of Hendrick\nAupaumut_, _Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._, Vol. II, p. 77.\n\n[73] Heckewelder, _ubi supra_.\n\n[74] _New Jersey Archives_, Vol. V, p. 22.\n\n[75] _The Rise and Progress of a Remarkable Work of Grace Among the\nIndians_. By David Brainerd, in _Works_, p. 304.\n\n[76] E de Schweimtz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 660, note.\n\n[77] _Travels into North America_, Vol. II, pp. 93-94 (London, 1771).\n\n[78] Lacombe, _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_, p. 711. Dr.\nTrumbull, however, maintains that it is derived from _sohkau-au_, he\nprevails over (note to Roger Williams' _Key_, p. 162). If there is a\ngenetic connection, the latter is the derivative. The word _sakima_ is\nnot known among the Minsi. In place of it they say _K'htai_, the great\none, from _kehtan_, great. From this comes the corrupted forms _tayach_\nor _tallach_ of the Nanticokes, and the _tayac_ of the Pascatoways.\n\n[79] Lewis H. Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 172.\n\n[80] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 168.\n\n[81] For these particulars see Ettwein, _Traditions and Language of the\nIndians_, in _Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc._, Vol. I; Charles Beatty,\n_Journal of a Tour, etc._, p. 51.\n\n[82] C. Thompson, _Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the\nDelaware and Shawnee Indians_, p. 16.\n\n[83] I assign them the sweet potato on the excellent authority of Dr.\nC. Thompson, _Essay on Indian Affairs_, in _Colls. of the Hist. Soc. of\nPenna._, Vol. I, p. 81.\n\n[84] Peter Kalm, _Travels in North America_, Vol. II, p. 42.\n\n[85] See Peter Kalm, _Travels in North America_, Vol. II, pp. 110-115;\nWilliam Darlington, _Flora Cestrica_. (West Chester, Pa., 1837.)\n\n[86] For these facts, see Bishop Ettwem's article on the Traditions\nand Languages of the Indians, _Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1848,\np. 32. Van der Donck (1656) describes these palisaded strongholds, and\nCampanius (1642-48) gives a picture of one. See also E. de Schweimtz,\n_Life of Zeisberger_, p. 83. The Mohegan houses were sometimes 180 feet\nlong, by about 20 feet wide, and occupied by numerous families. Van der\nDonck, _Descrip. of the New Netherlands_, pp. 196-7. _Coll. N. Y. Hist.\nSoc._, Ser. II, Vol. I.\n\nThe native name of these wooden forts was _menachk_, derived from\n_manachen_, to cut wood (Cree, _manikka_, to cut with a hatchet). Roger\nWilliams calls them _aumansk_, a form of the same word.\n\n[87] See the communication on \"Pottery on the Delaware,\" by him, in\nthe Proceedings of the _Am. Phil. Soc._, 1868. The whole subject of\nthe arch\u00e6ology of the Delaware valley and New Jersey has been treated\nin the most satisfactory manner by the distinguished antiquary, Dr.\nCharles C. Abbott, in his work, _Primitive Industry_ (Salem, Mass.,\n1881), and his _Stone Age in New Jersey_ (1877).\n\n[88] Four specimens are reported from Berks Co., Pa., by Prof. D. P.\nBrunner, in his volume, _The Indians of Berks Co., Pa._, pp. 94, 95\n(Reading, 1881). These were an axe, a chisel, a knife and a gouge. The\nmetal was probably in part obtained in New Jersey, in part imported\nfrom the Lake Superior region. See further, Abbott, _Primitive\nIndustry_, chap. xxviii. Peter Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, who\nvisited New Jersey in 1748, says that when the copper mines \"upon the\nsecond river between Elizabeth Town and New York\" were discovered, old\nmining holes were found and tools which the Indians had made use of.\n_Travels in North America_, Vol. I, p. 384.\n\n[89] Some antiquaries appear to have doubted whether the spear was in\nuse as a weapon of war among the Pennsylvania Indians. (See Abbott,\n_Primitive Industry_, p. 248.) But the Susquehannocks are distinctly\nreported as employing as a weapon \"a strong and light spear of locust\nwood.\" _Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam_, p. 85.\n\n[90] For further information on this subject, an article may be\nconsulted in the _Transactions of the American Philosophical Society_,\n1st Ser., Vol. III, pp. 222, et seq., by Mr. Hugh Martin, entitled \"An\nAccount of the Principal Dies employed by the American Indians.\"\n\n[91] The Delawares had three words for dog. One was _allum_, which\nrecurs in many Algonkin dialects, and is derived by Mr. Trumbull from\na root signifying \"to lay hold of,\" or \"to hold fast.\" The second was\n_lennochum_ or _lenchum_, which means \"the quadruped belonging to man;\"\n_lenno_, man; _chum_, a four-footed beast. The third was _moekaneu_, a\nname derived from a general Algonkin root, in Cree, _mokku_, meaning\n\"to tear in pieces,\" from which the Delaware word for bear, _machque_,\nhas its origin, and also, significantly enough, the verb \"to eat\" in\nsome dialects.\n\n[92] _History of West New Jersey_, p. 3 (London, 1698).\n\n[93] _Bulletin Hist. Soc. of Penna._, 1848, p. 32.\n\n[94] E. M. Ruttenber, _History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson River_,\np. 96, note.\n\n[95] Maximilian, Prince of Wied, _Travels in America_, p. 35.\n\n[96] _A Key into the Language of America_, p. 105.\n\n[97] _Documentary History of New York_, Vol. III, pp. 29, 32.\n\n[98] _Grammar of the Language of the Lenni Lenape_, pp 108-109.\n\n[99] They are given, with translations, in Zeisberger's _Grammar_, p.\n109.\n\n[100] See Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., pp. 32, 33;\nHeckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations_, chap. X.\n\n[101] Dr. Charles C. Abbott, _Primitive Industry_, pp. 71, 207, 347,\n379, 384, 390, 391. Dr. Abbott's suggestion that the bird's head seen\non several specimens might represent the totem of the Turkey gens of\nthe Lenape cannot be well founded, if Heckewelder is correct in saying\nthat their totemic mark was only the foot of the fowl. _Ind. Nations_,\np. 253.\n\n[102] See _Proceedings Amer. Philos. Soc._, Vol. X.\n\n[103] The subject is discussed, and comparative drawings of the native\nsignatures reproduced, by Prof. D. B. Brunner, in his useful work, _The\nIndians of Berks County, Pa._, p. 68 (Reading, 1881).\n\n[104] John Richardson's Diary, quoted in _An Account of the Conduct of\nthe Society of Friends toward the Indian Tribes_, pp. 61, 62 (London,\n1844).\n\n[105] _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_, Vol. I, plate 47,\nB, and pages 353, 354.\n\n[106] \"Amiable and benevolent,\" says Heckewelder, whose life he aided\nin saving on one occasion. _Indian Nations_, p. 285.\n\n[107] E. de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 469.\n\n[108] _Relation des Jesuites_, 1646, p. 33.\n\n[109] Baraga, _A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language_, s. v.\n\n[110] For an example, see de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 342.\n\n[111] _Documentary History of New York_, Vol. IV, p. 437.\n\n[112] _Journal of Conrad Weiser_; in _Early History of Western Penna._,\np. 16.\n\n[113] _Tran. Am. Phil. Soc._, Vol. IV, p. 384.\n\n[114] _A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language_, s. v. _Peinture_.\n\n[115] See ant\u00e9 p. 53. Mr. Francis Vincent, in his _History of the State\nof Delaware_, p. 36 (Phila., 1870), says of the colored earth of that\nlocality, that it is \"a highly argillaceous loam, interspersed with\nlarge and frequent masses of yellow, ochrey clay, some of which are\nremarkable for fineness of texture, not unlike lithomarge, and consists\nof white, yellow, red and dark blue clay in detached spots.\"\n\nThe Shawnees applied the same word to Paint Creek, which falls into the\nScioto, close to Chilicothe. They named it _Alamonee sepee_, of which\nPaint Creek is a literal rendering. Rev. David Jones, _A Journal of Two\nVisits to the West Side of the Ohio in 1772 and 1773_, p. 50.\n\n[116] _Key into the Language of America_, p. 206.\n\n[117] Lawson, in his _New Account of Carolina_, p. 180, says that the\nnatives there bore in mind their traditions by means of a \"Parcel of\nReeds of different Lengths, with several distinct Marks, known to none\nbut themselves.\" James Adair writes of the Southern Indians \"They count\ncertain very remarkable things by notched square sticks, which are\ndistributed among the head warriors and other chieftains of different\ntowns.\" _History of the Indians_, p. 75.\n\n[118] Dr Edwin James, _Narrative of John Tanner_, p. 341.\n\n[119] George Copway, _Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation_, pp\n130, 131.\n\n[120] Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, Vol. I, p. 339.\n\n[121] Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, p. 410.\n\n[122] E. de Schweinitz, _Life and Times of Zeisberger_, p. 92.\n\n[123] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls_., 4th series, Vol. IX, where Captain\nYoung's journal is printed.\n\n[124] _Heckewelder MSS_. in Amer Phil. Soc. Lib.\n\n[125] _An Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends toward the\nIndian Tribes_, p. 72 (London, 1844).\n\n[126] The records of my own family furnish an example of this. My\nancestor, William Brinton, arrived in the fall of 1684, and, with\nhis wife and children, immediately took possession of a grant in the\nunbroken wilderness, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. A severe\nwinter set in; their food supply was exhausted, and they would probably\nhave perished but for the assistance of some neighboring lodges of\nLenape, who provided them with food and shelter. It is, therefore, a\ndebt of gratitude which I owe to this nation to gather its legends, its\nlanguage, and its memories, so that they,\n\n      \"in books recorded.\n    May, like hoarded\n    Household words, no more depart!\"\n\n[127] _A Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio_,\np. 25 (Cinn., 1838). I add the further testimony of John Brickell,\nwho was a captive among them from 1791 to 1796. He speaks of them\nas fairly virtuous and temperate, and adds: \"Honesty, bravery and\nhospitality are cardinal virtues among them.\" _Narrative of Captivity\namong the Delaware Indians_, in the _American Pioneer_, Vol. I, p. 48\n(Cincinnati, 1844).\n\n[128] Life and Journal, p. 381.\n\n[129] \"Others imagined the Sun to be the only deity, and that all\nthings were made by him.\" David Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, p. 395.\n\n[130] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 55.\n\n[131] David Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, pp. 395, 399.\n\n[132] D. G. Brinton, _The Myths of the New World_, chap. vi; _American\nHero Myths_, chap ii.\n\n[133] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 53.\n\n[134] He is thus spoken of in Campanius, _Account of New Sweden_, Book\nIII, chap. xi. Compare my _Myths of the New World_, p. 190.\n\n[135] Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, p. 395.\n\n[136] His statements are in the _Calls of the Mass Hist Soc_, Vol. X\n(1st Series), p. 108.\n\n[137] Wm Strachey, _Historie of Travaile into Virginia_, p. 98.\n\n[138] Brainerd, _Life and Travels_, p. 394.\n\n[139] Charles Beatty, _Journal_, p. 44.\n\n[140] One, about five inches in height, of a tough, argillaceous\nstone, is figured and described by Dr. C. C. Abbott, in the _American\nNaturalist_, October, 1882. It was found in New Jersey.\n\n[141] From the same root, _tschip_, are derived the Lenape\n_tschipilek_, something strange or wonderful; _tschepsit_, a stranger\nor foreigner; and _tschapiet_, the invocation of spirits. Among the\nrules agreed upon by Zeisberger's converted Indians was this: \"We will\nuse no _tschapiet_, or witchcraft, when hunting.\" (De Schweinitz, _Life\nof Zeisberger_, p. 379.)\n\nThe root _tschitsch_ indicates repetition, and applied to the shadow or\nspint of man means as much as his double or counterpart.\n\nA third word for soul was the verbal form _w'tellenapewoagan_,\n\"man--his substance;\" but this looks as if it had been manufactured by\nthe missionaries.\n\n[142] Compare Loskiel, _Geschichte_, pp. 48, 49; Brainerd, _Life and\nJournal_, pp. 314, 396, 399, 400.\n\n[143] Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 472.\n\n[144] Heckewelder, MSS., says that he has often heard the lamentable\ncry, _matta wingi angeln_, \"I do not want to die.\"\n\n[145] \"As for the Powaws,\" says the native Mohegan, the Rev. Sampson\nOccum, in his account of the Montauk Indians of Long Island, \"they say\nthey get their art from dreams.\" _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls_., Vol. X, p.\n109. Dr. Trumbull's suggested affinity of powaw with Cree _t\u00e0p-wayoo_,\nhe speaks the truth; Nar, _taupowauog_, wise speakers, is, I think,\ncorrect, but the latter are secondary senses. They were wise, and\ngave true counsel, who could correctly interpret dreams. Compare the\nIroquois _katetsens_, to dream; _katetsiens_, to practice medicine,\nIndian fashion. Cuoq, _Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise_.\n\n[146] David Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, pp. 400, 401.\n\n[147] _Hist. Ind. Nations_, p. 280.\n\n[148] _Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_, Vol. I, p. 358, seq.\n\n[149] Wassenaer's _Description of the New Netherlands_ (1631), in _Doc.\nHist of New York_, Vol. III, pp 28, 40. Other signs of serpent worship\nwere common among the Lenape. Loskiel states that their cast-off skins\nwere treasured as possessing wonderful curative powers (_Geschichte_,\np. 147), and Brainerd saw an Indian offering supplications to one\n(_Life and Journal_, p. 395).\n\n[150] See Brainerd, _Life and Journal_, pp. 310, 312, 364, 398, 425,\netc., and E. de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 265, 332, etc.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\n\nTHE LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE OF THE LENAPE.\n\n\u00a7 1. Literature of the Lenape Tongue--Campanius; Penn; Thomas,\nZeisberger; Heckeweider, Roth, Ettwein; Grube, Dencke; Luckenbach;\nHenry; Vocabularies, a native letter.\n\n\u00a7 2. General Remarks on the Lenape.\n\n\u00a7 3. Dialects of the Lenape.\n\n\u00a7 4. Special Structure of the Lenape.--The Root and the Theme;\nPrefixes; Suffixes; Derivatives, Grammatical Notes.\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _Literature of the Lenape Tongue._\n\nThe first study of the Delaware language was undertaken by the Rev.\nThomas Campanius (Holm), who was chaplain to the Swedish settlements,\n1642-1649. He collected a vocabulary, wrote out a number of dialogues\nin Delaware and Swedish, and even completed a translation of the\nLutheran catechism into the tongue. The last mentioned was published\nin Stockholm, in 1696, through the efforts of his grandson, under the\ntitle, LUTHERI CATECHISMUS, _Ofwersatt p\u00e4 American-Virginiske Spr\u00e4ket_,\n1 vol., sm. 8vo, pp. 160. On pages 133-154 it has a _Vocabularium\nBarbaro-Virgineorum_, and on pages 155-160, _Vocabula Mahakuassica_.\nThe first is the Delaware as then current on the lower river, the\nsecond the dialect of the Susquehannocks or Minquas, who frequently\nvisited the Swedish settlements.\n\nAlthough he managed to render all the Catechism into something which\nlooks like Delaware, Campanius' knowledge of the tongue was exceedingly\nsuperficial. Dr. Trumbull says of his work: \"The translator had not\nlearned even so much of the grammar as to distinguish the plural of a\nnoun or verb from the singular, and knew nothing of the \"transitions\"\nby which the pronouns of the subject and object are blended with the\nverb.\"[151]\n\nAt the close of his \"History of New Sweden,\" Campanius adds further\nlinguistic material, including an imaginary conversation in Lenape, and\nthe oration of a sachem. It is of the same character as that found in\nthe Catechism.\n\nAfter the English occupation very little attention was given to the\ntongue beyond what was indispensable to trading. William Penn, indeed,\nprofessed to have acquired a mastery of it. He writes: \"I have made it\nmy business to understand it, that I might not want an interpreter on\nany occasion.\"[152] But it is evident, from the specimens he gives,\nthat all he studied was the trader's jargon, which scorned etymology,\nsyntax and prosody, and was about as near pure Lenape as pigeon English\nis to the periods of Macaulay.\n\nAn ample specimen of this jargon is furnished us by Gabriel Thomas, in\nhis \"Historical and Geographical Account of the Province and Country\nof Pensilvania; and of West-New-Jersey in America,\" London, 1698,\ndedicated to Penn. Thomas tells us that he lived in the country fifteen\nyears, and supplies, for the convenience of those who propose visiting\nthe province, some forms of conversation, Indian and English. I subjoin\na short specimen, with a brief commentary:--\n\n  1. _Hitah takoman?_                 Friend, from whence com'st?\n  2. _Andogowa nee weekin._           Yonder.\n  3. _Tony andogowa kee weekin?_      Where Yonder?\n  4. _Arwaymouse._                    At Arwaymouse.\n  5. _Keco kee hatah weekin?_         What hast got in thy house?\n  6. _Nee hatah huska weesyouse og_   I have very fat venison and\n     _huska chetena chase og huska_   good strong skins, with very\n     _orit chekenip._                 good turkeys.\n  7. _Chingo kee beto nee chasa ag_   When wilt thou bring me skins\n     _yousa elka chekenip?_           and venison, with turkeys?\n  8. _Haiapa etka nisha kishquicka._  To morrow, or two days hence.\n\n1. _Hitah_ for _n'ischu_ (Mohegan, _nitap_), my friend; _takoman_,\n   Zeis. _takomun_, from _ta_, where, _k_, 2d pers. sing.\n\n2. _Andogowa_, similar to _undachwe_, he comes, Heck.; _nee_, pron.\n   possess. 1st person; _weekin_ = _wikwam_, or wigwam. \"I come from\n   my house.\"\n\n3. _Tony_, = Zeis. _tani_, where? _kee_, pron. possess. 2d person.\n\n4. _Arwaymouse_ was the name of an Indian village,\n   near Burlington, N.J.\n\n5. _Keco_, Zeis. _koecu_, what? _hatah_, Zeis. _hattin_, to have.\n\n6. _Huska_, Zeis. _husca_, \"very, truly;\" _wees_, Zeis. _wisu_,\n   fatty flesh, _youse_, R. W. _jous_, deer meat; _og_, Camp. _ock_,\n   Zeis. _woak_ and; _chetena_, Zeis. _tschitani_, strong; _chase_, Z.\n   _chessak_, deerskin; _orit_, Zeis. _wulit_, good; _chekenip_, Z.\n   _tschekenum_, turkey.\n\n7. _Chingo_, Zeis. _tschingatsch_, when; _beto_, Z. _peten_, to bring;\n   _etka_, R. W., _ka_, and.\n\n8. _Halapa_, Z. _alappa_, to-morrow; _nisha_, two; _kishquicka_,\n   Z. _gischgu_, day, _gischguik_, by day.\n\nThe principal authority on the Delaware language is the Rev. David\nZeisberger, the eminent Moravian missionary, whose long and devoted\nlabors may be accepted as fixing the standard of the tongue.\n\nBefore him, no one had seriously set to work to master the structure\nof the language, and reduce it to a uniform orthography. With him, it\nwas almost a lifelong study, as for more than sixty years it engaged\nhis attention. To his devotion to the cause in which he was engaged, he\nadded considerable natural talent for languages, and learned to speak,\nwith almost equal fluency, English, German, Delaware and the Onondaga\nand Mohawk dialects of the Iroquois.\n\nThe first work he gave to the press was a \"Delaware Indian and\nEnglish Spelling Book for the Schools of the Mission of the United\nBrethren,\" printed in Philadelphia, 1776. As he did not himself see the\nproofs, he complained that both in its arrangement and typographical\naccuracy it was disappointing. Shortly before his death, in 1806, the\nsecond edition appeared, amended in these respects. A \"Hymn Book,\"\nin Delaware, which he finished in 1802, was printed the following\nyear, and the last work of his life, a translation into Delaware of\nLieberkuhn's \"History of Christ,\" was published at New York in 1821.\n\nThese, however, formed but a small part of the manuscript materials he\nhad prepared on and in the language. The most important of these were\nhis Delaware Grammar, and his Dictionary in four languages, English,\nGerman, Onondaga and Delaware.\n\nThe MS. of the Grammar was deposited in the Archives of the Moravian\nSociety at Bethlehem, Pa. A translation of it was prepared by Mr. Peter\nStephen Duponceau, and published in the \"Transactions of the American\nPhilosophical Society,\" in 1827.\n\nThe quadrilingual dictionary has never been printed. The MS. was\npresented, along with others, in 1850, to the library of Harvard\nCollege, where it now is. The volume is an oblong octavo of 362 pages,\ncontaining about 9000 words in the English and German columns, but not\nmore than half that number in the Delaware.\n\nA number of other MSS. of Zeisberger are also in that library, received\nfrom the same source. Among these are a German-Delaware Glossary,\ncontaining 51 pages and about 600 words; a Delaware-German Phrase\nBook of about 200 pages; Sermons in Delaware, etc., mostly incomplete\nstudies, but of considerable value to the student of the tongue.[153]\n\nAssociated with Zeisberger for many years was the genial Rev. John\nHeckewelder, so well known for his pleasant \"History of the Indian\nNations of Pennsylvania,\" his interpretations of the Indian names of\nthe State, and his correspondence with Mr. Duponceau. He certainly had\na fluent, practical knowledge of the Delaware, but it has repeatedly\nbeen shown that he lacked analytical power in it, and that many of his\netymologies as well as some of his grammatical statements are erroneous.\n\nAnother competent Lenapist was the Rev. Johannes Roth. He was born in\nPrussia in 1726, and educated a Catholic. Joining the Moravians in\n1748, he emigrated to America in 1756, and in 1759 took charge of the\nmissionary station called Schechschiquanuk, on the west bank of the\nSusquehanna, opposite and a little below Shesequin, in Bradford county,\nPennsylvania. There he remained until 1772, when, with his flock,\nfifty-three in number, he proceeded to the new Gnadenh\u00fctten, in Ohio.\nThere a son was born to him, the first white child in the area of the\npresent State of Ohio. In 1774 he returned to Pennsylvania, and after\noccupying various pastorates, he died at York, July 22d, 1791.\n\nRoth has left us a most important work, and one hitherto entirely\nunknown to bibliographers. He made an especial study of the _Unami\ndialect_ of the Lenape, and composed in it an extensive religious work,\nof which only the fifth part remains. It is now in the possession of\nthe American Philosophical Society, and bears the title:--\n\n                     EIN VERSUCH!\n              der Geschichte unsers Herrn u. Heylandes\n                     JESU CHRISTI\n           in dass Delawarische \u00fcbersetzt der _Unami_\n                 _von der Marter Woche an_\n                             bis zur\n                    Himmelfahrt unsers Herrn\n                              im\n            Yahr 1770 u. 72 zu Tschechschequan\u00fcng\n                              an\n                        der Susquehanna.\n    Wuntschi mesettschawi tipatta lammowewoagan sekauchsianup.\n    Wulapensuhalinen, Woehowaolan Nihillalijeng mPatamauwoss.\n\nThe next page begins, \"Der f\u00fcnfte Theil,\" and \u00a7 86, and proceeds to \u00a7\n139. It forms a quarto volume, of title, 9 pages of contents in German\nand English, and 268 pages of text in Unami, written in a clear hand,\nwith many corrections and interlineations.\n\nThis is the only work known to me as composed distinctively in the\nUnami, and its value is proportionately great as providing the means\nof studying this, the acknowledged most cultivated and admired of the\nLenape dialects.\n\nIt will be the task of some future Lenape scholar to edit its text and\nanalyze its grammatical forms. But I believe that Algonkin students\nwill be glad to see at this time an extract from its pages.\n\nI select \u00a7 96, which is the parable of the marriage feast of the king's\nson, as given in Matthew xxii, 1-14.\n\n  1. Woak  Jesus   wtabptonalawoll     woak   lapi   nuwuntschi\n      And  Jesus  he-spoke-with-them   and    again   he-began\n\n   Enendhackewoagannall   nelih    woak      wtellawoll.\n          parables       them-to    and    he-said-to-them.\n\n  2.  Ne   Wusakimawoagan   Patamauwoss      wtellgigui}\n                                              mallaschi}\n     The     his-kingdom         God         it-is-like\n\n    mejauchsid   Sakima,  na Quisall    mall'mtauwan\n       certain     king,     his-son    be-made-for-him\n\n    Witachpungewiwuladtpo\u00e0gan.\n        marriage.\n\n  3. Woak  wtellalloc\u00e0lan  wtallocacannall,   wentschitsch  nek\n      And   he-sent-out      his-servants     the-bidding   the\n\n    Elendpannik   lih Witachpungewiwuladtpo\u00e0gannung\n    those-bidden   to             marriage\n\n    wentschimcussowoak;\n     those-who-were-bidden,\n\n    tschuk    necamawa   schingipawak.\n       but     they     they-were-unwilling.\n\n  4. Woak   lapi   wtellalloc\u00e0lan   pih   wtallocacannall   woak\n      And   again    he-sent-out   other      servants       and\n\n   wtella {panni}    Mauwnoh nen   Elendpanmk,  {penna }\n          {wolli};                              {schita}\n   he-said-to-them         those  the-bidden\n\n   Nolachtuppo\u00e1gan  'nkischachtuppui,    nihillalachkik   Wisuhengpannik\n  The-feast    I-have-made-the-feast, they-are-killed they-fattened-them\n\n   auwessissak  nem\u00e6tschi   nhillapannick   woak  weemi\n     beasts     the-whole   I-killed-them   and    all\n\n  ktakocku 'ngischachtuppui, peeltik  lih\n      I-have-finished         come     to\n\n   Witachpungkewiwuladtpo\u00e0gannung.\n           marriage.\n\n  5. Tschuk   necamawa  mattelemawoawollnenni,  woak  ewak\n      But       they    they-esteemed-it-not    and   went\n\n    ika,  mejauchsid enda       wtakih\u00e0cannung,     napilli nihillatschi\n    away   certain   thither  to-his-plantation-place      other\n\n   {M'hallamawachtowoagannung}\n   {   Nundauchsowoagannung  }.\n       to-merchandise-place\n\n  6. Tschuk  allende    wtahunnawoawoll   neca     allocacannall\n      But     some     they-seized-them   those     servants\n\n    { quochkikimawoawoll }\n    {popochpoalimawoawoll}     woak  wumhillawoawoll   necamawa.\n         they-beat-them         and  they-killed-them    they.\n\n  7. Elinenni  na   Sakima  pentanke,   nannen       lachxu,\n       When    the   king    heard     therefore    he-was-angry,\n\n    woak    wtellallokalan   Ndopaluwinuwak,  woak   wumhillawunga\n     and     he-sent-them        warriors      and      he-slew\n\n    jok    Nehhillowetschik,  woak    wulusumen     Wtut\u00e8n'nejuwaowoll.\n   these       murderers,      and   he-destroyed      their-cities.\n\n                     {woll }\n  8. Nannen   wtella {panni}    nelih   wtallocacannall:   Ne\n     Then     he-said-to-them     to      his-servants     The\n\n    Witachpungkewiwuladtpoagan   khella    nkischachtuppui,    tschuk\n           marriage               truly   I-have-prepared-it     but\n\n                           {attacu ucht\u00e0psiwunewo       }\n     nek    Elendpannick   {       wtopielgique juwunewo}.\n     the    those-bidden     are-not-to-sit-down-worthy.\n\n  9. Nowentschi   allmussin    ikali    mengichungi    Ansijall,  woak\n     Therefore    go-ye-away  thither  to-some-places   roads      and\n\n    winawammoh    lih    Witachpungkewiwuladtpoagan;   na natta\n    ask-ye-them    to           marriage                 those\n\n    aween    _kiluwa_    mechkaweek (oh).\n     whom         ye             find.\n\n  10. Woak   nek   Allocacannak     iwak       ikali    menggich\u00fcngi\n      And    the     servants     they-went   thither  to-some-places\n\n    Aneijall,   woak       mawehawoawoll peschuwoawak   na  natta\n      roads     and        they-brought-them-together     those\n\n    aween   machkawoachtid, Memannungsitschik  woak  Wewulilossitschik,\n     whom   they-found-them     the-bad-ones    and     the good-ones\n\n    woak   nel   Ehendachpuingkill   weemi   t\u00e6phikkawachtinewo.\n     and   the      at-the-tables      all       they-seated.\n\n  11. Nannen   mattemik\u00e6\u00f9h    na   Sakima,   nek   Elendpannik\n       Then   he-entered-in   the   king     the   those-bidden\n\n    mauwi   pennawoawoll,   woak   wunewoawoll   uchtenda   mejauchsid\n            he-saw-them     and    he-saw-him    there       certain\n\n    Lenno,   na   matta   uchtellachquiwon   witachpungkewi\n      man    the   not        wearing          a marriage\n\n    Schakhokquiwan.\n        coat.\n\n  12. Woak     wtellawoll     neli,   Elanggom\u00eallen,   ktelgiquiki\n      And    he-said-to-him   to-him       Friend         like\n\n    matte   attemik\u0113n    jun   (_or_ t\u00e1   elin\u00e0quo   wentschi    jun\n     not     ashamed     here        not    like    therefore   here\n\n    k'matt\u00eemikeen,);   woak   {m\u00fcngachsa}   mattacu   witachpungkewi\n   thou-art-ashamed    and    {  ilik   }     not        marriage\n\n   Schakhokquiwan   ktellachquiwon?   Necama   tschuk    k'pett\u00fane\u00f9.\n       coat          thou wearest      He       but     He-mouth-shuts.\n\n  13. Nannen    w'tellawoll      na   Sakima   nelih    Wtallocacann\u00fcng;\n      Then    he-said-to-them   the    king    to-them     his-servants\n\n    Kachpiluh nan/woan   Wunachkall   woak    W'sittall,   woak\n      Fasten-ye-him       his-hands    and     his-feet    and\n\n    lann\u00e9hewik quatschemung  enda       achwipegnunk,     nitschlenda\n          throw-him          where    in pitch-darkness    even-some\n\n    Lipackcuwoagan   woak      Tsch\u00e6tschak koalochinen.\n        weeping       and          teeth-gnashing\n\n  14. Ntitechquoh   macheli     moetschi     wentschimcussuwak,\n        Because      many                      they-are-called\n\n       tschuk      tatthiluwak      achnaeknuksitschik.\n         but       they-are-few         the-chosen\n\nThe asterisk occurs in the original apparently to indicate that a word\nis superfluous or doubtful. The interlined translation I have supplied\nfrom the materials in the mission-Delaware dialect, but my resources\nhave not been sufficient to analyze each word; and this, indeed, is not\nnecessary for my purpose, which is merely to present an example of the\ntrue Unami dialect.\n\nThe Moravian Bishop, John Ettwein, was another of their fraternity\nwho applied himself to the study of the Delaware. Born in Europe in\n1712, he came to the New World in 1754, and died at the great age of\nninety years in 1802. He prepared a small dictionary and phrase book,\nespecially rich in verbal forms. It is an octavo MS. of 88 pages,\nwithout title, and comprises about 1300 entries. This manuscript exists\nin one copy only, in the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem.\n\nBishop Ettwein also prepared for General Washington, in 1788, an\naccount of the traditions and language of the natives, including a\nvocabulary. This was found among the Washington papers by Mr. Jared\nSparks, and was published in the \"Bulletin of the Pennsylvania\nHistorical Society,\" 1848.\n\nOne of the most laborious of the Moravian missionaries was the Rev.\nAdam Grube. His life spanned nearly a century, from 1715, when he was\nborn in Germany, until 1808, when he died in Bethlehem, Pa. Many years\nof this were spent among the Delawares in Pennsylvania and Ohio. He\nwas familiar with their language, but the only evidence of his study\nof it that has come to my knowledge is a MS. in the Harvard College\nLibrary, entitled, \"Einige Delawarische Redensarten und Worte.\" It has\nseventy-five useful leaves, the entries without alphabetic arrangement,\nsome of the verbs accompanied by partial inflections. The only date\nit bears is \"Oct. 10, 1800,\" when he presented it to the Rev. Mr.\nLuckenbach, soon to be mentioned.\n\nAfter the War of 1812 the Moravian brother, Rev. C. F. Dencke, who,\nten years before had attempted to teach the Gospel to the Chipeways,\ngathered together the scattered converts among the Delawares at New\nFairfield, Canada West. In 1818 he completed and forwarded to the\nPublication Board of the American Bible Society a translation of the\nEpistles of John, which was published the same year.\n\nHe also stated to the Board that at that time he had finished a\ntranslation of John's Gospel and commenced that of Matthew, both of\nwhich he expected to send to the Board in that year. A donation of\none hundred dollars was made to him to encourage him in his work, but\nfor some reason the prosecution of his labors was suspended, and the\ntranslation of the Gospels never appeared (contrary to the statements\nin some bibliographies).\n\nIt is probable that Mr. Dencke was the compiler of the Delaware\nDictionary which is preserved in the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem.\nThe MS. is an oblong octavo, in a fine, but beautifully clear hand,\nand comprises about 3700 words. The handwriting is that of the late\nRev. Mr. Kampman, from 1840 to 1842 missionary to the Delawares on the\nCanada Reservation. On inquiring the circumstances connected with this\nMS., he stated to me that it was written at the period named, and was a\ncopy of some older work, probably by Mr. Dencke, but of this he was not\ncertain.\n\nWhile the greater part of this dictionary is identical in words and\nrendering with the second edition of Zeisberger's \"Spelling Book\" (with\nwhich I have carefully compared it), it also includes a number of other\nwords, and the whole is arranged in accurate alphabetical order.\n\nMr. Dencke also prepared a grammar of the Delaware, as I am informed\nby his old personal friend, Rev. F. R. Holland, of Hope, Indiana; but\nthe most persistent inquiry through residents at Salem, N. C., where\nhe died in 1839, and at the Missionary Archives at Bethlehem, Pa.,\nand Moraviantown, Canada, have failed to furnish me a clue to its\nwhereabouts. I fear that this precious document was \"sold as paper\nstock,\" as I am informed were most of the MSS. which he left at his\ndecease! A sad instance of the total absence of intelligent interest in\nsuch subjects in our country.\n\nThe Rev. Abraham Luckenbach may be called the last of the Moravian\nLenapists. With him, in 1854, died out the traditions of native\nphilology. Born in 1777, in Lehigh county, Pennsylvania, he became\na missionary among the Indians in 1800, and until his retirement,\nforty-three years later, was a zealous pastor to his flock on the White\nriver, Indiana, and later, on the Canada Reservation. His published\nwork is entitled \"Forty-six Select Scripture Narratives from the Old\nTestament, embellished with Engravings, for the Use of Indian Youth.\nTranslated into Delaware Indian, by A. Luckenbach. New York. Printed\nby Daniel Fanshaw, 1838.\" 8vo, pp. xvi, 304.\n\nAfter his retirement in Bethlehem, he edited, in 1847, the second\nedition of Zeisberger's \"Collection of Hymns,\" the first of which has\nalready been mentioned.\n\nA short MS. vocabulary, in German and Delaware, is in the possession of\nhis family, in Bethlehem, and some loose papers in the language.\n\nOne of the most recent students of the Delaware was Mr. Matthew G.\nHenry, of Philadelphia. In 1859 and 1860 he compiled, with no little\nlabor, a \"Delaware Indian Dictionary,\" the MS. of which, in the library\nof the American Philosophical Society, forms a thick quarto volume of\n843 pages, with a number of maps. It is in three parts; 1, English and\nDelaware; 2, Delaware and English; 3, Delaware Proper Names and their\nTranslations.\n\nIt includes, without analysis or correction, the words in Zeisberger's\n\"Spelling Book,\" Roger William's \"Key,\" Companius' Vocabulary, those in\nSmith's and Strachey's \"Virginia\" and various Nanticoke, Mohegan, Minsi\nand other vocabularies. The derivations of the proper names are chiefly\nfrom Heckewelder, and in other cases are venturesome. The compilation,\ntherefore, while often useful, lacks the salutary check of a critical,\ngrammatical erudition, and in its present form is of limited value.\n\nSome of the later vocabularies collected by various travelers offer\npoints for comparison, and may be mentioned here.\n\nIn 1786 Major Denny[154] at Fort McIntosh, Ohio, collected a number of\nDelaware words, principally from Shawnee Indians. A comparison shows\nmany of them to be in a corrupt form, owing either to the ignorance of\nthe Shawnee authority, or to the inaccuracy of Major Denny in catching\nthe sounds.\n\nWhile engaged on the Pacific Railroad survey, in 1853, Lieut.\nWhipple[155] collected a vocabulary of a little over 200 words from\na Delaware chief, named Black Beaver, in the Indian Territory, which\nwas edited, in 1856, by Prof. Turner. It is evidently a pure specimen,\nand, as the editor observes, \"agrees remarkably\" with earlier authentic\nvocabularies.\n\nIn the second volume of Schoolcraft's large work[156] is a vocabulary\nof about 350 words, obtained by Mr. Cummings, U. S. Indian Agent. The\nprecise source, date and locality are not given, but it is evidently\nfrom some trustworthy native, and is quite correct.\n\nSome small works for the schools of the Baptist missions among the\nDelawares in Kansas were prepared by the Rev. J. Meeker. They appear to\nbe entirely elementary in character.\n\nIt will be observed that in this list not a single native writer is\nnamed. So far as I have ascertained, though many learned to write their\nnative tongue, not one attempted any composition in it beyond the needs\nof daily life.\n\nTo make some amends for this, and as I wished to obtain an example of\nthe Lenape of to-day, I asked Chief Gottlieb Tobias, an educated native\non the Moravian Reservation in Canada, to give me in writing his\nopinion of the Delaware text of the WALUM OLUM, which I had sent him.\nThis he obligingly did, and added a translation of his letter. The two\nare as follows, without alteration:--\n\n                              MORAVIANTOWN, Sept. 26, 1884.\n\n   I, GOTTLIEB TOBIAS,\n\n    Nanne ni ngutschi nachguttemin, jun awen eet ma elekhigetup.\n   Woak alende nenostamen woak alende taku eli wtallichsin\n   elewondasik wiwonalatokowo pachsi wonamii lichsu woak pachsi\n   pilli lichsoagan. Taku ni nenostamowin. Lamoe nemochomsinga\n   achpami eet newinachke woak chash tichi kachtin nbibindameneb\n   nin lichsoagan. Mauchso lenno woak mauchso chauchshissis woak\n   juque mauchso chauchshissis achpo pomauchsu igabtshi lue\n   wiwonallatokowo won bambil alachshe. Woak lue lamoe ni enda.\n   Mimensiane ntelsitam alowi ayachichson won elhagewit woak ehelop\n   ne likhiqui. Gichgi wonami lichso shuk tatcamse woak gichgi\n   minsiwi lichso.\n\n   TRANSLATION.\n\n    Then I will try to answer this (which) some one at some time\n   wrote. And some I understand, and some not, because his language\n   is called Wonalatoko, half Unami and half another language. I\n   do not understand it. Long ago my grandfather about 48 years\n   ago I heard it that language. One man and one old woman and\n   now another old woman here lives yet who uses this Wonalatoko\n   language just like this book and she said, I of old time when\n   I was a child heard more difficult dialect than the present,\n   and many at that time partly Unami he speak, but sometimes also\n   partly Minsi he speak.\n\nThe drift of Chief Tobias' letter is highly important to this\npresent work, though his expressions are not couched in the most\nperfect English. It will be noted that he recognizes the text of the\nWALUM OLUM to be a native production composed in one of the ancient\nsouthern dialects of the tongue, the Unami (Wonami) or the Unalachtgo\n(Wonalatoko). I shall recur to this when discussing the authenticity of\nthat document on a later page.\n\n\n\u00a7 2. _General Remarks on the Lenape._\n\nThe Lenape language is a well-defined and quite pure member of the\ngreat Algonkin stock, revealing markedly the linguistic traits of this\ngroup, and standing philologically, as well as geographically, between\nthe Micmac of the extreme east and the Chipeway of the far West.\n\nThese linguistic traits, common to the whole stock, I may briefly\nenumerate as follows:--\n\n1. All words are derived from simple, monosyllabic roots, by means of\naffixes and suffixes.\n\n2. The words do not come within the grammatical categories of the Aryan\nlanguage, as nouns, adjectives, verbs and other \"parts of speech,\"\nbut are \"indifferent themes,\" which may be used at will as one or the\nother. To this there appear to be a few exceptions.\n\n3. Expressions of being (_i.e._, nominal themes) undergo modifications\ndepending on the ontological conception as to whether the thing spoken\nof is a living or a lifeless object. This forms the \"animate and\ninanimate,\" or the \"noble and ignoble\" declensions and conjugations.\nThe distinction is not strictly logical, but largely grammatical, many\nlifeless objects being considered living, and the reverse. This is\nthe only modification of the kind known, true grammatical gender not\nappearing in any of these tongues.\n\n4. Expressions of action (_i. e._, verbal themes) undergo modifications\ndepending on the abstract assumption as to whether the action is real\nor conjectural. If the latter, it is indicated by a change in the vowel\nof the root. This leads to a fundamental division of verbal modes into\n_positive_ and _suppositive_ modes.\n\n5. The expression of action is subordinate to that of being, so that\nthe verbal elements of a proposition are secondary to the nominal or\npronominal elements, and the subjective relation becomes closely akin\nto, or identical with, that of possession.[157]\n\n6. The conception of number is feebly developed in its application\nto inanimate objects, which often have no grammatical plurals. The\ninclusive and exclusive plurals are used in the first person.\n\n7. The genius of the language is _holophrastic_--that is, its effort is\nto express the relationship of several ideas by combining them in one\nword. This is displayed: 1, in nominal themes, by _polysynthesis_, by\nwhich several such themes are welded into one, according to fixed laws\nof elision and euphony; and 2, by _incorporation_, where the object (or\na pronoun representing it) and the subject are united with the verb,\nforming the so-called \"transitions,\" or \"objective conjugations.\"\n\n8. There is no relative pronoun, so that the relation of minor to major\nclauses is left to be indicated either by position or the offices of a\nsimple connective.\n\n9. The language of both sexes is identical, those differences of speech\nbetween the males and females, so frequently observed in other American\ntongues, finding no place in the Algonkin.\n\n10. No independent verb-substantive is found, and, as might be\nanticipated, no means of predicating existence apart from quality and\nattribute.\n\n\n\u00a7 3. _Dialects of the Lenape._\n\nTwo slightly different dialects prevailed among the Delawares\nthemselves, the one spoken by the Unami and Unalachtgo, the other by\nthe Minsi. The former is stated by the Moravian missionaries to have\nhad an uncommonly soft and pleasant sound to the ear[158], and William\nPenn made the same remark. It was also considered to be the purer and\nmore elegant dialect, and was preferred by the missionaries as the\nvehicle for their translations.\n\nThe Minsi was harsher and more difficult to learn, but would seem to\nhave been the more archaic branch, as it is stated to be a key to the\nother, and to preserve many words in their integrity and original form,\nwhich in the Unami were abbreviated or altogether dropped. The Minsi\ndialect was closely akin to the Mohegan.\n\nHow far the separation of the Delaware dialects had extended may be\njudged from the subjoined list of words. They are selected, as showing\nthe greatest variation, from a list of over one hundred, prepared by\nMr. Heckewelder for the American Philosophical Society, and preserved\nin MS. in its library.\n\nThe comparison proves that the differences are far from extensive, and\nchiefly result from a greater use of gutturals.\n\n  COMPARISON OF THE UNAMI AND MINSI DIALECTS.\n\n               _Unami_.        _Minsi_.\n   God         Patamawos       Pachtamawos\n   Earth       hacki           achgi\n   Valley      pasaeck         pachsajech\n   Beard       wuttoney        wuchtoney\n   Tooth       wipit           wichpit\n   Blood       mocum           mochcum\n   Night       ipocu           ipochcu\n   Pretty      schiki          pschickki\n   Small       tangeto         tschankschisu\n   Stone       assinn          achsun\n   The Sea     kithanne        gichthanne\n   Light       woacheu         woashe\u00b4jeek\n   Black       s\u00fcksit          neesachgissit\n   Chief       saki\u00b4ma         wajauwe\n   Green       asgask          asgasku\n   No, not     matta           machta\n\n\nWhat differences there were have been retained and perhaps accentuated\nin modern times, if we may judge from the names of consanguinity\nobtained by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan on the Kansas Reservation in 1860.\nThese are given in part in the annexed table, and the Mohegan is added\nfor the sake of extending the comparison.\n\n                       _Delaware._      _Minsi._         _Mohegan._\n\n  My grandfather       no moh\u00f3mus       na m\u0101homis\u00b4      nuh m\u0101home\u00b4\n  My grandmother       noo home\u00b4        na n\u00f3home        no ome\u00b4\n  My father            noh\u00b4h            na no\u00b4uh         noh\n  My mother            ug\u0101\u00b4hase         nain guk\u00b4        n'guk\n  My son               n'kweese\u00b4        nain gwase\u00b4      n'diome\u00b4\n  My daughter          n\u00b4d\u0101nuss         nain d\u0101ness\u00b4     ne chune\u00b4\n  My grandchild        noh whese\u00b4       nain no whas\u00e9    n\u0101 hise\u00b4\n  My elder brother     nah h\u0101ns         nain n\u00b4hans      n t\u0101 kun\u00b4\n  My elder sister      na mese\u00b4         nain nawes\u00e9      n\u0101 mees\n  My younger brother   nah eese umiss   nain hisesamus\u00b4  nhisum\n\nA noteworthy difference in the Northern and Southern Lenape dialects\nwas that the latter possessed the three phonetic elements _n_, _l_ and\n_r_, while the former could not pronounce the _r_, and their neighbors,\nthe Mohegans, neither the _l_ nor the _r_.\n\nThe dialect studied by Campanius and Penn, and that in southern New\nJersey presented the _r_ sound where the Upper Unami and Minsi had the\n_l_. Thus Campanius gives _rhenus_, for _lenno_, man; and Penn _oret_,\nfor the Unami _wulit_, good.\n\nThe dialectic substitution of one of these elements for another is a\nwidespread characteristic of Algonkin phonology. Roger Williams early\ncalled attention to it among the tribes of New England.[159]\n\nTracing it to its origin, it clearly arises from the use of\n\"alternating consonants,\" so extensive in American languages. In very\nmany of them it is optional with the speaker to employ any one of\nseveral sounds of the same class. This is the case with these letters\nin Cree, which, for various reasons, may be considered the most archaic\nof all the Algonkin dialects. In its phonetics, the _th_, _y_, _l_, _n_\nand _r_ are \"permuting\" or \"alternating\" letters.[160]\n\nOften, too, the sound falls between these letters, so that the foreign\near is left in doubt which to write.\n\nThat this is the case with the Delaware is evident from some of the\nmore recent vocabularies where the _r_ is not infrequent. The following\nwords, from the vocabulary in Major Denny's _Memoir_, illustrate this:--\n\n  Stone      _seegriana_\n  Buffalo    _serelea_\n  Beaver     _thomagru_\n  Above      _hoqrunog_, etc.\n\nEven Mr. Lewis A. Morgan, who had considerable practice in writing the\nsounds of the Indian languages, inserts the _r_ in a number of pure\nDelaware words he collected in Kansas.[161]\n\nAnother difficulty presents itself in the sibilants. They are not\nalways distinguished.\n\nMr. Horatio Hale writes me on this point: \"In Minsi, and perhaps in all\nthe Lenape dialects, the sound written _s_ is intermediate between _s_\nand _th_ (the Greek _\u0398_). This element is pronounced by placing the\ntongue and teeth in the position of the theta, and then endeavoring to\nutter _s_\".\n\nThe guttural, represented in the Moravian vocabularies by _ch_, was\nsoftened by the English likewise to the _s_ sound, as it appears also\nto have been by the New Jersey tribes.[162]\n\nIn connection with dialectic variation, the interesting question arises\nas to the rapidity of change in language. With regard to the Lenape\nwe are enabled to compare this for a period covering more than two\ncenturies. To test it, I have arranged the subjoined table of words\nculled from three writers at about equidistant points in this period.\nEach wrote in the orthography of his own tongue, and this I have not\naltered. The words from Campanius are from the southern dialect, which\npreferred the _r_ to the _l_, and this substitution should be allowed\nfor in a fair comparison.\n\n  COMPARISON OF THE DELAWARE AT INTERVALS DURING 210 YEARS.\n\n          _Campanius._      _Zeisberger_      _Whipple._\n             1645.             1778.            1855.\n            Swedish           German          English\n          Orthography.     Orthography.     Orthography.\n\n  Man        rhenus          lenno            lenno\n  Woman      \u00e2quaeo          ochque           h'que'i\n  Father     n\u03c9k             nooch (my)       nuuh\n  Mother     kahaess         gahowes          gaiez\n  Head       kwijl           wil              wil\n  Hair       mijrack         milach           milakh\n  Ear        hittaock        w'hittawak (pl.) howitow\n  Eye        schinck         w'ushgink        tukque\u00b4ling\n  Nose       wik\u00fcwan         w'ikiwan         ouiki\u00b4o\n  Mouth      t\u03c9n             w'doon           ouitun\n  Tongue     hijrano         w'ilano          ouilano\n  Tooth      wippit          w'epit           ouipita\n  Hand       al\u00e6nskan        w'anach          puck-alenge\n  Foot       zijt            sit              zit\n  Heart      chitto, kitte   ktee (thy)       hut\u00e9\n  House      wick\u03c9men        wiquoam          ouigwam\n  Pipe       hopockan        hopenican        haboca\n  Sun        chisogh         gischuch         kishu'h\n  Star       aranck          alank            alanq'\n  Fire       taenda          tindey           tundaih\n  Water      bij             mbi              bih\n  Snow       kuun            guhn             ku\u00b4no\n\n              COMPARISON OF DELAWARE NUMERALS.\n\n    _Campanius._   _Thomas._  _Zeisberger._  _Whipple._\n        1645.        1695.        1750.         1855.\n\n   1  Ci\u00fatte       Kooty        Ngutti        Co\u00b4te\n   2  Nissa        Nisha        Nischa        Ni\u00b4sha\n   3  N\u00e1ha         Natcha       Nacha         Naha\u00b4\n   4  N\u00e6vvo        Neo          Newo          Ne\u00b4ewah\n   5  Pareenach    Pelenach     Palenach      Pahle\u00b4nah'k\n   6  Ciuttas      Kootash      Guttasch      Cot\u00b4tasch\n   7  Nissas       Nishash      Nischasch     Ni\u00b4shasch\n   8  Haas         Choesh       Chasch        Hasch\n   9  Paeschum     Peshonk      Peschkonk     Pes\u00b4co\n  10  Th\u00e6ren       Telen        Tellen        Te\u00b4len\n\n\nI have no doubt that if a Swede, a German and an Englishman were\nto-day to take down these words from the mouth of a Delaware Indian,\neach writing them in the orthography of his own tongue, the variations\nwould be as numerous as in the above list, except, perhaps, the ancient\nand now disused _r_ sound. The comparison goes to show that there has\nprobably been but a very slight change in the Delaware, in spite of the\nmany migrations and disturbances they have undergone. They speak the\nlanguage of their forefathers as closely as do the English, although\nno written documents have aided them in keeping it alive. This is but\nanother proof added to an already long list, showing that the belief\nthat American languages undergo rapid changes is an error.\n\nThe dialect which the Moravian missionaries learned, and in which\nthey composed their works, was that of the Lehigh Valley. That it\nwas not an impure Minsi mixed with Mohegan, as Dr. Trumbull seems to\nthink[163], is evident from the direct statements of the missionaries\nthemselves, as well as from Heckewelder's Minsi vocabularies, which\nshow many points of divergence from the printed books. Moreover, among\nthe first converts from the Delaware nation were members of the Unami\nor Turtle tribe, and Zeisberger was brought into immediate contact with\nthem[164]. We may fairly consider it to have been the upper or inland\nUnami, which, as I have said, was recognized by the nation as the\npurest, or at least the most polished dialect of their tongue. It stood\nmidway between the Unalachtgo and Southern Unami and the true Minsi.\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[151] _Transactions of the American Philological Association_, 1872, p.\n158.\n\n[152] Penn, Letter to the Free Society of Traders, 1683, Sec. xii.\n\n[153] On the literary works of Zeisberger, see Rev. E. de Schweinitz,\n_Life of Zeisberger_, chap, xlviii, who gives a full account of all the\nprinted works, but does not describe the MSS.\n\n[154] Major Ebenezer Denny's \"Journal\" in _Memoirs of the Hist. Soc. of\nPenna_., Vol. VII, pp. 481-86.\n\n[155] _Report upon the Indian Tribes_, by Whipple, Ewbank and Turner,\np. 56 (Washington, 1855).\n\n[156] _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_, Vol. II, p. 470.\n\n[157] I am aware that in this proposition I am following the German\nand French linguists, Steinthal, F. M\u00fcller, Adam, Henry, etc., and\nnot our own distinguished authority on Algonkin grammar, Dr J Hammond\nTrumbull, who, in his essay \"On the Algonkin Verb,\" has learnedly\nmaintained another opinion (_Transactions of the American Philological\nAssociation_, 1876, p. 146). I have not been able, however, to convince\nmyself that his position is correct. The formative elements of the\nAlgonkin paradigms appear to me simply attached particles, and not true\ninflections Their real character is obscured by phonetic laws, just as\nin the Finnish when compared with the Hungarian.\n\n[158] \"Ungemein wohlkhngend.\" Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p.\n24. An early traveler of English nationality pronounced it \"sweet, of\nnoble sound and accent.\" Gabriel Thomas, _Hist. and Geog. Account of\nPensilvania and West New Jersey_, p. 47 (London, 1698).\n\n[159] _Key into the Language of North America_, p. 129. See, also, Mr.\nBickering's remarks on the same subject, in his Appendix to Rasles'\n_Dictionary of the Abnaki_.\n\n[160] Howse, _Grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 316.\n\n[161] See his _Ancient Society_, pp. 172-73.\n\n[162] The native name of William Penn offers an instance of this\nphonetic alteration. It is given as _Onas_. The proper form is\n_Wonach_. It literally means the tip or extremity of anything; as\n_wonach-sitall_, the tips of the toes; _wonach-gulinschall_, the tips\nof the fingers. The inanimate plural form _wolanniall_, means the\ntail feathers of a bird. To explain the name _Penn_ to the Indians a\nfeather was shown them, probably a quill pen, and hence they gave the\ntranslation _Wonach_, corrupted into _Onas_.\n\n[163] _Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc._, 1872, p. 157.\n\n[164] De Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 131.\n\n\n\u00a7 4. _Special Structure of the Lenape._\n\n_The Root and the Formation of the Theme._--As they appear in the\nlanguage of to-day, the Lenape radicals are chiefly monosyllables,\nwhich undergo more or less modifications in composition. They\ncannot be used alone, the tongue having long since passed from that\ninterjectional condition where each of these roots conveyed a whole\nsentence in itself.\n\nWhether they can be resolved back into a few elementary sounds,\nprimitive elements of speech, I shall not discuss. This has been done\nfor the Cree roots by Mr. Joseph Howse[165], and most of the radicals\nof that tongue are identical with those of the Lenape. Some of his\nconclusions appear to me hazardous and hypothetical; and certainly many\nof his supposed analogies drawn from European tongues are extravagant.\n\nAs in other idioms, so in Lenape, two or more radicals may be\ncompounded to form a combination, which, in turn, performs the offices\nof a radical in the construction of themes.\n\nThis combination is formed either by prefixes or suffixes. The prefixes\nare generally adjectival in signification, while the suffixes are\nusually classificatory. A number of these are secondary roots, which\nare themselves capable of further analysis.\n\nAs so much of the strength of the languages depends on this plan of\nword building, I have drawn off a list of a few of the more frequent\naffixes of the Lenape, with their signification:--\n\n              _Lenape Prefixes._\n\n  _awoss-_,     beyond, the other side of.\n  _eluwi-_,     most, a superlative form.\n  _gisch-_,     see page 102.\n  _kit-_,       great, large.\n  _lappi-_,     again, indicates repetition.\n  _lenno-_,     male, man.\n  _lippoe-_,    wise, shrewd; as _lippoeweno_, a shrewd man.\n  _mach-_,      evil, bad, hurt.\n  _matt-_,      negative and depreciatory;\n                           as _mattaptonen_, to speak uncivilly.\n  _ni-_,        see page 101.\n  _ochque-_,    she, female.\n  _pach-_,      division, separation; _pachican_, a knife;\n                                           _pachat_, to split.\n  _pal-_,       negative, as dis- or in-,\n                           from _palli_ otherwheres.\n  _tach-_,      pairs or doubles.\n  _tschitsch-_, indicates repetition.\n  _wit-_,       with or in common.\n  _wul-_,\n    or _wel-_,  see page 104.\n\nMany of these are abbreviated to the extent that a single significant\nletter is all that remains, as _min_ in _msim_, hickory nut; _pakihm_,\ncranberry; and so _acki_ to _k_, _hanne_ to _an_, as _kitanink_\n(Kittanning), from _gitschi_, great; _hanne_, flowing river; _ink_,\nlocative, \"at the place of the great river.\"\n\n                         _Lenape Suffixes._\n\n  _-ak_,        wood, from _tachan_;\n                                _kuwenchak_, pine wood.\n  _-aki_,       place, land.\n  _-ammen_,     acceptance, adoption; _wulistamen_,\n                       I accept it as good, I believe it. See page 104.\n  _-ape_,       male, man. From a root _ap_, to cover\n                    (carnally). In Chipeway applied only to\n                    lower animals.\n  _-atton_,\n   or _hatton_, to have, to put somewhere. The radical is\n                     _\u00e3t_.  Also a prefix, as, _hattape_,\n                                 the bow; lit., what the man has.\n  _-bi_,        tree; _machtschibi_, papaw tree.\n  _-chum_,      a quadruped.\n  _-elendam_,   a verbal termination, signifying a disposition\n                          of mind. The root is _en, ne, ni_,\n                          I; \"it is to me so.\"\n  _-goot_,      a snake; from _achgook_, a serpent.\n  _-hanna_,     properly _hannek_, a river; from the root,\n                        which appears in Cree as _anask_, to\n                        stretch out along the ground; _mechhannek_,\n                        a large stream.\n\n   Heckewelder derives this from _amkamme_, a river. The terminal\n   _k_ is, however, part of the root, and not the locative\n   termination. The word is allied to Del. _quenek_, long.\n\n  _-hikan_,     tidal water; _kittahikan_, the ocean;\n                                  _shajahikan_, the sea shore.\n  _-hilleu_,    it is so, it is true; impersonal form from _lissin_.\n  _-hittuck_,   river, water in motion.\n  _-igan_,      instrumental; also _shican_ and _can_.\n                            A participial termination used with\n                            inanimate objects.\n  _-in_\n    or _ini_,   of the kind; like; predicative form of the\n                                        demonstrative pronoun.\n  _-ink_\n    or _unk_,   place where.\n  _-is_\n    or _-it_,   diminutive termination.\n  _-leu_,       it is so, it is true.\n  _-meek_,      a fish; _maschilamek_, a trout.\n  _-min_,       a fruit.\n  _-peek_,      a body of still water; _menuppek_, a lake.\n  _-sacunk_,    an outlet of a stream into another;\n                                    also _saquik_.\n  _-sipu_,      stream; lit., stretched, extended.\n  _-tin_,       with, or in common.\n  _-tit_,       diminutive termination; _amentit_, a babe.\n  _-wagan_,     abstract verbal termination; _machelemuxowagan_,\n                                                   the being honored.\n  _-wehelleu_,  a bird.\n  _-wi_,        the verb-substantive termination, predicating\n                           being; _tehek_, cold; _tehekwi_,\n                           he or it is cold.\n  _-wi_,        negative termination in certain verbal forms.\n  _-xit_,       indicates the passive recipient of the action;\n                          _machelemuxit_, the one who is honored.\n\nThe analysis of a series of derivatives from the same root offers a\nmost instructive subject for investigation in the Lenape. Not only\ndoes it reveal the linguistic processes adapted, but it discloses the\npsychology of the native mind, and teaches us the associations of its\nideas, and the range of its imaginative powers. By no other avenue can\nwe gain access to the intimate thought-life of this people. Here it is\nunfolded to us by evidence which is irrefragable.\n\nThese considerations lead me to present a few examples of the\nderivatives from roots of different classes.\n\n          EXAMPLES OF LENAPE DERIVATIVES.\n\n  _Subjective Root_ NI, _I, mine_.\n\n   1. In a good sense.\n     _Nihilleu_, it is I, _or_, mine.\n     _Nihillatschi_, self, oneself.\n     _Nihillapewi_, free (_ape_, man = I am my own man).\n     _Nihillapewit_, a freeman.\n     _Nihillasowagan_, freedom, liberty.\n     _Nihillapeuhen_, to make free, to redeem.\n     _Nihillapeuhoalid_, the Redeemer, the Saviour.\n\n   2. In a bad sense.\n     _Ni\u00b4hillan_, he is mine to beat, I beat him.\n     _Nihil\u00b4lan_, I beat him to death, I kill him.\n     _Nihillowen_, I put him to death, I murder him.\n     _Nihillowet_, a murderer.\n     _Nihillowewi_, murderous.\n\n   3. In a demonstrative sense.\n     _Ne_, pl. _nek_, or _nell_, this, that, the.\n     _Nall, nan, nanne, nanni_, this one, that one.\n     _Nill_, these.\n     _Naninga_, those gone, with reference to the dead.\n\n   4. In a possessive sense.\n     _Nitaton_, in-my-having, I can, I am able, I know how.\n     _Nitaus_, of-my-family, sister-in-law.\n     _Nitis_, of-mine, a friend, a companion.\n     _Nitsch!_ my child! exclamation of fondness.\n\nThe strangely conflicting ideas evolved from this root already\nattracted the attention of Mr. Duponceau[166]. That the notions for\nfreedom and servitude, murderer and Saviour, should be expressed\nby modifications of the same radical is indeed striking! But the\npsychological process through which it came about is evident on\nstudying the above arrangement.\n\n_Objective-intensive root_ GISCH _or_ KICH (_Cree_, KIS or KIK).\n\n    Signification--successful action.\n\n  1. Applied to persons.\n\n    A. Initial successful action.\n      _Gischigin_, to begin life, to be born.\n      _Gischihan_, to form, to make with the hands.\n      _Gischiton_, to make ready, to prepare.\n      _Gischeleman_, to create with the mind, to fancy.\n      _Gischelendam_, to meditate a plan, to lie.\n\n    B. Continuous successful action.\n      _Gischikenamen_, to increase, to produce fruit.\n      _Giken_, to grow better in health.\n      _Gikeowagan_, life, health.\n      _Gikey_, long-living, old, aged,\n\n    C. Final successful action.\n      _Gischatten_, finished, ready, done, cooked.\n      _Gischiton_, to make ready, to finish.\n      _Gischpuen_, to have eaten enough.\n      _Gischileu_, it has proved true.\n      _Gischatschimolsin_, to have resolved, to have decreed.\n      _Gischachpoanhe_, baked, cooked (the bread is).\n\n  2. Applied to things.\n\n    A. Initial successful action.\n      _Gischuch_, sun, moon, day, month. The idea appears\n             to be the beginning of a period of time with the\n             collateral notion of prosperous activity. The\n             correctness of the derivation is shown by the next word.\n      _Gischapan_, day-break, beginning day-light.\n                        From _wapan_, the east, or light.\n      _Gischuchwipall_, the rays of the sun.\n      _Gischcu_, or _Gisckquik_, day.\n\n    B. Continuous successful action.\n      _Gischten_, clear, light, shining.\n      _Gischachsummen_, to shine, to enlighten.\n      _Gischuten_, warm, tepid.\n\nNumerous other derivatives could be added, but the above are sufficient\nto show the direction of thoughts flowing from this root. Howse\nconsiders it identical with the root _kitch_, great, large[167]. This\nwould greatly increase its derivatives. They certainly appear allied.\nIn Cree, Lacombe gives _kitchi_, great, and _kije_, finished, perfect,\nboth being terms applied to divinity[168].\n\n                            {L}\n  _General Algonkin root_ 8 {N} I. _Abnaki_, 8RI; _Micmac_, 8E\u00b4LI,\n                            {R}\n\n    _Chippeway_, GWAN-; _Del., two forms_, WUL _and_ WIN.\n       _It conveys the idea of pleasurable sensation._\n\n    A. First form, _wul_.\n      _Wulit_, well, good, handsome, fine.\n      _Wullihilleu_, it is good, etc.\n      _Wuliken_, it grows well.\n      _Wulamoe_, he truth-speaks.\n      _Wulamoewagan_, truth.\n      _Wulistamen_, to believe, to accept as truth.\n      _Wulenensin_, to be fine in appearance, to dress.\n      _Wulenensen_, to be fine to oneself, to be proud.\n\n    B. Second form, _won_ or _win_.\n      _Winu_, ripe, good to eat.\n      _Wonita_, he is ripe for it, he can, he is able.\n      _Wingan_, sweet, savory.\n      _Winktek_, done, boiled, fit to eat.\n      _Winak_, sassafras. From its sweet leaves.\n      _Wingi_, gladly, willingly.\n      _Winginamen_, to delight in.\n\nThe figure 8 in the above represents the \"whistled _w_,\" like the _wh_\nin \"which,\" when strongly pronounced.\n\nFrom this root, as I have already said, is derived also the word WALAM,\nred paint, from the sense \"to be fine in appearance, to dress,\" as the\nIndian accomplished that object by painting himself.\n\n\n_Grammatical Structure of the Lenape._\n\nIt would not be worth while for me to enter into the intricacies of\nLenape grammar, particularly as I can add little to what is already\nknown.\n\nThe Delaware Grammar of Zeisberger remains our only authority, and\nin spite of its manifest shortcomings and state of incompletion, the\nunprejudiced student must acknowledge, with Albert Gallatin[169], that\nit is \"most honestly done,\" and showed the Delaware as it actually was\nspoken, though perhaps not as scientific linguists think it ought to\nhave been spoken.\n\nA few general observations will be sufficient.\n\nAs in other languages of the class, the theme is indifferently nominal,\nverbal or adjectival; that is, it performs the functions of either of\nthese grammatical categories, according to its connection.\n\nNominal themes are either animate or inanimate. The characteristic of\nall animate plurals is _k_ (_ak_, _ik_, _ek_). Inanimate plurals are\nin _al_, _wall_ or _a_. As usual, the distinction between animate and\ninanimate nouns is partly logical, partly grammatical, various objects\nbeing conceived as animate which are in fact not so.\n\nThe possessive relation is generally indicated by placement alone, the\npossessor preceding the thing possessed, as _lenno quisall_, the man's\nson; but one could also say _lenno w'quisall_, the man his son.\n\nAdjectives precede nouns, and when used attributively assume a verbal\nform by adding the termination _wi_, which indicates objective\nexistence (like the Chip. _-win_). Thus, _scattek_, burning; _scattewi\nw'dehin_, a burning-heart--literally, it-is-a-burning-thing his-heart.\n\nThe degrees of comparison are formed by prefixing _allowiwi_, more,\nand _eluwi_, most. Both of these are from the same radical _ala_\nwhich may perhaps come from the _admirationis particula_, _ala'_\n(Abnaki, _ara'_) found in the northern dialects as expressive of\nastonishment[170].\n\nThere being no relative pronoun in Delaware, dependent clauses are\neither included in the verbal of the major clause, or include it as a\nsecondary.\n\nThe scheme of the simple sentence is usually subject-verb-object; but\nemphasis allows departures from this, as in the following sentence from\nBishop Ettwein's MSS.:--\n\n  _Jesus  wemi amemensall   w'taholawak._\n\n     Jesus  all   children     he-loved-them.\n\nOf the formal affixes, the inseparable pronouns are the most prominent.\nThey are the same for nouns and verbs, and are--\n\n  1st. _n_, I, my, we, our.\n  2d.  _k_, thou, thy, you, your.\n  3d.  _w_ or _o_, he, she, it, his, their.\n\n\nPast time is indicated by the terminal _p_, with a connective vowel,\nand future time by _tsch_, which may be either a prefix or suffix, as--\n\n    _N'dellsin_,     I am thus.\n    _N'dellsineep_,  I was thus.\n    _N'dellsintschi_,   }\n  or                    }  I shall be thus.\n    _Nantsch n'dellsin_,}\n\nThe change or \"flattening\" of the vowel of the root in suppositive\npropositions, was recognized as a fact of speech, but not grammatically\nanalyzed by Zeisberger.\n\nIts effect on verbal forms may be seen from the following examples from\nhis _Grammar_:--\n\n           _Examples of Vowel Change in Lenape._\n\n  _N'dappin_, I am there.           _Achpiya_, if I am there.\n                                         _Epia_, where I am.\n  _N'dellsin_, I am so.             _Lissiye_, if I am so.\n  _N'gauwi_, I sleep.               _Gewi_, he who sleeps.\n  _N'pommauchsi_, I walk or live.   _Pemauchsit_, living.\n  _N'da_, I go.                     _Eyaya_, when I go.\n                                         _Eyat_, going.\n\nAnother omission in his Grammar is that of the \"obviative\" and\n\"super-obviative\" forms of nouns. These are used in the Algonkin\ndialects to define the relations of third persons. They prevent such\nobscurity as appears in the following English sentence: \"John's brother\ncalled at Robert's, to see his wife.\" Whose wife is referred to is left\nambiguous; but in Algonkin these third persons would have different\nforms, and there would be no room for ambiguity. In his writings in\nLenape, Zeisberger makes use of obviatives, with the terminations _al_\nand _l_, but does not treat of them in his Grammar.\n\nAs a question in philosophical grammar, it may be doubted whether the\nLenape has any true passive voice. Cardinal Mezzofanti was accustomed\nto deny the presence of any real passives in American languages; and he\nhad studied the Delaware among others.\n\nThe sign of the Delaware passive is the suffix _gussu_ or _cusso_. In\nthe Cree dialect, which, as I have already said, preserves the ancient\nforms most closely, this is _k-ussu_, and is a particle expressing\nlikeness or similarity in animate objects[171]. Hence, probably, the\noriginal sense of the Lenape word translated, \"I am loved,\" is \"I am\nlike the object of the action of loving.\"\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[165] _A Grammar of the Cree Language, with which is combined an\nAnalysis of the Chippeway Dialect_, by Joseph Howse, Esq. (London,\n1844).\n\n[166] In a note to Zeisberger's _Grammar of the Delaware_, p. 141.\n\n[167] _A Grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 175.\n\n[168] _Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris_, sub voce.\n\n[169] In _Trans. Amer. Antiq. Society_, Vol. II, p. 223. Zeisberger's\nstatements were criticised by Joseph Howse, _Grammar of the Cree\nLanguage_, pp. 109, 310, 313. His strictures and those of the Abb\u00e9\nCuoq, in his _Etudes Philologiques sur Quelques Langues Sauvages_,\nChap. I, were collected and extended by Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in his\npaper on \"Some Mistaken Notions of Algonquin Grammar,\" _Trans. of the\nAmerican Philological Association_, 1874. There is a needless degree of\nseverity in both these last named productions.\n\n[170] Rasles, _Dictionary of the Abnaki_, p. 550. Dr. Trumbull\ncompares the Mass. _anue_, more than. _Trans. American Philological\nAssociation_, 1872, p. 168.\n\n[171] J. Howse: _Grammar of the Cree Language_, p. 111.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nHISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE LENAPE.\n\n\u00a7 1. The Lenape as \"Women\"\n\n\u00a7 2. Recent Migrations of the Lenape\n\n\u00a7 3. Missionary Efforts in the Provinces of Pennsylvania and New Jersey.\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _The Lenape as \"Women.\"_\n\nA unique peculiarity of the political condition of the Lenape was\nthat for a certain time they occupied a recognized position as\nnon-combatants--as \"women,\" as they were called by the Iroquois.\n\nIndian customs and phraseology attached a two-fold significance to this\nterm.\n\nThe more honorable was that of peace-makers. Among the Five Nations and\nSusquehannocks, certain grave matrons of the tribe had the right to sit\nin the councils, and, among other privileges, had that of proposing\na cessation of hostilities in time of war. A proposition from them\nto drop the war club could be entertained without compromising the\nreputation of the tribe for bravery. There was an official orator and\nmessenger, whose appointed duty it was to convey such a pacific message\nfrom the matrons, and to negotiate for peace[172].\n\nAnother and less honorable sense of the term arose from a custom\nprevalent throughout America, and known also among the ancient\nScythians. Its precise purpose remains obscure, although it has\nbeen made the subject of a careful study by one of our most eminent\nsurgeons, who had facilities of observation among the Western\ntribes[173]. Certain young men of the tribe, apparently vigorous and of\nnormal development, were deprived of the accoutrements of the male sex,\nclothed like women, and assigned women's work to do. They neither went\nout to hunt nor on the war-path, and were treated as inferiors by their\nmale associates. Whether this degradation arose from superstitious\nrites or sodomitic practices, it certainly carried to its victims the\ncontempt of both sexes.\n\nIn their account of the transaction the Delawares claimed that they\nwere appointed as peace-makers in an honorable manner, although the\nIroquois deceived them as to their object.\n\nThe Lenape account is as follows:--\n\n\"The Iroquois sent messengers to the Delawares with the following\nspeech:--\n\n\"'It is not well that all nations should war; for that will finally\nbring about the destruction of the Indians. We have thought of a means\nto prevent this before it is too late. Let one nation be The Woman. We\nwill place her in the middle, and the war nations shall be the Men and\ndwell around the Woman. No one shall harm the Woman; and if one does,\nwe shall speak to him and say, 'Why strikest thou the Woman?' Then all\nthe Men shall attack him who has struck the Woman. The Woman shall\nnot go to war, but shall do her best to keep the peace. When the Men\naround her fight one another, and the strife waxes hot, the Woman shall\nhave power to say: 'Ye Men! what do ye that ye thus strike one another?\nRemember that your wives and children must perish, if ye do not cease.\nWill ye perish from the face of the earth?' Then the Men shall listen\nto the Woman and obey her.'\n\n\"The Delawares did not at once perceive the aim of the Iroquois, and\nwere pleased to take this position of the Woman.\n\n\"Then the Iroquois made a great feast, and invited the Delawares, and\nspoke to their envoys an address in three parts.\n\n\"First, they declared the Delaware nation to be the Woman in these\nwords:--\n\n\"'We place upon you the long gown of a woman, and adorn you with\nearrings.'\n\n\"This was as much as to say that thenceforward they were not to bear\narms.\n\n\"The second sentence was in these words:--\n\n\"'We hang on your arm a calabash of oil and medicine. With the oil you\nshall cleanse the ears of other nations that they listen to good and\nnot to evil. The medicine you shall use for those nations who have been\nfoolish, that they may return to their senses, and turn their hearts to\npeace.'\n\n\"The third sentence intimated that the Delawares should make\nagriculture their chief occupation. It was:--\n\n\"'We give herewith into your hands a corn pestle and a hoe.'\n\n\"Each sentence was accompanied with a belt of wampum. These belts have\never since been carefully preserved and their meanings from time to\ntime recalled.\"[174]\n\nOpinions of historians about this tradition have been various. It has\ngenerally been considered a fabrication of the Delawares, to explain\ntheir subjection in a manner consoling to their national vanity.\nGen. Harrison dismisses it as impossible;[175] Albert Gallatin says,\n\"it is too incredible to require serious discussion;\"[176] Mr. Hale\ncharacterizes it as \"preposterous;\"[177] and Bishop de Schweinitz as\n\"fabulous and absurd\"[178].\n\nOn the other hand, it is vouched for by Zeisberger, who furnished the\naccount to Loskiel, and who would not have said that the wampum belts\nwith their meaning were still preserved unless he knew it to be a\nfact. It is repeated emphatically by Heckewelder, who adds that his\ninformants were not only Delawares but Mohegans as well, who could not\nhave shared the motive suggested above[179].\n\nThere can be no question but that the neutral position of the Delawares\nwas something different from that of a conquered nation, and that\nit meant a great deal more. They undoubtedly were the acknowledged\npeace-makers over a wide area, and this in consequence of some formal\nancient treaty. This is distinctly stated by the Stockbridge Indian,\nHendrick Aupaumut, in his curious Narrative:--[180]\n\n\"The Delawares, who we called _Wenaumeen_, are our Grandfathers,\naccording to the ancient covenant of their and our ancestors, to which\nwe adhere without any deviation in these near 200 years, to which\nnation the 5 nations and British have commit the whole business. For\nthis nation has the greatest influence with the southern, western and\nnorthern nations.\"\n\nHence Aupaumut undertook his embassy directly to them, so as to secure\ntheir influence for peace in 1791.\n\nTo the fact that they exerted this influence during the Revolutionary\nWar, may very plausibly be attributed the success of the Federal cause\nin the dark days of 1777 and 1778; for, as David Zeisberger wrote: \"If\nthe Delawares had taken part against the Americans in the present war,\nAmerica would have had terrible experiences; for the neutrality of\nthe Delawares kept all the many nations that are their grandchildren\nneutral also, except the Shawanese, who are no longer in close union\nwith their grandfathers.\"[181]\n\nWhen at the close of the French War, in 1758, the treaty of Easton\nput a stop to the bloody feuds of the border, \"the _peace-belt_ was\nsent to our brethren, the Delawares, that they might send it to all the\nnations living toward the setting sun,\"[182] and they carried it as the\nrecognized pacific envoys.\n\nThe Iroquois, however, assumed a most arrogant and contemptuous tone\ntoward the Delawares, about the middle of the eighteenth century. In\n1756 they sent a belt to them, with a most insulting message:[183] \"You\nwill remember that you are our women; our forefathers made you so, and\nput a petticoat on you, and charged you to be true to us, and lie with\nno other man; but now you have become a common bawd,\" etc.\n\nTwo years later, the Cayuga chief, John Hudson, said, at a council at\nBurlington,[184] \"The Munseys are women, and cannot make treaties for\nthemselves.\"\n\nThese were but repetitions of the famous diatribe of the Onondaga\nchieftain, Canassatego, at a council at Philadelphia, in 1742. Turning\nto the representatives of the Lenape, he broke out upon them with the\nwords:--\n\n\"How came you to take upon you to sell land? We conquered you. We made\nwomen of you. You know you are women, and can no more sell land than\nwomen. * * * We charge you to remove instantly. We don't give you the\nliberty to think about it. We assign you two places to go to, either\nWyoming or Shamokin. Don't deliberate, but remove away; and take this\nbelt of wampum.\"\n\nAnd as he handed the belt to the Lenape head chief he seized him by his\nlong hair and pushed him out of the door of the council room!\n\nIt was notorious at the time, however, that this was a scene arranged\nbetween the Governor of the Province, Mr. George Thomas, and the\nIroquois deputation. The Lenape had been grossly cheated out of their\nlands by the trick of the so-called \"Long Walk,\" in 1735, and they\nrefused to vacate their hunting grounds. The Governor sent secret\nmessengers to the powerful and dreaded Six Nations to exert their\npretended rights, and paid them well for it.[185]\n\nWhat could the Lenape do? They were feeble, and undoubtedly had been\nbrought under the authority of their warlike northern neighbors. They\nfound themselves in the position of the Persian chieftain Harmosar,\nas he stood before the caliph Omar, and heard the latter revile the\npatriot cause:\n\n  \"In deinen H\u00e4nden ist die Macht,\n  Wer einem Sieger widerspricht, der widerspricht mit Unbedacht.\"\n                                    --_Van Platen-Hallermunde_.\n\nSuch were the respective claims of the Lenape and Iroquois. Instead\nof discussing the antecedent probability of one or the other being\ntrue, I shall endeavor to ascertain from the early records the precise\nfacts about this curious transaction. It is certain that toward\nthe close of the sixteenth century the unending wars between the\nDelaware confederacy and the Iroquois had reduced the latter almost\nto destruction. The Jesuit missionaries tell us this.[186] The turning\npoint in their affairs was the settlement of the Dutch on the Hudson.\nQuick to appreciate the value of firearms, they bought guns and powder\nat any price, and soon had rendered themselves formidable to all their\nneighbors.[187] About 1670 they attacked successfully that family of\nthe Minsi called the _Minisink_.\n\nThis was probably the victory to which the Five Nations referred at a\ntreaty at Philadelphia, in 1727, when they stated that their conquest\nof the Delawares was about the time William Penn first landed, and\nthat he sent congratulations to them on their success--an obvious\nfalsehood.[188]\n\nThey were certainly at that period pressing hard on the Susquehannocks\nand destroying their remnant in the valley of that river. Mr. William\nP. Foulke is quite correct in his conclusion that, \"Upon the whole we\nmay conclude that the Lancaster lands fell into the power of the Five\nNations at some time between 1677 and 1684.\"[189]\n\nYet their conquest of the Minsi was not complete. The latter had the\nmind and the will to renew the combat. In 1692 they appealed to the\ngovernment of Pennsylvania to aid them in an attack on the Senecas,\nbut the Quakers declined the foray. The next year the Minsi asked\nGovernor Benjamin Fletcher at least to protect them against these\nSenecas, adding that with assistance they were ready to attack them,\nfor \"although wee are a small number of Indians, wee are Men, and know\nfighting.\"[190]\n\nEvidently there was neither subjection nor womanhood with the Minsi at\nthat date.\n\nThere is also positive evidence that the Five Nations at that time\nregarded the Delawares as a combatant nation, and worthy of an\ninvitation to join a war. On July 6th, 1694, Governor Wm. Markham met\nin conference the famous chief Tamany and others; and the Delaware\norator, Hithquoquean, laid down a belt of wampum, and said:--[191]\n\n\"This belt is sent us by the Onondagas and Senecas, who say: 'You\nDelaware Indians do nothing but stay at home and boil your pots, and\nare like women; while we, Onondagas and Senecas, go abroad and fight\nthe enemy.'\"\n\n\"The Senecas would have us Delaware Indians to be partners with them,\nand fight against the French, but we, having always been a peaceful\npeople, and resolving to live so; and being but weak and verie few in\nnumber, cannot assist them, and having resolved among ourselves not to\ngo, doe intend to send back, this their Belt of Wampum.\"\n\nThe Lenape, therefore, did not, at that date, occupy any degrading\nposition, although they were under the general domination of the\nIroquois League.\n\nBoth these points are proved yet more conclusively by the proceedings\nat a conference at White Marsh, May 19th, 1712, between Governor C.\nGookin and the Delaware chiefs. Gollitchy, orator of the latter,\nexhibited thirty-two belts of wampum, which they were on their way to\ndeliver to the Five Nations, adding \"that many years ago they had been\nmade tributaries to the Mingoes.\" He also shewed \"a long Indian pipe,\nwith a stone head, a wooden shaft, and feathers fixt to it like wings.\nThis pipe, they said, upon making their submission to the Five Nations,\nwho had subdued them, and obliged them to be their tributaries, those\nNations had given to these Indians, to be kept by them.\" All the\ntribute belts, however, were sent by the women and children, as the\nspeaker explained at length, \"as the Indian reckons the paying of\ntribute becomes none but women and children.\"[192]\n\nFortunately, however, we are able to fix the exact date and\ncircumstances of the political transformation of the Delawares into\nwomen. It is by no means so remote as Mr. Heckewelder thought, who\nlocated the occurrence at Norman's Kill, on the Hudson, between 1609\nand 1620;[193] and it was long after 1670, which is the date assigned\nby Mr. Ruttenber,[194] from a study of the New York records.\n\nIt was in the year 1725, and was in consequence of the Delawares\nrefusing to join the Iroquois in an attack on the English settlements.\n\nThese data come to light in a message of the Shawnee chiefs, in 1732,\nto Governor Gordon, who had inquired their reasons for migrating to the\nOhio Valley.\n\nTheir reply was as follows:--\n\n\"About nine years agoe the 5 nations told us att Shallyschohking, wee\nDid nott Do well to Setle there, for there was a Greatt noise In the\nGreatt house and thatt in three years time, all Should know whatt they\nhad to Say, as far as there was any Setlements or the Sun Sett.\"\n\n\"About ye Expiration of 3 years affore S^{d}, the 5 nations Came and\nSaid our Land is goeing to bee taken from us, Come brothers assistt us\nLett us fall upon and fightt with the English. Wee answered them no,\nwee Came here for peace and have Leave to Setle here, and wee are In\nLeague with them and Canott break itt.\"\n\n\"Aboutt a year after they, ye 5 nations, Told the Delawares and us,\nSince you have nott hearkened to us, nor Regarded whatt we have said,\nnow wee will pettycoatts on you, and Look upon you as women for the\nfuture, and nott as men. Therefore, you Shawanese Look back toward\nOhioh, The place from whence you Came, and Return thitherward, for now\nwee Shall Take pitty on the English and Lett them have all this Land.\"\n\n\"And further Said now Since you are Become women, He Take\nPeahohquelloman, and putt itt on Meheahoaming and He Take Meheahoaming\nand putt itt on Ohioh, and Ohioh He putt on Woabach, and thatt shall\nbee the warriours Road for the future.\" (_Penna Archives_, Vol. I.)\n\nThe circumstances attending the ceremony were probably pretty much as\nLoskiel relates.\n\nThe correctness of this account is borne out by an examination of law\ntitles.\n\nThat the river tribes at the time of Penn's treaties (1680-1700)\ncould not sell their lands without the permission of the Iroquois\nhas never been established. Mr. Gallatin states that William Penn\n\"always purchased the right of possession from the Delawares, and that\nof sovereignty from the Five Nations.\"[195] This may have been the\ncase in some later treaties of the colony, but certainly there is no\nintimation of it in the celebrated \"First Indian Deed\" to Penn, July\n15th, 1682.[196] Furthermore, in the Release which the Iroquois did\ngive of their Pennsylvania lands in 1736, the boundaries are defined\nas \"Westward to the Setting of the Sun, and Eastward to the furthest\nsprings of the Waters running into the said River,\" _i. e._, the\nSusquehannah;[197] and to do away with any doubt that the tract thus\ndefined included all the land in this part to which they had a claim,\nthe Release goes on to recite that \"our true intent and meaning was\nand is to release all our Right, Claim and Pretensions whatsoever to\nall and every the Lands lying within the Bounds and Limits of the\nGovernment of Pennsylvania, Beginning Eastward on the River Delaware,\nas far Northward as the s^{d} Ridge or Chain of Endless Mountains.\" In\nother words, although the Six Nations advanced no claim to land east\nof the Susquehanna watershed, the Proprietors chose to include the\nDelaware watershed so as to avoid any future complication. It seems\nto me this Release does away with any \"right of sovereignty\" of the\nIroquois over the Delaware Valley south of the mountains, and brands\nCanassatego's remarks above quoted as braggart falsehoods.\n\nAs for land east of the Delaware river, Mr. Ruttenber correctly\nobserves: \"The Iroquois never questioned the sales made by the Lenapes\nor Minsis east of that river. * * The findings of Gallatin in this\nparticular are confirmed by all the title deeds in New York and New\nJersey.\"[198]\n\nIt was only to the Susquehannock lands, purchased by Penn in 1699, that\nthe confirmation of the Iroquois was required.[199]\n\nThe close of this condition of subjection was in 1756. In that year\nSir William Johnson formally \"took off the petticoat\" from the Lenape,\nand \"handed them the war belt.\"[200] The year subsequent they made the\npublic declaration that \"they would not acknowledge but the Senecas as\ntheir superiors.\"[201]\n\nEven their supremacy was soon rejected. At the Treaty of Fort Pitt,\nOctober, 1778, Captain White Eyes, when reminded by the Senecas that\nthe petticoats were still on his people, scornfully repudiated the\nimputation, and made good his words by leading a war party against them\nthe following year.\n\nThe Iroquois, however, released their hold unwillingly, and it was\nnot until 1794, shortly before the Treaty of Greenville, that their\ndelegates came forward and \"officially declared that the Lenape were no\nlonger women, but _men_,\" and the famous chief, Joseph Brant, placed in\ntheir hands the war club.[202]\n\n\n\u00a7 2. _Historic Migrations of the Lenape_.\n\nIt does not form part of my plan to detail the later history of the\nLenape. But some account of their number and migrations will aid in the\nexamination of the origin and claims of the WALUM OLUM.\n\nThe first estimate of the whole number of native inhabitants of the\nprovince was by William Penn. He stated that there were ten different\nnations, with a total population of about 6000 souls.[203]\n\nThis was in 1683. Very soon after this they began to diminish by\ndisease and migration. As early as 1690, a band of the Minsi left for\nthe far West, to unite with the Ottawas.[204] In 1721 the Frenchman\nDurant speaks of them as \"exceedingly decreased.\"[205] Already they had\nyielded to the pressure of the whites, and were seeking homes on the\nhead-waters of the Ohio, in Western Pennsylvania. Their first cabins\nare said to have been built there in 1724.[206]\n\nAll that remained in the Delaware valley were ordered by the Iroquois,\nat the treaty of Lancaster, 1744, to leave the waters of their river,\nand remove to Shamokin (now Sunbury) and Wyoming, on the Susquehanna,\nand most of them obeyed. The former was their chief town, and the\nresidence of their \"king,\" Allem\u0153bi.\n\nWhen the interpreter, Conrad Weiser, visited their Ohio settlements, in\n1748, he reported their warriors there at 165, which was probably about\none-fourth of the nation.\n\nIn the \"French War,\" 1755, the Delawares united with the French against\nthe Iroquois and English, and suffered considerable losses. At its\nclose they were estimated to have, both on the Susquehanna and in Ohio,\na total of 600 available fighting men.[207]\n\nAfter this date they steadily migrated from the Susquehannah to the\nstreams in central and eastern Ohio, establishing their chief fire\non the Tuscarawas river, at Gekelemukpechunk, and hunting on the\nMuskingum, the Licking, etc.[208]\n\nWhen the war of the Revolution broke out, Zeisberger used all his\nefforts to have them remain neutral, and at least prevented them from\njoining in a general attack on the settlements. Their distinguished\nwar-chief, Koquethagachton, known to the settlers as \"Captain White\nEyes,\" declared, in 1775, in favor of the Federal cause, and renounced\nfor himself and his people all dependence on the Iroquois. These\nfriendly relations were confirmed at the treaty of Fort Pitt (1778),\nand the next year a number of Delawares accompanied Col. Brodhead in an\nexpedition against the Senecas.\n\nThe massacre of the unoffending Christian natives of Gnadenh\u00fctten, in\n1788, was but one event in the murderous war between the races that\ncontinued in Ohio from 1782 to the treaty of peace at Greenville, in\n1795.\n\nTo escape its direful scenes, a part of the Delawares removed south,\nto upper Louisiana, in 1789, where they received official permission\nfrom Governor Carondelet, in 1793, to locate permanent homes.[209]\nZeisberger also, in 1791, conducted his colony of Christian Indians\nto Canada, and founded the town of Fairfield, on the Retrenche river.\nThus, in both directions the Delawares were driven off the soil of the\nUnited States. Yet those that remained in Ohio, if we may accept the\naccount of John Brickell, who was a captive among them from 1791 to\n1796, attempted to live a peaceable and agricultural life.[210]\n\nPeace restored, the Delawares made their next remove to the valley\nof White Water river, Indiana, where they attempted to rekindle the\nnational council fire, under the head chief Tedpachxit. They founded\nsix towns, the largest of which was _Woapikamikunk_ or _Wapeminskink_,\n\"Place of Chestnut Trees.\" This tract was guaranteed them \"in\nperpetuity\" by the treaty of Vincennes, 1808.[211] Nevertheless, just\nten years later, at the treaty of St. Mary's, they released the whole\nof their land, \"without reserve,\" to the United States, the government\nagreeing to remove them west of the Mississippi, and grant them land\nthere.\n\nAt this time they numbered about 1000 souls, of whom 800 were\nDelawares, the others being Mohegans and Nanticokes.[212] Their head\nchief was Thahutoowelent, of the Turkey tribe, Tedpachxit having been\nassassinated, at the instigation of Tecumseh.\n\nThey are described as \"having a peculiar aversion to white people,\"\nand \"more opposed to the Gospel and the whites than any other\nIndians,\"[213] which is small matter of wonder, when they had seen the\npeaceful Christian converts of their nation massacred three times, in\ncold blood, once at Gnadenh\u00fctten, in Pennsylvania (1756); again at\nGnadenh\u00fctten, in Ohio (1788), and finally at Fairfield, Canada (1813).\n\nThe Rev. Isaac McCoy, who visited them on the White Water, in the\nwinter of 1818-19, states that they lived in log huts and bark\nshanties, and were fearfully deteriorated by whisky drinking.[214]\n\nThe last band of the Delawares that appeared in Ohio was in 1822.[215]\n\nThe location assigned to the Delawares was near the mouth of the\nKansas river, Kansas. They were reported, in 1850, as possessing there\n375,000 acres and numbering about 1500 souls. Four years later they\n\"ceded\" this land, and were moved to various reservations in the Indian\nTerritory.\n\nThere still remain about sixty natives at New Westfield, near Ottawa,\nKansas, under the charge of the Moravian Church. The same denomination\nhas about 300 of the tribe on the reservation at Moraviantown, in the\nprovince of Ontario, Canada. A second reservation in Canada is under\nthe charge of the Anglican Church. The majority of the tribe are\nscattered in different agencies in the Indian Territory.\n\n\n\u00a7 3. _Missionary Efforts in the Provinces of New Jersey and\nPennsylvania_.\n\nNone of the American colonies enjoyed a more favorable opportunity to\nintroduce the Christian religion to the natives than that located on\nthe Delaware river. What use was made of it?\n\nThe Rev. Thomas Campanius, of Stockholm, a Lutheran clergyman, attached\nto the Swedish settlement from 1642 to 1649, made a creditable effort\nto acquire the native tongue and preach Christianity to the savages\nabout him. He translated the Catechism into the traders' dialect of\nLenape, but we have no record that he succeeded in his attempts at\nconversion.\n\nOne might suppose that so very religious a body as the early Friends\nwould have taken some positive steps in this direction. Such was not\nthe case. I have not found the record of any one of them who set\nseriously to work to learn the native tongue, without which all effort\nwould have been fruitless.\n\nWilliam Penn was not wholly unmindful of the spiritual condition of\nhis native wards. In 1699 he offered to provide the Friends' Meeting\nat Philadelphia with interpreters to convey religious instruction\nto the Indians. But the Meeting took no steps in this direction. He\nhimself, when in the colony in 1701, made some attempts to address\nthem on religious subjects, as did also Friend John Richardson, who\nwas with him, availing themselves of interpreters. The latter reports\na satisfactory response to his words, but not being followed up, their\neffect was ephemeral.[216]\n\nNothing further was done for nearly half a century, and when the\nenthusiastic young David Brainerd began his mission in 1742, he\ndistinctly states that there was not another missionary in either\nprovince.[217] His labors extended over four years, and were productive\nof some permanent good results among the New Jersey Indians, and this\nin spite of the suspicions, opposition and evil example of the whites\naround him. The little society of Christian Indians which he gathered\nin Burlington County, New Jersey, was even reported as a congregation\nof rioters and enemies of the State![218]\n\nNor was the province of Penn inclined to greater favors toward\nChristianized natives. When the Indians were cheated out of their lands\nby the \"Long Walk,\" a few who had been converted, among others the\nchief Moses Tatemy, petitioned the Council to remain on their lands,\nsome of which were direct personal gifts from the Proprietaries. Their\nrequest was refused, and Moses Tatemy, who did remain, was shot down\nlike a dog, in the road, by a white man.[219]\n\nUnknown to Brainerd, however, the seeds of a Christian harvest had\nalready been sown, in 1742, in the wilderness of Pennsylvania, by the\nardent Moravian leader, Count Nicholas Lewis Zinzendorf; already, in\n1744, the fervent Zeisberger, prescient of his long and marvelous\nservice in the church militant, had registered himself as _destinirter\nHeidenbote_--\"appointed messenger to the heathen\"--in the corner-stone\nof the Brethren's House, at Bethlehem; already the pious Rauch had\ncollected a small but earnest congregation of Mohegans at Shekomeko,\nwho soon removed to the Lehigh valley, and pitched the first of those\nfive _Gnadenh\u00fctten_, \"Tents of Grace,\" destined successively to\nmark the unwearied efforts of the Moravian missionaries, and their\nfrustration through the treachery of the conquering whites.[220]\n\nIt is not my purpose to tell the story of this long struggle. Its\nthrilling events are recounted, with all desirable fullness, in the\nvivid narrative of Bishop Edmund de Schweinitz, grouped around the\nmarked individuality of the devoted Zeisberger--pages which none can\nread without amazement at the undaunted courage of these Christian\nheroes, without sorrow at the sparse harvest gleaned from such\ndevotion.[221]\n\nWhen, after sixty-two years of missionary labors, the venerable\nZeisberger closed his eyes in death (1808), the huts of barely a score\nof converted Indians clustered around his little chapel. His aspiration\nthat the Lenape would form a native Christian State, their ancient\nsupremacy revived and applied to the dissemination of peace, piety and\ncivilization among their fellow-tribes--this cherished hope of his life\nhad forever disappeared. He had lived to see the Lenape, a mere broken\nremnant, \"steeped in all the abominations of heathenism, eke out their\nexistence far away from their former council fires.\"\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[172] H R Schoolcraft, _Notes on the Iroquois_, pp. 135-36.\n\n[173] _The Disease of the Scythians (Morbus Feminarum) and Certain\nAnalogous Conditions._ By William A. Hammond, M. D. (New York, 1882).\nDr. Hammond found that the _hombre mujerado_ of the Pueblo Indians \"is\nthe chief passive agent in the pederastic ceremonies which form so\nimportant a part in their religious performances,\" p. 9.\n\n[174] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission, etc._, s. 161-2.\n\n[175] Wm. Henry Harrison, _A Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley\nof the Ohio_, pp. 24, 25 (Cincinnati, 1838).\n\n[176] Gallatin, _Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Vol. II, p. 46.\n\n[177] Horatio Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, p. 92.\n\n[178] Edmund de Schweinitz, _Life and Times of David Zeisberger_, p. 46.\n\n[179] Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. xxxii and 60.\n\n[180] _Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut, Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa._, Vol. II,\npp. 76-77. Wenaumeen for Unami, the Mohegan form of the name. This\nseems to limit the peace making power to that gens. He may mean, \"Those\nof the Delawares who are called the Unamis are our Grandfathers,\" etc.\n\nThe Chipeways, Ottawas, Shawnees, Pottawattomies, Sacs, Foxes and\nKikapoos, all called the Delawares \"Grandfather\", J. Morse, _Report\non Indian Affairs_, pp. 122, 123, 142. The term was not intended in a\ngenealogical, but solely in a political, sense. Its origin and precise\nmeaning are alike obscure.\n\n[181] _History of the Indians_, MS., quoted by Bishop Schweinitz, _Life\nof Zeisberger_, p. 444, note.\n\n[182] The words are those of George Croghan, Esq., at the treaty of\nPittsburgh, 1759, with the Six Nations and Wyandots. _History of\nWestern Penna._, App. p. 135.\n\n[183] _Records of the Council at Easton_, 1756, in Lib. Amer. Philos.\nSoc.\n\n[184] Smith, _History of New Jersey_, p. 451 (2d ed.)\n\n[185] See the _Narrative of the Long Walk_, by John Watson, father\nand son, in Hazard's _Register of Penna_, 1830, reprinted in Beach's\n_Indian Miscellany_, pp 90-94; also the able discussion of the question\nin Dr. Charles Thompson's _Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of\nthe Delaware and Shawnee Indians_, pp. 30-34 and 42-46. (London, 1759.)\n\n[186] _Relations des Jesuites_, 1660, p. 6. Some confusion has arisen\nin this matter, from confounding the Susquehannocks with the Iroquois,\nboth of whom were called \"Mengwe\" by the Delawares, corrupted into\n\"Mingoes.\" Thus, a writer in the first half of the 17th century says of\nthe \"Mingoes\" that the river tribes \"are afraid of them, so that they\ndare not stir, much less go to war against them.\" Thomas Campanius,\n_Description of the Province of New Sweden_, p. 158.\n\n[187] See Mr. E. M. Ruttenber's able discussion of the subject in his\n_History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 66 (Albany, 1872).\n\n[188] Dr. Charles Thompson, _An Inquiry into the Causes of the\nAlienation of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians_, pp. 11, 12. (London,\n1759.)\n\n[189] See his \"Notes Respecting the Indians of Lancaster County,\nPenna.,\" in the _Collections of the Historical Society of Penna._, Vol.\nIV, Part p. 198.\n\n[190] _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania_, Vol. I, p.\n333.\n\n[191] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 410-11.\n\n[192] _Minutes of the Provincial Council_, Vol. II, pp 572-73.\n\n[193] _History of the Indian Nations_, p. xxix.\n\n[194] _The Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 69.\n\n[195] _Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc._, Vol. II, p. 46.\n\n[196] _Pennsylvania Archives_, Vol. II, p. 47.\n\n[197] _Pennsylvania Archives_, Vol. I, p. 498.\n\n[198] _The Indian Tribes of Hudson's River_, p. 69.\n\n[199] See _Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, p. 144, and Du Ponceau, _Memoir on\nthe Treaty at Shackamaxon, Collections of the Penna. Hist. Soc._, Vol.\nIII, Part II, p. 73.\n\n[200] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. VII, p. 119.\n\n[201] Thompson, _Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the\nDelaware and Shawnee Indians_, p. 107.\n\n[202] Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, p. 70; E. de Schweinitz, _Life of\nZeisberger_, pp. 430, 641.\n\n[203] Janney, _Life of Penn_, p. 247.\n\n[204] Ruttenber, _Indians of the Hudson River_, p. 177.\n\n[205] Durant's _Memorial_, in _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. V, p.\n623.\n\n[206] _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_, p. 31 (Pittsburgh, 1846);\nand see _Penna. Archives_, Vol. I, pp. 322, 330.\n\n[207] Loskiel, _Geschichte der Mission_, p. 54. The treaty of\nLancaster, 1762, was the last treaty held with the Indians in eastern\nPennsylvania.\n\n[208] Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 90.\n\n[209] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. VII, p. 583.\n\n[210] On the locations of the Delawares in Ohio, and the boundaries of\ntheir tract, see Ed. de Schweinitz, _Life of Zeisberger_, p. 374, and\nan article by the Rev. Stephen D. Peet, entitled \"The Delaware Indians\nin Ohio,\" in the _American Antiquarian_, Vol. II.\n\n[211] The position of the Delawares in Indiana is roughly shown on\nHough's Map of the Tribal Districts of Indiana, in the _Report on the\nGeology and Natural History of Indiana_, 1882.\n\n[212] J. Morse, _Report on the Indian Tribes_, p. 110.\n\n[213] Mr. John Johnston, Indian Agent, in _Trans. of the Amer.\nAntiquarian Society_, Vol. I, p. 271.\n\n[214] _History of the Baptist Indian Missions_, p. 53, etc.\n\n[215] _Captivity of Christian Fast_, in Beach, _Indian Miscellany_, p.\n63.\n\n[216] See the work entitled, _Account of the Conduct of the Society of\nFriends toward the Indian Tribes_, pp. 55 seq. (London, 1844.)\n\n[217] \"I have likewise been wholly alone in my work, there being no\nother missionary among the Indians, in either of these Provinces.\" He\nwrote this in 1746. _Life of David Brainerd_, p. 409.\n\n[218] See \"A State of Facts about the Riots,\" in _New Jersey Archives_,\nVol. VI, pp. 406-7, where the writer speaks with great suspicion of\n\"the cause pretended for such a number of Indians coming to live\nthere is that they are to be taught the Christian religion by one\nMr. _Braniard_.\" Well he might! Any such occurrence was totally\nunprecedented in the annals of the colony.\n\n[219] See _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Nov., 1742,\nVol. IV, 624-5, Further, on Tatemy who had been converted by Brainerd\nand served him as interpreter, see Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_,\nsecond edition, p. 302, note of the editor.\n\n[220] The Heckewelder MSS., in the library of the Am. Philos Society,\ngive the results of the first twenty years, 1741-61, of the labors of\nthe Moravian brethren. In that period 525 Indians were converted and\nbaptized. Of these--163 were Connecticut Wampanos; 111 were Mahicanni\nproper; 251 were Lenape. Some of the latter were of the New Jersey\nWapings.\n\n[221] _The Life and Times of David Zeisberger, the Western Pioneer and\nApostle of the Indians_. By Edmund de Schweinitz, Philadelphia, 1871.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nMYTHS AND TRADITIONS OF THE LENAPE.\n\n   Cosmogonical and Culture Myths.--The Culture-hero,\n   Michabo.--Myths from Lindstrom, Ettwein, Jasper Donkers,\n   Zeisberger.--Native Symbolism.--The Saturnian Age.--Mohegan\n   Cosmogony and Migration Myth. National Traditions.--Beatty's\n   Account.--The Number Seven.--Heckewelder's Account.--Prehistoric\n   Migrations.--Shawnee Legend.--Lenape Legend of the Naked Bear.\n\n\n_Cosmogonical and Culture Myths._\n\nThe Algonkins, as a stock, had a well developed creation-myth and\na culture legend, found in more or less completeness in all their\nbranches.\n\nTheir culture hero, their ancestor and creator, he who made the earth\nand stocked it with animals, who taught them the arts of war and the\nchase, and gave them the Indian corn, beans and squashes, was generally\ncalled _Michabo_, The Great Light, but was also known among the\nNarragansetts of New England as _Wetucks_, The Common Father; among the\nCree as _Wisakketj\u00e2k_, the Trickster; by the Chippeways as Nanabozho\n(_Nen\u00e2boj_), the Cheat; by the Black Feet as _Natose_, Our Father, or\n_Napiw_; and by the Micmacs and Penobscots as _Glus-Kap_, the Liar.\n\nI have given the details of this myth and analyzed them in previous\nworks;[222] here it is sufficient to say that it is a Light-myth, and\none of noble proportion and circumstance, quite worthy of comparison\nwith those of the Oriental world.\n\nTraces of it are reported among the Lenape, and I doubt not that had\nwe their ancient stories in their completeness, we should find that\nthey had preserved it as wholly as the Chipeways. These related of\ntheir Nanabozho that he was the son of a maiden who had descended from\nheaven. She conceived without knowledge of man, and having given birth\nto twins, she disappeared. One of these twins was Nanabozho. Having\nformed the earth by his miraculous powers, and done many wonderful\nthings, he disappeared toward the east, where he still dwells beyond\nthe sunrise.\n\nIt was undoubtedly a fragment of this legend that the Swedish engineer,\nLindstrom heard among the Lenape, on the Delaware, about 1650. They\ntold him, or rather he understood them, as follows:--\n\n\"Once, one of your women (_i.e._, a white woman) came among us, and\nshe became pregnant, in consequence of drinking out of a creek; an\nIndian had connection with her, and she became pregnant, and brought\nforth a son, who, when he came to a certain size, was so sensible and\nclever, that there never was one who could be compared to him, so much\nand so well he spoke, which excited great wonder; he also performed\nmany miracles. When he was quite grown up, he left us, and went up to\nheaven, and promised to come again, but has never returned.\"[223]\n\nThis is but a mistranslation of the general Algonkin legend, in which\nthe virgin mother bears a white and dark twin, the former of whom\nbecomes the tribal culture hero and demiurgic deity.\n\nIts interpretation is, that the virgin is the Dawn, who brings forth\nthe Day, which assures safety and knowledge, and the Night, which\ndeparts with her. The Day leaves us, and in its personified form\nreturns no more, though ever expected.\n\nThat such were the original form and significance of the myth, we have\nthe testimony of Bishop Ettwein,[224] himself a Delaware scholar, and\nwho drew his information from the natives as well as the missionaries.\nHe tells us that their legend ran, that in the beginning the first\nwoman fell from heaven and bore twins; that it was toward the east that\nthey directed their children to turn their faces when they prayed to\nthe spirits; and that their old men had said that it was an ancient\nbelief that from that quarter some one would come to them to benefit\nthem. Therefore, said they, when our ancestors saw the first white men,\nthey looked upon them as divine, and adored them.\n\nThe Dutch travelers, Jasper Donkers and Peter Sluyter, relate a part\nof this myth as they heard it from New Jersey Indians in 1679. These\ninformed them that all things came from a tortoise. It had brought\nforth the world, and from the middle of its back had sprung up a tree,\nupon whose branches men had grown.\n\nThis tortoise \"had a power and a nature to produce all things, such as\nearth, trees and the like.\" But it was not the _primum mobile_, not the\nultimate energy of the universe. \"The first and great beginning of all\nthings was _Kickeron_ or _Kickerom_, who is the original of all, who\nhas not only once produced or made all things, but produces every day.\"\nThe tortoise brought forth what this primal divinity \"wished through it\nto produce.\"[225]\n\nThis is a very interesting statement. It reveals a depth of thought\non the part of the native philosophers for which we were scarcely\nprepared. The worthy Dutch travelers do not pretend to explain the\nmyth. But its sense can be clearly interpreted.\n\nThe turtle or tortoise is everywhere in Algonkin pictography the symbol\nof the earth.[226] From the earth, from the soil, all organic life, the\nwhole realm of animate existence--ever sharply defined in Algonkin\ngrammar and thought from inanimate existence--proceeds, directly\nas vegetable life, or indirectly as animal life. The earth is the\nAll-Mother, ever-producing, inexhaustible.\n\nAs for _Kikeron_, the eternally active, hidden spirit of the universe,\nI have but to refer the reader to the list of ideas associated around\nthis root _kik_, which I have given on a previous page (p. 102) to\nreveal the significance of this word. We may, with equal correctness,\ntranslate it Life, Light, Action or Energy. It is the abstract\nconception back of all these.\n\nThe distinction was the same as that established by the scholastic\nphilosophers between the _mundus_ and the _anima mundi_; between the\n_essentia_ and the _existentia;_ between _natura naturans_ and _natura\nnaturata_. But who expected to find it among the Lenape?\n\nThis creation myth of the Delawares is also given in brief by\nZeisberger. It dated back to that marvelous overflow which is heard\nof in many mythologies. The whole earth was submerged, and but a few\npersons survived. They had taken refuge on the back of a turtle, who\nhad reached so great an age that his shell was mossy, like the bank of\na rivulet. In this forlorn condition a loon flew that way, which they\nasked to dive and bring up land. He complied, but found no bottom. Then\nhe flew far away, and returned with a small quantity of earth in his\nbill. Guided by him, the turtle swam to the place, where a spot of dry\nland was found. There the survivors settled and repeopled the land.[227]\n\nThis is more a tale of reconstruction than a creation myth. It is that\nwhich has generally been supposed to refer to the Deluge. But, as I\nhave explained in my \"Myths of the New World,\" all these so-called\nDeluge Myths are but developments of crude cosmogonical theories.\n\nTo understand the significance of this myth we must examine the Indian\nnotion of the earth. This is the more germane to my theme, as the\nmeaning of the original text which is printed in this volume can only\nbe grasped by one acquainted with this notion.\n\nThe Indians almost universally believed the dry land they knew to be\na part of a great island, everywhere surrounded by wide waters whose\nlimits were unknown.[228] Many tribes had vague myths of a journey\nfrom beyond this sea; many placed beyond it the home of the Sun and\nof Light, and the happy hunting grounds of the departed souls. The\nDelawares believed that the whole was supported by a fabled turtle,\nwhose movements caused earthquakes and who had been their first\npreserver.[229] As above mentioned, the turtle in its amphibious\ncharacter and rounded back represented the earth or the land itself,\nas distinguished from water. Like the turtle, the land lies at times\nunder the water and at times above it. The spirit of the earth was the\npractical and visible developmental energy of nature.\n\nThe medicine men, or conjurers, who professed to be in personal\nrelations with this power, made their \"medicine rattle\" of a turtle\nshell (Loskiel), and when they died, such a shell was suspended from\ntheir tomb posts (Zeisberger).\n\nThe Delawares also shared the belief, common to so many nations the\nworld over, that the pristine age was one of unalloyed prosperity,\npeace and happiness, an Age of Gold, a Saturnian Reign. Their legends\nasseverated that at that time \"the killing of a man was unknown,\nneither had there been instances of their dying before they had\nattained to that age which causes the hair to become white, the eyes\ndim, and the teeth to be worn away.\"\n\nThis happy time was brought to a close by the advent of certain evil\nbeings who taught men how to kill each other by sorcery.[230]\n\nTheir kinsmen, the Mohegans, varied this cosmogonical tradition, though\nretaining some of its main features. They taught that in the beginning\nthere was nought but water and sky. At length from the sky a woman\ndescended, our common mother. As she approached the boundless ocean,\na small point of land rose above the watery surface, and supplied her\nwith firm footing. She was pregnant by some mysterious power, and she\nbrought forth on this island animal triplets--a bear, a deer and a\nwolf. From these all men and animals are descended. The island grew to\na main land, and the mother of all, her mission accomplished, returned\nto her home in the sky.[231]\n\nThis creation-myth, obtained from the Indians around New York harbor in\nthe first generation after the advent of the whites, has every mark of\na genuine native production, and coincides closely with that generally\nbelieved by the early Algonkins.\n\nIt is followed by a migration myth, which ran to the effect that their\nearly forefathers came out of the northwest, forsaking a tide-water\ncountry, and crossing over a great watery tract, called _ukhkok-pek_,\n\"snake water, or water where snakes are abundant,\" (_\u00e2khgook_, snake,\nand _pek_, standing water, probably from _n'pey_, water, _akek_, place\nor country). They crossed many streams, but none in which the water\nebbed and flowed, until they reached the Hudson. \"Then they said,\none to another, 'This is like the Muhheakunnuck (tidal ocean) of our\nnativity.' Therefore they agreed to kindle a fire there and hang a\nkettle, whereof they and their children after them might dip out their\ndaily refreshment.\" Hence came their name, the Tide-water People (see\nante, p. 20).\n\n\n_National Traditions._\n\nMany early writers attest the passionate fondness of the Delawares for\ntheir ancestral traditions and the memory of their ancient heroes.\nThe missionary, David Brainerd, mentions this as one of the leading\ndifficulties in the way of \"evangelizing the Indians.\" \"They are\nlikewise much attached,\" he writes, \"to the traditions and fabulous\nnotions of their fathers, which they firmly believe, and thence look\nupon their ancestors to have been the best of men.\"[232]\n\nTo the same effect, Loskiel informs us that the Delawares \"love to\nrelate what great warriors their ancestors had been, and how many\nheroic deeds they had performed. It is a pleasure to them to rehearse\ntheir genealogies. They are so skilled at it that they can repeat the\nchief and collateral lines with the utmost readiness. At the same time,\nthey characterize their ancestors, by describing this one as a wise or\nskillful man, as a great chieftain, a renowned warrior, a rich man,\nand the like. This they teach to their children, and _embody it in\npictures, so as to make it more readily remembered.\"_[233]\n\nThe earliest writer who gives us any detailed description of what these\ntraditions were, is the Rev. Charles Beatty, who visited the Delaware\nsettlements in Ohio in 1767. On his way there, he met a white man,\nBenjamin Button, who for years had been a captive among the natives. He\nrelated to Beatty the following tradition, which he had heard recited\nby some old men among the Delawares:--\n\n\"That of old time their people were divided by a river, nine parts\nof ten passing over the river, and one part remaining behind; that\nthey knew not, for certainty, how they came to this continent; but\naccount thus for their first coming into these parts where they are now\nsettled; that a king of their nation, where they formerly lived, far to\nthe west, left his kingdom to his two sons; that the one son making war\nupon the other, the latter thereupon determined to depart and seek some\nnew habitation; that accordingly he sat out, accompanied by a number\nof his people, and that, after wandering to and fro for the space of\nforty years, they at length came to Delaware river, where they settled\n370 years ago. The way, he says, they keep an account of this is by\nputting on a black bead of wampum every year on a belt they keep for\nthat purpose.\"[234]\n\nFrom another source Mr. Beatty obtained the traditions of the\nNanticokes, which is apparently a version of that of their relatives,\nthe Delawares. It ran to this effect: At some remote age, while on\ntheir way to their present homes, \"They came to a great water. One of\nthe Indians that went before them tried the depth of it by a long pole\nor reed, which he had in his hand, and found it too deep for them to\nwade. Upon their being non-plussed, and not knowing how to get over\nit, their God made a bridge over the water in one night, and the next\nmorning, after they were all over, God took away the bridge.\"[235]\n\nA curious addition to this story is mentioned by Loskiel.[236] The\nnumber of the mythical ancestors of their race who thus were left on\nthe shore of the great water was _seven_. This at once recalls the\nseven caves (_Chicomoztoc_) or primitive stirpes of the Mexican tribes,\nthe seven clans (_vuk amag_) of the Cakchiquels, the seven ancestors\nof the Qquechuas, etc., and strongly intimates that there must be some\ncommon natural occurrence to give rise to this widespread legend.[237]\n\nSome peculiar sacredness must have attached to this number among the\nDelawares also, as we are informed that the period of isolation of\ntheir women at the catamenial period was seven days.[238]\n\nThe lunar month of 28 days, if divided and assigned equally to\neach of the four cardinal points, would give a week of seven days\nto each. Something of this kind seems to have been done by another\nAlgonkin tribe, the Ottawas, who declared that the winds are caused\n(alternately?) by seven genii or gods who dwelt in the air.[239]\n\nThe seven day period is also a natural, physical one, whose influence\nis felt widely by vertebrate and invertebrate animals, as Darwin has\npointed out,[240] and hence its appearance among these people, who\nlived entirely subject to the operation of their physical surroundings,\nis not so surprising.\n\nThe most complete account of the Delaware tradition is that preserved\nby Heckewelder. In his pages it appears, not as a reminiscence of\ntribal history, but as the tradition of the whole eastern Algonkin\nrace, and it claims for the three Delaware tribes an antiquity of\norganization surpassing that of any of their neighbors.\n\nIt holds such an important place that I quote all the essential\npassages:--\n\n\"The Lenni Lenape (according to the traditions handed down to them\nby their ancestors) resided many hundred years ago in a very distant\ncountry in the western part of the American continent. For some reason,\nwhich I do not find accounted for, they determined on migrating to the\neastward, and accordingly set out together in a body. After a very\nlong journey, and many nights' encampments by the way, they at length\narrived on the _Namoesi Sipu_, where they fell in with the Mengwe, who\nhad likewise emigrated from a distant country, and had struck upon this\nriver somewhat higher up. Their object was the same with that of the\nDelawares; they were proceeding on to the eastward, until they should\nfind a country that pleased them. The spies which the Lenape had sent\nforward for the purpose of reconnoitring, had long before their arrival\ndiscovered that the country east of the Mississippi was inhabited by\na very powerful nation, who had many large towns built on the great\nrivers flowing through their land. Those people (as I was told) called\nthemselves Talligeu or Talligewi. Colonel John Gibson, however, a\ngentleman who has a thorough knowledge of the Indians, and speaks\nseveral of their languages, is of opinion that they were not called\nTalligewi, but Alligewi. * * *\n\n\"Many wonderful things are told of this famous people. They are said\nto have been remarkably tall, and stout, and there is a tradition that\nthere were giants among them, people of a much larger size than the\ntallest of the Lenape. It is related that they had built to themselves\nregular fortifications or entrenchments, from whence they would sally\nout, but were generally repulsed. * * *\n\n\"When the Lenape arrived on the banks of the Mississippi, they sent a\nmessage to the Alligewi to request permission to settle themselves in\ntheir neighbourhood. This was refused them, but they obtained leave\nto pass through the country and seek a settlement farther to the\neastward. They accordingly began to cross the Namaesi Sipu, when the\nAlligewi, seeing that their numbers were so very great, and in fact\nthey consisted of many thousands, made a furious attack on those who\nhad crossed, threatening them all with destruction, if they dared to\npersist in coming over to their side of the river. * * *\n\n\"Having united their forces, the Lenape and Mengwe declared war against\nthe Alligewi, and great battles were fought, in which many warriors\nfell on both sides. The enemy fortified their large towns and erected\nfortifications, especially on large rivers and near lakes, where they\nwere successively attacked and sometimes stormed by the allies. An\nengagement took place in which hundreds fell, who were afterwards\nburied in holes or laid together in heaps and covered over with earth.\nNo quarter was given, so that the Alligewi, at last, finding that\ntheir destruction was inevitable if they persisted in their obstinacy,\nabandoned the country to the conquerors, and fled down the Mississippi\nriver, from whence they never returned. * * *\n\n\"In the end the conquerors divided the country between themselves; the\nMengwe made choice of the lands in the vicinity of the great lakes\nand on their tributary streams, and the Lenape took possession of\nthe country to the south. For a long period of time--some say many\nhundred years--the two nations resided peaceably in this country, and\nincreased very fast; some of their most enterprising huntsmen and\nwarriors crossed the great swamps, and falling on streams running to\nthe eastward, followed them down to the great Bay river, thence into\nthe Bay itself, which we call Chesapeak. As they pursued their travels,\npartly by land and partly by water, sometimes near and at other times\non the great Salt-water Lake, as they call the sea, they discovered\nthe great river, which we call the Delaware; and thence exploring still\neastward, the _Scheyichbi_ country, now named New Jersey, they arrived\nat another great stream, that which we call the Hudson or\nNorth river. * * *\n\n\"At last they settled on the four great rivers (which we call Delaware,\nHudson, Susquehannah, Potomack), making the Delaware, to which they\ngave the name of _'Lenape-wihittuck'_ (the river or stream of the\nLenape), the centre of their possessions.\n\n\"They say, however, that the whole of their nation did not reach this\ncountry; that many remained behind, in order to aid and assist that\ngreat body of their people which had not crossed the Namaesi Sipu, but\nhad retreated into the interior of the country on the other\nside. * * *\n\n\"Their nation finally became divided into three separate bodies; the\nlarger body, which they suppose to have been one-half the whole, was\nsettled on the Atlantic, and the other half was again divided into two\nparts, one of which, the strongest, as they suppose, remained beyond\nthe Mississippi, and the remainder where they left them, on this side\nof that river.\n\n\"Those of the Delawares who fixed their abodes on the shores of\nthe Atlantic divided themselves into three tribes. Two of them,\ndistinguished by the names of the _Turtle_ and the _Turkey_, the\nformer calling themselves _Un\u00e2mi_, and the other _Unal\u00e2chtgo_, chose\nthose grounds to settle on which lay nearest to the sea, between the\ncoast and the high mountains. As they multiplied, their settlements\nextended from the _Mohicanittuck_ (river of the Mohicans, which we\ncall the North or Hudson river) to the Potomack.\" * * * \"The third\ntribe, the _Wolf_, commonly called the _Minsi_, which we have corrupted\ninto _Monseys_, had chosen to live back of the other two.\" * * * They\nextended their settlements from the Minisink, a place named after them,\nwhere they had their council seat and fire, quite up to the Hudson, on\nthe east; and to the west or southward far beyond the Susquehannah.\n\n\"From the above three tribes, the _Unami, Unalachtgo_ and the _Minsi_,\nhad, in the course of time, sprung many others, * * * the Mahicanni,\nor Mohicans, who spread themselves over all that country which now\ncomposes the Eastern States, * * * and the _Nanticokes_, who proceeded\nfar to the south, in Maryland and Virginia.\"\n\nOn their conquests during the period of their western migrations, the\nDelawares based a claim for hunting grounds in the Ohio valley. It\nis stated that when they had decided to remove to the valley of the\nMuskingum, their chief, Netawatwes, presented this claim to the Hurons\nand Miamis, and had it allowed.[241] They also claimed lands on White\nRiver, Indiana, and their settlement in that region at the close of the\nlast century was regarded as a return to their ancient seats.\n\nNevertheless, in the earliest historic times, when the whites first\ncame in contact with the Lenape tribes, none of them dwelt west of the\nmountains, nor, apparently, had they any towns in the valley of the\nwest branch of the Susquehanna or of its main stream.\n\nAlthough the above mentioned facts point to a migration in prehistoric\ntimes from the West toward the East, there are indications of a yet\nolder movement from the northeast westward and southward to the upper\nMississippi valley. A legend common to the western Algonkin tribes,\nthe Kikapoos, Sacs, Foxes, Ottawas and Pottawatomies, located their\noriginal home north of the St. Lawrence river, near or below where\nMontreal now stands. In that distant land their ancestors were created\nby the Great Spirit, and they dwelt there, \"all of one nation.\" Only\nwhen they removed or were driven west did they separate into tribes\nspeaking different dialects.[242]\n\nThe Shawnees, who at various times were in close relation with the\nDelawares, also possessed a vague migration myth, according to which,\nat some indefinitely remote past, they had arrived at the main land\nafter crossing a wide water. Their ancestors succeeded in this by their\ngreat control of magic arts, their occult power enabling them to walk\nover the water as if it had been land. Until within the present century\nthis legend was repeated annually, and a yearly sacrifice offered up in\nmemory of their safe arrival.[243] It is evidently a version of that\nwhich appears in the third part of the WALAM OLUM.\n\nOne of the curious legends of the Lenape was that of the Great\nNaked or Hairless Bear. It is told by the Rev. John Heckewelder, in\na letter to Dr. B. S. Barton.[244] The missionary had heard it both\namong the Delawares and the Mohicans. By the former, it was spoken\nof as _amangachkti\u00e1tmachque_, and in the dialect of the latter,\n_ahamagachkti\u00e2t mechqua_.[245]\n\nThe story told of it was that it was immense in size and the most\nferocious of animals. Its skin was bare, except a tuft of white hair on\nits back. It attacked and ate the natives, and the only means of escape\nfrom it was to take to the water. Its sense of smell was remarkably\nkeen, but its sight was defective. As its heart was very small, it\ncould not be easily killed. The surest plan was to break its back-bone;\nbut so dangerous was an encounter with it, that those hunters who went\nin pursuit of it bade their families and friends farewell, as if they\nnever expected to return.\n\nFortunately, there were few of these beasts. The last one known was to\nthe east, somewhere beyond the left bank of the Mahicanni Sipu (the\nHudson river). When its presence was learned a number of bold hunters\nwent there, and mounted a rock with precipitous sides. They then made\na noise, and attracted the bear's attention, who rushed to the attack\nwith great fury. As he could not climb the rock, he tore at it with\nhis teeth, while the hunters above shot him with arrows and threw upon\nhim great stones, and thus killed him.\n\nThough this was the last of the species, the Indian mothers still used\nhis name to frighten their children into obedience, threatening them\nwith the words, \"The Naked Bear will eat you.\"\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[222] D. G. Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, Chap. VI. (N.Y., 1876),\nand _American Hero Myths_, Chap. II (Phila., 1882). The seeming\nincongruity of applying such terms as Trickster, Cheat and Liar to\nthe highest divinity I have explained in a paper in the _American\nAntiquarian_ for the current year (1885) and will recur to later.\n\n[223] Thomas Campanius, _Account of New Sweden_, Book III, cap. xi.\n\n[224] _Traditions and Language of the Indians_, in _Bulletin Hist. Soc.\nPa._, Vol. I, pp. 30-31.\n\n[225] _Journal of a Voyage to New York in 1679-80_. By Jasper Donkers\nand Peter Sluyter, p. 268. Translation in Vol. I of the _Transactions\nof the Long Island Historical Society_ (Brooklyn, 1867).\n\n[226] Schoolcraft says of the Chipeway pictographic symbols: \"The\nturtle is believed to be, in all instances, a symbol of the earth, and\nis addressed as mother.\" _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_,\nVol. I, p. 390.\n\n[227] Zeisberger, MSS, in E. de Schweinitz, _Life and Times of\nZeisberger_, pp. 218, 219; Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, p. 253.\n\n[228] \"The Indians call the American continent an island, believing\nit to be entirely surrounded by water.\" Heckewelder, _Hist. Indian\nNations_, p. 250.\n\n[229] Ibid, p. 308.\n\n[230] Heckewelder, MSS in the Library of the American Philosophical\nSociety. It is one of the points in favor of the authenticity of the\nWALAM OLUM that this halcyon epoch is mentioned in its lines, though no\nreference to it is contained in printed books relating to the Lenape\nlegends.\n\n[231] Van der Donck, _Description of the New Netherlands_, _Coll. N. Y.\nHist. Soc._, Ser. II, Vol. I, pp. 217-18.\n\n[232] _Life and Journal of the Rev. David Brainerd_, pp. 397, 425\n(Edinburgh, 1826).\n\n[233] So we may understand Loskiel to mean when he says, \"Das bringen\nsie ihren Kindern ebenfalls bey, und kleiden es in Bllder ein, um es\nnoch eindr\u00fccklicher zu machen.\" _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., s. 32.\nI think Zeisberger, who was Loskiel's authority, meant _Bilder_ in its\nliteral, not rhetorical, sense.\n\n[234] Charles Beatty, _Journal of a Two Months' Tour: with a View of\nPromoting Religion among the Frontier Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, and\nof Introducing Christianity among the Indians to the Westward of the\nAlleghgeny Mountains_, p. 27 (London, 1768).\n\n[235] Ibid, p. 91.\n\n[236] _Geschichte der Mission_, etc., p. 31.\n\n[237] The Mohegans seem also to have at one time had a sevenfold\ndivision. At least a writer speaks of the \"seven tribes\" into which\nthose in Connecticut were divided. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls._, Vol. IX\n(I ser.), p. 90.\n\n[238] Charles Beatty, _Journal_, etc., p. 84.\n\n[239] _Relation des Jesuites_, 1648, p. 77.\n\n[240] _The Descent of Man_, p. 165, note.\n\n[241] Heckewelder, _Tran. Amer. Philos. Soc._, Vol. III, p. 388.\n\n[242] This legend was told by the Sac Chief Masco, to Major Marston,\nabout 1819. See J. Morse, _Report on Indian Affairs_, p. 138.\n\n[243] This myth was obtained in 1812, from the Shawnees in Missouri\n(Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, Vol. IV, p. 254), and independently in\n1819, from those in Ohio (Mr. John Johnston, in _Trans. of the Amer.\nAntiq. Soc._, Vol. I, p. 273). Those of the tribe who now live on\nthe Quapaw Reservation, Indian Territory, repeat every year a long,\nprobably mythical and historical, chant, the words of which I have\ntried, in vain, to obtain. They say that to repeat it to a white man\nwould bring disasters on their nation. I mention it as a piece of\naboriginal composition most desirable to secure.\n\n[244] Published in the _Transactions of the American Philosophical\nSociety_, 1st ser., Vol. IV, pp. 260, sqq.\n\n[245] From _amangi_, great or big (in composition _amangach_), with\nthe accessory notion of terrible, or frightful; Cree, _amansis_, to\nfrighten; _ti\u00e2t_, an abbreviated form of _tawa_, naked, whence the name\n_Tawatawas_, or Twightees, applied to the Miami Indians in the old\nrecords. (See _Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna._, Vol. VIII,\np. 418).\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nTHE WALAM OLUM: ITS ORIGIN, AUTHENTICITY AND CONTENTS.\n\n      Biographical Sketch of Rafinesque--Value of his Writings--His\n           Account of the WALAM OLUM.--Was it a Forgery?--Rafinesque's\n           Character--The Text pronounced Genuine by Native\n           Delawares--Conclusion Reached\n\n      Phonetic System of the WALAM OLUM--Metrical Form--Pictographic\n           System--Derivation and Precise Meaning of WALAM OLUM.--The\n           MS of the WALAM OLUM--General Synopsis of the WALAM\n           OLUM--Synopsis of its Parts.\n\n\n_Rafinesque and his Writings._\n\nConstantine Samuel Rafinesque-Schmaltz, to whom we owe the preservation\nand first translation of the WALAM OLUM, was born in Galata, a\nsuburb of Constantinople, Oct. 22d, 1783, and died in Philadelphia, of\ncancer of the stomach, Sept. 18th, 1840.\n\nHis first visit to this country was in 1802. He remained until 1804,\nwhen he went to Sicily, where he commenced business. As the French\nwere unpopular there, he added \"Schmaltz\" to his name, for \"prudent\nconsiderations,\" that being the surname of his mother's family.\n\nIn 1815 he returned to America, but had the misfortune to be\nshipwrecked on the coast, losing his manuscripts and much of his\nproperty. On his arrival, he supported himself by teaching, occupying\nhis leisure time in scientific pursuits and travel. In 1819 he\nwas appointed \"Professor of Historical and Natural Sciences,\" in\nTransylvania University, Kentucky. This position he was obliged\nto resign, for technical reasons, in 1826, when he returned to\nPhiladelphia, which city he made his home during the rest of his life.\n\nFrom his early youth he was an indefatigable student, collector\nand writer in various branches of knowledge, especially in natural\nhistory. On the title-page of the last work that he published, \"The\nGood Book and Amenities of Nature\" (Philadelphia, 1840), he claims to\nbe the author of \"220 books, pamphlets, essays and tracts.\" Including\nhis contributions to periodicals, there is no reason to doubt the\ncorrectness of this estimate. They began when he was nineteen, and were\ncomposed in English, French, Italian and Latin, all of which he wrote\nwith facility.\n\nHis earlier essays were principally on botanical subjects; later, he\nincluded zo\u00f6logy and conchology; and during the last fifteen years of\nhis life the history and antiquities of America appear to have occupied\nhis most earnest attention.\n\nThe value of his writings in these various branches has been canvassed\nby several eminent critics in their respective lines.\n\nFirst in point of time was Prof. Asa Gray, who in the year following\nRafinesque's death published in the \"American Journal of Science and\nArts,\" Vol. XI, an analysis of his botanical writings. He awards him\nconsiderable credit for his earlier investigations, but much less for\nhis later ones. To quote Dr. Gray's words: \"A gradual deterioration\nwill be observed in Rafinesque's botanical writings from 1819 to 1830,\nwhen the passion for establishing new genera and species appears to\nhave become a complete _monomania_.\"[246] But modern believers in\nthe doctrine of the evolution of plant forms and the development of\nbotanical species will incline to think that there was a method in\nthis madness, when they read the passage from Rafinesque's writings,\nabout 1836, which Dr. Gray quotes as conclusively proving that, in\nthings botanical, Rafinesque had lost his wits. It is this: \"But\nit is needless to dispute about new genera, species and varieties.\nEvery variety is a deviation, which becomes a species as soon as it\nis permanent by reproduction. Deviations in essential organs may\nthus gradually become new genera.\" This is really an anticipation of\nDarwinianism in botany.\n\nThe next year, in the same journal, appeared a \"Notice of the\nZo\u00f6logical Writings of the late C. S. Rafinesque,\" by Prof. S. S.\nHaldeman. It is, on the whole, depreciatory, and convicts Rafinesque\nof errors of observation as well as of inference; at the same time,\nnot denying his enthusiasm and his occasional quickness to appreciate\nzo\u00f6logical facts.\n\nIn 1864 the conchological writings of Rafinesque were collected and\npublished, in Philadelphia, by A. G. Binney and Geo. W. Tryon, Jr.,\nwithout comments. One of the editors informs me that they have positive\nmerit, although the author was too credulous and too desirous of\nnovelties.\n\nThe antiquarian productions of Rafinesque, which interest us most in\nthis connection, were reviewed with caustic severity by Dr. S. F.\nHaven,[247] especially the \"Ancient Annals of Kentucky\", which was\nprinted as an introduction to Marshall's History of that State, in\n1824. It is, indeed, an absurd production, a reconstruction of alleged\nhistory on the flimsiest foundations; but, alas! not a whit more absurd\nthan the laborious card houses of many a subsequent antiquary of\nrenown.\n\nHis principal work in this branch appeared in Philadelphia in 1836,\nentitled: \"The American Nations; or, Outlines of a National History;\nof the Ancient and Modern Nations of North and South America.\" It was\nprinted for the author, and is in two parts. Others were announced but\nnever appeared, nor did the maps and illustrations which the title page\npromised. Its pages are filled with extravagant theories and baseless\nanalogies. In the first part he prints with notes his translation of\nthe THE WALAM OLUM, and his explanation of its significance.\n\n\n_History of the Walam Olum._\n\nRafinesque's account of the origin of the THE WALAM OLUM may be\nintroduced by a passage in the last work he published, \"The Good Book.\"\nIn that erratic volume he tells us that he had long been collecting the\nsigns and pictographs current among the North American Indians, and\nadds:--\n\n\"Of these I have now 60 used by the Southern or Floridian Tribes of\nLouisiana to Florida, based upon their language of Signs--40 used by\nthe Osages and Arkanzas, based on the same--74 used by the Len\u00e0pian\n(Delaware and akin) tribes in their THE WALAMOLUM or Records--besides\n30 simple signs that can be traced out of the NEOBAGUN or Delineation\nof the Chipwas or Ninniwas, a branch of the last.\"[248]\n\nIn these lines Rafinesque makes an important statement, which has been\namply verified by the investigations of Col. Garrick Mallery, Dr. W.\nJ. Hoffman and Capt. W. P. Clark, within the last decade, and that is,\nthat the Indian pictographic system was based on their gesture speech.\n\nSo far as I remember, he was the first to perceive this suggestive\nfact; and he had announced it some time before 1840. Already, in \"The\nAmerican Nations\" (1836), he wrote, \"the Graphic Signs correspond to\nthese Manual Signs.\"[249]\n\nHere he anticipates a leading result of the latest archaeological\nresearch; and I give his words the greater prominence, because they\nseem to have been overlooked by all the recent writers on Indian\nGesture-speech and Sign-language.\n\nThe _Neobagun_, the Chipeway medicine song to which he alludes, is\nlikewise spoken of in \"The American Nations,\" where he says: \"The\nNinniwas or Chipiwas * * have such painted tales or annals, called\nNeobagun (male tool) by the former.\"[250] I suspect he derived his\nknowledge of this from the Shawnee \"Song for Medicine Hunting,\" called\n\"Nah-o-bah-e-gun-num,\" or, The Four Sticks, the words and figures of\nwhich were appended by Dr. James to Tanner's _Narrative_, published in\n1830.[251]\n\n\n\n\n_Discovery of the Walam Olum._\n\nAs for the Lenape records, he gives this not very clear account of his\nacquisition of them:--\n\n\"Having obtained, through the late Dr. Ward, of Indiana, some of the\noriginal Wallam-Olum (painted record) of the Lin\u00e0pi Tribe of Wapihani\nor White River, the translation will be given of the songs annexed to\neach.\"[252]\n\nOn a later page he wrote:--[253]\n\n\"_Olum_ implies _a record, a notched stick_, an engraved piece of wood\nor bark. It comes from _ol_, hollow or graved record. * * * These\nactual _olum_ were at first obtained in 1820, as a reward for a medical\ncure, deemed a curiosity; and were unexplicable. In 1822 were obtained\nfrom another individual the songs annexed thereto in the original\nlanguage; but no one could be found by me able to translate them. I\nhad therefore to learn the language since, by the help of Zeisberger,\nHeckewelder and a manuscript dictionary, on purpose to translate them,\nwhich I only accomplished in 1833. The contents were totally unknown to\nme in 1824, when I published my 'Annals of Kentucky.'\"\n\nI have attempted to identify this \"Dr. Ward, of Indiana;\" but no such\nperson is known in the early medical annals of that State. There is,\nhowever, an old and well-known Kentucky family of that name, who, about\n1820, resided, and still do reside, in the neighborhood of Cynthiana.\nOne of these, in 1824-25, was a friend of Rafinesque, invited him\nto his house, and shared his archaeological tastes, as Rafinesque\nmentions in his autobiography.[254] It was there, no doubt, that he\ncopied the signs and the original text of the Walam Olum. My efforts\nto learn further about the originals from living members of the family\nhave been unsuccessful. From a note in Rafinesque's handwriting, on the\ntitle page of his MS. of 1833, it would appear that he had at least\nseen the wooden tablets. This note reads:--\n\n\"This Mpt & the wooden original was (_sic_) procured in 1822 in\nKentucky--but was inexplicable till a deep study of the Linapi enabled\nme to translate them with explanations. (Dr. Ward.)\"\n\nThe name of Dr. Ward added in brackets is, I judge, merely a note, and\nis not intended to imply that the sentence is a quotation.\n\n\n_Was it a Forgery?_\n\nThe crucial question arises: Was the WALAM OLUM a forgery by Rafinesque?\n\nIt is necessary to ask and to answer this question, though it seems, at\nfirst sight, an insult to the memory of the man to do so. No one has\never felt it requisite to propound such an inquiry about the pieces of\nthe celebrated Mexican collection of the Chevalier Boturini, who, as an\nantiquary, was scarcely less visionary than Rafinesque.\n\nBut, unquestionably, an air of distrust and doubt shadowed Rafinesque's\nscientific reputation during his life, and he was not admitted on a\nfavorable footing to the learned circles of the city where he spent\nthe last fifteen years of his life. His articles were declined a\nhearing in its societies; and the learned linguist, Mr. Peter Stephen\nDuponceau, whose specialty was the Delaware language, wholly and\ndeliberately ignored everything by the author of \"The American Nations.\"\n\nWhy was this?\n\nRafinesque was poor, eccentric, negligent of his person, full of\nimpractical schemes and extravagant theories, and manufactured and sold\nin a small way a secret nostrum which he called \"pulmel,\" for the cure\nof consumption. All these were traits calculated to lower him in the\nrespect of the citizens of Philadelphia, and the consequence was, that\nalthough a member of some scientific societies, he seems to have taken\nno part in their proceedings, and was looked upon as an undesirable\nacquaintance, and as a sort of scientific outcast.\n\nAs early as 1819 Prof. Benjamin Silliman declined to publish\ncontributions from him in the \"American Journal of Science,\"[255] and\nreturned him his MSS. Dr. Gray strongly intimates that Rafinesque's\nassertions on scientific matters were at times intentionally false, as\nwhen he said that he had seen Robin's collection of Louisiana plants in\nFrance, whereas that botanist never prepared dried specimens; and the\nlike.\n\nI felt early in this investigation that Rafinesque's assertions were,\ntherefore, an insufficient warranty for the authenticity of this\ndocument.\n\nAs I failed in my efforts to substantiate them by local researches in\nKentucky and Indiana, I saw that the evidence must come from the text\nitself. Nor would it be sufficient to prove that the words of the text\nwere in the Lenape dialect. With Zeisberger and Heckewelder at hand,\nboth of whose works had been years in print, it were easy to string\ntogether Lenape words.\n\nBut what Rafinesque certainly had not the ability to do, was to write\na sentence in Lenape, to compose lines which an educated native\nwould recognize as in the syntax of his own speech, though perhaps\ndialectically different.\n\nThis was the test that I determined to apply. I therefore communicated\nmy doubts to my friend, the distinguished linguist, Mr. Horatio Hale,\nand asked him to state them to the Rev. Albert Anthony, a well educated\nnative Delaware, equally conversant with his own tongue and with\nEnglish.\n\nMr. Anthony considered the subject fully, and concluded by expressing\nthe positive opinion that the text as given was a genuine _oral_\ncomposition of a Delaware Indian. In many lines the etymology and\nsyntax are correct; in others there are grammatical defects, which\nconsist chiefly in the omission of terminal inflections.\n\nThe suggestion he offered to explain these defects is extremely\nnatural. The person who wrote down this oral explanation of the signs,\nor, to speak more accurately, these chants which the signs were\nintended to keep in memory, was imperfectly acquainted with the native\ntongue, and did not always catch terminal sounds. The speaker also may\nhave used here and there parts of that clipped language, or \"white\nman's Indian,\" which I have before referred to as serving for the\ntrading tongue between the two races.\n\nThis was also the opinion of the Moravian natives who examined the\ntext. They all agreed that it impressed them as being of aboriginal\norigin, though the difference of the forms of words left them often in\nthe dark as to the meaning.\n\nThis very obscurity is in fact a proof that Rafinesque did not\nmanufacture it. Had he done so, he would have used the \"Mission\nDelaware\" words which he found in Zeisberger. But the text has quite a\nnumber not in that dialect, nor in any of the mission dictionaries.\n\nMoreover, had he taken the words from such sources, he would in his\ntranslation have given their correct meanings; but in many instances he\nis absurdly far from their sense. Thus he writes: \"The word for angels,\n_angelatawiwak_, is not borrowed, but real Linapi, and is the same as\nthe Greek word _angelos_;\"[256] whereas it is a verbal with a future\nsense from the very common Delaware verb _angeln_, to die. Many such\nexamples will be noted in the vocabulary on a later page.\n\nIn several cases the figures or symbols appear to me to bear out the\ncorrected translations which I have given of the lines, and not that of\nRafinesque. This, it will be observed, is an evidence, not merely that\nhe must have received this text from other hands, but the figures also,\nand weighs heavily in favor of the authentic character of both.\n\nThat it is a copy is also evident from some manifest mistakes in\ntranscription, which Rafinesque preserves in his printed version, and\nendeavored to translate, not perceiving their erroneous form. Thus,\nin the fourth line of the first chant, he wrote _owak_, translating\nit \"much air or clouds,\" when it is clearly a mere transposition for\n_woak_, the Unami form of the conjunction \"and,\" as the sense requires.\nNo such blunder would appear if he had forged the document. It is\ntrue that a goodly share of the words in the earlier chants occur in\nZeisberger. Thus it seems, at first sight, suspicious to find the\nthree or four superlatives in III, 5, all given under examples of the\nsuperlatives, in Zeisberger's _Grammar_, p. 105. It looks as if they\nhad been bodily transferred into the song. So I thought; but afterwards\nI found these same superlatives in Heckewelder, who added specifically\nthat \"the Delawares had formed them to address or designate the Supreme\nbeing.\"[257]\n\nIf we assume that this song is genuine, then Zeisberger was undoubtedly\nfamiliar with some version of it; had learned it probably, and placed\nmost of its words in his vocabulary.\n\nSome other collateral evidences of authenticity I have referred to on\nprevious pages (pp. 67, 89, 136).\n\nFrom these considerations, and from a study of the text, the opinion I\nhave formed of the WALAM OLUM is as follows:--\n\nIt is a genuine native production, which was repeated orally to some\none indifferently conversant with the Delaware language, who wrote\nit down to the best of his ability. In its present form it can, as a\nwhole, lay no claim either to antiquity, or to purity of linguistic\nform. Yet, as an authentic modern version, slightly colored by\nEuropean teachings, of the ancient tribal traditions, it is well worth\npreservation, and will repay more study in the future than is given it\nin this volume. The narrator was probably one of the native chiefs or\npriests, who had spent his life in the Ohio and Indiana towns of the\nLenape, and who, though with some knowledge of Christian instruction,\npreferred the pagan rites, legends and myths of his ancestors. Probably\ncertain lines and passages were repeated in the archaic form in which\nthey had been handed down for generations.\n\n\n_Phonetic System._\n\nThe phonetic system adopted by the writer, whoever he was, is not that\nof the Moravian brethren. They employed the German alphabet, which does\nnot obtain in the present text. On this point Rafinesque says: \"The\northography of the Linapi names is reduced to the Spanish or French\npronunciation, except _sh_, as in English; _u_, as in French; _w_, as\nin _how_.\"[258] A comparison of the words with their equivalents in\nZeisberger's spelling shows that this is generally true.\n\nIt is obvious that the gutturals are few and soft, and that the process\nof synthesis is carried further than in the Minsi dialect. For this\nreason, from the introduction of peculiar words, and from the loss of\ncertain grammatical terminations, the Minsi Delawares of to-day, to\nwhom I have submitted it, are of the opinion that it belongs to one of\nthe southern dialects of their nation; perhaps to the Unalachtgo, as\nsuggested by Chief Gabriel Tobias, in his letter printed on a preceding\npage (p. 88).\n\n\n_Metrical Form._\n\nEven to an ear not acquainted with the language, the chants of the\nWALAM OLUM are obviously in metrical arrangement. The rhythm is\nsyllabic and accentual, with frequent effort to select homophones\n(to which the correct form of the words is occasionally sacrificed),\nand sometimes alliteration. Iteration is also called in aid, and the\nmetrical scheme is varied in the different chants.\n\nAll these rhythmical devices appear in the native American songs of\nmany tribes, though I cannot point to any other strictly aboriginal\nproduction in Algonkin, where a tendency toward rhyme is as prominent\nas in the WALAM OLUM. It is well to remember, however, that our\nmaterial for comparison is exceedingly scanty, and also that for\nnearly three fourths of a century before this song was obtained, the\nmusic-loving Moravian missionaries had made the Delawares familiar with\nnumerous hymns in their own tongue, correctly framed and rhymed.\n\n\n_Pictographic System_\n\nThe pictographic system which the WALAM OLUM presents is clearly that\nof the Western Algonkins, most familiar to us through examples from the\nChipeways and Shawnees. It is quite likely, indeed, that it was the work\nof a Shawnee, as we know that they supplied such songs, with symbols,\nto the Chipeways, and were intimately associated with the Delawares.\n\nAt the time Rafinesque wrote, Tanner's _Narrative_ had been in print\nseveral years, and the numerous examples of Algonkin pictography it\ncontains were before him. Yet it must be said that the pictographs of\nthe WALAM OLUM have less resemblance to these than to those published\nby the Chipeway chief, George Copway, in 1850, and by Schoolcraft, in\nhis \"History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes.\" There is generally\na distinct, obvious connection between the symbol and the sense of\nthe text, sufficient to recall the latter to one who has made himself\nonce thoroughly familiar with it. I have not undertaken a study of\nthe symbols; but have confined myself to a careful reproduction of\nthem, and the suggestion of their more obvious meanings, and their\ncorrespondences with the pictographs furnished by later writers. I\nshall leave it for others to determine to what extent they should be\naccepted as a pure specimen of Algonkin pictographic writing.\n\n\n_Derivation of Walam Olum._\n\nThe derivation of the name WALAM OLUM has been largely anticipated on\nprevious pages. I have shown that _w\u00e2l\u00e2m_ (in modern Minsi, _w\u00e2lumin_)\nmeans \"painted,\" especially \"painted _red_.\" This is a secondary\nmeaning, as the root wuli conveys the idea of something pleasant, in\nthis connection, pleasant to the eye, fine, pretty. (See ante p. 104.)\n\n_Olum_ was the name of the scores, marks, or figures in use on the\ntally-sticks or record-boards. The native Delaware missionary, Mr.\nAlbert Anthony says that the knowledge of these ancient signs has been\nlost, but that the word _olum_ is still preserved by the Delaware boys\nin their games when they keep the score by notches on a stick. These\nnotches--not the sticks--are called to this day _olum_--an interesting\nexample of the preservation of an archaic form in the language of\nchildren.\n\nThe name _W\u00e2l\u00e2m Olum_ is therefore a highly appropriate one for the\nrecord, and may be translated \"RED SCORE.\"\n\n\n_The MS. of the_ WALAM OLUM.\n\nThe MS. from which I have printed the WALAM OLUM is a small quarto of\nforty unnumbered leaves, in the handwriting of Rafinesque. It is in two\nparts with separate titles. The first reads:--\n\n             WALAMOLUM\n\n  First Part of the painted-engraved \u2551 traditions of the Linni\n  linapi,&c \u2551 containing \u2551 the 3 original traditional poems \u2551 1 on the\n  Creation and Ontogony, 24 verses \u2551 2 on the Deluge, &c. 16 v \u2551 3 on\n  the passage to America, 20 v \u2551 Signs and Verses, 60 \u2551 with the\n  original glyphs or signs \u2551 for each verse of the poems or songs\n  \u2551 translated word for word \u2551 by C S Rafinesque \u2551 1833\n\nThe title of the second part is:--\n\n             WALAM-OLUM\n\n  First and Second Parts of the \u2551 Painted and engraved\n  traditions \u2551 of the Linni linapi\n\n                  II Part\n\nHistorical Chronicles or Annals \u2551 in two Chronicles\n\n1 From arrival in America to settlement in Ohio, &c 4 chapters each of\n16 verses, each of 4 words, 64 signs\n\n2d From Ohio to Atlantic States and back to Missouri, a mere succession\nof names in 3 chapters of 20 verses--60 signs\n\nTranslated word for word by means of Zeisberger and Linapi Dictionary.\nWith explanations, &c.\n\nBy C S Rafinesque 1833\n\n\nWhen Rafinesque died, his MSS. were scattered and passed into various\nhands. Prof. Haldeman, in his notice above referred to (p. 150), stated\nthat he and \"Mr. Poulson of Philadelphia\" had a large part of them.\n\nThis particular one, and also others descriptive of Rafinesque's\narchaeological explorations in the southwest, his surveys of the\nearthworks of Kentucky and the neighboring states, and the draft of a\nwork on \"The Ancient Monuments of North and South America,\" came into\nthe possession of the Hon. Brantz Mayer, of Baltimore, distinguished as\nan able public man and writer on American subjects, from whose family\nI obtained them.\n\nHe loaned them all to Mr. E. G. Squier, who made extensive use of\nRafinesque's surveys, in the \"Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi\nValley,\" giving due credit.\n\nIn June, 1848, Mr. Squier read before the New York Historical Society\na paper entitled, \"Historical and Mythological Traditions of the\nAlgonquins; with a translation of the 'Walum-Olum,' or Bark Record\nof the Linni-Lenape.\" This was published in the \"American Review,\"\nFebruary, 1849, and has been reprinted by Mr. W. W. Beach, in his\n\"Indian Miscellany\" (Albany, 1877), and in the fifteenth edition of Mr.\nS. G. Drake's \"Aboriginal Races of North America.\"\n\nThis paper gave the symbols, original text and Rafinesque's translation\nof the first two songs, and a free translation only, of the remainder.\nThe text was carelessly copied, whole words being omitted, and no\nattempt was made to examine the accuracy of the translation; the\nsymbols were also imperfect, several being reversed. Hence, as material\nfor a critical study of the document, Squier's essay is of little value.\n\nAt the close of the second part of the MS. there are four pages,\nclosely written, with the title:--\n\n\"Fragment on the History of the Linapis since abt 1600 when the\n_Wallamolum_ closes translated from the Linapi by John Burns.\"\n\nThis was printed by Rafinesque and Squier, but as it has no original\ntext, as nothing is known of \"John Burns,\" and as the document itself,\neven if reasonably authentic, has no historic value, I omit it.\n\n\n_General Synopsis of the Walam Olum._\n\nThe myths embodied in the earlier portion of the WALAM OLUM are\nperfectly familiar to one acquainted with Algonkin mythology. They are\nnot of foreign origin, but are wholly within the cycle of the most\nancient legends of that stock. Although they are not found elsewhere\nin the precise form here presented, all the figures and all the\nleading incidents recur in the native tales picked up by the Jesuit\nmissionaries in the seventeenth century, and by Schoolcraft, McKinney,\nTanner and others in later days.\n\nIn an earlier chapter I have collected the imperfect fragments of these\nwhich we hear of among the Delawares, and these are sufficient to\nshow that they had substantially the same mythology as their western\nrelatives.\n\nThe cosmogony describes the formation of the world by the Great Manito,\nand its subsequent despoliation by the spirit of the waters, under the\nform of a serpent. The happy days are depicted, when men lived without\nwars or sickness, and food was at all times abundant. Evil beings, of\nmysterious power, introduced cold and war and sickness and premature\ndeath. Then began strife and long wanderings.\n\nHowever similar this general outline may be to European and Oriental\nmyths, it is neither derived originally from them, nor was it acquired\nlater by missionary influence. This similarity is due wholly to the\nidentity of psychological action, the same ideas and fancies arising\nfrom similar impressions in New as well as Old World tribes. No sound\nethnologist, no thorough student in comparative mythology, would seek\nto maintain a genealogical relation of cultures on the strength of\nsuch identities. They are proofs of the oneness of the human mind, and\nnothing more.\n\nAs to the historical portion of the document, it must be judged by\nsuch corroborative evidence as we can glean from other sources. I have\nquoted, in an earlier chapter, sufficient testimony to show that the\nLenape had traditions similar to these, extending back for centuries,\nor at least believed by their narrators to reach that far. What trust\ncan be reposed in them is for the archaeologist to judge.\n\nAuthentic history tells us nothing about the migrations of the Lenape\nbefore we find them in the valley of the Delaware. There is no positive\nevidence that they arrived there from the west; still less concerning\ntheir earlier wanderings.\n\nWere I to reconstruct their ancient history from the WALAM OLUM, as I\nunderstand it, the result would read as follows:--\n\nAt some remote period their ancestors dwelt far to the northeast, on\ntide-water, probably at Labrador (Compare ante, p. 145). They journeyed\nsouth and west, till they reached a broad water, full of islands and\nabounding in fish, perhaps the St. Lawrence about the Thousand Isles.\nThey crossed and dwelt for some generations in the pine and hemlock\nregions of New York, fighting more or less with the Snake people, and\nthe Talega, agricultural nations, living in stationary villages to the\nsoutheast of them, in the area of Ohio and Indiana. They drove out the\nformer, but the latter remained on the upper Ohio and its branches.\nThe Lenape, now settled on the streams in Indiana, wished to remove\nto the East to join the Mohegans and other of their kin who had moved\nthere directly from northern New York. They, therefore, united with the\nHurons (Talamatans) to drive out the Talega (Tsalaki, Cherokees) from\nthe upper Ohio. This they only succeeded in accomplishing finally in\nthe historic period (see ante p. 17). But they did clear the road and\nreached the Delaware valley, though neither forgetting nor giving up\ntheir claims to their western territories (see ante p. 144).\n\nIn the sixteenth century the Iroquois tribes seized and occupied the\nwhole of the Susquehanna valley, thus cutting off the eastern from the\nwestern Algonkins, and ended by driving many of the Lenape from the\nwest to the east bank of the Delaware (ante p. 38,).\n\n\n_Synopsis of the separate parts._\n\n  I.\n\nThe formation of the universe by the Great Manito is described. In the\nprimal fog and watery waste he formed land and sky, and the heavens\ncleared. He then created men and animals. These lived in peace and joy\nuntil a certain evil manito came, and sowed discord and misery.\n\nThis canto is a version of the Delaware tradition mentioned in the\nHeckewelder MSS. which I have given previously, p. 135. The notion\nof the earth rising from the primal waters is strictly a part of\nthe earliest Algonkin mythology, as I have amply shown in previous\ndiscussions of the subject. See my _Myths of the New World_, p. 213,\nand _American Hero Myths_, Chap. II.\n\n  II.\n\nThe Evil Manito, who now appears under the guise of a gigantic serpent,\ndetermines to destroy the human race, and for that purpose brings upon\nthem a flood of water. Many perish, but a certain number escape to the\nturtle, that is, to solid land, and are there protected by Nanabush\n(Manibozho or Michabo). They pray to him for assistance, and he caused\nthe water to disappear, and the great serpent to depart.\n\nThis canto is a brief reference to the conflict between the Algonkin\nhero god and the serpent of the waters, originally, doubtless, a\nmeteorological myth. It is an ancient and authentic aboriginal legend,\nshared both by Iroquois and Algonkins, under slightly different forms.\nIn one aspect, it is the Flood or Deluge Myth. For the general form\nof this myth, see my _Myths of the New World_, pp. 119, 143, 182, and\n_American Hero Myths_, p. 50, and authorities there quoted; also, E. G.\nSquier, \"Manabozho and the Great Serpent; an Algonquin Tradition,\" in\nthe _American Review_, Vol. II, Oct., 1848.\n\n  III.\n\nThe waters having disappeared, the home of the tribe is described as in\na cold northern clime. This they concluded to leave in search of warmer\nlands. Having divided their people into a warrior and a peaceful class,\nthey journeyed southward, toward what is called the \"Snake land.\" They\napproached this land in winter, over a frozen river. Their number was\nlarge, but all had not joined in the expedition with equal willingness,\ntheir members at the west preferring their ancient seats in the north\nto the uncertainty of southern conquests. They, however, finally united\nwith the other bands, and they all moved south to the land of spruce\npines.\n\n  IV.\n\nThe first sixteen verses record the gradual conquest of most of the\nSnake land. It seems to have required the successive efforts of six or\nseven head chiefs, one after another, to bring this about, probably\nbut a small portion at a time yielding to the attacks of these enemies.\nIts position is described as being to the southwest, and in the\ninterior of the country. Here they first learned to cultivate maize.\n\nThe remainder of the canto is taken up with a long list of chiefs,\nand with the removal of the tribe, in separate bands and at different\ntimes, to the east. In this journey from the Snake land to the east,\nthey encountered and had long wars with the Talega. These lived in\nstrong towns, but by the aid of the Hurons (Talamatans), they overcame\nthem and drove them to the south.\n\n  V.\n\nHaving conquered the Talegas, the Lenape possessed their land and\nthat of the Snake people, and for a certain time enjoyed peace\nand abundance. Then occurred a division of their people, some, as\nNanticokes and Shawnees, going to the south, others to the west, and\nlater, the majority toward the east, arriving finally at the Salt\nsea, the Atlantic ocean. Thence a portion turned north and east, and\nencountered the Iroquois. Still later, the three sub-tribes of the\nLenape settled themselves definitely along the Delaware river, and\nreceived the geographical names by which they were known, as Minsi,\nUnami and Unalachtgo (see ante, p. 36). They were often at war with\nthe Iroquois, generally successfully. Rumors of the whites had reached\nthem, and finally these strangers approached the river, both from the\nnorth (New York bay) and the south. Here the song closes.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[246] _American Journal of Science_, Vol. XL, p. 237.\n\n[247] Samuel F. Haven, _Archaeology of the United States_, p. 40.\n\n[248] _The Good Book; or the Amenities of Nature. Printed for the\nEleutherium of Knowledge_. Philadelphia, 1840, pp. 77, 78. This\n\"Eleutherium,\" so far as I can learn, consisted of nobody but Monsieur\nRafinesque himself. Among his manifold projects was a \"Divitial\nSystem\", by which all interested could soon become large capitalists.\nHe published a book on it (of course), which might be worth the\nattention of a financial economist. The solid men of Philadelphia,\nhowever, like its scholars, turned a deaf ear to the words of the\neccentric foreigner.\n\n[249] _The American Nations_, etc., p. 78.\n\n[250] Ibid, p. 123.\n\n[251] Tanner's _Narrative_, p. 359.\n\n[252] _American Nations_, p. 122.\n\n[253] Ibid, p. 151.\n\n[254] \"My friend, Mr. Ward, took me to Cynthiana in a gig, where I\nsurveyed other ancient monuments.\" Rafinesque, _A Life of Travels and\nResearches_, p. 74. (Phila., 1836.)\n\n[255] _American Journal of Science_, Vol. XL, p. 237, note.\n\n[256] The American Nations, p. 151.\n\n[257] _Correspondence between the Rev. John Heckewelder and Peter S\nDuponceau, Esq._, p. 410.\n\n[258] _The American Nations_, p. 125.\n\n\n\n\n  THE WALUM OLUM\n        or\n    RED SCORE,\n      of the\n      LEN\u00c2P\u00c9.\n\n\n  I.\n\n[Illustration: 1. Sayewi talli wemiguma wokgetaki,\n\n2. Hackung kwelik owanaku wak yutali Kitanitowit-essop.\n\n3. Sayewis hallemiwis nolemiwi elemamik Kitanitowit-es-sop.\n\n4. Sohalawak kwelik hakik owak[259] awasagamak.\n\n5. Sohalawak gishuk nipahum alankwak.\n\n6. Wemi-sohalawak yulik yuchaan.\n\n7. Wich-owagan kshakan moshakwat[260] kwelik kshipe-helep.\n\n8. Opeleken mani-menak delsin-epit.]\n\n\n1. At first, in that place, at all times, above the earth,\n\n2. On the earth, [was] an extended fog, and there the great Manito was.\n\n3. At first, forever, lost in space, everywhere, the great Manito was.\n\n4. He made the extended land and the sky.\n\n5. He made the sun, the moon, the stars.\n\n6. He made them all to move evenly.\n\n7. Then the wind blew violently, and it cleared, and the water flowed\noff far and strong.\n\n8. And groups of islands grew newly, and there remained\n\n\n[Illustration: 9. Lappinup Kitanitowit manito manitoak.\n\n10. Owiniwak angelatawiwak chichankwak wemiwak.\n\n11. Wtenk manito jinwis lennowak mukom.\n\n12. Milap netami gaho owini gaho.\n\n13. Namesik milap, tulpewik milap, awesik milap, cholensak milap.\n\n14. Makimani shak sohalawak makowini nakowak amangamek.]\n\n\n9. Anew spoke the great Manito, a manito to manitos,\n\n10. To beings, mortals, souls and all,\n\n11. And ever after he was a manito to men, and their grandfather.\n\n12. He gave the first mother, the mother of beings.\n\n13. He gave the fish, he gave the turtles, he gave the beasts,\nhe gave the birds.\n\n14. But an evil Manito made evil beings only, monsters,\n\n\n[Illustration: 15. Sohalawak uchewak, sohala-wak pungusak.\n\n16. Nitisak wemi owini w delsinewuap.\n\n17. Kiwis, wunand wishimanitoak essopak\n\n18. Nijini netami lennowak, ni goha netami okwewi nan tinewak.\n\n19. Gattamin netami mitzi nijini nantine.\n\n20. Wemi wingi-namenep, wemi ksin-elendamep, wemi wullatemanuwi.\n\n21. Shukand eli-kimi mekenikink wakon powako init'ako.]\n\n\n15. He made the flies, he made the gnats.\n\n16. All beings were then friendly.\n\n17. Truly the manitos were active and kindly\n\n18. To those very first men, and to those first mothers;\nfetched them wives,\n\n19. And fetched them food, when first they desired it.\n\n20. All had cheerful knowledge, all had leisure,\nall thought in gladness.\n\n21. But very secretly an evil being, a mighty magician, came on earth,\n\n\n[Illustration: 22. Mattalogas pallalogas maktaton owagan\npayat-chik yutali.\n\n23. Maktapan payat, wihillan payat, mboagan payat.\n\n24. Won wemi wiwunch kamik atak kitahikan netamaki epit.]\n\n\n  II.\n\n[Illustration: 1. Wulamo maskanako anup lennowak makowini essopak.\n\n2. Maskanako shingalusit nijini essopak shawelendamep eken shingalan.\n\n3. Nishawi palliton, nishawi machiton, nishawi matta lungundowin.\n\n4. Mattapewi wiki nihanlowit mekwazoan.]\n\n\n22. And with him brought badness, quarreling, unhappiness,\n\n23. Brought bad weather, brought sickness, brought death.\n\n24. All this took place of old on the earth, beyond the great\ntide-water, at the first.\n\n\n1. Long ago there was a mighty snake and beings evil to men.\n\n2. This mighty snake hated those who were there (and) greatly\ndisquieted those whom he hated.\n\n3. They both did harm, they both injured each other, both were not in\npeace.\n\n4. Driven from their homes they fought with this murderer.\n\n\n[Illustration: 5. Maskanako gishi penauwelendamep lennowak owini\npalliton.\n\n6. Nakowa petonep, amangam petonep, akopehella petonep.\n\n7. Pehella pehella, pohoka pohoka, eshohok eshohok, palliton palliton.\n\n8. Tulapit menapit Nanaboush maskaboush owinimokom linowimokom.\n\n9. Gishikin-pommixin tulagis-hatten-lohxin.\n\n10. Owini linowi wemoltin, Pehella gahani pommixin,\nNahiwi tatalli tulapin.]\n\n\n5. The mighty snake firmly resolved to harm the men.\n\n6. He brought three persons, he brought a monster,\nhe brought a rushing water.\n\n7. Between the hills the water rushed and rushed, dashing through\nand through, destroying much.\n\n8. Nanabush, the Strong White One, grandfather of beings, grandfather\nof men, was on the Turtle Island.\n\n9. There he was walking and creating, as he passed by and created the\nturtle.\n\n10. Beings and men all go forth, they walk in the floods and shallow\nwaters, down stream thither to the Turtle Island.\n\n\n[Illustration: 11. Amanganek makdopannek alendyuwek metzipannek.\n\n12. Manito-dasin mokol-wichemap, Palpal payat payat wemichemap.\n\n13. Nanaboush Nanaboush wemimokom, Winimokom linnimokom tulamokom.\n\n14. Linapi-ma tulapi-ma tulapewi tapitawi.\n\n15. Wishanem tulpewi pataman tulpewi poniton wuliton.\n\n16. Kshipehelen penkwihilen, Kwamipokho sitwalikho,\nMaskan wagan palliwi palliwi.]\n\n\n  III.\n\n[Illustration: 1. Pehella wtenk lennapewi tulapewini psakwiken\nwoliwikgun wittank talli.\n\n2. Topan-akpinep, wineu-akpinep, kshakan-akpinep,\nthupin akpinep.]\n\n\n11. There were many monster fishes, which ate some of them.\n\n12. The Manito daughter, coming, helped with her canoe, helped all, as\nthey came and came.\n\n13. [And also] Nanabush, Nanabush, the grandfather of all, the\ngrandfather of beings, the grandfather of men, the grandfather of the\nturtle.\n\n14. The men then were together on the turtle, like to turtles.\n\n15. Frightened on the turtle, they prayed on the turtle that what was\nspoiled should be restored.\n\n16. The water ran off, the earth dried, the lakes were at rest, all was\nsilent, and the mighty snake departed.\n\n\n1. After the rushing waters (had subsided) the Lenape of the turtle\nwere close together, in hollow houses, living together there.\n\n2. It freezes where they abode, it snows where they abode, it storms\nwhere they abode, it is cold where they abode.\n\n\n[Illustration: 3. Lowankwamink wulaton wtakan tihill kelik meshautang\nsili ewak.\n\n4. Chintanes-sin powalessin peyachik wikhichik pokwihil.\n\n5. Eluwi-chitanesit eluwi takau wesit, elowi chiksit,\nelowichik delsinewo.\n\n6. Lowaniwi, wapaniwi shawaniwi, wunkeniwi, elowichik apakachik.\n\n7. Lumowaki, lowanaki tulpenaki elowaki tulapiwi lina-piwi.\n\n8. Wemiako yagawan tendki lakkawelendam nakopowa wemi owenluen atam.\n\n9. Akhokink wapaneu wemoltin palliaal kitelendam aptelendam.]\n\n\n3. At this northern place they speak favorably of mild, cool (lands),\nwith many deer and buffaloes.\n\n4. As they journeyed, some being strong, some rich, they separated into\nhouse-builders and hunters;\n\n5. The strongest, the most united, the purest, were the hunters.\n\n6. The hunters showed themselves at the north, at the east, at the\nsouth, at the west.\n\n7. In that ancient country, in that northern country, in that turtle\ncountry, the best of the Lenape were the Turtle men.\n\n8. All the cabin fires of that land were disquieted, and all said to\ntheir priest, \"Let us go\".\n\n9. To the Snake land to the east they went forth, going away, earnestly\ngrieving.\n\n\n[Illustration: 10. Pechimuin shakowen[261] nungihillan lusasaki pikihil\npokwihil akomenaki.\n\n11. Nihillapewin komelendam lowaniwi wemiten chihillen winiaken.\n\n12. Namesuagipek pokhapockhapek guneunga waplanewa ouken waptumewi\nouken.\n\n13. Amokolon nallahemen agunouken pawasinep wapasinep akomenep.[262]\n\n14. Wihlamokkicholenluchundi, Wematam akomen luchundi.\n\n15. Witehen wemiluen wemaken nihillen.\n\n16. Nguttichin lowaniwi,\n    Nguttichin wapaniwi,\n    Agamunk topanpek\n    Wulliton epannek.\n\n17. Wulelemil w'shakuppek,\n    Wemopannek hakhsinipek,\n    Kitahikan pokhakhopek.]\n\n\n10. Split asunder, weak, trembling, their land burned, they went, torn\nand broken, to the Snake Island.\n\n11. Those from the north being free, without care, went forth from the\nland of snow, in different directions.\n\n12. The fathers of the Bald Eagle and the White Wolf remain along the\nsea, rich in fish and muscles.\n\n13. Floating up the streams in their canoes, our fathers were rich,\nthey were in the light, when they were at those islands.\n\n14. Head Beaver and Big Bird said, \"Let us go to Snake Island,\"\nthey said.\n\n15. All say they will go along to destroy all the land.\n\n16. Those of the north agreed,\n    Those of the east agreed.\n    Over the water, the frozen sea,\n    They went to enjoy it.\n\n17. On the wonderful, slippery water,\n    On the stone-hard water all went,\n    On the great Tidal Sea, the muscle-bearing sea.\n\n\n[Illustration:\n18. Tellenchen kittapakki nillawi,\n    Wemoltin gutikuni nillawi,\n    Akomen wapanawaki nillawi,\n    Ponskan, ponskan, wemiwi olini.\n\n19. Lowanapi, wapanapi, shawa-napi,\n    Lanewapi, tamakwapi, tume-wapi,\n    Elowapi, powatapi, wilawapi,\n    Okwisapi, danisapi, allumapi,\n\n20. Wemipayat gun\u00e9unga shinaking,\n    Wunkenapi chanelendam payaking,\n    Allowelendam kowiyey tulpaking.]\n\n\n  IV.\n\n[Illustration: 1. Wulamo linapioken manup shinaking.\n\n2. Wapallanewa sittamaganat yukepechi wemima,\n\n3. Akhomenis michihaki wellaki kundokanup.]\n\n\n    18. Ten thousand at night,\n        All in one night,\n        To the Snake Island, to the east, at night,\n        They walk and walk, all of them.\n\n    19. The men from the north, the east, the south,\n        The Eagle clan, the Beaver clan, the Wolf clan,\n        The best men, the rich men, the head men,\n        Those with wives, those with daughters, those with dogs,\n\n    20. They all come, they tarry at the land of the spruce pines;\n        Those from the west come with hesitation,\n        Esteeming highly their old home at the Turtle land.\n\n\n1. Long ago the fathers of the Lenape were at the land of spruce pines.\n\n2. Hitherto the Bald Eagle band had been the pipe bearer,\n\n3. While they were searching for the Snake Island, that great and\nfine land.\n\n\n[Illustration: 4. Angomelchik elowichik elmusichik menalting.\n\n5. Wemilo kolawil sakima lissilma.\n\n6. Akhopayat kihillalend akhopokho askiwaal.\n\n7. Showihilla akhowemi gandhaton mashkipokhing.\n\n8. Wtenkolawil shinaking sakimanep wapagokhos.\n\n9. Wtenk nekama sakimanep janotowi enolowin.\n\n10. Wtenk nekama sakimanep chilili shawaniluen.]\n\n\n4. They having died, the hunters, about to depart, met together.\n\n5. All say to Beautiful Head, \"Be thou chief.\"\n\n6. \"Coming to the Snakes, slaughter at that Snake hill,\nthat they leave it.\"\n\n7. All of the Snake tribe were weak, and hid themselves\nin the Swampy Vales.\n\n8. After Beautiful Head, White Owl was chief at Spruce Pine land.\n\n9. After him, Keeping-Guard was chief of that people.\n\n10. After him, Snow Bird was chief, he spoke of the south,\n\n\n[Illustration: 11. Wokenapi nitaton wullaton apakchikton.\n\n12. Shawaniwaen chilili, wapaniwaen tamakwi.\n\n13. Akolaki shawanaki, kitshinaki shabiyaki.\n\n14. Wapanaki namesaki, pemapaki sisilaki.\n\n15. Wtenk chilili sakimanep ayamek weminilluk.\n\n16. Chikonapi akhonapi makatapi assinapi.\n\n17. Wtenk ayamek tellen sakimak machi tonanup shawapama.]\n\n\n11. That our fathers should possess it by scattering abroad.\n\n12. Snow Bird went south, White Beaver went east.\n\n13. The Snake land was at the south, the great Spruce Pine land\nwas toward the shore;\n\n14. To the east was the Fish land, toward the lakes was\nthe buffalo land.\n\n15. After Snow Bird, the Seizer was chief, and all were killed,\n\n16. The robbers, the snakes, the evil men, the stone men.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n17. After the Seizer there were ten chiefs, and there was much warfare\nsouth and east.\n\n\n[Illustration: 18. Wtenk nellamawa sakimanep langundowi akolaking.\n\n19. Wtenk nekama sakimanep tasukamend shakagapipi.\n\n20. Wtenk nekama sakimanep pemaholend wuhtowin.\n\n21. Sagimawtenk matemik, sagimawtenk pilsohalm.\n\n22. Sagimawtenk gunokeni, sagimawtenk mangipitak.\n\n23. Sagimawtenk olumapi, leksahowen sohalawak.\n\n24. Sagimawtenk taguachi shawamwaen mmihaking.\n\n25. Sakimawtenk huminiend mimgeman sohalgol.]\n\n\n18. After them, the Peaceable was chief at Snake land.\n\n19. After him, Not-Black was chief, who was a straight man.\n\n20. After him, Much-Loved was chief, a good man.\n\n21. After him, No-Blood was chief, who walked in cleanliness.\n\n22. After him, Snow-Father was chief, he of the big teeth.\n\n23. After him, Tally-Maker was chief, who made records.\n\n24. After him, Shiverer-with-Cold was chief, who went south\nto the corn land.\n\n25. After him, Corn-Breaker was chief, who brought about\nthe planting of corn.\n\n\n[Illustration: 26. Sakimawtenk alkosohit sakimachik apendawi.\n\n27. Sawkima tenk shiwapi, sakimatenk penkwonwi.\n\n28. Attasokelan attaminin wapaniwaen italissipek.\n\n29. Oligonunk sisilaking nallimetzin kolakwammg.\n\n30. Wtenk penkwonwi wekwochella, wtenk nekama chingalsuwi.\n\n31. Wtenk nekama kwitikwond, slangelendam attagatta,\n\n32. Wundanuksm wapanickam[263] allendyachick kimimikwi.\n\n33. Gunehunga wetatamowi wakaholend sakimalanop.]\n\n\n26. After him, the Strong-Man was chief, who was useful\nto the chieftains.\n\n27. After him, the Salt-Man was chief; after him the\nLittle-One was chief.\n\n28. There was no rain, and no corn, so they moved further seaward.\n\n29. At the place of caves, in the buffalo land, they at last had food,\non a pleasant plain.\n\n30. After the Little-One (came) the Fatigued; after him, the Stiff-One.\n\n31. After him, the Reprover; disliking him, and unwilling (to remain),\n\n32. Being angry, some went off secretly, moving east.\n\n33. The wise ones who remained made the Loving-One chief.\n\n\n[Illustration: 34. Wisawana lappi wittank michi mini madawasim.\n\n35. Weminitis tamenend sakimanep nekohatami.\n\n36. Eluwiwulit matemenend wemi linapi nitis payat.\n\n37. Wtenk wulitma maskansisil sakimanep w'tamaganat.\n\n38. Machigokloos sakimanep, wapkicholen sakimanep.\n\n39. Wingenund sakimanep powatanep gentikalanep.\n\n40. Lapawin sakimanep, waliama sakimanep.\n\n41. Waptipatit sakimanep, lappi mahuk lowashawa.]\n\n\n34. They settled again on the Yellow river, and had much\ncorn on stoneless soil.\n\n35. All being friendly, the Affable was chief, the first of that name.\n\n36. He was very good, this Affable, and came as a friend\nto all the Lenape.\n\n37. After this good one, Strong-Buffalo was chief and pipe-bearer.\n\n38. Big-Owl was chief; White-Bird was chief.\n\n39. The Willing-One was chief and priest, he made festivals.\n\n40. Rich-Again was chief, the Painted-One was chief.\n\n41. White-Fowl was chief; again there was war, north and south.\n\n\n[Illustration: 42. Wewoattan menatting tumaokan sakimanep.\n\n43. Nitatonep wemi palliton maskansim nihillanep.\n\n44. Messissuwi sakimanep akowmi pallitonep.\n\n45. Chitanwulit sakimanep lowanuski pallitonep.\n\n46. Alokuwi sakimanep towakon pallitonep.\n\n47. Opekasit sakimanep sakhelendam pallitonepit.\n\n48. Wapagishik yuknohokluen makeluhuk wapaneken.\n\n49. Tsehepieken nemassipi[264] nolandowak gunehunga.]\n\n\n42. The Wolf-wise-in-Counsel was chief.\n\n43. He knew how to make war on all; he slew Strong-Stone.\n\n44. The Always-Ready-One was chief; he fought against the Snakes.\n\n45. The Strong-Good-One was chief; he fought against the northerners.\n\n46. The Lean-One was chief; he fought against the Tawa people.\n\n47. The Opossum-Like was chief; he fought in sadness,\n\n48. And said, \"They are many; let us go together to the east,\nto the sunrise.\"\n\n49. They separated at Fish river; the lazy ones remained there.\n\n\n[Illustration: 50. Yagawanend sakimanep talligewi wapawullaton.\n\n51. Chitanitis sakimanep wapawaki gotatamen.\n\n52. Wapallendi pomismep talegawil allendhilla.\n\n53. Mayoksuwi wemilowi palliton palliton.\n\n54. Talamatan nitilowan payatchik wemiten.\n\n55. Kinehepend sakimanep tamaganat sipakgamen.\n\n56. Wulatonwi makelima pallihilla talegawik.\n\n57. Pimokhasuwi sakimanep wsamimaskan talegawik.\n\n58. Tenchekentit sakimanep wemilat makelinik.]\n\n\n50. Cabin-Man was chief; the Talligewi possessed the east.\n\n51. Strong-Friend was chief; he desired the eastern land.\n\n52. Some passed on east; the Talega ruler killed some of them.\n\n53. All say, in unison, \"War, war\".\n\n54. The Talamatan, friends from the north, come, and all go together.\n\n55. The Sharp-One was chief; he was the pipe-bearer beyond the river.\n\n56. They rejoiced greatly that they should fight and slay\nthe Talega towns.\n\n57. The Starrer was chief, the Talega towns were too strong.\n\n58. The Fire-Builder was chief; they all gave to him many towns.\n\n\n[Illustration: 59. Pagan chihilla sakimanep shawanewak wemi talega.\n\n60. Hattan wulaton sakimanep, wingelendam wemi lennowak.\n\n61. Shawanipekis gunehungind lowanipekis talamatanitis.\n\n62. Attabchinitis gishelendam gunitakan sakimanep.\n\n63. Linniwulamen sakimanep pallitonep talamatan.\n\n64. Shakagapewi sakimanep nungiwi talamatan.]\n\n\n  V.\n\n[Illustration: 1. Wemilangundo wulamo talli talegaking.\n\n2. Tamaganend sakimanep wapalaneng.\n\n3. Wapushuwi sakimanep kelitgeman.]\n\n\n59. The Breaker-in-Pieces was chief; all the Talega go south.\n\n60. He-has-Pleasure was chief; all the people rejoice.\n\n61. They stay south of the lakes; the Talamatan friends north\nof the lakes.\n\n62. When Long-and-Mild was chief, those who were not his friends\nconspired.\n\n63. Truthful-Man was chief; the Talamatans made war.\n\n64. Just-and-True was chief; the Talamatans trembled.\n\n\n1. All were peaceful, long ago, there at the Talega land.\n\n2. The Pipe-Bearer was chief at the White river.\n\n3. White-Lynx was chief; much corn was planted.\n\n\n[Illustration: 4. Wulitshinik sakimanep makdopannik.\n\n5. Lekhihitin sakimanep wallamolumin.\n\n6. Kolachuisen sakimanep makeliming.\n\n7. Pematalli sakimanep makelinik.\n\n8. Pepomahenem sakimanep makelaning.\n\n9. Tankawon sakimanep makeleyachik.\n\n10. Nentegowi shawanowi shawanaking.\n\n11. Kichitamak sakimanep wapahoning.\n\n12. Onowutok awolagan wunkenahep.\n\n13. Wunpakitonis wunshawononis wunkiwikwotank.]\n\n\n4. Good-and-Strong was chief, the people were many.\n\n5. The Recorder was chief, he painted the records.\n\n6. Pretty-Blue-Bird was chief, there was much fruit.\n\n7. Always-There was chief, the towns were many.\n\n8. Paddler-up-Stream was chief, he was much on the rivers.\n\n9. Little-Cloud was chief, many departed,\n\n10. The Nanticokes and the Shawnees going to the south.\n\n11. Big-Beaver was chief, at the White Salt Lick.\n\n12. The Seer, the praised one, went to the west.\n\n13. He went to the west, to the southwest, to the western villages.\n\n\n[Illustration: 14. Pawanami sakimanep taleganah.\n\n15. Lokwelend sakimanep makpalliton.\n\n16. Lappi towako lappi sinako lappi lowako.\n\n17. Mokolmokom sakimanep mokolakolin.\n\n18. Winelowich sakimanep lowushkakiang.\n\n19. Linkwekinuk sakimanep talegachukang.\n\n20. Wapalawikwan sakimanep waptalegawing.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n21. Amangaki amigaki wapakisinep.\n\n22. Mattakohaki mapawaki mawulitenol.]\n\n\n14. The Rich-Down-River-Man was chief, at Talega river.\n\n15. The Walker was chief; there was much War.\n\n16. Again with the Tawa people, again with the Stone people,\nagain with the northern people.\n\n17. Grandfather-of-Boats was chief, he went to lands in boats.\n\n18. Snow-Hunter was chief; he went to the north land.\n\n19. Look-About was chief; he went to the Talega mound-mountains.\n\n20. East-Villager was chief; he was east of Talega.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n21. A great land and a wide land was the east land,\n\n22. A land without snakes, a rich land, a pleasant land.\n\n\n[Illustration: 23. Gikenopalat sakimanep pekochilowan.\n\n24. Saskwihanang hanaholend sakimanep.\n\n25. Gattawisi sakimanep winakaking.\n\n26. Wemi lowichik gishikshawipek lappi kichipek.\n\n27. Makhiawip sakimanep lapihaneng.\n\n28. Wolomenap sakimanep maskekitong.\n\n29. Wapanand tumewand waplowaan.\n\n30. Wulitpallat sakimanep piskwilowan.\n\n31. Mahongwi pungelika wemi nungwi.]\n\n\n23. Great Fighter was chief, toward the north.\n\n24. At the Straight river, River-Loving was chief.\n\n25. Becoming-Fat was chief at Sassafras land.\n\n26. All the hunters made wampum again at the great sea.\n\n27. Red-Arrow was chief at the stream again.\n\n28. The Painted-Man was chief at the Mighty Water.\n\n29. The Easterners and the Wolves go northeast.\n\n30. Good-Fighter was chief, and went to the north.\n\n31. The Mengwe, the Lynxes, all trembled.\n\n\n[Illustration: 32. Lappi tamenend sakimanepit wemi langundit.\n\n33. Wemi nitis wemi takwicken sakima kichwon.\n\n36. Kichitamak sakimanep winakununda.\n\n37. Wapahakey sakimanep sheybian.\n\n38. Elangomel sakimanep makeliwulit.\n\n39. Pitenumen sakimanep unchihillen.\n\n40. Wonwihil wapekunchi wapsipayat.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n41. Makelomush sakimanep wulatenamen.]\n\n\n32. Again an Affable was chief, and made peace with all,\n\n33. All were friends, all were united, under this great chief.\n\n36. Great-Beaver was chief, remaining in Sassafras land.\n\n37. White-Body was chief on the sea shore.\n\n38. Peace-Maker was chief, friendly to all.\n\n39. He-Makes-Mistakes was chief, hurriedly coming.\n\n40. At this time whites came on the Eastern sea.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n41. Much-Honored was chief; he was prosperous.\n\n\n[Illustration: 42. Wulakeningus sakimanep shawanipalat.\n\n43. Otaliwako akowetako ashkipalliton.\n\n44. Wapagamoshki sakimanep lamatanitis.\n\n45. Wapashum sakimanep talegawunkik.\n\n46. Mahiliniki mashawoniki makonowiki.\n\n47. Nitispayat sakimanep kipemapekan,\n\n48. Wemiamik weminitik kiwikhotan.\n\n49. Pakimitzin sakimanep tawanitip.]\n\n\n42. Well-Praised was chief; he fought at the south.\n\n43. He fought in the land of the Talega and Koweta.\n\n44. White-Otter was chief; a friend of the Talamatans.\n\n45. White-Horn was chief; he went to the Talega,\n\n46. To the Hilini, to the Shawnees, to the Kanawhas.\n\n47. Coming-as-a-Friend was chief; he went to the Great Lakes,\n\n48. Visiting all his children, all his friends.\n\n49. Cranberry-Eater was chief, friend of the Ottawas.\n\n\n[Illustration: 50. Lowaponskan sakimanep ganshowemk.\n\n51. Tashawinso sakimanep shayabing.\n\n52. Nakhagatfamen nakhalissin wenchikit,\n\n52. _bis._ Unamini minsimini chikimini.\n\n53. Epallahchund sakimanep mahongwipallat.\n\n54. Langomuwi sakimanep mahongwichamen.\n\n55. Wangomend sakimanep ikalawit,\n\n56. Otahwi wasiotowi shingalusit.]\n\n\n50. North-Walker was chief; he made festivals.\n\n51. Slow-Gatherer was chief at the shore.\n\n52. As three were desired, three those were who grew forth,\n\n52. _bis._ The Unami, the Minsi, the Chikini.\n\n53. Man-Who-Fails was chief; he fought the Mengwe.\n\n54. He-is-Friendly was chief; he scared the Mengwe.\n\n55. Saluted was chief; thither,\n\n56. Over there, on the Scioto, he had foes.\n\n\n[Illustration: 57. Wapachikis sakimanep shayabinitis.\n\n58. Ncnachihat sakimanep peklinkwekin.\n\n59. Wonwihil lowashawa wapayachik.\n\n60. Langomuwak kitohatewa ewenikiktit?]\n\n\n57. White-Crab was chief, a friend of the shore.\n\n58. Watcher was chief, he looked toward the sea.\n\n59. At this time, from north and south, the whites came.\n\n60. They are peaceful, they have great things, who are they?\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[259] Read, _woak_.\n\n[260] Var _moshalguat_.\n\n[261] Var. _showoken_.\n\n[262] Var. _menakinep_.\n\n[263] Var _wapanahan_.\n\n[264] Var _mixtisipi_.\n\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\nThe references to authorities on Algonkin picture-writing are the\nAppendix to _Tanner's Narrative of Captivity and Adventures_, Copway's\n_Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation_, and Schoolcraft's\n_Synopsis of Indian Symbols_, in Vol. I of his _History and Statistics\nof the Indian Tribes_. I have not pursued an investigation of the\nsymbols beyond the first chant.\n\n1. Rafinesque translates _wemiguna_ \"all sea water.\" The proper form\nis _wemmguna_, \"at all times\" (Anthony). The symbol is that of the\nsky and clouds above the earth. Compare Copway, p. 134; Schoolcraft,\n_Synopsis_, Fig. 17.\n\n2. _Kwelik_, a dialectic form of _quenek_, Z. long, stretched out.\n_Kitanito_, a compound of _kehtan_, great, and _manito_, mysterious\nbeing, is rendered by Raf. as Creator; _wit_ is the substantive\nverbaffix.\n\nHeckewelder (MSS.) distinguishes between the synthetic form,\n_ketanittowit_, which he translates \"Majestic Being,\" and the analytic\nform, _kitschi manito_, which he renders \"Supreme Wonder-doer.\" In\nthe latter, the sense of _manito_ is brought out. In the Delaware and\nrelated dialects it conveys the idea of making, or doing (_maniton_, to\nmake, Zeisberger, _Gram._, p. 222; _maranito taendo_, make a fire,\nCampamus; Chipeway, _win ma-nitawito_ he himself makes it, or, can make\nit).\n\nThe idea of making or creating is at the bottom of many native titles\nto supernatural powers, as the Shawnee _We-shellaqua_, \"he that made us\nall.\" (Rev. David Jones, Journal of Two Visits, etc., p. 62.) See notes\nto line four. The Algonkin root, _etu_, he does, he acts, he makes,\nwould therefore seem to be a radical of the word. (See Howse,\n_Gram. of the Cree Lang_., p. 160.)\n\nDr. Trumbull, on the other hand, believes the only radical to be _an_,\n= _el_ or _al_, in the sense of \"to be more than,\" \"to surpass,\" \"to\nexceed;\" and maintains that the syllable _it_, of the theme _manit_, is\na formative suffix. (In _Old and New_, March, 1870.)\n\nHeckewelder, in his translation \"wonder-doer,\" recognizes the force\nof both elements, and from the analogous expressions I have quoted,\nis probably correct. The element _an_ is thus an intensive prefix\nto the real root _it_, and the compound radical thus formed in the\nthird person, singular, _m\u00e5nito_, means \"he or it does or acts in a\nsurpassing or extraordinary manner.\"\n\n_Essop_, pl. _essopak_, frequently recurring words, are suppositive\n(see p. 90) forms of the verb _lissin_, \"to be or do so, to be so\nsituated, disposed, _or_ acting\" (Zeisberger, _Gram._ p. 117). The\nterminal _p_ is the sign of the preterite. They are dialectic for\n_elsitup_ and _elsichtitup_.\n\nThe symbol of a head with rays represents a manito. Schoolcraft,\n_Synopsis_, Fig. 10.\n\n3. Squier omits the word _elumamek_. These terms are formal epithets\napplied to the highest divinity. See page 158.\n\nSquier also adds that Fig. 3 represents the sun, and is the symbol of\nthe Great Spirit. Both these statements are incorrect. The oval is the\nearth-plain, with its four cardinal points, and the dot in the centre\nsignifies the spirit. See Copway, p. 135.\n\n4. _Sohalawak_ is not a Delaware form, but is a true Algonkin word, as\nseen in the Cree _ooseh-ayoo_, animate, _ooseh-taw_, inanimate, he, it,\nmakes, produces. (Howse, _Cree Grammar_, p. 166.) It appears in the\nShawnee _w'shellaqua_, quoted in notes to verse 2; in the Minsi dialect\nthe corresponding word is _kwishelmawak_; _owak_ is a mistake for\n_woak_, and Rafinesque translates it \"much air.\" _Awasagamak_, heaven,\nsky, literally, \"the land or place beyond,\" from _awossi_, beyond; but\nDr. Trumbull prefers a derivation from a root signifying \"light,\" _Del.\nwaseleu_, it is clear or bright (Trans. Am. Philol. Soc., 1872, p.\n164); this latter appears to me overstrained. The symbol is the earth\nsurmounted by the sky.\n\n5. The symbol represents the sun, moon and stars in the sky, which is\nrepeated with change of relative positions in the next verse. In Minsi,\nthe fifth line would read, _Kwishelmawak kischohk nipahenk alankwewak_.\n\n7. On the termination _wagan_ see page 101. The prefix _ksh_, properly\n_k'sch_, is intensive, as it is an abbreviation of _kitschi_, great,\nlarge. Thus _sokelan_, it rains, _k'schilan_, it rains very hard.\n\nThe symbol seems to indicate the waters flowing off.\n\n8. Mr. Anthony renders this line in Minsi:--\n\n  _Pilikin_          _ameni-menayen_        _epit_,\n  Grew-clean         groups of islands     where they are,\n\nThat is, that the islands rose dry and clean from the water, as they\nnow are found.\n\n_Delsin-epit_; the first part of this compound, properly\n_w'dell-sinewo_, is the indicative present, 3d p. pi., of _lissin_, to\nbe thus, or so situated; _epit_ is what Zeisberger (_Gram._ p. 115)\ncalls the \"adverbial\" form of _achpin_, to be there, in a particular\nplace. This adverbial is really the suppositive form of the verb, after\nthe vowel-change has taken place. (See above, page 107.)\n\nFormer renderings of the line are: \"It looks bright, and islands stood\nthere\" (Rafinesque). \"All was made bright, and the islands were brought\ninto being\" (Squier).\n\nThe symbol is a three cornered point of land, rising above the water\nunder the sky.\n\n9. _Manito manitoak_, \"made the makers',\" Raf.; \"made the Great\nSpirits,\" Squier. Either of these renderings is defensible, as will\nappear from the senses of _manito_, above given.\n\nThis line can be read in Minsi, _Lapi-up Kehtanitowit man'ito\nmani'towak_, Again-he-spake, Great-Spirit, a spirit, spirits. The\nsymbol represents the communion of the spirits. Compare Tanner,\n_Narrative_, p. 359, fig. 24.\n\n10. Raf. and Squier absurdly translate _angelatawiwak_, angels.\nIt is from a familiar Del. verb, _angeln_, to die. Compare Abnaki\n_8anangmes8ak_, \"revenants,\" Rasles, and _w'tanglowagan_, his death,\nZeis. The form in the text, according to Mr. Anthony, has the sense,\n\"things destined to die,\" mortal, perishable. He gives the line in\nMinsi as follows:--\n\n  _Aweniwak_    _angelatawawak_    _wtschitsch'wankwak_    _wemiwak_,\n     Beings       mortals              souls               and all\n\nThe _wak_ of the last word is not the plural but the conjunction \"and;\"\nas in the Latin, _omniaque_.\n\n11. Raf. translates _jinwis_ as \"man-being,\" and Squier thinks it the\nChipeway _inini_, men; but it appears to be the adverb _janwi_, ever,\nalways. The symbol is apparently that of birth, or being born. Compare\nTanner, _Narr._, p. 351, fig. 1, with that meaning, an armless figure\nwith wide spread legs.\n\n12. The pictograph is a woman, with breasts, but armless. The\n\"first mother\" here represented was an important personage in the\nmythology of the Chipeways and neighboring tribes. She was called\n\"the grandmother of mankind\" (_Me-suk-kum-me-go-kwa_, in Dr. James'\northography), and it was to her that Nanabush (Manibozho), imparted the\nsecrets of all roots, herbs and plants. Hence, the medicine men direct\ntheir songs and addresses to her whenever they take anything from the\nearth which is to be used as a medicine. Tanner's _Narrative_, p. 355.\n\n13. The figure of a square, the world, with the four varieties of\nanimals named.\n\n14. The bad spirit was, in Algonkin mythology, the water god, and\nwas represented as a serpent-like figure. See Copway, pp. 134, 135.\nSchoolcraft, _Synopsis_, figs. 93, 100.\n\n_Amangamek_, plural form of the compound _amangi_, great; _namaes_\nfish; but _amangi_ has the associate idea of terrifying, frightful,\nhence the reference is to some mythical water monster (Cree, _am_,\nfaire peur, Lacombe).\n\nRaf. translates both _nakowak_ in this line, and _nakowa_, in II, 6, as\n\"black snake.\" They can have no such meaning, black, in Lenape, being\n_suckeu_, and in none of the Algonkin dialects does _nak_ mean black.\n\n16. The figure represents the earth-plain under the form of the\narea of a lodge, with central fire and the people in it, typifying\nfriendliness. Comp. Tanner, _Narr._, p. 348, fig. I.\n\nV. 16 pursues the topic of v. 13, and it looks as if v. 14 and 15\nshould be transposed to follow v. 20.\n\n17. The former renderings are.--\n\n\"Thou being Kiwis, good God Wunand, and the good makers were\nsuch.\"--_Rafinesque._\n\n\"There being a good god, all spirits were good.\"--_Squier._\n\nRafinesque mistook the adverb _kiwis_ for a proper name.\n\n18. Raf. translates _nijini_, the Jins, and _nantinewak_, fairies,\nand Squier follows him in the latter, but could not go as far as the\nformer! As seen in the vocabulary, I attach wholly different notions\nto these words. The two figures united refer to the sexual relation.\nCompare Tanner, _Narr._, pp. 371, figs. 8, 9.\n\n19. _Gattamin_ cannot mean \"fat fruit,\" as Raf. translates it. He has\nevidently mistaken the explanation given by Heckewelder, of Catawissa,\n_Gattawisu_, becoming fat, and thought that _gatta_, was fat, whereas\n_wisu_ is \"fat.\" (Zeis. _Gram._, p. 229.) _Wakon_ is understood by\nRafinesque as the proper name of the evil spirit, connecting it with\nthe Dakota _wakan_, divine, supernatural.\n\n20. The dream of \"the good old times,\" the happy epoch of yore, when\nmen dwelt in peace and prosperity, was, as I have shown, page 135, a\nmyth of the Delawares, and George Copway tells us that the Chipeway\nlegends also recalled it with delight. (_Traditional History of the\nOjibway Nation_, pp. 98 and 169-175.)\n\n21. The symbol is the same as that of the \"bad spirit under the earth,\"\ngiven by Copway, p. 135.\n\nA similar figure is given by Copway to signify \"bad,\" p. 135. I do not\nunderstand its allusion.\n\n22. _Mattalogas_; the prefix is the negative _matta_, no, not, and\ngenerally conveys a bad sense, as _matteleman_, to despise one,\n_mattelendam_, to be uneasy. Zeis.\n\n_Pallalogasin_, to sin, from _palli_, elsewhere, other than, hence\n_pallhiken_, to shoot amiss, to miss the mark, to go wrong.\n\n_Maktaton_, unhappiness. There is a relation in Lenape between the\nnegative _matta_, in Minsi, _machta_, and the words for bad, ugly, evil,\nand the like; _machtisisu_, here it is bad, or ugly. _Zeisb._ It would\nseem to be an intuitive recognition of the profound philosophical maxim\nthat evil is ever a negation; that Mephistopheles is, as he says in\nFaust--\n\n          \"Der Geist der stets vernemt\"\n\n23. The symbol is apparently trees on hills, bent by a storm, and\nbeneath a death's head.\n\n24. The picture seems to be two countries connected by a bridge.\n\n_Atak kitahican_, = _attach_, beyond, above; _kitahican_, the ocean,\nliterally \"the great tidal sea.\" It is possible this has reference\nto the deluge, which is described in the next section; but usually\n_kitahican_ meant the ocean.\n\n\n  II.\n\n1. _Maskanako_; the Lenape words would be _mechek_, great, _achgook_,\nsnake; but _maska_ is more allied to the Cree _maskaw_, strong,\nhard, solid. Raf. translates the close of the line \"when men had\nbecome bad.\"\n\n2. _Schingalan_, to hate; from the adjective _schingi_,\ndisliking, unwilling. This is the contrary of _wingi_, liking, willing.\nBoth are from the subjective radical _n_ or _ni_, I, _Ego_, the latter\nwith the prefix _w\u0115l_, signifying pleasurable sensation (see page 104).\n\n_Shawelendamep_, preterite form, strengthened by the prefix _ksch_,\nof the verb _acquiwelendam_, Zeis., to disquiet, to trouble; it has\nnot the passive sense given in Rafinesque's translation. All verbs\nterminating in _elendam_ signify a disposition of mind, the root being\nagain the subjective _n_, ego. Raf. translates: \"This strong snake\nhad become the foe of the Jins, and they became troubled, hating each\nother.\"\n\n3. _Palliton_, from _palli_, elsewhere (from what was intended), hence\n\"to spoil something, to do it wrong,\" and later \"to fall out, to fight.\"\n\n_Lungundowin_, from _langan_, easy, light to do, Chipeway, _nin\nnangan_, I find it light, of no trouble; hence, \"_peace_\" as being\na time free from trouble; and by a third application of the idea,\n_elangomellan_, friends, those who are at peace with us.\n\n4. Raf. translates this line: \"Less men with dead-keeper fighting,\"\nwhich is a total misunderstanding of the words. On the derivation of\n_nihanlowit_ see _ante_, page 102.\n\n6. On _nakowa_, see I, line 14. Here I consider it a derivative from\n_nacha_, three, and both the sense of the line and the symbol, with\nthree marks to the right of the figure, indicate this meaning. The\nthree antagonists are the monster, the waters, and the Great Snake\nhimself.\n\n7. The repetition of the words is to add force to the phrase.\n\n8. This is an important line, as indicating the origin of the Walam\nOlum. _Nanaboush_ is not the Delaware form of the name of the Algonkin\nhero-god, so far as known, but the Chipeway _Nanabooshoo_, Tanner,\n_Nanibajou_, McKinney, properly _N\u0101n\u00e2boj_, the Trickster, the Cheater,\nallied to Chip. _nin nanabanis_, I am cheated. This term, like the\nCree _Wisakketj\u00e2k_, which has the same meaning (_fourbe_, _trompeur_,\nLacombe), was applied to the hero-god of these nations on account of\nhis exhaustless ingenuity in devising tricks, ruses, disguises and\ntransformations, to overcome the various other divine powers with\nwhom he came in conflict. This seemingly depreciatory term arose from\nthe same admiration of versatility of powers which has imparted such\nuniversal popularity to the story of the wily (\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03c5\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2) Ulysses,\nand the trickery of Master Reynard.\n\nThe appearance of this form of the name indicates that the version of\nthe legend here given has been influenced by Chipeway associations, as,\nindeed, we might expect, since it was obtained in Indiana, where the\nDelawares were in constant intercourse with their Chipeway neighbors.\n\n_Tulapit menapit = tulpe epit, menatey epit_, \"it was then at the\nturtle, it was then at the island.\" The form _Tula_ has given rise\nto the strangest theorizing about this line, as, of course, the\nantiquaries could not resist the temptation to see in it a reference to\nthe Tula or Tollan of Aztec mythology, the capital city of the Toltecs\nand the home of Quetzalcoatl.\n\nThe similarity of the words is purely fortuitous. The Lenape word\n_tulpe_ means turtle or tortoise, especially, says Zeisberger, a water\nor sea turtle. In their mythology, as I have already shown (ante, p.\n134) the earth was supposed to be floating on a boundless ocean, as a\nturtle floats on the surface of a pond. Hence, symbolically, the turtle\nrepresents the dry land.\n\n_Maskaboush_ = Chip. _mashka_, strong, _wabos_, usually translated hare\nor rabbit, but really \"White One.\" I have fully explained this mistaken\nsense of the word in _American Hero Myths_, pp. 41, 42, and elsewhere.\n\n9. The Algonkin myth relates that Michabo or Nanaboj after having\nformed the earth on the primal ocean, walked round and round it, and by\nthis act increased it constantly in size.\n\nRafinesque's translation is:--\"Being born creeping, he is ready to move\nand dwell at _Tula_;\" and in his note to the line he adds, \"_Tula_\nis the ancient seat of the Toltecas and Mexican nations in Asia; the\n_Tulan_ or _Turan_ of Central Tartary.\"\n\nThe entire absence of connected meaning in this and other lines of\nRafinesque's translation is strong evidence that he did not fabricate\nthe text; otherwise he would certainly have assigned it some coherent\nsense.\n\nThe turtle is, as usual, the symbol of the land or earth (see page 133).\n\n12. _Manito-dasin_, the Divine Maiden, or the Daughter of the Gods, as\nit might be freely translated. The reference is to the Virgin who at\nthe beginning of things descended from heaven, and alighting on the\nback of the turtle became the mother of Nanaboj and his brothers. She\nwas well known in Eastern Algonkin mythology, as I have already shown.\n(See above, p. 131.)\n\n13. This and the three following verses form, observes Rafinesque, a\nrhymed hymn to Nanabush.\n\n14. In this line the men are referred to as _Linapi_, not _lennowak_ as\nbefore. Here then begins the particular history of the Lenape tribe,\nwhose chief sub-tribe was the Turtle clan.\n\nThe meaning of the line is very obscure. It seems to refer to the\norigin of the Unami, or Turtle sub-tribe of the Delawares.\n\n16. _Kwamipokho_, translated by Raf. \"plain and mountain,\" does\nnot appear to me to bear any such rendering. I take it as a form\nof _champeecheneu_, Z. \"it is still or stagnant water,\" the\nappropriateness of which to the context is evident.\n\n_Sitwalikho_, Raf. renders \"path of cave,\" deriving it obviously from\n_tsit_, foot, and _woalheu_, a hole. It has no sort of meaning in\nthis rendering, and I assume, therefore, that it is a derivative from\n_tschitqui_, silent.\n\n_Maskan wagan_, probably an error for _maskanakon_, as in v. I.\n\n_Palliwi, palliwi_, \"is elsewhere, is elsewhere,\" or, \"is foiled, is\novercome.\"\n\n\n  III.\n\n1. _Wittank talli_: in the MS. these words are first translated\n\"dwelling town there,\" but the last two words are erased and \"of Talli\"\nsubstituted. This is one of a number of instances where Rafinesque\naltered his first translations, which is further evidence that he did\nnot manufacture the text. In this instance, as frequently, he altered\nit for the worse. _Wittank_ is from _witen_, to go with or be with,\nZeis., and _talli_ is the adverb \"there.\"\n\n3. _Meshautang_, \"many deer\" (see Vocabulary), translated by\nRafinesque, \"game.\"\n\n_Siliewak_, rendered by Rafinesque _sili_, cattle, _ewak_, they go. The\n_wak_ is the terminal \"and\" (see notes to I. v. 10). The word _sisile_,\nin modern Delaware _sizil'ia_ (Whipple's Vocabulary), means \"buffalo.\"\nIts older form is seen in the MS. vocab. of the New Jersey Indians,\n1792, where it is _sisiliamuus_. This is a compound of the generic\ntermination _muus_, Cree, _mustus_ (whence our word \"moose\"), meaning\nany large quadruped, and probably the prefix _tschilani_ strong\npowerful with an intensive reduplication\n\n4. _Powalessin_ from the same root as _powwow_ (see page 70). The course\nof thought was that the dreamer (_powwow_) became wise beyond his\nfollowers and hence obtained power and riches though not of a martial\ncharacter.\n\n_Elowichil_ hunters _allowin_ to hunt, doubtless connected with\n_alluns_ an arrow.\n\n5, 6. A note in the MS states that the symbols of these two verses were\nunited together in the original drawings.\n\n7. In this verse the pre-eminence of the Turtle sub-tribe the Unami is\nasserted to have obtained from the most ancient times.\n\n8. The verses 8, 9, 10 are referred in Rafinesque's free translation to\nthe Snake people. They seem to me to be descriptive of the grief of the\nLenape on leaving their ancient home.\n\n12. _Pokhapokhapek_, Gaping Sea, Raf. Both this and the preceding word\nare descriptive of the sea referred to as offering means of subsistence\n_namaes_ fish _pocqueu_ muscles or clams being the two main food\nproducts of the water for the Indians.\n\nThe location of this productive spot I leave for future investigators\nto determine. The Detroit River and the Thousand Isles in the St.\nLawrence are the most appropriate localities to my mind.\n\n13. The last word of the line is given in the MS. both as _menakinep_\nand _akomenep_ the latter a later interlineation. I prefer the former.\n\n_Wapasinep_, may mean 'at the East' as well as 'in the light.' The\nlatter is a metaphor, common in the native tongues for prosperity.\n\nVerses 13 to 20 inclusive were printed by Rafinesque in the original and\ncalled by him, the poem on the passage to America, as he understood\nthis narrative to refer to the period when the ancestors of the Lenape\ncrossed Behring straits from Asia to America on the ice.\n\n17. _Kitahican_, This is the term given by Zeisberger to the Ocean.\nThe prefix _Kit_ is \"great\" and the termination _hican_ appears to\nhave been confined to tidal waters (see above p. 21). Elsewhere this\ntermination signifies an instrument. Probably it was applicable to all\nlarge bodies of water. On _pokhakhopek_, doubtless a carelessness for\n_pokhapokhapek_, line 12, see note to the latter.\n\n18. Squier does not give the numerals, but says simply \"in vast\nnumbers.\" No doubt this is the intention of the expression.\n\n20. _Shiwaking_, \"the place of spruce firs\" (see Vocab). They crossed\nin mid-winter a broad stream, rich in fish and shell-fish, and arrived\nat a land covered with forests of spruce. For a long time this appears\nto have remained their home.\n\n\n  IV.\n\n2. _Sittamaganat_, Raf. translates \"Path Leader.\" The word _tamaganat_\nappears in other verses, as _w'tamaganat_, IV, 37; _tamaganat_, IV,\n55; _tamaganend_, V, 2. I derive it from the root _tam_, literally\nto drink, but generally, to smoke tobacco, as in Roger Williams' Key\n_wut-tammagon_, a pipe (see above, page 49). Hence I take _tamagamat_\nto be the pipe-bearer, he who had charge of the Sacred Calumet. If it\nis objected that this puts the use of tobacco by the Lenape too remote,\nI reply that we do not know when they began to use it, and moreover,\nthis may be an anachronism of tradition.\n\n13, 14. The lands toward the four cardinal points are described from a\ncentre where the tribe was then located. Neither Rafinesque nor Squier\nunderstood this, and their renderings do not mention the territories\nNorth and West. From the description, I should place the then location\nof the tribe in Western New York and Northern Ohio.\n\n16. The four names seem to be appellatives of different tribes.\nOne of the extinct tribes remembered in Chipeway tradition was the\n_Assigunaik_, Stone People (Schoolcraft, _History and Statistics of the\nInd. Tribes_, Vol. I, p. 305).\n\n25. The legend here relates that the cultivation of maize began after\nthey had reached a low latitude, presumably Southern Indiana or Ohio.\nThe legend of the New England Indians was that a crow flew down from\nthe great God Kitantowit, bringing in one ear a grain of corn, in the\nother a bean, and taught them the cultivation of these plants. (Roger\nWilliams, _Key into the Language of America_, p. 114.) See further,\nante, p. 48.\n\n34. _Wisawana_, the Yellow River. There is a small river, so-called,\nin the State of Indiana, a branch of the Kankakee, called on Hough's\n\"Map of the Indian Names of Indiana\" _We-tho-gan_, a corruption of\n_wisawanna_. (See Hough's map, in _Twelfth Annual Report of the Geology\nand Natural History of Indiana_, 1883.) When the Minsi made their first\nmigration west, about 1690, they directed their course to this spot,\nwhere they were found by Charlevoix in 1721.\n\n36. _Tamenend_, the name of the celebrated chief now better known to us\nas Tammany, who dealt with William Penn. Heckewelder translates it as\n\"Affable.\" This is the first of the name. A second is mentioned, V, 32.\nThe friend of Penn was the third.\n\n46. _Towakon pallitonep_, Raf. translates \"father snake, he was mad!\"\n\n48. Perhaps this line should be translated: \"They speak well of the\neast; many go to the east.\"\n\n49. _Nemassipi_, Fish River. In the MS. this name was first written\n_mixtu sipi_. The name \"Fish River\" was applied to various streams by\nthe Delawares, but never, so far as I know, to the Mississippi. In the\npresent connection it seems to refer either to the St. Lawrence, about\nthe Thousand Isles, or else its upper stream, the Detroit River, both\nof which were famous fishing spots.\n\n50. _Talligewi_. No name in the Lenape legends has given rise to more\nextensive discussion than this. It is usually connected with _Alligewi_\nand this again with _Alleghany_. This seems supported by Loskiel, who,\nwriting on the authority of Zeisberger, says, \"Nun nennen die Delawaren\ndie ganze Gegend, so weit die Gew\u00e4sser reichen, die in dem Ohio fallen,\nAlligewinengk, welches so viel bedeutet, als das Land, in welches\nsie sich aus weit entfernten Orten begeben haben.\" (_Geschichte der\nMission_, etc., p. 164.)\n\nThe meaning here assigned to Alligewinengk, \"land where they arrived\nfrom distant places,\" is evidently based on the resolution of the\ncompound into _talli_, there, _icku_, to that place, _ewak_, they go,\nwith a locative final. The initial _t_ is often omitted in adverbial\ncompounds of _talli_ (itself a compound of _ta_, locative particle, and\n_li_, to), as _allamunk_, in there.\n\nBishop Ettwein gives to the word a different meaning. He writes: \"The\nDelawares call the western country _Alligewenork_, which signifies a\nWar-Path; the river itself they call _Alligewi Sipo_.\" (_Legends and\nTraditions_, etc., in _Bull. of the Pa. Hist. Soc._ p. 34.) Here the\nderivation would be from _palliton_, to fight, _ewak_, they go, and a\nlocative, \"they go there to fight.\" The omission of the initial _p_\nwas not uncommon, as Campanius gives _ayuta = alliton_, to make war.\n(_Catechismus_, p. 141.)\n\nBasing his opinion on an expression in the Journal of C. F. Post,\nto the effect that Alleghany means \"fine or fair river,\" Dr. J. H.\nTrumbull analyzes it into _wulik, hanne, sipu_, which he translates\n\"best, rapid-stream, long-river\" (_Connect. Hist. Soc. Colls._ Vol. II).\n\nRafinesque, in the MS. of the Walum Olum, gives Talligewi the\ntranslation \"there found,\" from _talli_, there, and I know not what\nword for \"found.\"\n\nThere have not been wanting those who would derive the name Alleghany\nfrom Iroquois roots, as the Seneca _De-o-na-ga-no_, \"cold water\"\n(_Amer. Hist. Mag._ Vol. IV, p. 184). But there is no probability that\nthe word is Iroquois.\n\nWhatever its origin, the name was not confined to the Alleghany river,\nbut included the whole of the Upper Ohio, as the interpreter Post\ndistinctly says.\n\nThe Rev. Mr. Heckewelder was of opinion that _Talligewi_ was a word\nforeign to the Algonkin, a _nomen gentile_ of another tribe, adopted\nby the Delawares, just as they adopted _Mengwe_ for the Iroquois from\nthe Onondaga _Yenkwe_, men (see above, page 14). It is not necessarily\nconnected with Alleghany, which may be pure Algonkin. He says, \"Those\npeople called themselves _Talligeu_ or _Talligewi_.\" (_Indian Nations_\np. 48.) The accent, as he gives it, _Tallige'wi_, shows that the\nword is, _Tallik\u00e9_, with the substantive verb termination, so that\n_Talligewi_ means, \"He is a _Tallik\u00e9_\" or, \"It is of (belongs to) the\nTallik\u00e9.\"\n\nThis appears to me the most probable supposition of any I have quoted,\nand it reduces our quest to that of a nation who called themselves\nby a name which, to Lenape ears, would sound like _Tallik\u00e9_. Such a\nnation presents itself at once in the Cherokees, who call themselves\n_Tsa'laki_. Moreover, they fill the requirements in other particulars.\nTheir ancient traditions assign them a residence precisely where the\nDelaware legends locate the Tallike, to wit, on the upper waters of\nthe Ohio (see above, page 17). Fragments of them continued there until\nwithin the historic period, and the persistent hostility between them\nand the Delawares points to some ancient and important contest.\n\nName, location and legends, therefore, combine to identify the\nCherokees or Tsalaki with the Tallike, and this is as much evidence\nas we can expect to produce in such researches. I can see no reason\nwhatever for Dr. Shea's opinion that the Lenape \"in their progress\neastward drove out of Ohio the Quappas, called by the Algonkins,\nAlkanzas or Alligewi, who retreated down the Ohio and Mississippi.\"\n(Shea, Notes to Alsop's _Maryland_, p. 118.)\n\nThe question remains, whether the Tallike were the \"Mound Builders.\"\nIt is not so stated in the WALUM OLUM. The inference rather is that\nthe \"Snake people,\" _Akowini_ or _Akonapi_, dwelt in the river valleys\nnorth of the Ohio river, in the area of Western Ohio and Indiana, where\nthe most important earthworks are found--and singularly enough none\nmore remarkable than the immense effigy of the serpent in Adams County,\nOhio, which winds its gigantic coils over 700 feet in length on the\nsummit of a bold bluff overlooking Brush Creek.\n\nAccording to the RED SCORE, the Snake people were conquered by the\nAlgonkins long before the contest with the Tallike began. These latter\nlay between the position then occupied by the Lenape and the eastern\nterritory where they were found by the whites. In other words, the\nTallike were on the Upper Ohio and its tributaries, and they had to be\ndriven south before the path across the mountains was open. For this\nreason they are called _wapawullaton_, \"possessing the East,\" that is,\nwith reference to the then position of the Lenape in southwestern Ohio.\n\n54. _Talamatan_. This was the Lenape name of the Huron-Iroquois or\nWyandots. It is found in the form _Telamatinos_ in a \"List of 11\nNations living West of Allegheny\" present by deputy at a Conference in\nPhiladelphia, 1759 (_Minutes of the Prov Council of Penna._, Vol. VIII,\np. 418). Heckewelder gives _Delamattenos_ (_Ind. Nations_, p. 80).\n\nRafinesque translates the name in one place by \"not Talas,\" and in\nanother by \"not of us,\" from Len. _matta_, not, Latin _nos_, us. That\nthe Lenape did not speak Latin made no difference in his linguistic\ntheory, as he held all languages to be at core the same! On the Hurons,\nsee above, p. 16.\n\n\n  V.\n\n2. _Wapalaneng_, apparently the White River, Indiana, or else the\nWabash.\n\n16. In this line the three tribes are mentioned which were previously\nnamed in IV, 44, 45, 46, and the difference in the spelling shows that\nthe chant was written down by one unacquainted with the forms of the\nlanguage. The correspondent names are:--\n\n     IV.              V.\n  Akowini,          Sinako.\n  Towakon,          Towako.\n  Lowanuski,        Lowako.\n\nThe termination _ako_, uniformly rendered by Rafinesque _snake_,\nappears to be either the animate plural in _ak_, or the locative _aki_,\nplace or land.\n\nThe _Towako_ are probably the Ot-tawa called by the Delaware _Taway_;\nor the Twightees, called by them _Tawatatwee_ (see \"List of 11\nNations,\" etc., in _Minutes of the Prov. Council of Pa._, Vol. VIII, p.\n418).\n\nThere is difficulty in reconciling _Akowini_ and _Sinako_. In the\nformer, the prefix _ako_ may be from _achgook_, snake, as Rafinesque\nand Squier rendered it.\n\nThe word _Lowanuski_ appears again in v. 18, where Raf. inserts the\nnote, \"Lowushkis are Esquimaux.\" It means simply \"winter land,\" or\n\"Northern people,\" and is not likely to have any reference to the\nEskimo.\n\n22. \"Without snakes,\" _i. e._, free from enemies.\n\n24. On the derivation of Susquehannah, see page 14.\n\n25. _Winakaking_, Sassafras Land, the native name of eastern\nPennsylvania.\n\n29. The Wapings and the Minsi seem to be referred to.\n\n33, 36. The omission of the numbers 34 and 35 is in the original MS.\n\n50. _Ganshowenik_; Raf. translates this \"the noisy place, or Niagara.\"\nIt is a derivative from the root _kan_. See Vocab.\n\n60. _Ewenikiktit_, may be translated \"whites\" or \"Europeans.\" See\nVocabulary.\n\n\n\n\nVOCABULARY.\n\nIn the following Vocabulary the meaning placed immediately after the\nword is that assigned to it in Rafinesque's original MS, the probable\ncomposition of it is then added, with its correct rendering. The\nstandard of the language adopted is that of the Moravian missionaries\n(see above, p. 97). The initials referring to authorities are Z.,\nfor Zeisberger, K., for Kampman, H., for Heckewelder, R. W., Roger\nWilliams, C. or Camp., Campamus, etc.\n\nAan. I, 6. To move; to go; Z. conjugated, _Gram._, p. 142. Chip _am_,\nhe goes; _aunj-eh_, he moves. Cf. _Payat._\n\nAgamunk. III, 16. Over water. _Acawenuck_, over the water. R. W.\n_Acawmenoakit_, land on the other side of the water, _i. e._ England.\nR. W. The proper names Accomac, Algonkin, etc., are from the same roots.\n\nAgunouken. III, 13. Always our fathers. _Nooch_, my father, Z. in which\n_n_ is the possessive _our_ or _my_.\n\nAkhokink. III, 9. Snake land at. Derivatives beginning with _akho_, and\nsome with _ako_ appear to be compounds of _achgook_, Mohegan _ukkok_,\nthe generic name for snake.\n\nAkhomenis. IV, 3. Snake Island. _Menatey_, island, and _achgook_, snake.\n\nAkhonapi. IV, 16. Snaking man. _Achgook_, and _ape_, man, a _nomen\ngentile_.\n\nAkhopayat. IV, 6. Snake coming. _Achgook_, snake; _payat_, he comes.\n\nAkhopokho. IV, 6. Snake hill. _Achgook_, snake. _Pockhepokink_, a river\nbetween hills. Heck.\n\nAkhowemi. IV, 7. Snake all. _Achgook_, snake, and _wemi_, all.\n\nAko. II, 1, 2. Snake. _Achgook_, snake. See _Akhokink_.\n\nAkolaki. IV, 13, and Akolaking. IV, 18. At beautiful land. _Achgook_,\nsnake; _aki_, land. A form of _Akhokink_, q. v.\n\nAkomen. III, 14, 18. Island snake. _Achgook_, snake; _menatey_, island.\n\nAkomenaki. III, 10. Snake fortified island. _Akomen_, q. v., and _aki_,\nland.\n\nAkomenep. III, 13. Snake island was. _Akomen_, with the preterit\ntermination.\n\nAkopehella. II, 6. Snake water rushing. _Kschippehellan_, strong stream\nin a river. Z. See _Pehella_.\n\nAkowetako. V, 43. Coweta snakes. _Weta_,\na house, H., and _aki_, land; the Coweta land.\n\nAkowini. IV, 44. Snake beings _or_ like. The Snake people; a _nomen\ngentile_.\n\nAkpinep. III, 2. Was there. _Achpil_, to stay, abide; _achpiney_, a\nsleeping place.\n\nAlankwak. I, 5. Stars. _Alank_, star.\n\nAlkosohit. IV, 26. Keeper and preserver. _Allouchsit_, strong and\nmighty. K.\n\nAllendyachick. IV, 32. Some going. _Alende_, some.\n\nAllendhilla. IV, 52. Some kill. _Alende_, some, and _nihillan_, to kill.\n\nAllendyumek. II, 11. Some of them.\n\nAllowelendam. III, 20. Preferring above all. _Allowelendamen_, to\nesteem highly. Z.\n\nAllumapi. III, 19. With dogs of man. _Allum_, dog; _ape_, man; men\nhaving dogs.\n\nAlokuwi. IV, 46. Lean he. _Alocuwoagan_, leanness. Z.\n\nAmangaki. V, 21. Large land. _Amangi_, great, large. See p. 146, note.\n\nAmangam. II, 6. Monster. _Amangi_. See p. 146, note.\n\nAmangamek. I, 14. Manitos or large reptiles. II, 11. Waters of sea.\n_Amangemek_, a large fish.\n\nAmokolen. III, 13. Boating. _Amochol_, canoe or boat.\n\nAmigaki. V, 21. Long land. _Amangi_, great; _aki_, land.\n\nAngelotawiwak. I, 10. Angels also. From _angeln_, to die. See note to\nthe passage.\n\nAngomelchik. IV, 4. The friends _or_ friendly souls. _Melechitschant_,\nsoul. Z.; _melih_, corruption, Z., and _angeln_, to die; \"the souls\ndeparted.\"\n\nAnup. II, 1. When. _Aanup_, when _or_ if I went. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 143.\nDoubtful.\n\nApakachik. III, 6. Spreaders. _Apach tschiechton_, to display, to\nattach oneself to or upon. K.\n\nApakchikton. IV, 11. Spreading. See _Apakachik_.\n\nApendawi. IV, 26. Useful he. _Apendamen_, to make use of; _apensuwi_,\nuseful, enjoyable.\n\nApt\u00e8lendam. III, 9. Grieving. To grieve to death. Zeis.\n\nAskipalliton. V, 43. Must make war. _Aski_, must, obliged, and\n_palliton_.\n\nAskiwaal. IV. They must go. _Aski_, must, and _aan_ or _aal_, to go.\n\nAssinapi. IV, 16. Stone man. _Assin_, a stone; _ape_, a man; a _nomen\ngentile._\n\nAtak. I, 24. Beyond. _Attach_, beyond, above. Zeis.\n\nAtam. III, 8. Let us go. _Atam_, let us go. Z. _Gram._\n\nAttagatta. IV, 31. Unwilling. _Atta_, or _matta_, negative prefix;\n_gatta_, to want, or wish.\n\nAttalchinitis. IV, 62. Not always friend. _Atta_, neg. prefix; _nitap_,\nfriend, or our friend.\n\nAttaminin. IV, 28. No corn. _Atta_, neg. prefix; _min_, berry or corn.\n\nAttasokelan. IV, 28. No raining. _Atta_, neg. prefix; _sokelan_, rain.\n\nAwasagamek. I, 4. Much heaven. _Awosegame_, heaven. Z.\n\nAwesik. I, 13. Beasts. _Awessis_, a beast.\n\nAwolagan. V, 12. Heavenly. _Awullakenim_, to praise. K.\n\nAyamak. IV, 15, 17. The great warrior. _Ajummen_, to buy, purchase. K.;\nfrom _aji_, take it! hence \"the Buyer,\" or \"the Seizer\".\n\nChanelendam. III, 20. Doubting. _Tschannelendam_, to consider, to be in\ndoubt. K.\n\nChichankwak. I, 10. Souls also. _Tschitschank_, soul.\n\nChihillen. III, 11. Separating. _Tschitschpihieleu_, to split asunder;\ncf. _chipeu_, it separates.\n\nChikimini. V, 52. Turkey tribe. See above, p. 37.\n\nChikonapi. IV, 16. Robbing man, _Cheche_, to rob, R. W., _Key_, p. 102.\n\nChiksit. III, 5. Holy. _Kschiechek_, clean; _kschiechanchsopannik_,\nholy. Z.\n\nChilili. IV, 10, 12, 15. Snow-bird. _Chilili_, snow-bird, Heck. _Ind.\nNames_, p. 363.\n\nChingalsuwi. IV, 30. Stiffened he. _Tschingalsu_, stiff.\n\nChintanes. III, 4. Strong. _Tschintamen_, strong. Z.\n\nChitanesit. III, 5. Strong. _Tschitani_, strong. K.\n\nChitanitis. IV, 51. Strong friend. _Tschitani_, strong; _nitis_, friend.\n\nChitanwulit. IV, 45. Strong and good. _Tschitani_, strong; _wulit_,\ngood.\n\nCholensak. I, 13. Birds. _Tscholens_, bird.\n\nDasin. II, 12. Daughter. _N'dan\u016bss_, my daughter.\n\nDanisapi. III, 19. Daughters of man. _N'dan\u016bss_, my daughter; _ape_,\nman.\n\nDelsin. I, 8. Is there. _W'dellsin_, he is _or_ does so. Zeis. _Gram._,\np. 117.\n\nDelsinewo. III, 5. They are. _W'dellsinewo_, they are or do so. Zeis.\n_Gram._, p. 117.\n\nEken. II, 2. Together. Probably an error for _nekama_, those.\n\nElangomel. V, 38. Friendly to all. _Elangomellan_, my friend. Z.\n\nElemamik. I, 3. Everywhere, _Elemamek_, everywhere. Z.\n\nElendamep. I, 20. Thinking. On _elendam_, see above, p. 100.\n\nEli. I, 21. While. _Eli_, because, then, so, that. K. Also a\nsuperlative prefix, as _eli kimi_ very privately.\n\nElmusichik. IV, 4. The goers. _Elemussit_, he who goes away. Z.\n\nElowaki. III, 17. Hunting country. _Eluwak_, most powerful. Z. In this\nword and in _elowapi_, Rafinesque mistook the meaning of the prefix.\nCompare _elowichik_.\n\nElowapi. III, 19. Hunting manly. _Eli_, intensive, best or most, and\n_ape_, man, or perhaps _wapi_, knowing.\n\nElowichik. III, 4, 5, 6. Hunters. From _allauwin_, to hunt. Z.;\n_allauwitaa_, let us go hunting. H.\n\nEluwi. III, 5. Most. The superlative form _eli_, with the substantive\nverb suffix, _wi_.\n\nEluwiwulit. IV, 36. The best. From _eluwi_, and _wulit_, good.\n\nEnolowin. IV, 9. Things who. Doubtful, perhaps, _nanne_, those;\n_owini_, beings, people.\n\nEpallahchund. V, 53. Failer, who fails. _Pallikiken_, to shoot amiss;\n_palliaan_, to go away.\n\nEpit. I, 8. Being there. I, 24. At. This is a suppositive form\nfrom _achpin_, called the \"adverbial\" by Zeis., _Gram._, p. 115,\nwho translates it \"where he is.\" It may also be translated by the\npreposition \"at.\" See Heckewelder, _Correspondence with Duponceau_,\nLetter XXI.\n\nEshohok. II, 7. Much penetrate. _Eschoochwen_, to go through. Z.\n\nEssop. I, 2, 3. He was.\n\nEssopak. I, 17. Were. II, i, 2. Had become. A form from _lissin_, to be\n_or_ do so.\n\nEwak. III, 3. They go. _Ewak_, they go. Z.; from _aan_, to go.\n\nEwenikiktit. V, 60. Who are they? _Auwenik_, who are they? Z. _Gram._,\n116. The term _Awanuts_ was that applied to the whites in general by\nthe New England Indians. The Abb\u00e9 Maurault derives it from _a8eni_,\nwho, _uji_, whence; = whence come they? _Histoire des Ab\u00e9nakis_, p. 10.\n\n\nGahani. II, 10. Shallow water. _Gahan_, shallow. K.\n\nGaho. I, 12. Mother. See _Nigoha_.\n\nGandhaton. IV, 7. Concealing or hiding themselves. _Gandhatton_, to\nhide, to conceal. K.\n\nGanshowenik. V, 50. Noisy place (Niagara). _Ganschewen_, to roar, to\nmake a great noise, Z.; or from _kanti_. See above, p. 73.\n\nGattamin. 1, 19. Fat fruits. _N'gattamen_, I wish, desire. Z. See note\nto passage.\n\nGattawisi. V, 25. Becoming fat. _Gatta_, do you want? Z.; _gattawisi_,\nbecoming fat, proper form of Catawissa. Heck., _Ind. Names_, p. 360.\nSee note.\n\nGentikalanep. IV, 39. Festivals he made. _Kanti_, to sing\nand dance. See p. 73.\n\nGichi. II, 5. Ready. See the root _kich_, p. 102.\n\nGikenopalat. V, 23. Great warrior. _Gischigin_, to be born;\n_netopalisak_ = warrior. Z.\n\nGishelendam. IV, 62. Conspiring. _Gischelendam_, to hatch or meditate\nsomething good or bad. See p. 103.\n\nGishikin. II, 9. Being born. _Gischigin_, to be born. See pp. 102-3.\n\nGishikshawipek. V, 26. Sun salt sea. _Gischihan_, to make; _schejek_,\nwampum.\n\nGishuk. I, 5. Sun. See p. 103.\n\nGotatamen. IV, 51. He desires. _N'gattamen_, I want, _or_ wish. Z.\n\nGunehunga. IV, 33. They tarry. _Gune\u00fanga_, they stay long. Heck., _Ind.\nNames_, p. 365.\n\nGunehungtit. IV, 61. They settle. _Gunehunga_, they stay.\n\nGuneunga. III, 12, 20. They tarry. See _Gunehunga_.\n\nGunitakan. IV, 62. Long-and-mild. _Guneu_, long.\n\nGunokim. IV, 22. Long while fatherly. _Guno_, snow. Z. _Ooch_, father.\n\nGutikuni. III, 18. Single night. _Gutti_, one; _nuktogunak_, one night.\nR. W.\n\nHackung. I, 2. Above. _Hacki_, the earth. Z. _Hackunk_, on or at the\nearth. Raf. translates it as _hockung_, the place above, the sky,\nheaven. Camp.\n\nHakhsinipek. III, 17. On hard, stony sea. _Achsin_, a stone; _pek_,\na sea. It may mean \"stony sea;\" but in the connection I think it is\nmetaphorical \"stone-hard,\" _i. e._, frozen sea.\n\nHakik. I, 4. Much land. _Hacki_, the earth. Z.\n\nHallemiwis. I, 3. Eternal being. _Hallemiwi_, eternally. Z.\n\nHanaholend. V, 24. River loving. _Amhanne_, river. H. _Ahoala_, to love.\n\nHattanwulaton. IV, 60. He-has-possession. _Hattan_, to have; _wulaton_\nto own, to possess.\n\nHuminiend. IV, 25. Corn eater. _Pach-hamineu_, parched and beaten corn,\nR. W., whence our word _hominy_.\n\nIkalawit. V, 55. Yonder between. _Ikali_, thither.\n\nInit'ako. I, 21. Worship snake. _Aan_, to come; _aki_, earth. Raf.\nderives the suffix from _achgook_, snake.\n\nItalissipek. IV, 28. Far from the sea. _Ikalissi_, further, more;\n_pek_, standing water, or sea.\n\nJanotowi. IV, 9. True-maker. _W'nutikowi_, he keeps watch. Z. Doubtful.\n\nJinwis. I, 11. Man-being. See note to passage.\n\nKamik. I, 24. Age or foretime. \"_Kamig_, at the end of words, alludes\nto the ground.\" Baraga, _Otch. Dic. Gamunk_, on the other side of the\nwater. Z.\n\nKelik. III, 3. Much. Comp. _Kwelik._ An intensive prefix.\n\nKelitgeman. V, 3. Much planting corn. Comp. _kelik_; _min_, corn or\nberry.\n\nKichipek. V, 26. Big sea. _Kitschi_, great; _pek_, a body of still\nwater. See p. 100.\n\nKichitamak. V, 11, 36. Big Beaver. _Kitschi_, great; _tamaque_, beaver.\n\nKicholen. III, 14. Big bird. _Kitchi_, great; _tscholens_, bird.\n\nKihillalend. IV, 6. Thou killest some. _Nihillan_, to kill, _k'_, thou.\n\nKimi. I, 21. Secretly. _Kimi_, privately. Z.\n\nKiminikwi. IV, 32. Secretly far off. _Kimi_, privately.\n\nKinchepend. IV, 55. Sharp he was. _Kineu_, sharp.\n\nKipemapekan. V, 47. Big Lake going. _Kitschi_, great; _pek_, lake;\n_aan_, to go.\n\nKitahikan. I, 21. Great ocean. III, 17. Of great ocean. _Kitahican_,\nthe sea, ocean. Z.\n\nKitanitowit. I, 2, 3, 9. God-Creator. See p. 218.\n\nKitelendam. III, 9. Earnestly. To be in earnest. Z.\n\nKitohatewa. V, 60. Big ships or birds. _Kito_, great; _haten_, he has.\n\nKitshinaki. IV, 13. Big firland. _Kitschi_, great, and _shinaki_.\n\nKiwis. I, 17. Thou being. _Kitschiwi_, truly, verily. Z.\n\nKiwikhotan. V, 48. Visiting. _Kiwiken_, to visit.\n\nKolachusien. V, 6. Pretty bluebird. _Kola_ = _wulit_, pretty. Doubtful.\n\nKolakwaming. IV, 29. Fine plain at. _Wulit_, fine, beautiful. The sense\nis doubtful.\n\nKolawil. Beautiful head. IV, 5, 8. _Wulit_, fine; _wil_, head.\n\nKomelendam. III, 11. Having no trouble. To be free from trouble or\ncare. K.\n\nKowiyey-tulpaking. III, 20. Old turtle land at. _Kikey_, old. K.\n_Tulpe_, turtle. Doubtful.\n\nKshakan. I, 7. It blows hard. III, 2. It storms. _Kschachan_, the wind\nblows hard. K.\n\nKshipehelen. II, 16. Water running off. _Kschippehellan_, the water\nflows rapidly, a strong current. Z. Z. also uses _higih hilleu_, the\nwaterfalls. _Spelling Book_, p. 122.\n\nKshipehelep. I, 7. It ran off. _K'schippehelleup_, the water ran off.\nZeis. _Gram._, p. 224.\n\nKsin. I, 20. Easy. _Ksinachpo_, he is at leisure.\n\nKundokanup. IV, 3. Searching when. _N'doniken_, I seek, or, _n'donam_.\nZ.\n\nKwamipokho. II, 16. Plain and mountain. _Klampeecheneu_, it is still or\nstagnant water. Z.\n\nKwelik. I, 2, 4. Much water. I, 7. Deep water. _Quenek_ = _kwelek_,\nlong, extended. Z. Compare _kelik_.\n\nKwitikwond. IV, 31. Reprover. _Quittel_, to reprove. Z.\n\nLakka welendam. III, 8. Troubled _or_ afraid. _Lachan welendam_, to be\ntroubled in mind. K.\n\nLamatanitis. V, 44. _Lamatan_ (Huron), friends. See above, p. 16.\n\nLanewapi. III, 19. Eagle manly. _Woapalanne_, bald eagle. Z.\n\nLangomuwak. V, 60. Friendly they. _Langamu winaxu_. he looks friendly.\nZ.\n\nLangomuwi. V, 54. Friendly he. _Langundo_, peaceful, Z. From _langan_,\nlight, easy.\n\nLangundit. V, 32. Made peace. _Langundo_, peaceful.\n\nLangundo. V, 1. Peaceful. _Langundo_, peaceful. Z.\n\nLangundowi. IV, 18. Peaceful he. See above.\n\nLapawin. IV, 40. Whitened. _Lappi_, again; _pawa_, rich.\n\nLappimahuk. IV, 41. Again there is war. _Lappi_, again; _machtagewak_,\nthey are at war. Z.\n\nLappinup. I, 9. Again when. Mr. Anthony translates this \"again he\nspoke;\" _aptonen_, to speak. Zeis.\n\nLapihaneng. V, 27. Tide water at. _Lappi_, again; _amhanne_, flowing\nwater. H.\n\nLekhihitin. V, 5. Writer writing. _Lekhiket_, writer; _lekhiken_, to\nwrite. K.\n\nLeksahowen. IV, 23. Writing who. _Lekhasik_, written. K.\n\nLennowak. I, 11, 18. Men. II, 1, 5. Men also. _Lenno_, man.\n\nLessin. III, 4. To be. _Lissin_, to be _or_ do so.\n\nLinapi-ma. II, 14. Men there. _Lenape_, with suffix _ma_, there.\n\nLinapioken. IV, 1. Men fathers. Qy. \"The fathers of the Linapi.\"\n\nLinkwekinuk. V, 19. Looking well about. _Linquechin_, to look, behold;\n_linquechinock_ Look here, behold! Z.\n\nLinnapewi. III, 1. True manly. III, 7. True men. \"They are Lenape.\"\n\nLinni wulamen. IV, 63. Man of truth. _Lenno_, man; _wulamen_. See p.\n104.\n\nLinowi. II, 10. Men. _Lenno-wi_, he is a man.\n\nLinowimokom. II, 8, 13. Of men grandfather. _Lenno_, man; _mohomus_,\ngrandfather.\n\nLissilma. IV, 5. Be thou there. _Lissil_, imperative of _lissin_. Zeis.\n_Gram._, p. 118.\n\nLohxin. II, 9. To move and dwell. _Lowin_, to pass by. K. _Lauchsin_,\nto walk, to live. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 132.\n\nLokwelend. V, 15. Walker. _Lauchsin_, to live, to walk.\n\nLowako. V, 16. North snake. _Lowan_, winter; _aki_, land.\n\nLowaniwi. III, 6, II, 16. Northerlings _Lowan_, winter; _lowaneu_,\nnorth. Z.\n\nLowanaki. III, 7. North country _Lowan_, winter; _aki_, land.\n\nLowanapi. III, 19. Northern manly. _Lowan_, winter; _ape_, man, a _nomen\ngentile_.\n\nLowanipekis. IV, 61. North of the lakes _Lowan_, winter; _pek_, lake;\nor _lowan, ape_, man; _aki_, land, \"the land of the Northern men.\"\n\nLowankwamink. III, 3. In northerly plain. _Lowan_, winter or north;\n_wemenque_, as we came from. Z; with the locative suffix _nk_.\n\nLowanuski. IV, 45. Northern foes. _Lowan_, north or winter.\n\nLowaponskan. V, 50. North walker. _Lowan_, winter; north; _pomsin_, to\nwalk. Z.\n\nLowashawa. IV, 41; V, 59. North and south, _Lowan_, north; _shawano_,\nsouth.\n\nLowushkaking. V, 18. North land going. _Lowan_, north; _aki_, land.\nDoubtful.\n\nLuchundi. III, 14. They saying. _Luchundi_, they say, or, it is said. Z.\n_Gram_, p. 175.\n\nLumowaki. III, 7. White country. _Loamoe_, long ago, ancient; _aki_,\nland.\n\nLungundowin. II, 3. Peaceful or keeping peace. _Langundowi_, peaceful.\n\nLusasaki. III, 10. Burned land. _Lussin_, to burn; _lusasu_, burnt. Z.\n\nMachelinik. IV, 58. Many places or towns. _Macheh_, much. K.\n\nMachigoklos. IV, 38. Big owl. _Macheu_, great; _goklos_, owl.\n\nMachiton. II, 3. Spoiling. _Matschihilleu_, spoiled. K. _Matschiton_,\nto spoil something, to make mischief. Z _Gram._, p. 222.\n\nMachitonanep. IV, 17. Much warfare then. Made mischief. See _Ante._\n\nMadawasim. IV, 34. Great meadow. _Matta_, no, not; _assin_, stone.\n\nMahiliniki. V, 46. There was Hilinis. Perhaps \"Illini,\" the Chipeways\nor Illinois.\n\nMahongwi. V, 31. There Hong (Mengui) _or_ lickings. Mengwe? See p. 14.\n\nMahongwipallat. V, 53. Mengwi was. See last word.\n\nMahongwichamen. V, 54. Mengwi frightened.\n\nMakatapi. IV, 16. Blacking man. _Machit_, bad, evil; _ape_, man.\n\nMakdopannik. V, 4, and Makdupannek, II, 11. They were many. _Macheh_,\nmany.\n\nMakeleyachick. V, 9. Many going. See above.\n\nMakelohok. IV, 48. They are many. See above.\n\nMakeliming. V, 6. Much fruits at. _Machelemuwi_, honorable, precious K.\nOr _macheli_, much; _min_, fruits.\n\nMakelining. V, 8. Much river at. _Machelensin_, to be proud or\nhigh-minded. K. Or, _macheli_, much or many; _amhanne_, rivers, \"the\nplace of many streams.\"\n\nMakelima. IV, 56. Much there is. _Macheli_, much or many.\n\nMakelinik. V, 7. Many towns. _Macheli_, many; _wik_, houses.\n\nMakeliwulit. V, 38. Much good done. _Macheli_, much; _wulit_, good.\n\nMakelomush. V, 41. Much honored. _Machelemuxit_, he that is honored. Z.\n\nMakhiawip. V, 27. Red arrow. _Machke_, red.\n\nMakimani. I, 14. Bad spirit. _Machi manito_, the bad manito.\n\nMakonowiki. V, 46. There was Konowis. Qy. _Achgunnan_, he is clothed.\nZ. _Mach_, = red; _mecaneu_, dog.\n\nMakowini. I, 14; II, 1. Bad beings. _Mach_, from _machtit_, bad;\n_owini_, q. v.\n\nMakpalliton. V, 15. Much warfare. _Macheli_, much, and _palliton_, q. v.\n\nMaktapan. I, 23. Bad weather. _Machtapan_, stormy weather. K.\n\nMaktaton. I, 22. Unhappiness. _Machtatemamoagan_, unhappiness. K.\n\nMangipitak. IV, 22. Big teeth. _Amangi_, big, great; _wipit_, his teeth.\n\nMani. I, 8. Made. _Maniton_, to make.\n\nManito. I, 9, 10. He made. II, 12. Spirit. See notes.\n\nManitoak. I, 9, 17. The spirits or makers.\n\nManup. IV, 1. There were then. Doubtful. Comp. _anup_.\n\nMapawaki. V, 22. There is rich land. _Pawa_, rich; _aki_, land.\nDoubtful.\n\nMashawoniki. V, 46. There was Shawonis. _Meshe_, great, in comp.\n\nMashkipokhing. IV, 7. Bear hills at. _Machk_, bear; but probably\nfrom _maskiek_, Chip. _mashkig_, swamp or marsh, and _pachkink_, the\ndivision or valley between the mountains.\n\nMaskaboush. II, 8. Strong hare. _Maskan_ and _wabos_, hare. See ant\u00e9,\np. 130.\n\nMaskan. II, 1, 2, 5, 16. Powerful or dire. _Meckek_, great, large;\n_mangain_, Nant. _mashka_, Chip. strong. _M\u00e0skane_, strong, rapid.\nHeck., _Ind. Names_, p. 355.\n\nMaskanako. II, 1, 2, 5. Strong snake. _Maskan_, large or strong;\n_achgook_, snake.\n\nMaskansisil. IV, 37. Strong buffalo. _Maskan_, and _sisil_.\n\nMaskansini. IV, 43. Strong stone. _Maskan_, and _assin_, a stone.\n\nMaskekitong. V, 28. Strong falls at (Trenton). _Maskan_, and\n_kithanne_, main stream. See Heck. _Ind. Names_, p. 355, where this\nword is given and analyzed.\n\nMatemik. IV, 20. Builder of towns. _Matta_, not; _mequik_, blood. Z.\n\nMatta. II, 3. Not. _Matta_, no, not.\n\nMattakohaki. V, 22. Without snake land. _Matta_, not; _achgook_, snake;\n_aki_, land.\n\nMattalogas. I, 22. Wickedness. _Machtit_, bad, evil;\n_mattalogasowagon_, a sinful act. Zeis _Gram_, p. 103.\n\nMattapewi. II, 4. Less man. _Mattapeu_, he is not at home. Z.\n\nMatemenend. IV, 36 There _or_ now Tamenend.\n\nMawuhtenal. V, 22 There is good thing. _Wuht_, good.\n\nMayoksuwi. IV, 53. Of one mind. _Mawat_, one, only one. K.\n\nMboagan. I, 23. Death. _M'boagan_, death. Z.\n\nMekemkink. I, 21. On earth. _Mach_, prefix indicating evil or\nmisfortune, from _machtit_.\n\nMekwazoan. II, 4. Fighting. _Mechtagan_, to fight. K.\n\nMenak. I, 8 Islands. _Menatey_, an island.\n\nMenalting. IV, 4, 42 In assembly met. Menachtin, to drink together. K,\n_Menaltink_, the place where we drank H _Ind. Names_, p. 371.\n\nMenapit. II, 8. At that island. _Menatey_, island, _epit_, at.\n\nMeshautang. III, 3. Game. _Mechtit_, much, _achtu_, deer Z. In the N.\nJ. dialect, deer is _aatu_; hence the meaning is \"many deer.\"\n\nMessisuwi. IV, 44. Whole he. _Metschi schawi_, very, ready Z.\n\nMetzipannek. II, 11. They did eat. _Mitzopannik_, they have eaten.\nZeis. _Gram_, p. 124.\n\nMichihaki. IV, 3. Big land. _Mechti_, much, _aki_, land.\n\nMichimini. IV, 34. Much corn. _Mechtil_, much, _min_, edible fruit.\n\nMilap. I, 12, 13 He gave him. _Mil_ or _miltin_, to give. The terminal\n_p_ marks the pretent.\n\nMinigeman. IV, 25. Corn planting. _Min_, edible fruit; for corn, see p.\n48.\n\nMinihaking. IV, 24 Corn land at. _Min_, edible fruit; _aki_, land.\n\nMinsimini. V, 52. Wolf tribe. See p. 36.\n\nMitzi. I, 19. Food. _Mitzin_, to eat.\n\nMokol. II, 12 Boat. _Amochol_, a boat Zeis. _Gram_, p. 101\n\nMokolakolin. V, 17. In boats he snaking. See above. _Aki_, land.\n\nMokom. V, 17. Grandfather. _Muchomsena_, our grandfather Z.\n\nMokolmokom. V, 17. Boats grandfather. _Amochol_, boat; _muchom_,\nancestor.\n\nMoshakwat. I, 7. It clears up. _Moschkakquat_, clear weather. K.\n\nMukum. I, 11. Ancestor. _Muchomes_, grandfather. K.\n\nNahiwi. II, 10. Above water or afloat. _Nahiwi_, down the water, down\nstream. K.\n\nNakhagattamen. V, 52. 3 desiring. _Nacha_, three; _gattamen_, to wish.\n\nNakkalisin. V, 52. 3 to be. _Nacha_, three; _lissin_, to be _or_ do so.\n\nNakopowa. III, 8. The snake priest. _Pawa_, priest. See above, p. 70.\nThe prefix doubtful.\n\nNakowa. II, 6. Black snake. _Nachoak_, three persons. Z.\n\nNakowak. I, 14. Black snakes. _Nachohaneu_, he is alone. Z.\n_Sukachgook_, black snake. Z. Doubtful.\n\nNallahemen. III, 13. Navigating. _Nallahemen_, to boat up the stream. K.\n\nNallimetzin. IV, 29. At last to eat. _Nall_, that, at last; _mitzin_,\nto eat.\n\nNamenep. I, 20. Pleased. _Namen_, to know, understand.\n\nNamesaki. IV, 14. Fish land; _Namaes_, fish; _aki_, land.\n\nNamesik. I, 13. Fishes. _Namessall_, fishes. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 101.\n\nNamesuagipek. III, 12. Fish resort sea. _Namaes_, fish; _pek_, lake.\n\nNanaboush. II, 8, 13. Nana-hare. See p. 130.\n\nNantin\u00e9. I, 19. The fairies. _Naten_, to fetch. Z.\n\nNantinewak. I, 18. Fairies also. Pl. form from _naten_, to fetch.\n\nNekama. IV, 9, 10, 19. Him. Him, them.\n\nNekohatami. IV, 35. Alone the first. _Netami_, the first.\n\nNemassipi. IV, 49. Fish river. _Namaes_, fish; _sipi_, river.\n\nNenachihat. V, 58. Watcher. _Nenachgistawachtin_, to listen to one\nanother, to hear one. K. Hence _hearer_.\n\nNentegowi. V, 16. The Nentegos. _Nent\u00e9go_ is the proper name of the\nNanticokes, who inhabited the eastern shore of Maryland. See p. 22.\n\nNetamaki. I, 24. First land. _Netami_, first; _aki_, land.\n\nNetami. I, 12, 18, 19. The first. _Netami_, the first. Z. _Gram._, p.\n108.\n\nNguttichin. III, 16. All agreed. _'Nguttitehen_, to be of one heart and\nmind. Z.\n\nNigoha. I, 18. Mother. _Ngahomes_, my mother. See Zeis. _Gram._, p. 100.\n\nNihantowit. II, 4. Dead keeper. _'Nihillowet_, murderer\n(_nihillanowet_). See p. 102.\n\nNihillanep. IV, 43. He killed. See p. 102.\n\nNihillapewin. III, 11. Being free. _Nihillapewi_, free. Z. See p. 101.\n\nNihillen. III, 15. To kill _or_ annihilate. _Nihilla_, I kill. Z. See\np. 101.\n\nNijini. I, 10, 19; II, 2. The Jins. _Nik_, these, those. K. _Nigani_,\nthe first, the foremost. Z. See notes.\n\nNillawi. III, 18. By night or in the dark. _Nipahwi_, by night. Z.\n\nNipahum. I, 5. Moon. _Nipahump_, moon, _Min_.\n\nNishawi. II, 3. Both, _Nischa_, two.\n\nNitaton. IV, 11. To be able. To know how to do it. Z.\n\nNitatonep. IV, 43. He was able. See above. Preterit.\n\nNitisak. I, 16. Friends. _Nitis_, confidential friend. (Heck, p. 438.)\n\nNitilowan. IV, 54. Friends of north. _Nitis_, and _lowan_, north.\n\nNolandowak. IV, 49. Lazy they. _Nolhand_, lazy. K.\n\nNolemiwi. I, 3. Invisible. Invisible. Z.\n\nNungihillan. III, 10. By trembling. _Nungihillan_, to tremble. K.\n\nNungiwi. IV, 64. Trembling he. See above.\n\nOkwewi. I, 18. Wives. _Ochquewak_, women. Z.\n\nOkwisapi. III, 19 With wives or women of man. _Ochque_, woman; _ape_,\nman.\n\nOligonunk. IV, 29. Hollow mountain over. _Wahlo_, a cavern _or_ a\nhollow between hills. _Oley_, in Berks county, Pa., the name of a\nMoravian settlement, is from this root.\n\nOlini. III, 18. The men _or_ people. From root _ni_, p. 101.\n\nOlumapi. IV, 23. Bundler of written sticks. See p. 161.\n\nOnowutok. V, 12. Prophet. _Owoatan_, to know. K.\n\nOpannek. III, 16. They went. From _aan_, to go, and perhaps with prefix\n_wab_ or _op_, east.\n\nOpekasit. IV, 47. Easterly looking. _Waopink_ or _op\u016bnk_, opossum. From\nthe root _wab_, white. See p. 43.\n\nOpeleken. I, 8. It looks bright. Root _wab_ or _op_. See last word.\n\nOtaliwako. V, 43. There snake _or_ Otalis (Cherokis).\n\nOtaliwi. V, 56. Cherokees of Mts.\n\nOuken. III, 12. Fathers. _Ochwall_, his father. Zeis. _Gram_, p. 100.\n\nOwagan. I, 22, or Owagon, I, 7. Deeds, action. A verbal suffix. See p.\n101.\n\nOwak. I, 4. Much air or clouds. An error for _woak_, and. Comp. Zeis.\n_Spelling Book_, p. 122.\n\nOwanaku. I, 2. Foggy. _Awonn_. Z. _Auan_, N. J., fog.\n\nOwini. I, 12. First beings I, 16; II, 5, 9. Beings. Rafinesque says\nof this word, that it \"may be analyzed _o-wi-ni_, 'such they men' or\nbeings.\" It would seem to be a form of the substantive verb termination\n_wi_.\n\nOwinkwak. I, 10. First beings also. _Owini_, and _wak_, and.\n\nPaganchihilla. IV, 59. Great fulfiller. _Pachgihillan_, to break, break\nasunder. K.\n\nPakimitzin. V, 49. Cranberry eating. _Pakihm_, cranberries; _mitzin_,\nto eat.\n\nPallalogas. I, 22. Crime. _Pallalogosawagan_, crime, evil deed. Zeis.\n_Gram._, p. 103.\n\nPalliaal. III, 9. Go away. The same. Zeis. _Gram._, p. 243. An\nimperative; but not so used in the text.\n\nPailihilla. IV, 56. Spoil and killing. From _pallilissin_, to do wrong.\nZeis. _Gram._, p. 243.\n\nPalliton. II, 3. Fighting. II, 5. To destroy or spoil. II, 7. Much\nspoiling or destroying. _Palliton_, to do ill, to spoil. Zeis. _Gram._,\np. 222.\n\nPallitonep. IV, 44, 46. He war made. It is the imperfect of _palliton_,\nto despoil, fight.\n\nPallitonepit. IV, 47. At the warfare. Preterit of the above.\n\nPalliwi. II, 16. Elsewhere. Ibid. Z.\n\nPalpal. II, 12. Come, come. _Palite_, when he comes. Z.\n\nPaniton. II, 15. Let it be. _Paliton_, to spoil, injure. Z.\n\nPataman. II, 15. Praying. _Pataman_, to pray. K.\n\nPawanami. V, 14. Rich water turtle. _Pawalessin_, to be rich.\n\nPawasinep. III, 13. Rich was. _Pawa_, rich.\n\nPayat. I, 23. Coming. _Paan_, to come. Conjugated in Zeis. _Gram._, p.\n148. _Payat_, he who comes _or_ is coming. From the root _an_, to move.\nCf. _Aan_.\n\nPayat-chik. I, 22. Coming them. See above.\n\nPayaking. III, 20. Coming at. See above.\n\nPayat payat. II, 12. Coming, coming. See above.\n\nPechimin. III, 10. Thus escaping. _Pach-_, to separate, divide, to\nsplit asunder.\n\nPehella. II, 7. Much water rushing. II, 10. Flood. See\n_Kschippehellen_.\n\nPeklinkwekin. V, 59. Sea looking. _Pek_, still water, lake, sea.\n\nPekochilowan. V, 23. Near north. _Lowan_, north.\n\nPemaholend. IV, 20. Constantly beloved. _Ahoala_, to love.\n\nPemapaki. IV, 14. Lake land. Apparently for _menuppekink_, at the lake.\n\nPematalli. V, 17. Constant those. _Talli_, there.\n\nPenauwelendamep. II, 5. Resolved. _Penauwelendam_, to consider about\nsomething. Z.\n\nPenkwihilen. II, 16. It is drying. _Penquihillen_, dried. K.\n\nPepomahemen. V, 8. Navigator up. Doubtful.\n\nPetonep. II, 6. He brought. _Peton_, to bring. Z.\n\nPeyachik. III, 4. Comers. See _Payat_.\n\nPikihil. III, 10. Is torn. _Pikihillen_, torn, rent in pieces. K.\n\nPilwhalin. IV, 21. Holy goer. _Pilhik_, clean, pure.\n\nPimikhasuwi. IV, 57. Stirring about he.\n\nPiskwilowan. V, 31. Against north. _Tipisqui_, against. Z. _Lowan_,\nnorth.\n\nPitenumen. V, 39. Mistaken. _Pitenummen_, to make a mistake. Z.\n\nPohoka. II, 7. Much go to hills. _Pokawachne_, creek between two hills.\nThe word does not refer to hills, but to the division, cleft or valley\nbetween hills.\n\nPokhapokhapek. III, 12. Gaping sea, _Pocqueu_, a muscle, clam. Z. An\nimportant article of food to the natives; _pek_, a lake or sea.\n\nPokhakhopak. III, 17. At gap snake sea. See above.\n\nPokwihil. III, 4. Divided or broken. III, 10. Is broken. _Poquihilleu_\nor _poquiecheu_, broken. K. The root is _pach_, to split, divide.\n\nPomisinep. IV, 52. Went _or_ passed. _Pomsin_, to walk. K.\n\nPommixin. II, 9, 10. Creeping. _Pommisgen_, to begin to walk;\n_pommixin_, to creep. K.\n\nPonskan. III, 18. Much walking. _Pommauchsin_, to walk.\n\nPowa. III, 4. Rich, for _Pawa_, rich, etc. See p. 70. See words under\n_pawa_.\n\nPowako. I, 21. Priest snake. See above.\n\nPowatanep. IV, 39. Pontiff was. See above.\n\nPowatapi. III, 19. Priest manly. See above.\n\nPsakwiken. III, 1. Close together. _Psakquiechen_, close together. K.\n\nPungelika. V, 31. Lynx well like (Eries). _Pongus_, sand fly. K.\nDoubtful.\n\nPungusak. I, 15. Gnats. _Pongus_, sand fly, K.\n\nSakelendam. IV, 47. Being sad. _Sakquelendam_, to be sad. K.\n\nSakima. IV, 5. King. See p. 46.\n\nSakimachik. IV, 26. See above.\n\nSakimak. IV, 17. Kings. See above.\n\nSakimakichwon. V, 33. With this great king. See above.\n\nSakimalanop. IV, 33. King was made. See above.\n\nSakimanep. IV, 8, 9, 15, 18. King was. See above. Preterite form.\n\nSaskwihanang. V, 24. Susquehanah (branchy R.) at. See p. 14.\n\nSayewis. I, 3. First being. _Schawi_, immediately, directly. Z.\n\nShabigaki. IV, 13. Shore land. This seems a more correct form than\nHeckewelder's _scheyichbi_. See p. 40.\n\nShak. I, 14. But. _Schuk_, but.\n\nShakagapewi. IV, 64. Just and upright he. _Schachachgapewi_, he is\nhonest, righteous. K.\n\nShakagapip. IV, 19. A just man he was. _Schachach_, straight; here used\nin a metaphorical sense for just.\n\nShawaniwaen. IV, 12, 24. South he goes. _Shawano_, south.\n\nShawanaki. IV, 13. South land. _Shawano_, south; _aki_, land. Zeis.\ngives _schawenneu_ for south.\n\nShawanaking. V, 10. South land at. See above.\n\nShawanapi. III, 19. Southern manly. _Shawano_, and _ape_, man.\n\nShawaniluen. IV, 10. South he saying. _Shawano_, and _luen_, to say.\n\nShawaniwak. IV, 59. South they go. _Shawano_, and _ewak_.\n\nShawanipalat. V, 42. South warrior. _Shawano_, and _itapalat_.\n\nShawanipekis. IV, 60. South of the lakes. _Shawano_, and _pek_, lake.\n\nShawaniwi. III, 6. Southerlings. _Shawano_, with suffix _wi_.\n\nShawanowi. V, 10. The Shawani. See above.\n\nShawapama. IV, 17. South and east there. _Shawano_, _wapan_, east, and\n_ma_, there.\n\nShawelendamep. II, 2. Become troubled. _Acquiwelendam_, to disquiet. Z.\nWith intensive prefix _ksch_.\n\nShawoken. III, 10. So far going. _Schewak_, weak?\n\nShayabinitis. V, 57. Shore friend. See next words. _Nitis_, friend.\n\nShayabian. V, 37. Shore (or Jersey) going. _Schejek_, a string of\nwampum. Z.\n\nSheyabing. V, 51. At New Jersey _or_ shore. _Scheyichbi_, Indian name\nof New Jersey. (Heck., p. 51.) See p. 40.\n\nShinaking. III, 20; IV, 1, 5. At fir-land. Chip. _jin-goh_, spruce fir.\nBar. _Schind_, spruce. Z. _Aki_, land; _nk_, locative termination, \"the\nplace of spruce firs.\"\n\nShingalan. II, 2. Hating. _Schingalan_, to hate somebody. K.\n\nShingalusit. II, 2; V, 56. Foe, foes. _Schingalusit_, enemy, adversary.\nK.\n\nShiwapi. IV, 27. Salt man. _Schwewak_, salt meat; _sikey_, salt.\n\nShowihilla. IV, 7. Weak. _Schawek_, weak.\n\nShukand. I, 20. But then. _Schukund_, only, but then.\n\nSili. III, 3. Cattle. _Sisili_, a buffalo. See note to verse.\n\nSin. III, 4. To be. _Lissin_, to be _or_ do so.\n\nSinako. V, 16. Strong snake. _Assin_, stone; _aki_, land.\n\nSipakgamen. IV, 55. River over against. _Sipi_, river. See _Agamunk_.\n\nSisilaki. IV, 14. Cattle land. _Sisiliamuus_, a buffalo, N. J.\n\nSisilaking. IV, 29. Cattle land at. _Sisili_, buffalo; _aki_, land.\n\nSittamaganat. V, 2. Path leader. Pipe-bearer. See note to IV, 2.\n\nSitwahikho. II, 16. Path of cave. _Tschitqui_, silent;\n_tschitquihillewak_, they are silent. Z.\n\nSlangelendam. IV, 31. Disliking. _Skattelendam_, to loathe, to hate.\n\nSohalawak. I, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15; IV, 23. He causes them. See note.\n\nSohalgol. IV, 25. He causes it. See last word.\n\nTaquachi. IV, 24. Shiverer with cold. _Tachquatten_, frozen. K.\n\nTakauwesit. III, 5. The best. _Tach_, together, to tie, etc. Hence\nunited, harmonious.\n\nTalamatan. IV, 54, 61, 63, 64. Hurons. See p. 16.\n\nTalamatanitis. IV, 61. Huron friends. See _Lamatanitis_.\n\nTalegachukang. V, 19. Allegheny Mts going. Doubtful.\n\nTalegaking. V, 1. Talega land at. See p. 230.\n\nTaleganah. V, 14. Talega R, at. See p. 230.\n\nTalegawik. IV, 56. Talega they. See p. 230.\n\nTalegawil. IV, 52. Talega head _or_ emperor. See p. 230. _Wil_, head.\n\nTalegawunkik. V, 45. Talegas west visitor. See p. 230. _Wunken_, west;\n_kiwiken_, to visit.\n\nTalligewi. IV, 50. Talegas _or_ there found. See p. 229.\n\nTamaganat. IV, 55. Leader. _Gelelemend_ = the leader. Heck. _Ind.\nNames_, p. 392. See note to IV, 2.\n\nTamaganena. V, 2. Chieftain such _or_ Beaver leader. Pipe-bearer. See\nnote to IV, 2.\n\nTamakwapi. III, 19. Beaver manly. _Tamaque_. Camp. _Ktemaque_. Zeis. A\nbeaver. Mohegan, _amuchke_, Schmick.\n\nTamakwi. IV, 12. Beaver he. See last word.\n\nTamenend. IV, 35; Tamanend, V, 32. Affable (beaver like). _Temenend_,\naffable. Heck.\n\nTankawun. V, 9. Little cloud. _Tangelensuwi_, modest, humble;\n_tangitti_, small.\n\nTapitawi. II, 14. Altogether. _Tachguiwi_, together. Z.\n\nTashawinso. V, 51. At leisure gatherer.\n\nTasukamend. IV, 19. Never black _or_ bad. _Ta_, not, _suckeu_, black. Z.\n\nTatalli. II, 10. Which way _or_ shall there. _Tatalli_, whitherwards. K.\n\nTawanitip. V, 49. Ottawas made friends; _nitis_, friend.\n\nTellen. IV, 17. Ten.\n\nTellenchen kittapakki. III, 18. 10,000.\n\nTenche kentit. IV, 58. Opening path. _Tenk_, _titit_, little. K.\nDoubtful.\n\nTendki. III, 8. Being there. _Tindey_, fire. Z. _Tenden_, _Min_.;\n_yawagan tendki_, the cabin-fires.\n\nTenk wonwi. IV, 27, 30. Dry-he. _Teng_- or _tenk_- = little. K.\n\nThupin. III, 2. It is cold. _Teu_, it is cold. K.\n\nTihill. III, 3. Coolness. _Tillihan_, it is cool. K.\n\nTopan. III, 2. It freezes. _Tepan_, white frost.\n\nTopanpek. III, 16. Frozen sea. _Tepan_, and; _pek_, lake.\n\nTowakon. IV, 46. Towako. V, 16. Father snake. _Tawa_ and _aki_, the\nOttawas or Twightees. See note to V, 16.\n\nTsehepicken. IV, 49. Separated. _Tschetschpiechen_, to separate. K.\n\nTulagishatten. II, 9. At Tula he is ready. _Tulpe_, turtle;\n_gischatten_, it is ready, done, finished.\n\nTulamokom. II, 13. A turtle's grandfather. _Tulpe_, turtle. See _Mokom_.\n\nTulapewi. II, 14. Turtle there. _Tulpe_, a water turtle. K.\n\nTulapewini. III, 1. Turtle being. See above.\n\nTulapima. II, 14. Turtle there. _Tulpe_, and _ma_, there.\n\nTulapin. II, 10. Turtle-back. _Tulpe_, turtle.\n\nTulapit. II, 8. At Tula or turtle land. _Tulpe_, and _epit_, q. v.\n\nTulapiwi. III, 7. The turtling. _Tulpe_, and suffix _wi_.\n\nTulpenaki. III, 7. Turtle country. _Tulpe_, and _aki_, land.\n\nTulpewi. II, 15. Turtle he. See above. _Tulapewi_.\n\nTulpewik. I, 13. Turtles. See above.\n\nTumaskan. IV, 42. Wolf strong. _Temmeu_, wolf, Z.\n\nTumewand. V, 29. The wolfers (mohican). _Temmeu_, wolf, _anit_ = the\nwolf god, or magician.\n\nTumewapi. III, 19. Wolf manly. _Temmeu_, and _ape_ man; a _nomen\ngentile_.\n\nUchewak. I, 15. Flies. _Utschewak_, flies. Z.\n\nUnamini. V, 52. Turtle tribe. See p. 36.\n\nUnchihillen. V, 39. Coming from somewhere. _Untschihilleu_ it comes\nfrom somewhere rapidly, to flow out.\n\nWagan. II, 16. Action. See _Owagan_.\n\nWak. I, 2. And. Id.\n\nWakaholend. IV, 33. Loving, beloved. _Ahoalan_, to love. _Woakaholend_.\nHeck. _Ind. Names_, p. 395.\n\nWakon. I, 21. Snake god. _Wachunk_, high (Min.) Perhaps a form of\n_akiuk_, earthward.\n\nWallama. IV, 40. Painted. See p. 161.\n\nWallamolumin. V, 5. Painted-booking. See p. 161.\n\nWangomend. V, 55. Saluted. Id. Heck. _Ind. Names_, p. 395.\n\nWapachikis. V. 57. White crab. _Woapeu_, white. Z. The root _wab, wap_,\nor _op_, white, light, the east, etc., occurs in numerous words.\n\nWapagumoshki. V, 44. White otter. See above.\n\nWapagishik. IV, 48. East sun or sunrise. _Wap_, and _gischuch_.\n\nWapagokhos. IV, 8. White owl. _Wap_, and _gokhos_, owl. Z.\n\nWapahacki. V, 37. White body. _Wap_, and _hackey_, body.\n\nWapahoning. V, 11. White Lick at. _Wap_, and _mahoning_. Z. At the deer\nlick.\n\nWapakisinep. V, 21. East land was. _Wap_, and _aki_, land, with\npreterit suffix.\n\nWapalaneng. V, 2. White river at. _Wap_, and _amkannink_ at the river.\n\nWapala wikwan. V, 20. East settling place. _Wap_, and _wikwam_, house.\n\nWapallanewa. IV, 2. White eagle. _Woaplanne_, the bald eagle. Z.\n\nWapallendi. IV, 52. East some. _Wap_, east; _allende_, some.\n\nWapanaki. III, 18. Eastern land. _Wap_, east; _aki_, land.\n\nWapanapi. III, 19. Eastern manly. _Wap_, east or white; _ape_, man.\n\nWapaneken. IV, 48. East going together. _Wap_, east; see _Eken_.\n\nWapanen. III, 9. Easterly. _Wap_, east.\n\nWapanand. V, 29. The easters. _Wap_, east.\n\nWapanichan. IV, 32. East moving. _Wap_, east.\n\nWapaniwaen. IV, 12, 28. East he goes. _Wap_, east; _aan_, to go.\n\nWapaniwi. III, 6, 16. Easterlings. _Wap_, east; _wi_, substantive verb\nsuffix.\n\nWapashum. V, 45. White big horn. _Wap_, white; _wschummo_, horn. Z.\n\nWapasinep. III, 13. East was _or_ bright. _Wap_, east; preterit\ntermination.\n\nWapawaki. IV, 51. East rich land.\n\nWapawullaton. IV, 50. East possessing. _Wap_, east; _wullaton_, to\npossess.\n\nWapayachik. V, 59. White or east coming. _Wap_, east; _payat_, q. v.\n\nWapekunchi. V, 40. East sea from. _Wap_, east; doubtful.\n\nWapkicholan. IV, 38. White crane _or_ big bird. _Wap_, white;\n_tscholen_, bird.\n\nWaplanowa. III, 12. White eagle. _Woaplanne_, a bald eagle. Z.\n\nWaplowaan. V, 29. East, north, do go. _Wap_, east; _lowan_, north,\n_aan_, to go.\n\nWapsipayat. V, 40. Whites coming. _Wap_, white; _payat_, q. v.\n\nWaptalegawing. V, 20. East of Talega at. _Wap_ east; _talega_, q. v.\n\nWaptipatit. IV, 41. White chicken. _Wap_, white; _tipatit_, chicken.\n\nWaptumewi. III, 12. White wolf. _Wap_, white; _temmeu_, wolf.\n\nWapushuwi. V, 3. White lynx he. _Wap_, white.\n\nWasiotowi. V. 56. Wasioto. Doubtful.\n\nW'delsinewap. I, 16. Were there. Preterit of _lissin_, to be so.\n\nWekwochella. IV, 30. Much fatigued. _Wiquehilla_, to be tired. Z.\n\nWellaki. IV, 3. Fine land. _Wulit_, fine; _aki_, land.\n\nWemaken. III, 15. All snaking. _Wemi_, all; _aki_, land, earth; the\nwhole land.\n\nWematan. III, 14. All let us go. _Wemi_, and _atam_, q. v.\n\nWemelowichik. V, 26. All hunters. _Wemi_, all; _elauwitschik_, hunters.\n\nWemi. I, 7, 6, 16, 20. All. Id. Wemiako. III, 8. All the snakes.\n_Wemi_, all; _achgook_, snake; or, _aki_, land.\n\nWemiamik. V. 48. All children (Miamis). Doubtful.\n\nWemichemap. II, 12. All helped. _Wemi_, all; _mitschemuk_, he helps me.\nZ.\n\nWemiguma. I, 1. _Wemi_, all; _guma_, sea water. See note to passage.\n\nWemiluen. III, 15. All saying. _Wemi_, all; _luen_, to say.\n\nWemimokom. II, 13. Of all grandfather. _Wemi_, and _mokom_, q. v.\n\nWemilowi. IV, 53. All say. _Wemi_, all; _luen_, to say.\n\nWeminitis. IV, 35. All being friends. V, 33. All friendly. _Wemi_, all;\n_nitis_, friends.\n\nWemipalliton. IV, 43. To war on all. _Wemi_, and _palliton_, q. v.\n\nWemima. IV, 2. All there. _Wemi_, all; _ma_, there.\n\nWemilat. IV, 58. All given to him. _Wemi_, and _miltin_, q. v.\n\nWemilo. IV, 5. All say to him. _Wemi_, and _luen_, to say.\n\nWeminilluk. IV, 15. All warred. _Wemi_, and _nihillan_, q. v.\n\nWeminitik. V, 48. All friends _or_ allies. _Wemi_, and _nitis_.\n\nWeminungwi. V, 31. All trembling. _Wemi_ and _nungihillan_, to tremble.\n\nWemi owenluen. III, 8. To all saying. _Wemi_, and _luen_, to say.\n\nWemi tackwicken. V, 33. All united. _Tachquiwi_, together.\n\nWemiten. III, 11. All go out. IV, 54. To go all united. _Wemiten_\n(infin), to go all forth or abroad. Z. _Gr._ 244.\n\nWemoltin. II, 10. All go forth. III, 9, 18. They go forth. They are all\ngoing forth. Z. _Gr._ p. 244.\n\nWemopannek. III, 17. All went. _Wemi_, with past preterit suffix.\n\nWenchikit. V, 52. Offspring. _Wentschiken_, to descend, to grow out of.\nZ.\n\nWetamalowi. IV, 33. The wise they. _Wewoatamamine_, wise man. Z.\n\nWewoattan. IV, 42. To be wise _or_ by wise. _Woaton_, to know. Z.\n\nWich. I, 7. With. _Witschi_, with.\n\nWichemap. II, 12. Helped. _Witscheman_, to help somebody.\n\nWihillan. I, 23. Destroying or distemper. _Nihillan_, to destroy.\n\nWiblamok. III, 14. Head beaver. _Wil_, head; _amuchke_, beaver. Moh.\n\nWikhichik. III, 4. Tillers. _Wikhetschik_, cultivators of the earth. Z.\n\nWiki. II, 4. With. _Witschi_, with.\n\nWikwan. V, 20. _Wikwam_, house.\n\nWilawapi. III, 19. Rich manly. _Wil_, head; _ape_, man.\n\nWinakicking. V, 25, 27. Sassafras land at or Penna. _Winak_, sassafras.\nZ.\n\nWinakununda. V, 36. Sassafras tarry. _Winak_, sassafras, _guneunga_, q.\nv.\n\nWinelowich. V, 18. Snow hunter. _Wineu_, snow; _elauwitsch_, hunter.\n\nWineu. III, 2. It snows. _Wineu_, it snows.\n\nWingelendam. IV, 60. _Wingelendam_, to approve, to like. Z.\n\nWingenund. IV, 39. Mindful.\n\nWingi. I, 20. Willingly. _Wingi_, fain, gladly, willing.\n\nWiniaken. III, 11. At the land of snow. _Wineu_, it snows; _aki_, land.\n\nWinimokom. II, 13. Of beings grandfather. _Owini_ and _Mokom_, q. v.\n\nWisawana. IV, 34. Yellow River. _Wisaweu_, yellow; _amhanne_, river.\n\nWishanem. II, 15. Frightened. _Wischaleu_, he is frightened. Z.\n\nWishi. I, 17. Good. Probably for _mesitche_ = Chip. _mitcha,\netc._, great.\n\nWitchen. III, 15. Going with. _Witen_, to go with. K.\n\nWittank. IV, 34. Town. _Witen_, to go or dwell with.\n\nWittanktalli. III, 1. Dwelling of Talli. _Witen_, to go with. Z.\n_talli_, there. Z.\n\nWiwunch. I, 24. Very long. _Wiwuntschi_, before now, of old. K.\n\nWokenapi. IV, 11. Fathers men. _Woaklappi_ repeatedly, again. K.\n\nWokgetaki. I, 1. _Wokget_, on the top; _aki_, land. _Wochgitschi_,\nabove, on top; _aki_, land, earth.\n\nWoliwikgun. III, 1. Cane house. _Walak_, hole; _walkeu_, he is digging\na hole. Z.\n\nWolomenap. V, 28. Hollow men. _Wahhillemato_, wide, far. K.\n\nWon. I, 24. This. _Won_, this, this one. K.\n\nWonwihil. V, 40, 59. At this time. _Won_, this, _wil_, head.\n\nWsamimaskan. IV, 57. Too much strong. _Maskan_, great.\n\nW'shakuppek. III, 17. Smooth deep water. _Wschacheu_, it is slippery,\nsmooth, glossy; _pek_, lake, sea.\n\nWtakan. III, 3. Mild. _Wtakeu_, soft, tender. Z.\n\nW'tamaganat. IV, 37. And chieftain. The smoker or pipe bearer. See note\nto IV, 2.\n\nWtenk. I, 11. After. Ibid.\n\nWulakeningus. V, 42. Well praised. _Wulakenimgussin_, to be praised. K.\n\nWulamo. II, 1; IV, 1; V, 1. Long ago. _Wulamoe_, long ago.\n\nWulaton. III, 3; IV, 11. To possess.\n\nWulliton. III, 16. _Wulaton_, to save, to put up. K. _Wuliton_, to make\nwell. K.\n\nWulatenamen. V, 41. To be happy. Ibid.\n\nWulelemil. III, 17. Wonderful. _Wulelemi_, wonderful.\n\nWuliton. II, 15. To make well, to do well. Z. _Gr._ p. 222.\n\nWulitowin. IV, 20. Good who (did). See last word.\n\nWulitshinik. V, 4. Good stony _or_ well, hardy. _Wulit_, good; _assin_,\nstone.\n\nWulitpallat. V, 30. Good warrior. _Wulit_, good; _itopallat_, warrior.\n\nWunand. I, 17. A good god. Root _Wun_. See p. 104.\n\nWundanuksin. IV, 32. Being angry. _Wundanuxin_, to be angry at or for.\nK.\n\nWunkenahep. V, 12. West he went. _Wundcheneu_, it is west.\n\nWunkenapi. III, 20. Western man. _Wundchen_, west; _ape_, man.\n\nWunkeniwi. III, 6. Westerlings. See above.\n\nWunkiwikwotank. V, 13. West he visited. See above. _Kiwichen_, to visit.\n\nWunpakitonis. V, 13. West abandoned. _Pakiton_, to throw away.\n\nWunshawononis. V, 13. West southerners. _Shawano_, south.\n\nYagawan. III, 8. (In the) huts. Ibid.\n\nYagawanend. IV, 50. Hut maker. See last word.\n\nYuch. I, 6. Well. _Yuh_. H. _Yuch_. K. _Yuk_, these. K.\n\nYukepechi. IV, 1. Till there. _Yukepetschi_, till now, hitherto. K.\n\nYuknohokluen. IV, 48. Let us go saying. Doubtful.\n\nYulik. I, 6. These. _Yukik_, these. K.\n\nYutali. I, 2, 22. There. _Jutalli_, just here. K.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX.\n\nAGOZHAG\u00c0UTA. (_page_ 14. _Note_.)\n\nWith reference to this word I have been favored with the opinions\nof Gen. Clark, Mr. Horatio Hale, and the Rev. J. A. Cuoq, all able\nIroquois scholars.\n\nGen. Clark and Mr. Hale believe that it is a dialectic or corrupt form\nfor _agotsaganha_, which is a derivature from _atsagannen_ (Bruyas,\n_Radices Verborum Iroquaeorum_, p. 42). This verbal means, in one\nconjugation, \"to speak a foreign language,\" and in another, \"to be of a\ndifferent language, to be a foreigner.\" The prefix _ago_ or _ako_ is an\nindefinite pronoun, having the same form in both singular and plural,\nand is used with national or tribal appellations, as in _akononsionni_,\n\"People of the Long House,\" the general name of the Five Nations. Gen.\nClark notes that the term _agotsaganens_, or _agotsaganes_, was the\nterm applied by the Iroquois to the Mohegans, = \"People who speak a\nforeign tongue.\" (Jogues, _Novum Belgium_ (1646), and _Pa. Colonial\nRecords_, vol. vi, p. 183.)\n\nThe Rev. Mr. Cuoq believes that the proper form is _akotsakannha_,\nwhich in his alphabet is the same as _agotsaganha_, but he limits its\nmeaning to \"on est Abnaquis,\" from _aktsakann_, \"\u00eatre Abnaquis.\" (See\nhis _Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise_, pp. 1, 155.) The general name\napplied by the Iroquois to the Algonkins he gives as _Ratirontaks_,\nfrom _karonta_, tree, and _ikeks_, to eat, \"Tree-eaters\" (_Lexique_, p.\n88); probably they were so called from their love of the product of the\nsugar maple.\n\n\nDIALECT OF THE NEW JERSEY LENAPE. (_p. 46_)\n\nAn interesting specimen of the South Jersey dialect of the Lenape is\npreserved in the office of the Secretary of State, Trenton, N.J. It is\na list of 237 words and phrases obtained in 1684, at Salem, N.J. It was\npublished in the _American Historical Record_, vol. I, pp. 308-311,\n1872. The orthography is English, and it is evidently the same trader's\njargon which Gabriel Thomas gives. (See p. 76.) The _r_ is frequent;\nman is _renus leno_; devil is _manitto_; God is _hockung tappin_\n(literally, \"he who is above\"). There are several typographical errors\nin the printed vocabulary.\n\n\nREV. ADAM GRUBE. (_p. 84._)\n\nHis full name was Bernhard Adam Grube. Between 1760-63 he was\nmissionary in charge of the Moravian mission at Wechquetank, Monroe\nCounty, Pa., and there translated into Delaware, with the aid of a\nnative named Anton, a \"Harmony of the Gospels,\" and prepared an \"Essay\nof a Delaware Hymn Book.\" Both these were printed by J. Brandm\u00fcller, at\nFriedensthal, Pa., and issued in 1763; but no copy of either is known\nto exist.\n\n\nEASTERN ORIGIN OF THE ALGONKINS. (_pp. 12_ and _145._)\n\nQuite recently M. Emile Petitot, in an article entitled, \"_De la\npretendue Origine Orientale des Algonquins_\" (_Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\nd'Anthropologie_, 1884, p. 248), has attacked the theory that the\nAlgonkin migrations were from the northeasterly portions of the\nAmerican continent, toward the west and south. His arguments are based\non two Cree legends which he relates, one of which is certainly and\nthe other probably of modern date, as the incidents show; and on his\ncriticism of the derivation of the name \"Abnaki\". Of this he says:\n\"_Wabang_ signifie plut\u00f4t detroit que orient; et quant au mot _askiy_\nou _ahkiy_, il vent dire _terre_, et non pas _peuple_\".\n\nNow, no one ever claimed that _abnaki_ meant eastern people. The Abb\u00e9\nMaurault translates the form _Abanki_ by \"terre au Levant.\" (_Histoire\ndes Ab\u00e9nakis_, Introd. p. ii, Quebec, 1866.) In Cree _wapaw_, in\nChipeway _wabi_, mean narrows or strait; but they are derivatives from\nthe root _wab_, and mean a light or open place between two approaching\nshores, as Chip. _wabigama_, or _wabimagad_, \"there is a strait between\nthe two shores.\" (Baraga, _Otchipwe Dictionary_.) The name Abnaki is,\nmoreover, no argument either for or against the eastern origin of the\nAlgonkin stock, as it was merely a local term applied to a very small\nbranch of it by the French. Hence M. Petitot's criticisms on the theory\nunder consideration are misplaced and of no weight.\n\nTo what has been said in the text I may add that the Algonkins who\nvisited Montreal early in the 17th century retained distinct traditions\nthat they had once possessed the land to the east of that city, and\nhad been driven south and west by the Huron-Iroquois. See the Abb\u00e9\nMaurault, _Histoire des Ab\u00e9nakis_, p. 111, and Wm. W. Warren, _Hist. of\nthe Ojibways_, Chap. IV (Minnesota, Hist. Colls., 1885).\n\n\n\n\nINDEX OF AUTHORS\n\n(_The principal references are in full-faced type._)\n\n  Abbott, C. C., 44, 52, 57, 69.\n  Adair, J., 61.\n  Alsop, G., 14.\n  Anthony, A., 156, 161, 219.\n  Aupaumut, H., 18, 20, 23, 45, 113.\n\n  Baraga, J., 35, 59, 62.\n  Barton, B. S., 146.\n  Beach, W. W., 115, 125.\n  Beatty, C., 23, 47, 69, 138.\n  Bozman, J., 15, 23, 29.\n  Brainerd, D., 46, 62, 65, 127, 137.\n  Brickell, J., 64.\n  Brunner, D. F., 52, 57.\n\n  Campanius, T., 66, =75=, 96, 116, 126, 131.\n  Clark, W. P., 152.\n  Copway, G., 61, 160, 219.\n  Cummings, A., 87.\n  Cuoq, F. H., 71, 105.\n\n  Darlington, W., 50.\n  Darwin, C., 140.\n  De Laet, 31.\n  Dencke, C. F., 84.\n  Denny, E., 86, 94.\n  Donkers, J., 132.\n  Drake, S. G., 163.\n  Duponceau, P. S., 77, 102,  121, 155.\n  Durant, M., 122.\n\n  Eager, 36.\n  Ettwein, J., 14, 18, 47, 51, =83=, 132, 229, etc.\n  Evelin, R., 41.\n\n  Fast, C., 125.\n  Fleet, H., 27.\n  Force, M. J., 29, 31.\n  Foulke, W. P., 116.\n\n  Gallatin, A., 31, 112, 120.\n  Gray, A., 149, 155.\n  Grube, B. A., 83, 256.\n  Guss, N. L., 14.\n\n  Haldeman, S. S., 150, 162.\n  Hale, H., 12, 17, 18, 36, 95, 112, 156.\n  Hammond, W. A., 110.\n  Harrison, W. H., 64, 112.\n  Haven, S. F., 150.\n  Haywood, J., 17.\n  Heckewelder, J., 15-16, 18, 20-23, 30, 35, 43, 78, 92, 128,\n                   136, 140, 146, 219, etc.\n  Hendricks, Capt., 21.\n  Henry, M. J., 37, 45, =86=.\n  Hoffman, W. J., 152.\n  Holland, F. R., 85.\n  Hough, 125, 229.\n  Howse, J., 13, 94, 98, 103, 105.\n\n  James, E., 61, 152.\n  Jogues, I., 225.\n  Jones, D., 60.\n  Jones, P., 16.\n  Johnston, J., 26, 30, 125, 145.\n\n  Kalm, P., 46, 50, 52.\n  Kampman, Rev., 28, 84.\n\n  Lacombe, A., 12, 26, 43, 103, etc.\n  Lawson, J., 61.\n  Lindstrom, 131.\n  Long, J., 20.\n  Loskiel, G. H., 18, 29, 47, 70, 91, 137, 229, etc.\n  Luckenbach, A., 85.\n\n  McCoy, I., 125.\n  McKenney, T. L., 224.\n  Mallery, G., 152.\n  Martin, H., 54.\n  Maurault, J. A., 256.\n  Mayer, B., 162.\n  Meeker, J., 87.\n  Mezzofanti, Cardinal, 108.\n  Morgan, L. H., 12, 19, 21, 34, 40, 47, 93.\n  Morse, J., 31, 113, 145.\n  Murray, W. V., 24.\n\n  Neill, E. D., 27.\n\n  Occum, S., 67, 70.\n\n  Peale, F., 51.\n  Peet, S. D., 124.\n  Penn, Wm., 58, 75, 122.\n  Petitot, E., 256.\n  Pickering, J., 94.\n  Porter, T. C., 57.\n  Proud, R., 20, 37, 45.\n\n  Rafinesque, C. S., =148=, etc.\n  Rasles, S., 60, 94, etc.\n  Reichel, W. C., 22.\n  Richardson, J., 58.\n  Roth, J., =78=.\n  Ruttenber, E. M., 20, 21, 36, 42, 55, 116, 119.\n\n  Schmick, J. J., 22.\n  Schoolcraft, H. R., 20, 58, 62, 87, 109, 133, 160, 129, etc.\n  Schweinitz, E. de, 25, 62, 129, etc.\n  Scull, N., 36.\n  Shea, J. G., 14, 231.\n  Silliman, B., 155.\n  Sluyter, Peter, 132.\n  Smith, G., 38.\n  Smith, J., 23, 26, 114.\n  Smith, S., 37.\n  Squier, E. G., 163, 167, 219, etc.\n  Stiles, Pres., 35.\n  Strachey, W., 67.\n\n  Tanner, J., 152, 160, 219.\n  Thomas, C., 17.\n  Thomas, G., 54, =75=, 91, 96.\n  Thompson, C., 48, 115, 121.\n  Tobias, G., 87, 88.\n  Trumbull, J. H., 20, 30, 33, 46, 49, 71,\n                   74, 90, 97, 105, 219, etc.\n  Tryon, G. W., 150.\n\n  Van der Donck, 44, 51, 136.\n  Vincent, F., 60.\n\n  Ward, Dr., 153-4.\n  Wassenaer, 55, 72.\n  Watson, J.,\n  Weiser, Conrad, 60, 123.\n  Whipple, Lt., 87, 96.\n  White, A., 27, 28.\n  Wied, Prince of, 55.\n  Williams, R., 30, 55, 61, 94.\n\n  Young, T., 38, 63.\n\n  Zeisberger, 35, 55, 62, 69, =76=, 105,\n              113, 129, 134, etc.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX OF SUBJECTS\n\n(_The principal references are in full-faced type_.)\n\n  Abnaki, 11, 19.\n   derivation of name, 256.\n  Age of Gold, 135, 222.\n  Agozhagauta, 14, 255.\n    derivation of, 255\n  Algonkins, location, 9.\n    dialects, 11, 89, 93.\n    dialects, traits of, 89.\n    myths, 67, 130, 164, 167.\n    legends, 145.\n    eastern origin of, 14, 145, 256.\n  Allem\u0153bi, chief, 123.\n  Alligewi, 141-2, 229-31.\n  Alleghany, derivation, 229-31.\n  Alternating consonants, 94.\n  Andastes, 14.\n  Arms, native, 53.\n  Assigunaik, 228.\n  Assiwikales, 32.\n  Auquitsaukon, 35.\n\n  Bear, Naked, legend of, 146.\n  Blackfeet, 9, 49, 130.\n  Bones, preservation of, 25, 54.\n  Book, Lenape word for, 59.\n  Brandywine creek, Indians on, 48.\n  Brant, Joseph, 122.\n  Brush nets, 53.\n  Buffalo, the, 226.\n\n  Cachnawayes, 26.\n  Canai. See _Conoys_.\n  Canassatego, 15, 114, 121.\n  Canaways. See _Conoys_.\n  Cantico, derivation, 73.\n  Cape May, tribes at, 41.\n  Cardinal Points, the, 67.\n  Carolina, tribes from, 25, 31, 32.\n  Catawbas, 31.\n  Cherokees, 13, =16=, 166, 230.\n  Chesapeake Bay, Indians on, 15, 23-5.\n  Chicomoztoc, 139.\n  Chihohockies, 37.\n  Chiholacki, the, 20, 37.\n  Chilicothe, 30.\n  Chipeways, 9, 56, 62, 113, 130-1, 151-2, 222.\n  Christina Creek, 15.\n  Civility, chief, 48.\n  Cohongorontas, 15.\n  Condolence, custom of, 18.\n  Conestoga Creek, 15.\n  Conestogas, 14.\n  Confederacy, Algonkin, 19.\n  Conoys, =25=.\n  Conoy town, 29.\n  Copper, use of, 50, 52.\n  Cree dialect, 10, 12, 98.\n  Crees, 9.\n  Crosweeksung, _or_ Crosswicks, 45.\n\n  Dance, sacred, 73.\n  Deed, First Indian, 120.\n  Delamattenos, 16. See _Talamatans_ and _Hurons_.\n  Delawares. See _Lenape_.\n  Deluge, Myth of, 134, 167.\n  Dialects of the Lenni Lenape, 91.\n  Dogs, 54.\n  Dreams, belief in, 70.\n  Dyes, use of, 53.\n\n  Eastlanders, 19.\n  Eries, 13.\n  Ermomex, 42.\n  Eskimos, 70, 232.\n\n  Fairfield, founding of, 124.\n  Fire worship, 65, 73.\n  Fish River, 229.\n  Five Nations. See _Iroquois_.\n  \"Four Sticks,\" the, 152.\n  Four winds as deities, 65, 67.\n  Foxes, tribe, 11, 113.\n  Friends, their relations to the Indians, 63, 126.\n  Frog Indians, 44.\n\n  Ganawese. See _Conoys_.\n  Gekelemukpechunk, town, 123.\n  Gesture-speech, native, 152.\n  Glus-kap, Micmac god, 130.\n  Gnadenh\u00fctten, 124-5, 128.\n  Gollitchy, chief, 118.\n  Gookin, Governor, 118.\n  Gordon, Governor, 119.\n  Grave Creek Mounds, 17.\n  Grandfathers, Delawares as, 23, 113.\n  Grandfathers, Fire as, 65, 73.\n  Guaranis, the, 70.\n\n  Hare, the Great, 66.\n  Head, idols of, 68.\n  Heart, symbolic meaning of, 71.\n  Hieroglyphics, native, 57.\n  Hithquoquean, chief, 117.\n  Hurons, 13, =16=, 144, 165, 168, 231.\n\n  Idols, 68.\n  Indian corn. See _Maize_.\n  Indian paths, the, 45.\n  Inscribed stones, 57.\n  Interments, 54.\n  Iroquois, location, 13.\n    history, 110, 114, 120.\n\n  Kanawha, derivation, 26.\n  Kanawhas. See _Conoys_.\n  Kansas, Delawares in, 126.\n  Kikeron, 132-3.\n  Kittawa-Cherokees, 16.\n  Koquethagachton, chief. See _White Eyes_.\n  Kuscarawocks, 23.\n\n  Lenape, the, =33=.\n    myths of, 130.\n  Lenape dialects, 91, sqq.\n    prefixes, 99.\n    grammatical structure, 105.\n    derivation, 33.\n  Light, worship of, 65, 130, 132.\n  Long Island, Indians of, 67, 70.\n  Long Walk, the, 115, 128.\n\n  Machtoga, a festival, 73.\n  Macocks, 38.\n  Mahicanni. See _Mohegans_.\n  Maize, native name of, 48.\n    origin of, 228.\n  Manabozho, See _Michabo_.\n  Manito, derivation of, 219.\n  Mantes, 42, =44=.\n  Manufactures, 51.\n  Marcus Hook, derivation, 39.\n  Masco, chief, 145.\n  Meday worship, 71.\n  Medicine men, 71, 135.\n    rattle, 135.\n    lodge, 71.\n  Mengwe, derivation, 14, 116, 141.\n  Mesukkummegokwa, 222.\n  Miamis, 9, 144, 146.\n  Michabo, 130, 167.\n  Micmacs, 10, 48, 130.\n  Milky Way, myth of, 70.\n  Mingo, 15, 116, 118.\n  Mingo Creek, 15.\n  Minisink. See _Minsi_.\n  Minquas, 14.\n  Minsi, 19, 36, 114, 116-7, 122.\n    dialect, 92.\n  Mission Delaware dialect, 97.\n  Mohegan dialect, 22, 93.\n  Mohegans, 19, =20=, 165.\n    myths of, 136, 139.\n  Monsey. See _Minsi_.\n  Montauk Indians, 67.\n  Mounds, building of, 17, 51.\n    builders, 231.\n  Munsees. See _Minsi_,\n  Myths of Lenapes, 130.\n\n  Namaes sipu, 141, 143.\n  Nanabozho, 130-1, 166, 224.\n  Nanticoke dialect, 24.\n  Nanticokes, =22=, 145.\n    traditions of, 139.\n  Narraticons, 42.\n  Neobagun, the, 151-2.\n  Neutral Nation, 13.\n  New Albion, 41.\n  New Jersey Lenape, =40=, 127, 256.\n  New Jersey Lenape, their dialect, 46, 93, 95.\n  Ninniwas, 151.\n  Nottoways, 13.\n\n  Obviative, in Lenape, 107.\n  Ohio, Delawares in, 124-5.\n  Okahokis, 38.\n  Old Sack, 25\n  OLUM, derivation of, 153.\n  Onas, name of Penn, derivation, 95.\n  Onondagas, 117.\n  Opings, 21, 42.\n  Opossum, the, 43.\n  Opuhnarke, the, 19.\n  Osages, 151, 161.\n  Ossuaries, 23, 54.\n  Otayachgo, tribe, 22.\n  Ottawas, 113, 122, 140, 145, 232.\n\n  Paint, word for, 60.\n  Paints, use of, 53.\n  Paint Creek, 60.\n  Palisades, 51.\n  Pascatoway, derivation, 26.\n  Pascatoways, 15, =26=, 47.\n  Passive voice, in American languages, 108.\n  Peace-belt, the, 47, 114.\n  Peace chiefs, 47.\n  Penn, Wm., 75, 116, 122, 127.\n    his Indian name, 95.\n    his treaties, 120.\n  Pequods, 30.\n  Pictographs, 56.\n  Pipes, 40, 118.\n  Piquas, 29.\n  Piscatoways. See _Pascatoways_.\n  Playwickey, derivation, 39.\n  Pohhegan, the, 35.\n  Pomptons, 42-3.\n  Potomac, Indians near, 25, 67.\n    Iroquois name of, 15.\n  Pottawatomies, 11, 113.\n  Pottery, native, 51.\n  Powwow, derivation, 70, 227.\n  Priests, native, 70.\n  Pueblo Indians, 110.\n\n  Record Sticks, 59.\n  RED SCORE, the, 161.\n\n  Sachem, derivation, 46.\n  Sacs _or_ Sauks, 11, 113.\n  Safe Harbor, inscription, 57.\n  Sanhicans, 43.\n  Sapoonies, the, 31.\n  Scheyichbi, 40, 143.\n  Scythians, disease of, 110.\n  Senecas, 117, 121.\n  Serpent worship, 71-2, 167, 222, 231.\n  Seven, as a sacred number, 139.\n  Shamokin, 29, 115, 123.\n  Shawnees, =29=, 39, 113, 119, 145, 219.\n    sacred song of, 145, note.\n  Shekomeko, 128.\n  Sign-language, native, 152.\n  Snake, the Great, 71, 167.\n  Snake people, the, 165, 227, 231.\n    land, the, 167, 231.\n    water, 136.\n  Soap-stone, use of, 52.\n  Soul, doctrine of, 69.\n  Spears, use of, 53.\n  Stars, knowledge of, 55.\n  Stockbridge Indians, 45, 113.\n  Sun worship, 65.\n  Susquehanna, derivation of, 14.\n    lands, 120.\n  Susquehannocks, =13=, 53, 116, 121.\n\n  Tadirighrones, 31.\n  Talamatans, 165, 168, 231.\n  Talega, the, 165-6.\n  Talligewi, 141-2, 229, 231.\n  Tamany, 41, 117, 229.\n  Tatemy, Moses, 128.\n  Taurus, constellation of, 55.\n  Tawatawas, 146.\n  Taway _or_ Tawas, 232.\n  Tedpachxit, chief, 124-5.\n  Tedyuscung, 33, 40.\n  Thahutoolent, chief, 125.\n  Thousand Isles, the, 165.\n  Tiawoo, the, 22.\n  Time, computation of, 55.\n  Tobacco, name and culture, 49, 228.\n  Tockwhoghs, 23.\n  Tollan, 225.\n  Totemic animals, the, 39, 68.\n    marks, 39, 57.\n  Towanda, derivation,23.\n  Tsalaki, 166, 230.\n  Tula, 225.\n  Turkey River = Ohio, 39.\n  Turkey sub-tribe. See _Unalachtgos._\n  Turtle, symbol of, 132-5.\n  Turtle sub tribe. See _Unamis_,\n  Twelve, a sacred number, 73.\n  Twightees, 146, 232.\n\n  Unalachtgo, derivation, 36.\n  Unalachtgos, 37.\n  Unami, derivation, 36.\n      dialect, 79-80, 91.\n  Unamis, 37.\n\n  Virgin-mother, myth of, 131.\n  Vowel change in Lenape, 107.\n\n  WALAM, derivation, 60, 104, 161.\n  WALAM OLUM.\n      evidences of its authenticity, 67, 89, 155-8, 225.\n      history of, 151.\n      phonetic system, 159.\n      metrical form, 159.\n      pictographic system, 160.\n      MS. of, 162.\n      synopsis of, 164.\n  Wallam\u00fcnk, 53, 60.\n  Wampanos, 21, 128.\n  Wampum belts, 47, 138.\n  Wapanachki, the, =19=.\n  Wapemmskmk, town, 124.\n  Wapings, 21, 24, 128.\n  Wappingers, the, 20.\n  War captains, 47.\n  Water god, the, 222.\n  Wendats. See _Hurons._\n  We-shellaqua, 219-20.\n  White Eyes, chief, 58, 121, 123.\n  White River, the, 124, 144, 153.\n  Winicaco, 24.\n  Wingenund, chief, 58.\n  Wiwash, the, 25.\n  Women, the Lenape as, 109.\n  Wonameys, 36.\n  Wolf sub-tribe. See _Minsis_.\n  Wyandots, 13, =16=, 231.\n\n  Year, the native, 55.\n\n  Zanzendorf, Count, 128.\n\n\n\n\n            LIBRARY\n             --OF--\n  ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE,\n   GENERAL EDITOR AND PUBLISHER:\n         D. G. BRINTON, M.D.\n\nThe aim of this series of publications is to put within the reach of\nscholars authentic materials for the study of the languages and culture\nof the native races of America. Each work is the production of the\nnative mind, and is printed in the original tongue, with a translation\nand notes, and only such are selected as have some intrinsic historical\nor ethnological importance. The volumes of the series are sold\nseparately, at the prices named.\n\n\n_NOW READY._\n\n\nNo. I. THE CHRONICLES OF THE MAYAS.\n\nEdited by DANIEL G. BRINTON, M.D. 279 pages. Cloth, uncut, $5.00.\n($3.00 when a complete set is ordered.)\n\n    This volume contains five brief chronicles in the Maya language\n   of Yucatan, written shortly after the Conquest, and carrying the\n   history of that people back many centuries. To these is added a\n   history of the Conquest, written in his native tongue, by a Maya\n   Chief, in 1562. The texts are preceded by an introduction on the\n   history of the Mayas; their language, calendar, numeral system,\n   etc.; and a vocabulary is added at the close.\n\n\nNo. II. THE IROQUOIS BOOK OF RITES.\n\nEdited by HORATIO HALE. 222 pages. Cloth, uncut, $3.00.\n\n    This work contains, in the Mohawk and Onondaga languages, the\n   speeches, songs and rituals with which a deceased chief was\n   lamented and his successor installed in office. It may be\n   said to throw a distinct light on the authentic history of\n   Northern America to a period fifty years earlier than the era of\n   Columbus. The Introduction treats of the ethnology and history\n   of the Huron-Iroquois. A map, notes and a glossary complete the\n   work.\n\n\nNo. III. THE COMEDY-BALLET OF G\u00dcEG\u00dcENCE.\n\nEdited by DANIEL G. BRINTON, M.D. 146 pages. Cloth, uncut, $2.50.\n\n    A curious and unique specimen of the native comic dances,\n   with dialogues, called _bailes_, formerly common in Central\n   America. It is in the mixed Nahuatl-Spanish jargon of Nicaragua,\n   and shows distinctive features of native authorship. The\n   Introduction treats of the ethnology of Nicaragua, and the local\n   dialects, musical instruments, and dramatic representations. A\n   map and a number of illustrations are added.\n\n\nNo. IV. A MIGRATION LEGEND OF THE CREEK INDIANS.\n\nBy A. S. GATSCHET. 251 pages. Cloth, uncut, $3.00.\n\n    This learned work offers a complete survey of the ethnology of\n   the native tribes of the Gulf States. The strange myth or legend\n   told to Gov. Oglethorpe, in 1732, by the Creeks, is given in the\n   original, with an Introduction and Commentary.\n\n\nNo. V. THE LEN\u00c2P\u00c9 AND THEIR LEGENDS.\n\nBy Dr. DANIEL G. BRINTON. Cloth, uncut, $3.00.\n\n    Contains the complete text and symbols, 184 in number, of the\n   WALAM OLUM or RED SCORE of the Delaware Indians, with the full\n   original text, and a new translation, notes and vocabulary.\n   A lengthy introduction treats of the Len\u00e2p\u00e9 or Delawares,\n   their history, customs, myths, language, etc., with numerous\n   references to other tribes of the great Algonkin stock.\n\n\n_IN PREPARATION_:\n\n   =THE ANNALS OF THE CAKCHIQUELS.= By Francisco Arana Ernantez\n   Xahila. With a translation and notes by Dr. D. G. Brinton.\n\n   =ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTHOLOGY.= Chiefly original material,\n   furnished by various collaborators.","title":"The Len\u00e2p\u00e9 and Their Legends: With the complete text and symbols of the Walam olum, a new translation, and an inquiry into its authenticity","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":60390}