{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_47022/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_47022","id":"gutenberg_47022","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/47022","summary":null,"tags":["Apuleius. Metamorphoses","Category: Essays, Letters & Speeches","Category: Literature - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Greek fiction -- History and criticism"],"text":"ESSAYS ON\n                           THE GREEK ROMANCES\n\n\n                                   BY\n                       ELIZABETH HAZELTON HAIGHT\n             _Professor Emeritus of Latin, Vassar College_\n\n\n                               _NEW YORK_\n                        LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.\n                             M D CCCC XLIII\n\n\n                                 HAIGHT\n                      ESSAYS ON THE GREEK ROMANCES\n\n\n                            COPYRIGHT \u00b7 1943\n                    BY LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO., INC.\n\n\n                   ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THE\n                    RIGHT TO REPRODUCE THIS BOOK, OR\n                    ANY PORTION THEREOF, IN ANY FORM\n\n                      PUBLISHED SIMULTANEOUSLY IN\n                       THE DOMINION OF CANADA BY\n                    LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO., TORONTO\n\n\n                             FIRST EDITION\n\n\n                PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA\n\n\n                                  _To_\n                          BLANCHE FERRY HOOKER\n                        IN HONOR AND FRIENDSHIP\n\n\n                            The Publication\n                     of this book was made possible\n                                 by the\n                    J. LEVERETT MOORE RESEARCH FUND\n                              IN CLASSICS\n                                and the\n                        LUCY MAYNARD SALMON FUND\n                              FOR RESEARCH\n                     established at Vassar College\n                                in 1926\n\n\n\n\n                               _PREFACE_\n\n\nIf all the world loves a lover, as the old proverb says, then this my\nbook should win wide fame. For these Greek Romances of the first to the\nfourth century of our era seem still to be singing the immemorial\nrefrain from the old spring-time song of \u201cThe Vigil of Venus\u201d:\n\n  Cras amet qui numquam amavit,\n  quique amavit cras amet.\n\n  \u201cLet those love now, who never lov\u2019d before;\n  Let those who always lov\u2019d, now love the more.\u201d\n\nAt a time when fiction is the most popular form of literature, these\nwonderful old Greek stories of love, adventure and worship are half\nforgotten and rarely read except by the scholar. Yet here, as in epic,\nlyric, elegy, drama, oratory and history, the Greeks were pioneers. In\nthe second and third centuries they had created four different types of\nromance (of love, of adventure, the pastoral, the satiric) which were to\nhave great influence on French, Italian and English fiction. The student\nof comparative literature, the student of the history of fiction cannot\nafford to neglect these pioneer Greek novels.\n\nTheir appeal, however, should be just as great for the general reader as\nfor the scholar. For here are stories that mirror the life of the\nMediterranean world in the Roman Empire with all its new excitements of\ntravel, piracy, kidnapping, the new feminism, the new religious cults.\nAnd through all the different types of romance except the satiric the\nLove-God holds supreme sway over the hearts of men. So human, so\nvivacious are the love-stories that I offer to my readers Longus\u2019\nassurance of profit in his introduction to his Pastoral Romance:\n\n  \u201cI drew up these four books, an oblation to Love and to Pan and to the\n  Nymphs, and a delightful possession even for all men. For this will\n  cure him that is sick, and rouse him that is in dumps; one that has\n  loved, it will remember of it; one that has not, it will instruct. For\n  there was never any yet that wholly could escape love, and never shall\n  there be any, never so long as beauty shall be, never so long as eyes\n  can see. But help me that God to write the passions of others; and\n  while I write, keep me in my own right wits.\u201d[1]\n\nMy hope in writing on the Greek Romances is that I may lure readers back\nto them. My essays aim to be guideposts pointing the way. I venture to\nsuggest that along with my book readers should peruse at least four\nnovels of different types for which good translations are available.\nThese are _Chariton\u2019s Chaereas and Callirhoe_ by Warren E. Blake\n(beautiful in English and format) and three volumes of _The Loeb\nClassical Library_: _Daphnis and Chloe by Longus_, Lucian\u2019s _True\nHistory_ (in Lucian vol. I) and the Latin novel which combines the\ndifferent Greek types into one great synthesis, Apuleius\u2019\n_Metamorphoses_. If I can win new readers for these my favorites, my\nwriting will be as successful as it has been happy!\n\nIt is a pleasure once again to express grateful thanks to publishers and\nauthors who have allowed me to quote material. I am indebted to the\nHarvard University Press for its courtesy in allowing me to quote freely\nfrom volumes in _The Loeb Classical Library_; to the Clarendon Press,\nOxford for the use of material from R. M. Rattenbury, \u201cRomance: the\nGreek Novel,\u201d in _New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature_,\n_Third Series_, from F. A. Todd, _Some Ancient Novels_, from J. S.\nPhillimore, \u201cGreek Romances\u201d in _English Literature and the Classics_,\nand from _The Works of Lucian of Samosata_ translated by H. W. Fowler\nand F. G. Fowler; to Longmans, Green and Co., for the use of a quotation\nfrom F. G. Allinson, _Lucian Satirist and Artist_; to the University of\nMichigan Press for the use of Warren E. Blake\u2019s translation of Chariton;\nto the Columbia University Press for permission to quote from S. L.\nWolff\u2019s _The Greek Romances in Elizabethan Prose Fiction_; and for\ngenerous permissions for quotations from Professor M. Rostovtzeff and\nProfessor B. E. Perry.\n\nMy writing has been greatly facilitated by the cooperation of the staff\nof the Vassar Library, especially of Miss Fanny Borden, Librarian, who\nhas provided me with a study in the Library, patiently borrowed many\nbooks from other libraries for me and shown unfailing interest in my\nwork. A constant stimulus to my writing has been the appreciation of my\ncolleagues and students expressed in invitations to read different\nchapters of this volume to the Classical Journal Club and to the\nClassical Society. Finally my profound gratitude is due to the donors of\nthe funds which made possible the publication of these Essays.\n\n\n\n\n                               _CONTENTS_\n\n\n  CHAPTER                                                           PAGE\n  I. The Greek Romances and Their Re-dating.                           1\n  II. Chariton\u2019s _Chaereas and Callirhoe_.                            14\n  III. The _Ephesiaca_ or _Habrocomes and Anthia_ by Xenophon of\n          Ephesus.                                                    38\n  IV. The _Aethiopica_ of Heliodorus.                                 61\n  V. _The Adventures of Leucippe and Clitophon_ by Achilles Tatius.   95\n  VI. _The Lesbian Pastorals of Daphnis and Chloe_ by Longus.        119\n  VII. Lucian and his Satiric Romances: the _True History_ and\n          _Lucius or Ass_.                                           144\n  VIII. A Comparison of the Greek Romances and Apuleius\u2019\n          _Metamorphoses_.                                           186\n      Index                                                          203\n\n\n\n\n                               ESSAYS ON\n                           THE GREEK ROMANCES\n\n\n\n\n                                   I\n                _THE GREEK ROMANCES AND THEIR RE-DATING_\n\n\nThe term \u201cGreek Romances\u201d is applied to long stories in Greek prose,\nwritten from the end of the first to the beginning of the fourth century\nbefore Christ and later imitated by Byzantine writers. It was one of\nthese last, Nicetas Eugenianus, who prefixed to his own romance a\nprelude of verses which described their content:\n\n  \u201cHere read Drusilla\u2019s fate and Charicles\u2019\u2014\n  Flight, wandering, captures, rescues, roaring seas,\n  Robbers and prisons, pirates, hunger\u2019s grip;\n  Dungeons so deep that never sun could dip\n  His rays at noon-day to their dark recess,\n  Chained hands and feet; and, greater heaviness,\n  Pitiful partings. Last the story tells\n  Marriage, though late, and ends with wedding bells.\u201d[2]\n\nThe subjects listed in these lines are typical of nearly all the novels.\nAn author selected new names for his hero and heroine and portrayed the\nsame quest for love and adventure. The young pair always marvellously\nhandsome fall desperately in love and plight their eternal fidelity in a\nsacred oath. Soon they are separated by misadventure or the cruel will\nof Fortune and suffer alone every misfortune and temptation, but by\nsuperhuman effort and often by the aid of the gods, they at last emerge\ntriumphant and chaste and fall in exultation into each other\u2019s arms.\n\nIt was just because of this similarity of pattern that it became the\nfashion for critics to belittle these melodramas, to emphasize their\nsimilarities, and to disregard their individual characteristics and\nenthralling style. Erwin Rohde\u2019s great critical study, _Der griechische\nRoman_, was perhaps the first to treat them with the serious\nconsideration which they deserve. Now Rohde\u2019s theories have to be in\nlarge part rejected because of new discoveries in papyri which have\nnecessitated the re-dating of the extant novels and adding to their\nstudy fragments of novels hitherto unknown which help establish new\ntypes and give a basis for a new critique.\n\nMy own discussion is to be concerned with the novels themselves, their\nindividual characteristics, their literary qualities, viewed on the\nbasis of their new dating. For this reason I shall spend little time on\nthe famous theories of the origins of the Greek Romances and on their\nprecursors. For my purpose of intensive, literary study it is enough to\npresent these in outline.\n\nIn regard to the origins of the Greek Romances, two special theories\nmust be mentioned since they have had more vogue than any others. These\nare the theories of Erwin Rohde and of Bruno Lavagnini. Erwin Rohde in\n_Der griechische Roman_, which first appeared in 1876, recognized two\nessential elements in the Greek Romances: stories of love and stories of\ntravel. He studied the precursors of these two types. He finally\naffirmed that the synthesis of the two, the romance, is a direct product\nof the rhetorical schools of the Second Sophistry which flourished in\nGreece during the Empire. Rohde based his work on the extant romances\nand the summaries of Photius (Patriarch of Constantinople, 858-886) and\nbelieving that none of this material antedated the second century of our\nera, he constructed his theory that \u201cGreek romance was a product of the\n_Zweite Sophistik_, and had no direct connection either with the short\nstory as represented by the Milesian Tales or with any Greek or\nAlexandrian literary form.\u201d[3] W. Schmid in the third edition of Rohde\n(1914) summarized in an Appendix the new discoveries and theories after\nRohde\u2019s death.\n\nI omit a r\u00e9sum\u00e9 of the work of Huet,[4] Dunlop,[5] Chassang[6] and of\nChauvin,[7] all significant in their times, to present a theory which is\nnow more striking. In 1921 Bruno Lavagnini in a learned monograph, _Le\nOrigini del Romanzo Greco_, traced the development of the Greek romance\nfrom local legends of Magna Graecia, Greece proper, the Greek Islands\nand Asia Minor. He found support for his theory in the titles of many of\nthem:\n\n  \u1f18\u03c6\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac                        by Xenophon of Ephesus,\n  \u0392\u03b1\u03b2\u03c5\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac                     by Xenophon of Antioch,\n  \u0391\u1f30\u03b8\u03b9\u03bf\u03c0\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac                       by Heliodorus,\n  \u039a\u03c5\u03c0\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac                        by Xenophon of Cyprus,\n  \u1fec\u03bf\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac, \u039a\u03c9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac, \u0398\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac         by\n\na Philippus of Amphipolis, which Suidas mentioned. In his study he took\ninto account the novelle or short stories which Rohde believed had no\ninfluence on the novel, and studied the \u039c\u03b9\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac, the short _Love\nRomances_ of Parthenius, the fragment of the _Aitia_ of Callimachus,\n_Acontius and Cydippe_. He showed that Rohde had entirely neglected the\nimportant influence of the novella in the Greek romance and had been\nmistaken in his insistence on the fundamentally different character of\nthe two. Rohde claimed that the novella was realistic, the romance\nidealistic and hence declared that any derivation of the romance from\nthe novella was impossible. Lavagnini recognized other influences in the\ndevelopment of the romance, especially those of satire and of the new\ncomedy, but he maintained that an essential feature was the historical.\nHe admitted that in the use of his local legends the events are\nprojected into an ideal and remote past.\n\nThe tendency in the new criticism of the Greek Romances, notably in the\nwork of Aristide Calderini,[8] is not to seek for any one main source\nfor their \u201corigins,\u201d but rather to consider all possible precursors in\nthe field of fiction who directly or indirectly influenced them. Their\nname is legion and they appear in the fields of both poetry and prose.\nFor from the earliest times of Greek literature the art of narration was\nin use. Epics presented narratives of war in the Iliad, of adventure in\nthe Odyssey, of love in Apollonius Rhodius. Drama produced narrative\nspeeches particularly in tragedy in the role of the messenger. Elegiac\npoetry developed subjective-erotic stories, based on myths, or history,\nor real life, and written in lyric mood in narratives or letters. Idyls\nfinally portrayed against a pastoral setting the outdoor loves of\nshepherds.\n\nIn prose, there are full-grown novelettes combining love and adventure\nembedded in the Greek historians: Herodotus\u2019 story of Candaules\u2019\nwife,[9] the story of Rhampsinitus\u2019 treasure,[10] the story of the love\nof Xerxes,[11] the story of Abradatas of Susa and Panthea in Xenophon\u2019s\n_Education of Cyrus_ which Whibley calls \u201cthe first love-story in\nEuropean prose.\u201d[12] Short stories or novelle in prose are known from\nthe accounts of the Milesian Tales and from Parthenius\u2019 miniature _Love\nRomances_. The \u039c\u03b9\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac were written in the second century B.C., by\nAristides of Miletus and a collection of them was translated into Latin\nby Cornelius Sisenna who died 57 B.C. Their character was definite: they\nwere erotic stories of a lascivious type. Their philosophy of life was\nthat all men\u2014and women\u2014are sinners, and this belief was embodied in\nepisodes from every-day life. Their amorality was such that the Parthian\nSurena was horrified when in the Parthian War of 53 B.C., a copy of the\nMilesian Tales was found in the pack of a Roman officer. Other short\nlocal tales, for example those of Sybaris and of Ephesus, shared these\ncharacteristics of realism, irony and disillusion.\n\nParthenius of Nicaea wrote a collection of short _Love Romances_ of a\nvery different type. This Greek elegiac poet of the Augustan Age wrote\nhis _Love Romances_ in Greek prose as a storehouse for his friend,\nCornelius Gallus, to draw upon for material for epic or elegiac verse;\nand for this reason he put them forth in the briefest and simplest form\npossible. Most of them are unfamiliar stories even when they are about\nwell-known mythological characters. In many the love tales are set\nagainst a background of war. Short as they are, both their subject\nmatter and style are significant for the development of Greek prose\nfiction.\n\nMoreover, the work of the rhetorical schools must be considered among\nthe forerunners of the novel, both in Greek and Latin. Although we know\nnow that the Greek Romances were being written before the time of the\nNew or Second Sophistry which Rohde postulated to be their origin, still\nin the Greek Romances as well as in the _Satyricon_ and in Apuleius\u2019\n_Metamorphoses_, there are many illustrations of the influence of the\npractice cases of the rhetorical schools. A study of the _Controversiae_\nin Seneca the Elder and in the pseudo-Quintilian, a study of _The Lives\nof the Sophists_ by Philostratus demonstrates that in these school\nexercises where \u201coratory became a theatrical fiction\u201d[13] lay many first\ndrafts of a new literary genre, the romance.[14]\n\nIt is a pity that Erwin Rohde could not have lived to revise himself his\ngreat work on the Greek Romances in the light of the new discoveries\nabout them. No scholar has yet arisen equipped with his tremendous\nerudition and penetrating criticism to succeed him worthily. Perhaps\nindeed the time has not yet come to write a new critical history of the\nGreek romance, for at any time added discoveries may demand still\nfurther revision of dates and consideration of types. But at this stage\nit is essential to review the new discoveries and to try to estimate\ntheir significance. This outline is based on three important summaries:\nthe introduction by Aristide Calderini to his translation of\nChariton;[15] the \u201cAppendix on the Greek Novel\u201d by Stephen Gaselee in\nthe edition of _Daphnis and Chloe_ and Parthenius in _The Loeb Classical\nLibrary_;[16] and the chapter on \u201cRomance: the Greek Novel\u201d by R. M.\nRattenbury in _New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature, Third\nSeries_.[17]\n\nMost spectacular and important of the new discoveries was that of the\nfragments of the Ninus Romance, first published in 1893. They were found\non an Egyptian papyrus, on the back of which are written some accounts\nof A.D. 101. The writing of the romance is so clear and beautiful that\nit is dated by experts as belonging to the first century B.C. As\nRattenbury says: \u201cThe Ninus Romance is therefore the only pre-Christian\nspecimen of its kind; it is indisputably two centuries earlier than the\nearliest of the completely extant romances (Charito), and probably as\nmuch earlier than any of the known fragments.\u201d[18] The remains consist\nof two separate fragments with parts of five columns on the first and of\nthree on the second. Gaselee writes of the content:[19] \u201cin the first\n(A) the hero, Ninus, and the heroine (unnamed), deeply in love with one\nanother, approach each the other\u2019s mother and set forth their love,\nasking for a speedy marriage; in the second (B) the young couple seem to\nbe together at the beginning, but almost immediately Ninus is found\nleading an army of his Assyrians, with Greek and Carian allies, against\nthe Armenian enemy.\u201d\n\nFragment A is short enough so that we can read Gaselee\u2019s translation of\nit:[20]\n\n  Ninus and the maiden were both equally anxious for an immediate\n  marriage. Neither of them dared to approach their own mothers\u2014Thambe\n  and Derceia, two sisters, the former Ninus\u2019 mother, the latter the\n  mother of the girl\u2014but preferred each to address themselves to the\n  mother of the other: for each felt more confidence towards their aunts\n  than towards their own parents. So Ninus spoke to Derceia: \u201cMother,\u201d\n  said he, \u201cwith my oath kept true do I come into thy sight and to the\n  embrace of my most sweet cousin. This let the gods know first of\n  all\u2014yes, they do know it, and I will prove it to you now as I speak. I\n  have travelled over so many lands and been lord over so many nations,\n  both those subdued by my own spear and those who, as the result of my\n  father\u2019s might, serve and worship me, that I might have tasted of\n  every enjoyment to satiety\u2014and, had I done so, perhaps my passion for\n  my cousin would have been less violent: but now that I have come back\n  uncorrupted I am worsted by the god of love and by my age; I am, as\n  thou knowest, in my seventeenth year, and already a year ago have I\n  been accounted as having come to man\u2019s estate. Up to now I have been\n  nought but a boy, a child: and if I had had no experience of the power\n  of Aphrodite, I should have been happy in my firm strength. But now\n  that I have been taken prisoner\u2014thy daughter\u2019s prisoner, in no\n  shameful wise, but agreeably to the desires both of thee and her, how\n  long must I bear refusal?\n\n  \u201cThat men of this age of mine are ripe for marriage, is clear enough:\n  how many have kept themselves unspotted until their fifteenth year?\n  But I am injured by a law, not a written law, but one sanctified by\n  foolish custom, that among our people virgins generally marry at\n  fifteen years. Yet what sane man could deny that nature is the best\n  law for unions such as this? Why, women of fourteen years can\n  conceive, and some, I vow, even bear children at that age. Then is not\n  thy daughter to be wed? \u2018Let us wait for two years,\u2019 you will say: let\n  us be patient, mother, but will Fate wait? I am a mortal man and\n  betrothed to a mortal maid: and I am subject not merely to the common\n  fortunes of all men\u2014diseases, I mean, and that Fate which often\n  carries off those who stay quietly at home by their own fire-sides;\n  but sea-voyages are waiting for me, and wars after wars, and I am not\n  the one to shew any lack of daring and to employ cowardice to afford\n  me safety, but I am what you know I am, to avoid vulgar boasting. Let\n  the fact that I am a king, my strong desire, the unstable and\n  incalculable future that awaits me, let all these hasten our union,\n  let the fact that we are each of us only children be provided for and\n  anticipated, so that if Fate wills us anything amiss, we may at least\n  leave you some pledge of our affection. Perhaps you will call me\n  shameless for speaking to you of this: but I should indeed have been\n  shameless if I had privily approached the maiden, trying to snatch a\n  secret enjoyment, and satisfying our common passion by the\n  intermediaries of night or wine, or servants, or tutors: but there is\n  nothing shameful in me speaking to thee, a mother, about thy\n  daughter\u2019s marriage that has been so long the object of thy vows, and\n  asking for what thou hast promised, and beseeching that the prayers\n  both of our house and of the whole kingdom may not lack fulfilment\n  beyond the present time.\u201d\n\n  So did he speak to the willing Derceia, and easily compelled her to\n  come to terms on the matter: and when she had for a while dissembled,\n  she promised to act as his advocate. Meanwhile although the maiden\u2019s\n  passion was equally great, yet her speech with Thambe was not equally\n  ready and free; she had ever lived within the women\u2019s apartments, and\n  could not so well speak for herself in a fair shew of words: she asked\n  for an audience\u2014wept, and desired to speak, but ceased as soon as she\n  had begun. As soon as she had shewn that she was desirous of pleading,\n  she would open her lips and look up as if about to speak, but could\n  finally utter nothing: she heaved with broken sobs, her cheeks\n  reddened in shame at what she must say, and then as she tried to\n  improvise a beginning, grew pale again: and her fear was something\n  between alarm and desire and shame as she shrank from the avowal; and\n  then, as her affections got the mastery of her and her purpose failed,\n  she kept swaying with inward disturbance between her varying emotions.\n  But Thambe wiped away her tears with her hands and bade her boldly\n  speak out whatever she wished to say. But when she could not succeed,\n  and the maiden was still held back by her sorrow, \u201cThis,\u201d cried\n  Thambe, \u201cI like better than any words thou couldst utter. Blame not my\n  son at all: he has made no over-bold advance, and he has not come back\n  from his successes and his victories like a warrior with any mad and\n  insolent intention against thee: I trust that thou hast not seen any\n  such intention in his eyes. Is the law about the time of marriage too\n  tardy for such a happy pair? Truly my son is in all haste to wed: nor\n  needest thou weep for this that any will try to force thee at all\u201d:\n  and at the same time with a smile she embraced and kissed her. Yet not\n  even then could the maiden venture to speak, so great was her fear\n  (_or_, her joy), but she rested her beating heart against the other\u2019s\n  bosom, and kissing her more closely still seemed almost ready to speak\n  freely of her desires through her former tears and her present joy.\n  The two sisters therefore met together, and Derceia spoke first. \u201cAs\n  to the actual (marriage?),\u201d said she....\u201d\n\nIn fragment B the seventeen-year-old warrior is found marshalling his\nforces, \u201cseventy thousand chosen Assyrian foot and thirty thousand\nhorse, and a hundred and fifty elephants,\u201d and at the end beginning the\nadvance at the head of his cavalry:\n\nAnd stretching out his hands as if (offering sacrifice?), \u201cThis,\u201d he\ncried, \u201cis the foundation and crisis of my hopes: from this day I shall\nbegin some greater career, or I shall fall from the power I now\npossess.\u201d[21]\n\nIn this Ninus Romance as we have it, the name of the heroine is not\nmentioned, but her mother\u2019s name is Derceia and that is a close variant\nof Derceto, the name of the divine mother of Semiramis in the usual\nlegend. So although the type is different from that of the queen of\nBabylon, the character is probably hers. It seems evident that this\nearly novelist was, then, building his romance around historical\ncharacters. Rattenbury points this out and also shows conclusively that\nthe characteristics of all the other romances are indisputably present\nin this early fragmentary story:[22]\n\n  \u201cThe impetuous but honest Ninus reappears clearly enough in the\n  Theagenes of Heliodorus, and the lovesick maiden of unassailable\n  virtue and almost intolerable modesty might be the heroine of any\n  Greek romance.\u201d\n\nNinus pledges his faith as later heroes take an oath. He like them is\nthe toy of Eros or Aphrodite. In the extant romances,\n\n  \u201cThe characters, the treatment, and even the plots are almost\n  stereotyped; and yet one difference is observable\u2014a tendency to\n  abandon an ostensibly historical background in favour of a purely\n  fictitious setting. The relative dates of the authors are by no means\n  certain, but the fortunate discovery of papyrus fragments of Charito\n  and Achilles Tatius supports the view, probable on other grounds, that\n  Charito is to be considered the earliest, and Achilles Tatius the\n  latest. It is therefore of interest to notice that Charito, though his\n  hero and heroine are creatures of his imagination, introduces some\n  historical characters and some historical events; his main story is\n  fictitious, but he seems to have been at pains to lend it a historical\n  flavour. Heliodorus, somewhat later, presents a picture of a fairly\n  definite historical period, but no more; his characters are all\n  fictitious and there is no historical authority for the sequence of\n  events which he describes. Achilles Tatius degrades romance from the\n  realm of princes to the level of the bourgeoisie. His story is frankly\n  fictitious, and he evidently had no feeling that romance should be\n  related to history.\u201d\n\nRattenbury goes on to illustrate his theory of the change from the\nsemi-historical to the purely fictitious romance by a study of the\nAlexander Romance and the new fragments of other stories. The\npseudo-Callisthenes Alexander Romance in the oldest version extant is\ndated about A.D. 300. But papyrus fragments indicate that a large part\nof the material in it goes back to a time shortly after Alexander\u2019s\ndeath. From the evidence of our late pseudo-Callisthenes version which\nprobably followed tradition it would seem that history was treated as\nfiction and little attention paid to the love-story of Roxane which\ncould have furnished such a lively erotic interest. New fragments of\nother romances show other great rulers used as heroes.[23] One is the\nEgyptian prince, Sesonchosis, called by the Greeks Sesostris.\nMythological characters too become protagonists in romances: Achilles\nand Polyxena; the Egyptian Tefnut, daughter of Phre, the sun-god, who\ntook her adventures in the shape of a cat wandering in the desert of\nEthiopia. Other fragments run true to the general type of the Greek\nRomances in manifesting now this, now that characteristic.\n\nThe sum total of all the fragments discovered up to date gives\nconvincing evidence of two important facts: first, the extant Greek\nRomances are only a small part of the output of this genre; second, the\ndating of all the fragments places them between the end of the first and\nthe beginning of the fourth century of our era. The Ninus Romance is the\nearliest fragment, Chariton\u2019s the earliest complete romance, that of\nAchilles Tatius the latest. On this framework a chronological list of\nthe extant novels arranged on the basis of proved data and the\nprobabilities of internal evidence and comparisons, shapes like this:\n\n                             The Greek Romances\n        _Date_              _Author_                  _Title_\n  I Century B.C.       Unknown               The Ninus Romance (frag.)\n  Before A.D. 150      Chariton of           Chaereas and Callirhoe\n                         Aphrodisias\n  II Century A.D.      Lucian of Samosata    A True History Lucius or\n                                               Ass (an epitome of the\n                                               lost _Metamorphoses_)\n  II-III Centuries     Xenophon of Ephesus   Ephesiaca, Habrocomes and\n    A.D.                                       Anthia\n  II-III Centuries     Heliodorus of Emesa   Aethiopica, Theagenes and\n    A.D.                                       Chariclea\n  II-III Centuries     Longus                Daphnis and Chloe\n    A.D.\n  About A.D. 300       Achilles Tatius of    Clitophon and Leucippe\n                         Alexandria\n  _Byzantine_\n  XII Century A.D.     Eustathius            Hysmine and Hysminias\n  XII Century A.D.     Nicetas Eugenianus    Charicles and Drusilla\n                                               (verse)\n  XII Century A.D.     Theodorus Prodromus   Dosicles and Rhodanthe\n                                               (verse)\n  XII Century A.D.     Constantine           Aristander and Callithea\n                         Manasses              (verse)\n  Also known by translation or abstract\n  II-III Centuries     Unknown               Apollonius of Tyre (Latin\n    A.D.                                       translation)\n  II-III Centuries     Iamblichus, a         Babyloniaca, Rhodanes and\n    A.D.                 Syrian                Sinonis (abstract in\n                                               Photius)\n  II-III Centuries     Antonius Diogenes     The Wonderful Things\n    A.D.                                       beyond Thule (abstract\n                                               in Photius)\n  Not before A.D.      pseudo-Callisthenes   Alexander Romance\n    300\n\nIt is to be observed that from internal evidence Xenophon of Ephesus\nprobably came before Heliodorus. Longus is _sui generis_, and so stands\napart from the typical genre of the novels; in fact is a unique specimen\nof another type, the pastoral romance.\n\nThe new discoveries from the papyri with the consequent re-dating of all\nknown material has given a strong impetus to new study of Greek\nRomances; new editions of text with translation are being brought out by\nEnglish, French, Italian and American scholars.[24] The introductions to\nsome of these editions, especially those of Calderini and Dalmeyda, are\nthe first distinguished literary work in the field since Rohde with the\nexception of Samuel Lee Wolff\u2019s monograph on _The Greek Romances in\nElizabethan Prose Fiction_, New York, 1912.\n\nThe time has now come for a literary study in English which will make\navailable foreign criticism and present perhaps some new ideas. I plan\nto discuss in successive chapters Chariton, Xenophon of Ephesus,\nHeliodorus, Achilles Tatius and Longus, and to suggest something of\ntheir influence. Then I shall take up the \u039b\u03bf\u03cd\u03ba\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f22 \u1f44\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 attributed to\nLucian and his _True History_ and finally I shall show the synthesis of\nthe novel of adventure and the true Greek romance of love in the great\nLatin novel, Apuleius\u2019 _Metamorphoses_.\n\n\n\n\n                                   II\n                  _CHARITON\u2019S_ CHAEREAS AND CALLIRHOE\n\n\nThere are two reasons for beginning a perusal of the Greek Romances with\nChariton\u2019s _Chaereas and Callirhoe_. It is \u201cthe earliest Greek romance\nof which the text has been completely preserved.\u201d It is \u201ca lively tale\nof adventure in which a nobly born heroine is kidnapped across the sea\nfrom Syracuse to Asia Minor, where her beauty causes many complications\nand she is finally rescued by her dashing lover.\u201d I quote from Warren E.\nBlake whose publication of the Greek text and a literary translation of\nit are a monument to American scholarship.\n\nThe date of the manuscript of this novel has been proved to be not later\nthan the middle of the second century A.D., by the recent discoveries of\npapyrus fragments of it.[25] Warren Blake comments on the significance\nof these discoveries:[26]\n\n  \u201cIn view of the complete absence in ancient literature of any certain\n  allusion to Chariton, he was long supposed to be the latest of the\n  authors of Greek romance, and was dated, purely by conjecture, about\n  500 A.D. But by a turn of fortune as truly remarkable as any\n  attributed by Chariton himself to that fickle goddess, three scraps of\n  his book have been turned up in Egypt during the last forty years. One\n  of these scraps was found in company with some business documents\n  which date from about the end of the second century of our era.\n  Inasmuch as the place of discovery was a small country town to which\n  new works of literature would not likely penetrate immediately on\n  publication, and since in any case an expensive book is almost sure to\n  be preserved longer than day-by-day business papers, we seem quite\n  justified in setting the date of publication back some twenty-five or\n  even fifty years. Thus it is probable that this novel was written at\n  least as early as the middle of the second century, only about one\n  hundred years later than most of the books of the New Testament.\u201d\n\nThe identity of the author is made known by the first sentence: \u201cI am\nChariton of Aphrodisia, secretary to the advocate Athenagoras.\u201d\nAphrodisia was a town in Caria in southern Asia Minor. Its locality\nhelps little in expanding the autobiography of the author out of this\none crisp sentence. But the romance itself reveals more of his\npersonality. His fondness for court-room scenes and his elaborate\ndescriptions of them are what we would expect from a secretary to a\n\u1fe5\u03ae\u03c4\u03c9\u03c1 or advocate. His learning is evident from his many literary and\nmythological references. And occasionally he steps out of the role of\nthe impersonal narrator into his own character and speaks in the first\nperson to his reader. We will come to feel rather sure of his interests\nand tastes as we read his \u03c0\u03ac\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03bd.\n\nBefore proceeding to outline the plot of the eight books of this\nromance, it will be well to clarify the story by presenting a list of\nthe characters.\n\nThe chief characters are:\n\n  _Chaereas_, the handsome young Greek hero, son of Ariston of Syracuse\n  _Callirhoe_, the beautiful young Greek heroine, daughter of\n          Hermocrates, a famous general of Syracuse\n  _Polycharmus_, a young Greek, the devoted friend of Chaereas\n  _Hermocrates_, the general of Syracuse\n  _Theron_, a pirate\n  _Dionysius_, the governor of Miletus\n  _Mithridates_, satrap of Caria\n  _Artaxerxes_, king of the Persians\n  _Statira_, his wife, queen of the Persians\n  _Pharnaces_, the governor of Lydia and Ionia\n  _Rhodogyne_, the sister of Pharnaces, daughter of Zopyrus, wife of\n          Megabyzus, a Persian beauty.\n\nThe minor characters of importance are:\n\n  _Leonas_, a slave-dealer of Miletus\n  _Plangon_, a female slave of Dionysius\n  _Phocas_, slave and overseer of Dionysius, husband of Plangon\n  _Artaxates_, the eunuch of Artaxerxes\n  _Hyginus_, a servant of Mithridates.\n\nThe list of characters reveals at once a connection of Chariton\u2019s novel\nwith the Ninus Romance because of the use of historical characters.\nHermocrates, the great general of Syracuse who defeated the Athenians in\nthe naval battle, 414 B.C., is the father of the heroine and is referred\nto repeatedly with the greatest pride. Artaxerxes, the king of the\nPersians, appears in person in courts and in wars. Historical events too\nare mentioned as if to give a background of reality: the contests\nbetween the Syracusans and the Athenians; the war between the Greeks and\nthe Persians; the rebellion of Egypt against Persia; the merit of Cyrus\nthe Great in organizing the army.\n\nAgainst such a background of plausible reality, the plot develops along\nthree main lines of interest: love, adventure and religion. The story\nbegins with the introduction of the radiant young hero and heroine of\nSyracuse when they fall in love at first sight at a festival of\nAphrodite. Almost immediately they are married, but their ecstatic\nhappiness is short, for Callirhoe\u2019s many other suitors, angry at her\nchoice, plot revenge. They make her husband jealous by false stories of\na lover whom his bride favors, and, by staging a surreptitious admission\nto his house of a lover of Callirhoe\u2019s maid, convince Chaereas that his\nwife is faithless. In passionate fury he dashes to his wife\u2019s room and\nwhen Callirhoe overjoyed at his unexpected return rushes to meet him, he\nkicks her with such violence in the middle of her body that she falls\ndown, to all appearance dead. Chaereas is tried for murder and pleads\nfor his own condemnation, but is acquitted against his will by the\nappeal of Hermocrates.\n\nCallirhoe is now given a magnificent funeral and buried with much\ntreasure. The heroine, however, who had only fainted, soon revives, but\nwhile she is bemoaning her sad fate, a band of pirates, led by Theron,\nbreaks open the tomb, steals the treasure, kidnaps the girl, then sets\nsail with all speed for the east. At Miletus, Theron sells Callirhoe as\na slave to Dionysius, a noble Ionian prince. He soon falls in love with\nhis slave, but learning her story (except the fact that she was already\nmarried which Callirhoe omits) respects her tragic position and woos her\nwith delicacy and consideration. Callirhoe, on finding that she is two\nmonths with child, decides to accept the advice of the maid Plangon and\nmarry Dionysius to give her baby a father. Plangon assures Callirhoe\nthat the child will be considered a premature seven months baby, and she\nsecures from Dionysius a promise to bring up as his honored children any\nsons of the marriage. Book III tells how Chaereas found the tomb empty;\nhow Theron was captured, forced to tell the truth by torture and\ncrucified; how Chaereas and his bosom friend Polycharmus went on a\nwarship to Miletus in search of Callirhoe but were captured and sold as\nslaves to Mithridates, satrap of Caria.\n\nNow Mithridates too had fallen in love with Callirhoe on seeing her at\nMiletus. On returning to Caria he discovers the identity of his slave\nChaereas just in time to save him from crucifixion because of an\nuprising of his fellow-slaves, and tells him that his wife is now\nmarried to Dionysius. Chaereas writes a letter to Callirhoe full of\npenitence and of love and Mithridates forwards it by Hyginus, his\nfaithful slave, adding another letter of his own promising Chaereas and\nCallirhoe his aid. Unfortunately these letters fall into the hands of\nDionysius himself and that noble prince, in his mad passion for his\nwife, conceals from her the news that Chaereas is alive and makes a plot\nfor the protection of his own interests. He appeals to Pharnaces,\ngovernor of Lydia and Ionia, who is also in love with Callirhoe, to help\na scheme he has made. Pharnaces thus prompted writes a letter to\nArtaxerxes, King of the Persians, accusing Mithridates of trying to\ncorrupt Dionysius\u2019 wife. The great King then summons Mithridates to a\ntrial for plotting adultery and sends also for Dionysius and Callirhoe.\n\nThe court scene is full of magnificence and surprises. Mithridates has\nno fear because in answer to the denunciations of Dionysius he is able\nto produce as a witness Chaereas who swears to his innocence and\nfriendship. Mithridates is acquitted and departs. Then the King\ndismisses the court for five days before adjudging whose wife Callirhoe\nis to be since now she has two living husbands. Meanwhile he intrusts\nthe lady for safe keeping to his wife, Statira. Dionysius is torn\nbetween the promptings of passion and reason. Chaereas is in despair at\nthe possibility of losing Callirhoe again. And Artaxerxes, the King,\nlike all the other great gentlemen in the story, falls madly in love\nwith Callirhoe for her beauty.\n\nThe King\u2019s passion makes him postpone the court trial a month on the\npretext of a dream which demanded sacrifice to the gods. His eunuch\ntries to persuade the heroine to do herself the honor of submitting to\nthe King\u2019s embraces, but only horrifies and offends her purity. Now\nFortune again takes a hand in separating once more Chaereas and\nCallirhoe, for a revolt of the Egyptians is announced, the King must be\noff to war, and as usual the queen and her suite go with him. Callirhoe\naccompanies the queen by royal orders.\n\nDionysius of course serves as one of the King\u2019s generals. He has a\ncrafty piece of news conveyed to Chaereas that in reward for his\nfaithful service the King had given him Callirhoe. Chaereas, believing\nthis false story, and no longer caring to live, enlists with the\nfaithful Polycharmus in the Egyptian army to fight against his rival. He\nis allowed to collect an army of three hundred Greeks in memory of\nThermopylae and with them captures Tyre. News of this loss makes the\nPersian King so anxious that he decides not to travel with all his\nretinue, but to leave the women on the little island of Aradus. Chaereas\nwho is proving a valiant warrior soon takes the island and discovers\nCallirhoe among his captives. Both faint on seeing each other but since\njoy never kills, they soon recover and reunited tell all and forgive\nall.\n\nWord suddenly comes that the Persian King has defeated the Egyptians and\ntheir King is dead. Chaereas and his men decide to sail home to\nSyracuse, but first in response to the plea of Callirhoe Chaereas sends\nhis prisoner, the queen Statira, back to the King because she had\nbefriended Callirhoe in her woes. Callirhoe without the knowledge of\nChaereas writes a beautiful and affectionate letter of farewell to\nDionysius, intrusting to him the care of her son. (Dionysius still\nbelieves he is the boy\u2019s father!) The ship of Chaereas is driven by fair\nwinds to Sicily where Hermocrates and the people of Syracuse receive the\nhero and heroine in amazement and joy. Chaereas tells the story of all\ntheir adventures and Callirhoe ends the tale with a prayer to Aphrodite:\n\u201cI beg thee, never again part me from Chaereas, but grant us both a\nhappy life, and death together.\u201d\n\nWith this simple outline of the plot before us let us study the way in\nwhich the story is told. Notable first of all are the shifting scenes,\nfor the action moves rapidly from Syracuse, to Miletus, to Caria, to\nBabylon, to the sea, to Tyre, to the island of Aradus and then at last\nback to Syracuse after the full circle of adventures. The contrast\nbetween the free Greek city of Syracuse and the oriental kingdoms is\nconstantly emphasized, but it is the love of adventure for adventure\u2019s\nsake that spices the narrative. The settings include, besides\npicturesque descriptions of localities, court-room scenes which are full\nof contrasts: the murder-trial of Chaereas in Syracuse and the trial of\nTheron also; the arraignment of Mithridates for adultery before the\nGreat King in Babylon. Pageantry of weddings and of religious ceremonies\nalso enrich the plot.\n\nThe characters are painted in bold, rich colors. Hero and heroine are so\nbeautiful that they can be compared only to great works of art: Chaereas\nresembles the pictures and statues of Achilles, Nireus, Hippolytus,\nAlcibiades. Callirhoe is now Aphrodite incarnate, now Artemis. Love is\nenflamed by their great beauty and enters through their eyes at their\nfirst sight of each other. Chaereas is proud and arrogant because of his\nlooks and so passionate that he is unrestrained in his anger when he\nbelieves Callirhoe false. The kick which he gave his bride is a blot on\nhis character which the reader finds harder to condone than Callirhoe\ndid. She declares that cruel Fortune forced her husband to this act, for\nhe never before had struck even a slave. He is also so mercurial that he\nrepeatedly gives way to despair and is repeatedly saved from committing\nsuicide by his devoted friend and companion, Polycharmus. He appears in\nmore heroic guise as a warrior when he joins the Egyptians against\nArtaxerxes and Dionysius, resolved to die in battle, and wins a great\nnaval victory. He is generous in sending the captive queen back to her\nlord. And he fulfills the ideals of romantic chivalry by declaring to\nCallirhoe at the end that she is the mistress of his soul.\n\nCallirhoe like Helen had the gift of fatal beauty so that all men who\nsaw her fell in love with her and she incurred for a time the jealousy\nof Aphrodite. But in spite of every temptation her spirit remained\nvirginal and she was persuaded to marry Dionysius only to give a nominal\nfather to her unborn child. She meets misfortune with natural tears, but\nwith more fortitude than Chaereas shows. And she rules her anger even\nwhen the eunuch of King Artaxerxes makes insulting proposals to her by\nremembering that she had been well brought up and as a Greek taught\nself-control. She handles difficult situations with a woman\u2019s intuitive\ntact as when she writes a consoling farewell letter to Dionysius,\nwithout letting her husband have the pain of knowing of it and its\ntenderness. By it she secures Dionysius\u2019 care for the son he still\nbelieves his own. She wins from Chaereas with gentle tact a promise to\nsend back the captives Statira and the beautiful Rhodogyne to the\nPersians. And in meek devotion at the end she essays to win even the\ngoddess Aphrodite to complete reconciliation.\n\nPolycharmus is a type more than an individual, for he is to Chaereas\nwhat Achates was to Aeneas, the faithful friend who accompanies him\nthrough all adventures. With boyish zeal, he hides from his parents in\nSyracuse his plan to go with Chaereas on his search for Callirhoe, but\nhe appears on the stern of the ship as it sails in time to wave a\nfarewell to his father and mother. His chief function is to encourage\nChaereas and prevent his suicide. At the end on their return to Syracuse\nhe is rewarded by being given Chaereas\u2019 sister for a bride and a part of\nthe spoils of war for a dowry.\n\nDionysius is a sympathetic and noble character; indeed his sins are all\nfor love. He is in deep mourning for his dead wife when Callirhoe is\npurchased as a slave by his manager. Although he believes that no person\nwho is not free-born can be truly beautiful, he is overwhelmed with love\nat the first sight of Callirhoe. With tactful sympathy he draws out her\nstory and believes it. He never forces his passion upon her, but woos\nher delicately through his maid-servant, Plangon, and is overjoyed when\nCallirhoe finally consents to legal marriage for the purpose of raising\na family. Even then in spite of his desire he delays the marriage that\nhe may do Callirhoe the honor of a great wedding in the city. His\nhappiness is complete to his mind when after seven months a son is born.\nSo it is because of his sincere love that when he hears that a Syracusan\nwarship has arrived to demand Callirhoe back, he commends his slave\nPhocas who out of loyalty to his master had persuaded barbarians to\ndestroy the ship and its crew. Dionysius\u2019 only anxiety is that since\nsome of the men escaped, Chaereas may still be alive. This last fact he\nconceals from Callirhoe and to comfort her for Chaereas\u2019 supposed death\npersuades her to erect a cenotaph to her first husband\u2019s memory. Later\nwhen he receives the intercepted letter of Chaereas to Callirhoe, he\nfaints with grief and fear, but coming to he believes the letter forged\nas part of a plot of Mithridates to win the favor of his bride, so he\naccuses Mithridates to the Great King. Summoned to Babylon to the trial\nhe is in constant terror, for \u201che looked on all men as his rivals\u201d\nknowing the devastating effects of Callirhoe\u2019s beauty. When Chaereas is\nproduced alive in the trial, he argues valiantly for the retention of\nhis wife with some telling thrusts at Chaereas, but finally when he has\nlost his love, he bears his grief like a man, having remarkable\nself-control, treasuring Callirhoe\u2019s affectionate letter as true solace,\nand devoting himself to her son. Dionysius, as Callirhoe reminds him\nonce, is a Greek with a Greek education.\n\nAmong the orientals, resplendent princes appear often only to be\nnumbered among the disconsolate lovers of Callirhoe and because of their\npassion to assist in furthering the complications of the plot. Such are\nMithridates and Pharnaces. More individualized portraits are painted of\nKing Artaxerxes and Queen Statira. Oriental magnificence is the aura of\nthe Great King\u2019s personality whether he appears presiding in the\ncourt-room, or hunting in Tyrian purple with golden dagger and elegant\nbow and arrow on his caparisoned horse, or riding to war with his great\narmy and his retinue: his queen, her attendants, his eunuchs, all their\ngold and silver and fine raiment. Yet through this rich setting appears\na wise ruler who takes counsel of his advisers in times of crises,\nlistens judiciously to evidence in the court-room, and in war follows\nthe military traditions of Cyrus the Great. But he has his human side:\nis influenced by wine, loneliness and the dark, and succumbs to\nCallirhoe\u2019s beauty though he is married to a great and subtle queen.\nHoping to win the object of his passion he is not above machinations\nwith his eunuch who acts as his go-between and with optimistic hope of\nsuccess even has Callirhoe taken along with the queen when he goes to\nwar. Yet when Statira is restored to him by Chaereas\u2019 magnanimity, he\nwelcomes her warmly although her news that Callirhoe is with Chaereas is\nlike \u201ca fresh blow upon an old wound.\u201d He appears most human after\nhearing Statira\u2019s story of all that happened, for he is filled with\nvaried emotions: wrath at the capture of his dear ones, sorrow at the\ndeparture of Chaereas, and final gratitude that Chaereas had ended the\npossibility of his seeing Callirhoe. Out of his own conflict of\nemotions, he breaks gently to Dionysius the news of his loss of\nCallirhoe and calls him away from personal sorrow by giving him higher\nresponsibility in the realm. Artaxerxes is really made to appear in the\nnovel as the Great King.\n\nStatira is no less the queen. She is delighted when her husband suddenly\nintrusts Callirhoe to her care, regarding his action as an honor and a\nsign of confidence. She encourages Callirhoe with tactful sympathy and\nsecures needed rest for her, keeping away the curious ladies who hurry\nto the palace to call. After a few days Statira can not resist asking\nCallirhoe which husband she preferred, but her curiosity is not rewarded\nfor Callirhoe only weeps. As time goes on Statira\u2019s jealousy is aroused\nbecause Callirhoe\u2019s beauty outshines her own and because she is fully\naware of the significance of the King\u2019s more frequent visits to the\nwomen\u2019s quarters. So when Artaxerxes is preparing to start off for war,\nthe queen does not ask what will become of Callirhoe because she does\nnot wish to have to take her, but the King at the end demands her\npresence. Apparently Statira never betrayed her jealousy to Callirhoe,\nfor after Chaereas took captive all the women in Aradus, Callirhoe has\nonly praise for her kindness to relate to Chaereas and calls Statira her\ndearest friend. Her generous happiness in being able to return Statira\u2019s\ncourtesy by sending her back to her husband wins from Statira a just\nencomium: \u201cYou have shown a noble nature, one that is worthy of your\nbeauty. It was a happy sponsorship indeed which the King intrusted to\nme.\u201d Callirhoe on parting commends her child to the queen\u2019s care and\nsecretly consigns to the queen her letter to Dionysius. Statira is still\na subtle enough woman to enjoy telling the King at once on her return\nwithout her rival: \u201cYou have me as a gift from Callirhoe.\u201d\n\nSet off against the Great King of the Persians is Hermocrates, the\ngeneral of Syracuse who defeated the Athenians. His greatness as an\nadmiral is matched by his leadership as a citizen. At the trial of\nChaereas for the murder of Callirhoe it is Hermocrates whose generous\nplea in his daughter\u2019s name secures from the people a vote of acquittal.\nHe listens to the wish of the people assembled when they urge him to\nmarry his daughter to Chaereas. When Theron, the pirate, is captured and\nthe crowd at Syracuse is milling about him, Hermocrates insists on a\npublic trial for him in accordance with the laws and after the evidence\nis presented it is by a vote of the people that he is condemned. Then\nHermocrates asks the people to vote to send a ship in search of his\nkidnapped daughter as a reward for his patriotic services. Callirhoe\u2019s\npride centers in her father no less than in her Greek blood. Her reunion\nwith her father at the end of the romance is almost as moving as her\nrestoral to Chaereas. Hermocrates shines forth in untarnished glory as a\npatriotic admiral, a leader of thought in a democratic state, and a\ndevoted father.\n\nThe minor parts are painted with less subtlety. Theron, the villain of\nthe story, is a black-hearted pirate dominated only by gain and\nself-interest, ready to save his life at the expense of his\nfellow-sailors. Slaves are presented as vivaciously as they are in\ncomedy. Plangon, the maid of Dionysius, is a shrewd, cunning\nopportunist, ready to serve her master\u2019s interests but not without\nkindness to the distraught Callirhoe in her plight of pregnancy.\nArtaxates, the eunuch of Artaxerxes, is venal, wily, complaisant and\nlow-minded. As the confidant of Artaxerxes he takes his cues from his\nmaster\u2019s words, and solicits his favor by an attempt to seduce\nCallirhoe\u2019s heart for him. As a eunuch, a slave and a barbarian (says\nChariton) he could not conceive that Callirhoe would not yield to the\nwishes of the King. When he is unable to persuade her by flattery, he\nthreatens her with the King\u2019s vengeance. And when her words betray her\nlove for Chaereas, Artaxates can call her only a poor, foolish girl for\npreferring a slave to the Great King of the Persians.\n\nThe use of the crowd by Chariton is another link between his romance and\ndrama, for it often fulfills the function assumed by the chorus in\ntragedy, that is, the part of the spectator who comments on the action\nand interprets it. It is the people of Syracuse in assembly that\npersuades Hermocrates to wed his daughter to Chaereas. The crowd votes\nthe crucifixion of Theron and attends it. At Miletus the crowd joins in\nDionysius\u2019 prayer to Aphrodite to protect Callirhoe and her son. The\ncrowd at Babylon is struck dumb with amazement at the radiance of\nCallirhoe. And when the Great King is to decide whether Chaereas or\nDionysius is to be her husband, all Babylon becomes a court-room as the\npeople discuss the rival partners. At the end of the romance, all the\nharbor of Syracuse is filled with men to watch the ship come in, and\nwhen Chaereas and Callirhoe are revealed on it, the crowd bursts into\ntears. All rush to the theater and demand that there at once Chaereas\ntell them his adventures. \u201cTell us everything,\u201d they keep shouting. They\ngroan at his misfortunes. They offer prayers for the future of his son.\nThey shout assent to his proposal to make his three hundred valiant\nGreek soldiers fellow-citizens of Syracuse. Indeed the crowd is\nconstantly the background of the action of the romance.\n\nVarious mechanical devices used in the development of the plot show\nChariton\u2019s art of narration. Conversation as any novel demands is\nconstantly used. Soliloquies are introduced frequently: at some\nemotional crisis, Chariton, instead of describing the thoughts and\nfeelings of his characters, has them burst into speech to themselves.\nCallirhoe on hearing of the supposed loss of Chaereas with the warship\nlaments his death and the destruction of her father\u2019s gallant vessel.\nLater beside the Euphrates river when she can no longer see \u201cthe ocean\nwhich led back to Syracuse,\u201d she upbraids cruel Fortune for driving her\nfarther and farther from home. Again, in horror at the proposals of the\neunuch, she laments all her misfortunes and expresses her resolve to die\nas befits Hermocrates\u2019 daughter rather than become the mistress of the\nGreat King. So too Dionysius on the return of Chaereas, after attempts\nat self-control, bursts forth with despair and jealousy into a lament\nover the imminent loss of his love. At the same time Chaereas, believing\nthat Callirhoe loves Dionysius and will never return to him from the\nwealthy Ionian, utters a bitter lament before attempting to hang\nhimself.\n\nLetters also are an important means of developing the plot in the Greek\nRomances, especially in Chariton. He uses seven letters.[27] Chaereas\u2019\nfirst letter to Callirhoe is an impassioned love-letter with an appeal\nfor forgiveness and for an assurance that she still loves him. This is a\ncrucial letter in the plot because it is sent by Bias of Priene to\nDionysius himself who conceals it from Callirhoe. Bias sends a brief\nbusiness letter with it. Pharnaces, governor of Lydia, on the\ninstigation of Dionysius writes a letter to Artaxerxes accusing\nMithridates of trying to seduce Dionysius\u2019 wife. This letter is\nimportant for the plot, because it motivates the trial of Mithridates.\nThe Great King on receiving it dispatches two laconic business letters\nto Pharnaces summoning Dionysius and to Mithridates calling him to\ntrial. The other two letters do not affect the plot, but reveal the\ncharacters of the senders. These are the letters in Book VIII of\nChaereas to Artaxerxes and of Callirhoe to Dionysius. Chaereas proudly\nsends back Statira unharmed as the gift of Callirhoe to the Great King.\nCallirhoe with a woman\u2019s intuition comforts Dionysius for her loss by\ngratitude for his protection, by assuring him that she is with him in\nspirit in the presence of her son whom she intrusts to his care. She\nbegs him not to marry again, but to bring up the daughter of his first\nwife and her own son, eventually marry them to each other and send him\nto Syracuse to see his grandfather. She includes a message to Plangon\nand ends with an appeal to good Dionysius to remember his Callirhoe. It\nis hardly strange that Callirhoe concealed this masterpiece of\nepistolography from her jealous husband, Chaereas.\n\nThe taking of an oath is often an important feature of Greek Romances.\nIn Chariton, Dionysius swears solemnly by the sea, by Aphrodite and by\nEros that he will marry Callirhoe according to the Greek laws \u201cfor the\nbegetting of children\u201d and will bring up any child she bears.[28] Dreams\ntoo play their part in the plot. In a dream Dionysius sees an apparition\nof his dead wife as she looked on her wedding-day. His slave Leonas\ninterprets the dream as prophetic of his coming happiness with the newly\npurchased slave, Callirhoe.[29] Callirhoe in her sleep sees a phantom of\nChaereas who says to her: \u201cMy wife, I intrust our son to you.\u201d This\ndream determines her to bring up her baby and so to marry Dionysius.[30]\nIn Babylon when she is dreading having to appear in court, she has a\ndream of her happy wedding to Chaereas in Syracuse. The maid Plangon\ninterprets the dream as a good omen for future happiness.[31] King\nArtaxerxes had a dream of gods demanding sacrifice so he proclaimed a\nfestival of thirty days throughout Asia. This delayed his decision\nbetween Chaereas and Dionysius, hence was most important for the plot\nbecause wars arose before the court was held and in them Chaereas and\nCallirhoe came together.[32]\n\nApparent deaths are a common device of the Greek novelists and\nChariton\u2019s plot turns on two, the supposed death of Callirhoe from\nChaereas\u2019 blow and her subsequent burial; the reported death of Chaereas\non his warship. Concomitant with such deaths are the unexpected\nreappearances which add the element of surprise, so essential for the\ncharacters and the crowd.\n\nDescriptive passages are few and brief in Chariton and are often worked\nout in a suggestive simile rather than in a conspicuous purple patch.\nChaereas was as \u201cradiant as a star. The flush of exercise bloomed on his\nglowing face like gold on silver.\u201d Callirhoe, recognizing her lover,\nbecame more stately and lovely than ever, as a flickering lamp again\nflares up when oil is poured in.[33] Public ceremonies are described at\nmore length: the funeral procession of Callirhoe,[34] her wedding to\nDionysius.[35] Space is given too to the description of Artaxerxes\u2019\nhunt, that favorite ancient sport;[36] to storm at sea;[37] to war.[38]\nBut all these descriptions are concise in their picturesqueness.\n\nFinally clarity in the narrative is secured by repeated r\u00e9sum\u00e9s of the\nstory either by the characters or by the author himself. Callirhoe tells\nher tragic tale to Dionysius with such sincerity that he believes it and\nhonors her as a free-born woman.[39] Polycharmus relates his adventures\nwith Chaereas to Mithridates and thereby saves his friend and himself\nfrom crucifixion.[40] Chaereas at the end unfolds the whole Odyssey of\nhis wanderings to the populace in the theater of Syracuse.[41] At the\nbeginning of Book V Chariton epitomizes all the preceding part of the\nnovel and at the beginning of Book VIII he recapitulates the preceding\nbook and reassures his audience about the final book.\n\n  \u201cFurthermore, I think that this last book will be the most pleasant of\n  all to my readers, and in fact will serve as an antidote to the tragic\n  events of the former ones. No more piracy or slavery or court trials\n  or battles or suicide or war or capture here, but true love and lawful\n  marriage! And so I am going to tell you how the goddess brought the\n  truth to light and revealed the unsuspecting lovers to each other.\u201d\n\nThe happy ending which Chariton here forecasts is an essential feature\nof a Greek romance. For in this type of literature in which Chariton is\na pioneer, virtue must triumph. The ethics demands that the hero and\nheroine must be noble in character as well as in station and that\ntherefore justice must be done to virtue. The hero we have seen must\npossess personal courage and military courage. He must be capable of\nemotional devotion, first of all to his lady, then to his friend, and\nalways to his father. His faults are those of pride, arrogance and\npassion and his moments of brutality are condoned by his contemporaries\non account of his passionate temperament. He can be generous to his\nfoes. He can show pity to the unfortunate. But his sympathies, even when\nthe type is embodied in as noble a character as Dionysius, are evoked by\nthe free-born in distress, rarely by slaves. The virtues of the heroine\nare first of all chastity, then loyal devotion to parents, husband and\nchild, pride of family, generosity of spirit and sympathy. She is\ncapable of resolute decision and heroic action if her chastity is\nmenaced or her dear ones are in danger. Standards different from our own\nbest ones appear in the general attitude towards slaves as an inferior\nclass and in the brutality manifested in the hero\u2019s kick, in executions\non the cross, in torture of witnesses. Cleverness and deception are\ntraits which are prized more highly than we admit now. The noblest\nsentiments expressed are in behalf of liberty and patriotism.\n\nReligion plays so important a part in the romance that it demands a full\ntreatment. Chariton\u2019s novel is dominated by two cults: the worship of\nthe abstract goddess Fortune, the worship of the goddess of love,\nAphrodite. At the end of Book I Callirhoe, just after she has been sold\nas a slave, in a soliloquy, upbraids cruel Fortune for all her troubles,\nfor the goddess made her lover her murderer, surrendered her to\ntomb-robbers and now has let her be sold as a slave. Again Callirhoe,\nwhen she finds that she is pregnant, reproaches Fortune for letting her\nbear a child to be a slave. And on the banks of the Euphrates in another\nsoliloquy Callirhoe again charges Fortune with all her miseries and\nblames her for taking \u201cdelight in persecuting one lone girl.\u201d\nMithridates tells Chaereas: \u201cThe whims of Fortune have involved you in\nthis melancholy drama.\u201d Queen Statira, when captured, exclaims that\nFortune has preserved her to see this day of slavery. And the author of\nthe romance as well as the characters repeatedly attributes to Fortune\nthe strange and sad misadventures of his hero and heroine. Callirhoe,\nChariton says, \u201cwas overcome by the stratagems of Fortune, against whom\nalone human reason has no power. She is a divinity who loves opposition,\nand there is nothing which may not be expected of her.\u201d Throughout the\nromance Fortune seems to be conceived not as blind chance, but as a\nbaleful goddess, who takes delight in cruelty and torture.\n\nIn conflict with her machinations is the power of the goddess of love\nwhom the young lovers worship. As clearly as in a Greek tragedy\nAphrodite\u2019s influence is predominant throughout the romance. At the very\nbeginning, Chaereas and Callirhoe see each other for the first time at a\nfestival of the goddess and immediately fall in love. The end of the\nromance is the prayer of thanks which Callirhoe offers to Aphrodite in\nher temple at Syracuse. Callirhoe is so beautiful that over and over she\nseems Aphrodite incarnate, now to the slave-dealer, Leonas, now to\nDionysius, now to the crowd at the time of her marriage to Dionysius,\nnow in Babylon. Prayers for aid are constantly offered to the goddess by\nCallirhoe, by Chaereas, by Dionysius, by Artaxerxes, and these\nworshippers offer their petitions in her temples in Syracuse, in\nMiletus, in Babylon, in Aradus and in Cyprus. Her power is acknowledged;\nher favor is asked. Chaereas discovers Callirhoe is alive by seeing a\ngolden statue of her which Dionysius had dedicated in the temple of\nAphrodite near Miletus. Chariton himself in his r\u00e9sum\u00e9 at the beginning\nof Book VIII records the influence that Aphrodite had in his story. When\nFortune was maneuvering to have Chaereas leave his wife behind at\nAradus, all unaware of her presence, \u201cthis seemed outrageous to\nAphrodite,\u201d says Chariton, \u201cwho, though she had previously been terribly\nangered at Chaereas\u2019 uncalled-for jealousy, whereby he had insolently\nrejected her kindness after receiving from her a gift more superlatively\nbeautiful even than Paris\u2019 prize, was by now becoming reconciled with\nhim. And since Chaereas had now nobly redeemed himself in the eyes of\nLove by his wanderings from west to east amid countless sufferings,\nAphrodite felt pity for him, and, as she had in the beginning brought\ntogether this noble pair, so now, having harried them long over land and\nsea, she was willing once more to unite them.\u201d\n\nThe final consideration about Chariton must be the style of his work.\nAnd first of all the inquiry rises to our lips: how did the secretary of\nAthenagoras become so distinguished in the art of narration? Homer, I am\nconvinced, is the master from whom, as Dante from Vergil, he took his\nbeautiful style. The romance is rich in literary allusions, but beyond\nall others Homer is quoted repeatedly (twenty-four times indeed) and\nwith great effectiveness. Sometimes a mere transitional phrase is\nadopted:\n\n  \u201cwhile the words were yet on his lips.\u201d[42]\n\nIn descriptions the brevity and simplicity of Homer are used with such\nnicety that the language often trails off naturally into the very words\nof the epic. In the thirty day festival at Babylon\n\n  \u201cthe sweet savor arose to heaven eddying amid the smoke.\u201d[43]\n\nMen are pictured fighting and in their close array\n\n  \u201cbuckler pressed on buckler, helm on helm, and man on man.\u201d[44]\n\nAnd as the conflict joined and Chaereas rushed against his enemies, he\n\n  \u201csmote them right and left and there rose a hideous moaning.\u201d[45]\n\nArtaxerxes in his court is compared to Zeus among the assembled\ngods.[46] A phantom of Chaereas appears to Callirhoe resembling him\n\n  \u201cin stature, and fair eyes, and voice, and the raiment of his body was\n  the same.\u201d[47]\n\nWhen Callirhoe came into the court-room in Babylon,\n\n  \u201cshe looked just as the divine poet says that Helen did, when she\n  appeared to \u2018them that were with Priam and Panth\u00f6os and Thymo\u00ebtes ...\n  being elders of the people.\u2019[48] At the sight of her, admiring silence\n  fell, \u2018and each one uttered a prayer that he might be her\n  bedfellow.\u2019\u201d[49]\n\nBesides this use of Homeric phrases in descriptions, quotations are\nfrequently introduced in conversations as if Chariton found only Homer\u2019s\nwords expressive to convey the thought of one character to another.[50]\nBut far more important than such uses of Homeric phraseology is the\nintensification of emotional coloring by a quotation from Homer at a\ncrisis of poignant feeling. When Callirhoe\u2019s nurse calls her to get up\nfor it is her wedding day,\n\n  \u201cher knees and heart were unstrung,\u201d\n\nbecause she did not know whom she was to marry.[51] When Chaereas is\ntold that his wife is an adulteress,\n\n  \u201ca black cloud of grief enwrapped him, and with both hands he took\n  dark dust and poured it over his head and defiled his comely\n  face.\u201d[52]\n\nWhen Chaereas is determined to set sail in winter in search of his\nkidnapped bride, his mother begged him to take her with him and cried in\nHomer\u2019s words:\n\n  \u201cMy child, have regard unto this bosom and pity me if ever I gave thee\n  consolation of my breast.\u201d[53]\n\nWhen Dionysius suddenly learned at a banquet that Chaereas was alive\nfrom reading his letter to Callirhoe,\n\n  \u201chis knees and his heart were unstrung.\u201d[54]\n\nWhen Artaxerxes was smitten with love for Callirhoe, he lay awake all\nnight,\n\n  \u201cnow lying on his side, now on his back, now on his face.\u201d[55]\n\nWhen Chaereas and Callirhoe had their ecstatic reunion on Aradus,\n\n  \u201cwhen they had had their fill of tears and story-telling, embracing\n  each other,\n\n  \u2018they came gladly to the rites of their bed, as of old.\u2019\u201d[56]\n\nEnough illustrations of Chariton\u2019s use of Homer have been given to show\nthe manner of it. Different explanations of Chariton\u2019s constant use have\nbeen advanced. Schmid thinks it is an indication of the influence of the\nMenippean satire with its mingling of prose and verse. Jacob believes it\ndue to Chariton\u2019s desire to make his style poetic. Calderini is more\nunderstanding. He thinks that Chariton, thoroughly familiar with Homer,\nquoted him to express worthily some noble thought and that he saw the\npeculiar emphasis which a quotation from Homer could give to the\nexpression of a sudden, violent emotion. He also uses episodes from\nHomer (the appeal of Hecuba from the wall to Hector,[57] the apparition\nof Patroclus before Achilles,[58] the Homeric \u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c7\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03af\u03b1).[59] More\nthan all, his style is usually Homeric in its brevity and simplicity;\nand in his use of quotations, of scenes and of style he is the first\nexample of those relations between epic and romance which became so\nimportant in the mediaeval literature of the west.[60]\n\nOther literary influences are apparent. The Milesian Tales may have\nsuggested Miletus as the locality for the love-story of Dionysius. The\nNinus Romance is the precursor of the historical element which paints a\nbackground of realism through the use of historical characters, notably\nHermocrates and Artaxerxes, and through allusions to actual wars. Drama\ncontributed the language of the stage to the description of the action.\nAnd at one crisis when Chaereas, who is believed dead, is produced by\nMithridates in court, Chariton explains:\n\n\u201cWho could worthily tell of the appearance of the courtroom then? What\ndramatist ever produced so incredible a situation on the stage? Indeed,\nyou might have thought that you were in a theater, filled with a\nmultitude of conflicting passions.\u201d[61] In another passage Mithridates\nsays Fortune has forced the lovers to enact a very sad tragedy.[62] New\ncomedy contributed types of characters (particularly the slaves), spicy\ndialogue and at least two quotations.[63] The influence of history and\nespecially of Herodotus is apparent in the use of local history, in\nnarratives of adventure, in depiction of the adulation of the eastern\nsovereign, in the reflection of the great struggle between the west and\nthe east. The influence of the rhetorical schools is seen in the court\nscenes which in both their cases and speeches are strangely like those\nof the _Controversiae_ of Seneca and the _Declamationes_ of Quintilian.\n\nAll these different literary forces combined to produce a style of\nnarration in Chariton which is at the same time simple and ingenuous,\nyet rhetorical. His startling baroque effects are achieved by just this\nvariation from simple concise epic narrative with strong Homeric\ncoloring, to intense dramatic moments of high tragedy, to comic scenes\nof slaves\u2019 intrigues, to love passages which before had found expression\nonly in poetry. Probably Chariton learned the effective use of\nparallelism, contrast and surprise from the schools of rhetoric, but he\nwields all his various tools with such success that he has carved out a\nnew form of literature in his prose romance.\n\n\n\n\n                                  III\n               _THE_ EPHESIACA _OR_ HABROCOMES AND ANTHIA\n                        _BY XENOPHON OF EPHESUS_\n\n\n  \u201cLet me not to the marriage of true minds\n  Admit impediments. Love is not love\n  Which alters when it alteration finds,\n  Or bends with the remover to remove:\n\n  Love\u2019s not Time\u2019s Fool, though rosy lips and cheeks\n  Within his bending sickle\u2019s compass come;\n  Love alters not with his brief hours and weeks,\n  But bears it out even to the edge of doom.\n    If this be error and upon me prov\u2019d,\n    I never writ, nor no man ever lov\u2019d.\u201d\n\nShakespeare\u2019s famous CXVI sonnet is the lyric _credo_ of those who\nbelieve that love can triumph over adversity, old age and even death\nitself. The lines just quoted are the quintessence of lyric romance.\n\nSuppose now that the romantic novel or the modern cinema wishes to\nfeature this same theme: \u201cTrue love lasts.\u201d How would either one convey\nthe idea? I am going to show you by a concrete and melodramatic\nillustration. Here is a script for it.[64]\n\nA young Greek who has been seeking over the world his kidnapped bride\nhas come to Sicily, his resources nearly gone. An old fisherman\nAegialeus gives him hospitality. It is night. The young man and the old\nman tell each other their sad love stories. The old man is now speaking:\n\n\u201cI was a wealthy young Spartan and loved a Spartan girl, Thelxinoe. She\nreturned my love and presently we had, no one knowing it, our heart\u2019s\ndesire. But my darling\u2019s parents proposed to marry her to another\nSpartan. So we fled secretly together and Sparta pronounced sentence of\ndeath on us both. We managed to travel to Sicily. Here we lived in dire\npoverty, but in our happiness we forgot all else because we were\ntogether. Soon my dear died, but her body was not buried. I have her\nwith me and I love her always and I am with her.\u201d After these words he\nled Habrocomes into an inner room and showed him the mummy that had been\nThelxinoe. She was old now, but she appeared beautiful to her husband.\n\u201cTo her,\u201d said he, \u201cI always talk as if she were alive. I sleep here\nwith her; I eat near her. If I come back tired from my fishing, the\nsight of her comforts me. For I do not see her as you do, my son. I see\nher as she was in Lacedemon, as she was when we fled. I see the night of\nour first love. I see our flight together.\u201d\n\nThe young Greek exclaims:\n\n  \u201cO my own dearest love, shall I ever find you even dead? Here to\n  Aegialeus the body of Thelxinoe is the great comfort of his life. Now\n  I have learned that age sets no bounds to true love.\u201d\n\nThis story of the second or third century A.D. might seem too macabre to\nbe possible if the _New York Times_ of Nov. 12, 1940 had not recorded\nsuch a case at Key West, Florida. Karl Tanzler van Cosel, aged X-ray\ntechnician, had removed the body of Elena Hoyas Mesa from its crypt and\nhad kept it in his bed-room for seven years. He said he had hoped to\nrestore it to life. Perhaps Xenophon of Ephesus who wrote this story of\nAegialeus and his mummy had heard some such \u201ctrue story\u201d which he\nembodied in his novel. In any case, he has given us here an illustration\nof how the theme \u201ctrue love is eternal\u201d may be pictured in a realistic\nromance. Think how dramatic this scene would be in a movie: the small\ninner bed-room of the fisherman\u2019s hut suddenly lighted; the old man\ngetting his young friend to help him remove the front of the coffin,\nthen looking rapturously at the mummy inside and reaffirming before it\nhis life-long love. That is my illustration of the heart of a realistic\nGreek romance.\n\nAlmost nothing is known about Xenophon of Ephesus who wrote it. Suidas\nmentions his romance the _Ephesiaca_ in ten books (instead of the\npresent eight) and speaks also of a work he wrote on the city of\nEphesus. Xenophon probably was a native of Ephesus, for he shows\nintimate acquaintance with many details of the cult of Artemis there.\nHis date can be given only approximately, but considerable internal\nevidence helps us to place him. He imitates certain passages in\nChariton, so he must be later than the second century A.D. Certain\nreferences are very important. He is later than Augustus, for he refers\nto the prefect of Egypt and of course there was none until after 30\nB.C.[65] He mentions the Irenarch of Cilicia, and this official was not\nknown before Hadrian.[66] He refers to the Artemision of Ephesus as if\nit were at the height of its glory and contemporary.[67] It was pillaged\nand burned by the Gauls in 263 and only in part rebuilt. But, as\nDalmeyda points out,[68] these details give us only vague indications of\nthe date. Until some fragment of papyrus which can be dated is\ndiscovered, we can place Xenophon merely with some probability about the\nend of the second century of our era.\n\nThe novel itself is simple in language and brief in scope, but\ncomplicated in plot from many kaleidoscopic changes of scenes. There are\nso many exits and reentries of the characters that we lose track of\nthem. The brevity of the narrative, the laconic expressions of emotion\nin it have made certain critics maintain the theory that it is only an\nepitome of a story, or a kind of scenario written as a preliminary\nsketch of a longer work. It seems to me possibly an intentionally short\nromance written briefly and simply by an author whose taste was akin to\nthat of Chariton and who perhaps was intentionally showing a definite\nreaction against the verbosity of other novelists.\n\nPartly because of the brevity of the romance a synopsis of the plot has\nto be long. So much is crowded into small space, so many rapid\ntransitions from scene to scene are made, that a full sequential outline\nmust be given before we can study the significance and color of the\nromance. Here then is the plot. The chief characters are:\n\n  _Habrocomes_ of Ephesus, the handsome hero\n  _Anthia_ of Ephesus, the beautiful heroine\n  _Apsyrtos_, a pirate chieftain\n  _Manto_, the daughter of Apsyrtos\n  _Moeris_, a Syrian, husband of Manto\n  _Lampon_, a goatherd, slave of Manto\n  _Hippothoos_, a brigand\n  _Perilaos_, a high police official of Cilicia\n  _Eudoxos_, a physician\n  _Psammis_, a rajah of India\n  _Araxos_, an old soldier in Egypt\n  _Cyno_, his wicked wife\n  _Aegialeus_, a Syracusan who kept a mummy\n  _Polyidos_, a captain in Egypt\n  _Rhenaea_, his jealous wife\n  A procurer of Taras\n  _Leucon_, a male slave of Habrocomes and Anthia\n  _Rhode_, a female slave, his wife\n\nIn Ephesus lived a lad named Habrocomes who was sixteen years old. The\nbeauty of his person was matched by the nobility of his soul. He had one\ngreat fault, pride. And he scorned Eros as less handsome than himself\nand unable to control a man against his will. Eros enraged armed himself\nagainst this arrogant boy. It was the time of the festival of Artemis.\nAt this festival it was the custom to select fianc\u00e9s. There was a great\nprocession of young men and women. Anthia, daughter of Megamedes and\nEvippe, led the girls, and she was garbed as Artemis. She was so\nbeautiful that the crowd forgot handsome Habrocomes though a few\nexclaimed: \u201cWhat a couple Habrocomes and Anthia would make!\u201d Here was\nEros\u2019 opportunity. After the procession broke up and all were attending\nthe sacrifice in the temple, the two saw each other and were vanquished.\n\nDay by day, night by night love dominated them until both were worn out\nby longing. Their parents not knowing what this strange malady was sent\nembassies to the oracle of Apollo at Claros. The god diagnosed their\nillnesses as the same, needing the same cure; he foretold long suffering\nfor both, dangerous travel by sea, kidnapping, imprisonment, death and\nburial, but he promised final salvation through the goddess Isis and\nhappy days.\n\nThe parents of Habrocomes and Anthia, puzzled and grieved by the oracle,\ndecided that at least they must use the remedy suggested by the god. So\nHabrocomes and Anthia were married, and they did not fear the future\nbecause of their present joy. As time went on, however, it seemed\nnecessary to the happy pair and to their parents that they should\nfulfill the oracle by going on a journey. On the ensuing voyage both\nswore mighty oaths (Anthia by Artemis) to be faithful to each other\nalways. Next they put in at Rhodes for rest. Habrocomes and Anthia hand\nin hand visited all the city and dedicated golden armor to the sun-god\nin his temple. Then they sailed to Egypt, but the ship was becalmed and\none night Habrocomes had a frightful dream. A giantess clad in red\nappeared to him who set fire to the ship, destroyed all the sailors and\nsaved only himself and Anthia. He awoke in terror and terror became\nreality. Phoenician pirates arriving in a great trireme boarded the ship\nand drove the sailors into the sea where they drowned. Then they fired\nthe ship, but took captive Habrocomes and Anthia and bore them off to\nthe country near Tyre. Corymbos, one of the pirates, became enamored of\nHabrocomes; his bosom companion fell in love with Anthia, but before\nthey could accomplish their wicked designs on them, the chief of the\npirate band Apsyrtos arrived and appropriating the handsome young pair\nas part of his booty took them to Tyre.\n\nThis was the beginning of worse troubles, for while Apsyrtos was away on\nbusiness, his daughter Manto fell in love with Habrocomes and made\nadvances to him through a slave and a letter. When he refused to satisfy\nher desires, for vengeance she accused him to her father of having tried\nto rape her. Apsyrtos had Habrocomes flogged, tortured and cast into\nprison. Anthia contriving a secret visit to her husband told him she had\nbeen given as a slave to Manto and must accompany her to Syria, where\nManto\u2019s newly acquired husband Moeris lived. The two slaves of\nHabrocomes and Anthia, Leucon and Rhode, were sold into a distant land.\nManto to disgrace Anthia as much as possible married her to one of her\nhumblest slaves, Lampon, a goatherd. But Lampon pitying Anthia on\nhearing from her own lips her story respected her and never made her his\nactual wife. In Tyre Apsyrtos happened to find the love-letter which his\ndaughter had written to Habrocomes. Learning from it his unjust\ntreatment of Habrocomes he released him from prison, gave him his\nfreedom, and made him steward of his house.\n\nMeanwhile in Syria Anthia\u2019s fatal beauty had inflamed Manto\u2019s husband\nMoeris with a mad passion for her. He confided this to the goatherd\nLampon begging for his aid. Lampon to save Anthia went secretly and told\nManto her husband\u2019s designs. Manto in jealous fury ordered Lampon to\nkill the woman. In sorrow he told Anthia all and together they planned\nthat instead of killing her he should sell her as a slave in some remote\ndistrict. He managed to hide this transaction and saved her life by\nselling her to some Cilician merchants. But their ship was wrecked in a\nstorm. A few (among them Anthia) came to land on a raft and after\nwandering all night in the woods were captured by the brigand\nHippothoos.\n\nManto meanwhile wrote to her father a letter made up of truth and lies,\nsaying that the slave Anthia had been so troublesome she had given the\ngirl to a goatherd and afterwards when Moeris became enamored of the\nwoman, she had sold both the goatherd and his wife in Syria. Habrocomes\nat once started out in search for Anthia and finding Lampon and learning\nthe true story from him, he set forth for Cilicia.\n\nThere, however, Anthia had been in great danger. Hippothoos and his\nbrigands were about to sacrifice her to Ares, but she was rescued by a\nhigh police official of the district, Perilaos, who captured all the\nbrigands except Hippothoos. He took her to Tarsus and of course soon\nfell in love with her. He offered her honorable marriage, wealth,\nchildren and she fearing his violent passion forced herself to consent\nbut asked for a month\u2019s delay.\n\nNow Habrocomes riding through Cilicia on his quest met by chance\nHippothoos who begged to be allowed to travel with him. They went into\nCappadocia and there dining together told each other their life\nhistories, Hippothoos his love of a beautiful lad and the loss of him,\nHabrocomes his love for the beautiful Anthia and his loss of her. The\ndescription of Anthia made Hippothoos relate his capture of a fair\nmaiden and her rescue. Habrocomes, convinced that the girl was Anthia,\npersuaded Hippothoos to join him in his search.\n\nBut the preparations for the wedding of Perilaos and Anthia were going\non apace, and it would have been consummated had not Anthia found a\nfriend in an Ephesian physician Eudoxos to whom she confided her\ntragedy. She begged him to give her poison so that she might die\nfaithful. She promised him silver so that he might return to Ephesus.\nEudoxos gave her not poison but a sleeping potion, then hurriedly\ndeparted. The very night of her wedding, in the nuptial chamber, Anthia\ntook what she believed poison. Perilaos coming to his bride found a\ncorpse. To do her all honor, the bereft bridegroom had her placed in a\nmagnificent tomb with splendid funeral gifts.\n\nRobbers broke in the tomb for the treasure just as Anthia awoke. They\ncarried her off with them to Alexandria. No one else knew she was alive.\nHabrocomes heard from an old woman the story of Anthia\u2019s death, of the\npillaging of her tomb and the carrying off of her body. So leaving\nHippothoos he started off alone by ship for Egypt hoping to find the\nbrigands who had committed such sacrilege. The bandits had already sold\nAnthia to a rajah named Psammis, but Anthia saved herself from his\namorousness by telling him that she was a consecrated priestess of Isis\nso he respected her.\n\nHabrocomes\u2019 ship missed its course to Alexandria and landed in\nPhoenicia. There the inhabitants set upon the strangers and capturing\nthem sold them as slaves at Pelusium, Habrocomes to an old soldier,\nAraxos. This soldier had a hideous and wicked wife Cyno who, falling in\nlove with Habrocomes, offered to kill her husband and marry him. When he\nrefused, she herself killed her husband and accused Habrocomes of the\nmurder. He was sent to Alexandria to be tried. Hippothoos meanwhile had\ngathered a new band and in his travels had come to Egypt and made the\nmountains near the frontiers of Ethiopia his center for expeditions.\nHabrocomes was condemned to death by the Prefect of Egypt, but his\nexecution was twice frustrated by miracles caused by the Nile river when\nhe appealed to the sun-god Helios for aid against injustice. So he was\ncast into prison.\n\nAt this time Psammis started home to India with a great camel train\ntaking Anthia with him. At Memphis Anthia offered prayers to Isis\nbegging her aid. As they neared the borders of Ethiopia, Hippothoos with\nhis band fell upon their caravan and, slaying Psammis and many men,\nseized his treasure and took captive Anthia. Hippothoos and Anthia did\nnot recognize each other.\n\nThe Prefect of Egypt, on giving Habrocomes a new hearing, was convinced\nof his innocence, freed him and gave him money. So Habrocomes took ship\nagain and went to Italy to make inquiries there about Anthia. Cyno was\nexecuted.\n\nAnthia was again in danger because of the lust of one of the bandits,\nAnchialos. He, while Hippothoos was away, tried to do violence to her,\nbut she stabbed him fatally with a sword which she had found. Hippothoos\non his return decided, in vengeance for the death of his companion, to\nkill her in a horrible way: to put her in a deep trench with two fierce\ndogs. But the bandit set to guard the trench from pity secretly conveyed\nfood to her so that she fed and tamed the beasts.\n\nHabrocomes on arriving at Syracuse in Sicily lived with a poor old\nfisherman named Aegialeus who treated him like a son and told him his\nown sad love-story. This is the story of the Mummy in the House.\nHippothoos left Ethiopia to go to Alexandria and believing Anthia dead\nmade no inquiries about her. The bandit left to guard her, now in love\nwith her, hid in a cave with a good store of provisions until the\ncaravan had gone, then released Anthia and the devoted dogs. He swore by\nthe Sun and the gods of Egypt to respect her until she voluntarily came\nto his arms, so dogs and all they started on their travels.\n\nThe Prefect of Egypt had sent a company of soldiers under Polyidos to\ndisperse the bandits of whose marauding he had heard. Hippothoos\u2019 band\nwas broken up; indeed he alone escaped. He embarked on a ship for\nSicily. Polyidos next captured Anthia and her escort. Polyidos although\nhe had a wife in Alexandria at once fell in love with Anthia and when\nthey reached Memphis, tried to rape her, but she fled to the temple of\nIsis as a suppliant. Polyidos then swore that he would respect her if\nshe would return to him, saying that to see her and speak to her would\nsatisfy his love, so she went back to his care. On their arrival at\nAlexandria, Rhenaea the wife of Polyidos was nearly insane with jealousy\nof the girl her husband had brought home. One day in her husband\u2019s\nabsence she beat and reviled poor Anthia, then gave her to a faithful\nslave with orders to take her to Italy and sell her there to a procurer.\nThis he did at Taras.\n\nHippothoos by this time had reached Sicily and was staying at\nTauromenium. Habrocomes at Syracuse in despair planned to go to Italy\nand if he found no news of Anthia there, to return to Ephesus. The\nparents of the young pair in their anxiety over them had died. The\nslaves Leucon and Rhode who had been sold in Lycia had, on the death of\ntheir master, inherited his wealth. They were on their way back to\nEphesus but were staying at Rhodes.\n\nThe procurer now forced Anthia to stand in front of his brothel,\nmagnificently arrayed, to attract customers. When many had gathered\nbecause of her beauty, Anthia feigned a seizure and fell down in the\nsight of all in convulsions. Later when she declared to the procurer\nthat she had had this malady since childhood, he treated her kindly.\n\nHippothoos in Tauromenium had come into great need. So when an elderly\nwoman fell in love with him, constrained by poverty, he married her.\nVery shortly she died, leaving him all her possessions. So he set sail\nfor Italy always hoping to find his dear Habrocomes. Arriving at Taras\nhe saw Anthia in the slave market where the procurer because of her\nillness was exhibiting her for sale. Hippothoos, recognizing her,\nlearned from her lips her story, pitied her, bought her and offered her\nmarriage. Finally Anthia told him that she was the wife of Habrocomes\nwhom she had lost. Hippothoos on hearing this revealed his devotion to\nHabrocomes and promised to help her find her husband.\n\nHabrocomes also had come to Italy, but in despair had given up his quest\nand started back to Ephesus. Stopping at Rhodes on his voyage he was\ndiscovered by Leucon and Rhode, who now took care of him. Next\nHippothoos also arrived at Rhodes, for he was taking Anthia back to\nEphesus. It was the time of a great festival to Helios. At the temple\nAnthia dedicated locks of her hair with an inscription:\n\n  \u201cIn behalf of her husband Habrocomes Anthia dedicates her locks to the\n  god.\u201d\n\nThis inscription was seen by Leucon and Rhode and the next day they\nfound Anthia herself in the temple and told her that Habrocomes was\nalive and near and faithful. The good news spread through the city. A\nRhodian carried the word to Habrocomes and he came running like a madman\nthrough the crowd, crying: \u201cAnthia!\u201d Near the temple of Isis he found\nher, and they fell into each other\u2019s arms. Then while the people\ncheered, they went into the temple of Isis and offered thanks to the\ngoddess for their salvation. Then they went to the house of Leucon and\nat a banquet that night told all their adventures.\n\nWhen at last Habrocomes and Anthia were got to bed, they assured each\nother that they had kept their oaths of faithfulness. The next day all\nsailed to Ephesus. There in the temple of Artemis Habrocomes and Anthia\noffered prayers and sacrifices; also they put up an inscription telling\nwhat they had suffered and achieved. They erected magnificent sepulchres\nfor their parents. And they passed the rest of their lives together as\nthough every day were a festival. Leucon and Rhode shared all their\nhappiness and Hippothoos too established himself in Ephesus to be near\nthem.\n\nFrom this summary of the plot, it is at once apparent that the chief\ninterests of the romance are love, adventure and religion. The three are\nused by Xenophon with almost equal distribution of interest and\nemphasis. Two divinely beautiful young people (the lad only sixteen)\nfell in love with each other at first sight at the festival of Artemis.\nHabrocomes had been too proud of his appearance and in his arrogance had\nscorned the beautiful god of Love as his inferior. So Eros brought him\nlow and made the pair suffer many misfortunes through separation.\nHowever they were married first and through all their troubles they were\ntrue to their oaths of mutual faithfulness. Temptations and adventures\ncould not nullify their chastity, but their victories were often\nsuperhuman and made possible only by miracles and the aid of protecting\ngods. Anthia after a dream of seeing Habrocomes drawn away from her by\nanother fair lady awoke to utter the belief that if he had broken faith,\nhe had been forced by necessity; and for herself she would die before\nlosing her virtue.[69] At the end, when Anthia had proudly recounted the\nlovers she had escaped, Moeris, Perilaos, Psammis, Polyidos, Anchialos,\nthe ruler of Taras, Habrocomes was able to reply that no other lady had\never seemed to him fair or desirable: his Anthia found him as she had\nleft him in the prison at Tyre.[70] So hero and heroine shine as types\nof perfect virtue. The nobility of the romance, as Dalmeyda points out,\nappears not only in the purity of Habrocomes and Anthia, but in a\nrestrained expression of the sentiments and the acts of love.[71]\n\nThe course of this true love was proverbially unsmooth and after the\npair were separated, the plot seesaws between the adventures of hero and\nheroine. These are varied, exciting and often closely paralleled. Both\nwere assailed by amorous lovers, Anthia by at least nine, Habrocomes by\nCorymbos, a pirate, by Manto, daughter of the chief of the pirate band,\nand by Cyno, the lewd wife of an old soldier. Both were shipwrecked,\nAnthia twice. Both nearly met death: Anthia as a human sacrifice, by\ntaking poison, by being thrown in a trench with fierce dogs; Habrocomes\nby crucifixion and pyre. Bandits and pirates captured both. Both were\nnearly executed for murder, Anthia for actually killing a bandit who\nattacked her, Habrocomes on the false charge of Cyno. Both were sold\ninto slavery, Habrocomes once, Anthia over and over again. Strangely\nenough among their adventures war played little part: the only wars\ndescribed are official expeditions against bandits.\n\nFrom most of these adventures the pair were saved by their piety. Never\ndid they lose an opportunity of offering prayer, thanksgiving, vows and\nsacrifices to the gods. The story begins with the festival of Artemis at\nEphesus at which Habrocomes and Anthia fell in love and ends with their\nreturn to her temple to offer thanksgiving for a happy ending out of all\ntheir misfortunes. At the festival Anthia appeared as the priestess of\nArtemis and led a procession of maidens in which she alone was garbed as\nArtemis. This may be a symbol of her resolute chastity. Many details of\nthe worship of the goddess are given which seem based on reality.[72]\nArtemis appears not as the Ephesian goddess of fertility, but as the\nprotectress of chastity and in this function joins with Isis in\nsafeguarding the purity of the heroine.\n\nEros is the offended god who undoubtedly in vengeance caused the violent\nlove of Habrocomes, the separation and the miseries of the unhappy pair.\nThere are few references to Aphrodite: to her son rather than to herself\nis given the function of inspiring love. On the Babylonian baldequin\nover the marriage bed of Habrocomes and Anthia there had been woven a\nscene in which Aphrodite appeared attended by little Loves and Ares\nunarmed was coming towards her led by Eros bearing a lighted torch.[73]\nHabrocomes at Cyprus offered prayers to Aphrodite.[74]\n\nThe oracle of Apollo at Claros determined the plot by ordering the\nmarriage of Habrocomes and Anthia and predicting their voyaging, their\nseparation, their disasters, their reunion. But its clauses are not\nsufficiently explained: we are never told why the young bride and groom\nand their parents feel they must start out on their fateful journey.\nSome think the obscurity is due to Xenophon\u2019s epitomizer. There are\nother possible explanations. The action may be an abandoning of\nthemselves to the will of the gods; or a bold step towards their final\npromised safety; or a flight from the city where they had suffered so\nmuch. An oracle is the traditional prelude to a voyage of adventure.\nXenophon uses it, says Dalmeyda, to pique curiosity, to render the\nmisfortunes of the two more dramatic by the prophecy of them and to\nreassure his readers about a happy ending.[75]\n\nIn happiness or distress both the young lovers honored the god of the\nplace in which they found themselves. In the first part of their journey\ntogether they offered sacrifice to Hera in her sanctuary at Samos.[76]\nAt Rhodes, Habrocomes\u2019 prayer to Helios saved him from crucifixion and\nburning through the miracles of the Nile.[77] Perhaps Helios was\nrewarding Habrocomes for the golden armor which he and Anthia had\njointly dedicated to him at Rhodes in his temple.[78] This votive had\nanother certain part in the plot because when Habrocomes returned there\nalone to pray near his votive, Leucon and Rhode, who had been reading\nthe inscription set up near it by their masters, recognized him and\nrevealed themselves.[79] At Memphis Anthia appealing to the pity of the\ngod Apis received from his famous oracle a promise that she would find\nHabrocomes.[80]\n\nAres appears only in Xenophon. This is strange when war plays such a\npart in the other romances. In the _Ephesiaca_, Hippothoos and his\nbandits at the festival of Ares had the custom of suspending the victim\nto be sacrificed, human being or animal, from a tree and killing it by\nhurling their javelins at it. They were preparing to sacrifice Anthia in\nthis way when she was rescued.[81]\n\nThe other cult which is as important as that of Artemis for the story is\nthe cult of Isis. Anthia saved herself from Psammis\u2019 advances by\ndeclaring that she was a consecrated priestess of Isis so the rajah\nrespected her person.[82] At Memphis in her temple, Anthia appealed to\nIsis who had preserved her chastity in the past to grant her salvation\nand restore her to Habrocomes.[83] To escape Polyidos\u2019 lust, Anthia took\nrefuge at the sanctuary of Isis at Memphis and again besought the\ngoddess for aid. Polyidos in fear of Isis and pity for Anthia promised\nto respect her.[84] Finally near that temple of Isis Habrocomes and\nAnthia found each other and in the same temple they offered prayers of\nthanksgiving.[85] Isis thus in the _Ephesiaca_ figures as the\nprotectress of chastity.\n\nThe worship of Isis had been carried to the coast of Asia Minor by\nsailors and traders. In the empire both Artemis and Isis had statues in\nthe Artemesion of Ephesus. The Egyptian cult, purified and penetrated\nwith moral ideas, seems to belong to the second century A.D. From its\nvery nature, the goddess Isis becomes as natural a protector of Anthia\nas is Artemis.[86] This synthesis of the two goddesses in one\nprotectress of the heroine is a natural process of the philosophical\nthought of the time. In a modern novel or a cinema, better clarity would\nbe attained for our non-philosophical minds if one goddess, Isis, was\nworshipped by Anthia and was the deity of her salvation. Apuleius\nachieved just this simplification in his novel by making Isis the one\nand only savior of his hero Lucius.\n\nTo develop and sustain these three main interests of the story, love,\nadventure and religion, the usual devices of a plot are employed. The\nsetting is cinematic in its many changes: Ephesus, the ocean, Samos,\nRhodes, Tyre, Syria, Cilicia, Cappadocia, Egypt, Sicily, Italy, Rhodes\nagain, back to Ephesus, and thrown in with the setting are many\ngeographical details which are often wrong.[87] The characters are\nfamiliar types: the ravishingly beautiful hero and heroine, their\nperturbed parents, high officials (Perilaos and Psammis) who take the\nplace of historical characters, faithful slaves, a wily procurer, a\ndoctor, pirates, bandits.\n\nDalmeyda has written a discriminating paragraph on the morality of the\ncharacters.[88] He says that of course all the characters of the romance\ndo not attain the perfection of virtue of the two protagonists, but\naltogether the author shows us a gallery of persons without wickedness\nwho are sympathetic and who have an air of honesty even in the exercise\nof the worst occupations. Manto, who falsely accuses Habrocomes of\nhaving wished to violate her and who has him cruelly tortured, is\nmotivated by an overwhelming passion. Apsyrtos, her father, chief of the\npirates, shows himself just and generous to the hero when he has\ndiscovered his daughter\u2019s calumny. The slaves are devoted and faithful.\nLampon to whom Manto gives Anthia as his wife is a rustic full of\ncivility and goodness. The man who traffics in young girls to whom\nAnthia is sold shows a noble sympathy when she pretends to be afflicted\nwith seizures. Hippothoos, a brigand chief, exercises his trade\nruthlessly putting villages to fire and sword; he has a weakness too for\nhandsome lads; but to Habrocomes he is a faithful and devoted friend. He\nrenounces his passion for Anthia when he finds she is the wife of his\nfriend and aids her in every way in her search for Habrocomes. It is\nthis recognition of some good in every human being that gives Xenophon\nhis large humanity.\n\nOracles are given by Apollo at Claros and by Apis in Memphis. Dreams and\nvisions disturb both hero and heroine. A letter (Manto\u2019s) is important\nfor the plot. Some conversation is used. A court-room scene is sketched\nin, Habrocomes\u2019 trial for murder before the prefect of Egypt.\nSoliloquies are frequent since woeful lovers parted must bewail their\nlot. Attempted suicides testify to their despair.[89] R\u00e9sum\u00e9s of\nadventures are helpfully presented by important characters at different\nstages in the narrative. And after a hundred hair-breadth escapes,\njourneys end in lovers\u2019 meetings as the oracle of Apollo had\nreassuringly predicted at the beginning of the romance.\n\nIn spite of the use of these conventions, the story has a lively and\ncompelling interest. We are led to share the admiration and marvel of\nthe characters themselves. We are moved by the pity which they often\nfeel. Their piety induces in us reverence. We agree with their\npreference for Greeks rather than barbarians. And we admire the romantic\nlove which maintains faithfulness in the face of death, or outlives\ndeath itself.[90]\n\nThe style of this gem of a novel is finely cut, clear and beautiful in\nits pure Atticism. Dalmeyda, who follows Rohde and B\u00fcrger in believing\nthe present form of the romance is due to an epitomizer, yet has to\nadmit that all the \u201cnaked simplicity\u201d of the style is not due to the\nredactor.[91] This characteristic is so distinctive of the author that\nit seems to differentiate him from other writers of romance by giving\nhis story the air of a popular tale. Sometimes, Dalmeyda continues, the\nexpression is double, as if in a sort of naive elegance. Words are\nrepeated awkwardly. Stereotyped formulae are used. The author gives\nevery person a name even if he appears only once. Love is generally\nexpressed in conventional terms, which are however intended to suggest\nits violent or tragic character. There is even a ready-made formula for\necstasy (\u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\u03ad\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd or \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\u03ad\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03ac\u00b5\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2). But the passion of\nHabrocomes and Anthia is expressed differently. At their final reunion\nXenophon describes with force and delicacy their joy which is both\ntender and passionate.[92]\n\nWhether \u201cthe naked simplicity\u201d of the _Ephesiaca_ is to be attributed to\nan epitomizer, to its approach to the genre of a popular tale, or to the\nauthor\u2019s own taste, the romance is certainly characterized throughout by\nbrevity, restraint and sparcity of decoration. There are so few\ndescriptions that those of the festival of Artemis and of the canopy\nover the marriage bed of Habrocomes and Anthia are notable.[93] The\naction is too rapid and varied to allow time for decorative passages.\nInstead of being set amid purple patches, it is advanced by a kind of\ndocumentary evidence: two oracles, two letters, one memorial and two\nvotive inscriptions, all directly quoted,[94] and a reference to an\ninscription finally offered as a votive in the Artemesion by Habrocomes\nand Anthia giving an account of all their adventures.\n\nInset narratives, those stories within stories which make pleasing\ndigressions in other longer romances, are here very few. Hippothoos\nrecounts his love for the beautiful Hyperanthes and the boy\u2019s untimely\ndrowning.[95] Aegialeus, the Spartan living with the mummy of his wife,\ntells how his love for her has outlasted death.[96] Both these\nnarratives are colorful, dramatic and poignant from the very qualities\nwhich characterize all the romance. These are brevity, sincerity and\nrestrained emotion.\n\nThe influence of Chariton is clearly seen in Xenophon both in direct\nimitation and in qualities of style. When the Phoenician pirates had\nkidnapped Habrocomes and Anthia on their trireme and fired their\ncaptives\u2019 vessel leaving many to perish in the sea, an old slave, as he\nswam, pitifully called to Habrocomes to save his aged paedagogue or at\nleast kill him and bury him.[97] In view of the situation this is a\nridiculous appeal, but it is a clear imitation of a passage in Chariton\nwhere, when Chaereas resolves to go to sea to search for Callirhoe, his\nfather Ariston begs his son not to desert him, but to take him on his\ntrireme,[98] or to wait a few days for his father\u2019s death and burial.\nAnthia, when Manto, the daughter of the brigand chief, demands\nHabrocomes\u2019 submission to her passion, begs her husband to save his life\nin this way and swears that she will leave him free by killing herself,\nonly asking from him burial, one last kiss, and a place in his memory.\nThis is in direct imitation of Chariton and of Chaereas\u2019 words when he\nfinds Callirhoe married to Dionysius.[99] Here Xenophon is simpler than\nhis model, for he does not transfer the effective lines from Homer which\nChariton quotes.[100] The burial of Anthia with its rich funeral gifts\nresembles the burial of Callirhoe and also the lavish equipment of the\ncenotaph for Chaereas.[101] The language of Chariton is adapted for the\nlament of Habrocomes in Italy at the failure of his quest and his\nrenewed pledge of faithfulness unto death.[102]\n\nThese clear indications of imitation of detail serve to corroborate the\nevidence of general imitation of style. Indeed Dalmeyda sees in the\nwhole temperament of Xenophon a close affinity to Chariton. Xenophon\nintroduces the most startling events without fanfare. Characteristic of\nhis style are accumulated questions, pathetic r\u00e9sum\u00e9s, oaths,\ninvocations of the gods, apostrophes of men and of things particularly\nof that fatal beauty which the young hero and heroine deplore because of\ntheir misery. Xenophon\u2019s relation to Chariton in all this is\nstriking.[103]\n\nThe plot of the novel has seemed to some critics epic in its\nchronological narrative of successive adventures. Others find the\nstructure a tragic plot with an angry god demanding satisfaction for the\nsin of arrogance and the guilty hero involving in his own nemesis the\none most dear to him. It is true that this and other resemblances to\ntragedy exist. The story of Manto and her false denunciation of\nHabrocomes for an attempt to rape her after she has failed to win his\nlove goes back to the Phaedra story of Euripides\u2019 _Hippolytus_. The\nnoble goatherd husband of Anthia finds his prototype in Electra\u2019s\npeasant husband in Euripides\u2019 play. The scene where Anthia on her\nwedding-night takes poison which proves to be a sleeping potion, to\navoid a new marriage and keep her troth to her lost love seems to be the\nantecedent of the poison scene in Shakespeare\u2019s _Romeo and Juliet_.\n\nTo me, however, this novelette finds its closest affiliation in another\nsuccessor. Both the structure and the devices used to arouse emotion\nanticipate the modern cinema. This contemporary form of amusement is\nsuch an accepted part of modern life that we hardly need to read the\nbooks about the cinema by Allerdyce Nicoll, Lewis Jacobs, Maurice\nBard\u00e8che and others to understand \u201cthe Rise of the American Film.\u201d\nPersonally I go to the movies to escape from routine and from painful\nthoughts of our own times. Occasionally I allow myself to be educated\nabout _Steel_ or _The River_. I prefer to industrial films or films of\nsocial problems like lynching, prison conditions, housing, films with\nbiographies of great historical characters: Pasteur, Zola, Rembrandt. I\nlike films set in local history such as _Maryland_ or _Kentucky_ or\n_Gone with the Wind_ or _The Howards of Virginia_ or _The North West\nMounted Police_. I have to shut my eyes during the fighting and the\ncruelties of _Sea Hawk_ and _All This and Heaven Too_. But I like the\ncinematic rapidity of changes of scene, the control by the camera of\nspace and magnitude, the extension of the time-limit, the fade-ins and\nfade-outs which can create fantastic visions, the value of the\nflash-back to recall what has been already seen, the concentration of\ninterest achieved by close-ups.\n\nMany of these devices I recognize in the Greek Romances and especially\nin Xenophon of Ephesus. His narrative is as condensed as that of a\nscenario with lacunae, abrupt transitions, failures in an adequate\nvocabulary of emotion. The local history of Ephesus is emphasized and\ndepicted. Scenes shift with cinematic rapidity. Hair-raising adventures\nsucceed each other at an exciting pace. Bandits and pirates achieve\nrobbery and kidnapping. High police officials or officers like G-Men\nperform valiant rescues. Court-room scenes as in many films vie with\nshipwrecks in interest. Documents like letters are presented to the\nreader\u2019s eye as on the screen. Visions and dreams are made to seem as\nreal as in fade-ins and fade-outs.\n\nThere is a clear morality in the opposition of good and bad characters\nand in the final victory of the good. Hero and heroine captivate by\ntheir extraordinary beauty and maintain their chastity and fidelity\nagainst terrific odds. Hence their phenomenal virtue is rewarded by\nreunion in the end. Religion often plays a saving part (as on the screen\nfor example in _Brother Orchid_). The Reader like the audience at the\nmovie goes away with a sense of having been enlivened, entertained and\nvastly improved. For the function of the Greek romance in the second and\nthird centuries A.D., when the universal rule of the Roman Empire gave\nscant scope for great oratory or tragedy under the blessings of an\nenforced peace, was to entertain and to edify. The Greek romance\nsubstituted for the adventures of the mind new themes: the excitements\nof passion, the interests of travel, and the consolations of religion.\nIt was lifted out of the ranks of the trivial and the second-rate by its\ngreat central theme: that there is such a thing as true love; that\nweighed in the balance against it all the world is nothing; and that it\noutlives time and even death.\n\nOur own age in America, bleeding internally from the agony of a war\nwhich it is powerless to end, fearful for its own menaced security,\ndemands from the cinema not only temporary oblivion and excitement, but\nencouragement to believe that love lasts even unto death, that heroes\nride again and are victorious, and that finally, by the help of God, the\nright will conquer.\n\n\n\n\n                                   IV\n                    _THE_ AETHIOPICA _OF HELIODORUS_\n\n\nThe life of Heliodorus is as obscure as that of each of the other\nwriters of Greek romance, but in the tradition of his there is a special\npoint of controversy. Was Heliodorus a pagan novelist or a Christian\nbishop? Or by some strange metamorphosis did the writer of the romantic\n_Aethiopica_ become in later and staider years the Bishop of Tricca? The\nonly certain facts are found in the autobiographical sentence which\nconcludes the romance, that he was a Phoenician of Emesa, of a family\ndescended from Helios, the son of Theodosius.\n\nIt was Socrates who, in the fifth century A.D., stated that the custom\nof celibacy for the clergy was introduced in Thessaly by Heliodorus when\nhe became bishop of Tricca. He added that Heliodorus wrote in his youth\na love-story, which he called _Aethiopica_.[104] Photius in the ninth\ncentury says that he received the bishopric later, that is after writing\nthe romance. Nicephorus Callistus in the fourteenth century after\nquoting the remark of Socrates adds that the _Aethiopica_ created such a\nscandal Heliodorus had to choose between his bishopric and the\ndestruction of his romance so he abandoned his charge, but this is\nprobably mere embellishment of the story. As Rattenbury points out,[105]\nneither Socrates, Photius nor Nicephorus declares that Heliodorus was a\nChristian when he wrote his romance, but they imply clearly that he\nbecame a bishop afterwards. And if the author of the romance was a\ndevout pagan as he seems to have been, that state of mind could have\nmade possible his conversion to Christianity. This seems a reasonable\nexplanation of the strong tradition continuing from the fifth century\nthat Heliodorus became bishop of Tricca.\n\nAs to his date, there are some certainties but no exactitude. The Bishop\nof Tricca must have lived before Socrates wrote his _Historia\nEcclesiastica_ which covered the period 306-439. There is no external\nevidence on the time of the writer of the romance, but from the general\nconclusions about the dating of the Greek Romances, he probably wrote\nnot later than the end of the third century. His native city Emesa was\nthe birthplace of two Roman Emperors, Heliogabalus (218-222) and\nAlexander Severus (222-235). About the middle of the century Emesa was\nconquered by Zenobia of Palmyra, but was freed by Aurelian in 272.\nHeliodorus may have written in its most flourishing period, 220-240. It\nis generally agreed that Heliodorus is later than Chariton who could not\nhave written after 150 and earlier than Achilles Tatius who wrote about\nthe beginning of the fourth century.\n\nRattenbury thinks that a possible reconstruction of Heliodorus\u2019 life is\nthis. He was born in Emesa in Phoenician Syria. His family was connected\nwith the cult of the Sun. In his youth, perhaps between 220 and 240, he\nwrote a romance in which the influence of the cult of Helios appears,\nalso the neo-Pythagoreanism of Apollonius of Tyana. It is not impossible\nthat finally he was converted to Christianity, became bishop of Tricca\nand in that office introduced in his diocese celibacy for the\nclergy.[106] Calderini has shown with discrimination and perspicacity\nthat the special characteristic of the _Aethiopica_ is the interest in\nphilosophy which distinguishes it and its author from Chariton, the\nwriter of historical romance, and from Achilles Tatius, the writer of\nromance tinged with science.[107] A study of the _Aethiopica_ itself\nwill show how deeply infused the novel is with this religious\nphilosophical coloring.\n\nBefore outlining the narrative, I will give as usual a list of the\nprincipal characters. These are:\n\n  _Theagenes_, the young Greek hero\n  _Chariclea_, the young heroine, supposed to be a Greek\n  _Hydaspes_, king of Ethiopia\n  _Persinna_, queen of Ethiopia\n  _Calasiris_, of Memphis, priest of Isis and his sons:\n    _Thyamis_, in exile, a pirate captain\n    _Petosiris_, priest of Isis\n  _Charicles_, priest of Apollo at Delphi\n  _Alcamenes_, nephew of Charicles\n  _Trachinus_, a pirate\n  _Pelorus_, a pirate and officer of Trachinus\n  _Cnemon_, a young Athenian, son of\n  _Aristippus_, an Athenian, a stupid husband\n  _Demaeneta_, the amorous step-mother of Cnemon\n  _Thisbe_, the scheming maid of Demaeneta\n  _Arsinoe_, a slave-girl, a friend of Thisbe\n  _Nausicles_, a merchant\n  _Thermuthis_, an officer under Thyamis\n  _Oroondates_, viceroy of the Great King of the Persians\n  _Mithranes_, viceroy of Oroondates\n  _Arsace_, wife of Oroondates\n  _Cybele_, the maid of Arsace\n  _Achaemenes_, son of Cybele\n  _Euphrates_, the chief eunuch of Oroondates\n  _Sisimithres_, an Ethiopian Gymnosophist\n  _Meroebus_, nephew of Hydaspes\n\nThe opening scene of the romance is startling and mysterious. In Egypt,\nfrom a mountain near the mouth of the Nile a band of pirates get a view\nof the seashore. They behold a heavily laden ship without a crew, a\nplain strewn with dead bodies and the remains of an ill-fated banquet. A\nwounded youth is lying on the ground. He is being cared for by a\nbeautiful young woman dressed in a religious garb which makes her seem a\npriestess or a goddess, Diana or Isis. Indeed a divine effulgence\nemanates from her. The pirates though at first overawed descend and\ncollect rich booty. Their captain then courteously conveys the maiden\nand the youth to their pirate home. This was called \u201cThe Pasture\u201d and\nwas a sort of island in a delta of the Nile. Some of the pirates lived\nin huts made of reeds, some in boats. The water was their fortification.\nTheir streets were winding water-ways cut through the reeds.\n\nThe pirate chief assigned the care of his two captives to a young Greek,\nCnemon, who was his interpreter. The prisoners were overjoyed on finding\ntheir custodian a Greek. He promised to heal the wounds of Theagenes,\nwho had now revealed his own name and that of Chariclea, and on their\nurgent request, he told him his own story.\n\n\u201cI,\u201d he said, \u201cam the son of Aristippus, an Athenian. After my brother\u2019s\ndeath, my father married again a woman named Demaeneta, who was a\nmischief-maker. Like Phaedra she fell in love with me, her step-son,\nindeed called me her dear Hippolytus. When I repelled her advances she\naccused me to my father of attempted rape. He had me scourged. Worse\nthan that, Thisbe, the maid of Demaeneta, on her mistress\u2019 orders\ninvolved me in an amorous intrigue with herself and later promised to\nshow me my step-mother with an adulterer. Sword in hand I followed her\nto the bed-room and just as I was about to murder her paramour, I found\nhe was my father. Aristippus charged me in court with attempted\nparricide. Only a divided vote spared my life and sent me into exile.\nLately I received news that my father through Thisbe had found out his\nwife\u2019s corruption; she had killed herself; and now Aristippus is trying\nto obtain from the people his son\u2019s pardon.\u201d\n\nThe next day Thyamis the pirate leader although he was warned in a dream\nthat having Chariclea, he would not have her, announced to his band his\nintention of marrying her. She pretended to consent, but asked that\ntheir marriage be postponed until they reached Memphis so that there she\ncould resign her priesthood of Diana. Thyamis accepted this condition.\nTheagenes was horrified until Chariclea explained that this agreement\nwas made only to secure more time for their plans for safety. A hostile\nband of brigands was now seen approaching. Thyamis had Cnemon hide\nChariclea in a secret cave. When the terrible battle began to go against\nhim, Thyamis rushed back to the cave and killed a woman in the dark whom\nhe believed Chariclea. In battle he was then taken alive. The victorious\nbrigands fired the huts on the island but did not find the cave. Cnemon\nand Theagenes, who had escaped in little boats, returned to the island.\nWhen Cnemon conducted Theagenes to the cave by its secret entrance, they\nfound in its dark gloom the body of a dead woman. Theagenes believing it\nChariclea burst into lamentation and planned suicide. But Cnemon took\naway his sword, got a torch lighted and found that the woman was Thisbe\nand in her dead hand was a letter. They soon found Chariclea alive.\n\nAfter the first joy of reunion Chariclea wished to know who the dead\nwoman was. Cnemon revealed that she was Thisbe and related all her\nstory: how after her plot against him, Arsinoe, a rival courtesan whose\nlover Nausicles she had stolen, revealed Thisbe\u2019s machinations against\nDemaeneta; how Cnemon\u2019s father was exiled on the ground of complicity\nand Thisbe fled. The letter in Thisbe\u2019s hand proved to be to Cnemon, a\npetition to save her from the pirates who had stolen her. Just then\nThermuthis, her pirate captor, arrived to reclaim her, only to find her\ndead. The sword in her wound proved to him that she was slain by\nThyamis.\n\nTheagenes and Chariclea, Cnemon and Thermuthis now started out in\nseparate pairs towards Chemmis, a rich city on the Nile, to get food.\nThe menace of Thermuthis was conveniently removed as he died from the\nbite of an asp. Near Chemmis Cnemon met an old man who entertained him\nat his home. He proved to be Calasiris, the foster-father of Theagenes\nand Chariclea. This he revealed to Cnemon in a long narrative of his own\nlife: how though a priest of Isis he had gone into voluntary exile to\nbreak off the wiles of a courtesan; how he had sojourned at Delphi,\nattending the ceremonies and talking with the philosophers. One,\nCharicles, related how in his own travels in Egypt he had had intrusted\nto him by an Ethiopian merchant a beautiful child. The merchant had\nfound her exposed with a bag of jewels and an inscribed fillet. These\ntoo he gave to Charicles making him promise to guard her freedom and wed\nher to a free man. He had named her Chariclea and brought her up in\nGreece but now, though she was very beautiful, she refused to marry.\n\nCalasiris also described to Cnemon the sacrifice to Neoptolemus offered\nby the Aenianians and the Delphic oracle which he had heard there.\n\n  \u201cDelphians, regard with reverential care,\n  Both him the goddess-born, and her the fair;\n  \u201c_Grace_\u201d is the sound which ushers in her name,\n  The syllable wherewith it ends, is \u201c_Fame_.\u201d\n  They both my fane shall leave, and oceans past,\n  In regions torrid shall arrive at last;\n  There shall the gods reward their pious vows,\n  And snowy chaplets bind their dusky brows.\u201d[108]\n\nCalasiris at the urgent request of Cnemon described all the ceremonies\nattendant on the sacrifice to Neoptolemus: the hecatomb and the other\nvictims, the Thracian maidens bearing offerings, the hymn to the Hero,\nthe dance, the procession of the fifty armed horsemen led by Theagenes,\nthe radiant appearance of Chariclea in a chariot. All this description\nwas the brilliant setting for the meeting of Theagenes and Chariclea,\nfor when Theagenes took from the priestess\u2019 hand the torch to light the\nsacrificial pyre, in them both the flame of first love was kindled.\n\nThe next day Chariclea lay abed very ill in her apartment in the temple.\nCalasiris feared it was due to \u201c_fascinatio_.\u201d Calasiris after meeting\nTheagenes had a vision in which Apollo and Diana consigned Theagenes and\nChariclea to his care and bade him take them to Egypt. The next morning\nTheagenes confessed to Calasiris his love and besought his aid.\nCharicles begged him to heal his daughter. This enabled him to talk to\nher.\n\nChariclea recovered sufficiently the next day to attend the contest of\nthe men in armor and to award the palm to the victor, Theagenes. But her\npassion and her illness increased after this second meeting and\nCalasiris was again summoned to treat her. Her disease was diagnosed as\nlove and Calasiris persuaded her father to let him see the fillet found\nwith the exposed baby. Calasiris was able to read the inscription on it.\nIt was a letter from her mother, Persinna, queen of the Ethiopians,\nrevealing that she had borne a white daughter because at her conception\nshe had been looking at a picture of Andromeda; then fearing the charge\nof adultery she had exposed her baby with the fillet and the jewels. All\nthis Calasiris told to Chariclea. Calasiris then made a plot with her by\nwhich she was to pretend to become affianced to Alcamenes, the nephew of\nCharicles, as her foster-father wished. Charicles was delighted although\nhe was nervous because of a dream in which an eagle from the hand of\nApollo bore his daughter away. He gave her all the jewels.\n\nThen Calasiris persuaded some Phoenician merchants to take him and two\nfriends on their ship as far as Sicily; and he ordered Theagenes and his\nyoung friends to kidnap Chariclea. She consented to the plan after\nTheagenes had bound himself by an oath never to force her love. After\nthey were off, Charicles roused the city to pursuit of them. Calasiris\nafter telling of the arrival of the Phoenician ship at Zacynthos\ninterrupted his narrative to rest. Nausicles returned to the house and\nunknown to the others had brought Chariclea with him.\n\n(Here the author himself gave a r\u00e9sum\u00e9 of the adventures of Theagenes\nand Chariclea from the time they parted with Cnemon. In the cave the\nlovers had a long talk and made an agreement as to what they would do in\ncase fortune again separated them: they would inscribe on temple,\nstatue, herm or boundary stone, Theagenes the name Pythicus, Chariclea\nPythias; the direction in which each departed; to what place or people;\nalso the time of writing. For recognition if they met disguised they\ndecided to use as signs Chariclea\u2019s ring and Theagenes\u2019 scar from a\nboar. Their watchwords were to be a lamp for her, a palm-tree for him.\nThey sealed this covenant in kisses, then left the cave taking\nChariclea\u2019s sacred robes, her bow and quiver and her jewels.\n\nSoon they met an armed band and were taken prisoners. The commander was\nMithranes, an officer of Oroondates, viceroy of Egypt. Nausicles had\npersuaded him for pay to make this expedition to the island in search of\nhis Thisbe. Nausicles on seeing Theagenes and Chariclea cleverly\npretended that Chariclea was Thisbe, the object of his quest. Mithranes\ndemanded Theagenes as his prize and despatched him to Oroondates as a\nfine youth for service with the Great King.)\n\nThe next day Calasiris and Cnemon heard all Nausicles\u2019 story from\nhimself, saw Chariclea and made a plan to ransom Theagenes. After\nNausicles had celebrated a sacrifice in the temple of Hermes, the god of\ngain, Calasiris on request continued his narrative of the voyage from\nDelphi. At Zacynthos a deaf old fisherman Tyrrhenus gave them lodging.\nThe Tyrian merchant who won the victory at the Pythian games now sued\nfor Chariclea\u2019s hand. Tyrrhenus discovered an ambush of pirates waiting\nfor the Phoenician ship to sail. Calasiris without revealing this\npersuaded the Tyrian captain to sail that night. The pirate crew under\nTrachinus pursued them and engaged them in a terrible battle so finally\nthe Phoenicians had to surrender. Trachinus demanded marriage with\nChariclea and she deceitfully promised her hand if he would spare\nCalasiris and \u201cher brother\u201d Theagenes. With difficulty the pirates\nmaneuvered the boat to land near the mouth of the Nile. Trachinus told\nCalasiris that he proposed to marry Chariclea that day. Calasiris,\ningenious as ever, persuaded him to let Chariclea go on the ship to\nattire herself for the wedding and be left undisturbed there. Calasiris\nthen plotted with Pelorus, second in command of the pirates, telling him\nChariclea loved him. Pelorus since he had been the first to board the\nPhoenician ship demanded, as his right of first choice of the booty, the\ngirl. A terrible battle ensued in which Trachinus was killed, Pelorus\nwounded by Theagenes and put to flight and Theagenes badly wounded. In\nthe morning Egyptian pirates arrived and carried them both off.\nCalasiris had spent his days mourning for them until this present\nrecovery of Chariclea.\n\nThe next day Calasiris, Cnemon and Nausicles set out to find Theagenes.\nAn acquaintance informed Nausicles that Mithranes had sent his troops on\nan expedition against the men of Bessa, commanded by Thyamis, because\nthey had stolen a captive Greek youth. So Nausicles and his friends\nreturned to Chemmis and told all to Chariclea. Nausicles gave a farewell\ndinner-party since the season favorable for navigation compelled him to\nsail for Greece. Cnemon after a struggle with himself decided to go with\nhim and was permitted to marry his daughter, Nausiclea.\n\nCalasiris and Chariclea disguised as beggars started for Bessa to seek\nTheagenes. Near Bessa they found many corpses lying on the ground. An\nold woman told them there had been a battle between Mithranes\u2019 forces\nand the men of Bessa in which the men of Bessa had been victorious and\nMithranes had been killed. The victors had now set out to Memphis\nagainst Oroondates. The old woman had lost her son in battle. That night\nCalasiris and Chariclea secretly watched her magic rites by which she\nraised him to give her news of her other son. The shade also revealed\nthat there were two witnesses to her wicked necromancy; that Chariclea\nshould be happily reunited with Theagenes and that his own mother would\nmeet her death by the sword. This soon happened, for she fell on an\nupright sword on the battle-field.\n\nCalasiris and Chariclea arrived at Memphis just as Thyamis and his\nbrigands began a siege of it. The people of Memphis in the absence of\nOroondates consulted the queen Arsace about the wisdom of going out to\nattack the enemy. Thyamis had been driven into exile by the slanders of\nhis brother Petosiris who swore there was an amour between Thyamis and\nArsace. Petosiris had then succeeded his brother in the priesthood of\nIsis. Arsace after looking at the enemy from the wall ordered a single\ncombat between Thyamis and Petosiris to decide the war. In this combat\nPetosiris was forced to flee. As he was running around the city walls\nthe third time, Calasiris arrived and saw the combat between his two\nsons that an oracle had foretold. Rushing between them he ended the\ncontest.\n\nChariclea discovered Theagenes and suddenly threw her arms about him.\nHer hero disgusted at her beggar\u2019s rags threw her off and did not\nrecognize her until she whispered: \u201cPythias, have you forgotten the\ntorch?\u201d Then he took her to his arms, while Arsace and the other\nwatchers on the wall marvelled at the scene as though it were on the\nstage. So peace was made by the father and the lovers were reunited. All\nwent to the temple of Isis. Calasiris restored his son Thyamis to the\npriesthood.\n\nArsace had fallen madly in love with Theagenes on seeing him twice and\nconfided this to her aged maid, Cybele. This maid on going to the temple\nof Isis to offer prayers for her mistress learned that Calasiris had\ndied there during the night and that no one except the priests could\nenter the temple for seven days on account of the funeral rites.\nThereupon Cybele craftily secured permission to entertain the two young\nGreeks who were staying there in Arsace\u2019s palace and took them home.\nWhen they found that they were in the palace, they became suspicious for\nthey had noticed the queen\u2019s interest in Theagenes the day before. So at\nChariclea\u2019s suggestion, Theagenes said they were brother and sister.\nCybele went to Arsace\u2019s apartment to tell her all, locking the guests in\ntheir room. In her absence, her son Achaemenes came home, listened at\ntheir door and from their talk and from a glimpse at Theagenes realized\nthat this was the very youth who had been taken from him by Thyamis.\n\nAs the days passed, Arsace tried to win the love of Theagenes first\nthrough subtle allurement, then through open confession of her passion\nand at last through domination. Achaemenes finally told Arsace who they\nwere so the queen informed Theagenes that they were now her slaves as\nthey had been the captive slaves of Mithranes and he must obey her. Then\nin the presence of Cybele Theagenes promised himself to Arsace on\ncondition that she would never give Chariclea to Achaemenes, who had\ndemanded her. He confessed that Chariclea was not his sister but his\nfianc\u00e9e. On hearing this Achaemenes rode away to inform Oroondates of\nall.\n\nOroondates was engaged in a campaign against Hydaspes, King of the\nEthiopians, who had got possession of Philae. On hearing Achaemenes\u2019\nreport Oroondates despatched his eunuch Bagoas with fifty horsemen to\nMemphis to bring Theagenes and Chariclea to his camp. He sent two\nletters to this effect to Arsace and to his chief eunuch. Achaemenes he\nkept with himself.\n\nIn Memphis Thyamis had been unable to procure the release of the young\nGreeks from Arsace. Moreover the frustrated queen had begun to try\nimprisonment and torture on Theagenes. When he was still obstinate,\nCybele advised getting rid of Chariclea to free his heart and she\nprepared to poison the girl. Fortunately a maid exchanged the goblets.\nCybele herself drank the poison and expired, but with her last breath\nshe declared Chariclea had murdered her. So Arsace threw the girl into\nthe prison where Theagenes was and had her tried. In the court-room\nChariclea pleaded guilty, for this was the plan that she and her lover\nhad agreed on in the prison, that they might die together. The Supreme\nCouncil ordered that she be burned alive. Chariclea was saved by a\nmiracle, for the flames on the pyre refused to touch her person. Arsace\nthen consigned her again to prison on the ground that she was a witch.\n\nIn prison, Chariclea and Theagenes had a long talk about the\ndream-visions they had each seen. To each Calasiris had appeared and\ngiven a metrical prophecy. To Chariclea he had said:\n\n  \u201cBearing Pantarb\u00e8, fear not flames, fair maid,\n  Fate, to whom naught is hard, shall bring thee aid.\u201d\n\nAnd to Theagenes:\n\n  \u201cFrom Arsace, the morrow sets thee free\u2014\n  To Aethiopia with the virgin flee.\u201d[109]\n\nChariclea interpreted these oracles to mean that her jewel, the\nPantarb\u00e8, was protecting her; and that on the next day they would be\nfreed from Arsace and go to Ethiopia.\n\nMeanwhile Bagoas arrived at Memphis and Euphrates on receiving the\nletter of Oroondates sent Theagenes and Chariclea off secretly with\nBagoas. On their journey they received first the news that Arsace had\nkilled herself and second that Oroondates had gone to Syene. Later on\nthe way they were seized by a band of Troglodite Ethiopians who took\nBagoas and the two Greeks to their king, Hydaspes. He planned to save\nthem as victims to be sacrificed to the gods.\n\nHydaspes was besieging Syene. Oroondates had got inside the city before\nthe blockade and was directing the defense. But Hydaspes used a new\nweapon against him, inundation. His army dug a great trench around Syene\nwith earth-works encircling it. This trench he connected with the river\nNile by a long canal, fifty feet wide, banked by high walls. When the\nworks were finished, he cut away the embankment between his canal and\nthe Nile and let the river in. Syene became an island city and the\npressure of the water on the walls threatened inundation. So Oroondates\nand the people of Syene had to sue for peace. This was granted, and\nHydaspes built up again the embankment between his canal and the Nile\nand proceeded to drain off the water.\n\nDuring the festival of the overflowing of the Nile Oroondates and his\narmy slipped away in the night, bridging the mud swamps about Syene by\nplanks, and went to Elephantine, which revolted with him against\nHydaspes. In the new battle Hydaspes was again victorious and took\nOroondates prisoner, but the Ethiopian was a generous conqueror and sent\nOroondates back to be again viceroy of his province.\n\nHydaspes on his way home stopped two days at Philae and from there sent\nhome letters announcing his victory to Persinna and the Gymnosophists.\nPersinna recalled a dream that she had brought forth a full-grown\ndaughter and interpreted the daughter as this victory. The people\nassembled for the celebration at the island city of Meroe and according\nto their traditions demanded human sacrifice of foreign captives of war.\nThe prisoners now underwent the test of chastity by ascending the altar\nof fire and of course Theagenes and Chariclea passed the test.\n\nThe Gymnosophists through their leader Sisimithres refused to witness\nhuman sacrifice and foretold that this one would never be consummated.\nChariclea begged them to stay and hear her case. (She had recognized\nSisimithres\u2019 name as that of the one who had given her to Charicles at\nCatadupa). Chariclea declared that she was a native, not a foreigner,\nand produced her fillet and her jewels, among them the mystic ring,\nPantarb\u00e9. Sisimithres narrated his part in her story. Hydaspes was\npuzzled over how he could have a _white_ child, but Sisimithres\nexplained that Persinna at the time of conception had fixed her eyes on\na picture of the naked, white Andromeda. When the picture was brought in\nas evidence, Chariclea\u2019s resemblance to its Andromeda was found\nstartling. Moreover a birthmark of a black ring around Chariclea\u2019s arm\nattested her black blood.\n\nThe people now refused to have Chariclea sacrificed, but the fate of\nTheagenes still hung in the balance. Chariclea begged that if he were to\nbe sacrificed, she might perform the deed. (Apparently she planned to\ncarry out a kind of suicide pact.) Hydaspes thought his daughter was\ninsane and sent her into a tent with her mother while he received\nambassadors and their gifts of victory. His nephew Meroebus brought a\nmighty athlete. Hydaspes as a joke gave him in return an elephant, but\nalso promised him the hand of Chariclea. The Axiomitae presented a\ngiraffe, an animal so strange that it terrified some of the natives.\nMoreover, one bull and two horses broke their fetters and dashed madly\naround the inside of the circle of guards. Theagenes mounted another\nhorse, pursued the bull, wore it out and finally downed it. The\nenchanted spectators now demanded that he be matched with the champion\nMeroebus. Him too he vanquished. Oroondates crowned Theagenes as victor,\nbut nevertheless prepared to sacrifice him.\n\nAt that moment ambassadors from Syene arrived with a letter from\nOroondates. He begged that a young woman captive be sent to him with her\nfather who was one of the ambassadors. This was Charicles. He recognized\nTheagenes and accused him of having stolen his daughter at Delphi.\nTheagenes revealed that Chariclea was the one demanded. Sisimithres told\nthe rest of the story. Chariclea rushing out of the tent begged\nCharicles to forgive her elopement. Persinna told Hydaspes that she had\nlearned that Chariclea was betrothed to Theagenes.\n\nSisimithres speaking not in Greek but in Ethiopian for all the people to\nhear ordered Hydaspes to submit to the will of the gods who had saved\nthe two young lovers and who did not approve of human sacrifice and\nexhorted him to end human sacrifices forever. So Hydaspes asked the\npeople to observe the will of the gods and to sanction the marriage of\nTheagenes and Chariclea. This they did. Then Hydaspes consecrated the\ntwo as priest and priestess of the Sun and the Moon and on their heads\nhe placed the mitres which he and Persinna had worn as symbols of their\noffices. Thus was fulfilled the oracle:\n\n  \u201cIn regions torrid shall arrive at last;\n  There shall the gods reward their pious vows,\n  And snowy chaplets bind their dusky brows.\u201d\n\nThen a great procession escorted them to Meroe there to fulfill the more\nmystic parts of wedlock.\n\nIn this brief re-telling of Heliodorus\u2019 long story, certain striking\nfeatures of his structure appear. Geography and ethnography are\nimportant as in the other novelists. The eastern basin of the\nMediterranean is the center of the adventures, the district which for\ncenturies was the scene of the conflict for power between many nations.\nAs in Xenophon, many geographical details are given, often with little\naccuracy.[110] As Maillon points out, imagination and fantasy falsify\nthe historical and geographical allusions. Heliodorus gathers everything\nthat can satisfy the taste for the strange and the marvellous. At a time\nwhen the critical spirit was so little developed in the historians, a\nwriter of romance would naturally produce marvellous narratives and\nvague descriptions. Heliodorus confuses the Ethiopia of Herodotus with\nthat of the Ptolemies and imagines an Ethiopian empire which did not\nexist during the domination of Egypt by the Persians.[111] As in\nChariton, the superiority of the Greeks over the barbarians is part of\nthe author\u2019s faith.\n\nIn the development of the plot Heliodorus makes his set more unified,\nless cinematic than Xenophon had done. The scene of action lies almost\nentirely in Egypt with a shift to Ethiopia for the final climax. This\nEgyptian set is to be sure varied by different local scenes: the Nile,\nan island village in its delta, towns such as Chemmis, Memphis, Syene\nand Philae, the battle-fields of Bessa and Elephantine, but nearly the\nwhole plot develops in Egypt. The exceptions are in the sub-plot\npresented in Cnemon\u2019s narrative of his life-history which is laid in\nAthens, and in Calasiris\u2019 long account of his visit to Delphi. These\nhowever are clearly set off as insets in the unity of the Egyptian\nscene.\n\nThe plot itself is an original combination of epic and dramatic\nstructure. The other writers of Greek romance begin at the beginning\nwith a detailed account of the hero and heroine, their family, their\nbackground. Heliodorus in true epic style plunges us _in medias res_\nwith his startling opening scene of a seascape where a ship rides at\nanchor, treasure-laden but not manned, where the shore is littered with\nthe remains of a banquet, but strewn with corpses, where a young man\nlies wounded with a beautiful maiden dressed as a goddess ministering to\nhim. The reader is as amazed and puzzled at the sight as are the pirates\nwho are peering down from the hills.\n\nAnother epic part of the structure is that the narrative of events does\nnot proceed in a straight line but zigzags back and forth while a new\narrival contributes his part to the development of the plot, or the\nauthor himself gives a retrospective r\u00e9sum\u00e9 of past events to explain\nthe present. Calasiris\u2019 long narrative is the best illustration of this\nresumptive method but Cnemon, Achaemenes, Sisimithres and Charicles all\ncontribute their share of r\u00e9sum\u00e9s.[112] In general, Heliodorus uses\nr\u00e9sum\u00e9s with great effect to clarify his complicated plot. Sometimes he\nmerely suggests a summary of events (V. 16, 5); sometimes he gives a\nfull succinct recapitulation of events (II. 14, 1-2); sometimes his\nheroes recount their adventures to complain of them (V. 11).[113]\n\nMany episodes too are taken from Homer. The games in Delphi in honor of\nApollo are indebted to those given by Achilles in honor of Patroclus.\nThe \u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c7\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03af\u03b1 where Arsace on the wall of Memphis watches the combat\nin the plain recalls Helen on the walls of Troy. The duel there between\nThyamis and Theagenes is like one of the Homeric single combats. In it\nTheagenes\u2019 pursuit of Thyamis around the walls owes something to the\npursuit of Hector by the swift-footed Achilles. The scar of Theagenes\nwhich is to be a sign of recognition was surely suggested by Odysseus\u2019.\nThe scene where the old woman evokes her dead son on the field of battle\nimitates the Homeric \u039d\u03ad\u03ba\u03c5\u03b9\u03b1.[114]\n\nEven more prominent than his debt to epic poetry is Heliodorus\u2019 use of\ndramatic structure. All the usual devices of Greek tragedy appear.\nIndeed the plot centers on the recognition of the young Greek heroine as\nthe white Ethiopian princess by the tokens exposed with her in babyhood:\nher jewels, her mystic ring, her lettered fillet. This dramatic device\nof an agnorisis or recognition is multiplied by Heliodorus for repeated\nsituations: the recognition of Chariclea in beggar\u2019s rags by Theagenes\nthrough her watchword, the identification of Charicles as her\nfoster-father and of Sisimithres as the noble Greek who found and saved\nthe exposed child.\n\nNo less important is the usual Greek peripeteia, or reversal of fortune,\nfor hero and heroine are repeatedly reunited only to be separated anew;\ntogether or separately they are rescued from one catastrophe only to be\nplunged into a worse danger. Calasiris\u2019 long narrative resembles not\nonly the minstrel\u2019s songs at the court of Alcinous of old far-off divine\nevents, but also the messenger\u2019s speeches in tragedy wherein events too\nhorrible or too complicated to be presented on the stage are told with a\nrealism which starts the imagination. The mechanism of a parallel\nsubplot is employed in Cnemon\u2019s life-story. The letter in Thisbe\u2019s dead\nhand is indebted to Phaedra\u2019s in Euripides\u2019 _Hippolytus_. Cybele,\nArsace\u2019s maid, owes much in her character of confidant to Phaedra\u2019s\nnurse though she is more cynical and familiar. The crowd takes the place\nof the chorus, now demanding human sacrifice in the name of tradition,\nnow releasing Chariclea from it through pity, now approving of the\nappeal of the noble Gymnosophists in the name of the gods to abolish the\nimmolation of human victims. The _deus ex machina_ is supplied by these\nvery gods of the Gymnosophists, Helios, the Sun, and Selene, the Moon,\ncelestial symbols of pure deities of space and time conceived in the\nphilosophical mind.\n\nAgainst this structure of drama the characters move as though on a stage\nand even through the stylized formulae of dramatic conventions usually\nattain individuality and vitality. Maillon seems to me undiscriminating\nwhen he speaks of them all as general types, not individuals, as\nmarionettes who can talk, lament and complain, but are without\nlife.[115] Even characters that fall into general groups may as in real\nlife have distinguishing traits and in the list of characters certain\nare unforgettable personalities.\n\nThe hero Theagenes is of course supremely handsome and physically\nstrong. He is also as Wolff says spectacularly courageous but easily\ndiscouraged.[116] He has to be kept from suicide by Cnemon. He has to be\ncheered by Chariclea. And his Lady Fair is the resourceful partner in\nemergencies who whispers to him \u201cCall me your Sister\u201d or invents means\nof recognition in case of separation or makes a plot to share with him\nhis fate be it life or death. She demands too when they start off on\ntravels together that her lover swear a sacred oath to respect her\nvirginity. Indeed her leadership deserves the tribute given Dido, _dux\nfemina facti_. As Calderini notes, cleverness and deception were valued\ntraits in those times and both she displayed.[117] But she guarded her\nchastity even from her dearest and her courage never failed. On the\nbattle field she can shoot her arrows. She is surrounded by a divine\naura of radiant beauty that illuminates her holy garb.\n\nThe real hero of the romance is her father, the Ethiopian King Hydaspes,\nwhose qualities she seemed to have inherited. He is the type of the good\nking, but beyond that he is very human. He has his humor so that when\nhis nephew presents him with a gigantic athletic champion he smilingly\ngives him in exchange an elephant. He is generous to a defeated foe,\nfreeing Oroondates and restoring him to his office so that the viceroy\nmakes obeisance to him and calls him the most just of mortals. He\nfollows tradition in preparing to offer to the gods foreign captives as\nhuman victims, but when convinced by the Gymnosophists of the\ninappropriateness of such sacrifice he leads his people to the right\ndecision about abolishing it and happily crowns his daughter and her\nlover as new priests of a purified worship.\n\nPersinna his queen is a type of frustrated motherhood, timid enough to\nexpose at birth her beautiful white baby for fear of the charge of\nadultery, but when her daughter is restored to her she glows with ardent\nparentalism and interprets Chariclea\u2019s wishes to her husband.\n\nThe characters in the sub-plot (Cnemon\u2019s story) are less clearly\ndelineated than those in the main narrative. The story serves however\nnot merely to introduce Thisbe, who is useful for the main plot, but\nanticipates and prepares for certain main characters. Aristippus the\nbetrayed husband, Demaeneta the wanton wife, Thisbe the corrupt maid and\nCnemon the coveted youth parallel Oroondates, Arsace, Cybele and\nTheagenes himself.\n\nThe far east opens up before us under the shadow of the Great King of\nthe Persians. He never appears, but his viceroys, their lieutenants,\ntheir eunuchs work his will with the complete subservience which their\nact of obeisance symbolizes. Oroondates is a good fighter, but he is\nready to desert secretly the city of Syene, which he has been defending,\nbefore terms of surrender had been concluded, to start another war in\nthe name of the Great King. His will conveyed by letters must be law to\nhis eunuch or his wife. This arbitrariness when imitated by his eunuch\nEuphrates becomes sadistic tyranny over prisoners given to his care.\n\nArsace his wife finds her escape in intrigue and amours.[118] Highly\nover-sexed she stops at nothing to satisfy her passion as her wanton\nfancies shift from one desired lover to another. She has no mercy for\nTheagenes when he is obdurate or for Chariclea when she finds she is the\nobject of Theagenes\u2019 affections.\n\nCybele her maid abets her machinations and her lust. Though her position\nas confidante recalls Phaedra\u2019s nurse in the _Hippolytus_, her character\nreproduces all the venality, cunning and complaisance of the maids in\nnew Attic comedy. Torture and murder are natural tools for success in\nher eyes and when she is hoist with her own petard, she dies asserting\nthat she has been poisoned by the innocent girl whom she had hoped to\nmake her victim. Arsace with her Cybele is a complete foil for the\npurity and loyalty of Chariclea.\n\nThe most interesting among the upright characters in the play are the\npriests: Calasiris, high-priest of Isis in Egypt, Charicles, priest of\nApollo at Delphi, Sisimithres, the Greek Gymnosophist. They are\nconsecrated to service, devoted to worship. They are men of the world\nextending their knowledge by travel and talk. Calasiris on his visit to\nDelphi spent his days in philosophical discussion of religious rites and\nthe meaning of the gods of Greece and of Egypt. Charicles is a\nhumanitarian who educates the little waif Chariclea as his own daughter.\nSisimithres dares withdraw from the human sacrifices proposed by a great\nking and people and by his personal authority converts them from such\nabominable customs to a purer conception of deity and of worship.\nCalasiris in his role of interpreting the events of the story and\nsolving its problems, in his clear philosophical interests probably\nrepresents Heliodorus himself.[119]\n\nTo return to the structure of the romance, the plot with such borrowings\nfrom epic and dramatic poetry, with such characters, some types, some\nhighly individualized, moves forward in a manner that resembles the\nmodern cinema. There is no carefully interwoven plot such as tragedy\npresents, for example in _Oedipus Rex_. Rather there is a progression of\nepisodes, each a clear picture in itself, all after many involutions and\nevolutions falling into an orderly narrative. Rattenbury thinks that\nafter Heliodorus\u2019 original beginning which secures the interest and\nsympathy of the reader through his curiosity he fails to maintain the\ninterest throughout. The long retrospective narrative of Calasiris\nbecomes monotonous. The reader is irritated by the postponement of the\ndenouement after he as well as the hero and heroine knows the secret of\nChariclea\u2019s parentage. Maillon, however, finds in Heliodorus a great\ntalent for narration. After the impressive opening scene, he says, from\nnarrative to narrative, from description to description, one is led\nslowly but without ennui to the grandeur of the final chapters. The\nvariety of the episodes does not detract from the unity of the narrative\nbecause we keep returning to Theagenes and Chariclea in whom we have\nbeen interested from the first.[120]\n\nTo me personally the defects in the romance lie not in the long\nnarrative of Calasiris or in the early revelation of Chariclea\u2019s\nidentity, but in the excessive use of descriptive passages. Planned\nthough they undoubtedly are to satisfy the craving of the age for a\nknowledge of the novel and the strange, or to give local color, they\nretard the development of the story. Often they are prolix and difficult\nbecause of an unfamiliar vocabulary and a complicated sentence\nstructure. There are many such passages: descriptions of natural\nphenomena (the island city in the delta of the Nile, the straits at\nCalydon); of curious animals (crocodile and giraffe); of operations of\nwar (a naval battle, the siege of Syene, the duel of Thyamis and\nPetosiris); the religious ceremonies at Delphi. These vary greatly in\nclarity and effectiveness, but in general they tend to be verbose and to\nretard the narrative. Such descriptions are however one of the\nconventional features of the Greek romance. And with all Heliodorus\u2019\noriginality in plot, in his tripartite structure of epic, dramatic and\ncinematic features, he employs all the usual devices of Greek romance.\nThese are oracle and oath, r\u00e9sum\u00e9s, conversation and rhetorical\nspeeches, letters and soliloquies, meditated suicide and apparent death,\ndreams and epiphanies. But Heliodorus makes these conventional devices\nintegral parts of his plot.\n\nThe oracle given by the Pythian priestess at Delphi early in the story\nmotivates the plot until the very end when its meaning is explained and\nits prophecy fulfilled. The oath which Chariclea requires of her lover\nearly in her travels protects her chastity through all the intimacies of\npalace apartment and prison dungeons. R\u00e9sum\u00e9s of events given several\ntimes by Cnemon, by Calasiris in his long narrative, by Charicles,\nclarify and facilitate the plot.[121] Conversation is used constantly on\nthe battle field or in the boudoir, in palaces, in dungeons. Turn over\nthe pages of Heliodorus\u2019 Greek as you would a modern novel and test how\noften the pages are broken and enlivened by talk. Rhetoric colors some\nof the longer speeches, but in the court-room scene (the trial of\nChariclea for poisoning Cybele) the procedure is described but the\nspeeches are not quoted.\n\nLetters are as important as oracles for the development of the plot. The\nletter of Persinna inscribed on the fillet exposed with her child\nfurnishes the indisputable evidence for the recognition of Chariclea.\nThe letter in Thisbe\u2019s dead hand is of prime importance in the sub-plot\nin announcing to Cnemon the death of his wicked step-mother. Business\nletters of Mithranes to Oroondates, of Oroondates to Arsace and to the\neunuch Euphrates, of Hydaspes to the Supreme Council of Ethiopia and to\nhis queen Persinna furnish documentation for the march of events. The\nletter of Oroondates to Hydaspes in the last book prepares the way for\nCharicles\u2019 final explanation of his relation to his foster-daughter and\nhis own recognition of Chariclea.\n\nSoliloquies reveal emotional states and meditated suicide. At Chemmis\none night Chariclea left alone yields to despair and vows that if she\nlearns Theagenes is dead, she will join him in the shades. An apparent\ndeath nearly precipitates tragedy when in the dark of the cave the body\nof Thisbe is mistaken for that of Chariclea. Theagenes bursts into\ndespairing lamentation and proposes suicide. But Cnemon foreseeing this\nhas filched his sword and presently the light of Cnemon\u2019s torch reveals\nthe truth and there ensues a happy reversal of fortune.\n\nAmong all these usual features of the plot a new importance is given to\ndreams and epiphanies. They are peculiarly significant because of their\nbearing on Heliodorus\u2019 philosophical and religious interests. Some\nmotivate minor events or simply create atmosphere. Thyamis in the night\nbefore the battle with another band of brigands had a vision of Isis who\ngave Chariclea to him with the mystic words: \u201cHaving her, you will not\nhave her, but you will be unjust and will kill the stranger. And she\nwill not be killed.\u201d At first Thyamis, interpreting the dream in\naccordance with his own wishes, thought it meant that he would murder\nher virginity, but she would live. Then when the battle went against\nhim, he changed his interpretation and to save Chariclea from his foes,\nkilled her (as he thought) in the cave. So Thisbe\u2019s death is explained.\nAnother dream of little importance is Chariclea\u2019s in which a wild\nlooking man appeared and pierced her right eye with his sword. Opposing\ninterpretations are given by Theagenes and Cnemon. The epiphanies,\nhowever, which are vitally significant for the plot all foretell the\nfinal fortunes of the hero and the heroine. To Calasiris Apollo and\nDiana appeared, the god leading Theagenes, the goddess Chariclea, and\nintrusted them to him. Diana too bade him consider the pair as his\nchildren and take them to Egypt when and how the gods should decree.\nCharicles too dreamed that an eagle flew from the hand of Apollo, seized\nChariclea and bore her away from Delphi to a land of dark forms.\nCalasiris again had a vision, this time of Odysseus, the great\ntraveller, who demanded sacrifices and presented Penelope\u2019s blessing on\nChariclea. Calasiris after his death himself appeared simultaneously to\nChariclea and Theagenes, telling the heroine that the Pantarb\u00e8 jewel\nwould protect her, and telling the hero that he would be freed from\nArsace and take his Lady to Ethiopia. Hydaspes, when the prisoner\nChariclea is brought before him, recalled a dream that a full-grown\ndaughter was born to him and the face of this dream-girl was\nChariclea\u2019s. This prepared him for the real recognition of her identity.\nNow the validity of these apparitions is sometimes questioned: are they\ndreams or visions? The author comments that desire often prompts\nfavorable interpretation. He has Hydaspes\u2019 officers tell him that the\nmind creates for itself fantasies which seem to foretell future events.\nHe has the optimistic Chariclea encourage Theagenes to trust in the gods\nand interpret Calasiris\u2019 prophecies as beneficent. But all the same\nHeliodorus motivates his plot by this popular belief in dreams and\nepiphanies.\n\nThis structural element fits in with the religious-philosophical\ncoloring of the whole background. Dreams and epiphanies, miracles and\nnecromancy are partial manifestations of a deep-seated interest in cults\nand philosophies that is a phenomenon of the times. There is a long\ndescription of the festival of Neoptolemus at Delphi with its pageantry,\nsacrifices, hymn, dance, libations and the lighting of the pyre. It is\nhere that Theagenes and Chariclea meet and at first sight fall in love.\nNausicles the merchant must sacrifice to Hermes, god of trade. The\nfestival of the overflowing of the Nile is celebrated in Egypt. And\namong the Ethiopians the first fruits of victory in war are offered in\nthe form of sacrifice of human captives to their gods. The most\nprominent cults are those of Apollo-Helios of Delphi, Egypt and Ethiopia\nand of the Egyptian Isis. These are savior gods to whom mortals offer\npetitions for salvation.\n\nOpinions differ as to whether the representation of the cult of Helios\nis the usual conventional religious background of a Greek romance or\nwhether it is the author\u2019s glorification of the cult of his native city\nwith which he and his family had some official connection. At the\nantipodes in criticism are Rattenbury who perceives only the usual\nreligious conventions and Calderini who thinks the unique feature of the\n_Aethiopica_ is its rich philosophical coloring.[122] All would agree on\nmarked influence in Heliodorus of Neo-Pythagoreanism and the teachings\nof Apollonius of Tyana as recorded by Philostratus.[123] Maillon in his\npreface gives this discriminating summary of his own position towards\nHeliodorus\u2019 philosophical interests. He says that the Pantheon of\nHeliodorus does not contain many deities. He refers to the gods under\nthe Neo-Pythagorean name of \u03bf\u1f31 \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2. Calasiris whose role is most\nimportant may well represent the author\u2019s state of mind. This priest of\nIsis practices a large eclecticism. He goes to Delphi and divides his\ntime between the service of the temple and theological discussion. He\nworships especially one god, Apollo of Delphi, Helios of Emesa. Apollo\ndirects the drama of his story, Helios crowns it in Ethiopia. One sees\nin Heliodorus the intention of simplifying and unifying mythology and of\nbringing back religion to its eastern and Egyptian origins. Instead of\nwishing to discredit pagan stories, he treats them philosophically to\nmake them acceptable to an age which was becoming emancipated and more\nsevere and to a new faith which wished to reconcile the philosophical\ntradition and the sense of the divine and the mysterious.\n\nNeo-Pythagoreanism was a curious attempt to found a religion which would\nsatisfy both the critical spirit and the people. At the beginning of the\nthird century appeared _The Life of Apollonius of Tyana_, a magician and\na disciple of Pythagoras. Philostratus takes his hero to the Orient,\nEthiopia, Greece, Rome. He writes a real romance. And that of Heliodorus\nrecalls it often. Both authors show the same admiration for the\nGymnosophists, the same distinction between magic and theurgy. Both\nApollonius and Calasiris are opposed to impure sacrifices. The story of\nthe magical Pantarb\u00e8 jewel appears in both Philostratus and Heliodorus.\nCalasiris like Apollonius is a model of Pythagorean asceticism.\nApollonius defends himself about working miracles and lets a doubt\nappear about his theurgic powers. Calasiris shows in daily life a common\nwisdom and reserves for exceptional cases an appeal to great demons.\n\nIn the _Aethiopica_ dreams play a more important role than the demons.\nCommunications with the invisible world are constant, but only\nexceptional human beings who have had long experience in divine matters\nand a life mortified and purified by expiation know the mysteries of the\ninvisible world.\n\nThis paraphrase of Maillon\u2019s paragraphs shows how completely logical is\nthe conclusion of the romance where the noble Gymnosophist Sisimithres\npersuades the king of the Ethiopians and his people to renounce human\nsacrifice and accept the divine blessing on the loves of Theagenes and\nChariclea.\n\n  \u201cAt length Hydaspes said to Sisimithres, \u2018O sage! What are we to do?\n  To defraud the gods of their victims is not pious; to sacrifice those\n  who appear to be preserved and restored by their providence is\n  impious. It needs that some expedient be found out.\u2019\n\n  Sisimithres, speaking, not in the Grecian, but in the Ethiopian\n  tongue, so as to be heard by the greatest part of the assembly,\n  replied: \u2018O king! The wisest among men, as it appears, often have the\n  understanding clouded through excess of joy, else, before this time,\n  you would have discovered that the gods regard not with favour the\n  sacrifice which you have been preparing for them. First they, from the\n  very altar, declared the all-blessed Chariclea to be your daughter;\n  next they brought her foster-father most wonderfully from the midst of\n  Greece to this spot; they struck panic and terror into the horses and\n  oxen which were being prepared for sacrifice, indicating, perhaps, by\n  that event, that those whom custom considered as the more perfect and\n  fitting victims were to be rejected. Now, as the consummation of all\n  good, as the perfection of the piece, they show this Grecian youth to\n  be the betrothed husband of the maiden. Let us give credence to these\n  proofs of the divine and wonder-working will; let us be fellow workers\n  with this will; let us have recourse to holier offerings; let us\n  abolish, for ever, these detested human sacrifices.\u2019\u201d[124]\n\nA few words must be said on the style of Heliodorus. It is predominantly\nliterary, but extremely varied. He uses Homer almost as much as Chariton\ndoes. His adaptation of Homeric episodes has already been\ndescribed.[125] A discussion of Homer and his parentage between\nCalasiris and Cnemon is introduced in the style of the rhetorical\nschools.[126] Descriptions as well as episodes owe much to Homeric\ncoloring, witness the epiphany of Odysseus.[127] But above all the\nlanguage itself is almost as rich in quotations from Homer as is\nChariton\u2019s.\n\nOften reminiscent phraseology betrays quotations in solution. Frequently\ntoo very famous phrases are quoted directly. Calasiris greets Nausicles\nwith that best of all wishes: \u201cMay the gods give you your heart\u2019s\ndesire!\u201d Nausicles reminds Calasiris that the gifts of the gods are not\nto be despised. The maid Cybele assures Arsace that soon Theagenes will\ndesert Chariclea for her, exchanging bronze for gold.[128] Emotional\ncrises are described or expressed in Homer\u2019s words. Arsace\u2019s\nsleeplessness has the same manifestations as Achilles. Cnemon upbraids\nChariclea for her pessimism about Theagenes\u2019 fate in the words of\nAgamemnon to Chalchas. And Chariclea when she is questioned by\nphysicians as to the cause of her illness only keeps repeating:\n\u201cAchilles, Peleus\u2019 son, noblest of Greeks!\u201d as though only the\napostrophe uttered by Patroclus could describe her dear Theagenes.[129]\nThese are but a few illustrations of Heliodorus\u2019 constant use of Homeric\ndiction.\n\nNo less did he use the language of the theater.[130] We have already\nseen how much his plot owes to the structure of Greek tragedy. From\ndrama he took also a vocabulary of pungent metaphors to describe the\nprogress of events in his story. Repeatedly the action is referred to as\na tragedy.[131] And certain scenes by their wording imply a recognition,\na _deus ex machina_, a prologue and a change from tragedy to comedy.\nThese may, as Calderini suggests, be reminiscences of contemporary plays\nnow lost, which readers of the time would recognize.[132] Certainly\nstructure and language of the romance attest Heliodorus\u2019 deep interest\nin the theater.\n\nThe third striking element in the diction of Heliodorus is the\nrhetorical. He often uses all the artifices taught in the schools:\nalliterations, antitheses, set phrases. He loves the grand style. A\nspeech, even one uttered by his charming heroine, is an opportunity for\npomposity. He uses in excess that fine writing for descriptive passages\nwhich the schools taught and he scatters throughout his narrative pithy\ntruisms or _sententiae_ which were part of the capital of the\nrhetorician.\n\nBut these lapses into over-refined phrases, laborious symmetry and\ndecorative rhetoric are less of a barrier to a modern reader than is his\nsyntax. His sentence structure in general is not paratactic as is so\nmuch of Chariton and of Xenophon, but complex. Moreover these complex\nsentences are often exceedingly long with a kind of agglutinative\naccumulation of participial constructions that demands re-reading for\ncomprehension. Yet he can be simple and pellucid in rapid narrative and\nemotional crises as the final Book shows. And it is just because much of\nhis narrative is so exciting that we fall into resentful criticism when\nHomer nods in dull drowsiness.[133]\n\nAlthough we cannot date the _Aethiopica_ more exactly than somewhere in\nthe third century (probably in the first half), the romance reflects in\ngeneral the life of the times in which Heliodorus lived. The east daubs\nits brilliant colors upon the story as the power of oriental rulers\nimpinges on the life of the Greeks. The absolutism of the Great King of\nPersia is the model for minor courts of viceroys and their queens who\ndemand of their subjects and captives the obeisance that they must\nrender to their Super-Ruler. Military officers and eunuchs are the\ndescending steps in this hierarchy of tyranny.\n\nAdventures center in war and travel. Cities and tribes revolt. Heroes\nmust display military virtues. Merchants, priests and women travel\nwidely, braving the dangers of storms at sea and of attacks by pirates.\nWomen have found a new freedom and are leaders in courage and endurance\nas the story of Chariclea shows. Women take part in banquets and\nreligious ceremonies as well as in adventures. Romantic friendship\nbetween men and admiration of young men\u2019s beauty are a counterpart of\nthe famous relation between Hadrian and Antinous. Slaves and captives\nmay become court favorites or be subjected to indignities, imprisonment,\ntorture.\n\nThe times are characterized too by an eager search for the new, the\nunfamiliar, by scientific curiosity, by an interest in art. So\ndescriptions of strange countries and peoples, accounts of strange\nadventures and sights are part of the novelist\u2019s stock in trade. He\ndescribes vividly the island city in the Nile\u2019s delta, its water-ways\nthrough the reeds, its cave refuge with its secret entrance; or he gives\na technical account of the engineering processes by which a city is\nbesieged by threat of inundation; or he pictures such a curiosity in the\nanimal world as a giraffe. Works of art are featured with admiring care:\nTheagenes\u2019 embroidered robe and its clasp, Chariclea\u2019s robe and its\ngirdle, the amethyst ring with its carved scene, the painting of Perseus\nand Andromeda, nude, shining, chained to the rock.\n\nAnd part of the picture of the times centers in man\u2019s quest for new\nvalues for life itself. Ethical standards for conduct are weighed and\nemphasized in contrasts between Greeks and barbarians. Aspiration\ntowards the higher life is portrayed in the worship of the gods and its\nceremonials and in the philosophical discussions in which the priests\ntake part. The Gymnosophists and Calasiris share a large humanity.\n\nThe primary interests of the romance, however, far outweighing its\nphilosophy and its adventures, is love. Once more two enchanting young\npeople meet at a festival of a god, fall in love at first sight, plight\ntheir troth, accompany each other through world-wide adventures,\npreserve their faith and their chastity and for their piety are at last\nunited in perfect happiness. Theagenes and Chariclea join Chaereas and\nCallirhoe, Habrocomes and Anthia, Clitophon and Leucippe, Daphnis and\nChloe in the undying annals of true love. And the reader closes\nHeliodorus\u2019 novel with Cnemon\u2019s comment:\n\n  \u201cI am at feud with Homer, father, for saying that love, as well as\n  everything else, brings satiety in the end; for my part I am never\n  tired either of feeling it myself, or hearing of its influence on\n  others; and lives there the man of so iron and adamantine an heart, as\n  not to be enchanted with listening to the loves of Theagenes and\n  Chariclea, though the story were to last a year?\u201d[134]\n\n\n\n\n                                   V\n                THE ADVENTURES OF LEUCIPPE AND CLITOPHON\n                          _BY ACHILLES TATIUS_\n\n\n\u201cEvery romance,\u201d says Aristide Calderini in writing of the Greek novels,\n\u201crepresents successively a new advance or a new type in its genre. Now\nthe closest affiliation is with history, now with pastoral poetry, now\nwith philosophy. While certain common elements persist, the general\npattern of the whole changes; often the content is varied; often the\nlimits.\u201d[135]\n\nThe variation within this new form of literature is richly illustrated\nby the novel we are now to study, the one which was probably written\nlast of the extant Greek Romances as Chariton\u2019s was the first. This is\n_The Adventures of Leucippe and Clitophon_ of Achilles Tatius.\n\nWe know little of the author. Suidas, the lexicographer of the tenth\ncentury, wrote his brief biography:\n\n  \u201cAchilles Statius\u201d (note the incorrect form of the name \u2018Tatius\u2019) \u201cof\n  Alexandria: the writer of the story of Leucippe and Clitophon, as well\n  as other episodes of love, in eight books. He finally became a\n  Christian and a bishop. He also wrote a treatise on the sphere, and\n  works on etymology, and a mixed narration telling of many great and\n  marvellous men. His novel is in all respects like that of the other\n  writers of love-romances.\u201d[136]\n\nNow though Suidas used earlier material and essayed accuracy, two\nstatements in this biography are manifestly incorrect. There is nothing\nwhatever in the romance to indicate that Tatius was ever a Christian and\nthe story about his conversion and bishopric probably duplicates the\nsimilar tradition about his predecessor, Heliodorus, who was identified\nwith a bishop of Tricca who bore his name. Moreover Tatius\u2019 novel is\nvery different in many particulars from all the romances which are now\nknown. And it is these contrasts rather than the similarities which make\nhim in our studies so excellent a foil for Chariton.\n\nThe date of about A.D. 300 is probably right for the novel because the\nauthor seems to imitate the style of certain romancers of the third\ncentury and because a recently discovered papyrus fragment[137] shows\nthat for palaeographical reasons this earliest manuscript could not have\nbeen written later than the first half of the fourth century. This\nevidence about the lateness of Achilles Tatius we shall find borne out\nby a deterioration in style from Chariton\u2019s simplicity to an\nover-elaboration and exaggeration and a change in spirit from sincerity\nto ironic parody.[138]\n\nOne important reason for knowing Achilles Tatius is \u201chis contributions\nto Elizabethan prose fiction and, through this, to the making of the\nmodern novel.\u201d[139] The first Greek text was not published until 1601\nbut before this he was made known to the sixteenth century by\ntranslations in Latin, Italian and French. And in 1597 the first English\ntranslation, that of William Burton, appeared. Todd succinctly states\nhis resulting influence:\n\n  \u201cWith Heliodorus, though in less measure, he furnished structure and\n  material for Sidney\u2019s Arcadia, and thus was among the influences that\n  formed the novels of Richardson and Walter Scott; of Greene, as Dr. S.\n  L. Wolff puts it, he was the \u2018first and latest love\u2019; in Lyly himself,\n  and not only in him, we recognize Tatius as one of the sources of\n  English Euphuism.\u201d[140]\n\nMy plan in taking up Achilles Tatius is first to analyze briefly his\nplot and then summarize its similarities to _Chaereas and Callirhoe_ and\nthe other Greek novels. Then I shall discuss more in detail the unique\nfeatures in Tatius and his special characteristics.\n\nAn epigram in the Palatine Anthology, attributed to Photius, patriarch\nof Constantinople, but by some to Leon the philosopher gives a bird\u2019s\neye view of the story.[141]\n\n  \u201cThe story of Clitophon reveals to the eyes, as it were, a bitter love\n  but a virtuous life. The very virtuous life of Leucippe puts all in\n  ecstasy, (for the story tells) how she was beaten and shorn of her\n  hair and clothed pitiably, and\u2014the greatest point\u2014having died three\n  times she endured to the end. And if you too wish to be virtuous,\n  friend, do not consider the side issues of the plot, but learn first\n  the outcome of the story, for it joins in marriage those who love\n  sanely.\u201d\n\nFor the expansion of this epitome it is necessary to have before us a\nlist of the many characters in the romance.\n\nChief characters:\n\n  _Clitophon_, a Greek of Tyre, son of Hippias\n  _Leucippe_, daughter of Sostratus of Byzantium, the uncle of Clitophon\n  _Clinias_ of Sidon, cousin of Clitophon\n  _Chaereas_ of Pharos, a fisherman\n  _Melitte_, a woman of Ephesus\n  _Thersander_, the husband of Melitte\n  _Callisthenes_ of Byzantium\n  _Calligone_, the half-sister of Clitophon\n\nMinor characters:\n\n  _Sostratus_, of Byzantium, father of Leucippe\n  _Panthea_, his wife\n  _Hippias_, a Tyrian, father of Clitophon and Calligone\n  _Charicles_, the _amicus_ of Clinias\n  _Menelaus_, an Egyptian\n  _Sosthenes_, the bailiff of Thersander\n  _Satyrus_, a slave of Clitophon\n  _Clio_, Leucippe\u2019s chambermaid, in love with Satyrus\n  _Charmides_, an Egyptian general\n  _Gorgias_, an Egyptian soldier\n\nFor the plot I condense Phillimore\u2019s well-written summary.[142] The\nauthor begins with a description of Sidon. He has reached Sidon in his\ntravels and is touring the city, looking at the temples. He describes a\npainting of Zeus and Europa, also a statue of Eros. He was reflecting on\nthe Eros: \u201cThink of such a brat being lord of earth and sea!\u201d When a\nyoung man near testifies to Eros\u2019 power which he has felt, the author\ninvites him to tell his story. In a Platonic scene under a plane-tree\nnear a stream they sit down.\n\nThe stranger, Clitophon, a Greek of Tyre, tells his story in the first\nperson. Clitophon has been unwillingly betrothed at nineteen to his\nhalf-sister, Calligone. Now his uncle, Sostratus, writes that he is\nsending his daughter Leucippe and her mother from their home in\nByzantium to Tyre for safety during a war. Clitophon at once falls in\nlove with Leucippe. He makes his cousin, Clinias, his confidant. Clinias\nis sympathetic because he had a tragic love affair with a youth who was\nkilled by a fall from a horse which Clinias gave him. (Here is\nintroduced a purple patch on the driving accident.)\n\nEncouraged by Clinias, Clitophon makes love constantly. Various scenes\nof his wooing, for example a garden, are described in detail. Finally\nthe lovers elope, find a ship at Berytus, embark and start to\nAlexandria. They meet an Egyptian fellow-passenger, Menelaus. There\ncomes a great storm. Hero and heroine are cast on shore at Pelusium near\nthe temple of Zeus Casius. Enter black brigands. Soldiers rescue\nClitophon, but Leucippe is kidnapped. Clitophon joins in an attempt to\nsave her, but it is baulked by a deep, impassable canal between the\nrescuing party and the ten thousand brigands. Across it Clitophon\nwatches the bandits perform a human sacrifice by disembowelling the\nvictim before an altar. It is Leucippe. The body is put in a coffin.\n\nThe next day the canal is diked and crossed. Clitophon resolves to die\non Leucippe\u2019s body, but suddenly he meets his slave Satyrus and\nMenelaus, both saved from the wreck, who assure him that Leucippe is\nalive. On the coffin being opened, she comes out\u2014\u201cGashed open and minus\nall viscera.\u201d But the murderers had been deceived by a sheepskin full of\nanimal entrails attached to her and by a stage sword which never\npenetrated her body. Clinias too was saved from the wreck. Now a\npunitive expedition under Charmides, the Egyptian, starts, but\nunfortunately he falls in love with Leucippe and has a philtre given her\nwhich drives her insane. On her recovery they go to Alexandria. There a\nnew rival, Chaereas, abducts Leucippe. Clitophon pursues on a ship of\nwar, but has to endure seeing Leucippe beheaded on the deck of the\nenemy\u2019s vessel. Clitophon recovers the head from the sea and gives it\nburial.\n\nSix months later Clitophon meets Clinias again. Clinias who had been\nhome in Sidon reports that \u201cthe cruel parent had actually betrothed the\nloving cousins\u201d so Clitophon and Leucippe might have married in peace.\nClitophon who naturally believes Leucippe dead is pursued by Melitte, a\nlovely, wealthy and amorous widow of Ephesus. He finally yields to her;\nthey are betrothed in the temple of Isis and are to be married when they\nreach Ephesus. On their arrival, Melitte drives Clitophon around her\ngreat estates. There he has the overwhelming surprise of encountering\nLeucippe who is working in the garden as a miserable slave. This\ndifficult situation is made more complicated by the sudden reappearance\nof Melitte\u2019s husband, Thersander, who had been falsely reported drowned\nat sea. Thersander beats up Clitophon as an adulterer with his wife and\nhas him imprisoned.\n\nSosthenes, the bailiff of Thersander, interests his master in Leucippe,\nso he tries to seduce her, but unsuccessfully. Clitophon in prison is\ntold a false story that both Leucippe and Melitte are faithless to him.\nClitophon resolves to denounce Melitte as an accomplice in a plot for\nthe murder of Leucippe and then to die. He is tried for adultery and\nself-confessed murder, but Clinias foils his attempt by telling the\nwhole truth in court. Sosthenes departs, leaving Leucippe free.\nLeucippe\u2019s father, Sostratus, by good fortune arrives in Ephesus on a\nsacred embassy just in time to assist his daughter. The trial of\nClitophon is resumed in a long court scene in which finally Thersander\nchallenges Leucippe and Melitte to tests of chastity by the magic pipes\nof Pan and the magic spring of Rhodopis. Both pass the ordeals.\nThersander, since everything is going against him, for his slave,\nSosthenes, has been captured and will be forced to confess the truth,\nflees. Sosthenes confesses. Clitophon is acquitted. Leucippe tells her\nwhole story: how the bandits beheaded another woman dressed in her\nclothes to prevent Clitophon from following; how a quarrel over her\narose among them in which Chaereas was slain; then she was sold by the\nother pirates to Sosthenes, who bought her for Thersander. Sostratus\nthen relates the secondary romance of Callisthenes and Calligone. The\nnovel ends with a happy reunion of all at Tyre where prayers and\nsacrifices are offered in behalf of the lasting felicity of Clitophon\nand Leucippe, of Callisthenes and Calligone.\n\nSuch is the story which Phillimore characterizes as \u201ca breathless\nsuccession of improbable incident.\u201d[143] The settings move with the same\ncinematic rapidity which Chariton employed: from Sidon to Berytus, to\nthe sea and shipwreck, to Pelusium and Alexandria, to Ephesus and the\ngreat court scene, to Byzantium and back again to Tyre.\n\nIn one point particularly the structure of the plot differs from\nChariton\u2019s and indeed from the plots of all the other Greek Romances.\nThe author in the beginning hands over the story to a narrator, the\nhero, Clitophon, who then tells the events in the first person. Very\nsoon, however, the reader has forgotten this device: so many other\ncharacters are given the floor to relate their own tales. And at the end\nthe author too has forgotten this beginning, for Clitophon does not\nround up his narrative with a polite farewell. He does not even explain\nhow he happened to be at Sidon where he started the tale. And the author\ndoes not express his appreciation of the entertainment Clitophon has\ngiven him.[144]\n\nThe chief interests of the romance are again love, adventure and\nreligion. There are two love-stories of primary interest instead of one.\nYet the bulk of the plot turns on adventure rather than on sex or\nworship. And delight in adventure adds to the typical travellers\u2019 tales\na flaming curiosity which demands description of many strange novelties.\n\nIn general the technical devices common to all the romances are used.\nThere is much conversation. There are many soliloquies. Clitophon\nupbraids himself for swerving from Calligone to Leucippe.[145] Later he\nbemoans Leucippe\u2019s fate when she has been kidnapped by the blacks.[146]\nLeucippe, sold as a slave, laments her whole sad love-story while\nlustful Thersander is eavesdropping outside the door.[147] Clitophon, on\nhearing in prison the false story that Leucippe has been murdered by\nMelitte, voices his horror over her death and over the fact that he had\nkissed her slayer.[148] These soliloquies are employed to reveal the\nintense feelings of hero and heroine at emotional crises.\n\nThree letters are used. The first is a brief business letter which\nserves to develop the plot, for in it Sostratus writes to his brother\nHippias that he is sending his daughter Leucippe and his wife Panthea to\nhim for safe-keeping until the war between the Byzantines and the\nThracians is over.[149] The other two are love-letters. One is\nLeucippe\u2019s to Clitophon telling him that she has been sold as a slave,\nbegging for ransom money, wishing him happiness in his coming nuptials\nwith Melitte, and assuring him she is still a virgin. The other is\nClitophon\u2019s answer declaring that he has \u201cimitated her virginity, if\nthere be any virginity in men,\u201d begging her not to judge him until he\ncan explain all, but to pity him.[150] Leucippe\u2019s letter is found by\nMelitte and helps motivate the plot in its emotional aspects, for it\nworks Melitte up through jealousy and despair to such passionate ardor\nthat she persuades Clitophon to sleep one night with her.[151]\n\nOaths are not important in the structure of the plot. Once Leucippe\nswears to her father by Artemis that she has told him a true story about\nbeing still a maid.[152] Dreams are frequent and are significant. Four\nare reported which are vital factors in the plot. Clitophon\u2019s father\ndreams that while he is conducting the wedding ceremonies of his son and\nCalligone the torches are extinguished. This dream leads him to hasten\nthe marriage so distasteful to Clitophon and it would have been\nconsummated at once had not Calligone been kidnapped by Callisthenes\nunder the impression that she was Leucippe.[153] Then Clitophon had\npersuaded Leucippe to let him spend the night with her and with the aid\nof Satyrus was already in her bedroom. Leucippe\u2019s mother who had just\nhad a dream that a robber with a naked sword was playing the part of\nJack the Ripper with her daughter, rushed in and interrupted the\namour.[154] Later on, Leucippe and Clitophon on the same night have\nsimilar dreams. A goddess appears and warns each that their love must\nnot be consummated until the goddess decks the bride and opens her\ntemple to the bridegroom. This apparition makes them postpone the rites\nof Aphrodite.[155] In Book VII Sostratus, Leucippe\u2019s father, sees in a\ndream an apparition of Artemis who tells him that he will find Leucippe\nand Clitophon in Ephesus. He goes to Ephesus then on a sacred embassy\nand finds that Artemis does not lie.[156]\n\nThis tendency to a repeated use of the same device for forwarding the\nplot is seen in greater extravagance and exaggeration in the use of\napparent deaths. Leucippe is supposed to meet violent death three times,\ntwice before the eyes of her lover, once in vivid narrative told to him\nin prison. First she is sacrificed by brigands by being disembowelled\nbefore an altar. Second she is beheaded on the deck of a ship by black\npirates and her head tossed into the ocean. Third she is murdered by an\nassassin hired by Melitte.[157] In the first two cases ghastly details\nmake the executions seem real, but Leucippe always survives and\nreappears with a plausible but exotic story. Surely in this exaggeration\nAchilles Tatius is using thinly veiled satire of the device of\nimprobable reappearances in the Greek romance.\n\nThe same exuberance appears in the use of the forensic speeches, of\nlong, mythological narratives and of wordy descriptions. All these will\nbe considered in the study of the style of the romance. Two more\ntechnical devices of the plot must be mentioned here: the use of r\u00e9sum\u00e9s\nand the usual happy ending. Book VIII is crowded with r\u00e9sum\u00e9s: Clitophon\ntells all his adventures to Sostratus and the priest of Artemis.\nLeucippe relates to Sostratus how the pirates decapitated another woman\nin her place. Finally Sostratus relates to his daughter and to Clitophon\nthe romance of Callisthenes and Calligone.[158] The romances of both\npairs of lovers, Clitophon and Leucippe, Callisthenes and Calligone, are\nconcluded by happy weddings. And among the leading characters only\nMelitte suffers final disappointment. Achilles Tatius ironically grants\nher at least one memorable embrace on a prison floor!\n\nThe character drawing is much less elaborate than the plot. While plot\nand counterplot of the two romances interplay, the young hero Clitophon\nand the beautiful Leucippe are more or less conventional figures who\nmove glamorously, weeping, fainting, dreaming, voyaging, through\npreposterous adventures. But Callisthenes, the secondary hero, is far\nmore interesting than Clitophon because his character shows startling\ndevelopment. And Melitte, though she plays the part of temptress, is a\ngreat human creation.\n\nIn Book II Callisthenes first appears as a wealthy orphan, who is\nnotoriously dissipated and extravagant. Wishing to marry beauty and\nhaving a strange streak of romanticism he asked Sostratus for the hand\nof the beautiful Leucippe although he had never seen her. Rejected by\nSostratus as a suitor because of his bad reputation he plotted vengeance\nin his willful and violent way. He journeyed to Tyre, saw Calligone at a\nfestival, mistook her for Leucippe, fell in love at first sight, hired\nsome gangsters to kidnap her and sailed off with his prize.[159]\nCallisthenes does not reappear until in the end of Book VIII Sostratus\ntells the story of his reform.[160] On the voyage Callisthenes found\nhimself madly in love with Calligone, revealed to her that he was no\npirate but a wealthy Byzantine noble, offered her honorable marriage and\na large dowry, and promised to respect her chastity as long as she\ndesired. At Byzantium, love transformed him so that he appeared\ncourteous, virtuous, self-controlled. He showed great respect for his\nelders. He was no longer extravagant, but became philanthropic. He gave\nlarge contributions to the state. He trained for military service and\nwon distinction in actual warfare. In this changed guise he secured\nSostratus as an advocate to persuade Hippias to give him the hand of\nCalligone, whose chastity he had scrupulously respected. Eros thus\nsalvaged Callisthenes and then rewarded him.\n\nMelitte the widow of Ephesus is the most elaborately drawn character in\nthe romance. There is even a long personal description of her: she is as\nbeautiful as a statue with skin like milk, cheeks roses, hair thick,\nlong, golden, and about her the radiance of Aphrodite. Clitophon admits\nhe saw her with pleasure. Indeed she is so magnetic that the kisses she\nwas pleased to bestow on him stirred him.[161] She knew what she wanted\nand how to get it. During four months she had to woo Clitophon though\nshe was rich and young and her husband has been lost at sea. Finally\nsince Clitophon was convinced that Leucippe was really dead, he yielded\nand agreed to marry her, though on condition that they should not be\nunited until they arrived at Ephesus. She was as passionate as Clitophon\nwas cold. On the ship she made ardent love to him while he begged her to\nphilosophize on love\u2019s nature. After Clitophon secretly received\nLeucippe\u2019s letter, he had to pretend illness to postpone the fulfillment\nof her desires. Then Melitte sent for her so-called Thessalian slave\nLacaena (really Leucippe) and begged her to concoct a philtre that would\narouse Clitophon\u2019s feeling. She is very outspoken about the fact that\nClitophon seems made of iron or wood; that indeed she seemed to love a\nstatue.[162] And she had the ability to express to Clitophon every\nfeeling she had without inhibition and in most picturesque language. At\nher wedding breakfast in Alexandria she punned merrily about the\npostponement of their union. \u201cI\u2019ve heard of a cenotaph but never before\nof a cenogam.\u201d[163] The bellying sail on the ship she compared to a\npregnant woman\u2019s body; indeed she converted the whole ship into symbols\nof marriage.[164] She also compared herself to thirsty Tantalus standing\nby a river but not allowed to drink. She could match Clitophon\u2019s\narguments and his quibbles did not deceive her: \u201cYou are playing the\nsophist, dearest!\u201d she commented. When from the discovery of Leucippe\u2019s\nletter to Clitophon and her husband\u2019s safe return she knew that she had\nlost Clitophon, she visited him secretly in prison and poured out on him\nall her wrath and all her passion. Her denunciation of him as eunuch,\nhermaphrodite, senile nonentity shifted to adoration; and passion\nfinally concentrated into so ardent and well argued an appeal for one\nembrace that she was victorious. Clitophon admitted ironically that love\nhad taught her rhetoric and that he was vanquished, so he gave the\nremedy to a sick soul and even on the prison floor enjoyed her![165]\n\nMelitte was no less subtle and plausible in the speech in which she made\nher peace with her enraged husband Thersander: Clitophon was only one of\nmany refugees whom she aided in memory of her husband lost at sea;\nindeed she had helped Clitophon to find his wife.[166] When Thersander\nchallenged her by the ordeal of the water of the Styx, Melitte at once\naccepted the test on a quibble because her husband had demanded from her\nan oath that she had not fulfilled the rites of Aphrodite with the\nstranger _during the time while he himself was abroad_. And it was just\nthat unfortunate stipulation which makes her last appearance in the\nromance unforgettable. She is led out of the water of the Styx by the\njudge, proved by indisputable ordeal a chaste woman! Achilles Tatius has\nwon his readers by this time to rejoice in Melitte\u2019s vindication. For\nbesides charm and cleverness he has given her humanity and generosity.\nShe was always merciful to her slaves and was kindness itself to\nLacaena-Leucippe.[167] After she had won her desire, she contrived the\nescape of Clitophon from prison dressed in her clothes, and financed by\nher. She did not even forget the jailer, but gave him money to go away\nfor a time to avoid punishment.[168] Clitophon omitted in his final\nnarrative of his adventures his succumbing to Melitte[169] but he had\nthe grace to admit to himself her charms.\n\nIt is clear that in the ethics of the romance there is a new point of\nview. Achilles Tatius is definitely less idealistic than Chariton in his\ntreatment of the erotic theme. As Rattenbury has pointed out:\n\n\u201cAchilles Tatius seems to have felt that the fetish of chastity in the\naverage romance was absurd, and tries to humanize romance by creating\ncharacters that are reasonably, not unreasonably, moral.... Leucippe\ncomes through safe and sound, it is true, but it was by good luck rather\nthan by good intention.\u201d Clitophon is chaste as far as men can be and\nsuccumbs to Melitte only once. \u201cAchilles Tatius,\u201d continues Rattenbury,\n\u201cdid not exactly parody his predecessors, but it is suggested that by\nattempting to humanize romance he not only showed up the absurdities of\nthe usual stories, but was also responsible for the overthrow of the\nliterary form.... Achilles Tatius seems to have been to Greek Romance\nwhat Euripides was to Greek Tragedy. He broke down the conventions, and\ndrove the essential and permanent elements to seek refuge elsewhere. The\nerotic element did not die, but found an outlet in \u2018Love-Letters,\u2019 a\ncontemporary literary form of which Aristaenetus was an exponent in the\nfifth century, but the idealized love story of a superhumanly modest\nhero and heroine vanished, and Greek Romance hibernated until it was\nrevived some centuries later by the Byzantine writers.\u201d[170]\n\nNot inconsistent with Tatius\u2019 slightly ironic treatment of amours is his\nemphasis on the virtue of pity and his tendency to introduce long\nphilosophical discussions of conduct or the nature of love. Clitophon\u2019s\nstory moves an Egyptian general to pity, tears and aid, for\n\n  \u201cWhen a man hears of another\u2019s misfortune, he is inclined towards\n  pity, and pity is often the introduction to friendship; the heart is\n  softened by grief for what it hears, and gradually feeling the same\n  emotions at the mournful story converts its commiseration into\n  friendship and the grief into pity.\u201d[171]\n\nIn the midst of Thersander\u2019s attempt to rape the weeping Leucippe, there\nis a long digression on tears and the pity they arouse.[172] Clinias\nappeals to the court not to put to death \u201ca man who deserves pity rather\nthan punishment.\u201d[173] Leucippe, disguised as a slave, begs Melitte as a\nwoman to pity a woman and to pity one once free, now through Fortune\u2019s\nwill a slave.[174]\n\nTatius has presented also in Callisthenes a picture of a noble young\nhero who was converted from the wildness of youth to self-control,\nrespect, patriotism and service by chivalrous love.[175] And this\nportrait of Callisthenes becomes an embodiment of an ideal latent in the\nphilosophical discussions of love which flavor the romance. \u201cLove,\u201d says\nClitophon, \u201cinspired by beauty enters the heart through the eyes.\u201d[176]\nLater Clinias tells Clitophon that he is greatly fortunate in being able\nto see his lady, for when eyes of lovers meet, the emanations of their\nbeauty wed in a spiritual union that transcends bodily embrace.[177]\nClitophon, wooing Leucippe in a fair garden, discourses to her on the\npower of love over birds, creeping things, plants, even iron which\nresponds to the magnet, over water (for Arethusa and Alpheus wed).[178]\nTo cheer up Menelaus and Clinias on ship-board and divert them from\ntheir sorrows, Clitophon starts a philosophic discussion on love of\nwomen compared with love of men, untranslatable in its openness.[179]\nMenelaus takes up the cudgels for the love of men, probably much to\nClinias\u2019 satisfaction for he had previously denounced to his dear\nCharicles the love of women who, if they love, kill and had arraigned\nfor his indictment Eriphyle, Philomela, Sthenoboea, Chryseis, Briseis,\nCandaules\u2019 wife, Helen, Penelope, Phaedra, Clytemnestra![180]\n\nThe worship of the kiss is featured in an enchanting story of a magic\ncharm breathed on the lover\u2019s lips[181] and a fantastic assertion that\nif a maiden\u2019s kiss is stolen, the maid is raped.[182] Moreover a code of\nlove is presented, almost as detailed as Ovid\u2019s _Ars Amatoria_, in\ninstructions given by Clinias to Clitophon,[183] by the slave Satyrus to\nClitophon,[184] by Clitophon in discussion with Menelaus.[185] A\ndelightful part of this Art of Love is telling the Lady love-stories,\nfor all womankind is fond of myths.[186] Magic too plays its part in the\ntechnique of love, for incantation works a charm for a lover;[187]\nphiltres may bewitch the indifferent;[188] and ordeals test\nchastity.[189]\n\nClosely akin to the philosophical discussions of love, its power, its\nart, its magic is the worship of Aphrodite, the mother of Eros. Yet\nthere are few references to her cult. Her dominance is hinted:\ninitiation into love makes Aphrodite the most powerful of gods.[190]\nMelitte wishes to have her nuptials on the sea, for Aphrodite is the\nsea\u2019s daughter and she wishes to propitiate her as the goddess of\nmarriage by thus honoring the sea, her mother.[191] Clitophon at the end\nof his separation from Leucippe prays to Lady Aphrodite to forgive the\nlong delay in their union, for it was due to no insult to her and he\nbegs her blessing on their marriage.[192] The story of the ordeal by the\nwater of the Styx[193] is a merry tale of rivalry between Artemis and\nAphrodite for a young girl\u2019s worship in which Aphrodite made young\nRhodopis break her oath of chastity but Artemis changed her into a\nspring in the very cave where she lost her virginity. Yet Achilles\nTatius presents no such deep-seated reverence for the goddess of Love as\nthat which permeates Chariton\u2019s romance.\n\nArtemis of Ephesus is rather the deity who dominates Tatius\u2019 story. She\nappears in dreams to the heroine and to Leucippe\u2019s father.[194] In her\nname Leucippe rebukes Thersander for insulting a virgin in the city of\nthe Virgin Goddess.[195] Sostratus arrives at Ephesus as the head of a\nsacred embassy in honor of Artemis and so finds his daughter.[196]\nLeucippe has taken refuge in the temple of Artemis and in that temple at\nlast she and Clitophon are reunited.[197] Here the villain of the piece\nThersander brutally attacks Clitophon.[198] Thersander\u2019s lawyer in court\nmakes insulting slanders about the fact that Clitophon and Leucippe\nprobably defiled the temple by an amour there.[199] But Artemis is\nproved to be no liar, and there is implicit recognition of her\nprotection of Leucippe though Achilles Tatius does not end with\nthanksgiving to her. Her cult forms an objective background of religious\ntradition for the action. No deep religious feeling for her is\nmanifested.\n\nThere is no more aspiration to god in the other cults which are\nmentioned incidentally: of Apollo, Hercules of Tyre, the god of the\nlower world, Pan. And the cruel goddess Fortune is berated only\noccasionally. Superstition recognizes omens in the world of nature: the\neagle stealing the sacrifice, the hawk pursuing the swallow.[200]\nOracles are respected.[201] And the ordeals of Pan\u2019s pipes and the\nStyx\u2019s water receive general credence. Festivals to the gods are\ncelebrated.[202] But religion seems rather a matter of scrupulous regard\nfor ritual than communion with god or relief to the soul.\n\nAs we compare the romances of Chariton and Achilles Tatius we find that\nnot only has the main interest shifted from love and worship to\nincidents and adventures. An even greater change has come about in the\nstyle. Homeric simplicity has given way to rhetorical elaboration.\nTatius may well have been a \u1fe5\u03ae\u03c4\u03c9\u03c1 as the scholiast Thomas Magister\nstates, for his whole style is dyed in the rhetoric of the schools and\nthe speeches delivered in the various lawsuits in the plot are\nmasterpieces of rhetoric.\n\nAmong his acknowledged literary debts, however, he credits most to epic,\nfor he quotes Homer once[203] and alludes to him five times[204] and he\nrefers to Hesiod twice.[205] The messenger speeches in tragedy\nundoubtedly suggested the slave\u2019s dramatic narrative of the death of\nCharicles in a riding accident.[206] Both the New and the Old Attic\nComedy contributed much to his humor: the New in the comic literary\ncontest of the slaves Conops and Satyrus who deride each other under\ncover of fables;[207] and the Old in the Aristophanic priest of Artemis\nwho \u201cwas no poor hand at speaking, and as good at quip and gibe as the\nplays of Aristophanes.\u201d[208] But the training of the rhetorical schools\noutweighs all other influences. About half of Books VII and VIII is\ndevoted to the trial of Clitophon for adultery and self-confessed\nmurder. The court sits in Ephesus with a jury and a presiding judge, but\ntheir functions are vague. The prosecution speaks first, Thersander and\nhis ten lawyers, whose speeches fortunately are not reported. Clitophon\nanswers them by a false narrative accusing himself of the murder of\nLeucippe and involving Melitte. Clinias gets the floor and tells the\ntrue story: that Clitophon desires only to die, that he deserves pity\nrather than condemnation and must be regarded as insane.\n\nIn the wild confusion that follows, Thersander\u2019s counsel shouts for a\nsentence of murder, Melitte offers her slaves to be questioned on her\ninnocence and demands that her husband produce Sosthenes who is probably\nthe murderer. Thersander in a long speech answers Melitte\u2019s challenge\nabout Sosthenes with the result that the presiding officer pronounces\nsentence of death on Clitophon but postpones Melitte\u2019s case. Clitophon\nis just on the point of being tortured for evidence when the arrival of\na sacred embassy to Artemis postpones the case of Melitte and the\nexecution of Clitophon.\n\nOnly after the work of the embassy is finished is the case resumed. Then\nThersander speaks first, demanding the execution of the sentence. He\ncondemns the priest who has released Clitophon and says he has usurped\nthe function of giving refuge to criminals which belongs to Artemis. He\nadds foul personal abuse. He presents a second charge against Melitte\nfor adultery and a third against his slave girl Leucippe and her father.\nThe priest in his reply deserves the epithet \u201cAristophanic\u201d which he has\nwon, for he pays Thersander back in his own coin of abuse only clothing\nit in the wit of Aristophanes with all his double-meaning of words, his\nbiting attack. And his own arguments point the irony of the situation:\nThersander clapped Clitophon in jail before he was allowed to defend\nhimself. He charged him with murdering Leucippe but the young lady is\nalive!\n\nSopater, counsel for Thersander, next hurls insulting invective at the\npriest and whitewashes his noble client who has been betrayed by a\nfaithless wife. Thersander then presents a formal challenge to Melitte\nand Leucippe to prove their chastity and on their acceptance of it, the\ncourt adjourns. Next day all reassemble at the cave of Pan and the\nspring of the Styx. The ladies are proved innocent. Thersander flees and\nthen is sentenced to banishment. Clitophon\u2014and Melitte\u2014are acquitted.\n\nThis summary of the procedure of the court in Ephesus shows what\nopportunity Achilles Tatius made for presenting the rhetorical speeches\nwhich he cherished. They are many. They are full of specious argument,\npersonal attack, appeal to the emotions, attempted pathos which becomes\nbathos and genuine \u1f26\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2. The speakers are true to type: the impassioned\nlover, the leal friend, the haughty, imperious, lustful noble, his\nsophistical lawyer, the Aristophanic priest. Such agonistic scenes must\nhave entertained the reader of the time as much as they did the author.\nActually this same favorite rhetorical style is also assigned to the\ncharacters in private life: Melitte in her impassioned speech to\nClitophon in prison talks like a sophist, for Eros teaches even\narguments![209]\n\nLong mythological narratives are another feature of Tatius\u2019 style. The\nsight of a painting makes it necessary for him to relate the whole story\nof Procne and Philomela to Leucippe.[210] The stories of the origins of\nthe two ordeals to prove chastity are told with equal detail. The\ndiscovery of wine is elaborately related in the Tyrian version on the\noccasion of the festival of Dionysus.[211] These are a few out of many\nillustrations.\n\nDescriptive writing is employed as much as, perhaps more than, forensic\nor narrative. Indeed the purple patches almost overbalance plot,\nconversation and oratory. Works of art, setting for scenes, natural\nphenomena, the wonders of the world are introduced in highly colored\ndigressions which are clearly the ekphraseis which the students of\nrhetoric were taught to compose and deliver.\n\nAchilles Tatius apparently was enamored of wall-paintings. He describes\nwith gusto five and alludes to another. The subjects of all are myths.\nTwo are familiar types in the frescoes found at Pompeii: Perseus and\nAndromeda, Achilles in women\u2019s clothes among the daughters of King\nLycomedes. One description of a painting opens the romance, a votive\npainting of Europa in the temple of Astarte at Sidon.[212] Sidon is the\nfirst word of the novel and this story is introduced as a tribute to the\ncity where the first scene was laid, for the stemma on the coins of\nSidon is Europa on the bull, pictured almost as Tatius presents her. The\npicture is described in vivid detail even to the flowers in the meadow\nand the shifting colors of the sea. Posture and garb of Europa are\nvividly sketched in words for he sees her \u201cseated on the bull like a\nvessel under way, using the veil as a sail.\u201d The keynote of the picture\nand the point of its application for Tatius is the little flying Eros\nwho leads the bull and laughs back at the transformed Zeus. \u201cLook,\u201d said\nClitophon, \u201chow that imp dominates over land and sea.\u201d A young man\nstanding by exclaims that he too has suffered much from love. These\nexclamations are the point of departure for the recounting of love\nadventures.\n\nIn Book III there is an equally long description of a painting by\nEvanthes in the temple of Zeus Casius.[213] The subjects are Andromeda\nand Prometheus and they seem to have been paired because both were\nchained to rocks, menaced by beasts and rescued by Argive heroes,\nPerseus and Hercules. Design, color, emotion are all described vividly\nand charmingly, but there is no point in the introduction of the\npaintings. The description of them is simply a purple patch of fine\nwriting.\n\nIn Book V the description of a painting in a studio depicting the rape\nof Philomela had \u201ca hidden significance.\u201d[214] The whole story was\nrepresented: \u201cthe rape of Philomela, the violence employed by Tereus,\nand the cutting out of her tongue ... the tapestry, Tereus himself, and\nthe fatal table.\u201d Ugly realism, terror, insane laughter characterize the\ntreatment. The hidden meaning is that the sudden sight of the picture is\na bad omen threatening disaster which makes Clitophon postpone his\njourney to Pharos. The delay gives him a chance to tell the whole story\nof Philomela to Leucippe, for all women love myths.\n\nSmall works of art also are described lovingly and minutely: a\nrock-crystal goblet carved in a grape-vine,[215] a jewelled\nnecklace.[216] These enrich the setting as scattered flowers enrich the\nbackgrounds of Renaissance tapestries. It is as though Achilles Tatius\nlike Corinthian potters or Renaissance artists had such an _horror\nvacui_ that empty spaces in design were intolerable and interstices had\nto be crowded with beautiful small objects. This is due in part to an\nobservant eye that saw and recorded detail. The specific and the graphic\nare his tools for clarity. The story of the attempted amour of Clitophon\nand Leucippe is vivified by a plan of the house as clear as the drawn\nplans in many modern detective stories.[217] The garden in which\nClitophon\u2019s love-making is once set is described elaborately with its\nporticoes, trees, vines, flowers, spring and birds.[218] The storm at\nsea in its violence and coloring is as lurid as a Turner, and its\neffects on the shipwrecked passengers are described with a true\npsychology of terror and panic.[219]\n\nThe long description of the storm is justified by the vital significance\nof the shipwreck for the plot, but what of the write-ups of the wonders\nof the world which are constantly introduced? The beautiful description\nof Alexandria with its pharos is brief and pardonable as this was the\nbirthplace of the author. But only the love of novelty of the times and\nbad taste seem to explain the perpetrations of wordy descriptions of the\nNile, the phoenix, the hippopotamus, the elephant and the\ncrocodile![220] The romance at times tends to become a natural history.\nWolff becomes so out of patience with \u201cthe damnable iteration\u201d of\nirrelevancies in _Clitophon and Leucippe_ that he can hardly calm\nhimself to analyze them in suggestive groups: irrelevancies of plot, of\ncharacterization, of setting, of science and pseudo-science. The only\njustification for such irrelevancies Wolff finds in \u201ca common basis with\nparadox. Both defeat expectation.... In both its phases,\u2014irrelevancy and\nparadox\u2014this element of _the unexpected_, prominent in the form as in\nthe matter of the Greek Romances, deserves attention. To turn aside to\nthe irrelevant; to strain suspense by retarding the expected outcome; to\nintroduce by the way\u2014all unlooked for\u2014as many bizarre, ironical,\nparadoxical situations and dazzling phrases as possible; and finally to\n\u2018spring\u2019 an issue which is itself a surprising combination of\nopposites\u2014all these would seem to be consistent results of adopting the\nunexpected as the principle of the genre.\u201d[221]\n\nAfter all this is said in criticism of Achilles Tatius\u2019 exuberant style\nand unlimited digressions, we go back to his fundamentals: a clear plot,\nliving human beings, vivid settings for them, and exciting adventures.\nAchilles Tatius knew his age and for its disillusions he wrote with\nironic tolerance of human frailty and for its weariness he emphasized\nthe excitement of adventure and the stimulus of the unexpected. To me\nhis successes chalk up to a longer list than his failures and I end with\nPhillimore:\n\n  \u201cWhat a strange thought\u2014that an Alexandrian with the names of Achilles\n  Tatius (what a pair!), atticizing _con furore_ in the reign of\n  Diocletian, should write a story which delighted the Byzantine Middle\n  Ages and can still be read with interest and amusement!\u201d[222]\n\n\n\n\n                                   VI\n               THE LESBIAN PASTORALS OF DAPHNIS AND CHLOE\n                              _BY LONGUS_\n\n\nThe very title of Longus\u2019 romance shows a new departure. These Lesbian\nPastorals in four books form the only pastoral romance in Greek that is\nextant. Compared with the other romances that of Longus is unique in\ntype, characters, setting and structure. Theocritus is the pervading\ninfluence. Most of the leading characters are not nobles but serfs. Even\nthe young hero and heroine are brought up as shepherds until at the end\nthey are recognized as children of the great. City life plays little\npart in the plot. The changing seasons make the set. Only a few\nadventures disturb the serenity of the hills and pasturelands: an onset\nof pirates, a local war and (of course!) the usual kidnappings. Country\ngods are worshipped. The music of Pan\u2019s pipes is the accompaniment of\nthe story.\n\nOf the author we know nothing. Longus \u201cis not mentioned by any other\nwriter before the Byzantine age, and himself mentions no historical name\nor event.\u201d[223] From internal evidence of his novel we see that he knew\nMytilene well; he was familiar with Greek and Roman literature and with\nworks of art; he had received a sophist\u2019s training in the rhetorical\nschools. He wrote probably in the second century A.D., before Achilles\nTatius.\n\nThe early editions and translations show why Longus was so influential\nin Elizabethan England and indeed in the modern European literatures.\nThe first edition of the Greek text was published by the Junta Press in\nFlorence in 1598, but before that the romance had received its first\nprinting in Amyot\u2019s French translation in 1559 and in the first English\ntranslation by Angell Daye in 1587. This \u201cearliest English version\u201d\nwhich was dedicated to Queen Elizabeth was more of an adaptation than a\ntranslation. Its title-page demands perusal:\n\n  \u201cDaphnis and Chloe excellently describing the weight of affection, the\n  simplicitie of love, the purport of honest meaning, the resolution of\n  men, and disposition of Fate, finished in a Pastorall, and interlaced\n  with the praises of a most peerlesse Princesse, wonderfull in\n  Maiestie, and rare in perfection, celebrated within the same\n  Pastorall, and therefore termed by the name of The Shepheards\n  Holidaie. By Angell Daye. Altior fortuna virtus.\u201d\n\nThe title-page of the 1657 translation by \u201cGeo. Thornley, Gent.\u201d was\ndubbed \u201cDaphnis and Chloe a most sweet and pleasant pastoral romance for\nyoung ladies\u201d and it too bore a Latin motto: \u201cHumili casa nihil\nantiquius nihil nobilius.\u2014Sen. Philos.\u201d\n\nIt is this delightful old translation which J. M. Edmonds \u201crevised and\naugmented\u201d in his version for _The Loeb Classical Library_ and in his\nintroduction there Edmonds says that this seems to have been George\nThornley\u2019s only publication. He was a sizar in Christ\u2019s College and\nreceived his Bachelor in Arts from the University of Cambridge. It is\nthis translation of Edmonds-Thornley which I shall use in my quotations.\n\nLongus wrote a Prooimion to his romance which reveals the occasion and\nthe purpose of his writing. While hunting in Lesbos he saw in a fair\ngrove of the Nymphs a painted picture which told a tale of ancient love.\n\n  \u201cThere were figured in it young women, in the posture, some of\n  teeming, others of swaddling, little children; babes exposed, and ewes\n  giving them suck; shepherds taking up foundlings, young persons\n  plighting their troth; an incursion of thieves, an inroad of armed\n  men.\u201d\n\nAnd on studying the painting Longus says:\n\n  \u201cI had a mighty instigation to write something as to answer that\n  picture. And therefore, when I had carefully sought and found an\n  interpreter of the image, I drew up these four books, an oblation to\n  Love and to Pan and to the Nymphs, and a delightful possession even\n  for all men. For this will cure him that is sick, and rouse him that\n  is in dumps; one that has loved, it will remember of it; one that has\n  not, it will instruct. For there was never any yet that wholly could\n  escape love, and never shall there be any, never so long as beauty\n  shall be, never so long as eyes can see. But help me that God to write\n  the passions of others; and while I write, keep me in my own right\n  wits.\u201d\n\nWith this delightful prayer, our humorous nympholept Longus begins his\nstory. We must now outline briefly his four books of Pastorals.\n\nThe characters are:\n\n  _Daphnis_, a young goatherd\n  _Lamo_, foster-father of Daphnis\n  _Myrtale_, foster-mother of Daphnis\n  _Chloe_, a young shepherdess\n  _Dryas_, foster-father of Chloe\n  _Nape_, foster-mother of Chloe\n  _Dorco_, an oxherd\n  _Philetas_, an aged shepherd and a famous piper\n  _Lycaenium_, a city chit married to a swain\n  _Dionysophanes_, lord of the manor\n  _Clearista_, his wife\n  _Astylus_, his son\n  _Gnatho_, a parasite of Astylus\n  _Lampis_, a herdsman\n  Tyrian pirates\n  Young nobles of Methymna\n\nIn Lesbos near Mytilene there was a great estate of a great noble. On it\nonce strange things happened for a goatherd Lamo found a fine baby boy\nbeing nursed by a she-goat. Purple was his cloak and near him was a\nlittle golden sword with an ivory handle. Lamo and his wife Myrtale\nreared the child and named him Daphnis. Two years later another shepherd\nDryas found in a cave sacred to the nymphs and carved with pictures of\nthem a baby girl being nursed by a sheep. And beside her were little\npossessions, a girdle embroidered in gold, gilded shoes, golden anklets.\nDryas and his wife reared the child and named her Chloe. These are our\nhero and heroine.\n\nNow when Daphnis was fifteen and Chloe thirteen, one night both Lamo and\nDryas had the same dream. The nymphs of the cave appeared and gave\nDaphnis and Chloe to a certain little winged boy with bow and arrow who\ntouched them with an arrow and ordered that Daphnis tend a flock of\ngoats and Chloe a flock of sheep. Their parents were disappointed that\nthey too were to become herdsmen, for they had given the children a good\neducation, but they offered sacrifice in the cave to the Boy and obeyed.\n\nThe year was at the spring. Birds were singing, lambs gamboling, flowers\nblooming. The children too sang and danced together and made garlands of\nflowers for the Nymphs. All their joy and work they shared. But into\nthis paradise came danger. Trap-ditches had been set to catch a\nmarauding wolf and into one, as he pursued a he-goat, fell Daphnis. He\nwas drawn up all bloody and must needs wash in the cave of the Nymphs.\nChloe as she washed his back thought she had never seen any-one so fair\nor touched anything so soft. Love began here though she knew it not.\n\nAnother danger menaced. Dorco an oxherd who had helped draw Daphnis from\nthe pit fell in love with Chloe (he was a full-grown lad) and when he\ncould not get her by gifts, he and Daphnis held a contest of words for\nbeauty and Chloe was umpire. When their speeches were finished, Chloe at\nonce gave to Daphnis her prize\u2014a kiss\u2014and that kiss made Daphnis fall in\nlove though he did not know what love was.\n\nDefeated Dorco next appealed to Dryas for Chloe as a wife, but Dryas\nrejected him. Then he tried a base trick. He dressed up in a wolf-skin\nand hid near the spring where the beasts watered, hoping to meet Chloe\nalone there. This he did, but the sheep-dogs caught him first and would\nhave killed him had not Chloe and Daphnis saved him. They thought\nDorco\u2019s disguise was only a game, for they never dreamed of rape in\ntheir innocence.\n\nSo through spring and summer Daphnis and Chloe tended their flocks and\nplayed the pipes together. But in the autumn Tyrian pirates descended on\nthe shore to raven. They wounded Dorco and stole his cows and kidnapped\nDaphnis. Dorco dying gave his pipe to Chloe for one kiss at last and\nbade her pipe his cows off the ship. And the cows on hearing the call of\nthe pipe jumped overboard and swam ashore with Daphnis charioted between\ntwo holding to their horns. The boat was upset and the pirates who were\nall in armor drowned. Daphnis and Chloe went to poor Dorco\u2019s funeral.\nThey dedicated his pipe to the Nymphs. They cheered their flocks who lay\nmourning for Daphnis on the hills. And all went on as before except that\nDaphnis\u2019 heart ached,\u2014why he did not know.\n\nNow (in Book II) came the time of vintage. These charming children\nhelped pick the grapes, tread the wine-press, fill the vats with the new\nwine. That work done, back to their flocks went Daphnis and Chloe. There\nold Philetas met them and sitting down told them a bright story of how\nEros had appeared to him in his garden, a little winged boy flitting\nbirdlike from tree to tree. And Philetas tried to teach the children who\nEros was and what was his power, for Philetas had loved Amaryllis in his\nyouth. But though Philetas as a wise _praeceptor amoris_ instructed them\nthus: \u201cThere is no medicine for love, neither meat, nor drink, nor any\ncharm, but only kissing and embracing and lying side by side,\u201d the\nchildren did not understand his teaching and played this game of love\nwithout fulfillment. And as they exchanged childish kisses, disaster\nagain broke upon them.\n\nSome young nobles of Methymna put in at the shore in a gallant boat to\nmake holiday, fishing and hunting with their dogs. When a country fellow\nstole the rope that tied up their ship, they carelessly made another of\ngreen withes. Then their dogs while hunting frightened Daphnis\u2019 goats\nand drove them down to the shore and some finding no other fodder ate up\nthe green cable. At that a strong wind off shore blew the boat out to\nsea to the great rage of the young Methymnaean owners. They beat up\nDaphnis in a fight with the peasants in which they too were wounded and\nprosecuted him in court, but Philetas was the presiding judge and\nacquitted the goatherd of any wrong. The incensed young nobles made\ntheir way home by land and persuaded Methymna to avenge their injuries\nby sending a fleet to the land of Mytilene in an unannounced war. The\narmy plundered and devastated and right from the sacred cave of the\nNymphs kidnapped Chloe. But such sacrilege was not to be unavenged by\nthe gods and the Nymphs appearing in a vision to distraught Daphnis\nassured him that Pan would protect their votary. And indeed Pan sent\nawful omens to the Methymnaeans: the sound of the clashing of unseen\nweapons; the sight of ivy sprouting on the horns of Daphnis\u2019 stolen\ngoats and of a crown of pine placed on Chloe\u2019s head while all her stolen\nsheep howled like wolves. And the sea had its marvels: anchors stuck,\noars broke, while a strange military piping filled the air. Finally Pan\nappeared to the admiral and demanded the return of the maid stolen from\nthe altar of the Nymphs and the return of her herds and flocks. So the\nterrified commandant put about and restored Chloe to the land. What a\nstory she had to tell Daphnis! What sacrifices and libations the rustics\noffered to Pan and the Nymphs! Philetas too arrived to help them. Lamo\ntold them the story of the invention of Pan\u2019s pipes which a Sicilian\ngoatherd had sung to him. And on his own great pipes Philetas played the\ndifferent calls for the herds and the song of Dionysus. Daphnis and\nChloe acted out Lamo\u2019s story of Pan and Syrinx. The next day back to\ntheir flocks went the children and they talked now of their love for\neach other and took mighty oaths of faithfulness for life and death,\nChloe swearing by the Nymphs, Daphnis by Pan. But since Chloe knew Pan\nfor an amorous and faithless god, she made Daphnis take a second oath by\nthe trusty goats that he would match her faithfulness with his.\n\nNow (in the beginning of Book III) war enters the story, for the\nMytilenaeans were incensed at the actions of the Methymnaean fleet and\nsent a land expedition under Hippasus for reparations. But this war was\nconducted in a manner worthy of the golden age without ravaging of\ncountry, with speedy offer of satisfaction, with cordial adjustment of\nterms.\n\nWinter now arrived, more bitter than war to Daphnis and Chloe. Their\nflocks were shut in folds; they were secluded in their separate\nfarm-houses. But while Chloe learned to spin and found no comfort,\nDaphnis built a plan on hope. Braving the snow he struggled to a bird\ncenter near Chloe\u2019s home, as if he went fowling. Yet when he had reached\nhis goal and snared many birds, he dared not approach the farm-house for\nlack of excuse. But Dryas chasing a dog who had stolen some meat rushed\nout-doors, met Daphnis and brought him home.\n\nChloe in her glad surprise gave him a kiss; and all made him welcome.\nDaphnis was persuaded to spend the night to celebrate with them on the\nnext day their sacrifice to Dionysus. In the morning the lovers found a\nfew moments alone in which to renew their troth, and after that Daphnis\ncame often thither through the winter months.\n\nThen spring came; the flocks were once more sent to pasture. Daphnis and\nChloe crowned their gods with flowers and honored them with piping. They\nwatched the goats mate and wished to mate too, but knew not how. A city\nwoman, Lycaenium, married to a swain, heard their childish talk and\nbeing half enamored of Daphnis undertook to complete Philetas\u2019\ninstruction in the art of love and having had experience she taught him\nall. But he put off using his new knowledge. Instead he told Chloe the\nstory of Echo.\n\nMany suitors now wooed Chloe, and Daphnis in despair told Myrtale, his\nfoster-mother, how he too longed to wed the girl, but his suit seemed\nhopeless until to desperate Daphnis once more the Nymphs appeared and\ntold him where to find a purse of money that had been cast ashore from\nthe Methymnaean ship. With the three thousand drachmae in it he won over\nDryas and Nape, who in turn persuaded his father and mother to accept\nthe match. But Lamo wished the marriage postponed until the lord of the\nmanor arrived in the autumn to give his consent. Now that they were\naffianced Daphnis and Chloe waited happily. Daphnis plucked for Chloe a\ngolden apple that hung unplucked on top of a tree, the best of all, a\nsymbol of the victory of love. And in return he received a kiss more\nprecious even than an apple of gold.\n\nNow (in Book IV) with the autumn and the vintage the lord Dionysophanes\nwas coming with his wife Clearista to inspect his estate. Lamo\u2019s pride\nwas the beautiful garden he had made, so it was a major disaster when a\nrejected suitor of Chloe, churlish Lampis, devastated it for spite. Lamo\nbesought Astylus, son of Dionysophanes, to appease his father\u2019s wrath\nand this he did.\n\nAstylus had a rascally parasite Gnatho with him who tried to corrupt\nDaphnis, but in vain; so hoping for the future he persuaded Astylus to\ninduce his father to take Daphnis back to the city as his son\u2019s servant.\nAt this menace Lamo decided he must reveal Daphnis\u2019 origin so he brought\nout the tokens he had found with the child. They proved that he was the\nson of Dionysophanes and Clearista, exposed by them when they were young\nand thoughtless and had too many children. So the young shepherd was\ntransformed into a prince and almost forgot Chloe. Indeed while he was\ncelebrating she was carried off by Lampis, the herdsman. Gnatho, seeing\nDaphnis\u2019 despair, to reinstate himself, dashed off and rescued Chloe\njust in time. Now her foster-parents produced her tokens and her\nnobility too was assured. All went to Mytilene to find Chloe\u2019s parents.\nThe Nymphs and Eros appeared to Dionysophanes in a dream and Eros bade\nhim to make a great marriage feast and there to display Chloe\u2019s tokens.\nThis he did and by them Chloe too found noble parents. But Daphnis and\nChloe chose to have a country wedding and went back to the fields to\ntheir rustic friends.\n\nIndeed most of their lives they lived there in the simple way of\nshepherds, worshipping the Nymphs, Pan and Eros, possessing great herds\nof sheep and goats, and for food liking best of all apples and milk.\nThere they had a son and daughter whom a goat and a sheep nursed;\nPhilopoemen and Agelaea were their names. They made the cave into a fair\nshrine, set up statues there, raised an altar to Eros the shepherd and\ngave to Pan the soldier a temple to dwell in instead of a pine. All this\nwas long afterwards. Now they had a rustic wedding. The shepherds played\ntheir rude pipes for their Hymenaeus. Daphnis and Chloe slept no more\nthan the birds that night and Chloe then first learned that all their\nlove-making in the wood was only the play of children.\n\nThis brief epitome of the plot shows its simplicity and its coloring.\nThe scene is pastoral and a unity of place is observed which\ndistinguishes the romance. All the action takes place in the country\nnear Mytilene. Only for the episode of the search for Chloe\u2019s parents do\nthe characters move to the city and their sojourn there is short.[224]\nThe main events of the plot are the double exposures, the adoption and\nthe recognitions of Daphnis and Chloe and their common life as\nshepherds. The plot contains the usual features of a romance but\nvirtually all are adapted to the pastoral tone and there is a change in\ntheir relative importance. The chief interests are the same as in the\nother romances: love, adventure, religion. But love is in its\nspringtime: it buds and blossoms in the lives of two innocent children\nas the eternal miracle of nature.[225] The adventures are for the most\npart simple country disasters: Daphnis falling into a trap-ditch set for\na wolf; a fair garden wantonly destroyed by a jealous rival. There are\nto be sure two kidnappings, but the rescues are speedy and magical.\nDaphnis is saved from the Tyrian pirates by the music of a shepherd\u2019s\npipe. Chloe\u2019s return by the Methymnaeans is compelled by Pan himself.\nEven war is conducted with noble generosity and given a peaceful\nsolution as if in a golden age.\n\nAdventure indeed plays a far smaller part in the romance than does\nreligion. Worship is heartfelt and a part of life. The gods honored are\ndeities naturally worshipped in the country: the Nymphs, Pan, Dionysus\nand Eros. They are ever-present.\n\nLongus in his Preface says that he made these four books as a votive to\nEros, the Nymphs and Pan. The baby girl was exposed, nursed by a sheep\nand found by a shepherd in the cave of the Nymphs.[226] At critical\nmoments in the lives of the hero and heroine the Nymphs appear in\nvisions to guide or save. In Book I Lamo and Dryas, the foster-fathers,\nhad the same dream the same night: they saw the Nymphs consign Daphnis\nand Chloe to the care of a young winged boy who touched both with the\nsame arrow and bade each tend the flocks.[227] After Chloe was kidnapped\nby the Methymnaeans from the very cave of the Nymphs, the three\ngoddesses appeared to Daphnis in a vision by night and told him not to\nfear, for Pan of the pine-tree would rescue the maid.[228] Again when\nfor his poverty Daphnis saw that Chloe was to be betrothed to some\nricher suitor, the Nymphs appeared and told him where to find a purse of\nsilver.[229] Finally Chloe\u2019s noble parentage was discovered by the\ndirection of the Nymphs and Eros who appeared to Dionysophanes in his\nsleep and bade him make a wedding feast in Mytilene and at it pass\nChloe\u2019s tokens about to all the guests.[230]\n\nSuch solicitous and tender care had been won by Daphnis and Chloe\nthrough devotion. Out on the hills in the morning first of all they\nsaluted their gods. They gathered flowers to crown their statues. They\nmade them gifts of grapes and apples or of pipe. They sacrificed to them\nkids and lambs, and to the Nymphs and Pan they offered constantly their\nprayers and vows. In the cave of the Nymphs Chloe swore to share life\nand death with Daphnis. Under the pine Daphnis swore by Pan that he\nwould not live a single day without Chloe.[231]\n\nEros is a less familiar god to the children, but through Philetas\u2019\ninstruction about the merry flying boy they come to be his\nvotaries.[232] Dionysophanes gives all praise for the care of the\nchildren to the united protection of Pan, the Nymphs and Eros.[233] The\nbetrothal takes place before the statues of the Nymphs.[234] And all\ntheir lives Daphnis and Chloe worshipped the Nymphs, Pan and Eros for\ntheir very present help in time of trouble.[235] This was no formal\nritual: it was a vital faith offered with clean hands and a pure heart.\n\nThe worship of Dionysus also entered into the life of the whole\ncountryside. The song of the God of Wine is played by Philetas and\ndanced by Dryas. The festival of Dionysus is celebrated by the sacrifice\nof a ram, a feast, libations poured by ivy-crowned worshippers. In the\ngarden of the great estate of Dionysophanes there are an altar and a\nshrine to the god, and the temple had paintings about the life of\nDionysus: Semele his mother, the sleeping Ariadne, the binding of\nLycurgus, the rending of Pentheus, the conquered Indians, the\ntransformed Tyrians, Pan piping to those treading the wine-press and to\nthose dancing.[236] On the first day after he arrived at his estate\nDionysophanes made sacrifice to this god for whom he was named along\nwith the other rural deities, Demeter, Pan, the Nymphs.[237] And Daphnis\nfor his happiness dedicated his bag and cloak to Dionysus, to Pan his\nwhistle and his pipe, to the Nymphs his crook and milk-pails.[238] The\ngod of the vintage must always have his share of honor in the country.\n\nSo because the gods are omnipresent in country life, religion is as much\na part of the set of the romance as is locality. For the monotony which\nmight result from the single background of the great estate near\nMytilene in Lesbos is varied not only by descriptions of fair garden,\npastures, trees, hills, seashore, but by the mystic vicinity of the cave\nof the Nymphs, the pine-tree of Pan, the grapevine of Dionysus and over\nall the unseen flying Eros shooting his darts.\n\nWith such a setting, naturally the order of events follows the seasons.\nIn spring the story begins when the lad of fifteen and the girl of\nthirteen are sent out to tend the flocks in meadows and on hills. Summer\nbrings the adventures of the trap-ditch and the Tyrian pirates. Autumn\nhas its vintage and the menace of the Methymnaean roisterers. Winter\nhouses and separates the lovers until Daphnis makes bold to go fowling.\nSpring returning, Daphnis finds a purse and wins his shepherdess\u2019 hand.\nSummer passes in tending the flocks and making love. Then as autumn\nagain brings the vintage the lord of the manor comes to his estate.\nThere follows the recognition of Daphnis as his son and soon Chloe is\nfound to be as noble. The weather is still fair, so after a royal feast\nin the city, the wedding is celebrated in the country for their hearts\nwere rural.\n\nIndeed the characters are for the most part country wights: the worthy\nfoster-parents, Chloe\u2019s suitors, Philetas the wise old herdsman. They\nare all serfs and Daphnis and Chloe were given pastoral names by their\nfoster-parents to make them seem truly theirs. They are noble slaves\nfull of hospitality and kindness. When corruption menaces and brings\ntemptation, it comes from the city. Lycaenium is a young bride from the\ncity. Gnatho is a city parasite. Astylus, the son of Dionysophanes,\nalthough he is a great-hearted youth who pities Lamo for the destruction\nof his garden and welcomes his newly found brother Daphnis with open\narms, shows the effects of city life by making his boon companion the\nworthless parasite Gnatho whose only thoughts were of eating, drinking\nand lechery. Dionysophanes is nobler than his son: though gray-haired,\nhe is still tall, handsome, able to wrestle with young men, and though\nwealthy he is good. Indeed some virtue must be attributed in this\nfairy-story even to the villains. Dorco who tried to rape Chloe makes a\nbeautiful end by giving her his pipe and teaching her how to call the\ncattle and Daphnis back from the raiders\u2019 ship. Gnatho redeems himself\nby rescuing Chloe from her second kidnapping. And even Lampis, the rough\nherdsman, was deemed worthy of forgiveness and invited to the wedding.\nDaphnis and Chloe are brave, beautiful and virginal. Chloe keeps her\nchastity to the end. Daphnis sins but once, to learn what love is that\nhe may teach his maid.\n\nDalmeyda has pointed out another striking feature of the plot beside the\nunity of place and the strictly pastoral coloring. This is its two-part\ndivision of which the first might be entitled \u201cthe search for love\u201d and\nthe second \u201cthe marriage of Chloe.\u201d The first part ends with the lesson\nof Lycaenium, the second with the country wedding.[239]\n\nWithin this two-part division and the unified pastoral scene, the usual\ndevices are employed for the pattern of the romance, conversation,\nsoliloquies, oaths, court-room speeches, happy ending, but all are\nsimplified to a country standard. Typical of what I mean is the\nbreath-taking conversation that the lovers secure alone after their\nwinter separation, \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03c9\u03bd \u1f41\u00b5\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03b1 \u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03c0\u03bd\u03ae.[240]\n\n\u201cChloe, I came for thy sake.\u201d \u201cI know it, Daphnis.\u201d \u201c\u2019Tis long of thee\nthat I destroy the poor birds.\u201d \u201cWhat wilt thou with me?\u201d \u201cRemember me.\u201d\n\u201cI remember thee, by the Nymphs by whom heretofore I have sworn in\nyonder cave, whither we will go as soon as ever the snow melts.\u201d \u201cBut it\nlies very deep, Chloe, and I fear I shall melt before the snow.\u201d\n\u201cCourage, man; the Sun burns hot.\u201d \u201cI would it burnt like that fire\nwhich now burns my very heart.\u201d \u201cYou do but gibe and cozen me!\u201d \u201cI do\nnot, by the goats by which thou didst once bid me to swear to thee.\u201d\n\nThe soliloquies too are as artless and simple as this talk. At some\nemotional crisis the youngsters bemoan to themselves their lot. Chloe,\nfalling in love with Daphnis when she sees him bathe in the cave of the\nNymphs, laments the pain in her heart that is worse than a\nbee-sting.[241] After Daphnis has been recognized as the son of the\ngreat Dionysophanes, Chloe weeps at being forgotten, is sure Daphnis is\nbreaking his oath of faithfulness and bids him farewell since she will\nsurely die.[242] Daphnis makes moan more often. When the kiss of Chloe\nhas set him on fire, he complains that his heart leaps up; his soul is\nweakened; he will waste away with his strange malady.[243] Over the\nsleeping Chloe he murmurs a soft rhapsody.[244] Shut in alone by winter\nhe takes counsel with himself on what excuse to end their\nseparation.[245] And when he hears that Lampis has carried Chloe off, he\nseeks solitude in the garden and rails at his bitter loss.[246] Even the\ncourt-room speeches in the prosecution of Daphnis by the Methymnaeans\nfor the loss of their ship are reduced to short and simple arguments\nsince a herdsman sat as judge.[247] The trial of course ends happily for\nDaphnis as must inevitably the whole story. Of all the love romances\nthis springtime love in the country is the most joyous.\n\nAs we read this pastoral romance, the unknown author becomes to us a\nreal personality. His delight in the country is spontaneous and real. He\nis a cultured person with genuine appreciation of art, music and\nliterature. Their influence enriches his story. Longus in his preface\ntells how a painting which he chanced to see in the grove of the Nymphs\ngave the inspiration for the writing of his novel, for the painting\npictured a history of love and he longed to write something that would\ncorrespond to the picture. Paintings again he mentions in his\ndescription of a shrine of Dionysus, paintings telling all the myths of\nthe god.[248] The images of the Nymphs in the cave are described\ncarefully by him: cut out of the rock they were, feet unshod, arms bare\nto the shoulders, hair falling on their necks, their garments belted, a\nsmile in their eyes.[249] A statue of Pan stood under his sacred pine\nuntil at the end Daphnis and Chloe built him a shrine.[250] Over and\nover these representations are referred to as symbols of very present\ngods.\n\nThe music that fills the romance is the sound of the shepherds\u2019 pipes\nand the voice of song. Daphnis makes a pipe of reeds and teaches Chloe\nhow to play on it.[251] So well did she learn that on Dorco\u2019s pipe she\ncould call the cattle back from the raiders\u2019 ship.[252] When spring\nbrought them out-doors, both Daphnis and Chloe challenged the\nnightingales with their piping and the birds answered.[253] Philetas the\nold herdsman outdid all in playing on the great organ-pipe of his\nfather. He played special strains for cows and oxen, for goats, for\nsheep. He played too the melody of Dionysus and to it Dryas footed the\ndance of the vintage. Daphnis too played on Philetas\u2019 pipe a love-song\nand danced with Chloe the story of the origin of the pipe, Pan\u2019s wooing\nof the maid Syrinx.[254]\n\nDaphnis displayed his art for his own father and mother, before he was\nrecognized as their son, to do them pleasure. He blew the call of the\ngoats; he blew their soft lullaby; he blew their grazing tune; he blew\nthe alarm for a wolf; he blew the recall. And the goats responded to all\nhis different strains.[255] After the wedding the shepherds piped the\nbride and groom to bed and sang outside their door a rude, harsh song,\nno Hymenaeus, but such as they were wont to sing when with their picks\nthey broke the earth.[256] For country people sang at all their tasks:\nthe boatman on the river,[257] the herdsman in the pastureland.\n\nMore pervasive than all other influences in the romance is the literary.\nTheocritus colors the whole story. There are a few reminiscences of\nBion[258] and Moschus,[259] but it was the Sicilian goatherd par\nexcellence who instructed Longus as he did Lamo in his story.[260]\nCalderini shows the various traces of the inspiration which Longus\nreceived from the Alexandrian idyl. There is a continuous alternation of\ndescriptions of nature with descriptions of emotion all composed with a\ncertain serenity and restraint. The pain is not too violent; the\ndescriptions of nature are not too detailed or pedantic. There are many\nspecial similar motives: the descriptions of paintings and statues; the\nfear and the protection of Pan and the Nymphs; the vengeance of Eros on\nthose who scorn him; the young lovers who frequent the gymnasia and the\npalestra; love which is born on the day of a festival; the woe of love;\nthe violent, brutal love of a scorned shepherd; the patron who lives at\na distance.[261] The pastoral name Daphnis is taken from the ideal\nshepherd of Theocritus and Vergil. Pastoral setting and pastoral\nnarrative have the flavor of Theocritus. Episodes are identical: Chloe\nplaits a tiny cage for a grasshopper as did the young lad carved on the\nbowl of ivy-wood.[262] Daphnis and Chloe as they sit kissing each other\non the hill see a fisherman\u2019s boat passing on the sea and listen to his\nsong.[263] So in Theocritus lovers on the land embracing look out at the\nfar distant sea.[264] But above all, Longus saw as Theocritus did that\nin the lives of herdsmen lay true romance, and while Theocritus sang his\nshort lays, closely affiliated with the mimes in their use of the comic,\nLongus lifted the love of goatherd and shepherd to the realm of pure\nfiction by idealization and tenderness. His originality was in making\nyoung love grow with the seasons to maturity. The name of his heroine,\nChloe, a young green shoot, is symbolic of this growing life.[265] His\nawareness of his unique contribution to romance perhaps appears in his\ntitle: _The Lesbian Pastorals of Daphnis and Chloe_.\n\nSappho too was known and cherished by Longus. There is a possible\nreminiscence in the description of Daphnis turning paler than grass in\nits season.[266] There is a sure reminiscence of Sappho\u2019s hyacinth on\nthe mountains crushed by the feet of the passing shepherds in Lamo\u2019s\npity for his flowers trodden down by a marauder.[267] And to Sappho\nLongus owes the climax of Daphnis\u2019 wooing at the end of Book III when he\npulls \u201cthe sweet apple which reddens upon the topmost bough,\u201d saved by\nFortune for a shepherd in love, and putting it in Chloe\u2019s bosom makes it\na symbol of her beauty and his prize.[268]\n\nDrama too had a definite influence on Longus, indeed the word \u03b4\u03c1\u1fb6\u00b5\u03b1 or\n\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u00b5\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03bd is applied to these romances by Photius.[269] The two\nrecognition scenes in which Daphnis and Chloe find parents through the\ntokens placed with them when they were exposed as babies are copied from\ntragedy. New Comedy furnished at least three characters to the romance,\nGnatho the parasite, Sophrone the nurse who exposed the baby\nDaphnis[270] and the city wench, Lycaenium. Elegiac poetry furnished\nPhiletas, the father perhaps of erotic elegiacs. Echo repeating the name\nof Amaryllis suggests Vergil.[271] And Ovid perhaps contributed three\nnames: Astylus, Dryas and Nape.[272] The influence of the rhetorical\nschools is slighter than in the other romances, but appears in the\ncourt-room scene with its speeches and in the use of parallelism and\ncontrast. Parallelism, as Calderini says,[273] includes all the plot of\nthe romance and proceeds from the number and selection of the characters\nto the variety of the secondary episodes and to the description of the\nsmallest details. Daphnis and Chloe are both exposed, both rescued by\nshepherds. Both are kidnapped. An attack on Chloe is made by Dorco, on\nDaphnis by Gnatho. Chloe touches Daphnis when he is bathing and falls in\nlove. Daphnis kisses Chloe and his heart rises to his lips. Astylus, the\ncity son of Dionysophanes, is sophisticated, Daphnis is virginal. The\noath of Daphnis is matched by the oath of Chloe. On and on proceeds this\nbalancing. And the parallelism appears not only in plot, but in details\nof phrase and sentence structure: balanced rhythmical phrases set off by\nrhymes or alliterations; bipartite or tripartite periods, elaborate in\ntheir rhetorical structure. Sometimes indeed Longus\u2019 Pastorals seem\nwritten in modern verse, indeed they are written in poetic prose.[274]\n\nOut of all these interests in art, music and literature and beyond them\nLongus has created a style peculiarly his own and suited to his pastoral\nromance. His sentence structure is simple and paratactic. His\ncomparisons are drawn from the life of shepherds. Chloe is as restive as\na heifer.[275] Dorco claims he is as white as milk but Daphnis says\nDorco is as red as a fox.[276] Daphnis and Chloe run about like dogs\nfreed from their leashes.[277] Chloe plunders from Daphnis\u2019 mouth a bit\nof cake as though she were a young bird being fed.[278]\n\nDescription and narration are as vivid as these little similes. We are\nmade to see Daphnis at his bath: his hair black and thick, his body\nsun-burned dark as though colored by the shadow of his hair;[279] the\ncoming of spring with flowers covering the valleys and the mountains,\nbees humming, birds warbling, lambs gamboling; the vintage scene with\nthe peasants all busy in the vineyard with the wine-presses, the\nhogsheads, the baskets, and the grapes;[280] the winter landscape with\nthe deep snow, the rushing torrents, the ice, the laden trees;[281] the\ncountry wedding with the feast on beds of green boughs before the cave\nof the Nymphs, the songs of the reapers and the vintners, the dancing to\nthe pipes, the goats sharing the feast, the bridal procession with its\npiping and singing.[282]\n\nLongus\u2019 art of narration is employed as skillfully as are his\ndescriptions. This art appears not only in the pattern of the whole\nromance, but in the skillful use of stories within the story to\ndiversify and enliven the longer narrative. After the feast of Dionysus,\nthe old men, their tongues loosed with wine, fell into reminiscence and\ntold tales to each other:\n\n  \u201chow bravely in their youth they had administered the pasturing of\n  their flocks and herds, how in their time they had escaped very many\n  invasions and inroads of pirates and thieves. Here one bragged that he\n  had killed a wolf, here another that he had bin second to Pan alone in\n  the skill and art of piping.\u201d[283]\n\nThat last was Philetas, the wise old shepherd who told Daphnis and Chloe\nthe story of the gay little Eros whom he had found playing in his garden\nflying like a nightingale from bough to bough of the myrtles, a lovely\nstory with a point for Philetas\u2019 _ars amatoria_.[284] The other inset\nstories are mostly short myths. So Daphnis tells Chloe how the mourning\ndove was once a maid, very proud of her singing and by her song alone\nshe kept the cows she tended near her in the wood. But a shepherd lad\nrivalled her music and piped off eight of her finest cows to his own\nherd. And the girl in despair prayed to become a bird. The gods\nconsented and left her that sweet voice so still she calls the cattle\nhome.[285]\n\nAt the feast of Dionysus Lamo tells a myth which a Sicilian goatherd had\nsung to him, a tiny tale of how the girl Syrinx fleeing Pan\u2019s embraces\nwas changed into a reed and then made by Pan into his pipe, with reeds\nof unequal lengths to symbolize their ill-matched love.[286] All these\nstories are very short and simple, bits of folk-lore such as peasants\nmight relate at their feasts or in the open.\n\nMuch of the whole narrative is colored by a humor that is as playful and\ntender as the spirit of Philetas\u2019 merry child Eros. In the vintage scene\nboth Daphnis and Chloe are beset with childish jealousy at the\nattentions that each other receives.[287] The author\u2019s humor plays\naround them from the time when they first herded their flocks together\nto the day of their rural wedding. And the plot is set with humor, which\nas Wolff observes, turns on \u201cthe incongruity between the children\u2019s\ninnocence and the piquancy of their experiments.\u201d[288]\n\nIt is not strange that Longus\u2019 Pastorals with all their charm of plot,\nsetting and style were the forerunners of much later literature. Todd\nhas a paragraph which is a sign-post to the line of his successors.[289]\n\n  \u201cLongus invented the pastoral romance, and his influence is found\n  throughout the pastorals of the modern European literatures: already,\n  perhaps, at the end of the fifteenth century, in the _Arcadia_ of the\n  \u2018Neapolitan Virgil\u2019 Jacopo Sannazaro; in the _Aminta_ of Tasso, in the\n  _Astr\u00e9e_ of D\u2019Urf\u00e9, in the _Gentle Shepherd_ of Ramsay, in the _Paul\n  et Virginie_ of Saint-Pierre, and in other writings almost countless.\u201d\n\nS. L. Wolff\u2019s elaborate study of _The Greek Romances in Elizabethan\nProse Fiction_ analyzes in detail Longus\u2019 influence on Robert Greene in\n_Manaphon_ and _Pandost_ and Shakespeare\u2019s use of Longus in the pastoral\nsetting, the hunt scene, the exposure motif in _The Winter\u2019s Tale_.\nThere is rich material still left in the study of the Greek Romances for\nthe young scholar working in Comparative Literature. By them, by all\nstudents of literature _Daphnis and Chloe_ deserves to be read and\nreread. For Longus, just as Theocritus did in the Idyl, immortalized in\nthe realm of fiction the loves and woes of shepherds.\n\nIt is strange that a pastoral romance of such honest and simple charm\nshould have played a dramatic part in a melodrama of the early\nnineteenth century. Yet it did, for it almost caused an international\nliterary warfare; it almost had a French officer shot for desertion; and\nit created serious political complications for him with the Bonaparte\nfamily.\n\nPaul Louis Courier (1773-1825) led a bizarre life as a vine-grower, an\nofficer in the artillery, a liberal pamphleteer, a member of the Legion\nof Honor, a prisoner in Sainte-P\u00e9lagie, a traveller, a poet, a\nHellenist. Throughout his checkered career, he anticipated Byron in his\nromantic passion for the antiquities, the ruins, the beauty of Greece.\nIn 1811 he wrote from Rome: \u201cThe fact is that I wish before I die to see\nthe lantern of Demosthenes and drink the water of the Ilissus.\u201d\n\nIt was this passion combined with his disgust at the butcheries of\nWagram that made him forget that he was a soldier so that in 1809,\nthough he was the head of a squadron of artillery, he slipped out of\nmilitary life and in Italy devoted all his time to those literary\nstudies to which before he had given his leisure.\n\nReared in the country (at M\u00e9r\u00e9 in Touraine), he had early become\nfascinated with the pastoral romance _Daphnis and Chloe_ and now he was\ndetermined to work on a Thirteenth Century Greek manuscript of it which\nwas in the Laurentian Library. After some difficulty he obtained\npermission from the librarian, Francesco Furia, and his work started\nhappily. It was to meet with the greatest success and the greatest\ndisaster. Courier, amateur that he was, discovered that the Laurentian\nmanuscript contained the text of the great lacuna in Book I (cc. 12-17).\nThese chapters were lacking in all other manuscripts. Furia who had\nworked for years on the manuscript, which was in parts nearly illegible,\nhad never noticed these hitherto unknown chapters. They contain the\nepisode of Daphnis tumbling into the trap-ditch, Chloe\u2019s falling in love\nwith him thereafter, and the contest of Daphnis and Dorco for Chloe\u2019s\nkiss.\n\nClose on Courier\u2019s great discovery followed a most unfortunate episode,\nfor after carefully copying the new chapters Courier obliterated them by\na black ink stain. It was natural that the jealous Furia should believe\nthat Courier had intentionally upset his ink-pot over them. Courier\nhimself in a letter to Renouard declared that inadvertently he had used\nas a marker some paper which was soaked in ink on the under side, and\nthat made the blot.\n\nThe rage of Furia might itself have hindered the publication of\nCourier\u2019s discovery and now a political complication arose as a new\nobstacle. Since the fame of his work was spreading, Elisa Bonaparte, the\nsister of Napoleon, wished to have Courier\u2019s publication dedicated to\nher and the prefect of Florence, the Baron Fauchet, announced her\ngracious wish at a formal dinner-party! Courier, who by now hated all\nBonapartes, cut his Gordian knot by rushing out at Florence a Greek\nedition in fifty-two copies before the French edition which he was\npublishing at Paris appeared in 1810. The deed was done and neither\nFuria nor la Bonaparte could undo it.\n\nThe fame and scandal of Courier\u2019s work of course came to the ears of the\nMinistry of War and orders were sent to General Sorbier, commandant of\nthe artillery in Italy, to demand from Courier explanations of his\nabsence from his squadron. Fortunately the general accepted Courier\u2019s\naffirmation that he had never thought of deserting so that the Hellenist\nescaped being shot then, but fate pursued him.\n\nOn April 11, 1825, the body of Paul Louis Courier was found in a wood\nnear his country home at V\u00e9retz. He had been assassinated. It was long\nbelieved that this was a political crime, \u201ca kind of epilogue of secret\nvengeance in party politics\u201d as Edmond Pilon puts it.[290] It might also\nhave been the revenge of a philologist. Actually the shooting was the\nresult of an embroglio with certain servants on his estate. Courier in\n1814 had married Mlle Herminie Clavier, who managed his estate in his\nabsence. She seems to have betrayed him both in business matters and\naffairs of the heart so that Courier separated from her and made new\nplans for the management of the estate. Five years after the murder the\nDepartment of Justice found that the assassins were certain servitors of\nCourier who had been dismissed because of their connivance with Madame\nCourier in her iniquities. Courier, whose dearest dream had been the\npastoral life of Daphnis and Chloe, escaped the dangers of war and of\nprison only to be shot in the country he loved for petty personal spite.\n\nPaul Louis Courier would, I am sure, have been happy to have part of his\nfame rest on his precious new chapters of the Pastorals, and to know\nthat his beautiful translation of their four books lives on in one new\nedition after another.\n\n\n\n\n                                  VII\n_LUCIAN AND HIS SATIRIC ROMANCES: THE_ TRUE HISTORY _AND_ LUCIUS OR ASS\n\n\n  \u201cLucian of Samosata [was] surnamed \u2018The blasphemer,\u2019 because in his\n  dialogues he alleges that the things told of the gods are absurd....\n  He was at first an advocate in Antioch, but, having ill success in\n  that, he turned to the composition of discourses, and his writings are\n  innumerable. He is said to have been killed by dogs, he having been\n  rabid against the truth. For in his \u2018Life of Peregrinus\u2019 he attacks\n  Christianity and, wicked man, blasphemes against Christ himself.\n  Wherefore for his madness he suffered meet punishment in this life,\n  and hereafter with Satan he will be inheritor of the everlasting\n  fire.\u201d[291]\n\nThis is the meagre biography by Suidas of the great satirist who through\nnearly all of the second century held up the mirror of his frankness to\nreflect images of the Greek and Roman world. Suidas\u2019 misrepresentation\nof Lucian\u2019s allusions to the Christians and his fanciful picture of the\nsophist\u2019s end vilify much of this traditional vita. From Lucian\u2019s own\nwritings more facts may be assembled.\n\nSyrian by birth, he wrote in Greek and became a master of an Attic prose\nstyle. As a boy he was apprenticed to a sculptor uncle, but quickly left\nwork with his hands for work with his tongue, studied rhetoric and\noratory, practiced as an advocate at Antioch, became a professional\nsophist and travelled in Asia Minor, Macedonia, Greece, Italy, Gaul;\nabout A.D. 165 settled at Athens where he lived twenty years, then near\nthe end of his life took an official post in Egypt under the Emperor and\nwrote an Apology for so doing. Suidas\u2019 description of his writings as\n\u201cinnumerable\u201d seems justified by the eighty-two prose works extant to\nsay nothing of two mock tragedies and fifty-three epigrams, now\nconsidered spurious.\n\nThough the great bulk of Lucian\u2019s writings consists of Platonic and\nsatiric dialogues, he enters into the scope of this book as a writer of\nthe satiric or parody romance. For two of his writings, the _True\nHistory_ and _Lucius or Ass_, establish for us this new type of Greek\nromance. His _True History_ is a parody of all travellers\u2019 tales from\nOdysseus\u2019 to such as those of Antonius Diogenes in _The Wonderful Things\nbeyond Thule_. Probably this work of Lucian had more literary influence\nthan any of his other writings. His other romance, of which we have only\nan epitome, _Lucius or Ass_, is, I believe, a parody of the romance\nmotivated mainly by religion. Its greatest value in its present\nsyncopated form is that it outlines a contemporary Greek counterpart of\nthe famous Latin novel, Apuleius\u2019 _Metamorphoses_, and furnishes us with\na touchstone for testing the pure gold of Apuleius\u2019 originality.\n\nBefore, however, we can discuss Lucian\u2019s art of narration in his two\nromances, we must reconstruct from his own writings his literary\nautobiography and his conceptions of his literary art. Only then when we\nhave met the critic self-criticized will we be competent to appreciate\nhis brilliant imaginative flights in his novels.\n\nA dangerous temptation at once assails any one who starts to write on\nany subject connected with Lucian. That is to attempt to cover the whole\nfield of his life and works because of the brilliancy of the many-sided\nfacets of his genius. A forcible deterrent is the fact that a masterly\nappreciation of _La vie et les \u0153uvres de Lucien_ has already been\nwritten by Maurice Croiset in his _Essai_[292] which in richness and\nstyle alike is worthy of its great theme. All subsequent studies of\nLucian are inevitably founded on M. Croiset\u2019s appreciation.\n\nGildersleeve, following Croiset, pointed out that Lucian\u2019s life must be\nreconstructed from his own writings. And this within the scope of a\nbrief essay Gildersleeve did brilliantly for English readers fifty years\nago.[293] From another angle I am attempting to do this same thing now\nin order to make us acquainted before we read his stories with Lucian\nthe story-teller.[294]\n\nLucian\u2019s early life is pictured in a brief speech called _The Dream_.\nThis was probably delivered in his native Syria on his return after his\nEuropean lecture-tour which made him famous as a Sophist. In a whimsical\nmixture of fact and fancy he describes his choice of a career. As a\nyoung lad when he had just finished school, Lucian was apprenticed to\nhis mother\u2019s brother, a sculptor, to learn to be \u201ca good stone-cutter,\nmason and sculptor.\u201d On his first day he struck a slab of marble so hard\nthat he shattered it. Whereat his uncle gave him such a violent beating\nthat he ran home to his mother for comfort. That night he had a vision.\nTwo women were struggling to get possession of him. They were vastly\ndifferent in appearance and in the appeals they made to him, for they\nwere Sculpture and Education. Sculpture, unkempt, speaking haltingly and\nlike a barbarian, told Lucian that if he came to her, he would live\nwell, have strong shoulders, would never go abroad, but would gain such\nfame as surrounded Phidias, Polyclitus, Myron, Praxiteles. Education in\nher turn assured him that even if he became a famous sculptor, he would\nbe only a mechanic, living by his hands; she herself has much more to\noffer him.\n\n  \u201cIf you follow my advice, first of all I shall show you many works of\n  men of old, tell you their wondrous deeds and words, and make you\n  conversant with almost all knowledge, and I shall ornament your soul,\n  which concerns you most, with many noble adornments\u2014temperance,\n  justice, piety, kindliness, reasonableness, understanding,\n  steadfastness, love of all that is beautiful, ardour towards all that\n  is sublime; for these are the truly flawless jewels of the soul.\n  Nothing that came to pass of old will escape you, and nothing that\n  must now come to pass; nay, you will even foresee the future with me.\n  In a word, I shall speedily teach you everything that there is,\n  whether it pertains to the gods or to man.\u201d[295]\n\nMoreover, he will dress with distinction, will speak with eloquence.\nFinally he may became as famous as Demosthenes or Aeschines. He must\nrecall that Socrates left sculpture for philosophy.\n\nLucian on hearing these two appeals gave himself to Education, who then\ntook him in a car with winged horses and from the air showed him the\ncities and peoples of the world. After this vision she clothed him\nsuitably and returned him to his home. Lucian says he has told this\ndream \u201cin order that those who are young may take the better direction\nand cleave to education, above all if poverty is making any one of them\nfaint-hearted.\u201d[296]\n\nNow although this choice of Lucian is based on the choice of\nHercules[297] and although facts are clothed in fantasy, the picture of\nLucian\u2019s early apprenticeship may well be true, for the boy\u2019s delight in\nmodelling little figures of wax seems to forecast Lucian\u2019s life-long\ninterest in sculpture and other art forms.\n\nThe next crisis in Lucian\u2019s literary life is depicted in _The Double\nIndictment_, a dialogue composed when the author was forty. In it Lucian\nappears in court to answer two charges: one of the rhetoricians, for\ngiving up speech-making and essay-writing; the other of the\nphilosophers, for using their sacred Platonic dialogue for satire.\nLucian\u2019s trial takes place on the Areopagus with Justice presiding, but\nthe dialogue opens in heaven with a long complaint by Zeus about the\nhard life of the gods especially his own, no time for anything. Hermes\nwho is listening tells him frankly that there are many complaints among\nmortals on earth because of the slowness of the law courts. Zeus then\nsends Hermes down to proclaim a session and orders Justice to preside at\nit.\n\nAt this court, after various cases have been wittily disposed of, the\nSyrian is called to face two indictments: Oratory versus the Syrian for\nneglect, Dialogue versus the Syrian for maltreatment. Oratory first\nrelates how she found the plaintiff as a lad wandering in Ionia,\nspeaking with a foreign accent, dressed as a Syrian. She educated him\nand at his eager request married him although all his dowry was\nwonderful speeches. Next she had him made a citizen and then went\ntravelling with him to Greece, Ionia, Italy and Gaul. As he became\nfamous, he grew indifferent to her, for he was enamored of a bearded\nman, Dialogue, said to be the son of Philosophy. Now he no longer makes\nspeeches, but has a strange way of using short questions. She sues him\nfor desertion. The Syrian replies that all her facts are true, but there\nare others; she lost her modesty, made up like a courtesan, flirted\nindiscriminately with many lovers. So he separated from her and went to\nlive with a respectable gentleman, Dialogue. The Syrian won the case.\n\nNext Dialogue pleaded. His dignity, his cosmic thoughts, his tragic mask\nhave all been stolen from him. He has been forced to associate with\nJest, Satire, Cynicism, Eupolis and Aristophanes, \u201cterrible men for\nmocking at all that is holy and scoffing at all that is right,\u201d finally\ntoo even with Menippus. He has been transformed into a monster not\nhomogeneous but Centaur-like. The Syrian in reply showed the benefits\nwhich he had bestowed on Dialogue: he taught him to walk like a man, to\nclean up, to smile, to be yoked with Comedy. Dialogue resents that the\nSyrian will not indulge in endless arguments on subtle themes. The\nSyrian declares that he has not taken off Dialogue\u2019s Greek cloak and put\nhim into barbarian garb: Dialogue is still dressed in his native Greek\ncostume. The Syrian was unanimously acquitted much to the delight of the\naudience. This mock-trial picturesquely portrays Lucian\u2019s change from\nwriting the philosophical dialogues in the style of Plato to the satiric\ndialogue, influenced successively by New Attic Comedy, Menippus and Old\nAttic Comedy.[298] Lucian here is writing an Apology for the new style\nof satire-dialogue which he created.\n\nWith similar wit but in various modes Lucian in other pieces satirizes\nnow Rhetoric, now Philosophy. An illuminating series of such dialogues\nis _The Professor of Oratory_, _Nigrinus_, _Philosophies for Sale_, _The\nFisherman_.\n\nIn _The Professor of Oratory_ ironic advice is given to a young man on\nhow to become an orator and a sophist. The quest is noble and the way to\nsuccess is not difficult. The Lady Rhetoric sits fair and desirable on\nthe top of a high mountain attended by Wealth, Fame and Power. Thither\ntwo roads lead. One is a narrow, steep and thorny path, the other an\neasy slope amid flowers and fountains. Two guides will present\nthemselves to you. One, vigorous and manly, will point out to you the\nhard way in the footprints of Demosthenes and Plato and will tell how\nsevere the training must be for their followers. He will wish, the\nsimpleton, to make you model yourself on the past.\n\nThe other guide is a pretty gentleman, daintily groomed and perfumed,\nwith an alluring smile and a honey voice. He will tell you that you can\nbecome such an orator as he is if you carry as equipment ignorance,\nboldness, shamelessness; if you dress in bright, diaphanous robes and\nalways carry a book! Your course of study will be the memorizing of a\nfew stock words, a few learned references for ornaments of your\ndiscourse. He will teach you a high singsong chant and the art of always\nbeginning with stories from the Iliad.\n\nYour fame will be secured by a well-trained chorus of applauders in your\naudiences and by slanders of all your rivals. In private life you must\nlive fast with dice, wine and women, so you come to be talked of as a\ndeuce of a fellow, and amours will increase your income. Thus you will\nbe fitted to be the bridegroom of Rhetoric by driving furiously the\nwinged chariot of which Plato wrote. Your adviser is already getting out\nof your way, for he was defeated when once you chose the primrose path.\nThis picture of _The Perfect Rhetorician_ has been thought by some\ncritics to be a personal satire of the contemporary lexicographer\nPollux. However that may be, it is certainly a satire of any\npseudo-professor of rhetoric who bases oratory on cheap externalities\nand superficial training.\n\nAt another time Lucian was to satirize pseudo-philosophers as he had\nrhetoricians, but once, perhaps in the beginning of revolt against\nrhetoric, he chose to picture a noble type in the dialogue on Nigrinus,\na philosopher unknown except through Lucian. His great tribute to\nNigrinus may be set as a companion piece to the mocking praise of _The\nPerfect Rhetorician_. The dialogue is prefaced by an introductory letter\nin which Lucian tells Nigrinus that he is not carrying owls to Athens in\noffering him this book as if to display his use of words, but he is\nsending it in thanks for Nigrinus\u2019 words. In the dialogue itself one man\nrelates to another how by talking with Nigrinus he was made free instead\nof a slave, poor instead of rich. For Nigrinus praised philosophy and\nthe freedom it gives and ridiculed what men in general exalt: wealth,\nfame, power, honor. Nigrinus praised Athens because there Poverty and\nPhilosophy are foster-brothers; there life is free, noble, harmonious.\nRome is the city for those who love wealth and luxury, wine and women.\nThe Romans have given themselves over to the pleasures of the senses and\nhave every means of gratifying them. So Nigrinus in Rome leads a life of\nretirement, conversing with Philosophy and with Plato, reflecting on the\nridiculous rich, the parasites, the pseudo-philosophers, the\nwill-hunters, the gourmands, the frequenters of the circus and the\nbaths. No wonder men come to him for healing.\n\nThe tribute to Platonism here, the tribute to Epicurus in _Alexander the\nFalse Prophet_,[299] might tempt readers to affiliate Lucian with one or\nthe other of these philosophical schools. But as if to forestall being\nlabelled, in the spirit of Horace\u2019s famous line\n\n  nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri,[300]\n\nLucian turns his satire on all the leading creeds of the time in his\n_Philosophies for Sale_.\n\nZeus orders an auction of philosophies. Hermes acts as crier and\nauctioneer. The buyer questions each person who is put up for sale on\nhis knowledge, on his creed, on his use. A Pythagorean is put up first\nby Hermes who asks: \u201cWho wishes to know about the harmony of the world\nand re-birth?\u201d The Pythagorean attempts to expound to the buyer the\ncatharsis of the spirit, the need of music and of geometry, the flux of\nthe cosmos, the divinity in numbers, the transmigration of souls. An\nItalian bought him for a brotherhood in Magna Graecia for ten minas.\n\nA Cynic is next displayed, dirty, morose, ready to bark at everyone. He\ndeclares that Hercules is his model and that like Hercules he is a\nmilitant reformer, working to clear the world of filth. He declares that\nhe will teach his purchaser to discard luxury, to endure hardship, to\ndrink only water, to throw his money into the sea, to reject all family\nties, to live in a tomb or a jar. So he will feel no pain even when\nflogged and will be happier than the Great King. He will be bold,\nabusive, savage, shameless. For such a life no education is necessary.\nThe Cynic is sold for two obols.\n\nThe third called is the Cyrenaic, who appears clad in purple and crowned\nwith a wreath. Hermes announces that his philosophy is the sweetest,\nindeed thrice blessed. As the Cyrenaic is too drunk to answer questions,\nHermes describes his virtues: he is pleasant to live with, congenial to\ndrink with, a companion for amours, and an excellent chef! There was no\nbid for him!\n\nNext two are put up together, the one who laughs and the one who cries.\nThe first explains his laughter on the ground that all men and all their\naffairs are ridiculous; all things are folly, a mere drift of atoms. The\nweeper pities men because their lives are foreordained and in them\nnothing is stable; men themselves are mere pawns in the game of eternity\nand the gods are only immortal men. No one bids for the pair.\n\nAn Academic next advertises his wares as a teacher of the art of love,\nbut claims that this love is of the soul, not of the body. He affirms\nthat he lives in a city fashioned by himself, where wives are held in\ncommon, fair boys are prizes for valor, and realities are ideas, visible\nonly to the wise. He was bought for two talents.\n\nA pupil of the laugher and the drunkard is now offered for sale, namely\nEpicurus. The mere description of him as more irreverent than his\nteachers, charming, fond of good eating, sells him for two minas.\n\nThe sad philosopher of the Porch is now announced by Hermes who\nproclaims that he is selling virtue itself and that the Stoic is \u201cthe\nonly wise man, the only handsome man, the only just man, brave man,\nking, orator, rich man, lawgiver, and everything else that there\nis.\u201d[301] His talk about himself is full of hair-splitting dialectics\nand subtle explanations of why man must devote himself \u201cto the chief\nnatural goods ... wealth, health, and the like\u201d[301] and go through much\ntoil for much learning. In spite of all this he is bought for twenty\nminas.\n\nThe Peripatetic is also sold for twenty minas because he knows\neverything but the Sceptic brings in only one mina because he knows\nnothing! The auction ends with the announcement by Hermes of another\nsale the next day of plain men, workmen, tradesmen.\n\nInevitably this ironic treatment of the great philosophies of Greece\nproduced a storm of criticism. This was answered by Lucian in an apology\nof sorts under the title _The Resurrected or The Fisherman_. In it the\nsatirist under the pseudonym of Frankness faces his accusers. For up\nfrom the dead, led by a militant Socrates, come to Athens Empedocles,\nPlato, Aristotle and other phantoms to execute worthy dooms on the worst\nof maligners. Frankness by rhetoric and argument averts stoning or\ncrucifixion and secures a fair trial, presided over by Philosophy, who\nis attended by Truth, Investigation and Virtue. After Diogenes makes the\nspeech for the prosecution, Frankness replies in defense of himself\u2014and\nLucian! He wins a unanimous verdict for acquittal by his claim that he\nauctioned off, not the great philosophers who now prosecute him, but\nbase impostors who imitate them. Syllogism now acts as herald and calls\nfrom Athens to court all the philosophers to defend themselves.\nFrankness by promising largess secures a crowd of them, Platonists,\nStoics, Peripatetics, Epicureans, Academics. When Philosophy announces\nthat they are to be tried as impostors by herself, Virtue and Truth,\nthey all disappear in wild rout. To get them back, Frankness now becomes\na fisherman and, with bait of gold, hooks and hauls back the craven\ncheats. The head of each school disowns his imitators and the discarded\nare thrown down over the cliffs. Finally Philosophy dismisses the court\nwith an injunction to Frankness to keep investigating philosophers in\norder to crown the true and brand the false.\n\nThe genial tone of _Philosophies for Sale_ has entirely vanished in the\nessay on _The End of Peregrinus_. The influence of New Comedy and of\nMenippus with their ironic raillery is superseded by Aristophanic\ndenunciation. Bitter mockery, cruel derision are loosed upon one creed,\nthe Cynic. Lucian directs his vituperation against the Cynic philosopher\nPeregrinus, whose career had been meteoric. In his early life he was\nconverted to Christianity, and even went to prison for his faith. Later,\nbeliefs of India so possessed him that he immolated himself at Olympia\njust after the Olympic games of A.D. 165. Such self-sacrifice by\ncremation had been consummated at Susa by Calanus before Alexander the\nGreat and by Zarmarus after initiation into the mysteries at Athens in\nthe presence of Augustus.\n\nLucian saw only one possible interpretation of Peregrinus\u2019\nself-sacrifice, desire for notoriety, but there have been many critics\nof this motivation as Harmon points out:[302]\n\n  \u201cLucian believes himself to be exposing a sham, whose zeal was not at\n  all for truth but only for applause and renown. Many notable modern\n  critics, including Zeller, Bernays, Croiset, and Wilamowitz, dissent\n  from his interpretation, discerning in the man an earnest seeker after\n  truth; for to them thirst for glory is not an adequate explanation of\n  his final act.\u201d\n\nThe piece is written as a letter to Cronius who is marked as a Platonist\nby the formula of greeting \u03b5\u1f56 \u03c0\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd. Lucian begins with the fact of\nPeregrinus\u2019 self-imposed death and at once ascribes to him the motive of\nlove of notoriety. This, he says, is proved by the fact that Peregrinus\nselected for the time of his suicide the Olympic festival, which draws\ngreat crowds. Lucian knows that Cronius will have a good laugh at the\nfoolishness of the old man so he will write his friend just what he\nhimself saw as he stood near the pyre.\n\nHis method is clever. First Theagenes a Cynic proclaimed in the streets\nof Elis the glory of virtue and the glory of her follower Proteus\n(Peregrinus) and announced that Proteus was about to leave this life by\nfire in the manner of Hercules, Aesculapius, Dionysus and Empedocles.\nTheagenes\u2019 justification of the deed went unheard because of the noise\nof the crowd, but another orator (clearly Lucian) stepped forth and made\na speech reviewing Peregrinus\u2019 career. Beginning with Democritean\nlaughter he narrated the life of Proteus accusing him of adultery as a\nyouth in Armenia, of corrupting a boy in Asia, of strangling his own\nfather, of becoming a Christian in Palestine, of resigning all his\nproperty in Parium on the Hellespont, of practicing the ascetic life in\nEgypt, of seeking notoriety in Greece by denouncing Herodes Atticus for\nhis aqueduct at Olympia and later recanting. Finally, says Lucian, this\nProteus has announced his intention of cremating himself. The motive is\nlove of fame though he claims that he wishes thus to teach men to\ndespise death and endure torture. He plainly hopes that myths and a cult\nwill arise around his memory. Indeed Theagenes has quoted a prophecy to\nthat effect, but Lucian can match that oracle with another which orders\nall the Cynic\u2019s disciples to imitate him even to the last leap into the\nflames.\n\nAfter these speeches, Lucian was on hand when the pyre was kindled at\nHarpina near Olympia shortly after midnight. As an eye-witness he saw\nthe pyre in a pit six feet deep, Peregrinus in the dress of a Cynic\nbearing a torch, men lighting the fire, how then Peregrinus stripped to\nhis old shirt and after crying: \u201cSpirits of my mother and my father,\nreceive me with goodwill,\u201d leaped into the flames to be seen no more.\nEven when the other Cynics stood about the pyre in silent grief, Lucian\nfelt no sympathy, but taunted them brutally, and actually got into a\nbroil with them before he departed to meditate on how strange the love\nof fame is. Lucian had to tell the story of Peregrinus\u2019 death over and\nover until to amuse himself, he invented a vulture that he saw flying\nfrom the flames to heaven, crying: \u201cI have left the earth, I am going to\nOlympus.\u201d And this invention of his became part of the growing myth\nabout the hero.\n\n  \u201cSo ended (wrote Lucian) that poor wretch Proteus, a man who (to put\n  it briefly) never fixed his gaze on the verities, but always did and\n  said everything with a view to glory and the praise of the multitude,\n  even to the extent of leaping into fire, when he was sure not to enjoy\n  the praise because he could not hear it.\u201d[303]\n\nLucian concludes with anecdotes about Peregrinus sea-sick, in a fever,\nhaving eye-trouble and trying to cure fever and correct vision as though\nAeacus in the lower world would care about either ailment. He was simply\nfurnishing Democritus with more cause for laughter. This heartless\nridicule of the Cynic\u2019s action takes no account of the psychology of\nfanaticism or the hysteria of martyrdom. Croiset points out that\nLucian\u2019s insensitivity to all mysticism must be viewed with the\nknowledge that the satirist believed Peregrinus was a sham and that he\nwas unveiling an impostor. Lucian\u2019s consistent worship of veracity and\nfrankness then explain his derisive attitude towards the apotheosis of a\npretender.[304]\n\nThe savagery used in exposing a false philosopher was turned by Lucian\nupon a religious fraud, Alexander of Abonoteichus. The piece is a letter\nto a friend, Celsus, written after A.D. 180, ten years after Alexander\u2019s\ndeath. Lucian\u2019s account gives almost all we know of this Alexander\nalthough his existence and influence are attested by gems, coins and\ninscriptions. The letter, however, as Croiset points out, contains more\nsatire than history, for it does not attempt to distinguish scrupulously\nbetween the false and the true; rather it presents in lively anecdotes\nand personal reminiscences a satiric portrait of an historical\nprophet.[305] Cumont has commented on the unique features of\nAbonoteichus\u2019 version of the worship of Aesculapius: the giving a\nserpent a human head and calling it the god incarnate; the issuing of\noracles and advice instead of using incubation or dealing particularly\nwith healing.[306]\n\nLucian exposes all Alexander\u2019s shams and corruptions. He describes his\nhandsome appearance and education, his cleverness in purchasing a tame\nserpent and in selecting the site of Abonoteichus for his oracle. He\ndescribes the installation of the serpent, the invention of the human\nhead for it, the exhibition of it, the methods of giving oracles, the\nprices, the publicity, the \u201cautophones,\u201d cunningly contrived to issue\nfrom the serpent\u2019s mouth, the spread of his fame even to Italy. Lucian\npictures too the perils that menaced any critics of the oracle, the\nburning of the sayings of Epicurus, the personal danger to himself.\nLucian was advised by the governor of Bithynia and Pontus not to\nprosecute Alexander for his attempted murder so after the prophet\u2019s\ndeath he wrote this account to honor Epicurus and to present the truth\nto thinking minds. Personal revenge then as well as horror at religious\nfraud motivated this biography. Lucian, who derided Epicureans in\n_Philosophies for Sale_, chooses now to revere their founder!\n\nOne of Lucian\u2019s greatest works bears the title _Parasites for Pay_. It\nwas written and undoubtedly read to the public in the last part of his\nlife before he went to Egypt. It is not only very distinguished as a\nsatire,[307] but in it as Gildersleeve points out[308] \u201chis\nsensitiveness for Greek honor, for the honor of the people as well as\nfor the honor of the literary class, manifests itself in a way to do\ninfinite credit to Lucian\u2019s heart.\u201d Harmon calls it \u201ca Hogarthian sketch\nof the life led by educated Greeks who attached themselves to the\nhouseholds of great Roman lords\u2014and ladies.\u201d[309]\n\nThe satire is in the form of a letter addressed to a friend Timocles who\nis thinking of taking such a post. The case, says Lucian, is the same\nfor philosophers, grammarians, rhetoricians, and musicians. The motives\nwhich apparently led men to accept such positions are poverty and\npleasure, but their recompense is small and they have no share in the\nluxury that dazzled them. They overwork; their expenses in clothing and\ntips eat up their stipends. Moreover their humiliations are incessant.\nThe first dinner given in their honor brings the strain of observing\nproper etiquette. Next morning the conference about salary disappoints\nall hopes by the pittance offered. But a man sells himself and never\nafterwards can feel free or noble: he is a monkey with a chain around\nhis neck. For he was not engaged to discourse on Homer, Demosthenes,\nPlato, but because it looks well to have a distinguished Greek\nphilosopher with a long beard and a flowing robe in his master\u2019s suite.\nThe day\u2019s routine of service is exhausting and humiliating, and the\nphilosopher\u2019s rivals for his lord\u2019s favor are a gigolo, a dancing\nmaster, an Alexandrian dwarf who recites erotic verses. The night\u2019s\nsleep is shattered by meditations on lost freedom and present servitude.\n\nSuch is life in the city, but a trip to the country is worse.\nThermopolis had to hold his lady\u2019s puppy for her in the jolting carriage\nand the miserable little dog kept licking his beard for relics of\nyesterday\u2019s dinner and finally laid a litter of puppies in the\nphilosopher\u2019s cloak. Other services of the parasite include listening to\nthe rich man\u2019s literary compositions and delivering a lecture on\nphilosophy to the lady while her hair is being dressed or at the\ndinner-table. And in the midst of a discourse on virtue a maid brings\nher a letter from a paramour which she answers at once with a yes.\n\nIn time, envy and slander or the disabilities of old age cause the\nparasite\u2019s downfall and he is discarded on the rubbish heap. Such a\ncareer can best be depicted in a symbolic painting of a hill on whose\nsummit golden Wealth resides. Hope, Deceit, Slavery help the traveller\nstart on the ascent. But Toil then escorts him on. And finally Old Age,\nInsolence and Despair lead him until he is ejected by a hidden back\ndoor, naked, deformed, ruined. Repentance meeting him cannot save him.\nTimocles is urged before making his decision about the post offered him\nto meditate on this picture and on Plato\u2019s famous words: \u201cGod is not at\nfault; the fault is his who maketh the choice.\u201d[310] This essay alone\nwould justify Croiset\u2019s great tribute to Lucian\u2019s independence of\nthought: \u201camong his contemporaries Lucian stands alone as an\nintelligence of a remarkable force and independence which nothing could\ntame.\u201d[311]\n\nIt was natural that, when later Lucian accepted a post in civil service\nin Egypt, he should anticipate reminders of his essay on _Parasites for\nPay_ on the part of his friends and foes. His _Apology_[312] answers\ntheir imaginary criticisms of his inconsistencies. It is written in the\nform of a letter to a friend. Lucian assures this Sabinus that he knows\nSabinus enjoyed his recent essay on Parasites, but now must be full of\namazement at his friend\u2019s accepting a salaried post in Egypt. He\nimagines receiving an epistle from Sabinus to this effect:[313]\n\n  \u201cThe difference between your precept and practice is infinitely more\n  ridiculous; you draw a realistic word-picture of that servile life;\n  you pour contempt on the man who runs into the trap of a rich man\u2019s\n  house, where a thousand degradations, half of them self-inflicted,\n  await him; and then in extreme old age, when you are on the border\n  between life and death, you take this miserable servitude upon you and\n  make a sort of circus exhibition of your chains. The conspicuousness\n  of your position will only make the more ridiculous that contrast\n  between your book and your life.\u201d\n\nLucian in reply suggests various lines of self-defense: the compulsion\nof Chance, Fate or Necessity; admiration of his patron\u2019s character; the\ndrive of poverty, brought on by old age and ill health. But he rejects\nall these pleas. His real defense is the difference between being a\nparasite and slave in the house of a rich master and entering civil\nservice to work for the state. Lucian explains the dignity and the\nresponsibility of the post he has accepted in the service of the\nEmperor.\n\n  \u201cWhat better use can you make of yourself than if you join forces with\n  your friends in the cause of progress, come out into the open, and let\n  men see that you are loyal and zealous and careful of your trust, not\n  what Homer calls a vain cumberer of the earth?\u201d[314]\n\nEven this brief review of the writings which make up Lucian\u2019s literary\nautobiography shows the conflicting forces which strove for dominance\nover his life. Sculpture and the Education of a Sophist first contended\nfor his favor and his choice of the orator\u2019s training never destroyed\nhis life-long interest in art. Oratory which secured his service soon\ndisillusionized him because of her cheap followers. Plato and his\nphilosophical dialogues for a while controlled his mind and style, but,\nsatire proving stronger in him than reflective thinking, he created a\nnew form of dialogue allied to Comedy and Menippus for his medium of\ncomment on the world. This form and the epistle he used for satirizing\nsophistry and oratory, philosophy and religion, always pointing out the\ncounterfeit and the sham and distinguishing them from the tested gold of\nverities. This same sort of touch-stone he applied in his _Apology_ to\nhis own life to vindicate his maintenance of personal freedom. The\ntraveller, the sophist, the satirist, now become civil servant of the\nEmperor, admits no chain about his neck.\n\nAs regards his literary art he has revealed that his main ideals are\nfrankness, truth and freedom. In his works he establishes warm human\ncontacts with his hearer or reader. His Greek style achieves a pure\nAttic simplicity of expression and by it, as Croiset says,[315] he\nclothes abstract ideas in words which give them body and form. The main\nqualities of his style, spirit and imagination, unite in the effective\ndescriptions and narrations which fill his works. His wealth of ideas\nfound expression in realistic details noted with keen observation and\nassembled in realistic series to give vitality to his prose.\n\nOne work by Lucian is a specific treatise on writing and peculiarly\nsignificant for his literary autobiography. That is the essay on _How\nHistory Should Be Written_. It was composed as a letter to a friend\nPhilo in the time of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. The occasion was\nthe sudden spawning of a whole shoal of would-be historians after the\nRoman victories in the war with the Parthians (A.D. 165). Outraged by\nthese scribblers, Lucian sets forth his thoughts on the True Historian.\n\nSince the barbarian war began, says Lucian, everyone is writing history.\nIt is just as when an epidemic of madness at Abdera made all the people\nchant tragedies. It recalls too Diogenes, who, when Corinth was in\ndanger of a siege from Philip and the citizens were hurrying defense\nmeasures, kept rolling his jar up and down hill that he might seem as\nbusy as the rest of the world. Lucian\u2019s advice will include the faults\nof historians which are to be avoided, the virtues to be cultivated.\n\nHistory must not be written as panegyric. History must not be written as\npoetry. Among the faults of contemporary historians are lack of taste,\nover-abundance of details, purple patches, inaccuracies about facts.\n\n  \u201cThere are some ... who leave alone, or deal very cursorily with, all\n  that is great and memorable; amateurs and not artists, they have no\n  selective faculty, and loiter over copious laboured descriptions of\n  the various trifles; it is as if a visitor to Olympia, instead of\n  examining, commending or describing to his stay-at-home friends the\n  general greatness and beauty of the Zeus, were to be struck with the\n  exact symmetry and polish of its footstool, or the proportions of its\n  shoe, and give all his attention to these minor points.\u201d[316]\n\nIndispensable qualities of the ideal historian are political insight and\nability in writing. His \u201cone task is to tell the thing as it\nhappened.\u201d[317] He will be \u201cfearless, incorruptible, independent, a\nbeliever in frankness and veracity; one that will call a spade a spade,\nmake no concession to likes and dislikes, nor spare any men for pity or\nrespect or propriety; an impartial judge, kind to all, but too kind to\nnone; a literary cosmopolite with neither suzerain nor king, never\nheeding what this or that man may think, but setting down the thing that\nbefell.\u201d[317] Thucydides fulfills this ideal.\n\nIn diction and style, the marks of the true historian are frankness and\ntruth, lucidity and simplicity. The preface should be in proportion to\nthe subject. \u201cThe body of the history ... is nothing from beginning to\nend but a long narrative; it must therefore be graced with the narrative\nvirtues\u2014smooth, level, and consistent progress, neither soaring nor\ncrawling, and the charm of lucidity.\u201d \u201cBrevity is always desirable.\u201d\n\u201cRestraint in descriptions of mountains, walls, rivers, and the like, is\nvery important.\u201d If a speech is introduced, \u201cthe first requirement is\nthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the\noccasion.\u201d \u201cIt may occasionally happen that some extraordinary story has\nto be introduced; it should be simply narrated, without guarantee of its\ntruth, thrown down for any-one to make what he can of it.\u201d The historian\nshould write not for the present, but for eternity. He should hope to\nhave said of himself: \u201cThis was a man indeed, free and free-spoken;\nflattery and servility were not in him; he was truth all through.\u201d[318]\n\nGildersleeve was probably right in calling the _True History_ \u201ca comic\nsequel to a brilliant essay entitled \u2018How to write History.\u2019\u201d[319] The\ntraditional manuscript order which places the _True History_ after _How\nHistory Should Be Written_ seems so aptly prompted by Lucianic irony.\nFor this romance in two books is not history at all and has nothing of\nLucian\u2019s primary requirement for history, that it should be true! It is\na work of pure imagination, one of the earliest accounts of fictitious\nvoyages and as such is part of the great tradition from the Odyssey to\n_Gulliver\u2019s Travels_.[320] Lucian\u2019s preface explains both the nature of\nthe piece and his reasons for writing it.[321]\n\nThe _True History_ like many good stories is told in the first person by\nLucian himself. The author, moreover, preludes and interrupts the\nnarrative to get in direct touch with his reader. In his introduction,\nhe states that his purpose in writing is to furnish to students some\nreading that will give relaxation, but at the same time \u201ca little food\nfor thought.\u201d The story is bound to charm, Lucian thinks, because of the\nnovelty of the subject, the humor of the plan, the plausible lying\ninvolved and the comical parodies of such authors as Ctesias, Iambulus,\nand Homer in his Odyssey. Lucian confesses to being a liar with the best\nof them, but affirms that his lying is unique in being honest because he\nadmits it.\n\n  \u201cBe it understood, then, that I am writing about things which I have\n  neither seen nor had to do with nor learned from others\u2014which, in\n  fact, do not exist at all and, in the nature of things, cannot exist.\n  Therefore my readers should on no account believe in them.\u201d[322]\n\nIn spite of this confession, Lucian here and there in his story tries to\ncreate an atmosphere of veracity by protestations of it. As he never saw\nthe Corn Sparrow forces or the Crane Knights, he does not venture to\nrelate the marvellous and incredible stories told about them.[323] When\nhe describes the magic mirror over a well in the Moon which furnished\nhim television of his family and country he says that disbelievers by\ngoing there will find he tells the truth.[324] In the Island of the\nWicked, Lucian finds all liars, both those who had told lies on earth or\nwritten them, among the latter Ctesias and Herodotus. \u201cOn seeing them,\u201d\nhe says, \u201cI had good hopes for the future, for I have never told a lie\nthat I know of.\u201d[325] The last sentence of the romance is: \u201cWhat\nhappened in the other world I shall tell you in the succeeding\nbooks.\u201d[326] This, a Greek scholiast comments, is the greatest lie of\nall!\n\nNow after having seen what a wag Lucian is from his own words, we must\ndecide how we are going to take him. Are we to seek in him relaxation\nand entertainment (the gift of all true romance) or are we going to\nmarshal our \u201clittle learning\u201d to meet his and study all his sources, his\nparodies of historians and philosophers, or search for allegories in his\nfantastic worlds? The happy way will be along the path of the golden\nmean. Gildersleeve put up a sign-board to it and inscribed directions\nfor future travellers.\n\n  \u201cTo enjoy the show properly, it is far better for the reader to give\n  himself up to this play of Lucian\u2019s fancy than to endeavor to unriddle\n  whatever satire of contemporary literature may lie concealed in its\n  allegory.... There may be profound meaning in the war which breaks out\n  between the Sunburghers under Pha\u00eathon, and the Moonburghers under\n  Endymion, which begins with the attempt of the Moonburghers to found a\n  colony on the desert planet of Lucifer, and which ends with the\n  victory of the Sunburghers, Lucifer being declared common property and\n  the vanquished compelled to pay an annual tribute of ten thousand\n  _amphoreis_ of dew. But so elastic are all such allegories that they\n  can be stretched to fit anything, and the war of these Heliotes and\n  Selenites would answer to describe the conflict between orthodoxy and\n  rationalism, and Lucifer would stand for the coming man. But how much\n  better to look with childish interest on the marshalling of\n  Horsevultures and Chickpeashooters and Garlickfighters and\n  Flea-archers and Wind-runners, and to watch the huge spiders spin\n  their web from the moon to Lucifer.\u201d[327]\n\nSo after realizing that we too may visit the Isles of the Blessed and\nthe Wicked, may soar up to Aristophanes\u2019 Cloudcuckooland or dive under\nthe sea in the brother of Jonah\u2019s whale, or see Sinbad\u2019s roc, let us\nbegin at the beginning. Let the lights go out and the curtain go up. Let\nus watch breathlessly an ancient Walt Disney fantasy rush across the\nscreen. The very names of countries and peoples add to the excitement as\nthe panorama unrolls. And so vivid are Lucian\u2019s descriptions that as in\nall good movies soon we find ourselves participating in his adventures.\nHaving set out from the Pillars of Hercules with fifty men on a good\nship, on the eightieth day we come to a wooded island. Here huge\nfootprints and an inscription reveal that Hercules and Dionysus were\nhere before us. And no wonder, for this is the Isle of Wines:\ngrape-vines produce springs of wine, springs feed rivers, rivers produce\nfish that eaten make people drunk. And there is a species of vine that\nis half grape and half lady like Daphne turning into a laurel and the\nkiss of the Vine-woman brings intoxication and her embrace is a prison.\nWe lost two of our men to that captivity.\n\nAs we set sail, a whirlwind lifted the ship and she became a hydroplane,\nsailing through the air for seven days and seven nights. The island\nwhere then we landed proved to be the Moon. Endymion is the King so of\ncourse he spoke Greek and we at once joined his forces for he had a war\non with the Men of the Sun, whose King is Phaethon. It was all about\nwhich should colonize the Morning Star. Our fellow Moonites were as\nstrange as their names: Vulture Knights, Grass Plumes, Pea Shooters,\nGarlic Warriors, Flea Bowmen, Wind Aviators, Corn Sparrows and Crane\nKnights. And Phaethon\u2019s Heliotes were as fantastic: Ant Knights,\nMosquito Aviators, Dance Aviators, Stalk Mushrooms, Dog-faced Knights,\nCloud Centaurs. A fierce battle we had and the Men of the Sun won\nbecause they cut off light from the Moon so Endymion surrendered. We saw\nstrange marvels in our stay on the Moon: how men are the child-bearers;\nhow their clothing is made of glass or bronze; their eyes are removable;\nthey have a mirror over a well in which they can see what happens in far\ndistant lands.\n\nAs we voyaged onward, we came to many other countries: to the Morning\nStar which was just being colonized, to Lamp Town where among the\ninhabitants Lucian found his own Lamp which gave him news of home, to\nCloudcuckooland which Aristophanes described so truthfully. But after\nsuch interesting scenes, disaster fell upon us. A monstrous whale bore\ndown upon us and in a trice swallowed us, ship and all.\n\nWhen we recovered from our terror, we found that life inside a whale is\nconfined but not impossible. We discovered an island where we beached\nour boat. The whale opened his mouth once an hour so we could mark time\nand get the points of the compass. And we soon met other men there, a\nCypriote called Scintharus and his son. Scintharus told us about the\nother inhabitants of the whale, who were savage barbarians, and always\nready to attack them. We thought best to join Scintharus in subduing\nthese enemies, but the fight was fierce for there were scores of these\nLobsters, Crabhands, Tunnyheads, Seagoats, Crawfish Coots and Solefish.\nAfter our victory, we lived fairly well in the whale for a year and\neight months. In the ninth month, we saw through the teeth of our\nmonster the most terrifying battle, a sea-fight between men riding on\nhuge islands each of which carried about one hundred and twenty.\n\nIn spite of seeing such dangers outside, we decided finally that we must\nescape from our prison. We used fire as a weapon, set the forest at the\ntail-end aflame and after twelve days found that the whale was going to\ndie. Just in time we propped open his mouth with huge beams and the next\nday when he expired, out we went on our good ship and felt once more the\nwind in our sails. Fair weather did not last long. A terrible northern\ngale descended and froze all the sea to a depth of six fathoms.\nScintharus, who was now our ship-master, saved us by directing us to\nexcavate a cave-home in the ice. In it we lived for thirty days,\nbuilding a fire and cooking the fish we cut out of the ice. When food\ngave out, we dug out the boat and sailed over the ice as though it were\nthe sea until on the fifth day we came to open water. Now we kept coming\nto various islands. We got water at one and at the next one milk, for\nthis island had grapes whose juice was milk, and its earth was cheese.\nIt was easy to subsist there! Next we passed the Isle of Cork where the\ncity is built on a cork foundation and the men have feet of cork so that\nthey can run over the waters as they will, buoyed up by their own\nlife-preservers!\n\nHappiest of all our stays was that on the Island of the Blessed. Here it\nis always spring. Every month the vines yield grapes and the trees\nfruit. It is a land flowing with milk and wine. Glass trees furnish\ngoblets which fill automatically at the banquet. Baked loaves of bread\nare plucked from trees. Beside the table are two springs, one of\nlaughter, one of joy, and with draughts from these the banqueters start\ntheir revels. Famous men dwell there. I saw Socrates surrounded by fair\nyoung men arguing with Nestor and Palamedes. Plato preferred to live in\nhis own Republic. The followers of Aristippus and Epicurus were\nconsidered the best of companions, but Diogenes the Cynic had reformed,\nmarried Lais and taken to dancing. The Stoics had not yet arrived for\nthey were still toiling up the steep hill of virtue. Conversation with\nHomer was one of the greatest pleasures, especially as he settled the\nmatter of his birthplace by declaring himself a Babylonian and solved\nthe Homeric question by affirming that he had written all the lines\nattributed to him. Beside literary talks, there were games for the Dead.\n\nEven the Island of the Blessed could not be free from wars, for the\nWicked invaded it and had to be expelled by force. Homer wrote a new\nepic on the fight of the dead heroes. The Island had its scandals too\nall due again to Helen. For she bewitched Scintharus\u2019 son and tried to\nelope with him, but was caught. That episode caused our expulsion from\nthe Island of the Blessed. Before we left, Homer wrote a couplet for\nLucian which he had carved on a stele of beryl and Odysseus secretly\ngave him a letter for Calypso.\n\nWe touched at the Isle of the Wicked and at the Isle of Dreams, where we\nslept thirty days and next we put in at Ogygia. Lucian read Odysseus\u2019\nletter before he delivered it to Calypso and found he had always\nregretted leaving her! For Odysseus\u2019 sake, Calypso entertained us\nroyally.\n\nNext we fell into danger from the Pumpkin Pirates and the Hardshell\nPirates and the Dolphin-Riders, but we escaped them all. One night we\nran aground on the marvellous and mighty nest of a king-fisher. And a\nlittle further on in the sea we came to a forest of rootless trees which\nwe could not penetrate. There was nothing to do but haul the ship up to\ntheir tops and take \u201ca forest cruise\u201d across. More marvellous still we\nhad to cross a water-chasm on a water bridge, a river-way between two\nwater precipices. After that we came to the Isle of the Bellowing\nBullheads, men like Minotaurs, and had some skirmishes with them. And\nthen we came to an Island of Fair Ladies who wished to take us to bed\nwith them, but Lucian discovered that they all had ass-legs and that\nthey ate strangers when they had cozened them to sleep. So we departed\nin haste. At dawn we saw the land which is on the other side of the\nworld from ours and there we were shipwrecked. What happened there will\nbe another story.\n\nThis review of the two books of Lucian\u2019s _True History_ reveals at once\nits startling differences from the other Greek romances of the early\nEmpire. Romantic love does not figure in it. Religion has little or no\nplace in it. Adventures are its bones and sinews. These adventures\nthough described realistically are all figments of the imagination,\nexplorations of the Wonderful Things beyond Thule as much as those of\nAntonius Diogenes must have been. The coloring of the pictures is an\namazing mixture of realism and fantasy. The veracity of sense\nimpressions almost converts doubting Thomases. Lucian comes to seem no\nmean rival of Herodotus, the Father of Lies. Only occasionally some\nsatiric laughter betrays him.\n\nIt is perhaps easier for twentieth century readers to accept his wonders\nthan it was for his contemporaries of the second century. Science has\ndeveloped so many of his imaginative forecasts. The monstrous footprints\nof Hercules and Dionysus might be rock-prints of dinosaurs. The plunging\nwhale is a submarine. His ship lifting from the ocean to sail through\nthe air has become the hydroplane. His island galleys bearing one\nhundred and twenty men each are our battleships. The Cloud Centaurs who\nfight in the air are our aviators. Arctic explorers have lived in huts\nmade of ice-blocks. Ice-sailing is a recognized winter sport. Clothing\nis made not of glass or bronze, but of cellulose and steel. Removable\neyes suggest spectacles, contact lenses and field-glasses. The\nCork-footed Men must have resembled surf riders. And the magic mirror\nover the well anticipated the perforated sphere of television.\n\nBut his contemporaries had the advantage of us in recognizing Lucian\u2019s\nsources and parodies more readily than we can. For us, Antonius\nDiogenes, Ctesias and Iambulus are lost. Yet Photius records that the\nromance of Antonius Diogenes, _The Wonders beyond Thule_, was the chief\nsource of Lucian\u2019s _True History_. So many, however, are the sources\nwhich Lucian used to forward his avowed purpose of furnishing relaxation\naccompanied by some learning, that scholars have busied themselves for\nyears tracing parallels with Greek and Latin authors.[328] Allinson\nremarks wisely: \u201cIn general, it seems safe to conclude that Lucian\nregarded the writings of predecessors and contemporaries as an open\nquarry from which he first built up his own style and then picked out\nmaterial to imbed, with an artist\u2019s skill, in the parti-coloured mosaic\nof his satire.\u201d[329]\n\nSome idea of Lucian\u2019s parody of his sources may be gained, even though\nAntonius Diogenes is lost, from his incidental flings at great Greeks\nand from his constant references to Homer which are a mixture of\nadmiration and irony. So when he saw Cloudcuckooland he remembered\nAristophanes the poet, \u201ca wise and truthful man whose writings are\ndistrusted without reason.\u201d[330] On the Island of the Blessed he did not\nfind Plato for he preferred to live in the city of his imagination under\nhis own constitution and laws. Yet he might well have been in Elysium\nfor the inhabitants are most Platonic in sharing their wives.[331] The\nsolemn treaty which ended the wars between the Men of the Sun and the\nMen of the Moon has a comical resemblance to the treaty between Athens\nand Sparta which Thucydides records though it is signed by Fireman,\nHotman, and Burner, by Nightman, Moonman and Allbright.[332]\n\nHerodotus comes in for more imitation, for he furnishes stories of ants\nbigger than foxes,[333] of dog-headed men,[334] of men who feed on\nodors,[335] of a feast of lanterns in Egypt,[336] of a floating\nisland,[337] of the sea freezing,[338] of a breeze that bears the\nperfume of Arabia.[339] But when Lucian solemnly imitates these\nexaggerations, we feel he has his tongue in his cheek and our suspicion\nis confirmed when he consigns Ctesias and Herodotus to the limbo of\nLiars in the Island of the Wicked.[340]\n\nLucian\u2019s treatment of Homer shows his most genial irony. In his preface\nhe makes Homer\u2019s Odysseus the guide and teacher of all historians of\nimaginary travels, Odysseus \u201cwho tells Alcinous and his court about\nwinds in bondage, one-eyed men, cannibals and savages; also about\nanimals with many heads, and transformations of his comrades wrought\nwith drugs,\u201d and with such marvels \u201chumbugged the illiterate\nPhaeacians.\u201d[341] But in the Island of the Blessed, Homer is the shade\nin whose talk Lucian most delights. Homer indeed is most affable in\ndiscussing all the literary problems of his epics, especially since he\nhad just won a lawsuit in which Thersites accused him of libel, through\nthe aid of his lawyer Odysseus.[342] Homer as a shade is still writing\nfor when there was war in heaven, he produced a new epic about the\nbattle of the shades of the heroes,[343] which Lucian unfortunately lost\non the way home, and on Lucian\u2019s departure Homer composed a\ncommemorative epigram which described him as dear to the blessed\ngods.[344]\n\nLucian introduces Homer\u2019s characters into his scenes. Achilles is one of\nthe most honored heroes on the Island of the Blessed, serving as joint\njudge with Theseus at the Games of the Dead.[345] Helen is the leading\nlady in the court-room scene where Rhadamanthus had to decide whose wife\nshe should be in Elysium. She has forgiven Stesichorus for saying she\ncaused the Trojan War.[346] But she creates a new scandal by trying to\ndesert Menelaus again in an elopement with Scintharus\u2019 son.[347] Calypso\non receiving Odysseus\u2019 letter from Lucian\u2019s hand weeps as she reads that\nhe always regretted giving up his life with her, and then with true\nfeminine curiosity asks how Penelope is looking now and whether she is\nas wise as Odysseus used to boast. Lucian made such replies as he\nthought would gratify her![348]\n\nMinor episodes are reminiscent of the Odyssey. Rhadamanthus gives Lucian\na talisman of mallow as Hermes gave Odysseus the moly.[349] To the Land\nof Dreams Lucian must erect four gates in place of Homer\u2019s two, one of\nhorn, one of ivory.[350] And the Singing Sirens that tried to beguile\nOdysseus have been metamorphosed into fair young ladies in long chitons\nwhich conceal the legs of she-asses.[351] But whatever changes are made\nin the source-material taken from the Odyssey, Lucian\u2019s gentle raillery\ndoes not hide his admiration of great Homer. He gives the lie to the\nmyth that Homer was blind.[352] And in the contest of the poets at the\nGames of the Dead in the Island of the Blessed, he ironically makes\nHesiod the victor though he affirms that in truth Homer was by far the\nbest of poets.\n\nLucian\u2019s style in his _True History_ illustrates many of his own\ncriteria for writing history. The short preface is in proportion to the\nshort two-book _True History_. The narrative is concise, rapid, lucid\nand shows consistent progress, one event following naturally and quickly\nupon another without extravagant use of details. The few speeches are\nshort, lively and suited to the character of the speaker. The\ndescriptions are realistic and pointed. Extraordinary stories are told\nsimply with an appearance of veracity.\n\nA few typical elements of the Greek Romances appear in the _True\nHistory_. There is a suggestion of a court-room scene where Rhadamanthus\njudges Helen\u2019s accomplices in escape. One letter is inserted, Odysseus\u2019\nto Calypso, for the purpose of ironic satire of Homeric characters. An\ninscription on bronze is discovered and a laudatory couplet in hexameter\nis composed and inscribed on stone. But love and religion, the commonest\nthemes of the Greek Romances, are eliminated from this tale of\nmarvellous adventures.\n\nSatire though this story is, it ranks easily first among imaginary\nvoyagings both in fantasy and style. In his narration Lucian pours all\nhis spirit, his liveliness of observation, his brilliant imagination,\nhis vivacious wit. His own enjoyment in his facile, marvellous\ninventions is contagious. As he rushes his breathless readers over the\nearth, through the air, under the sea, as he introduces us to\ninnumerable natural phenomena and monstrous beings, he convinces us that\nthis world of fantasy is a real world. He has made many others wish to\nrecord similar travels, for the _True History_ is the model of all those\nimaginary voyages with which Rabelais, Cyrano de Bergerac, Swift,\nVoltaire and others amused their contemporaries. No work of Lucian found\nso many imitators as this.[353]\n\nThe readers of Lucian\u2019s _True History_ on finishing it feel that they\nhave drunk with him more from his eternal springs of joy and laughter\nthan from his irony, in fact that his irony gives only a few drops of\nangostura bitters to the heady cocktails of his wit. And at the end the\nreaders of this romance are ready today to salute the shade of Lucian as\nAndrew Lang did:[354]\n\n  \u201cIn what bower, oh Lucian, of your rediscovered Islands Fortunate are\n  you now reclining; the delight of the fair, the learned, the witty,\n  and the brave?...\n\n  \u201cThere, among the vines that bear twelve times in the year, more\n  excellent than all the vineyards of Touraine, while the song-birds\n  bring you flowers from vales enchanted, and the shapes of the Blessed\n  come and go, beautiful in wind-woven raiment of sunset hues; there, in\n  a land that knows not age, nor winter, midnight, nor autumn, nor noon,\n  where the silver twilight of summer-dawn is perennial, where youth\n  does not wax spectre-pale and die; there, my Lucian, you are crowned\n  the Prince of the Paradise of Mirth.\u201d\n\nIt may seem anti-climax to turn from the _True History_ to Lucian\u2019s\nother romance, the _Metamorphoses_, for the second exists only in an\nepitome by another hand. Since however this epitome is included in all\nthe best manuscripts and has been proved conclusively by B. E. Perry to\nbe a condensation of an original _Metamorphoses_ by Lucian on the basis\nof spirit, vocabulary, syntax and phraseology, we must try to form some\nidea of this other romance.[355]\n\nAs the _True History_ is a satire of travellers\u2019 tales, this epitome,\n_Lucius or Ass_, is primarily a satire of magic and magic rites. Just as\nin the _True History_ not only epic poets and historians were parodied,\nbut philosophers came in for their share of ironic comment, so in\n_Lucius or Ass_ satire is directed not merely against magicians, but\nalso against corrupt priests and frail women. The satire is of the\nearth, earthy, very near the folk-story from which it may have\noriginated. _Lucius or Ass_ is Everyman in his credulity, gullibility\nand bestiality. The only heroines in his murky world are a witch-woman\nand a corrupt maid. This epitome has two great values: it gives us some\nidea of Lucian\u2019s lost _Metamorphoses_, and hence affords a basis for\ncomparison with Apuleius\u2019 great Latin novel _Metamorphoses_. It will\nprove convenient I hope, to have a rather full outline presented here in\nEnglish for purposes of discussion and comparison. This Greek _Lucius or\nAss_ like the _True History_ is written in the first person, but Lucius\nof Patrae, the hero, not the author, is the narrator. In my brief\nr\u00e9sum\u00e9, I have found it clearer to write Lucius\u2019 account in the third\nperson.\n\nOnce upon a time on a journey to Thessaly Lucius inquires of some fellow\ntravellers whereabouts in the city of Hypata a man named Hipparchus\nlives, for he is carrying a letter of introduction to him. On his\narrival he stays at Hipparchus\u2019 house. Only his wife and a maid\nPalaestra lived with him. On his host\u2019s inquiring the object of his\ntravels, Lucius says he is on his way to Larissa. He conceals the fact\nthat he is searching for women who deal in magic. While walking around\nthe city, he meets an old friend of his mother named Abroea, who warns\nhim against the wife of Hipparchus because she is a witch. Lucius,\ndelighted with this news, returns to Hipparchus\u2019 house and in the\nabsence of his host and hostess makes love to Palaestra with the purpose\nof persuading the maid to acquaint him with her mistress\u2019 magic powers.\nAt the close of a night of revel, Lucius persuades Palaestra to show him\nher mistress at her magic rites.\n\nA few nights later Palaestra fulfills her promise by leading Lucius at\ndead of night to the door of her lady\u2019s bedroom where through a crack he\ncan watch her proceedings. She mutters to her lamp. She strips. She rubs\nher naked body with ointment from a little box. Gradually she is\ntransformed into an owl and flies away to her lover. Lucius then\nprevails upon Palaestra to let him attempt the same transformation. By\nill luck the maid brings him the wrong box of ointment so that he is\nchanged not into a bird, but into an ass. Palaestra soothingly assures\nhim that the antidote is simple, just a meal of roses, and if her\ndearest will pass the night quietly in the stable, in the morning she\nwill gather the flowers and recover her Lucius.\n\nBut this simple plan gangs a-gley, for in the night robbers raid the\nhouse, secure much booty and to carry it steal also the horse and the\nreal ass of Hipparchus and Lucius. So the man-ass, heavily burdened, is\ndriven to the robbers\u2019 home. One old woman is their care-taker. Several\ndays later the robbers return from one of their forays bringing in as\nbooty a young woman whom they have kidnapped. Later on in the absence of\nthe brigands the girl tries to escape riding on the ass, but both are\ncaptured by the robbers. On their return, they find that the old woman\nin terror has hanged herself.\n\nThe robbers plan a dreadful punishment for the culprits: to kill the\nass, disembowel him and sew the girl up alive in his paunch to die by\nslow torture. But before they achieve this horror, a company of soldiers\narrives, captures the whole band and carries them off to a magistrate.\nThey had been conducted to the robbers\u2019 den by the fianc\u00e9 of the girl.\nHe now escorts her home on the honored ass Lucius.\n\nAfter the wedding of the happy pair, the bride persuades her father to\nreward the ass her benefactor so he is to be turned out into pasture\nwith the she-asses. But the servant to whom the care of the ass is\nintrusted wickedly takes him home and makes him labor first in a mill,\nthen carrying fagots on a steep mountain, where a cruel driver mistreats\nhim. In the midst of his sufferings, news comes that the bride and groom\nhave been drowned on the seashore. So since their new masters are dead,\nthe servants all flee, taking the ass with them. They sell him in a city\nof Macedonia to a eunuch priest of a Syrian goddess. In his life with\nthe priests, Lucius is so horrified by their impure practices that he\nbrays loudly in protest. The noise brings up some passing peasants who\ngo off to tell the village the obscenities they have witnessed. The\npriests have to flee for their lives, but first they nearly kill the ass\nby beating him for his braying.\n\nLucius is in danger of his life again at the house of a rich man where\nthey stop. For the servants who have lost the meat of a wild ass which\nwas to be the dinner (the dogs stole it), plot to kill Lucius and serve\nup his flesh. He saves himself only by running away from the cook. The\npriests are now arrested because they are found in possession of a\ngolden phiale which they stole from a temple, and the ass is sold to a\nbaker. In the mill Lucius is so worn down by the hard work that he is\nsold as worthless to an old gardener. On the way to town, this gardener\nhas a quarrel with a soldier and nearly kills him so the gardener and\nthe ass have to go into hiding. Stupid Lucius betrays their hiding place\nby putting his head out of an upper window to see what is going on.\nCaptured he is given to the soldier, but he soon sells him to a cook.\nNow Lucius fattens on good food by surreptitious filching of choice\nportions which the cook and his brother had reserved for themselves. By\na little detective work the brothers discover that the thief is the ass.\nThey show him eating men\u2019s food to their master, who promptly buys the\nass, has a servant train him to act like a man (easy lessons for\nLucius!) and exhibits him for admission fees. A woman buys a night with\nhim and has intercourse with him.\n\nThen his master purposes to exhibit him couched with a woman (a\ncondemned criminal) at a public festival. The scene is all set when some\none comes up to Lucius and the woman at the banquet table bearing, among\nother flowers, roses. At last the ass has his meal of restorative\nflowers and becomes once more Lucius. He appeals to the magistrate for\nprotection against those who cry he is a magician and must be killed. He\ninforms the governor that his name is Lucius, he has a brother Gaius,\nboth have the same two other names; that he himself is a writer of\nstories and his brother is an elegiac poet and a good prophet. The\nmagistrate believing his story gives him hospitality. Lucius\u2019 brother\ncomes to take him home, but first Lucius thought it fitting to call on\nthe woman who had given him her love when he was an ass. He is chagrined\nto find that as a man he has no charm for her! He sails with his brother\nto Patrae and there sacrifices to the gods who have saved him.\n\nNo other work attributed to Lucian has aroused greater controversy than\n_Lucius or Ass_. All the literature about it is reviewed in Ben Edwin\nPerry\u2019s epoch-making book _The Metamorphoses Ascribed to Lucius of\nPatrae_, which conclusively proves that _Lucius or Ass_ is an epitome of\nLucian\u2019s _Metamorphoses_, made by another writer. Perry analyzes\nPhotius\u2019 description of the lost Greek _Metamorphoses_ with its theory\nof the three versions of the ass-story,[356] and proves that Photius\u2019\none mistake was in thinking that the name Lucius of Patrae referred to\nan author of a third _Metamorphoses_, which was probably the original of\nLucian\u2019s and Apuleius\u2019 stories: Lucius of Patrae in _Lucius or Ass_ is\nthe hero-narrator, not the author. Perry then with convincing logic\nreconstructs the probable content of the _Metamorphoses_ of which\n_Lucius or Ass_ is an epitome and with the same irrefutable reasoning\ndiscusses the nature of this original Greek novel. The basis of it was a\nfolk-lore story of a transformation. The style was plain, the narrative\nrapid, the tone ironic. The narrator keeps the character of the hero of\nthe adventures and never identifies himself with the author. The\ncharacter of the hero is that of \u201can unique clown\u201d with an absorbing and\ncredulous interest in strange phenomena especially transformations. The\nfinal proof that the _Metamorphoses_ was satirical is \u201cthe simple fact\nthat the _Eselmensch_ is a litterateur and an investigator of marvels.\u201d\n\u201cThe generic title shows that the author regarded his story as a kind of\ncommentary on the subject of metamorphoses, and writers who interested\nthemselves in such things.\u201d[357]\n\nThis author, \u201csecond century Atticist, humorist, and satirist,\u201d can be\nnone other than Lucian himself, for the Greek _Metamorphoses_ is\nLucianic in type, is a relaxation from serious work as is the _True\nHistory_; it shows the same satire of credulity that other works of\nLucian (for example the _Alexander_) did; and it is colored by the same\nironic humor. The epitome contains a striking Lucianic element although\nthis is overlaid by philological errors. Perry also analyzes\nresemblances and differences between the reconstructed _Metamorphoses_\nof Lucian and Apuleius\u2019 novel, but this discussion I shall reserve for\nthe next chapter.\n\n_Lucius or Ass_ is valuable in proving that Lucian wrote not one but two\nromances; that in both he developed a new type of romance, the satiric;\nthat in each he maintained the same great qualities which mark his other\nwritings: the quest for truth, intolerance of fraud and credulity; keen\nobservation and realistic description; condensation, rapidity, clarity;\ndramatic irony. The two romances also show more than any other of\nLucian\u2019s writings his brilliant imaginative powers.\n\nA postscript to this discussion of Lucian\u2019s satiric romances may well\ninclude an account of a novel in miniature which appears in one of his\ndialogues. Writing in the second century he was of course thoroughly\nfamiliar with the conventional type of the Greek romance. Though this\nstatement might be accepted _a priori_, certain evidence of it is\nfurnished by his insertion in his _Toxaris_ of an epitome of a Scythian\nromance of love and adventure. The _Toxaris_ is a Platonic dialogue\nwritten probably about A.D. 165, in Lucian\u2019s period of transition from\npurely rhetorical writings to those of moral or religious satire.[358]\nIn it a Greek Mnesippus and a Scythian Toxaris discuss friendship each\ngiving five illustrations of famous instances in his own country. The\nlongest one related is a Scythian romance told by Toxaris.[359]\nRostovtzeff has shown that Lucian probably had in his hands a Greek\nromance with a Scythian background, for papyri fragments furnish\nincontrovertible evidence of a similar Scythian romance in Greek dating\nfrom the second century A.D.[360]\n\nThe story as told by Lucian is melodramatic. It relates the devotion of\nthree Scythians, Macentes, Lonchates and Arsacomas, who had pledged to\neach other friendship for life and death in the old Scythian way of\nshedding some of their blood into a cup and quaffing it together. Now\nArsacomas, who had gone on a mission to Leucanor, king of Bosporus,\nthere fell madly in love at first sight with his daughter Mazaea. At a\nbanquet when suitors were bidding for the hand of the princess with\nproud lists of their possessions, all Arsacomas could boast of was his\ntwo fair, brave friends. The Bosporans laughed him to scorn and the girl\nwas awarded to Adyrmachus, who the next day was to convey his bride to\nthe land of the Machlyans.\n\nThe outraged Arsacomas rushing home told his friends how he and their\nfriendship had been ridiculed and the three as one man planned immediate\nvengeance. Lonchates promised to bring Arsacomas the head of Leucanor.\nMacentes was to kidnap the bride. Arsacomas was to stay at home and\nraise an army on the ox-hide for the war that would surely follow. All\nproceeded according to schedule. Arsacomas slew an ox, cut up and cooked\nthe meat, spread the hide on the ground and sat on it with his hands\nheld behind him. This is the greatest appeal for aid possible for a man\nwho desires to secure help for vengeance. His friends and kinsmen coming\naccepted each a portion of the meat, set right foot on the hide and\npledged as much aid as he could. So a goodly army was raised.\n\nLonchates went to Bosporus, pretending he had come as a friend to offer\naid against Arsacomas\u2019 planned invasion. King Leucanor alarmed by the\nnews of an imminent Scythian attack was lured alone into the temple of\nAres to take a secret oath of friendship with Lonchates. There Lonchates\nmurdered him, cut off his head and escaped with it under his cloak\nbefore the guards outside knew what had happened.\n\nMacentes too used subterfuge, for hurrying to the Machlyans he reported\nKing Leucanor\u2019s death, said falsely that the Bosporans called Adyrmachus\nas his son-in-law to be their king, and offered while Adyrmachus rode at\nfull speed to them, to escort after him his bride Mazaea in the\nwagon-train, for she, he claimed, was a relative of his own. This plan\nworked so smoothly that Macentes, when night came on, took Mazaea from\nher carriage, put her on his horse with himself and galloped off with\nher to Arsacomas. The horse dropped dead at the end but the kidnapped\nbride was delivered. Then all three friends united in the battle against\nAdyrmachus, slew him on the field, and by nightfall had won a victory.\nThe next day peace was negotiated. Such are the deeds of daring which\nScythians perform for their friends.\n\nIn the papyrus fragments a lady in distress is weeping and lamenting in\nthe tent of a general Eubiotus. He clears his tent because of her woe,\nhears her declare that she wishes she had never seen Eraseinus\n(apparently her lover) and prevents her attempted suicide by wresting\nher sword from her. She then tells Eubiotus that she is not the Amazon\nThemisto though she is so disguised, but a Greek girl Calligone. Here\nthe fragments end. The only points in common with Lucian\u2019s story are the\ngeographical background and the name Eubiotus (in Lucian the\nillegitimate brother of Leucanor and an aspirant to his throne),[361]\nbut both stories as Rostovtzeff points out look to history for\ncharacters and setting as the Ninus Romance did.\n\nIn the _Toxaris_ the coloring is only quasi-historical through the\nmention of names of kings and their lineage: the story is not history,\nbut an historical novel. And the connection of the Scythians with the\nSarmatians, the Alans, the Maeotians and the Bosporans corresponds only\nin part with their actual relations at the time. The Sauromatians are a\nrelic of the past; the Alans represent actual conditions in the time of\nthe author. The geographical coloring is likewise only partly\nhistorical. The picture of the Scythians even with its tendency to\nidealization represents the people fairly. They are nomadic, poor, with\na free democratic political organization without kings, and they are\nwarriors. Their gods are the sword and the wind. Their customs are\nprimitive. They make war on their neighbors and have special relations\nwith the Greek states on the Bosporus and Olbia and visit those on the\nsouth side of the Black Sea.\n\nLucian in composing his _Toxaris_ probably had in hand a Greek romance\nwith a Scythian background, containing certain historical and\nethnographical material. This he worked over making his story represent\nwhat his public then knew or could know of the Scythians and their\nneighbors. The discovery of the papyrus fragments of the Calligone novel\nconfirms this thesis.[362] The type of the _Toxaris_ story and the\npapyrus story is the same. Both were love romances, though in each the\nerotic motif is subordinated to adventure. The interest of the age in\nthe unfamiliar, the strange is manifested in the selection of Scythia\nfor the background.\n\nLucian\u2019s narrative is intensely exciting as well as picturesque and\nalthough it is only a miniature story it gives us an idea of another\nlove romance of a wild type with a king\u2019s head cut off for vengeance, a\nbride kidnapped on horseback and an army raised on the ox-hide. The\nwhole _Toxaris_ indeed, as Croiset remarked,[363] with its ten anecdotes\nfurnishes rich examples of Lucian\u2019s art of narration.\n\n\n\n\n                                  VIII\n    _A COMPARISON OF THE GREEK ROMANCES AND APULEIUS\u2019_ METAMORPHOSES\n\n\nApuleius, the author of the greatest ancient novel extant, might, if he\nhad chosen, written his book in Greek instead of Latin. Though he was\nborn in North Africa (at Madaura) he was educated in Athens as well as\nRoman Carthage and Rome, indeed was completely bi-lingual. The letter\nfrom his wife produced as evidence in his trial for having won her\naffections by magic was in Greek. And private correspondence\ndemonstrates fluency in the language even more than does the fact of his\ntranslation of a work by Plato and his Latin style richly colored by\nGreek syntax and vocabulary.\n\nSome reader may now ask as Apuleius anticipated: \u201cWho is this man?\u201d[364]\nSo I must refer all to my other writings about him and briefly\ncharacterize him here for the uninformed.[365] Apuleius was born about\nA.D. 125 in the Roman colony of Madaura where his father was a leading\ncitizen and official. He was educated at Carthage, Athens and Rome, was\ncertainly bi-lingual and probably tri-lingual as he must have known\nPunic as well as Latin and Greek. Returning to Africa, he practiced\nsuccessfully the art of a sophist, giving public discourses, many of\nthem impromptu. Specimens of these are extant in a collection of\nextracts from his speeches called the _Florida_. He married a wealthy\nwidow, mother of a university friend at Athens, and was promptly sued by\nhis in-laws for having gained her hand by magic practices. The brilliant\nspeech in which he defended himself at Sabrata against their charges,\nthe _Apologia_, is extant and constitutes his autobiography. St.\nAugustine called him a Platonist and he did indeed try to convey Plato\u2019s\nideas to his contemporaries in works on _The God of Socrates_, _Plato\nand his Doctrine_ and other lost writings. His fame when he was alive\nrested on his oratory and it was so great that he was honored by statues\nand made priest of Aesculapius at Carthage. But his undying glory comes\nfrom his novel, the _Metamorphoses_. The date of its composition is\nuncertain as indeed are most of the dates of his life. He lived from\nabout A.D. 125 to A.D. 171, that is, in the time of Antoninus Pius and\nMarcus Aurelius. He was therefore a contemporary of Lucian and may have\nmet him as Walter Pater imagines in _Marius the Epicurean_. What\nconcerns us here is his novel and its relation to the Greek Romances.\n\nThe _Metamorphoses_ of Apuleius is a long story written in eleven books.\nIt is an ego-romance with Lucius a Greek acting as narrator and hero.\n\n  \u201cThe plot is simple. The hero Lucius who is greatly interested in\n  magic is enabled by the aid of the maid-servant of a witch to achieve\n  transformation. But a mistake in the use of the unguents changes him\n  not into a bird as he had planned, but into an ass. Although he knows\n  that the antidote is a meal of roses, he is kept by Fortune from\n  securing release through long months and meets various adventures\n  until at last through the aid of the goddess Isis Lucius the Ass\n  becomes again Lucius the Man.\u201d[366]\n\nThe similarity of this plot to that of the Greek _Lucius or Ass_ is\napparent at once. But its unique differences caused by diversification\nof anecdotes and long additions become clear as we read the narrative.\n\nLucius in the beginning was travelling in Thessaly riding his white\nhorse over the high mountains when he fell in with two other travellers.\nOne of these as they rode on together related a horrible story of how\nhis friend Socrates saw a companion murdered by a witch. The scene of\nthe story was set in Hypata, the very city to which Lucius was going.\nAnd the narrative of it by its effect on Lucius reveals all his\ncredulity and curiosity about witchcraft.\n\nLucius was entertained at the house of Milo to whom he brought a letter\nof introduction and soon he learned from a relative in Hypata, named\nByrrhaena, that Milo\u2019s wife Pamphile was a witch. Hypata was full of\nstories of marvellous happenings and soon Lucius heard another of these\nthrillers at a dinner-party given by Byrrhaena. It was the story told by\na guest Tlelyphron of how he watched a corpse for pay and thereby\nsuffered mutilation of his face by a foul beldam. It was on the way home\nfrom the party that Lucius, jittery and drunk, fought his fatal battle\nwith three bold robbers who afterwards, at his trial for murder at the\nFestival of Risus, god of laughter, were proved to be wine-skins!\n\nNow Lucius was determined to investigate magic rites by personal\nexperience so he made ardent love to Pamphile\u2019s servant Fotis until the\nenamored girl consented to let him peer through a crack in the door of\nPamphile\u2019s bed-room and see her mistress transform herself into an owl.\nThis marvel witnessed, nothing would satisfy Lucius but to attempt a\nsimilar transformation. Unfortunately Fotis gave him the wrong unguent\nfor the necessary lubrication of his body and he became not a bird, but\nan ass! The careless maid swore that the antidote was simple, merely a\nmeal of roses, and if he would quietly spend the night in the stable, in\nthe morning she would bring him a breakfast of the flowers.\nUnfortunately before dawn robbers arrived, pillaged the house and stole,\nalong with Lucius\u2019 own horse and Milo\u2019s ass, Lucius the ass to carry the\nplunder. This was the beginning of a long series of adventures for the\nman-ass before he could achieve re-transformation.\n\nIn the robbers\u2019 hide-out in the mountains Lucius heard the robbers tell\nthree fine stories of their brave chieftains. There too he saw a band of\nrobbers bring in a captive beauty Charite and heard her piteous tale of\nhow she was kidnapped on her wedding-night for ransom. To cheer this\nweeping girl the old woman who cooked for the robbers told in their\nabsence the story of Cupid and Psyche.\n\nAn old wives\u2019 tale she called it, but Apuleius lifted the folk-tale to\nthe realm of the Olympian gods by making it the love romance of Venus\u2019\nson Cupid and Psyche, a mortal maid. Venus herself was the cruel\nstep-mother who tried to separate the lovers and set all sorts of\nimpossible tasks for Psyche. But the heroine triumphed over every task\nby the aid of Cupid\u2019s minions on earth and in air. Finally the king of\nheaven, Jupiter himself, called Psyche to his high throne to receive the\ngift of immortality and summoned all the great gods and goddesses to\ncelebrate her nuptials with the god of love himself.\n\nThis happy love romance diverted Charite only briefly, but soon her\nlover disguised as a robber came and rescued her and after causing the\ndestruction of all the robber band carried her away with Lucius to\nsafety. Charite\u2019s story, however, unlike Psyche\u2019s was not to end\nhappily. For after her marriage to her Tlepolemus, a former suitor\nThrasyllus because of jealousy made way with her husband in a boar hunt,\npretending his death was an accident. Later when the villain was making\nardent love to the widow, the shade of her husband appeared and\nrecounted his murder at the hands of his friend. Charite by subtle plans\nwas able to put out Thrasyllus\u2019 eyes for vengeance and then stabbed\nherself over her husband\u2019s tomb. Thrasyllus in repentance starved\nhimself to death.\n\nLucius the Ass again left to the mercy of Fortune had a series of\ndegrading adventures which tended to make him a pessimist. He witnessed\nthe obscene orgies of a lewd band of Syrian priests. He heard four\nnaughty Milesian Tales of corrupt women: \u201cThe Lover under the Tub,\u201d \u201cThe\nBaker\u2019s Wife,\u201d \u201cThe Sandals under the Bed,\u201d \u201cThe Fuller\u2019s Wife.\u201d These\nMilesian Tales of triangular sex episodes are succeeded in the novel by\nanother group of tragic stories which stir deeper waters. The first is a\nrecord of the terrible oppression of the poor by an arrogant young\nnobleman and how three fine young brothers who went to the defense of\nthe poor family lost their lives in a noble cause. Then follows a tragic\nstory of an amorous step-mother and her attempt to poison her\nunresponsive step-son. And finally comes the awful narrative of five\nmurders committed by one sadistic woman. Book Ten concludes with the\nplan to display Lucius the ass in obscene union with this condemned\ncriminal at a public exhibition. To avoid this horror, Lucius ran away\nfrom Corinth to the sea-shore at Cenchreae and there found his\nsalvation.\n\nFor lying asleep on the sea-shore that night he had a vision in the\nmoonlight of the goddess Isis. In all her refulgent beauty she told him\nof herself and gave him hope. For she assured him that at the spring\nfestival of the launching of her sacred vessel she would give him\ncertain aid. And indeed it was at that festival in the midst of all its\nbrilliant pageantry that the priest of Isis offered the ass a garland of\nroses and munching them he became man again. No wonder that after that\nLucius had only one desire: to serve his savior.\n\nNight after night he had new visions of the goddess and under the\ndirection of her priest he fulfilled all the arduous preparations for\nthe initiation into her rites. Finally one night left alone in her\ntemple he was vouchsafed that mystic experience which only the elect may\nachieve, death, rebirth, revelation.\n\n  \u201cI approached the borderland of death, trod the threshold of\n  Proserpina, was borne through all the elements and returned; at\n  midnight I saw the sun shining with a brilliant light; I approached\n  the gods of the nether and the upper world and adored them in person\n  near at hand.\u201d[367]\n\nAfter such exaltation Lucius consecrated himself forever to the service\nof Isis. Soon going to Rome he continued his worship at her temple there\nand by her direction was twice initiated into the mysteries of the god\nOsiris though the expense was great for \u201cthis poor man of Madaura.\u201d\nUnder the blessing of Osiris he prospered greatly as an advocate in the\nRoman Forum and finally under the god\u2019s direction he was allowed to\nbecome one of the Pastophores or high-priests of the cult. So ends his\nmetamorphosis and the novel.\n\nLet us now return to the beginning. In the first chapter Apuleius\nannounced that he is telling a Greek story. The main outline of his plot\nis indeed identical with that of the Greek _Lucius or Ass_, which as we\nhave seen, is an epitome of the Greek _Metamorphoses_ by Lucian.\nApuleius\u2019 novel is clearly later than Lucian\u2019s because of rich and\nnotable additions to the plot of the epitome _Lucius or Ass_. These\nadditions are Milesian Tales, the Cupid and Psyche story and the great\neleventh book portraying the worship of Isis, who redeemed Lucius from\nass to human shape.\n\nThe change in the tone of telling the whole story is significant for\nwhile the earthy character of the original folk-tale occasionally\nappears and there are recurrent glimpses of Lucianic wit and satire,\nApuleius\u2019 _Metamorphoses_ is neither a comic romance nor a satire as\nLucian\u2019s clearly was. Apuleius wrote a serious novel, a sort of\nPilgrim\u2019s Progress of the Ass-Man in his quest for knowledge of marvels.\nWhereas Lucian through satire degraded a simple folk-tale, Apuleius\nexalted it by making the journeyings of Lucius a search for the\nspiritual meaning of life. His hero walks alone. The love romance in his\nstory, the Cupid and Psyche tale, starts with the Platonic conception of\nthe relation of Eros and Psyche, Love and the Soul, and therefrom is\nlifted to the realm of the Olympian gods. And finally the\nretransformation of Lucius is no chance event, but a salvation wrought\nout by the mystic worship of Isis.\n\nThe subjectivity infused in the plot by these additions is enhanced by\nthe fact that the hero-narrator Lucius is identified with the author,\nimplicitly at first in the Preface and in incidental comment of author\nto reader; in the last book by the identification of Lucius with \u201cthe\npoor man of Madaura\u201d so that the whole narrative becomes personal\nexperience. This fact involves another difference from the structure of\nthe Greek love romances. The action of these love romances, as Riefstahl\npoints out,[368] is a \u201cclosed\u201d one: in the misfortunes which threaten\nthe lovers through Fortune, they must always remain faithful to each\nother and stout-hearted in order to be re-united. So the circle of the\naction is \u201cclosed,\u201d for it is a great cycle in the life of the hero\nwhich places him at the end just where he was in the beginning. The\naction in Apuleius is \u201copen,\u201d for the hero is bound and pledged to\nnothing. He goes through his adventures with a light heart. He does not\nneed to prove his faith to any one. He does not need to stand up to a\ntest or even to remain true to himself. He must needs wander, but there\nis no set purpose in his journeyings. His sufferings are as spiritual as\ncorporeal. He is aware too of the misery of others in the world. And in\nprofound despair he must beg divine aid.\n\nIt is absurd to compare the plot of the whole novel with the typical\npattern of the Greek love romances and Fotis with their heroines as\nRiefstahl does.[369] The only great human love-story in Apuleius\u2019 main\nplot, that of Charite, is a tragedy. It is like the Greek Romances in\nbeing a story of high life and in this too is unique among Apuleius\u2019\nnovelle. But it is utterly different from the Greek love romances in\nstructure and tone. The only parallel to them is to be found in the\ninset story of Cupid and Psyche. Here the tale is of two young lovers\nunhappily separated by the cruelty not of Fortune but of a greater\ngoddess, Venus herself. And only after the hard testing of one of the\npair, this time the lady, are the two lovers reunited. Thus the\nconventional happy ending of the plot is achieved. But for the author\u2019s\nphilosophical mind such a beautiful story must start with a touch of\nPlatonic symbolism in the very names of the lovers, Cupid and Psyche,\nand must be concluded in high heaven, for only among the immortals may\nsuch perfect happiness be won forever.\n\nFrom this account of Apuleius\u2019 _Metamorphoses_ it is already clear that\nhis great novel is a synthesis of various types of Greek Romances. Its\nclosest parallel is in the Greek _Lucius or Ass_, for the bare outline\nof the plot of the first ten books is like that of the Greek work. But\nall recent research tends to prove that Lucian\u2019s original\n_Metamorphoses_ was satiric in character, therefore very different in\ntone from Apuleius\u2019 serious work. So although they share the\ncharacteristics of a romance of adventure, with stories of magic and of\nrobbers forming principal episodes, the motivation and the aim of the\ntwo romances are utterly different. This difference is emphasized by\nApuleius\u2019 two longest and most startling additions to the plot, the\nlove-story of Cupid and Psyche and the story of Lucius and Isis.\n\nApuleius writes a love romance like the Greek only in the story of Cupid\nand Psyche. For the episode with Fotis is a sex-story of convenience and\nthe Milesian Tales added to the plot of _Lucius or Ass_ carry out this\nFotis-motif of sex and lechery.[370] The one long love-story of human\nbeings, Charite\u2019s story, is indeed a love romance of a noble lady and\nher noble lord, but it is a complete tragedy in episodes, tone and\nending. Only the Cupid and Psyche story is the true type of Greek love\nromances.\n\nThe third great interest in the Greek Romances besides adventure and\nlove was religion. To this Apuleius gave a new emphasis and a new\nimportance. In the center of his novel in the inset story of Cupid and\nPsyche he pictures the old familiar Olympian gods in their conventional\nmythological characters, but as realistically and with as implicit a\nsatire as Lucian used in his \u201cDialogues of the Gods.\u201d Venus is a very\njealous and cruel step-mother. Jupiter is a lusty, amorous, irresistible\nking. Cupid is at first undutiful, mischievous and wanton. The story of\nLucius and Isis is, however, a serious story of a great religious\nexperience. Through prayer, visions, priestly instruction, ceremonials,\ninitiation and communion Apuleius becomes one with the goddess to whom\nhe is to devote the rest of his life. The worship of Isis is pictured\nspiritually from the depths of experience by Apuleius who according to\nhis own statements had actually been many times initiated in her\ncult.[371]\n\nThroughout these three parts of Apuleius\u2019 novel with their successive\nemphasis on adventure, love and religion, virtually all the conventional\ndevices of the Greek Romances are employed. In the stories of adventure\nthere are rapidly shifting scenes, though in a more limited spatial\narea. The Greek love romances lie according to the time of their action\nin the geography of the colonies of great Greece or within the\nboundaries of the hellenistic-oriental world from Byzantium to Egypt,\nfrom Sicily to Babylon. The action is carried out through long sea\nvoyages, varied with storms and shipwreck. The wide world, the spatial\nseparations are overcome only through the faithfulness of the lovers.\nThe Ass-story takes place in narrower compass, in old Greece between\nPatrae, Hypata and Corinth. To Lucian\u2019s geographical set Apuleius adds\nRome. In these two versions of the Ass-story all the life of mankind is\nrepresented concretely and in close perspective. The action concerns\nlittle people living in one locality or for purposes of trade taking\nshort journeys hither and thither on land.[372] Other conventional\ndevices in Apuleius\u2019 stories of adventure are the introduction as\nimportant characters of robbers and robber chieftains, narratives with\nemphasis on external events, descriptions like that of the robbers\u2019\ncave.\n\nIn the love-story of Charite the interest centers in a lover and his\nlass; both are persons in high life, both are faithful. A dream\nfurnishes an apparition of the dead husband. But the villainy of a\ntreacherous friend makes the story a tragedy involving murder and\nsuicide. The story of Cupid and Psyche, true to the type of the Greek\nlove romance, starts with a religious beginning, the worship of a mortal\ngirl Psyche as the goddess of love; is motivated by a Greek oracle;\ndescribes at length the proving of the heroine in tasks imposed by the\nwill of an unfriendly deity; depicts Psyche\u2019s apparent sleep of death;\nand finally consummates a happy ending for the lovers through a saving\ngod, who is Cupid the hero himself. A pastoral note which affiliates the\nstory with _Daphnis and Chloe_ is introduced by the presence of the\nfriendly god Pan, who acts as a wise old adviser and comforter to Psyche\nin her great despair. And the conventional use of _excursus_ creates a\nnew pictorial character in brilliant descriptions of Venus charioted\nover the sea, of the Palace of Cupid, of Cupid asleep, of the wedding\nbanquet of the lovers.\n\nIn the story of Lucius and Isis in Book Eleven, many of the conventional\ndevices of the Greek Romances appear: dreams, epiphanies, religious\nfestivals, a _dea ex machina_. So in Chariton Aphrodite and Fortune\ncontend for the control of the lovers; in Xenophon of Ephesus Artemis\nand Isis are the two saving goddesses; in Heliodorus Apollo and Isis are\nprominent though the philosophies of the Gymnosophists and of the\nNeo-Pythagoreans have a share in the plot; in Achilles Tatius Artemis\nreigns supreme; in Longus Pan and the Nymphs guide the destinies of the\nyoung lovers. The difference in Apuleius is that the whole quest of the\nhero is for some meaning in life and when magic, adventure, mythology\nand human amours can not supply it, he finds through conversion a union\nwith a mystic goddess who sublimates his emotion and absorbs his life\ninto her service.\n\nThe greater subjectivity of the Apuleius\u2019 romance as compared to the\nGreek Romances is attained by the aloneness of the hero, his quest and\nits implicit meaning, his individual satisfaction. This subjectivity is\nintensified by the complete adoption of the ego-narrative. Far more\nattention is paid by Apuleius than by the Greek romancers to the\nnarrator and to his point of view in telling the whole romance. Achilles\nTatius was afterwards to attempt the use of this device of narration in\nthe first person, but he soon lost sight of the narrator in the\nnarrative and even at the end he never let him reappear. Lucian adopted\ncompletely the _ich-roman_ form, but, as far as can be known, without\nrich characterization of the teller. Apuleius uses to the full the\nadvantage of having a man-ass as narrator, for his composite hero has a\nduplex view-point of man and animal and displays a double humor, of man\nand beast. All this keeps the hero-narrator before our eyes and we\nbecome ever more and more interested in the effect of the events\nnarrated on his inner life and on his final solution of life.\n\nRiefstahl points out that in the Greek love romances there is some\nstriving after subjectivity in the presentation of external events. The\npossibility of expression is not yet rich, but by soliloquies, by\ndescriptions of emotions, by reflections on events expressed in \u03b3\u03bd\u1ff6\u00b5\u03b1\u03b9\nthe romancers are working from objective to subjective presentation of\ntheir material. The soul is treated as an individual entity separated\nfrom the body and contrasted to it. On this foundation in the love\nromances rests the inner structural arch of spatial separation and\nspiritual fidelity. The relation of the objective and the subjective\ncreates somehow the scale on which all these romances take their place.\nThe love romances are at the objective end of the scale, the older ones\nparticularly, dynamic events holding writer and reader spell-bound. In\nLongus a peaceful atmosphere is created because there are few exciting\nevents, little travel, only the study of the development of love in two\nadolescents in a quiet pastoral setting, but the expression is not\nadequate. Longus senses the dual conception of Eros, in man and in\nnature, for the love of the two young shepherds is set in the teeming,\ngrowing life of the outer world, but he does not develop fully this\nsubtle implication. Achilles Tatius inclines toward the subjective\ndirection through his attempted use of the ego-narrative. But the\nfullest subjective treatment is found in Apuleius. In Achilles Tatius as\nin Apuleius, the aim of the hero is a \u00b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd but with him it is the\n\u00b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd of love; in Apuleius it is the _sacrorum arcana_.[373] The\npowerful cosmic force of love appears only in Apuleius and there it is\nembodied in the personality of Isis. The goddess describes herself to\nLucius as \u201cthe natural mother of all things, mistress and governess of\nall the elements, the initial progeny of worlds, chief of the powers\ndivine, queen of all that are in hell, the principal of them that dwell\nin heaven, manifested above and under one form of all the gods and\ngoddesses.\u201d[374]\n\nThe whole story of Apuleius pictures, according to Riefstahl, the\nstriving of the individual towards the All. The cosmic Eros has taken\nthe place of the ancient Greek Eros, who was a terrible power, often\nidentified with the blind, cruel \u03a4\u03cd\u03c7\u03b7. To this cosmic Eros Apuleius has\ngiven the name of Isis.[375] Riefstahl to be sure pushes too far his\ntheory of an underlying philosophical content in Apuleius, representing\nthe romance \u201cas an artistic unit ... and as an issue of the writer\u2019s\nintellectual interests and personality,\u201d \u201cein k\u00fcnstlerisch gestaltetes\nAnschauungsbild der existenziellen Lebensgrundlage des\nNeuplatonismus.\u201d[376] Yet he does point out astutely the fundamental\ndifference in Apuleius which makes his _Metamorphoses_ another distinct\ntype of romance, the subjective philosophical.\n\nA word now in retrospect. By the end of the second century A.D., this\nnew genre of literature, the romance, had developed to full stature.\nAlready besides the author of the Ninus romance, Chariton, Lucian and\nApuleius had written their stories, and perhaps also Xenophon of\nEphesus. The different types of romance were already established: the\nhistorical romance, the love romance with its secondary interests of\nadventure and religion, satirical romance, the subjective philosophical\nromance. The pastoral was soon to be added. That is, in the second\ncentury of our era, a new type of literature was created, a type which\nwas to be the most popular in the modern world.[377]\n\nIt is strange to find that so distinguished and perceptive an historian\nas Rostovtzeff in his histories of Rome does not recognize the\nsignificance for the early empire of this new literary form. In\ndescribing the second century, he writes:[378]\n\n  \u201cExcept for the troubled reign of Marcus Aurelius, the Roman Empire\n  under the Antonines enjoyed profound peace, broken only by distant\n  wars on the frontier. Within the empire life appeared to be, as it had\n  been in the first century, a steady forward movement for the diffusion\n  and enrichment of civilization. The creative power of Rome seemed to\n  have reached its zenith. There was, however, one disquieting symptom:\n  after the brilliant age of the Flavians we note an almost complete\n  sterility in literature and art. After Tacitus, and after the artists\n  who worked for Trajan ... the decades that followed failed to produce\n  a single great writer or a single notable monument of art....\n\n  \u201cEven before the time of war and pestilence in the reign of Marcus\n  Aurelius, we mark in the whole of intellectual life not merely a pause\n  but even a backward movement. The only exception is a revival of Greek\n  rhetorical prose, perfect in form but monotonous in substance. Its\n  chief representative is the sophist and rhetorician, Aristides, and\n  his best work is his _Panegyric_ on Rome. The _Dialogues_ of Lucian\n  are witty and interesting; he was a sceptic and a humorist who mocked\n  all ideals both new and old. In the West there are only two names to\n  be quoted, that of the satirist Juvenal, a gloomy and bitter observer\n  of the dark side of human life, and that of Pliny the Younger, a\n  shallow orator and a brilliant representative of the epistolary style.\n  The rest both in Greece and in Italy are writers of handbooks,\n  text-books, and of miscellaneous collections of entertaining stories\n  for the amusement and instruction of the reader.\u201d\n\nRostovtzeff\u2019s omission of all reference to the Greek Romances (even to\nLucian\u2019s) and to Apuleius shows how completely they have been\ndisregarded. Yet for a picture of the social life of the second and the\nthird centuries and of the psychology of the men of the time the Greek\nRomances and Apuleius are a revelation.\n\nThe Roman empire had checked both political activity and oratory, indeed\nthe orator had been succeeded by the rhetor in Greece and Rome. In the\nunified Mediterranean world trade had developed greatly and travellers\nhad followed traders from one country to another, among them the\nlecturing sophists. The new lands visited had their curiosities and\nsplendors so travellers\u2019 tales multiplied with descriptions often worthy\nof a natural history. Men, diverted from the aims of personal ambition\nwhich military conquest or a democratic state had afforded, now sought\nrelease and excitement in the personal relations. Women achieved a new\nfreedom and a new importance. The emotional life came to have a new\ninterest and this led to the development of the prose romance.\n\nFrom the east came, with rich material resources, a wealth of new ideas,\na mingling of superstition, magic, religion and philosophy. Just as\nman\u2019s emotions were turned inward so was his thought. The greatest new\nadventure became the quest for a solution of life itself. The romances\nof the early empire whatever their type reflect the age: its craving for\nexcitement, its desire for adventure, its dread of brigands, its\ncuriosity about the new, its interest in art, its wish for fulfillment\nof emotion in romantic love, its awareness of unsolved mysteries in man\nand the universe. With even the partial re-dating of the Greek Romances\nall sorts of subjects open up for investigation such as the apparatus of\nreligion in the use of oracles, dreams, epiphanies; the interest in\nworks of art; the new position of women. At any time in the future new\nfragments of romances may be discovered, or new dating of some of the\nold ones may be made possible. But even now while archaeological\ndiscoveries are suspended and publication of new editions is delayed, we\nmay read and re-read these amazing old stories and see what escape\nliterature was in the second and third centuries. The Greek Romances\nhave much to tell us of the psychology of their authors, their\ncharacters, and their readers. They have a deep human value.\n\n  \u201cHomo sum: humani nil a me alienum puto.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n[1]Translated by George Thornley, revised by J. M. Edmonds, in _Daphnis\n    and Chloe by Longus_ in _The Loeb Classical Library_.\n\n[2]By Stephen Gaselee, \u201cAppendix on the Greek Novel,\u201d in _Daphnis and\n    Chloe_ in _The Loeb Classical Library_, New York, 1916, pp. 410-11.\n\n[3]R. M. Rattenbury in _New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature,\n    Third Series_, Oxford, 1933, p. 211.\n\n[4]P. D. Huet, _Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019origine des Romans_, 1671.\n\n[5]J. Dunlop, _The History of Fiction_, Edinburgh, 1816.\n\n[6]A. Chassang, _Histoire du roman ... dans l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 grecque et\n    latine_, Paris, 1862.\n\n[7]V. Chauvin, _Les romanci\u00e9rs grecs et latins_, 1864.\n\n[8]_Caritone di Afrodisia, Le Avventure di Cherea e Calliroe_, romanzo\n    tradotto da Aristide Calderini, Torino, 1913.\n\n[9]Her. I. 8-12.\n\n[10]Her. II. 121.\n\n[11]Her. IX. 108-13.\n\n[12]L. Whibley, _A Companion to Greek Studies_, Cambridge, 1916, p. 155.\n    For a discussion of these stories and the novelle see E. H. Haight,\n    _Essays on Ancient Fiction_, New York, 1936.\n\n[13]Alfred Croiset and Maurice Croiset, _An Abridged History of Greek\n    Literature_, translated by G. F. Heffelbower, New York, 1904, p.\n    517.\n\n[14]H. Bornecque, _Les D\u00e9clamations et les D\u00e9clamateurs d\u2019apr\u00e8s S\u00e9n\u00e8que\n    le p\u00e8re_, Lille, 1902, p. 130.\n\n[15]_Caritone di Afrodisia, Le Avventure di Cherea e Calliroe_, Aristide\n    Calderini, Torino, 1913.\n\n[16]New York, 1916.\n\n[17]Oxford, 1933.\n\n[18]_Op. cit._, pp. 212-13.\n\n[19]_Op. cit._, p. 385.\n\n[20]_Op. cit._, pp. 387-93.\n\n[21]_Ibid._, pp. 397-99.\n\n[22]_Op. cit._, pp. 219-23.\n\n[23]_Op. cit._, pp. 223-254.\n\n[24]See Notes.\n\n[25]_Pap. Fay\u00fbm_, London, 1900, I (pp. 74 ff.) and _Pap. Oxyrh._ 1019\n    (vol. VII. 1910, pp. 143 ff.), both of the early III century, found\n    in 1906 and 1910.\n\n[26]Preface to _Chariton\u2019s Chaereas and Callirhoe_, Ann Arbor and\n    London, 1939. Throughout this chapter I use this translation of\n    Chariton by Warren E. Blake and the Greek text edited by him,\n    _Charitonis Aphrodisiensis, de Chaerea et Callirhoe amatoriarum\n    narrationum libri octo_, Oxford, 1938.\n\n[27]IV. 4, 7-10; IV. 5, 8; IV. 6, 4; IV. 6, 8 (2 letters); VIII. 4, 2-3;\n    VIII. 4, 5-6.\n\n[28]III. 2.\n\n[29]II. 1.\n\n[30]II. 9.\n\n[31]V. 5.\n\n[32]VI. 2.\n\n[33]I. 1.\n\n[34]I. 6.\n\n[35]III. 2.\n\n[36]VI. 4.\n\n[37]III. 3.\n\n[38]VII. 4.\n\n[39]II. 5.\n\n[40]IV. 3.\n\n[41]VIII. 7, 8.\n\n[42]VII. 1 = _Il._ X. 540.\n\n[43]VI. 2 = _Il._ I. 317.\n\n[44]VII. 4 = _Il._ XIII. 131.\n\n[45]VII. 4 = _Il._ X. 483.\n\n[46]V. 4 = _Il._ IV. 1.\n\n[47]II. 9 = _Il._ XXIII. 66-67.\n\n[48]V. 5 = _Il._ III. 146.\n\n[49]V. 5 = _Odys._ I. 366. See also IV. 7 = _Odys._ XVII. 37; VI. 4 =\n    _Odys._ VI. 102.\n\n[50]II. 3 = _Odys._ XVII. 485, 487; IV. 1 = _Il._ XXIII. 71; IV. 1 =\n    _Odys._ XXIV. 83; VI. 4 = _Odys._ XV. 21; VII. 2 = _Il._ XXII.\n    304-5.\n\n[51]I. 1 = _Il._ XXI. 114.\n\n[52]I. 4 = _Il._ XVIII. 23-25.\n\n[53]III. 5 = _Il._ XXII. 82-83.\n\n[54]IV. 5 = _Il._ XXI. 114.\n\n[55]VI. 1 = _Il._ XXIV. 10-11.\n\n[56]VIII. 1 = _Odys._ XXIII. 296.\n\n[57]III. 5 = _Il._ XXII. 82-83.\n\n[58]II. 9 = _Il._ XXIII. 66-67.\n\n[59]V. 5 = _Il._ III. 146.\n\n[60]Aristide Calderini, _Caritone di Afrodisia, Le avventure di Cherea e\n    Calliroe_, Torino, 1913, pp. 154-58.\n\n[61]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 159-60; V. 8.\n\n[62]IV. 4.\n\n[63]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 163-64.\n\n[64]Xenophon of Ephesus, _Ephesiaca_, V. 1.\n\n[65]III. 12; IV. 2.\n\n[66]II. 13, G. Dalmeyda, _X\u00e9nophon d\u2019\u00c9ph\u00e8se, Les \u00c9ph\u00e9siaques_, Paris,\n    1926, p. 33, n. 1.\n\n[67]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xiii-xiv.\n\n[68]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xii-xv, xxxviii-ix.\n\n[69]V. 8.\n\n[70]V. 14.\n\n[71]Dalmeyda, op. cit., p. xxiii, for example in the love-story of\n    Aegialeus, V. 1, 4, for the climax: \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c0\u03b7\u03bb\u03b1\u03cd\u03c3\u03bf\u00b5\u03b5\u03bd \u1f66\u03bd \u1f15\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03b1\n    \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ae\u03bb\u03b8\u03bf\u00b5\u03b5\u03bd.\n\n[72]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xvi-xviii; Calderini, _op. cit._, p. 85.\n\n[73]I. 8.\n\n[74]V. 10.\n\n[75]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xxiv-xxv.\n\n[76]I. 11.\n\n[77]IV. 2.\n\n[78]I. 12.\n\n[79]V. 10-11.\n\n[80]V. 4.\n\n[81]II. 13; III. 3.\n\n[82]III. 11-12.\n\n[83]IV. 3.\n\n[84]V. 4.\n\n[85]V. 13.\n\n[86]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xvi-xviii.\n\n[87]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 120-25.\n\n[88]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xviii-xxiv.\n\n[89]Calderini, _op. cit._, p. 113.\n\n[90]See the story of the old Spartan and his mummy, V. 1.\n\n[91]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, p. xxvii.\n\n[92]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xxviii-ix.\n\n[93]I. 2; I. 8.\n\n[94]I. 6, V. 4; II. 1, II. 12; III. 2, I. 12, V. 11.\n\n[95]V. 15.\n\n[96]V. 1.\n\n[97]I. 14.\n\n[98]Chariton, III. 5. See Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, p. xxx.\n\n[99]II. 4. Chariton, V. 10.\n\n[100]_Iliad_, XXII, 389-90; Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, p. xxix.\n\n[101]III. 7; Chariton, I. 6; IV. 1.\n\n[102]V. 8; Chariton, V. 10.\n\n[103]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xxxii-iii.\n\n[104]For this introduction to Heliodorus I am largely indebted to the\n    edition of _Les \u00c9thiopiques_ edited by R. M. Rattenbury. T. W. Lumb,\n    J. Maillon, Paris, vol. I, 1935; vol. II, 1938. For the _Testimonia_\n    see _Heliodori Aethiopica_ by Aristides Colonna, Rome, 1938, pp.\n    361-72.\n\n[105]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I, ix-xi.\n\n[106]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I, xiii-xv.\n\n[107]Aristide Calderini, _Le Avventure di Cherea e Calliroe_, Torino,\n    1913, pp. 176-77.\n\n[108]II. 35, translated by the Rev. Rowland Smith, in _The Greek\n    Romances of Heliodorus, Longus, and Achilles Tatius_, London, 1855,\n    pp. 61-62. It is impossible to reproduce in English the Greek\u2019s\n    hidden references to the names of Chariclea, Famed-for-her-Grace,\n    and of Theagenes, the Goddess-Born.\n\n[109]Translated by the Rev. Rowland Smith, _op. cit._, pp. 196-97.\n\n[110]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 118-25.\n\n[111]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I,\n    lxxxviii-ix.\n\n[112]Calasiris in II and III; Cnemon in I, II and VI; Achaemenes in\n    VIII; Sisimithres and Charicles in X.\n\n[113]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, II, 87, n. 1.\n\n[114]IV. 3, _Il._ XXII. 108-897: VII. 4-6, _Il._ III. 88-244 and _Il._\n    XXII. 136-436; V. 5, _Odys._ XIX. 392-94; VI. 14, _Odys._ XI.\n\n[115]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I,\n    lxxxix-xcii.\n\n[116]S. L. Wolff, _The Greek Romances in Elizabethan Prose Fiction_, New\n    York, 1912, pp. 150-52.\n\n[117]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 106-7.\n\n[118]Arsace is not an historical character.\n\n    \u201cLe personnage f\u00e9minin d\u2019Arsac\u00e9 semble bien \u00eatre de l\u2019invention\n    d\u2019H\u00e9liodore, mais il se peut qu\u2019il se soit souvenu, en cr\u00e9ant son\n    nom, d\u2019Arsac\u00e9s, le fondateur de l\u2019empire des Parthes, et des\n    Arsacides, ainsi que d\u2019Arsam\u00e9s, grandp\u00e8re de Darius (H\u00e9r. I, 209).\n    D\u2019apr\u00e8s Suidas (s.d. \u0398\u03b5\u03bf\u03ba\u03bb\u03c5\u03c4\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2) Darius avait une fille nomm\u00e9e\n    Arsam\u00e9.\u201d\n\n    R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, II, 113, n. 1.\n\n[119]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I,\n    lxxxv-viii.\n\n[120]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I, xviii-xx.\n\n[121]\u201cH\u00e9liodore pratique avec une r\u00e9elle habilet\u00e9 l\u2019art des suspensions\n    et des retours. L\u2019unit\u00e9 du r\u00e9cit n\u2019est jamais compromise.\u201d\n\n    R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, II, 37, n. 3.\n\n[122]R. M. Rattenbury, T. W. Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I, xx-xxi and\n    lxxxv-viii; A. Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 176-77.\n\n[123]See _The Cambridge Ancient History_, Cambridge (Eng.), 1934, X,\n    506-11; 1936, XI, 700-1; Philostratus, _The Life of Apollonius of\n    Tyana_ translated by F. C. Conybeare in _The Loeb Classical\n    Library_, 2 vols. New York, 1912.\n\n[124]Translated by the Rev. Rowland Smith, _op. cit._, p. 259.\n\n[125]p. 78.\n\n[126]III. 12-15.\n\n[127]V. 22, _Odys._ XIII. 332, XVIII. 66-70, _Il._ XIX. 47-49.\n\n[128]V. 11, _Odys._ VI. 180; V. 15, _Il._ III. 65; VII. 10, _Il._ VI.\n    235-36.\n\n[129]VII. 9, _Il._ XXIV. 3-12; VI. 5, _Il._ I. 106-7; IV. 7, _Il._ XVI.\n    21.\n\n[130]J. W. H. Walden, _Stage-terms in Heliodorus\u2019s Aethiopica_, in\n    \u201cHarvard Studies in Classical Philology,\u201d V (1894), 1-43.\n\n[131]V. 6, II. 11, I. 3, II. 4 and 23, VI. 12, IX. 5, VI. 14.\n\n[132]X. 12, VII. 6-8, VIII. 17. Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 159-63.\n\n[133]On the style of Heliodorus, see Maillon in R. M. Rattenbury, T. W.\n    Lumb, J. Maillon, _op. cit._, I, xcii-xciii.\n\n[134]IV. 4. Translated by the Rev. Rowland Smith, _op. cit._, p. 81.\n\n[135]Aristide Calderini, _Caritone di Afrodisia, Le Avventure di Cherea\n    e Calliroe_, Torino, 1913, p. 191.\n\n[136]From the introduction to _Achilles Tatius_ with an English\n    translation by S. Gaselee, in _The Loeb Classical Library_. The\n    translations used in this chapter are from this volume.\n\n[137]GH in Grenfell and Hunt, _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, X, 135, no. 1250.\n\n[138]R. T. Rattenbury, _New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature:\n    Third Series_: Oxford, 1933, pp. 254-57.\n\n[139]F. A. Todd, _Some Ancient Novels_, Oxford, 1940, p. 33; S. Gaselee,\n    _op. cit._, pp. xv-xvi.\n\n[140]F. A. Todd, _op. cit._, p. 33; S. L. Wolff, _The Greek Romances in\n    Elizabethan Prose Fiction_, New York, 1912, pp. 248-56.\n\n[141]Pal. Anth. IX. 203.\n\n[142]J. S. Phillimore, \u201cThe Greek Romances,\u201d in _English Literature and\n    the Classics_, Oxford, 1912, pp. 108-15.\n\n[143]J. S. Phillimore, _op. cit._, p. 115.\n\n[144]S. Gaselee, _op. cit._, p. 455.\n\n[145]II. 5.\n\n[146]III. 10.\n\n[147]VI. 16.\n\n[148]VII. 5.\n\n[149]I. 3.\n\n[150]V. 18-20.\n\n[151]V. 25-27.\n\n[152]VIII. 7.\n\n[153]II. 11-17.\n\n[154]II. 23.\n\n[155]IV. 1.\n\n[156]VII. 12, 14. Compare also the dream in I. 3.\n\n[157]III. 15; V. 7; VII. 3-5.\n\n[158]VIII. 4-5, 15-17.\n\n[159]II. 13, 15-18.\n\n[160]VIII. 17-18.\n\n[161]V. 11, 13.\n\n[162]V. 22.\n\n[163]V. 14.\n\n[164]V. 16.\n\n[165]V. 25-27.\n\n[166]VI. 9-11.\n\n[167]V. 17, 22.\n\n[168]VI. 1-2.\n\n[169]VIII. 5.\n\n[170]R. M. Rattenbury, _op. cit._, pp. 256-57.\n\n[171]III. 14.\n\n[172]VI. 7.\n\n[173]VII. 9.\n\n[174]V. 17.\n\n[175]VIII. 17-19.\n\n[176]I. 4.\n\n[177]I. 9. Compare V. 13.\n\n[178]I. 16-18.\n\n[179]II. 35-38.\n\n[180]I. 8.\n\n[181]II. 7-8.\n\n[182]IV. 8.\n\n[183]I. 10.\n\n[184]II. 4.\n\n[185]II. 37.\n\n[186]V. 5.\n\n[187]II. 7-8.\n\n[188]IV. 8-10, 15-17, V. 22, 26.\n\n[189]VIII. 5-7, 11-14.\n\n[190]II. 19.\n\n[191]V. 16.\n\n[192]VIII. 5.\n\n[193]VIII. 11-12.\n\n[194]IV. 1; VII. 12.\n\n[195]VI. 21.\n\n[196]VII. 12.\n\n[197]VII. 12.\n\n[198]VIII. 1-3.\n\n[199]VIII. 1-3, 5, 10.\n\n[200]II. 12; V. 3.\n\n[201]II. 14.\n\n[202]II. 2; V. 2; VI. 3-4.\n\n[203]II. 36.\n\n[204]I. 8; II. 1, 15, 23, 34.\n\n[205]I. 8; IV. 4-5.\n\n[206]I. 12.\n\n[207]II. 20-22.\n\n[208]VIII. 9.\n\n[209]V. 27.\n\n[210]V. 5.\n\n[211]II. 2.\n\n[212]I. 1-2.\n\n[213]III. 6-8.\n\n[214]V. 3-5.\n\n[215]II. 3.\n\n[216]II. 11.\n\n[217]II. 19.\n\n[218]I. 15.\n\n[219]III. 1-5.\n\n[220]IV. 11-12; III. 24-25; IV. 2-3, 4, 19.\n\n[221]S. L. Wolff, _op. cit._, pp. 202-11.\n\n[222]J. S. Phillimore, _op. cit._, pp. 115-16.\n\n[223]F. A. Todd, _Some Ancient Novels_, London, 1940, p. 35.\n\n[224]G. Dalmeyda, _Longus, Pastorales (Daphnis et Chlo\u00e9)_, Paris, 1934,\n    pp. xxi-xxii.\n\n[225]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, p. xxiv, \u201cun des plus grands charmes de son\n    roman est le cadre de nature, et l\u2019intime union du d\u00e9cor et des\n    personnages: dans ce sol plaisant et fertile, les deux h\u00e9ros\n    semblent avoir leurs racines comme de jeunes plantes.\u201d\n\n[226]I. 4-5.\n\n[227]I. 7.\n\n[228]II. 23.\n\n[229]III. 27.\n\n[230]IV. 34.\n\n[231]II. 39.\n\n[232]II. 4-7.\n\n[233]IV. 36.\n\n[234]IV. 37.\n\n[235]IV. 39.\n\n[236]IV. 3.\n\n[237]IV. 13.\n\n[238]IV. 26.\n\n[239]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xxvii-xxxi.\n\n[240]III. 10.\n\n[241]I. 14.\n\n[242]IV. 27.\n\n[243]I. 18.\n\n[244]I. 25.\n\n[245]III. 6.\n\n[246]IV. 28.\n\n[247]II. 15-17.\n\n[248]IV. 3.\n\n[249]I. 4; II. 23.\n\n[250]II. 23-24; IV. 39.\n\n[251]I. 10 and 24.\n\n[252]I. 30.\n\n[253]III. 12.\n\n[254]II. 35-37.\n\n[255]IV. 15.\n\n[256]IV. 40.\n\n[257]III. 21.\n\n[258]Cp. II. 4 with Bion IV.\n\n[259]Cp. I. 18 with Moschus I. 27.\n\n[260]II. 33. See on the bucolic tradition, Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, p.\n    xxiii with n. 4.\n\n[261]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 169-70.\n\n[262]Theoc. I. 45-56.\n\n[263]III. 21.\n\n[264]Theoc. VIII. 53-56.\n\n[265]Horace is the only other ancient writer who uses the name Chloe, C.\n    I. 23; III. 7, 9, 26.\n\n[266]I. 17, with Courier\u2019s excellent emendation of the ms. \u03c7\u03bb\u03cc\u03b7\u03c2 (for\n    \u03c7\u03bb\u03cc\u03b1\u03c2) to \u03c0\u03cc\u03b1\u03c2, Sappho 2.\n\n[267]IV. 8, Sappho 94.\n\n[268]III. 33-34. Sappho 93.\n\n[269]J. M. Edmonds, _Daphnis and Chloe_ in _The Loeb Classical Library_,\n    p. xi, n. 1.\n\n[270]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xxxiv-v.\n\n[271]II. 7, Vergil _Ec._ I. 5.\n\n[272]J. M. Edmonds, _op. cit._, p. ix.\n\n[273]Calderini, _op. cit._, pp. 145-47.\n\n[274]Dalmeyda, _op. cit._, pp. xxxviii-xlii.\n\n[275]I. 13.\n\n[276]I. 16.\n\n[277]II. 2.\n\n[278]III. 20.\n\n[279]I. 13.\n\n[280]II. 1-2.\n\n[281]III. 3.\n\n[282]IV. 37-39.\n\n[283]II. 32.\n\n[284]II. 3-6.\n\n[285]I. 27.\n\n[286]II. 34.\n\n[287]II. 2.\n\n[288]S. L. Wolff, _op. cit._, p. 162.\n\n[289]F. A. Todd, _op. cit._, p. 64.\n\n[290]Paul-Louis Courier, _Les Pastorales de Longus ou Daphnis et Chlo\u00e9_,\n    traduction de Messire Jacques Amyot revue, corrig\u00e9e, compl\u00e9t\u00e9e et de\n    nouveau refaite in grande partie, Paris, 1925, _Preface_, p. xxii.\n    See also _Bibliographie_.\n\n[291]Suidas, as quoted in the _Enc. Brit._ XIV. Vol. 14, p. 460.\n\n[292]Maurice Croiset, _Essai sur la vie et les \u0153uvres de Lucien_, Paris,\n    1882.\n\n[293]Basil L. Gildersleeve, _Essays and Studies_, Baltimore, 1890.\n\n[294]For a concise tabular classification of Lucian\u2019s works, based on\n    Croiset\u2019s arrangement, see H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _The Works\n    of Lucian of Samosata_, 4 vols. Oxford, 1905, I, xiv-xviii. To be\n    specially noted are the influences in definite periods of the\n    rhetoricians, of philosophy, of New Comedy, of Menippus, of Old\n    Comedy.\n\n[295]Translated by A. M. Harmon, in _Lucian_, in _The Loeb Classical\n    Library_, III, 223, 225.\n\n[296]Harmon, _op. cit._, III, 231, 233.\n\n[297]Xenophon, _Memorabilia_, II, 1, 21.\n\n[298]See M. Croiset, _op. cit._, Chap. II.\n\n[299]C. 47.\n\n[300]Horace, _Ep._ I. 1, 14.\n\n[301]Harmon, _op. cit._, II, 487, 495.\n\n[302]Harmon, _op. cit._, V, 1.\n\n[303]Harmon, _op. cit._, V, 47-49.\n\n[304]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, pp. 140-43, 188-92.\n\n[305]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, p. 82.\n\n[306]F. Cumont in the _M\u00e9moires couronn\u00e9es de l\u2019acad\u00e9mie de Belgique_,\n    Vol. XL (1887), summarized by Harmon, _op. cit._, IV, 173.\n\n[307]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, p. 131.\n\n[308]Gildersleeve, _op. cit._, p. 327.\n\n[309]Harmon, _op. cit._, III, 411.\n\n[310]Harmon, _op. cit._, III, 481.\n\n[311]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, p. 176.\n\n[312]Teubner text, I (1896), 319-27; H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _The\n    Works of Lucian_, II, 27-34.\n\n[313]H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _op. cit._, II, 29.\n\n[314]H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _op. cit._, II, 33.\n\n[315]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, p. 303.\n\n[316]H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _op. cit._, II, 123, C. 27.\n\n[317]H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _op. cit._, II, 128-29, CC. 39, 41.\n\n[318]H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, _op. cit._, II, 133-35, CC. 54-61.\n\n[319]Gildersleeve, _op. cit._, p. 316.\n\n[320]See Philip Babcock Gove, _The Imaginary Voyage in Prose Fiction_,\n    New York, 1941.\n\n[321]A secondary Preface to Book II may be found in _Babble Beforehand:\n    Dionysus_. In it Lucian speaks of a literary novelty he is producing\n    under the influence of Dionysus and Silenus, an old man\u2019s lengthy\n    babbling.\n\n[322]I. 4. The translations of the _True History_ are from A. M. Harmon,\n    _Lucian_, I, 247-357 in _The Loeb Classical Library_.\n\n[323]I. 13.\n\n[324]I. 26.\n\n[325]II. 31.\n\n[326]II. 47.\n\n[327]Gildersleeve, _op. cit._, pp. 318-19.\n\n[328]See E. Rohde, _Der Griechische Roman_, Leipzig, 1914, pp. 204-209;\n    242-50, 260 ff.; C. S. Jerram, _Luciani Vera Historia_, Oxford,\n    1887, I, 120 and _passim_; H. W. L. Hime, _Lucian the Syrian\n    Satirist_, London, 1900, app. pp. 91-95; F. W. Householder, Jr.,\n    _Literary Quotation and Allusion in Lucian_, New York, 1941.\n\n[329]F. G. Allinson, _Lucian Satirist and Artist_, Boston, 1926, p. 123.\n\n[330]I. 29.\n\n[331]II. 17 and 19.\n\n[332]I. 20, Thuc. V. 18.\n\n[333]I. 16, Her. III. 102.\n\n[334]I. 16, Her. IV. 191.\n\n[335]I. 23, Her. I. 202; IV. 75.\n\n[336]I. 29, Her. II. 62.\n\n[337]I. 40, Her. II. 156.\n\n[338]II. 2, Her. IV. 28.\n\n[339]II. 5, Her. III. 113.\n\n[340]II. 31.\n\n[341]I. 3.\n\n[342]II. 20.\n\n[343]II. 24.\n\n[344]II. 28.\n\n[345]II. 22.\n\n[346]II. 15.\n\n[347]II. 25-26.\n\n[348]II. 35-36.\n\n[349]II. 28, _Odys._ X. 302-306.\n\n[350]II. 33, _Odys._ XIX. 562-67.\n\n[351]II. 46, _Odys._ XII. 37-200.\n\n[352]II. 20.\n\n[353]See M. Croiset, _op. cit._, C. XII, \u201cLa fantaisie chez Lucien\u201d; and\n    F. G. Allinson, _op. cit._, _passim_.\n\n[354]Andrew Lang, _Letters to Dead Authors_, New York, 1893, pp. 53-54.\n\n[355]Ben Edwin Perry, _The Metamorphoses Ascribed to Lucius of Patrae_,\n    Princeton, 1920.\n\n[356]_Bibl. Cod._ 129, Migne.\n\n[357]B. E. Perry, _op. cit._, pp. 52-55.\n\n[358]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, p. 48.\n\n[359]Harmon, _op. cit._, V, 101-207.\n\n[360]M. Rostovtzeff, _Seminarium Kondakovianum_, II, 135-38, Prague,\n    1928; _Papyri Greci e Latini_, VIII. No. 981. For a different point\n    of view see F. Zimmermann, \u201cLukians Toxaris und das Kairener\n    Romanfragment\u201d in _Philologische Wochenschrift_, 55 (1935), 1211-16.\n\n[361]R. M. Rattenbury, \u201cRomance: the Greek Novel\u201d in _New Chapters in\n    the History of Greek Literature, Third Series_, pp. 240-44.\n\n[362]M. Rostovtzeff, _Scythien und der Bosporus_, Berlin, 1931, I,\n    96-99.\n\n[363]M. Croiset, _op. cit._, p. 51.\n\n[364]Quis ille? _Met._ I. 1.\n\n[365]E. H. Haight, _Apuleius and his Influence_, New York, 1927; \u201cThe\n    Myth of Cupid and Psyche in Ancient Art\u201d in _Art and Archaeology_,\n    III (1916), 43-52, 87-97; \u201cThe Myth of Cupid and Psyche in\n    Renaissance Art,\u201d \u201cThe Vassar College Psyche Tapestries,\u201d in _Art\n    and Archaeology_, XV (1923), 107-116; \u201cApuleius\u2019 Art of\n    Story-Telling\u201d in _Essays on Ancient Fiction_, New York, 1936.\n\n[366]From E. H. Haight, \u201cApuleius\u2019 Art of Story-Telling,\u201d in _Essays on\n    Ancient Fiction_, New York, 1936, p. 152.\n\n[367]_Met._ XI, 23.\n\n[368]Hermann Riefstahl, _Der Roman des Apuleius_, Frankfurt am Main,\n    1938, pp. 83-84.\n\n[369]Riefstahl, _op. cit._, p. 85.\n\n[370]For an account of Aristides and the Milesian Tales see L. C.\n    Purser, _The Story of Cupid and Psyche as related by Apuleius_,\n    London, 1910, Excursus I.\n\n[371]_Apologia_, 55, 56.\n\n[372]Riefstahl, _op. cit._, pp. 84-85.\n\n[373]_Met._ XI. 22.\n\n[374]S. Gaselee, _Apuleius the Golden Ass being the Metamorphoses of\n    Lucius Apuleius_, in _The Loeb Classical Library_, XI. 4.\n\n[375]For Riefstahl\u2019s whole theory of \u201cApuleius und die griechischen\n    Liebesromane\u201d see _op. cit._, pp. 82-95.\n\n[376]See the review of Riefstahl\u2019s work by H. W. Prescott in _A.J.P._,\n    61 (1940), pp. 115-17.\n\n[377]To complete the list of different types of novels, we might add the\n    realistic novel of low life, Petronius\u2019 _Satyricon_. Since its\n    affiliations are with the Menippean satire and not with the Greek\n    Romances, I have omitted any study of it here. See E. H. Haight,\n    _Apuleius and his Influence_, pp. 7-8; \u201cSatire and the Latin Novel\u201d\n    in _Essays on Ancient Fiction_, pp. 86-120. For a recent review of\n    the literature about the _Satyricon_ and a brilliant\n    re-interpretation of it see Gilbert Highet \u201cPetronius the Moralist\u201d\n    in _T.P.A.P.A._, LXXII (1941), 176-94.\n\n[378]M. Rostovtzeff, _A History of the Ancient World, Volume II. Rome_,\n    Oxford, 1927, pp. 239-41. Yet see pp. 181-85 for Rostovtzeff\u2019s\n    knowledge of the Greek Romances.\n\n\n\n\n                                 INDEX\n\n\n                                   A\n  Achilles, 11, 20, 35, 78, 90, 115, 173\n  Achilles Tatius, 10, 11, 12, 13, 62, 63, 95-118, 120, 196, 197,\n          198\n      _Clitophon and Leucippe_, 95-118, list of characters, 97-98\n  Aeschines, 147\n  Aesculapius, 155, 187\n  _Aethiopica_, 61-94\n  Africa, 186, 187\n  Alcinous, 79, 173\n  _Alexander Romance_, 11, 12\n  Alexandria, 45, 46, 47, 95, 99, 101, 117\n  Allinson, F. G., ix, 172, 175\n  Amyot, Jacques, 120, 143\n  Andromeda, 75, 93, 115\n  Antioch, 144\n  Antonius Diogenes, _The Wonderful Things beyond Thule_, 12, 145,\n          170, 171, 172\n  _Apollonius of Tyre_, 12\n  Apollonius of Tyana, 62, 88, 89\n  Apparent deaths, 100, 103-4, 196\n  Anthia, 12, 38-60, 93\n  Antinous, 92\n  Antoninus Pius, 187\n  Aphrodite, 8, 10, 16, 20, 21, 26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 51, 103, 107,\n          110, 196\n  Apis, 52, 55\n  Apollo, 42, 51, 55, 67, 68, 78, 82, 86, 87, 88, 111, 196\n  Apollonius Rhodius, 4\n  Apuleius, viii, 6, 13, 54, 145, 186-201\n      _Metamorphoses_, 176, 180, 181, 186-99\n      _Cupid and Psyche_, 186, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196\n      _Apologia_, 187, 195\n      _Florida_, 187\n      _Plato and his Doctrine_, 187\n      _The God of Socrates_, 187\n  Aradus, 19, 20, 32, 35\n  Ares, 44, 51, 53, 183\n  Aristaenetus, 108\n  Aristides, author of _Milesian Tales_, 5, 194\n  Aristides, author of _Panegyric_ on Rome, 200\n  Aristippus, 169\n  Aristophanes, 113, 149, 166, 167, 172\n  Aristotle, 153\n  Armenia, 156\n  Artemis, 40, 42, 51, 53, 103, 111, 112, 113, 196\n  Asia Minor, 14, 15, 53, 144\n  Astarte, 115\n  Athenagoras, 15\n  Athens, 77, 151, 153, 155, 186\n  Augustine, Saint, 187\n  Augustus, 40, 155\n  Aurelian, 62\n\n                                   B\n  Babylon, 10, 20, 26, 29, 32, 33, 34\n  Bard\u00e8che, Maurice, 59\n  Berytus, 98, 101\n  Bessa, 70, 77\n  Bias, 27\n  Bion, 135\n  Bithynia, 158\n  Blake, Warren E., viii, 14\n  Bonaparte, Elisa, 142\n  Bonaparte, Napoleon, 142\n  Borden, Fanny, ix\n  Bornecque, H., 6\n  Burton, William, 96\n  Byron, Lord G. G. N., 141\n  Byzantium, 98, 101, 105, 195\n\n                                   C\n  Calderini, Aristide, 4, 6, 13, 35, 36, 51, 54, 63, 76, 80, 88, 91,\n          95, 135, 136, 137\n  Callimachus, 3\n  Callirhoe, 12, 14-37, 57, 93, 97\n  Callisthenes, pseudo-, _Alexander Romance_, 11, 12\n  Calydon, 84\n  Calypso, 169, 170, 173, 175\n  Cappadocia, 45, 54\n  Caria, 15, 20\n  Carthage, 186, 187\n  Cenchreae, 190\n  Chaereas, 12, 14-37, 57, 93, 97\n  Charicles, 1, 12\n  Chariton, viii, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14-37, 40, 57, 58, 62, 63,\n          90, 91, 95, 96, 108, 112, 196, 199\n      _Chaereas and Callirhoe_, 14-37, list of characters, 15-16\n  Chassang, A., 3\n  Chauvin, V., 3\n  Chemmis, 66, 70, 77, 85\n  Chloe, 12, 93, 119-43\n  Christianity, 61, 62, 95, 96, 144, 154, 156\n  Cilicia, 40, 41, 44, 54\n  Cinema, 58, 59, 60, 83, 84, 101\n  Clarendon Press, viii\n  Claros, 42, 51, 55\n  Clitophon, 12, 93, 95-118\n  Colonna, Aristides, 61\n  Constantinus Manasses, _Aristander and Callithea_, 12\n  _Controversiae_, 6, 36\n  Conversation, use of, 27, 84, 101, 114,  133\n  Conybeare, F. C., 88\n  Corinth, 162, 190, 195\n  Cornelius Gallus, 5\n  Cornelius Sisenna, 5\n  Courier, Paul Louis, 137, 141-43\n  Court-room scenes, 18, 20, 23, 26, 36, 55, 59, 85, 100, 101, 111,\n          112-14, 133, 134, 137, 148, 149, 174\n  Croiset, Alfred, 6\n  Croiset, Maurice, 6, 146, 149, 157, 158, 160, 162, 175, 182, 185\n  Ctesias, 164, 165, 171, 173\n  Cumont, F., 157\n  Cyprus, 32\n  _Cyrano de Bergerac_, 175\n  Cyrus the Great, 16\n\n                                   D\n  Dalmeyda, G., 13, 40, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 128,\n          132, 135, 137, 138\n  Daphnis, 12, 93, 119-43\n  _Daphnis and Chloe_, 119-43\n  Daye, Angell, 120\n  Deaths, apparent, 17, 29, 45, 84, 97, 99, 100, 103, 104\n  _Declamationes_, 36\n  Delphi, 66, 69, 76, 77, 78, 82, 84, 86, 87, 88\n  Democritus, 157\n  Demosthenes, 141, 147, 150\n  Descriptions, use of, 29, 84, 114-17, 136, 138, 139, 174, 195, 196\n  Diana, 64, 67, 86\n  Diocletian, 118\n  Diogenes, 154, 162, 169\n  Dionysus, 114, 126, 129, 131, 134, 139, 155, 166, 171\n  Disney, Walt, 166\n  _Dosicles and Rhodanthe_, 12\n  Dreams, 18, 28, 29, 43, 50, 55, 59, 73, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 103,\n          111, 122, 129, 196\n  Drusilla, 1, 12\n  Dunlop, J., 3\n  D\u2019Urf\u00e9, Honor\u00e9, 140\n\n                                   E\n  Edmonds, J. M., viii, 120, 137\n  Egypt, 15, 16, 40, 41, 43, 45, 46, 47, 54, 64, 66, 67, 69, 77, 82,\n          86, 87, 145, 156, 158, 160, 195\n  Elephantine, 74, 77\n  Emesa, 61, 62, 88\n  Empedocles, 153, 155\n  Ending, happy, 2, 30, 49, 50, 55, 60, 93, 104, 128, 133, 189, 192,\n          193, 196\n  _Ephesiaca_, by Xenophon of Ephesus, 38-60\n  Ephesus, 5, 40, 41, 42, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 99, 100, 101, 103,\n          105, 106, 111, 112\n  Epicurus, 153, 158, 169\n  Epiphanies, 67, 73, 84, 85, 86, 87, 103, 125, 196, 201\n  Eros, 10, 28, 42, 49, 51, 105, 110, 115, 122, 124, 127, 128, 129,\n          130, 131, 136, 139, 140, 192, 198\n  Ethiopia, 11, 46, 47, 73, 77, 85, 86, 87, 88\n  Ethiopians, 68, 72, 73, 74, 77, 79, 80, 87, 89\n  Euphrates, 27, 31\n  Eupolis, 149\n  Euripides, 58, 79, 108\n  Eustathius, _Hysmine and Hysminias_, 12\n  Exposures, 66, 68, 75, 122, 127, 128, 137\n\n                                   F\n  Fortune, 1, 19, 20, 31, 32, 36, 109, 111, 137, 187, 190, 192, 193,\n          196\n  Fowler, H. W. and F. G., ix, 146, 160, 161, 163, 164\n  Furia, Francesco, 141, 142\n\n                                   G\n  Gaselee, Stephen, 6, 7, 95, 96, 101, 198\n  Gaul, 144, 148\n  Gildersleeve, Basil L., 146, 158, 165, 166\n  Gove, P. B., 164\n  Greece, 3, 82, 88, 89, 141, 144, 148, 153, 156, 195, 200\n  Greek Romances, re-dating, 1-13\n      chronological list, 12\n      influence of elegiac poetry, 137\n      influence of New Attic Comedy, 112, 137, 146, 149\n      influence of Old Attic Comedy, 112, 146, 149\n      influence of the Pastoral, 119-43, 196\n      influence of rhetorical schools, 36, 37, 84, 85, 90, 91, 112,\n          114, 137-38, 149\n      likeness to drama, 26, 36, 37, 58, 77, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 91,\n          137\n      likeness to epic, 35-36, 58, 77, 78, 79, 83, 84, 90, 91, 112\n  Greene, Robert, 97, 140\n  _Gulliver\u2019s Travels_, 164\n  Gymnosophists, 74, 79, 81, 82, 89, 93, 196\n\n                                   H\n  Habrocomes, 12, 38-60, 93\n  _Habrocomes and Anthia_, 38-60\n  Hadrian, 40, 92\n  Harmon, A. M., 147, 153, 155, 157, 158, 160, 165, 182\n  Harvard University Press, viii\n  Heffelbower, G. F., 6\n  Helen, 21, 34, 78, 110, 169, 173, 175\n  Heliodorus, 3, 10, 12, 13, 61-94, 96, 196\n      _Aethiopica_ or _Theagenes and Chariclea_, 61-94, list of\n          characters, 63\n  Heliogabalus, 62\n  Helios, 46, 48, 52, 61, 62, 79, 87, 88\n  Hercules, 111, 115, 147, 155, 166, 171\n  Hermes, 69, 87, 148, 151, 153, 174\n  Herodes Atticus, 156\n  Herodotus, 4, 36, 77, 165, 171, 172, 173\n  Hesiod, 112, 174\n  Highet, Gilbert, 199\n  Hime, H. W. L., 171\n  Hippolytus, 20, 58, 64, 79, 82\n  Homer, 33, 34, 37, 57, 78, 90, 92, 94, 112, 159, 161, 164, 169,\n          172, 173, 174\n  Hooker, Blanche Ferry, v\n  Horace, 136, 151\n  Householder, F. W., 171\n  Huet, P. D., 3\n  _Hysmine and Hysminias_, 12\n\n                                   I\n  Iamblichus, _Babyloniaca_ or _Rhodanes and Sinonis_, 12\n  Iambulus, 164, 171\n  Iliad, 4, 33, 34, 35, 78, 90, 91\n  India, 41, 46, 154\n  Ionia, 148\n  Isis, 42, 45, 47, 51, 53, 54, 64, 66, 71, 82, 86, 87, 88, 99, 187,\n          190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 198\n  Italy, 46, 47, 48, 54, 58, 141, 144, 148, 200\n\n                                   J\n  Jacobs, Lewis, 59\n  Jerram, C. S., 171\n  Jupiter, 189, 194\n  Juvenal, 200\n\n                                   L\n  Lang, Andrew, 175\n  Lavagnini, Bruno, 2, 3, 4\n  Lesbos, 122, 131\n  Letters, 18, 22, 23, 27, 28, 44, 55, 56, 65, 66, 68, 75, 79, 81,\n          84, 85, 102, 106, 175\n      Love-Letters of Aristaenetus, 108\n  Leucippe, 12, 93, 95-118\n  Loeb, _The Loeb Classical Library_, viii, 6, 95, 120, 137, 147,\n          198\n  Longmans, Green and Co., ix\n  Longus, viii, 12, 13, 196, 198\n      _Daphnis and Chloe_, 119-43, list of characters, 121\n  Lucian, viii, ix, 12, 13, 144-85, 187, 197, 199, 200\n      on oratory and rhetoric, 148-50\n      on philosophies, 150-54\n      autobiography in works, 146-62\n      _The Dream_, 146-47\n      _The Double Indictment_, 148-49\n      _The Professor of Oratory_, 149-50\n      _Nigrinus_, 150-51\n      _Philosophies for Sale_, 151-53\n      _The Resurrected_ or _The Fisherman_, 153-54\n      _The End of Peregrinus_, 154-57\n      _Alexander of Abonoteichus_, 151, 157-58, 181\n      _Parasites for Pay_, 158-60\n      _Apology_, 160-62\n      _How History should be Written_, 162-64\n      _True History_, 145, 164-76\n      _Lucius or Ass_, 12, 13, 145, 176-81, 188, 191, 192, 194\n      _Metamorphoses_, 12, 176, 180, 181, 191, 192, 194\n      _Toxaris_, 182-85\n      _Dialogues of the Gods_, 194\n  Lucius, 54, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 196\n  Lucius Verus, 162\n  Lumb, T. W., 61, 62, 63, 77, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 88, 92\n  Lydia, 28\n  Lyly, John, 97\n\n                                   M\n  Macedonia, 144, 178\n  Madaura, 186, 191, 192\n  Magic, 70, 87, 88, 89, 110, 111, 177, 180, 187-89, 196\n      tests of chastity, 100, 107, 110, 111, 114\n  Maillon, J., 61, 62, 63, 76, 77, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 88, 89, 92\n  Marcus Aurelius, 162, 187, 199, 200\n  Memphis, 46, 52, 53, 55, 71, 72, 73, 77, 78\n  Menippus, 146, 149, 154, 161\n  Meroe, 74, 76\n  Michigan, University Press, ix\n  _Milesian Tales_, 3, 5, 36, 190, 194\n  Miletus, 5, 20, 26, 32, 36\n  Miracles, 73, 87, 89\n  Moore, J. Leverett, vi\n  Moschus, 135\n  Myths, use of, 11, 35, 78, 110, 114, 115, 116, 125, 126, 130, 135,\n          139, 140\n  Mytilene, 119, 122, 124, 128, 129, 131\n\n                                   N\n  Narrator, use of, 101, 164, 177, 180, 187, 192, 197-198\n  Neoptolemus, 66, 67, 87\n  Neo-Pythagoreanism, 62, 88, 196\n  Nicephorus Callistus, 61, 62\n  Nicetas, Eugenianus, _Charicles and Drusilla_, 1, 12\n  Nicoll, Allerdyce, 59\n  Nile, 46, 52, 64, 66, 69, 74, 77, 84, 87, 93, 117\n  _Ninus Romance_, 6, 7-12, 16, 36, 199\n  Novelle, 3, 4, 5\n  Nymphs, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 133,\n          134, 136, 139, 196\n\n                                   O\n  Oaths, 1, 7, 10, 28, 42, 58, 84, 102, 133, 138\n  Odysseus, 78, 86, 90, 169, 170, 173, 174, 175\n  Odyssey, 4, 34, 35, 78, 90, 164, 165, 174\n  Olympia, 154, 156, 163\n  Oracles, 42, 51, 52, 55, 56, 73, 76, 84, 85, 111, 196, 201\n  Osiris, 191\n  Ovid, 137\n\n                                   P\n  Palatine Anthology, 97\n  Palmyra, 62\n  Pan, 111, 114, 119, 121, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 134,\n          136, 139, 196\n  Papyri, evidence of, 14, 96, 182, 184, 185\n  Parthenius, 3, 5, 6\n  Pater, Walter, 187\n  Patrae, 176, 177, 180, 195\n  Patroclus, 35, 78, 91\n  Pelusium, 46, 99, 101\n  Penelope, 86, 110, 174\n  Perry, B. E., ix, 176, 180, 181\n  Perseus, 93, 115\n  Persia, 16, 92\n  Petronius, 199\n  Phaedra, 58, 64, 79, 82, 110\n  Phidias, 146-47\n  Philae, 74, 77\n  Philippus of Amphipolis, 3\n  Phillimore, J. S., ix, 98, 101, 118\n  Philomela, 110, 114, 116\n  Philostratus, 6, 88, 89\n  Phoenicia, 46\n  Photius, 2, 12, 61, 62, 97, 137, 171, 180\n  Pilon, Edmond, 143\n  Plato, 150, 151, 153, 159, 160, 161, 169, 172, 187\n  Pliny the Younger, 200\n  Pompeii, 115\n  Pontus, 158\n  Prescott, H. W., 199\n  Priene, 27\n  Purser, L. C., 194\n  Pythagoras, 88\n\n                                   Q\n  Quintilian, pseudo-, 6, 36\n\n                                   R\n  Rabelais, Fran\u00e7ois, 175\n  Ramsay, Allan, 140\n  Rattenbury, R. M., viii, 3, 6, 7, 10, 11, 61, 62, 63, 77, 78, 80,\n          82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 92, 96, 108, 184\n  Recognitions, 68, 69, 71, 75, 79, 80, 87, 127, 128, 131, 137\n  R\u00e9sum\u00e9s, 30, 55, 58, 68, 78, 84, 100, 104, 107\n  Rhadamanthus, 173, 174, 175\n  Rhodes, 42, 48, 52, 54\n  Richardson, Samuel, 97\n  Riefstahl, Hermann, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 199\n  Risus, 188\n  Rohde, Erwin, 2, 3, 5, 6, 13, 55, 171\n  Rome, 88, 141, 151, 186, 195, 199, 200\n  Rostovtzeff, M., ix, 182, 185, 199-200\n\n                                   S\n  Sabrata, 187\n  Saint-Pierre, Bernardin de, 140\n  Samos, 52, 54\n  Samosata, 144\n  Sannazaro, Jacopo, 140\n  Sappho, 136, 137\n  Satyricon, 199\n  Schmid, W., 3, 35\n  Scott, Sir Walter, 97\n  Scythians, 182, 183, 184, 185\n  Second Sophistry, 2, 3, 5\n  Selene, 79-80\n  Seneca the Elder, 6, 36\n  Sesonchosis, 11\n  Sesostris, 11\n  Severus, Alexander, 62\n  Shakespeare, 38, 58, 140\n      _Romeo and Juliet_, 58\n      _The Winter\u2019s Tale_, 140\n  Sicily, 19, 38, 39, 47, 54, 68, 195\n  Sidney, Sir Philip, 96\n  Sidon, 99, 101, 115\n  Smith, Rowland, 67, 73, 90, 94\n  Socrates, 147, 153, 169\n  Socrates, (V cent. A.D.), 61, 62\n  Soliloquies, 27, 55, 84, 85, 102, 133-34, 197\n  Sparta, 39\n  Stesichorus, 173\n  Sub-plot, 77, 81, 100, 101, 104\n  Suidas, 3, 40, 82, 95, 96, 144, 145\n  Susa, 154\n  Swift, Jonathan, 175\n  Sybaris, 5\n  Syene, 73, 74, 75, 77, 81, 84\n  Syracuse, 14, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 32, 47\n  Syria, 44, 54, 62, 146\n  Syrinx, 125, 135, 140\n\n                                   T\n  Tacitus, 200\n  Taras, 41, 47, 50\n  Tarsus, 44\n  Tasso, Torquatus, 140\n  Tauromenium, 47, 48\n  Tefnut, 11\n  Theagenes, 10, 12\n  _Theagenes and Chariclea_, 12, 61-94\n  Theocritus, 119, 135, 136, 141\n  Theodorus, Prodromus, _Dosicles and Rhodanthe_, 12\n  Thermopylae, 19\n  Thessaly, 61, 177, 188\n  Thomas Magister, 112\n  Thornley, George, viii, 120\n  Thucydides, 163, 172\n  Todd, F. A., ix, 96, 119, 140\n  Trajan, 200\n  Tricca, 61, 62, 96\n  Troy, 78\n  Tyre, 20, 43, 50, 54, 98, 101, 105, 111\n\n                                   V\n  Vassar College, iii, vi, 186\n  Venus, 189, 193, 194, 196\n  Vergil, 33, 136, 137\n  Voltaire, Fran\u00e7ois M. A., 175\n\n                                   W\n  Wagram, 141\n  Walden, J. W. H., 91\n  Whibley, L., 4, 5\n  Wolff, S. L., ix, 13, 80, 97, 117, 140\n  Works of art, 51, 56, 75, 93, 114, 115-16, 121, 122, 128, 130,\n          134, 146-47, 186, 201\n\n                                   X\n  Xenophon, 4, 147\n  Xenophon of Antioch, 3\n  Xenophon of Cyprus, 3\n  Xenophon of Ephesus, 3, 12, 13, 38-60, 76, 92, 196, 199\n      _Ephesiaca_ or _Habrocomes and Anthia_, 38-60, list of\n          characters, 41\n\n                                   Z\n  Zacynthos, 68\n  Zenobia, 62\n  Zeus, 34, 148\n  Zeus Casius, 99, 115\n  Zimmermann, F., 182\n\n\n\n\n                          Transcriber\u2019s Notes\n\n\n--Copyright notice provided as in the original\u2014this e-text is public\n  domain in the country of publication.\n\n--Silently corrected palpable typos; left non-standard spellings and\n  dialect unchanged.\n\n--Only in the text versions, delimited italicized text in _underscores_\n  (the HTML version reproduces the font form of the printed book.)\n\n--Only in the ASCII version, transliterated Greek words are delimited by\n  {brackets}.","title":"Essays on the Greek Romances","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":65592}