{"collection":"philosophy-ethics","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_48137/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_48137","id":"gutenberg_48137","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48137","summary":null,"tags":["Category: American Literature","Category: Essays, Letters & Speeches","Category: History - American","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Category: Politics","Category: Science - Physics","Conduct of life -- Early works to 1800","Electricity -- Early works to 1850","Franklin, Benjamin, 1706-1790","Physics -- Early works to 1800","Statesmen -- United States -- Biography","United States -- History -- 1783-1815 -- Sources","United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -- Sources"],"text":"TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE\n\n This is Volume 2 of a 3-volume set. The other two volumes are also\n accessible in Project Gutenberg using\n https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48136 and\n https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48138.\n\n Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.\n\n Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been\n corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within\n the text and consultation of external sources.\n\n Several pages of the book contain a description and examples of a\n modified alphabet proposed by B.F. There are six new characters, which\n are denoted by the Unicode characters below (these are similar to,\n but not a precise rendering of the original printed characters).\n \u03d6 for the 'o' sound as in (John, folly, ball) 0x3d6\n \u0173 for the 'u' sound as in (umbrage, unto, er) 0x173\n \u053b for the 'sh' sound as in (ship, wish) 0x53b\n \u014b for the 'ng' sound as in (ing, repeating, among) 0x14b\n \u0267 for the 'th' sound as in (think, width) 0x267\n \u0195 for the 'th' sound as in (thy, weather) 0x195\n\n More detail can be found at the end of the book.\n\n\n\n\n The\n WORKS\n Of\n BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, L.L.D.\n\n VOL. 2.\n\n [Illustration: (W & G Cooke Sculptor.)]\n\n\n PRINTED,\n\n for Longman, Hurst, Rees, & Orme, Paternoster Row, London.\n\n\n\n\n THE\n COMPLETE\n WORKS,\n IN\n PHILOSOPHY, POLITICS, AND MORALS,\n OF THE LATE\n DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,\n NOW FIRST COLLECTED AND ARRANGED:\n WITH\n MEMOIRS OF HIS EARLY LIFE,\n WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.\n\n IN THREE VOLUMES.\n\n VOL. II.\n\n London:\n\n PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD;\n AND LONGMAN, HURST, REES AND ORME,\n PATERNOSTER-ROW.\n\n 1806.\n\n J. CUNDEE, PRINTER\n LONDON\n\n\n\n\n CONTENTS.\n\n\n VOL. II.\n\n\n LETTERS AND PAPERS ON PHILOSOPHICAL SUBJECTS.\n\n Physical and meteorological observations, conjectures and\n suppositions 1\n\n On water-spouts 11\n\n The same subject continued 13\n\n Water-spouts and whirlwinds compared 19\n\n Description of a water-spout at Antigua 34\n\n Shooting stars 36\n\n Water-spouts and whirlwinds 37\n\n Observations on the meteorological paper; by a gentleman in\n Connecticut 45\n\n Observations in answer to the foregoing, by B. Franklin 49\n\n Observations on the meteorological paper; sent by a gentleman in\n New York to B. Franklin 51\n\n Answer to the foregoing observations, by B. Franklin 55\n\n Gentleman of New York in reply 58\n\n Account of a whirlwind at Maryland 61\n\n On the north east storms in North America 63\n\n Meteorological imaginations and conjectures 66\n\n Suppositions and conjectures towards forming an hypothesis, for\n the explanation of the aurora borealis 69\n\n On cold produced by evaporation 75\n\n On the same subject 83\n\n Concerning the light in sea-water 88\n\n On the saltness of sea-water 91\n\n On the effect of air on the barometer, and the benefits derived\n from the study of insects 92\n\n On the Bristol waters, and the tide in rivers 95\n\n On the same subject 102\n\n Salt-water rendered fresh by distillation.--Method of relieving\n thirst by sea-water 103\n\n Tendency of rivers to the sea.--Effect of the sun's rays on cloth\n of different colours 105\n\n On the vis inerti\u00e6 of matter 110\n\n On the different strata of the earth 116\n\n On the theory of the earth 117\n\n New and curious theory of light and heat 122\n\n Queries and conjectures relating to magnetism and the theory of\n the earth 125\n\n On the nature of sea coal 125\n\n Effect of vegetation on noxious air 129\n\n On the inflammability of the surface of certain rivers in America 130\n\n On the different quantities of rain which fall at different\n heights over the same ground 133\n\n Slowly sensible hygrometer proposed, for certain purposes 135\n\n Curious instance of the effect of oil on water 142\n\n Letters on the stilling of waves by means of oil 144\n\n Extract of a letter from Mr. Tengnagel to Count Bentinck, dated at\n Batavia, the 5th of January, 1770 154\n\n On the difference of navigation in shoal and deep water 158\n\n Sundry maritime observations 162\n\n Remarks upon the navigation from Newfoundland to New-York, in\n order to avoid the Gulph Stream on one hand, and on the other\n the shoals that lie to the southward of Nantucket and of St.\n George's Banks 197\n\n Observations of the warmth of the sea-water, &c. by Fahrenheit's\n Thermometer, in crossing the Gulph Stream; with other remarks\n made on board the Pensylvania packet, Capt. Osborne, bound\n from London to Philadelphia, in April and May, 1775 199\n\n Observations of the warmth of the sea-water, &c. by Fahrenheit's\n thermometer; with other remarks made on board the Reprisal,\n Capt. Wycks, bound from Philadelphia to France, in October\n and November, 1776 200\n\n A journal of a voyage from the Channel between France and England\n towards America 202\n\n On the art of swimming 206\n\n On the same subject, in answer to some enquiries of M. Dubourg 210\n\n On the free use of air 213\n\n On the causes of colds 214\n\n Dr. Stark, and Dr. Letsom 215\n\n Number of deaths in Philadelphia by inoculation ibid\n\n Answer to the preceding 217\n\n On the effects of lead upon the human constitution 219\n\n Observations on the prevailing doctrines of life and death 222\n\n An account of the new-invented Pensylvanian fire-places 225\n\n On the causes and cure of smoky chimneys 256\n\n Description of a new stove for burning of pitcoal, and consuming\n all its smoke 296\n\n Method of contracting chimneys.--Modesty in disputation 317\n\n Covering houses with copper 318\n\n On the same subject 320\n\n Paper referred to in the preceding letter 322\n\n Magical square of squares 324\n\n Magical circle 328\n\n New musical instrument composed of glasses 330\n\n Best mediums for conveying sound 335\n\n On the harmony and melody of the old Scotch tunes 338\n\n On the defects of modern music 343\n\n Description of the process to be observed in making large sheets\n of paper in the Chinese manner, with one smooth surface 349\n\n On modern innovations in the English language and in printing 351\n\n A scheme for a new alphabet and reformed mode of spelling; with\n remarks and examples concerning the same; and an enquiry into\n its uses, in a correspondence between Miss S---- and Dr. Franklin,\n written in the characters of the alphabet 357\n\n Rules for a club formerly established in Philadelphia 366\n\n Questions discussed by the Junto forming the preceding club 369\n\n Sketch of an English school; for the consideration of the trustees\n of the Philadelphia Academy 370\n\n Advice to youth in reading 378\n\n\n PAPERS ON SUBJECTS OF GENERAL POLITICS.\n\n Observations concerning the increase of mankind, peopling of\n countries, &c 383\n\n Remarks on some of the foregoing observations, showing particularly\n the effect which manners have on population 392\n\n Plan by Messieurs Franklin and Dalrymple, for benefiting distant\n unprovided countries 403\n\n Concerning the provision made in China against famine 407\n\n Positions to be examined, concerning national wealth 408\n\n Political fragments, supposed either to be written by Dr. Franklin,\n or to contain sentiments nearly allied to his own 411\n\n On the price of corn, and management of the poor 418\n\n On luxury, idleness, and industry 424\n\n On smuggling, and its various species 430\n\n Observations on war 435\n\n Notes copied from Dr. Franklin's writing in pencil in the margin of\n Judge Foster's celebrated argument in favour of the impressing\n of seamen 437\n\n On the criminal laws, and the practice of privateering 441\n\n A parable against persecution, in imitation of scripture language 450\n\n A letter concerning persecution in former ages, the maintenance of\n the clergy, American bishops, and the state of toleration in Old\n England and New England compared 452\n\n On the slave trade 459\n\n Account of the highest court of judicature in Pensylvania, viz.\n The court of the press 463\n\n\n\n\n LIST OF THE PLATES\n\n\n PLATE V. Water-Spouts facing page 16\n\n PLATE VI. Maritime Observations 163\n\n PLATE VII. A Chart of the Gulph Stream 197\n\n PLATE VIII. Pensylvania Fire-Place 235\n\n PLATE VIII*. Profile of the Pensylvania Chimnie 238\n\n PLATE IX. Remedies for Smoky Chimnies 269\n\n PLATE X. Stove for Burning Pit-Coal 297\n\n PLATE XI. A Magic Square of Squares 327\n\n PLATE XII. A Magic Circle of Circles 328\n\n\n\n\n _ERRATA._\n\n\n _Page._ _Line._\n\n 117 penult. for preceding day, read the preceding day.\n 254 17: for the annexed cut, read Plate VIII.\n 276 11: for Plate I, read Plate IX.\n 293 23: for Fig. 13, read Fig. 10.\n 318 9: for descent, read decent.\n 326 5: for Plate XI, read Plate V. Fig. 3.\n\n\n\n\nLETTERS AND PAPERS\n\nON\n\n_PHILOSOPHICAL SUBJECTS._\n\n\n\n\n_LETTERS AND PAPERS_\n\nON\n\nPHILOSOPHICAL SUBJECTS.\n\n\n\n\n _Physical and Meteorological Observations, Conjectures and\n Suppositions._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, June 3, 1756.\n\nThe particles of air are kept at a distance from each other by their\nmutual repulsion.\n\nEvery three particles, mutually and equally repelling each other,\nmust form an equilateral triangle.\n\nAll the particles of air gravitate towards the earth, which\ngravitation compresses them, and shortens the sides of the triangles,\notherwise their mutual repellency would force them to greater\ndistances from each other.\n\nWhatever particles of other matter (not endued with that repellency)\nare supported in air, must adhere to the particles of air, and be\nsupported by them; for in the vacancies there is nothing they can\nrest on.\n\nAir and water mutually attract each other. Hence water will dissolve\nin air, as salt in water.\n\nThe specific gravity of matter is not altered by dividing the\nmatter, though the superficies be increased. Sixteen leaden bullets,\nof an ounce each, weigh as much in water as one of a pound, whose\nsuperficies is less.\n\nTherefore the supporting of salt in water is not owing to its\nsuperficies being increased.\n\nA lump of salt, though laid at rest at the bottom of a vessel of\nwater, will dissolve therein, and its parts move every way, till\nequally diffused in the water; therefore there is a mutual attraction\nbetween water and salt. Every particle of water assumes as many of\nsalt as can adhere to it; when more is added, it precipitates, and\nwill not remain suspended.\n\nWater, in the same manner, will dissolve in air, every particle of\nair assuming one or more particles of water. When too much is added,\nit precipitates in rain.\n\nBut there not being the same contiguity between the particles of air\nas of water, the solution of water in air is not carried on without a\nmotion of the air, so as to cause a fresh accession of dry particles.\n\nPart of a fluid, having more of what it dissolves, will communicate\nto other parts that have less. Thus very salt water, coming in\ncontact with fresh, communicates its saltness till all is equal, and\nthe sooner if there is a little motion of the water.\n\nEven earth will dissolve, or mix with air. A stroke of a horse's hoof\non the ground, in a hot dusty road, will raise a cloud of dust, that\nshall, if there be a light breeze, expand every way, till, perhaps,\nnear as big as a common house. It is not by mechanical motion\ncommunicated to the particles of dust by the hoof, that they fly so\nfar, nor by the wind, that they spread so wide: but the air near\nthe ground, more heated by the hot dust struck into it, is rarefied\nand rises, and in rising mixes with the cooler air, and communicates\nof its dust to it, and it is at length so diffused as to become\ninvisible. Quantities of dust are thus carried up in dry seasons:\nshowers wash it from the air, and bring it down again. For water\nattracting it stronger, it quits the air, and adheres to the water.\n\nAir, suffering continual changes in the degrees of its heat, from\nvarious causes and circumstances, and, consequently, changes in its\nspecific gravity, must therefore be in continual motion.\n\nA small quantity of fire mixed with water (or degree of heat therein)\nso weakens the cohesion of its particles, that those on the surface\neasily quit it, and adhere to the particles of air.\n\nA greater degree of heat is required to break the cohesion between\nwater and air.\n\nAir moderately heated will support a greater quantity of water\ninvisibly than cold air; for its particles being by heat repelled\nto a greater distance from each other, thereby more easily keep\nthe particles of water that are annexed to them from running into\ncohesions that would obstruct, refract, or reflect the light.\n\nHence when we breathe in warm air, though the same quantity of\nmoisture may be taken up from the lungs, as when we breathe in cold\nair, yet that moisture is not so visible.\n\nWater being extremely heated, _i.e._ to the degree of boiling, its\nparticles in quitting it so repel each other, as to take up vastly\nmore space than before, and by that repellency support themselves,\nexpelling the air from the space they occupy. That degree of\nheat being lessened, they again mutually attract, and having no\nair-particles mixed to adhere to, by which they might be supported\nand kept at a distance, they instantly fall, coalesce, and become\nwater again.\n\nThe water commonly diffused in our atmosphere never receives such\na degree of heat from the sun, or other cause, as water has when\nboiling; it is not, therefore, supported by such heat, but by\nadhering to air.\n\nWater being dissolved in, and adhering to air, that air will not\nreadily take up oil, because of the mutual repellency between water\nand oil.\n\nHence cold oils evaporate but slowly, the air having generally a\nquantity of dissolved water.\n\nOil being heated extremely, the air that approaches its surface will\nbe also heated extremely; the water then quitting it, it will attract\nand carry off oil, which can now adhere to it. Hence the quick\nevaporation of oil heated to a great degree.\n\nOil being dissolved in air, the particles to which it adheres will\nnot take up water.\n\nHence the suffocating nature of air impregnated with burnt grease, as\nfrom snuffs of candles and the like. A certain quantity of moisture\nshould be every moment discharged and taken away from the lungs; air\nthat has been frequently breathed, is already overloaded, and, for\nthat reason, can take no more, so will not answer the end. Greasy\nair refuses to touch it. In both cases suffocation for want of the\ndischarge.\n\nAir will attract and support many other substances.\n\nA particle of air loaded with adhering water, or any other matter, is\nheavier than before and would descend.\n\nThe atmosphere supposed at rest, a loaded descending particle must\nact with a force on the particles it passes between, or meets with,\nsufficient to overcome, in some degree, their mutual repellency, and\npush them nearer to each other.\n\n[Illustration: (of air particles interacting)\n\n A\n O O O\n\n F B C G\n O O O O\n\n O O O\n D\n O O O O\n E\n]\n\nThus, supposing the particles A B C D, and the other near them, to\nbe at the distance caused by their mutual repellency (confined by\ntheir common gravity) if A would descend to E, it must pass between B\nand C; when it comes between B and C, it will be nearer to them than\nbefore, and must either have pushed them nearer to F and G, contrary\nto their mutual repellency, or pass through by a force exceeding\nits repellency with them. It then approaches D, and, to move it out\nof the way, must act on it with a force sufficient to overcome its\nrepellency with the two next lower particles, by which it is kept in\nits present situation.\n\nEvery particle of air, therefore, will bear any load inferior to the\nforce of these repulsions.\n\nHence the support of fogs, mists, clouds.\n\nVery warm air, clear, though supporting a very great quantity of\nmoisture, will grow turbid and cloudy on the mixture of a colder air,\nas foggy turbid air will grow clear by warming.\n\nThus the sun shining on a morning fog, dissipates it; clouds are seen\nto waste in a sun-shiny day.\n\nBut cold condenses and renders visible the vapour; a tankard or\ndecanter filled with cold water will condense the moisture of warm\nclear air on its outside, where it becomes visible as dew, coalesces\ninto drops, descends in little streams.\n\nThe sun heats the air of our atmosphere most near the surface of\nthe earth; for there, besides the direct rays, there are many\nreflections. Moreover, the earth itself being heated, communicates of\nits heat to the neighbouring air.\n\nThe higher regions, having only the direct rays of the sun passing\nthrough them, are comparatively very cold. Hence the cold air on the\ntops of mountains, and snow on some of them all the year, even in the\ntorrid zone. Hence hail in summer.\n\nIf the atmosphere were, all of it (both above and below) always of\nthe same temper as to cold or heat, then the upper air would always\nbe _rarer_ than the lower, because the pressure on it is less;\nconsequently lighter, and therefore would keep its place.\n\nBut the upper air may be more condensed by cold, than the lower air\nby pressure; the lower more expanded by heat, than the upper for want\nof pressure. In such case the upper air will become the heavier, the\nlower the lighter.\n\nThe lower region of air being heated and expanded heaves up, and\nsupports for some time the colder heavier air above, and will\ncontinue to support it while the equilibrium is kept. Thus water\nis supported in an inverted open glass, while the equilibrium is\nmaintained by the equal pressure upwards of the air below; but the\nequilibrium by any means breaking, the water descends on the heavier\nside, and the air rises into its place.\n\nThe lifted heavy cold air over a heated country, becoming by any\nmeans unequally supported, or unequal in its weight, the heaviest\npart descends first, and the rest follows impetuously. Hence gusts\nafter heats, and hurricanes in hot climates. Hence the air of gusts\nand hurricanes cold, though in hot climes and seasons; it coming from\nabove.\n\nThe cold air descending from above, as it penetrates our warm region\nfull of watry particles, condenses them, renders them visible,\nforms a cloud thick and dark, overcasting sometimes, at once, large\nand extensive; sometimes, when seen at a distance, small at first,\ngradually increasing; the cold edge, or surface of the cloud,\ncondensing the vapours next it, which form smaller clouds that join\nit, increase its bulk, it descends with the wind and its acquired\nweight, draws nearer the earth, grows denser with continual additions\nof water, and discharges heavy showers.\n\nSmall black clouds thus appearing in a clear sky, in hot climates,\nportend storms, and warn seamen to hand their sails.\n\nThe earth, turning on its axis in about twenty-four hours, the\nequatorial parts must move about fifteen miles in each minute; in\nnorthern and southern latitudes this motion is gradually less to the\npoles, and there nothing.\n\nIf there was a general calm over the face of the globe, it must be by\nthe air's moving in every part as fast as the earth or sea it covers.\n\nHe that sails, or rides, has insensibly the same degree of motion as\nthe ship or coach with which he is connected. If the ship strikes\nthe shore, or the coach stops suddenly, the motion continuing in the\nman, he is thrown forward. If a man were to jump from the land into\na swift sailing ship, he would be thrown backward (or towards the\nstern) not having at first the motion of the ship.\n\nHe that travels by sea or land, towards the equinoctial, gradually\nacquires motion; from it, loses.\n\nBut if a man were taken up from latitude 40 (where suppose the\nearth's surface to move twelve miles per minute) and immediately set\ndown at the equinoctial, without changing the motion he had, his\nheels would be struck up, he would fall westward. If taken up from\nthe equinoctial, and set down in latitude 40, he would fall eastward.\n\nThe air under the equator, and between the tropics, being constantly\nheated and rarefied by the sun, rises. Its place is supplied by air\nfrom northern and southern latitudes, which coming from parts where\nthe earth and air had less motion, and not suddenly acquiring the\nquicker motion of the equatorial earth, appears an east wind blowing\nwestward; the earth moving from west to east, and slipping under the\nair[1].\n\nThus, when we ride in a calm, it seems a wind against us: if we ride\nwith the wind, and faster, even that will seem a small wind against\nus.\n\nThe air rarefied between the tropics, and rising, must flow in the\nhigher region north and south. Before it rose, it had acquired the\ngreatest motion the earth's rotation could give it. It retains some\ndegree of this motion, and descending in higher latitudes, where the\nearth's motion is less, will appear a westerly wind, yet tending\ntowards the equatorial parts, to supply the vacancy occasioned by\nthe air of the lower regions flowing thitherwards.\n\nHence our general cold winds are about north west, our summer cold\ngusts the same.\n\nThe air in sultry weather, though not cloudy, has a kind of haziness\nin it, which makes objects at a distance appear dull and indistinct.\nThis haziness is occasioned by the great quantity of moisture equally\ndiffused in that air. When, by the cold wind blowing down among it,\nit is condensed into clouds, and falls in rain, the air becomes purer\nand clearer. Hence, after gusts, distant objects appear distinct,\ntheir figures sharply terminated.\n\nExtreme cold winds congeal the surface of the earth, by carrying off\nits fire. Warm winds afterwards blowing over that frozen surface will\nbe chilled by it. Could that frozen surface be turned under, and\na warmer turned up from beneath it, those warm winds would not be\nchilled so much.\n\nThe surface of the earth is also sometimes much heated by the sun:\nand such heated surface not being changed heats the air that moves\nover it.\n\nSeas, lakes, and great bodies of water, agitated by the winds,\ncontinually change surfaces; the cold surface in winter is turned\nunder by the rolling of the waves, and a warmer turned up; in summer,\nthe warm is turned under, and colder turned up. Hence the more equal\ntemper of sea-water, and the air over it. Hence, in winter, winds\nfrom the sea seem warm, winds from the land cold. In summer the\ncontrary.\n\nTherefore the lakes north-west of us[2], as they are\nnot so much frozen, nor so apt to freeze as the earth, rather\nmoderate than increase the coldness of our winter winds.\n\nThe air over the sea being warmer, and therefore lighter in winter\nthan the air over the frozen land, may be another cause of our\ngeneral N. W. winds, which blow off to sea at right angles from our\nNorth-American coast. The warm light sea air rising, the heavy cold\nland air pressing into its place.\n\nHeavy fluids descending, frequently form eddies, or whirlpools, as\nis seen in a funnel, where the water acquires a circular motion,\nreceding every way from a centre, and leaving a vacancy in the\nmiddle, greatest above, and lessening downwards, like a speaking\ntrumpet, its big end upwards.\n\nAir descending, or ascending, may form the same kind of eddies,\nor whirlings, the parts of air acquiring a circular motion, and\nreceding from the middle of the circle by a centrifugal force, and\nleaving there a vacancy; if descending, greatest above, and lessening\ndownwards; if ascending, greatest below, and lessening upwards; like\na speaking trumpet, standing its big end on the ground.\n\nWhen the air descends with violence in some places, it may rise with\nequal violence in others, and form both kinds of whirlwinds.\n\nThe air in its whirling motion receding every way from the centre or\naxis of the trumpet leaves there a vacuum, which cannot be filled\nthrough the sides, the whirling air, as an arch, preventing; it must\nthen press in at the open ends.\n\nThe greatest pressure inwards must be at the lower end, the greatest\nweight of the surrounding atmosphere being there. The air entering\nrises within, and carries up dust, leaves, and even heavier bodies\nthat happen in its way, as the eddy, or whirl, passes over land.\n\nIf it passes over water, the weight of the surrounding atmosphere\nforces up the water into the vacuity, part of which, by degrees,\njoins with the whirling air, and adding weight, and receiving\naccelerated motion, recedes still farther from the centre or axis of\nthe trump, as the pressure lessens; and at last, as the trump widens,\nis broken into small particles, and so united with air as to be\nsupported by it, and become black clouds at the top of the trump.\n\nThus these eddies may be whirlwinds at land, water-spouts at sea. A\nbody of water so raised, may be suddenly let fall, when the motion,\n&c. has not strength to support it, or the whirling arch is broken so\nas to admit the air: falling in the sea, it is harmless, unless ships\nhappen under it; but if in the progressive motion of the whirl it has\nmoved from the sea, over the land, and then breaks, sudden, violent,\nand mischievous torrents are the consequences.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] See a paper on this subject, by the late ingenious Mr. Hadley,\nin the Philosophical Transactions, wherein this hypothesis for\nexplaining the trade-winds first appeared.\n\n[2] In Pensylvania.\n\n\n\n\nDOCTOR ----[3] OF BOSTON, TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. AT PHILADELPHIA.\n\n _On Water-Spouts._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, June 3, 1756.\n\n\n _Boston, October 16, 1752_.\n\n SIR,\n\nI find by a word or two in your last[4], that you are willing to\nbe found fault with; which authorises me to let you know what I\nam at a loss about in your papers, which is only in the article\nof the water-spout. I am in doubt, whether water in bulk, or even\nbroken into drops, ever ascends into the region of the clouds _per\nvorticem_; i. e. whether there be, in reality, what I call a direct\nwater-spout. I make no doubt of direct and inverted whirl-winds; your\ndescription of them, and the reason of the thing, are sufficient.\nI am sensible too, that they are very strong, and often move\nconsiderable weights. But I have not met with any historical accounts\nthat seem exact enough to remove my scruples concerning the ascent\nabovesaid.\n\nDescending spouts (as I take them to be) are many times seen, as I\ntake it, in the calms, between the sea and land trade-winds on the\ncoast of Africa. These contrary winds, or diverging, I can conceive\nmay occasion them, as it were by suction, making a breach in a large\ncloud. But I imagine they have, at the same time, a tendency to\nhinder any direct or rising spout, by carrying off the lower part of\nthe atmosphere as fast as it begins to rarefy; and yet spouts are\nfrequent here, which strengthens my opinion, that all of them descend.\n\nBut however this be, I cannot conceive a force producible by the\nrarefication and condensation of our atmosphere, in the circumstances\nof our globe, capable of carrying water, in large portions, into the\nregion of the clouds. Supposing it to be raised, it would be too\nheavy to continue the ascent beyond a considerable height, unless\nparted into small drops; and even then, by its centrifugal force,\nfrom the manner of conveyance, it would be flung out of the circle,\nand fall scattered, like rain.\n\nBut I need not expatiate on these matters to you. I have mentioned\nmy objections, and, as truth is my pursuit, shall be glad to be\ninformed. I have seen few accounts of these whirl or eddy winds, and\nas little of the spouts; and these, especially, lame and poor things\nto obtain any certainty by. If you know any thing determinate that\nhas been observed, I shall hope to hear from you; as also of any\nmistake in my thoughts. I have nothing to object to any other part\nof your suppositions: and as to that of the trade-winds, I believe\nnobody can.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n _P. S._. The figures in the _Philosophical Transactions_ show, by\n several circumstances, that they all descended, though the relators\n seemed to think they took up water.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[3] Dr. Perkins. _Editor._\n\n[4] A Letter on Inoculation, which is transferred to a subsequent\npart of this volume, that the papers on meteorological subjects may\nnot be interrupted. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nDR. PERKINS OF BOSTON, TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. AT PHILADELPHIA.\n\n _The same Subject continued._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, June 24, 1756.\n\n\n _Boston, October 23, 1752._\n\n SIR,\n\nIn the inclosed, you have all I have to say of that matter[5]. It\nproved longer than I expected, so that I was forced to add a cover to\nit. I confess it looks like a dispute; but that is quite contrary to\nmy intentions.\n\nThe sincerity of friendship and esteem were my motives; nor do I\ndoubt your scrupling the goodness of the intention. However, I must\nconfess I cannot tell exactly how far I was acted by hopes of better\ninformation, in discovering the whole foundation of my opinion,\nwhich, indeed, is but an opinion, as I am very much at a loss about\nthe validity of the reasons. I have not been able to differ from you\nin sentiment concerning any thing else in your _Suppositions_. In the\npresent case I lie open to conviction, and shall be the gainer when\ninformed. If I am right, you will know that, without my adding any\nmore. Too much said on a merely speculative matter, is but a robbery\ncommitted on practical knowledge. Perhaps I am too much pleased with\nthese dry notions: however, by this you will see that I think it\nunreasonable to give you more trouble about them, than your leisure\nand inclination may prompt you to.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n\nSince my last I considered, that, as I had begun with the reasons of\nmy dissatisfaction about the ascent of water in spouts, you would not\nbe unwilling to hear the whole I have to say, and then you will know\nwhat I rely upon.\n\nWhat occasioned my thinking all spouts descend, is, that I found some\ndid certainly do so. A difficulty appeared concerning the ascent of\nso heavy a body as water, by any force I was apprised of, as probably\nsufficient. And, above all, a view of Mr. Stuart's portraits of\nspouts, in the _Philosophical Transactions_.\n\nSome observations on these last will include the chief part of my\ndifficulties. Mr. Stuart has given us the figures of a number\nobserved by him in the Mediterranean: all with some particulars which\nmake for my opinion, if well drawn.\n\nThe great spattering, which relators mention in the water where the\nspout descends, and which appears in all his draughts, I conceive to\nbe occasioned by drops descending very thick and large into the place.\n\nOn the place of this spattering, arises the appearance of a bush,\ninto the centre of which the spout comes down. This bush I take to\nbe formed by a spray, made by the force of these drops, which being\nuncommonly large, and descending with unusual force by a stream of\nwind descending from the cloud with them, increases the height of\nthe spray: which wind being repulsed by the surface of the waters\nrebounds and spreads; by the first raising the spray higher than it\notherwise would go; and by the last making the top of the bush appear\nto bend outwards (_i. e._) the cloud of spray is forced off from the\ntrunk of the spout, and falls backward.\n\nThe bush does the same where there is no appearance of a spout\nreaching it; and is depressed in the middle, where the spout is\nexpected. This, I imagine, to be from numerous drops of the spout\nfalling into it, together with the wind I mentioned, by their\ndescent, which beat back the rising spray in the centre.\n\nThis circumstance, of the bush bending outwards at the top, seems not\nto agree with what I call a direct whirlwind, but consistent with the\nreversed; for a direct one would sweep the bush inwards; if, in that\ncase, any thing of a bush would appear.\n\nThe pillar of water, as they call it, from its likeness, I suppose\nto be only the end of the spout immersed in the bush, a little\nblackened by the additional cloud, and, perhaps, appears to the eye\nbeyond its real bigness, by a refraction in the bush, and which\nrefraction may be the cause of the appearance of separation, betwixt\nthe part in the bush, and that above it. The part in the bush is\ncylindrical, as it is above (_i. e._) the bigness the same from the\ntop of the bush to the water. Instead of this shape, in case of a\nwhirlwind, it must have been pyramidical.\n\nAnother thing remarkable, is, the curve in some of them: this is\neasy to conceive, in case of descending parcels of drops through\nvarious winds, at least till the cloud condenses so fast as to come\ndown, as it were, _uno rivo_. But it is harder to me to conceive it\nin the ascent of water, that it should be conveyed along, secure of\nnot leaking or often dropping through the under side, in the prone\npart: and, should the water be conveyed so swiftly, and with such\nforce, up into the cloud, as to prevent this, it would, by a natural\ndisposition to move on in a present direction, presently straiten the\ncurve, raising the shoulder very swiftly, till lost in the cloud.\n\nOver every one of Stuart's figures, I see a cloud: I suppose his\nclouds were first, and then the spout; I do not know whether it be so\nwith all spouts, but suppose it is. Now, if whirlwinds carried up the\nwater, I should expect them in fair weather, but not under a cloud;\nas is observable of whirlwinds; they come in fair weather, not under\nthe shade of a cloud, nor in the night; since shade cools the air:\nbut, on the contrary, violent winds often descend from the clouds;\nstrong gusts which occupy small spaces; and from the higher regions,\nextensive hurricanes, &c.\n\nAnother thing is the appearance of the spout _coming from_ the cloud.\nThis I cannot account for on the notion of a direct spout, but in the\nreal descending one, it is easy. I take it, that the cloud begins\nfirst of all to pour out drops at that particular spot, or _foramen_;\nand, when that current of drops increases, so as to force down wind\nand vapour, the spout becomes so far as that goes opaque. I take it,\nthat no clouds drop spouts, but such as make very fast, and happen\nto condense in a particular spot, which perhaps is coldest, and\ngives a determination downwards, so as to make a passage through the\nsubjacent atmosphere.\n\nIf spouts ascend, it is to carry up the warm rarefied air below, to\nlet down all and any that is colder above; and, if so, they must\ncarry it through the cloud they go into (for that is cold and dense,\nI imagine) perhaps far into the higher region, making a wonderful\nappearance at a convenient distance to observe it, by the swift rise\nof a body of vapour, above the region of the clouds. But as this has\nnever been observed in any age, if it be supposeable that is all.\n\nI cannot learn by mariners, that any wind blows towards a spout more\nthan any other way; but it blows towards a whirlwind, for a large\ndistance round.\n\nI suppose there has been no instance of the water of a spout being\nsalt, when coming across any vessel at sea. I suppose too, that there\nhave been no salt rains; these would make the case clear.\n\nI suppose it is from some unhappy effects of these dangerous\ncreatures of nature, that sailors have an universal dread on them of\nbreaking in their decks, should they come across them. I imagine\nspouts, in cold seasons, as Gordon's in the Downs, prove the descent.\n\n_Query._ Whether there is not always more or less cloud, first, where\na spout appears?\n\nWhether they are not, generally, on the borders of trade-winds; and\nwhether this is for, or against me?\n\nWhether there be any credible account of a whirlwind's carrying up\nall the water in a pool, or small pond: as when shoal, and the banks\nlow, a strong gust might be supposed to blow it all out?\n\nWhether a violent tornado, of a small extent, and other sudden\nand strong gusts, be not winds from above, descending nearly\nperpendicular; and, whether many that are called whirlwinds at sea,\nare any other than these; and so might be called air-spouts, if they\nwere objects of sight?\n\nI overlooked, in its proper place, Stuart's No. 11, which is curious\nfor its inequalities, and, in particular, the approach to breaking,\nwhich, if it would not be too tedious, I would have observed a little\nupon, in my own way, as, I think, this would argue against the\nascent, &c. but I must pass it, not only for the reason mentioned,\nbut want of room besides.\n\nAs to Mr. Stuart's ocular demonstration of the ascent in his great\nperpendicular spout, the only one it appears in, I say, as to this,\nwhat I have written supposes him mistaken, which, yet, I am far from\nasserting.\n\nThe force of an airy vortex, having less influence on the solid drops\nof water, than on the interspersed cloudy vapours, makes the last\nwhirl round swifter, though it descend slower: and this might easily\ndeceive, without great care, the most unprejudiced person.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[5] Water-Spouts.\n\n\n\n\nTO DOCTOR ----[6], OF BOSTON.\n\n _Water-Spouts and Whirlwinds compared._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, June 24, 1756.\n\n\n _Philadelphia, Feb. 4, 1753._\n\n SIR,\n\nI ought to have written to you, long since, in answer to yours of\nOctober 16, concerning the water-spout; but business partly, and\npartly a desire of procuring further information, by enquiry among my\nseafaring acquaintance, induced me to postpone writing, from time to\ntime, till I am now almost ashamed to resume the subject, not knowing\nbut you may have forgot what has been said upon it.\n\nNothing certainly, can be more improving to a searcher into nature,\nthan objections judiciously made to his opinion, taken up, perhaps,\ntoo hastily: for such objections oblige him to re-study the\npoint, consider every circumstance carefully, compare facts, make\nexperiments, weigh arguments, and be slow in drawing conclusions.\nAnd hence a sure advantage results; for he either confirms a truth,\nbefore too slightly supported; or discovers an error, and receives\ninstruction from the objector.\n\nIn this view I consider the objections and remarks you sent me, and\nthank you for them sincerely: but, how much soever my inclinations\nlead me to philosophical enquiries, I am so engaged in business,\npublic and private, that those more pleasing pursuits are frequently\ninterrupted, and the chain of thought, necessary to be closely\ncontinued in such disquisitions, is so broken and disjointed, that it\nis with difficulty I satisfy myself in any of them: and I am now not\nmuch nearer a conclusion, in this matter of the spout, than when I\nfirst read your letter.\n\nYet, hoping we may, in time, sift out the truth between us, I will\nsend you my present thoughts, with some observations on your reasons\non the accounts in the _Transactions_, and on other relations I have\nmet with. Perhaps, while I am writing, some new light may strike me,\nfor I shall now be obliged to consider the subject with a little more\nattention.\n\nI agree with you, that, by means of a vacuum in a whirlwind, water\ncannot be supposed to rise in large masses to the region of the\nclouds; for the pressure of the surrounding atmosphere could not\nforce it up in a continued body, or column, to a much greater height,\nthan thirty feet. But, if there really is a vacuum in the centre, or\nnear the axis of whirlwinds, then, I think, water may rise in such\nvacuum to that height, or to a less height, as the vacuum may be less\nperfect.\n\nI had not read Stuart's account, in the _Transactions_, for many\nyears, before the receipt of your letter, and had quite forgot it;\nbut now, on viewing his draughts, and considering his descriptions, I\nthink they seem to favour _my hypothesis_; for he describes and draws\ncolumns of water, of various heights, terminating abruptly at the\ntop, exactly as water would do, when forced up by the pressure of the\natmosphere into an exhausted tube.\n\nI must, however, no longer call it _my hypothesis_, since I find\nStuart had the same thought, though somewhat obscurely expressed,\nwhere he says, \"he imagines this phenomenon may be solved by suction\n(improperly so called) or rather pulsion, as in the application of a\ncupping glass to the flesh, the air being first voided by the kindled\nflax.\" In my paper, I supposed a whirlwind and a spout to be the\nsame thing, and to proceed from the same cause; the only difference\nbetween them being, that the one passes over land, the other over\nwater, I find, also, in the _Transactions_, that M. de la Pryme was\nof the same opinion; for he there describes two spouts, as he calls\nthem, which were seen at different times, at Hatfield, in Yorkshire,\nwhose appearances in the air were the same with those of the spouts\nat sea, and effects the same with those of real whirlwinds.\n\nWhirlwinds have generally a progressive, as well as a circular\nmotion; so had what is called the spout, at Topsham--(_See the\naccount of it in the Transactions_) which also appears, by its\neffects described, to have been a real whirlwind. Water-spouts have,\nalso, a progressive motion; this is sometimes greater, and sometimes\nless; in some violent, in others barely perceivable. The whirlwind at\nWarrington continued long in Acrement-Close.\n\nWhirlwinds generally arise after calms and great heats: the same\nis observed of water-spouts, which are, therefore, most frequent\nin the warm latitudes. The spout that happened in cold weather, in\nthe Downs, described by Mr. Gordon in the _Transactions_, was, for\nthat reason, thought extraordinary; but he remarks withal, that the\nweather, though cold when the spout appeared, was soon after much\ncolder; as we find it, commonly, less warm after a whirlwind.\n\nYou agree, that the wind blows every way towards a whirlwind,\nfrom a large space round. An intelligent whaleman of Nantucket,\ninformed me that three of their vessels, which were out in search\nof whales, happening to be becalmed, lay in sight of each other,\nat about a league distance, if I remember right, nearly forming a\ntriangle: after some time, a water-spout appeared near the middle\nof the triangle, when a brisk breeze of wind sprung up, and every\nvessel made sail; and then it appeared to them all, by the setting\nof the sails, and the course each vessel stood, that the spout was\nto the leeward of every one of them; and they all declared it to\nhave been so, when they happened afterwards in company, and came to\nconfer about it. So that in this particular likewise, whirlwinds and\nwater-spouts agree.\n\nBut, if that which appears a water-spout at sea, does sometimes,\nin its progressive motion, meet with and pass over land, and there\nproduce all the phenomena and effects of a whirlwind, it should\nthence seem still more evident, that a whirlwind and a spout are the\nsame. I send you, herewith, a letter from an ingenious physician of\nmy acquaintance, which gives one instance of this, that fell within\nhis observation.\n\nA fluid, moving from all points horizontally, towards a centre, must,\nat that centre, either ascend or descend. Water being in a tub, if a\nhole be opened in the middle of the bottom, will flow from all sides\nto the centre, and there descend in a whirl. But, air flowing on and\nnear the surface of land or water, from all sides, towards a centre,\nmust, at that centre ascend; the land or water hindering its descent.\n\nIf these concentring currents of air be in the upper region, they\nmay, indeed, descend in the spout or whirlwind; but then, when the\nunited current reached the earth or water, it would spread, and,\nprobably, blow every way from the centre. There may be whirlwinds\nof both kinds, but from the commonly observed effects, I suspect\nthe rising one to be the most common: when the upper air descends,\nit is, perhaps, in a greater body, extending wider, as in our\nthunder-gusts, and without much whirling; and, when air descends in a\nspout, or whirlwind, I should rather expect it would press the roof\nof a house _inwards_, or force _in_ the tiles, shingles, or thatch,\nforce a boat down into the water, or a piece of timber into the\nearth, than that it would lift them up, and carry them away.\n\nIt has so happened, that I have not met with any accounts of spouts,\nthat certainly descended; I suspect they are not frequent. Please to\ncommunicate those you mention. The apparent dropping of a pipe from\nthe clouds towards the earth or sea, I will endeavour to explain\nhereafter.\n\nThe augmentation of the cloud, which, as I am informed, is generally,\nif not always the case, during a spout, seems to shew an ascent,\nrather than a descent of the matter of which such cloud is composed;\nfor a descending spout, one would expect, should diminish a cloud.\nI own, however, that cold air descending, may, by condensing the\nvapours in a lower region, form and increase clouds; which, I think,\nis generally the case in our common thunder-gusts, and, therefore, do\nnot lay great stress on this argument.\n\nWhirlwinds and spouts, are not always, though most commonly, in\nthe day time. The terrible whirlwind which damaged a great part of\nRome, June 11, 1749, happened in the night of that day. The same was\nsupposed to have been first a spout, for it is said to be beyond\ndoubt, that it gathered in the neighbouring sea, as it could be\ntracked from Ostia to Rome. I find this in Pere Boschovich's account\nof it, as abridged in the Monthly Review for December 1750. In that\naccount, the whirlwind is said to have appeared as a very black,\nlong, and lofty cloud, discoverable, notwithstanding the darkness of\nthe night, by its continually lightning or emitting flashes on all\nsides, pushing along with a surprising swiftness, and within three\nor four feet of the ground. Its general effects on houses, were\nstripping off the roofs, blowing away chimneys, breaking doors and\nwindows, _forcing up the floors, and unpaving the rooms_ (some of\nthese effects seem to agree well with a supposed vacuum in the centre\nof the whirlwind) and the very rafters of the houses were broken and\ndispersed, and even hurled against houses at a considerable distance,\n&c.\n\nIt seems, by an expression of Pere Boschovich's, as if the wind blew\nfrom all sides towards the whirlwind; for, having carefully observed\nits effects, he concludes of all whirlwinds, \"that their motion is\ncircular, and their action attractive.\"\n\nHe observes, on a number of histories of whirlwinds, &c. \"that a\ncommon effect of them is, to carry up into the air, tiles, stones,\nand animals themselves, which happen to be in their course, and all\nkinds of bodies unexceptionably, throwing them to a considerable\ndistance, with great impetuosity.\"\n\nSuch effects seem to shew a rising current of air.\n\nI will endeavour to explain my conceptions of this matter by figures,\nrepresenting a plan and an elevation of a spout or whirlwind.\n\nI would only first beg to be allowed two or three positions,\nmentioned in my former paper.\n\n1. That the lower region of air is often more heated, and so more\nrarefied, than the upper; consequently, specifically lighter. The\ncoldness of the upper region is manifested by the hail which\nsometimes falls from it in a hot day.\n\n2. That heated air may be very moist, and yet the moisture so equally\ndiffus'd and rarefied, as not to be visible, till colder air mixes\nwith it, when it condenses, and becomes visible. Thus our breath,\ninvisible in summer, becomes visible in winter.\n\nNow let us suppose a tract of land, or sea, of perhaps sixty miles\nsquare, unscreened by clouds, and unfanned by winds, during great\npart of a summer's day, or, it may be, for several days successively,\ntill it is violently heated, together with the lower region of air\nin contact with it, so that the said lower air becomes specifically\nlighter than the superincumbent higher region of the atmosphere, in\nwhich the clouds commonly float: let us suppose, also, that the air\nsurrounding this tract has not been so much heated during those days,\nand, therefore, remains heavier. The consequence of this should be,\nas I conceive, that the heated lighter air, being pressed on all\nsides, must ascend, and the heavier descend; and, as this rising\ncannot be in all parts, or the whole area of the tract at once,\nfor that would leave too extensive a vacuum, the rising will begin\nprecisely in that column that happens to be the lightest, or most\nrarefied; and the warm air will flow horizontally from all points to\nthis column, where the several currents meeting, and joining to rise,\na whirl is naturally formed, in the same manner as a whirl is formed\nin the tub of water, by the descending fluid flowing from all sides\nof the tub, to the hole in the centre.\n\nAnd, as the several currents arrive at this central rising column,\nwith a considerable degree of horizontal motion, they cannot suddenly\nchange it to a vertical motion; therefore as they gradually, in\napproaching the whirl, decline from right to curve or circular lines,\nso, having joined the whirl, they _ascend_ by a spiral motion, in the\nsame manner as the water _descends_ spirally through the hole in the\ntub before-mentioned.\n\nLastly, as the lower air, and nearest the surface, is most rarefied\nby the heat of the sun, that air is most acted on by the pressure\nof the surrounding cold and heavy air, which is to take its place;\nconsequently, its motion towards the whirl is swiftest, and so the\nforce of the lower part of the whirl, or trump, strongest, and the\ncentrifugal force of its particles greatest; and hence the vacuum\nround the axis of the whirl should be greatest near the earth or\nsea, and be gradually diminished as it approaches the region of the\nclouds, till it ends in a point, as at P in Fig. II. Plate V. forming\na long and sharp cone.\n\nIn Fig. I. which is a plan or ground-plat of a whirlwind, the circle\nV. represents the central vacuum.\n\nBetween _a a a a_ and _b b b b_ I suppose a body of air, condensed\nstrongly by the pressure of the currents moving towards it, from all\nsides without, and by its centrifugal force from within, moving round\nwith prodigious swiftness, (having, as it were, the momenta of all\nthe currents -----> -----> -----> -----> united in itself) and with a\npower equal to its swiftness and density.\n\n[Illustration: (Water Spouts)\n\n _Plate V._ _Vol. II. page 26._\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\nIt is this whirling body of air between _a a a a_ and _b b b b_ that\nrises spirally; by its force it tears buildings to pieces, twists\nup great trees by the roots, &c. and, by its spiral motion, raises\nthe fragments so high, till the pressure of the surrounding and\napproaching currents diminishing, can no longer confine them to the\ncircle, or their own centrifugal force encreasing, grows too strong\nfor such pressure, when they fly off in tangent lines, as stones out\nof a sling, and fall on all sides, and at great distances.\n\nIf it happens at sea, the water under and between _a a a a_ and _b\nb b b_ will be violently agitated and driven about, and parts of it\nraised with the spiral current, and thrown about so as to form a\nbush-like appearance.\n\nThis circle is of various diameters, sometimes very large.\n\nIf the vacuum passes over water, the water may rise in it in a body,\nor column, to near the height of thirty-two feet.\n\nIf it passes over houses, it may burst their windows or walls\noutwards, pluck off the roofs, and pluck up the floors, by the sudden\nrarefaction of the air contained within such buildings; the outward\npressure of the atmosphere being suddenly taken off: so the stopped\nbottle of air bursts under the exhausted receiver of the air-pump.\n\nFIG. II. is to represent the elevation of a water-spout, wherein I\nsuppose P P P to be the cone, at first a vacuum, till W W, the rising\ncolumn of water, has filled so much of it. S S S S, the spiral whirl\nof air, surrounding the vacuum, and continued higher in a close\ncolumn after the vacuum ends in the point P, till it reaches the cool\nregion of the air. B B, the bush described by Stuart, surrounding the\nfoot of the column of water.\n\nNow, I suppose this whirl of air will, at first, be as invisible as\nthe air itself, though reaching, in reality, from the water, to the\nregion of cool air, in which our low summer thunder-clouds commonly\nfloat; but presently it will become visible at its extremities. _At\nits lower end_, by the agitation of the water, under the whirling\npart of the circle, between P and S forming Stuart's bush, and by\nthe swelling and rising of the water, in the beginning vacuum, which\nis, at first, a small, low, broad cone, whose top gradually rises\nand sharpens, as the force of the whirl encreases. _At its upper\nend_ it becomes visible, by the warm air brought up to the cooler\nregion, where its moisture begins to be condensed into thick vapour,\nby the cold, and is seen first at A, the highest part, which being\nnow cooled, condenses what rises next at B, which condenses that at\nC, and that condenses what is rising at D, the cold operating by\nthe contact of the vapours faster in a right line downwards, than\nthe vapours themselves can climb in a spiral line upwards; they\nclimb, however, and as by continual addition they grow denser, and,\nconsequently, their centrifugal force greater, and being risen above\nthe concentrating currents that compose the whirl, fly off, spread,\nand form a cloud.\n\nIt seems easy to conceive, how, by this successive condensation from\nabove, the spout appears to drop or descend from the cloud, though\nthe materials of which it is composed are all the while ascending.\n\nThe condensation of the moisture, contained in so great a quantity\nof warm air as may be supposed to rise in a short time in this\nprodigiously rapid whirl, is, perhaps, sufficient to form a great\nextent of cloud, though the spout should be over land, as those at\nHatfield; and if the land happens not to be very dusty, perhaps the\nlower part of the spout will scarce become visible at all; though\nthe upper, or what is commonly called the descending part, be very\ndistinctly seen.\n\nThe same may happen at sea, in case the whirl is not violent enough\nto make a high vacuum, and raise the column, &c. In such case, the\nupper part A B C D only will be visible, and the bush, perhaps, below.\n\nBut if the whirl be strong, and there be much dust on the land, and\nthe column W W be raised from the water, then the lower part becomes\nvisible, and sometimes even united to the upper part. For the dust\nmay be carried up in the spiral whirl, till it reach the region where\nthe vapour is condensed, and rise with that even to the clouds: and\nthe friction of the whirling air, on the sides of the column W W, may\ndetach great quantities of its water, break it into drops, and carry\nthem up in the spiral whirl mixed with the air; the heavier drops\nmay, indeed, fly off, and fall, in a shower, round the spout; but\nmuch of it will be broken into vapour, yet visible; and thus, in both\ncases, by dust at land, and, by water at sea, the whole tube may be\ndarkened and rendered visible.\n\nAs the whirl weakens, the tube may (in appearance) separate in the\nmiddle; the column of water subsiding, and the superior condensed\npart drawing up to the cloud. Yet still the tube, or whirl of air,\nmay remain entire, the middle only becoming invisible, as not\ncontaining visible matter.\n\nDr. Stuart says, \"It was observable of all the spouts he saw, but\nmore perceptible of the great one; that; towards the end, it began to\nappear like a hollow canal, only black in the borders, but white in\nthe middle; and though at first it was altogether black and opaque,\nyet, now, one could very distinctly perceive the sea-water to fly up\nalong the middle of this canal, as smoak up a chimney.\"\n\nAnd Dr. Mather, describing a whirlwind, says, \"a thick dark small\ncloud arose, with a pillar of light in it, of about eight or ten feet\ndiameter, and passed along the ground in a tract not wider than a\nstreet, horribly tearing up trees by the roots, blowing them up in\nthe air like feathers, and throwing up stones of great weight to a\nconsiderable height in the air, &c.\"\n\n[Illustration: (cross-section of a whirlwind)]\n\nThese accounts, the one of water-spouts, the other of a whirlwind,\nseem, in this particular, to agree; what one gentleman describes as\na tube, black in the borders, and white in the middle, the other\ncalls a black cloud, with a pillar of light in it; the latter\nexpression has only a little more of the _marvellous_, but the thing\nis the same; and it seems not very difficult to understand. When\nDr. Stuart's spouts were full charged, that is, when the whirling\npipe of air was filled between _a a a a_ and _b b b b_, Fig. I.,\nwith quantities of drops, and vapour torn off from the column W W,\nFig. II., the whole was rendered so dark, as that it could not be\nseen thro', nor the spiral ascending motion discovered; but when\nthe quantity ascending lessened, the pipe became more transparent,\nand the ascending motion visible. For, by inspection of the figure\nin the opposite page, representing a section of our spout, with the\nvacuum in the middle, it is plain that if we look at such a hollow\npipe in the direction of the arrows, and suppose opaque particles\nto be equally mixed in the space between the two circular lines,\nboth the part between the arrows _a_ and _b_, and that between the\narrows _c_ and _d_, will appear much darker than that between _b_\nand _c_, as there must be many more of those opaque particles in\nthe line of vision across the sides, than across the middle. It is\nthus that a hair in a microscope evidently appears to be a pipe, the\nsides shewing darker than the middle. Dr. Mather's whirl was probably\nfilled with dust, the sides were very dark, but the vacuum within\nrendering the middle more transparent, he calls it a pillar of light.\n\nIt was in this more transparent part, between _b_ and _c_, that\nStuart could see the spiral motion of the vapours, whose lines on\nthe nearest and farthest side of the transparent part crossing each\nother, represented smoak ascending in a chimney; for the quantity\nbeing still too great in the line of sight through the sides of\nthe tube, the motion could not be discovered there, and so they\nrepresented the solid sides of the chimney.\n\nWhen the vapours reach in the pipe from the clouds near to the earth,\nit is no wonder now to those who understand electricity, that flashes\nof lightning should descend by the spout, as in that of Rome.\n\nBut you object, if water may be thus carried into the clouds, why\nhave we not salt rains? The objection is strong and reasonable, and\nI know not whether I can answer it to your satisfaction. I never\nheard but of one salt rain, and that was where a spout passed pretty\nnear a ship, so I suppose it to be only the drops thrown off from the\nspout, by the centrifugal force (as the birds were at Hatfield) when\nthey had been carried so high as to be above, or to be too strongly\ncentrifugal for, the pressure of the concurring winds surrounding it:\nand, indeed, I believe there can be no other kind of salt rain; for\nit has pleased the goodness of God so to order it, that the particles\nof air will not attract the particles of salt, though they strongly\nattract water.\n\nHence, though all metals, even gold, may be united with air, and\nrendered volatile, salt remains fixt in the fire, and no heat can\nforce it up to any considerable height, or oblige the air to hold\nit. Hence, when salt rises, as it will a little way, into air with\nwater, there is instantly a separation made; the particles of water\nadhere to the air, and the particles of salt fall down again, as if\nrepelled and forced off from the water by some power in the air;\nor, as some metals, dissolved in a proper menstruum, will quit the\nsolvent when other matter approaches, and adhere to that, so the\nwater quits the salt, and embraces the air; but air will not embrace\nthe salt, and quit the water, otherwise our rains would indeed be\nsalt, and every tree and plant on the face of the earth be destroyed,\nwith all the animals that depend on them for subsistence.----He who\nhath proportioned and given proper qualities to all things, was not\nunmindful of this. Let us adore HIM with praise and thanksgiving! By\nsome accounts of seamen, it seems the column of water W W, sometimes\nfalls suddenly; and if it be, as some say, fifteen or twenty yards\ndiameter, it must fall with great force, and they may well fear for\ntheir ships. By one account, in the _Transactions_, of a spout that\nfell at Colne in Lancashire, one would think the column is sometimes\nlifted off from the water, and carried over land, and there let fall\nin a body; but this, I suppose, happens rarely.\n\nStuart describes his spouts as appearing no bigger than a mast, and\nsometimes less; but they were seen at a league and a half distance.\n\nI think I formerly read in Dampier, or some other voyager, that a\nspout, in its progressive motion, went over a ship becalmed, on the\ncoast of Guinea, and first threw her down on one side, carrying away\nher foremast, then suddenly whipped her up, and threw her down on the\nother side, carrying away her mizen-mast, and the whole was over in\nan instant. I suppose the first mischief was done by the fore-side of\nthe whirl, the latter by the hinder-side, their motion being contrary.\n\nI suppose a whirlwind, or spout, may be stationary, when the\nconcurring winds are equal; but if unequal, the whirl acquires a\nprogressive motion, in the direction of the strongest pressure.\n\nWhen the wind that gives the progressive motion becomes stronger\nbelow than above, or above than below, the spout will be bent, and,\nthe cause ceasing, straiten again.\n\nYour queries, towards the end of your paper, appear judicious,\nand worth considering. At present I am not furnished with facts\nsufficient to make any pertinent answer to them; and this paper has\nalready a sufficient quantity of conjecture.\n\nYour manner of accommodating the accounts to your hypothesis of\ndescending spouts, is, I own, ingenious, and perhaps that hypothesis\nmay be true. I will consider it farther, but, as yet, I am not\nsatisfied with it, though hereafter I may be.\n\nHere you have my method of accounting for the principal phenomena,\nwhich I submit to your candid examination.\n\nAnd as I now seem to have almost written a book, instead of a letter,\nyou will think it high time I should conclude; which I beg leave to\ndo, with assuring you, that\n\n I am, Sir, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[6] Perkins. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nDOCTOR M----[7], TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. AT PHILADELPHIA.\n\n _Description of a Water-Spout at Antigua._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, June 24, 1756.\n\n\n _New-Brunswick, November 11, 1752._\n\n SIR,\n\nI am favoured with your letter of the 2d instant, and shall, with\npleasure, comply with your request, in describing (as well as my\nmemory serves me) the water-spout I saw at Antigua; and shall think\nthis, or any other service I can do, well repaid, if it contributes\nto your satisfaction in so curious a disquisition.\n\nI had often seen water-spouts at a distance, and heard many strange\nstories of them, but never knew any thing satisfactory of their\nnature or cause, until that which I saw at Antigua; which convinced\nme that a water-spout is a whirlwind, which becomes visible in all\nits dimensions by the water it carries up with it.\n\nThere appeared, not far from the mouth of the harbour of St. John's,\ntwo or three water-spouts, one of which took its course up the\nharbour. Its progressive motion was slow and unequal, not in a strait\nline, but, as it were, by jerks or starts. When just by the wharf, I\nstood about one hundred yards from it. There appeared in the water a\ncircle of about twenty yards diameter, which, to me, had a dreadful,\nthough pleasing appearance. The water in this circle was violently\nagitated, being whisked about, and carried up into the air with great\nrapidity and noise, and reflected a lustre, as if the sun shined\nbright on that spot, which was more conspicuous, as there appeared\na dark circle around it. When it made the shore, it carried up with\nthe same violence shingles, staves[8], large pieces of the roofs of\nhouses, &c. and one small wooden house it lifted entire from the\nfoundation on which it stood, and carried it to the distance of\nfourteen feet, where it settled without breaking or oversetting;\nand, what is remarkable, though the whirlwind moved from west to\neast, the house moved from east to west. Two or three negroes and a\nwhite woman, were killed by the fall of timber, which it carried up\ninto the air and dropped again. After passing through the town, I\nbelieve it was soon dissipated; for, except tearing a large limb from\na tree, and part of the cover of a sugar-work near the town, I do\nnot remember any farther damage done by it. I conclude, wishing you\nsuccess in your enquiry,\n\n And am, &c.\n\n W. M.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[7] Dr. Mercer. _Editor._\n\n[8] I suppose shingles, staves, timber, and other lumber, might be\nlying in quantities on the wharf, for sale, as brought from the\nnorthern colonies. B. F.\n\n\n\n\nDOCTOR ----[9], OF BOSTON, TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. AT PHILADELPHIA.\n\n _Shooting Stars._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, July 8, 1756.\n\n\n _Boston, May 14, 1753._\n\n SIR,\n\nI received your letter of April last, and thank you for it. Several\nthings in it make me at a loss which side the truth lies on, and\ndetermine me to wait for farther evidence.\n\nAs to shooting-stars, as they are called, I know very little, and\nhardly know what to say. I imagine them to be passes of electric\nfire from place to place in the atmosphere, perhaps occasioned by\naccidental pressures of a non-electric circumambient fluid, and\nso by propulsion, or allicited by the circumstance of a distant\nquantity _minus_ electrified, which it shoots to supply, and becomes\napparent by its contracted passage through a non-electric medium.\nElectric fire in our globe is always in action, sometimes ascending,\ndescending, or passing from region to region. I suppose it avoids too\ndry air, and therefore we never see these shoots ascend. It always\nhas freedom enough to pass down unobserved, but, I imagine, not\nalways so, to pass to distant climes and meridians less stored with\nit.\n\nThe shoots are sometimes all one way, which, in the last case, they\nshould be.\n\nPossibly there may be collections of particles in our atmosphere,\nwhich gradually form, by attraction, either similar ones _per se_,\nor dissimilar particles, by the intervention of others. But then,\nwhether they shoot or explode of themselves, or by the approach of\nsome suitable foreign collection, accidentally brought near by the\nusual commotions and interchanges of our atmosphere, especially when\nthe higher and lower regions intermix, before change of winds and\nweather, I leave.\n\nI believe I have now said enough of what I know nothing about. If it\nshould serve for your amusement, or any way oblige you, it is all\nI aim at, and shall, at your desire, be always ready to say what I\nthink, as I am sure of your candour.\n\n I am, &c.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[9] Dr. Perkins. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _A subsequent Paper from the same._\n\n _Water-Spouts and Whirlwinds._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, July 8, 1756.\n\n\nSpouts have been generally believed ascents of water from below, to\nthe region of the clouds, and whirlwinds the means of conveyance.\nThe world has been very well satisfied with these opinions, and\nprejudiced with respect to any observations about them. Men of\nlearning and capacity have had many opportunities in passing\nthose regions where these phenomena were most frequent, but seem\nindustriously to have declined any notice of them, unless to escape\ndanger, as a matter of mere impertinence in a case so clear and\ncertain as their nature and manner of operation are taken to be.\nHence it has been very difficult to get any tolerable accounts of\nthem. None but those they fell near can inform us any thing to be\ndepended on; three or four such instances follow, where the vessels\nwere so near, that their crews could not avoid knowing something\nremarkable with respect to the matters in question.\n\nCapt. John Wakefield, junior, passing the Straits of Gibraltar, had\none fall by the side of his ship; it came down of a sudden, as they\nthink, and all agree the descent was certain.\n\nCaptain Langstaff, on a voyage to the West Indies, had one come\nacross the stern of his vessel, and passed away from him. The water\ncame down in such quantity that the present Captain Melling, who was\nthen a common sailor at helm, says it almost drowned him, running\ninto his mouth, nose, ears, &c. and adds, that it tasted perfectly\nfresh.\n\nOne passed by the side of Captain Howland's ship, so near that it\nappeared pretty plain that the water descended from first to last.\n\nMr. Robert Spring was so near one in the Straits of Malacca, that he\ncould perceive it to be a small very thick rain.\n\nAll these assure me, that there was no wind drawing towards them, nor\nhave I found any others that have observed such a wind.\n\nIt seems plain, by these few instances, that whirlwinds do not always\nattend spouts; and that the water really descends in some of them.\nBut the following consideration, in confirmation of this opinion,\nmay, perhaps, render it probable that all the spouts are descents.\n\nIt seems unlikely that there should be two sorts of spouts, one\nascending and the other descending.\n\nIt has not yet been proved that any one spout ever ascended. A\nspecious appearance is all that can be produced in favour of this;\nand those who have been most positive about it, were at more than a\nleague's distance when they observed, as Stuart and others, if I am\nnot mistaken. However, I believe it impossible to be certain whether\nwater ascends or descends at half the distance.\n\nIt may not be amiss to consider the places where they happen most.\nThese are such as are liable to calms from departing winds on both\nsides, as on the borders of the equinoctial trade, calms on the\ncoast of Guinea, in the Straits of Malacca, &c. places where the\nunder region of the atmosphere is drawn off horizontally. I think\nthey do not come where the calms are without departing winds; and\nI take the reason to be, that such places, and places where winds\nblow towards one another, are liable to whirlwinds, or other ascents\nof the lower region, which I suppose contrary to spouts. But the\nformer are liable to descents, which I take to be necessary to their\nproduction. Agreeable to this, it seems reasonable to believe, that\nany Mediterranean sea should be more subject to spouts than others.\nThe sea usually so called is so. The Straits of Malacca is. Some\nlarge gulphs may probably be so, in suitable latitudes; so the Red\nSea, &c. and all for this reason, that the heated lands on each side\ndraw off the under region of the air, and make the upper descend,\nwhence sudden and wonderful condensations may take place, and make\nthese descents.\n\nIt seems to me, that the manner of their appearance and procedure,\nfavour the notion of a descent.\n\nMore or less of a cloud, as I am informed, always appears over the\nplace first; then a spattering on the surface of the water below; and\nwhen this is advanced to a considerable degree, the spout emerges\nfrom the cloud, and descends, and that, if the causes are sufficient,\ndown to the places of spattering, with a roaring in proportion to the\nquantity of the discharge; then it abates, or stops, sometimes more\ngradually, sometimes more suddenly.\n\nI must observe a few things on these particulars, to shew how I think\nthey agree with my hypothesis.\n\nThe preceding cloud over the place shews condensation, and,\nconsequently, tendency downwards, which therefore must naturally\nprevent any ascent. Besides that, so far as I can learn, a whirlwind\nnever comes under a cloud, but in a clear sky.\n\nThe spattering may be easily conceived to be caused by a stream of\ndrops, falling with great force on the place, imagining the spout\nto begin so, when a sudden and great condensation happens in a\ncontracted space, as the Ox-Eye on the coast of Guinea.\n\nThe spout appearing to descend from the cloud seems to be, by the\nstream of nearly contiguous drops bringing the air into consent,\nso as to carry down a quantity of the vapour of the cloud; and the\npointed appearance it makes may be from the descending course being\nswiftest in the middle, or centre of the spout: this naturally\ndrawing the outer parts inward, and the centre to a point; and\nthat will appear foremost that moves swiftest. The phenomenon of\nretiring and advancing, I think may be accounted for, by supposing\nthe progressive motion to exceed or not equal the consumption of\nthe vapour by condensation. Or more plainly thus: the descending\nvapour which forms the apparent spout, if it be slow in its progress\ndownwards, is condensed as fast as it advances, and so appears at a\nstand; when it is condensed faster than it advances, it appears to\nretire; and _vice versa_.\n\nIts duration, and manner of ending, are as the causes, and may vary\nby several accidents.\n\nThe cloud itself may be so circumstanced as to stop it; as when,\nextending wide, it weighs down at a distance round about, while a\nsmall circle at the spout being exonerated by the discharge ascends\nand shuts up the passage. A new determination of wind may, perhaps,\nstop it too. Places liable to these appearances are very liable to\nfrequent and sudden alterations of it.\n\nSuch accidents as a clap of thunder, firing cannon, &c. may stop\nthem, and the reason may be, that any shock of this kind may occasion\nthe particles that are near cohering, immediately to do so; and then\nthe whole, thus condensed, falls at once (which is what I suppose\nis vulgarly called the breaking of the spout) and in the interval,\nbetween this period and that of the next set of particles being ready\nto unite, the spout shuts up. So that if this reasoning is just,\nthese phenomena agree with my hypothesis.\n\nThe usual temper of the air, at the time of their appearance, if I\nhave a right information, is for me to; it being then pretty cool for\nthe season and climate; and this is worth remark, because cool air\nis weighty, and will not ascend; besides, when the air grows cool,\nit shews that the upper region descends, and conveys this temper\ndown; and when the tempers are equal, no whirlwind can take place.\nBut spouts have been known, when the lower region has been really\ncold. Gordon's spout in the Downs is an instance of this--(_Vide_\n_Philosophical Transactions_)--where the upper region was probably\nnot at all cooler, if so cold as the lower: it was a cold day in the\nmonth of March, hail followed, but not snow, and it is observable,\nthat not so much as hail follows or accompanies them in moderate\nseasons or climes, when and where they are most frequent. However,\nit is not improbable, that just about the place of descent may be\ncooler than the neighbouring parts, and so favour the wonderful\ncelerity of condensation. But, after all, should we allow the under\nregion to be ever so much the hottest, and a whirlwind to take place\nin it: suppose then the sea-water to ascend, it would certainly cool\nthe spout, and then, query, whether it would not very much, if not\nwholly, obstruct its progress.\n\nIt commonly rains when spouts disappear, if it did not before, which\nit frequently does not, by the best accounts I have had; but the\ncloud encreases much faster after they disappear, and it soon rains.\nThe first shews the spout to be a contracted rain, instead of the\ndiffused one that follows; and the latter that the cloud was not\nformed by ascending water, for then it would have ceased growing when\nthe spout vanished.\n\nHowever, it seems that spouts have sometimes appeared after it began\nto rain; but this is one way a proof of my hypothesis, viz. as\nwhirlwinds do not come under a cloud.\n\nI forgot to mention, that the increase of cloud, while the spout\nsubsists, is no argument of an ascent of water, by the spout. Since\nthunder-clouds sometimes encrease greatly while it rains very hard.\n\nDivers effects of spouts seem not so well accounted for any other way\nas by descent.\n\nThe bush round the feet of them seems to be a great spray of water\nmade by the violence of descent, like that in great falls of water\nfrom high precipices.\n\nThe great roar, like some vast inland falls, is so different from the\nroar of whirlwinds, by all acounts, as to be no ways compatible.\n\nThe throwing things from it with great force, instead of carrying\nthem up into the air, is another difference.\n\nThere seems some probability that the sailors traditionary belief,\nthat spouts may break in their decks, and so destroy vessels, might\noriginate from some facts of that sort in former times. This danger\nis apparent on my hypothesis, but it seems not so on the other:\nand my reason for it is, that the whole column of a spout from the\nsea to the clouds, cannot, in a natural way, even upon the largest\nsupposition, support more than about three feet water, and from truly\nsupposeable causes, not above one foot, as may appear more plainly\nby and by. Supposing now the largest of these quantities to rise, it\nmust be disseminated into drops, from the surface of the sea to the\nregion of the clouds, or higher; for this reason it is quite unlikely\nto be collected into masses, or a body, upon its falling; but would\ndescend in progression according to the several degrees of altitude\nthe different portions had arrived at when it received this new\ndetermination.\n\nNow that there cannot more rise upon the common hypothesis than\nI have mentioned, may appear probable, if we attend to the only\nefficient cause in supposed ascending spouts, viz. whirlwinds.\n\nWe know that the rarefaction of the lower, and the condensation of\nthe upper region of air, are the only natural causes of whirlwinds.\nLet us then suppose the former as hot as their greatest summer heat\nin England, and the latter as cold as the extent of their winter.\nThese extremes have been found there to alter the weight of the air\none-tenth, which is equal to a little more than three feet water.\nWere this case possible, and a whirlwind take place in it, it might\nact with a force equal to the mentioned difference. But as this is\nthe whole strength, so much water could not rise; therefore to allow\nit due motion upwards, we must abate, at least, one-fourth part,\nperhaps more, to give it such a swift ascension as some think usual.\nBut here several difficulties occur, at least they are so to me. As,\nwhether this quantity would render the spout opaque? since it is\nplain that in drops it could not do so. How, or by what means it may\nbe reduced small enough? or, if the water be not reduced into vapour,\nwhat will suspend it in the region of the clouds when exonerated\nthere? And, if vapourized while ascending, how can it be dangerous by\nwhat they call the breaking? For it is difficult to conceive how a\ncondensative power should instantaneously take place of a rarefying\nand disseminating one.\n\nThe sudden fall of the spout, or rather, the sudden ceasing of it, I\naccounted for, in my way, before. But it seems necessary to mention\nsomething I then forgot. Should it be said to do so (_i. e._) to\nfall, because all the lower rarefied air is ascended, whence the\nwhirlwind must cease, and its burden drop; I cannot agree to this,\nunless the air be observed on a sudden to have grown much colder,\nwhich I cannot learn has been the case. Or should it be supposed that\nthe spout was, on a sudden, obstructed at the top, and this the cause\nof the fall, however plausible this might appear, yet no more water\nwould fall than what was at the same time contained in the column,\nwhich is often, by many and satisfactory accounts to me, again far\nfrom being the case.\n\nWe are, I think, sufficiently assured, that not only tons, but scores\nor hundreds of tons descend in one spout. Scores of tons more than\ncan be contained in the trunk of it, should we suppose water to\nascend.\n\nBut, after all, it does not appear that the above-mentioned different\ndegrees of heat and cold concur in any region where spouts usually\nhappen, nor, indeed, in any other.\n\n\n\n\n _Observations on the Meteorological Paper; by a Gentleman in\n Connecticut._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, Nov. 4, 1756.\n\n\n\"Air and water mutually attract each other, (saith Mr. F.) hence\nwater will dissolve in air, as salt in water.\" I think that he hath\ndemonstrated, that the supporting of salt in water is not owing to\nits superficies being increased, because \"the specific gravity of\nsalt is not altered by dividing of it, any more than that of lead,\nsixteen bullets of which, of an ounce each, weigh as much in water\nas one of a pound.\" But yet, when this came to be applied to the\nsupporting of water in air, I found an objection rising in my mind.\n\nIn the first place, I have always been loth to seek for any new\nhypothesis, or particular law of nature, to account for any thing\nthat may be accounted for from the known, general, and universal law\nof nature; it being an argument of the infinite wisdom of the author\nof the world, to effect so many things by one general law. Now I\nhad thought that the rising and support of water in air, might be\naccounted for from the general law of gravitation, by only supposing\nthe spaces occupied by the same quantity of water increased.\n\nAnd, with respect to the lead, I queried thus in my own mind; whether\nif the superficies of a bullet of lead should be increased four or\nfive fold by an internal vacuity, it would weigh the same in water\nas before. I mean, if a pound of lead should be formed into a hollow\nglobe, empty within, whose superficies should be four or five times\nas big as that of the same lead when a solid lump, it would weigh as\nmuch in water as before. I supposed it would not. If this concavity\nwas filled with water, perhaps it might; if with air, it would weigh\nat least as much less, as this difference between the weight of that\nincluded air, and that of water.\n\nNow although this would do nothing to account for the dissolution\nof salt in water, the smallest lumps of salt being no more hollow\nspheres, or any thing of the like nature than the greatest; yet,\nperhaps, it might account for water's rising and being supported in\nair. For you know that such hollow globules, or bubbles, abound upon\nthe surface of the water, which even by the breath of our mouths, we\ncan cause to quit the water, and rise in the air.\n\nThese bubbles I used to suppose to be coats of water, containing\nwithin them air rarefied and expanded with fire, and that, therefore,\nthe more friction and dashing there is upon the surface of the\nwaters, and the more heat and fire, the more they abound.\n\nAnd I used to think, that although water be specifically heavier than\nair, yet such a bubble, filled only with fire and very rarefied air,\nmay be lighter than a quantity of common air, of the same cubical\ndimensions, and, therefore, ascend; for the rarefied air inclosed,\nmay more fall short of the same bulk of common air, in weight, than\nthe watery coat exceeds a like bulk of common air in gravity.\n\nThis was the objection in my mind, though, I must confess, I know\nnot how to account for the watery coat's encompassing the air, as\nabove-mentioned, without allowing the attraction between air and\nwater, which the gentleman supposes; so that I do not know but\nthat this objection, examined by that sagacious genius, will be an\nadditional confirmation of the hypothesis.\n\nThe gentleman observes, \"that a certain quantity of moisture should\nbe every moment discharged and taken away from the lungs; and\nhence accounts for the suffocating nature of snuffs of candles, as\nimpregnating the air with grease, between which and water there is\na natural repellency; and of air that hath been frequently breathed\nin, which is overloaded with water, and, for that reason, can take\nno more air. Perhaps the same observation will account for the\nsuffocating nature of damps in wells.\"\n\nBut then if the air can support and take off but such a proportion of\nwater, and it is necessary that water be so taken off from the lungs,\nI queried with myself how it is we can breathe in an air full of\nvapours, so full as that they continually precipitated. Do not we see\nthe air overloaded, and casting forth water plentifully when there is\nno suffocation?\n\nThe gentleman again observes, \"That the air under the equator, and\nbetween the tropics, being constantly heated and rarefied by the\nsun, rises; its place is supplied by air from northern and southern\nlatitudes, which, coming from parts where the air and earth had\nless motion, and not suddenly acquiring the quicker motion of the\nequatorial earth, appears an east wind blowing westward; the earth\nmoving from west to east, and slipping under the air.\"\n\nIn reading this, two objections occurred to my mind:\n\nFirst, that it is said, the trade-wind doth not blow in the forenoon,\nbut only in the afternoon.\n\nSecondly, that either the motion of the northern and southern air\ntowards the equator is so slow, as to acquire almost the same motion\nas the equatorial air when it arrives there, so that there will be no\nsensible difference; or else the motion of the northern and southern\nair towards the equator, is quicker, and must be sensible; and then\nthe trade-wind must appear either as a south-east or north-east wind:\nsouth of the equator, a south-east wind; north of the equator, a\nnorth-east. For the apparent wind must be compounded of this motion\nfrom north to south, or _vice versa_; and of the difference between\nits motion from west to east, and that of the equatorial air.\n\n\n\n\n _Observations in Answer to the foregoing, by B. Franklin._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, Nov. 4, 1756.\n\n\n1st. The supposing a mutual attraction between the particles of water\nand air is not introducing a new law of nature; such attractions\ntaking place in many other known instances.\n\n2dly. Water is specifically 850 times heavier than air. To render a\nbubble of water, then, specifically lighter than air, it seems to me\nthat it must take up more than 850 times the space it did before it\nformed the bubble; and within the bubble should be either a vacuum\nor air rarefied more than 850 times. If a vacuum, would not the\nbubble be immediately crushed by the weight of the atmosphere? And no\nheat, we know of, will rarefy air any thing near so much; much less\nthe common heat of the sun, or that of friction by the dashing on\nthe surface of the water. Besides, water agitated ever so violently\nproduces no heat, as has been found by accurate experiments.\n\n3dly. A hollow sphere of lead has a firmness and consistency in it,\nthat a hollow sphere or bubble of fluid unfrozen water cannot be\nsupposed to have. The lead may support the pressure of the water it\nis immersed in, but the bubble could not support the pressure of the\nair, if empty within.\n\n4thly. Was ever a visible bubble seen to rise in air? I have made\nmany, when a boy, with soap-suds and a tobacco-pipe; but they all\ndescended when loose from the pipe, though slowly, the air impeding\ntheir motion. They may, indeed, be forced up by a wind from below,\nbut do not rise of themselves, though filled with warm breath.\n\n5thly. The objection relating to our breathing moist air seems\nweighty, and must be farther considered. The air that has been\nbreathed has, doubtless, acquired an addition of the perspirable\nmatter which nature intends to free the body from, and which would be\npernicious if retained and returned into the blood; such air then may\nbecome unfit for respiration, as well for that reason, as on account\nof its moisture. Yet I should be glad to learn, by some accurate\nexperiment, whether a draft of air, two or three times inspired,\nand expired, perhaps in a bladder, has, or has not, acquired more\nmoisture than our common air in the dampest weather. As to the\nprecipitation of water in the air we breathe, perhaps it is not\nalways a mark of that air's being overloaded. In the region of the\nclouds, indeed, the air must be overloaded if it lets fall its water\nin drops, which we call rain; but those drops may fall through a\ndrier air near the earth; and accordingly we find that the hygroscope\nsometimes shews a less degree of moisture, during a shower, than\nat other times when it does not rain at all. The dewy dampness,\nthat settles on the insides of our walls and wainscots, seems more\ncertainly to denote an air overloaded with moisture; and yet this is\nno sure sign: for, after a long continued cold season, if the air\ngrows suddenly warm, the walls, &c. continuing longer their coldness,\nwill, for some time, condense the moisture of such air, till they\ngrow equally warm, and then they condense no more, though the air is\nnot become drier. And, on the other hand, after a warm season, if the\nair grows cold, though moister than before, the dew is not so apt to\ngather on the walls. A tankard of cold water will, in a hot and dry\nsummer's day, collect a dew on its outside; a tankard of hot water\nwill collect none in the moistest weather.\n\n6thly. It is, I think, a mistake that the trade-winds blow only in\nthe afternoon. They blow all day and all night, and all the year\nround, except in some particular places. The southerly sea-breezes\non your coasts, indeed, blow chiefly in the afternoon. In the very\nlong run from the west side of America to Guam, among the Philippine\nIslands, ships seldom have occasion to hand their sails, so equal\nand steady is the gale, and yet they make it in about 60 days, which\ncould not be if the wind blew only in the afternoon.\n\n7thly. That really is, which the gentleman justly supposes ought to\nbe on my hypothesis. In sailing southward, when you first enter the\ntrade-wind, you find it north-east, or thereabouts, and it gradually\ngrows more east as you approach the line. The same observation is\nmade of its changing from south-east to east gradually, as you come\nfrom the southern latitudes to the equator.\n\n\n\n\n _Observations on the Meteorological Paper; sent by a Gentleman[10]\n in New-York to B. Franklin._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, Nov. 4, 1756.\n\n\nThat power by which the air expands itself, you attribute to a mutual\nrepelling power in the particles which compose the air, by which\nthey are separated from each other with some degree of force: now\nthis force, on this supposition, must not only act when the particles\nare in mutual contact, but likewise when they are at some distance\nfrom each other. How can two bodies, whether they be great or small,\nact at any distance, whether that distance be small or great, without\nsomething intermediate on which they act? For if any body act on\nanother, at any distance from it, however small that distance be,\nwithout some medium to continue the action, it must act where it is\nnot, which to me seems absurd.\n\nIt seems to me, for the same reason, equally absurd to give a mutual\nattractive power between any other particles supposed to be at a\ndistance from each other, without any thing intermediate to continue\ntheir mutual action. I can neither attract nor repel any thing at a\ndistance, without something between my hand and that thing, like a\nstring, or a stick; nor can I conceive any mutual action without some\nmiddle thing, when the action is continued to some distance.\n\nThe encrease of the surface of any body lessens its weight, both in\nair, and water, or any other fluid, as appears by the slow descent of\nleaf-gold in the air.\n\nThe observation of the different density of the upper and lower\nair, from heat and cold, is good, and I do not remember it is taken\nnotice of by others; the consequences also are well drawn; but as to\nwinds, they seem principally to arise from some other cause. Winds\ngenerally blow from some large tracts of land, and from mountains.\nWhere I live, on the north side of the mountains, we frequently have\na strong southerly wind, when they have as strong a northerly wind,\nor calm, on the other side of these mountains. The continual passing\nof vessels on Hudson's River, through these mountains, give frequent\nopportunities of observing this.\n\nIn the spring of the year the sea-wind (by a piercing cold) is always\nmore uneasy to me, accustomed to winds which pass over a tract of\nland, than the north-west wind.\n\nYou have received the common notion of water-spouts, which, from my\nown ocular observation, I am persuaded is a false conception. In a\nvoyage to the West-Indies, I had an opportunity of observing many\nwater-spouts. One of them passed nearer than thirty or forty yards to\nthe vessel I was in, which I viewed with a good deal of attention;\nand though it be now forty years since I saw it, it made so strong\nan impression on me, that I very distinctly remember it. These\nwater-spouts were in the calm latitudes, that is, between the trade\nand the variable winds, in the month of July. That spout which passed\nso near us was an inverted cone, with the _tip_ or _apex_ towards\nthe sea, and reached within about eight feet of the surface of the\nsea, its basis in a large black cloud. We were entirely becalmed. It\npassed slowly by the vessel. I could plainly observe, that a violent\nstream of wind issued from the spout, which made a hollow of about\nsix feet diameter in the surface of the water, and raised the water\nin a circular uneven ring round the hollow, in the same manner that a\nstrong blast from a pair of bellows would do when the pipe is placed\nperpendicular to the surface of the water; and we plainly heard the\nsame hissing noise which such a blast of wind must produce on the\nwater. I am very sure there was nothing like the sucking of water\nfrom the sea into the spout, unless the spray, which was raised in a\nring to a small height, could be mistaken for a raising of water. I\ncould plainly distinguish a distance of about eight feet between the\nsea and the tip of the cone, in which nothing interrupted the sight,\nwhich must have been, had the water been raised from the sea.\n\nIn the same voyage I saw several other spouts at a greater distance,\nbut none of them whose tip of the cone came so near the surface of\nthe water. In some of them the axis of the cone was considerably\ninclined from the perpendicular, but in none of them was there the\nleast appearance of sucking up of water. Others of them were bent\nor arched. I believe that a stream of wind issued from all of them,\nand it is from this stream of wind that vessels are often overset,\nor founder at sea suddenly. I have heard of vessels being overset\nwhen it was perfectly calm, the instant before the stream of wind\nstruck them, and immediately after they were overset; which could not\notherwise be but by such a stream of wind from a cloud.\n\nThat wind is generated in clouds will not admit of a dispute. Now if\nsuch wind be generated within the body of the cloud, and issue in\none particular place, while it finds no passage in the other parts\nof the cloud, I think it may not be difficult to account for all the\nappearances in water-spouts; and from hence the reason of breaking\nthose spouts, by firing a cannon-ball through them, as thereby a\nhorizontal vent is given to the wind. When the wind is spent, which\ndilated the cloud, or the fermentation ceases, which generates the\nair and wind, the clouds may descend in a prodigious fall of water\nor rain. A remarkable intestine motion, like a violent fermentation,\nis very observable in the cloud from whence the spout issues. No\nsalt-water, I am persuaded, was ever observed to fall from the\nclouds, which must certainly have happened if sea-water had been\nraised by a spout.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[10] Mr. Cadwallader Colden. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Answer to the foregoing Observations, by B. Franklin._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, NOV. 4, 1756.\n\n\nI agree with you, that it seems absurd to suppose that a body can act\nwhere it is not. I have no idea of bodies at a distance attracting or\nrepelling one another without the assistance of some medium, though\nI know not what that medium is, or how it operates. When I speak of\nattraction or repulsion, I make use of those words for want of others\nmore proper, and intend only to express _effects_ which I see, and\nnot _causes_ of which I am ignorant. When I press a blown bladder\nbetween my knees, and find I cannot bring its sides together, but my\nknees feel a springy matter, pushing them back to a greater distance,\nor repelling them, I conclude that the air it contains is the cause.\nAnd when I operate on the air, and find I cannot by pressure force\nits particles into contact, but they still spring back against the\npressure, I conceive there must be some medium between its particles\nthat prevents their closing, though I cannot tell what it is. And\nif I were acquainted with that medium, and found its particles to\napproach and recede from each other, according to the pressure they\nsuffered, I should imagine there must be some finer medium between\nthem, by which these operations were performed.\n\nI allow that increase of the surface of a body may occasion it\nto descend slower in air, water, or any other fluid; but do not\nconceive, therefore, that it lessens its weight. Where the increased\nsurface is so disposed as that in its falling a greater quantity\nof the fluid it sinks in must be moved out of its way, a greater\ntime is required for such removal. Four square feet of sheet-lead\nsinking in water _broadways_, cannot descend near so fast as it\nwould _edgeways_, yet its weight in the hydrostatic balance would,\nI imagine, be the same, whether suspended by the middle or by the\ncorner.\n\nI make no doubt but that ridges of high mountains do often interrupt,\nstop, reverberate, or turn the winds that blow against them,\naccording to the different degrees of strength of the winds, and\nangles of incidence. I suppose, too, that the cold upper parts of\nmountains may condense the warmer air that comes near them, and so by\nmaking it specifically heavier, cause it to descend on one or both\nsides of the ridge into the warmer valleys, which will seem a wind\nblowing from the mountain.\n\nDamp winds, though not colder by the thermometer, give a more\nuneasy sensation of cold than dry ones; because (to speak like an\nelectrician) they _conduct_ better; that is, are better fitted to\nconvey away the heat from our bodies. The body cannot feel _without_\nitself; our sensation of cold is not in the air _without_ the body,\nbut in those parts of the body which have been deprived of their\nheat by the air. My desk, and its lock, are, I suppose, of the same\ntemperament when they have been long exposed to the same air; but\nnow if I lay my hand on the wood, it does not seem so cold to me as\nthe lock; because (as I imagine) wood is not so good a conductor,\nto receive and convey away the heat from my skin, and the adjacent\nflesh, as metal is. Take a piece of wood, of the size and shape of\na dollar, between the thumb and finger of one hand, and a dollar,\nin like manner, with the other hand; place the edges of both, at\nthe same time, in the flame of a candle; and though the edge of the\nwooden piece takes flame, and the metal piece does not, yet you will\nbe obliged to drop the latter before the former, it conducting the\nheat more suddenly to your fingers. Thus we can, without pain, handle\nglass and china cups filled with hot liquors, as tea, &c. but not\nsilver ones. A silver tea-pot must have a wooden handle. Perhaps it\nis for the same reason that woollen garments keep the body warmer\nthan linen ones equally thick; woollen keeping the natural heat in,\nor, in other words, not conducting it out to air.\n\nIn regard to water-spouts, having, in a long letter to a gentleman\nof the same sentiment with you as to their direction, said all\nthat I have to say in support of my opinion; I need not repeat the\narguments therein contained, as I intend to send you a copy of it by\nsome other opportunity, for your perusal. I imagine you will find all\nthe appearances you saw, accounted for by my hypothesis. I thank you\nfor communicating the account of them. At present I would only say,\nthat the opinion of winds being generated in clouds by fermentation,\nis new to me, and I am unacquainted with the facts on which it is\nfounded. I likewise find it difficult to conceive of winds confined\nin the body of clouds, which I imagine have little more solidity than\nthe fogs on the earth's surface. The objection from the freshness\nof rain-water is a strong one, but I think I have answered it in the\nletter above-mentioned, to which I must beg leave, at present, to\nrefer you.\n\n\n[In Mr. Collinson's edition, there followed here, several extracts,\non water-spouts, from Dampier's Voyages, which, as Dampier's book is\nby no means scarce, and is consequently accessible to the reader, we\nhave omitted, and shall content ourselves with giving the references.\nThe extracts are three. The first is from Vol. I. p. 451. The second\nand third from Vol. III. p. 182 and 223.]\n\n\n\n\n _Gentleman of New York in Reply._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, December 6, 1756.\n\n\n _April 2, 1754._\n\nAny knowledge I have of the winds, and other changes which happen in\nthe atmosphere, is so very defective, that it does not deserve the\nname; neither have I received any satisfaction from the attempts of\nothers on this subject. It deserves then your thoughts, as a subject\nin which you may distinguish yourself, and be useful.\n\nYour notion of some things conducting heat or cold better than others\npleases me, and I wish you may pursue the scent. If I remember right,\nDr. Boerhaave, in his chymistry, thinks that heat is propagated\nby the vibration of a subtle elastic fluid, dispersed through the\natmosphere and through all bodies. Sir Isaac Newton says, there\nare many phenomena to prove the existence of such a fluid; and\nthis opinion has my assent to it. I shall only observe that it is\nessentially different from that which I call ether; for ether,\nproperly speaking, is neither a fluid nor elastic; its power consists\nin re-acting any action communicated to it, with the same force it\nreceives the action.\n\nI long to see your explication of water-spouts, but I must tell you\nbefore-hand, that it will not be easy for you to convince me that the\nprincipal phenomena were not occasioned by a stream of wind issuing\nwith great force, my eyes and ears both concurring to give me this\nsentiment, I could have no more evidence than to feel the effects,\nwhich I had no inclination to do.\n\nIt surprises me a little, that wind, generated by fermentation, is\nnew to you, since it may be every day observed in fermenting liquor.\nYou know with what force fermenting liquors will burst the vessels\nwhich contain them, if the generated wind have not vent; and with\nwhat force it issues on giving it a small vent, or by drawing the\ncork of a bottle. Dr. Boerhaave says, that the steam issuing from\nfermenting liquors received through a very small vent-hole, into the\nnose, will kill as suddenly and certainly as lightning. That air is\ngenerated by fermentation, I think you will find fully proved in Dr.\nHales's Analysis of the Air, in his Vegetable Statics. If you have\nnot read the book, you have a new pleasure to come.\n\nThe solution you give to the objection I made from the contrary winds\nblowing from the opposite sides of the mountains, from their being\neddies, does not please me, because the extent of these winds is by\nfar too large to be occasioned by any eddy. It is forty miles from\nNew York to our mountains, through which Hudson's River passes. The\nriver runs twelve miles in the mountains, and from the north side of\nthe mountains it is about ninety miles to Albany. I have myself been\non board a vessel more than once, when we have had a strong northerly\nwind against us, all the way from New York, for two or three days.\nWe have met vessels from Albany, who assured us, that, on the other\nside of the mountains, they had, at the same time, a strong continued\nsoutherly wind against them; and this frequently happens.\n\nI have frequently seen, both on the river, in places where there\ncould be no eddy-weeds, and on the open sea, two vessels sailing with\ncontrary winds, within half a mile of each other; but this happens\nonly in easy winds, and generally calm in other places near these\nwinds.\n\nYou have, no doubt, frequently observed a single cloud pass, from\nwhich a violent gust of wind issues, but of no great extent. I have\nobserved such a gust make a lane through the woods, of some miles\nin length, by laying the trees flat to the ground, and not above\neight or ten chains in breadth. Though the violence of the wind be\nin the same direction in which the cloud moves and precedes it, yet\nwind issues from all sides of it; so that supposing the cloud moves\nsouth-easterly, those on the north-east side of it feel a south-west\nwind, and others on the south-west side, a north-east. And where the\ncloud passes over, we frequently have a south-east wind from the\nhinder part of it, but none violent, except the wind in the direction\nin which the cloud moves. To shew what it is which prevents the wind\nfrom issuing out equally on all sides, is not an easy problem to me,\nand I shall not attempt to solve it; but when you shall show what\nit is which restrains the electrical fluid from spreading itself\ninto the air surrounding it, when it rushes with great violence\nthrough the air along, or in the conductor, for a great extent in\nlength, then I may hope to explain the other problem, and remove the\ndifficulty we have in conceiving it.\n\n\n\n\nTO PETER COLLINSON, ESQ. LONDON.\n\n _Account of a Whirlwind at Maryland._\n\n\n _Philadelphia, Aug. 25, 1755._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nAs you have my former papers on whirlwinds, &c. I now send you an\naccount of one which I had lately an opportunity of seeing and\nexamining myself.\n\nBeing in Maryland, riding with Colonel Tasker, and some other\ngentlemen, to his country seat, where I and my son were entertained\nby that amiable and worthy man with great hospitality and kindness,\nwe saw, in the vale below us, a small whirlwind beginning in the\nroad, and shewing itself by the dust it raised and contained. It\nappeared in the form of a sugar-loaf, spinning on its point, moving\nup the hill towards us, and enlarging as it came forward. When it\npassed by us, its smaller part near the ground appeared no bigger\nthan a common barrel, but widening upwards, it seemed, at forty or\nfifty feet high, to be twenty or thirty feet in diameter. The rest of\nthe company stood looking after it, but my curiosity being stronger,\nI followed it, riding close by its side, and observed its licking\nup, in its progress, all the dust that was under its smaller part.\nAs it is a common opinion that a shot, fired through a water-spout,\nwill break it, I tried to break this little whirlwind, by striking my\nwhip frequently through it, but without any effect. Soon after, it\nquitted the road and took into the woods, growing every moment larger\nand stronger, raising, instead of dust, the old dry leaves with which\nthe ground was thick covered, and making a great noise with them\nand the branches of the trees, bending some tall trees round in a\ncircle swiftly and very surprisingly, though the progressive motion\nof the whirl was not so swift but that a man on foot might have kept\npace with it, but the circular motion was amazingly rapid. By the\nleaves it was now filled with, I could plainly perceive that the\ncurrent of air they were driven by moved upwards in a spiral line;\nand when I saw the passing whirl continue entire, after leaving the\ntrunks and bodies of large trees which it had enveloped, I no longer\nwondered that my whip had no effect on it in its smaller state. I\naccompanied it about three quarters of a mile, till some limbs of\ndead trees, broken off by the whirl, flying about, and falling near\nme, made me more apprehensive of danger; and then I stopped, looking\nat the top of it as it went on, which was visible, by means of the\nleaves contained in it, for a very great height above the trees.\nMany of the leaves, as they got loose from the upper and widest\npart, were scattered in the wind; but so great was their height in\nthe air, that they appeared no bigger than flies. My son, who was,\nby this time, come up with me, followed the whirlwind till it left\nthe woods, and crossed an old tobacco-field, where, finding neither\ndust nor leaves to take up, it gradually became invisible below as\nit went away over that field. The course of the general wind then\nblowing was along with us as we travelled, and the progressive motion\nof the whirlwind was in a direction nearly opposite, though it did\nnot keep a strait line, nor was its progressive motion uniform, it\nmaking little sallies on either hand as it went, proceeding sometimes\nfaster, and sometimes slower, and seeming sometimes for a few seconds\nalmost stationary, then starting forwards pretty fast again. When\nwe rejoined the company, they were admiring the vast height of the\nleaves now brought by the common wind, over our heads. These leaves\naccompanied us as we travelled, some falling now and then round about\nus, and some not reaching the ground till we had gone near three\nmiles from the place where we first saw the whirlwind begin. Upon my\nasking Colonel Tasker if such whirlwinds were common in Maryland,\nhe answered pleasantly, No, not at all common, but we got this on\npurpose to treat Mr. Franklin. And a very high treat it was to,\n\n Dear Sir,\n\n Your affectionate friend and humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. ALEXANDER SMALL, LONDON.\n\n _On the North-East Storms in North America._\n\n\n _May 12, 1760._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nAgreeable to your request, I send you my reasons for thinking that\nour north-east storms in North America begin first, in point of\ntime, in the south-west parts: that is to say, the air in Georgia,\nthe farthest of our colonies to the south-west, begins to move\nsouth-westerly before the air of Carolina, which is the next colony\nnorth-eastward; the air of Carolina has the same motion before the\nair of Virginia, which lies still more north-eastward; and so on\nnorth-easterly through Pensylvania, New-York, New-England, &c. quite\nto Newfoundland.\n\nThese north-east storms are generally very violent, continue\nsometimes two or three days, and often do considerable damage in the\nharbours along the coast. They are attended with thick clouds and\nrain.\n\nWhat first gave me this idea, was the following circumstance. About\ntwenty years ago, a few more or less, I cannot from my memory be\ncertain, we were to have an eclipse of the moon at Philadelphia, on\na Friday evening, about nine o'clock. I intended to observe it, but\nwas prevented by a north-east storm, which came on about seven, with\nthick clouds as usual, that quite obscured the whole hemisphere. Yet\nwhen the post brought us the Boston news-paper, giving an account of\nthe effects of the same storm in those parts, I found the beginning\nof the eclipse had been well observed there, though Boston lies N. E.\nof Philadelphia about four hundred miles. This puzzled me, because\nthe storm began with us so soon as to prevent any observation, and\nbeing a north-east storm, I imagined it must have begun rather sooner\nin places farther to the north-east-ward than it did at Philadelphia.\nI therefore mentioned it in a letter to my brother, who lived at\nBoston; and he informed me the storm did not begin with them till\nnear eleven o'clock, so that they had a good observation of the\neclipse: and upon comparing all the other accounts I received from\nthe several colonies, of the time of beginning of the same storm, and\nsince that of other storms of the same kind, I found the beginning to\nbe always later the farther north-eastward. I have not my notes with\nme here in England, and cannot, from memory, say the proportion of\ntime to distance, but I think it is about an hour to every hundred\nmiles.\n\nFrom thence I formed an idea of the cause of these storms, which I\nwould explain by a familiar instance or two.--Suppose a long canal\nof water stopped at the end by a gate. The water is quite at rest\ntill the gate is open, then it begins to move out through the gate;\nthe water next the gate is first in motion, and moves towards the\ngate; the water next to that first water moves next, and so on\nsuccessively, till the water at the head of the canal is in motion,\nwhich is last of all. In this case all the water moves indeed towards\nthe gate, but the successive times of beginning motion are the\ncontrary way, viz. from the gate backwards to the head of the canal.\nAgain, suppose the air in a chamber at rest, no current through the\nroom till you make a fire in the chimney. Immediately the air in the\nchimney being rarefied by the fire rises; the air next the chimney\nflows in to supply its place, moving towards the chimney; and, in\nconsequence, the rest of the air successively, quite back to the\ndoor. Thus to produce our north-east storms, I suppose some great\nheat and rarefaction of the air in or about the Gulph of Mexico; the\nair thence rising has its place supplied by the next more northern,\ncooler, and therefore denser and heavier, air; that, being in motion,\nis followed by the next more northern air, &c. &c. in a successive\ncurrent, to which current our coast and inland ridge of mountains\ngive the direction of north-east, as they lie N. E. and S. W.\n\nThis I offer only as an hypothesis to account for this particular\nfact; and perhaps, on farther examination, a better and truer may be\nfound. I do not suppose all storms generated in the same manner. Our\nnorth-west thunder-gusts in America, I know are not; but of them I\nhave written my opinion fully in a paper which you have seen.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\n _Meteorological Imaginations and Conjectures_[11].\n\n\nThere seems to be a region higher in the air over all countries,\nwhere it is always winter, where frost exists continually, since in\nthe midst of summer, on the surface of the earth, ice falls often\nfrom above in the form of hail.\n\nHailstones, of the great weight we sometimes find them, did not\nprobably acquire their magnitude before they began to descend. The\nair, being eight hundred times rarer than water, is unable to support\nit but in the shape of vapour, a state in which its particles are\nseparated. As soon as they are condensed by the cold of the upper\nregion, so as to form a drop, that drop begins to fall. If it freezes\ninto a grain of ice, that ice descends. In descending, both the\ndrop of water and the grain of ice are augmented by particles of\nthe vapour they pass through in falling, and which they condense by\ncoldness, and attach to themselves.\n\nIt is possible that, in summer, much of what is rain, when it arrives\nat the surface of the earth, might have been snow when it began its\ndescent; but being thawed, in passing through the warm air near the\nsurface, it is changed from snow into rain.\n\nHow immensely cold must be the original particle of hail, which\nforms the centre of the future hailstone, since it is capable of\ncommunicating sufficient cold, if I may so speak, to freeze all the\nmass of vapour condensed round it, and form a lump of perhaps six or\neight ounces in weight!\n\nWhen, in summer time, the sun is high, and continues long every day\nabove the horizon, his rays strike the earth more directly, and with\nlonger continuance, than in the winter; hence the surface is more\nheated, and to a greater depth, by the effect of those rays.\n\nWhen rain falls on the heated earth, and soaks down into it, it\ncarries down with it a great part of the heat, which by that means\ndescends still deeper.\n\nThe mass of earth, to the depth perhaps of thirty feet, being thus\nheated to a certain degree, continues to retain its heat for some\ntime. Thus the first snows that fall in the beginning of winter,\nseldom lie long on the surface, but are soon melted, and soon\nabsorbed. After which, the winds, that blow over the country on which\nthe snows had fallen, are not rendered so cold as they would have\nbeen, by those snows, if they had remained, and thus the approach of\nthe severity of winter is retarded; and the extreme degree of its\ncold is not always at the time we might expect it, viz. when the sun\nis at its greatest distance, and the day shortest, but some time\nafter that period, according to the English proverb, which says, \"as\nthe day lengthens, the cold strengthens;\" the causes of refrigeration\ncontinuing to operate, while the sun returns too slowly, and his\nforce continues too weak to counteract them.\n\nDuring several of the summer months of the year 1783, when the\neffects of the sun's rays to heat the earth in these northern regions\nshould have been the greatest, there existed a constant fog over all\nEurope, and great part of North America. This fog was of a permanent\nnature: it was dry, and the rays of the sun seemed to have little\neffect towards dissipating it, as they easily do a moist fog, arising\nfrom water. They were indeed rendered so faint in passing through\nit, that when collected in the focus of a burning glass, they would\nscarce kindle brown paper. Of course, their summer effect in heating\nthe earth was exceedingly diminished.\n\nHence the surface was early frozen.\n\nHence the first snows remained on it unmelted, and received continual\nadditions.\n\nHence perhaps the winter of 1783-4, was more severe than any that had\nhappened for many years.\n\nThe cause of this universal fog is not yet ascertained. Whether\nit was adventitious to this earth, and merely a smoke proceeding\nfrom the consumption by fire of some of those great burning balls\nor globes which we happen to meet with in our rapid course round\nthe sun, and which are sometimes seen to kindle and be destroyed\nin passing our atmosphere, and whose smoke might be attracted and\nretained by our earth; or whether it was the vast quantity of smoke,\nlong continuing to issue during the summer from Hecla, in Iceland,\nand that other volcano which arose out of the sea near that island,\nwhich smoke might be spread by various winds, over the northern part\nof the world, is yet uncertain.\n\nIt seems however worth the enquiry, whether other hard winters,\nrecorded in history, were preceded by similar permanent and widely\nextended summer fogs. Because, if found to be so, men might from such\nfogs conjecture the probability of a succeeding hard winter, and of\nthe damage to be expected by the breaking up of frozen rivers in the\nspring; and take such measures as are possible and practicable, to\nsecure themselves and effects from the mischiefs that attended the\nlast.\n\n _Passy, May 1784._\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[11] This paper is taken from the Memoirs of the Literary and\nPhilosophical Society of Manchester, Vol. II. page 373. It was\ncommunicated by Dr. Percival, and read December 22, 1784. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Suppositions and Conjectures towards forming an Hypothesis, for\n the Explanation of the Aurora Borealis_[12].\n\n\n1. Air heated by any means, becomes rarefied, and specifically\nlighter than other air in the same situation not heated.\n\n2. Air being made thus lighter rises, and the neighbouring cooler\nheavier air takes its place.\n\n3. If in the middle of a room you heat the air by a stove, or pot\nof burning coals near the floor, the heated air will rise to the\nceiling, spread over the cooler air till it comes to the cold walls;\nthere, being condensed and made heavier, it descends to supply the\nplace of that cool air, which had moved towards the stove or fire, in\norder to supply the place of the heated air, which had ascended from\nthe space around the stove or fire.\n\n4. Thus there will be a continual circulation of air in the room;\nwhich may be rendered visible by making a little smoke, for that\nsmoke will rise and circulate with the air.\n\n5. A similar operation is performed by nature on the air of this\nglobe. Our atmosphere is of a certain height, perhaps at a medium [___]\nmiles: above that height it is so rare as to be almost a vacuum. The\nair heated between the tropics is continually rising; its place is\nsupplied by northerly and southerly winds, which come from the cooler\nregions.\n\n6. The light heated air, floating above the cooler and denser, must\nspread northward and southward; and descend near the two poles, to\nsupply the place of the cool air, which had moved towards the equator.\n\n7. Thus a circulation of air is kept up in our atmosphere, as in the\nroom above-mentioned.\n\n8. That heavier and lighter air may move in currents of different and\neven opposite direction, appears sometimes by the clouds that happen\nto be in those currents, as plainly as by the smoke in the experiment\nabove-mentioned. Also in opening a _door_ between two chambers, one\nof which has been warmed, by holding a candle near the top, near the\nbottom, and near the middle, you will find a strong current of warm\nair passing out of the warmed room above, and another of cool air\nentering below; while in the middle there is little or no motion.\n\n9. The great quantity of vapour rising between the tropics forms\nclouds, which contain much electricity.\n\nSome of them fall in rain, before they come to the polar regions.\n\n10. If the rain be received in an isolated vessel, the vessel will be\nelectrified; for every drop brings down some electricity with it.\n\n11. The same is done by snow or hail.\n\n12. The electricity so descending, in temperate climates, is received\nand imbibed by the earth.\n\n13. If the clouds are not sufficiently discharged by this gradual\noperation, they sometimes discharge themselves suddenly by striking\ninto the earth, where the earth is fit to receive their electricity.\n\n14. The earth in temperate and warm climates is generally fit to\nreceive it, being a good conductor.\n\n15. A certain quantity of heat will make some bodies good conductors,\nthat will not otherwise conduct.\n\n16. Thus wax rendered fluid, and glass softened by heat, will both of\nthem conduct.\n\n17. And water, though naturally a good conductor, will not conduct\nwell, when frozen into ice by a common degree of cold; not at all,\nwhere the cold is extreme.\n\n18. Snow falling upon frozen ground has been found to retain its\nelectricity; and to communicate it to an isolated body, when after\nfalling, it has been driven about by the wind.\n\n19. The humidity, contained in all the equatorial clouds that reach\nthe polar regions, must there be condensed and fall in snow.\n\n20. The great cake of ice that eternally covers those regions may be\ntoo hard frozen to permit the electricity, descending with that snow,\nto enter the earth.\n\n21. It may therefore be _accumulated upon that ice_.\n\n22. The atmosphere being heavier in the polar regions than in the\nequatorial, will there be lower; as well from that cause, as from the\nsmaller effect of the centrifugal force: consequently the distance\nof the vacuum above the atmosphere will be less at the poles, than\nelsewhere; and probably much less than the distance (upon the surface\nof the globe) extending from the pole to those latitudes in which\nthe earth is so thawed as to receive and imbibe electricity; (the\nfrost continuing to lat. 80, which is ten degrees, or six hundred\nmiles from the pole; while the height of the atmosphere there of such\ndensity as to obstruct the motion of the electric fluid, can scarce\nbe esteemed above [___] miles).\n\n23. The _vacuum_ above is a good conductor.\n\n24. May not then the great quantity of electricity, brought into the\npolar regions by the clouds, which are condensed there, and fall in\nsnow, which electricity would enter the, earth, but cannot penetrate\nthe ice; may it not, I say, (_as a bottle overcharged_) break through\nthat low atmosphere, and run along in the vacuum over the air towards\nthe equator; diverging as the degrees of longitude enlarge; strongly\nvisible where densest, and becoming less visible as it more diverges;\ntill it finds a passage to the earth in more temperate climates, or\nis mingled with their upper air?\n\n25. If such an operation of nature were really performed, would it\nnot give all the appearances of an aurora borealis?\n\n26. And would not the auroras become more frequent _after the\napproach of winter_: not only because more visible in longer nights;\nbut also because in summer the long presence of the sun may soften\nthe surface of the great ice cake, and render it a conductor, by\nwhich the accumulation of electricity in the polar regions will be\nprevented?\n\n27. The _atmosphere of the polar regions_ being made more dense by\nthe extreme cold, and all the moisture in that air being frozen; may\nnot any great light arising therein, and passing, through it, render\nits density in some degree visible, during the night time, to those\nwho live in the rarer air of more southern latitudes; and would it\nnot in that case, although in itself a complete and full circle,\nextending perhaps ten degrees from the pole, appear to spectators so\nplaced (who could see only a part of it) _in the form of a segment_;\nits chord resting on the horizon, and its arch elevated more or less\nabove it as seen from latitudes more or less distant; _darkish in\ncolour_, but yet _sufficiently transparent_ to permit some stars to\nbe seen through it.\n\n28. The _rays_ of electric matter issuing out of a body, diverge by\nmutually repelling each other, unless there be some conducting body\nnear, to receive them: and if that conducting body be at a greater\ndistance, they will _first diverge_, and then _converge_ in order\nto enter it. May not this account for some of the varieties of\nfigure seen at times in the _motions_ of the luminous matter of the\nauroras: since it is possible, that in passing over the atmosphere,\nfrom the north in all directions or meridians, towards the equator,\nthe rays of that matter may find, in many places, portions of cloudy\nregion, or moist atmosphere under them, which (being in the natural\nor negative state) may be fit to receive them, and towards which\nthey may therefore converge: and when one of those receiving bodies\nis more than saturated, they may _again_ diverge from it, towards\nother surrounding masses of such humid atmosphere, and thus form the\n_crowns_, as they are called, and other figures mentioned in the\nhistories of this meteor?\n\n29. If it be true that the clouds which go to the polar regions, and\ncarry thither the vapours of the equatorial and temperate regions,\n[have their] vapours condensed by the extreme cold of the polar\nregions, and fall in snow or hail; the winds which come from those\nregions ought to be generally dry, unless they gain some humidity\nby sweeping the ocean in their way. And if I mistake not, the winds\nbetween the north east and the north west, are for the most part dry,\nwhen they have continued for some time.\n\n\n[In the Philosophical Transactions for 1774, p. 122, is a letter from\nMr. I. S. Winn to Dr. Franklin, stating, that since he had first made\nthe observation concerning the south or south west winds succeeding\nan aurora, he had found it invariably obtaining in twenty-three\ninstances; and he adds in a note a fresh confirming instance. In\nreply, Dr. Franklin makes the following conjecture.]\n\n\nThe _Auror\u00e6 Boreales_, though visible almost every night of clear\nweather in the more northern regions and very high in the atmosphere,\ncan scarce be visible in England, but when the atmosphere is pretty\nclear of clouds for the whole space between us and those regions;\nand therefore are seldom visible here. This extensive clearness may\nhave been produced by a long continuance of northerly winds. When\nthe winds have long continued in one quarter, the return is often\nviolent. Allowing the fact so repeatedly observed by Mr. Winn,\nperhaps this may account for the violence of the southerly winds,\nthat soon follow the appearance of the aurora on our coasts.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[12] If I mistake not, this paper was read to the Royal Academy of\nSciences, at Paris, at the meeting held immediately after Easter,\n1779. B. V[13].\n\n[13] For an explanation of the signature B. V. see the note in page\n399 of Vol. I. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO DR. L.[14] AT CHARLES-TOWN, SOUTH-CAROLINA.\n\n _On Cold produced by Evaporation._\n\n\n _New-York, April_ 14, 1757.\n\n SIR,\n\nIt is a long time since I had the pleasure of a line from you; and,\nindeed, the troubles of our country, with the hurry of business\nI have been engaged in on that account, have made me so bad a\ncorrespondent, that I ought not to expect punctuality in others.\n\nBut being about to embark for England, I could not quit the continent\nwithout paying my respects to you, and, at the same time, taking\nleave to introduce to your acquaintance a gentleman of learning and\nmerit, colonel Henry Bouquet, who does me the favour to present you\nthis letter, and with whom I am sure you will be much pleased.\n\nProfessor Simpson, of Glasgow, lately communicated to me some\ncurious experiments of a physician of his acquaintance, by which it\nappeared, that an extraordinary degree of cold, even to freezing,\nmight be produced by evaporation. I have not had leisure to repeat\nand examine more than the first and easiest of them, _viz._--Wet the\nball of a thermometer by a feather dipt in spirit of wine, which\nhas been kept in the same room, and has, of course, the same degree\nof heat or cold. The mercury sinks presently three or four degrees,\nand the quicker, if, during the evaporation, you blow on the ball\nwith bellows; a second wetting and blowing, when the mercury is\ndown, carries it yet lower. I think I did not get it lower than five\nor six degrees from where it naturally stood, which was, at that\ntime, sixty. But it is said, that a vessel of water being placed in\nanother somewhat larger, containing spirit, in such a manner that\nthe vessel of water is surrounded with the spirit, and both placed\nunder the receiver of an air-pump; on exhausting the air, the spirit,\nevaporating, leaves such a degree of cold as to freeze the water,\nthough the thermometer, in the open air, stands many degrees above\nthe freezing point.\n\nI know not how this phenomenon is to be accounted for, but it gives\nme occasion to mention some loose notions relating to heat and cold,\nwhich I have for some time entertained, but not yet reduced into any\nform. Allowing common fire, as well as electrical, to be a fluid\ncapable of permeating other bodies, and seeking an equilibrium, I\nimagine some bodies are better fitted by nature to be conductors of\nthat fluid than others; and that, generally, those which are the best\nconductors of the electrical fluid, are also the best conductors of\nthis; and _e contra_.\n\nThus a body which is a good conductor of fire readily receives\nit into its substance, and conducts it through the whole to all\nthe parts, as metals and water do; and if two bodies, both good\nconductors, one heated, the other in its common state, are brought\ninto contact with each other, the body which has most fire readily\ncommunicates of it to that which had least, and that which had least\nreadily receives it, till an equilibrium is produced. Thus, if you\ntake a dollar between your fingers with one hand, and a piece of\nwood, of the same dimensions, with the other, and bring both at the\nsame time to the flame of a candle, you will find yourself obliged\nto drop the dollar before you drop the wood, because it conducts the\nheat of the candle sooner to your flesh. Thus, if a silver tea-pot\nhad a handle of the same metal, it would conduct the heat from the\nwater to the hand, and become too hot to be used; we therefore give\nto a metal tea-pot a handle of wood, which is not so good a conductor\nas metal. But a china or stone tea-pot being in some degree of the\nnature of glass, which is not a good conductor of heat, may have a\nhandle of the same stuff. Thus, also, a damp moist air shall make a\nman more sensible of cold, or chill him more, than a dry air that is\ncolder, because a moist air is fitter to receive and conduct away\nthe heat of his body. This fluid, entering bodies in great quantity,\nfirst expands them, by separating their parts a little, afterwards,\nby farther separating their parts, it renders solids fluid, and at\nlength dissipates their parts in air. Take this fluid from melted\nlead, or from water, the parts cohere again, the first grows solid,\nthe latter becomes ice: and this is sooner done by the means of good\nconductors.\n\n[Illustration: (of wooden former for molten lead)]\n\nThus, if you take, as I have done, a square bar of lead, four inches\nlong, and one inch thick, together with three pieces of wood planed\nto the same dimensions, and lay them, as in the margin, on a smooth\nboard, fixt so as not to be easily separated or moved, and pour\ninto the cavity they form, as much melted lead as will fill it,\nyou will see the melted lead chill, and become firm, on the side\nnext the leaden bar, some time before it chills on the other three\nsides in contact with the wooden bars, though before the lead was\npoured in, they might all be supposed to have the same degree of\nheat or coldness, as they had been exposed in the same room to the\nsame air. You will likewise observe, that the leaden bar, as it has\ncooled the melted lead more than the wooden bars have done, so it is\nitself more heated by the melted lead. There is a certain quantity\nof this fluid called fire, in every living human body, which fluid,\nbeing in due proportion, keeps the parts of the flesh and blood at\nsuch a just distance from each other, as that the flesh and nerves\nare supple, and the blood fit for circulation. If part of this due\nproportion of fire be conducted away, by means of a contact with\nother bodies, as air, water, or metals, the parts of our skin and\nflesh that come into such contact first draw more near together\nthan is agreeable, and give that sensation which we call cold; and\nif too much be conveyed away, the body stiffens, the blood ceases\nto flow, and death ensues. On the other hand, if too much of this\nfluid be communicated to the flesh, the parts are separated too far,\nand pain ensues, as when they are separated by a pin or lancet. The\nsensation that the separation by fire occasions, we call heat, or\nburning. My desk on which I now write, and the lock of my desk, are\nboth exposed to the same temperature of the air, and have therefore\nthe same degree of heat or cold; yet if I lay my hand successively\non the wood and on the metal, the latter feels much the coldest, not\nthat it is really so, but being a better conductor, it more readily\nthan the wood takes away and draws into itself the fire that was in\nmy skin. Accordingly if I lay one hand, part on the lock, and part\non the wood, and after it had lain so some time, I feel both parts\nwith my other hand, I find the part that has been in contact with\nthe lock, very sensibly colder to the touch, than the part that lay\non the wood. How a living animal obtains its quantity of this fluid\ncalled fire, is a curious question. I have shown, that some bodies\n(as metals) have a power of attracting it stronger than others; and\nI have sometimes suspected, that a living body had some power of\nattracting out of the air, or other bodies, the heat it wanted. Thus\nmetals hammered, or repeatedly bent, grow hot in the bent or hammered\npart. But when I consider that air, in contact with the body, cools\nit; that the surrounding air is rather heated by its contact with\nthe body; that every breath of cooler air drawn in, carries off part\nof the body's heat when it passes out again; that therefore there\nmust be in the body a fund for producing it, or otherwise the animal\nwould soon grow cold; I have been rather inclined to think, that the\nfluid _fire_, as well as the fluid _air_, is attracted by plants in\ntheir growth, and becomes consolidated with the other materials of\nwhich they are formed, and makes a great part of their substance:\nthat when they come to be digested, and to suffer in the vessels a\nkind of fermentation, part of the fire, as well as part of the air,\nrecovers its fluid active state again, and diffuses itself in the\nbody digesting and separating it: that the fire so reproduced, by\ndigestion and separation continually leaving the body, its place is\nsupplied by fresh quantities, arising from the continual separation.\nThat whatever quickens the motion of the fluids in an animal quickens\nthe separation, and reproduces more of the fire; as exercise. That\nall the fire emitted by wood, and other combustibles, when burning,\nexisted in them before, in a solid state, being only discovered when\nseparating. That some fossils, as sulphur, sea-coal, &c. contain a\ngreat deal of solid fire; and that, in short, what escapes and is\ndissipated in the burning of bodies, besides water and earth, is\ngenerally the air and fire that before made parts of the solid. Thus\nI imagine that animal heat arises by or from a kind of fermentation\nin the juices of the body, in the same manner as heat arises in the\nliquors preparing for distillation, wherein there is a separation\nof the spirituous, from the watry and earthy parts. And it is\nremarkable, that the liquor in a distiller's vat, when in its highest\nand best state of fermentation, as I have been informed, has the same\ndegree of heat with the human body; that is, about 94 or 96.\n\nThus, as by a constant supply of fuel in a chimney, you keep a warm\nroom, so, by a constant supply of food in the stomach, you keep a\nwarm body; only where little exercise is used, the heat may possibly\nbe conducted away too fast; in which case such materials are to be\nused for cloathing and bedding, against the effects of an immediate\ncontact of the air, as are, in themselves, bad conductors of heat,\nand, consequently, prevent its being communicated through their\nsubstance to the air. Hence what is called _warmth_ in wool, and\nits preference on that account, to linen; wool not being so good a\nconductor: and hence all the natural coverings of animals, to keep\nthem warm, are such as retain and confine the natural heat in the\nbody, by being bad conductors, such as wool, hair, feathers, and the\nsilk by which the silk-worm, in its tender embrio state, is first\ncloathed. Cloathing, thus considered, does not make a man warm by\n_giving_ warmth, but by _preventing_ the too quick dissipation of the\nheat produced in his body, and so occasioning an accumulation.\n\nThere is another curious question I will just venture to touch\nupon, viz. Whence arises the sudden extraordinary degree of cold,\nperceptible on mixing some chemical liquors, and even on mixing salt\nand snow, where the composition appears colder than the coldest of\nthe ingredients? I have never seen the chemical mixtures made, but\nsalt and snow I have often mixed myself, and am fully satisfied\nthat the composition feels much colder to the touch, and lowers the\nmercury in the thermometer more than either ingredient would do\nseparately. I suppose, with others, that cold is nothing more than\nthe absence of heat or fire. Now if the quantity of fire before\ncontained or diffused in the snow and salt was expelled in the\nuniting of the two matters, it must be driven away either through\nthe air or the vessel containing them. If it is driven off thro' the\nair, it must warm the air, and a thermometer held over the mixture,\nwithout touching it, would discover the heat, by the rising of the\nmercury, as it must, and always does in warm air.\n\nThis, indeed, I have not tried, but I should guess it would rather\nbe driven off through the vessel, especially if the vessel be metal,\nas being a better conductor than air; and so one should find the\nbason warmer after such mixture. But, on the contrary, the vessel\ngrows cold, and even water, in which the vessel is sometimes placed\nfor the experiment, freezes into hard ice on the bason. Now I know\nnot how to account for this, otherwise than by supposing, that the\ncomposition is a better conductor of fire than the ingredients\nseparately, and, like the lock compared with the wood, has a stronger\npower of attracting fire, and does accordingly attract it suddenly\nfrom the fingers, or a thermometer put into it, from the bason that\ncontains it, and from the water in contact with the outside of the\nbason; so that the fingers have the sensation of extreme cold, by\nbeing deprived of much of their natural fire; the thermometer sinks,\nby having part of its fire drawn out of the mercury; the bason grows\ncolder to the touch, as, by having its fire drawn into the mixture,\nit is become more capable of drawing and receiving it from the hand;\nand through the bason, the water loses its fire that kept it fluid;\nso it becomes ice. One would expect, that from all this attracted\nacquisition of fire to the composition, it should become warmer; and,\nin fact, the snow and salt dissolve at the same time into water,\nwithout freezing.\n\n I am, Sir, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[14] Dr. Lining. _Editor_.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME ON THE SAME SUBJECT.\n\n\n _London, June 17, 1758._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nIn a former letter I mentioned the experiment for cooling bodies by\nevaporation, and that I had, by repeatedly wetting the thermometer\nwith common spirits, brought the mercury down five or six degrees.\nBeing lately at Cambridge, and mentioning this in conversation with\nDr. Hadley, professor of chemistry there, he proposed repeating the\nexperiments with ether, instead of common spirits, as the ether is\nmuch quicker in evaporation. We accordingly went to his chamber,\nwhere he had both ether and a thermometer. By dipping first the\nball of the thermometer into the ether, it appeared that the ether\nwas precisely of the same temperament with the thermometer, which\nstood then at 65; for it made no alteration in the height of the\nlittle column of mercury. But when the thermometer was taken out\nof the ether, and the ether, with which the ball was wet, began to\nevaporate, the mercury sunk several degrees. The wetting was then\nrepeated by a feather that had been dipped into the ether, when\nthe mercury sunk still lower. We continued this operation, one of\nus wetting the ball, and another of the company blowing on it with\nthe bellows, to quicken the evaporation, the mercury sinking all\nthe time, till it came down to 7, which is 25 degrees below the\nfreezing point, when we left off. Soon after it passed the freezing\npoint, a thin coat of ice began to cover the ball. Whether this was\nwater collected and condensed by the coldness of the ball, from the\nmoisture in the air, or from our breath; or whether the feather,\nwhen dipped into the ether, might not sometimes go through it, and\nbring up some of the water that was under it, I am not certain;\nperhaps all might contribute. The ice continued increasing till we\nended the experiment, when it appeared near a quarter of an inch\nthick all over the ball, with a number of small spicula, pointing\noutwards. From this experiment one may see the possibility of\nfreezing a man to death on a warm summer's day, if he were to stand\nin a passage through which the wind blew briskly, and to be wet\nfrequently with ether, a spirit that is more inflammable than brandy,\nor common spirits of wine.\n\nIt is but within these few years, that the European philosophers seem\nto have known this power in nature, of cooling bodies by evaporation.\nBut in the east they have long been acquainted with it. A friend\ntells me, there is a passage in Bernier's Travels through Indostan,\nwritten near one hundred years ago, that mentions it as a practice\n(in travelling over dry deserts in that hot climate) to carry water\nin flasks wrapt in wet woollen cloths, and hung on the shady side of\nthe camel, or carriage, but in the free air; whereby, as the cloths\ngradually grow drier, the water contained in the flasks is made cool.\nThey have likewise a kind of earthen pots, unglazed, which let the\nwater gradually and slowly ooze through their pores, so as to keep\nthe outside a little wet, notwithstanding the continual evaporation,\nwhich gives great coldness to the vessel, and the water contained\nin it. Even our common sailors seem to have had some notion of this\nproperty; for I remember, that being at sea, when I was a youth,\nI observed one of the sailors, during a calm in the night, often\nwetting his finger in his mouth, and then holding it up in the air,\nto discover, as he said, if the air had any motion, and from which\nside it came; and this he expected to do, by finding one side of his\nfinger grow suddenly cold, and from that side he should look for the\nnext wind; which I then laughed at as a fancy.\n\nMay not several phenomena, hitherto unconsidered, or unaccounted for,\nbe explained by this property? During the hot Sunday at Philadelphia,\nin June 1750, when the thermometer was up at 100 in the shade, I\nsat in my chamber without exercise, only reading or writing, with\nno other cloaths on than a shirt, and a pair of long linen drawers,\nthe windows all open, and a brisk wind blowing through the house,\nthe sweat ran off the backs of my hands, and my shirt was often\nso wet, as to induce me to call for dry ones to put on; in this\nsituation, one might have expected, that the natural heat of the body\n96, added to the heat of the air 100, should jointly have created\nor produced a much greater degree of heat in the body; but the fact\nwas, that my body never grew so hot as the air that surrounded it,\nor the inanimate bodies immersed in the same air. For I remember\nwell, that the desk, when I laid my arm upon it; a chair, when I sat\ndown in it; and a dry shirt out of the drawer, when I put it on,\nall felt exceeding warm to me, as if they had been warmed before a\nfire. And I suppose a dead body would have acquired the temperature\nof the air, though a living one, by continual sweating, and by the\nevaporation of that sweat, was kept cold. May not this be a reason\nwhy our reapers in Pensylvania, working in the open field, in the\nclear hot sun-shine common in our harvest-time[15], find themselves\nwell able to go through that labour, without being much incommoded\nby the heat, while they continue to sweat, and while they supply\nmatter for keeping up that sweat, by drinking frequently of a thin\nevaporable liquor, water mixed with rum; but if the sweat stops,\nthey drop, and sometimes die suddenly, if a sweating is not again\nbrought on by drinking that liquor, or, as some rather chuse in that\ncase, a kind of hot punch, made with water, mixed with honey, and a\nconsiderable proportion of vinegar? May there not be in negroes a\nquicker evaporation of the perspirable matter from their skins and\nlungs, which, by cooling them more, enables them to bear the sun's\nheat better than whites do? (if that is a fact, as it is said to be;\nfor the alledged necessity of having negroes rather than whites, to\nwork in the West-India fields, is founded upon it) though the colour\nof their skins would otherwise make them more sensible of the sun's\nheat, since black cloth heats much sooner, and more, in the sun,\nthan white cloth. I am persuaded, from several instances happening\nwithin my knowledge, that they do not bear cold weather so well as\nthe whites; they will perish when exposed to a less degree of it,\nand are more apt to have their limbs frostbitten; and may not this\nbe from the same cause? Would not the earth grow much hotter under\nthe summer-sun, if a constant evaporation from its surface, greater\nas the sun shines stronger, did not, by tending to cool it; balance,\nin some degree, the warmer effects of the sun's rays? Is it not\nowing to the constant evaporation from the surface of every leaf,\nthat trees, though shone on by the sun, are always, even the leaves\nthemselves, cool to our sense? at least much cooler than they would\notherwise be? May it not be owing to this, that fanning ourselves\nwhen warm, does really cool us, though the air is itself warm that we\ndrive with the fan upon our faces; for the atmosphere round, and next\nto our bodies, having imbibed as much of the perspired vapour as it\ncan well contain, receives no more, and the evaporation is therefore\nchecked and retarded, till we drive away that atmosphere, and bring\ndrier air in its place, that will receive the vapour, and thereby\nfacilitate and increase the evaporation? Certain it is, that mere\nblowing of air on a dry body does not cool it, as any one may satisfy\nhimself, by blowing with a bellows on the dry ball of a thermometer;\nthe mercury will not fall; if it moves at all, it rather rises, as\nbeing warmed by the friction of the air on its surface? To these\nqueries of imagination, I will only add one practical observation;\nthat wherever it is thought proper to give ease, in cases of painful\ninflammation in the flesh (as from burnings, or the like) by cooling\nthe part; linen cloths, wet with spirit, and applied to the part\ninflamed, will produce the coolness required, better than if wet with\nwater, and will continue it longer. For water, though cold when first\napplied, will soon acquire warmth from the flesh, as it does not\nevaporate fast enough; but the cloths wet with spirit, will continue\ncold as long as any spirit is left to keep up the evaporation, the\nparts warmed escaping as soon as they are warmed, and carrying off\nthe heat with them.\n\n I am, Sir, &c.\n\n B FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[15] Pensylvania is in about lat. 40, and the sun, of course, about\n12 degrees higher, and therefore much hotter than in England. Their\nharvest is about the end of June, or beginning of July, when the sun\nis nearly at the highest.\n\n\n\n\nJ. B.[16] ESQ. IN BOSTON, TO B. FRANKLIN.\n\n _Concerning the Light in Sea-Water._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, December 6, 1756.\n\n\n _November_ 12, 1753.\n\n**** When I was at the eastward, I had an opportunity of observing\nthe luminous appearance of the sea when disturbed: at the head and\nstern of the vessel, when under way, it appeared very bright. The\nbest opportunity I had to observe it was in a boat, in company with\nseveral gentlemen going from Portsmouth, about three miles, to our\nvessel lying at the mouth of Piscataqua River. Soon after we set\noff (it being in the evening) we observed a luminous appearance,\nwhere the oars dashed the water. Sometimes it was very bright, and\nafterwards, as we rowed along, gradually lessened, till almost\nimperceptible, and then re-illumined. This we took notice of several\ntimes in the passage. When I got on board the vessel, I ordered a\npail to be dipped up, full of sea-water, in which, on the water's\nbeing moved, a sparkling light appeared. I took a linen cloth,\nand strained some of the water through it, and there was a like\nappearance on the cloth, which soon went off; but on rubbing the\ncloth with my finger, it was renewed. I then carried the cloth to the\nlight, but could not perceive any thing upon it which should cause\nthat appearance.\n\nSeveral gentlemen were of opinion, that the separated particles\nof putrid, animal, and other bodies, floating on the surface of\nthe sea, might cause that appearance; for putrid fish, &c. they\nsaid, will cause it: and the sea-animals which have died, and\nother bodies putrified therein since the creation, might afford\na sufficient quantity of these particles to cover a considerable\nportion of the surface of the sea; which particles being differently\ndispersed, might account for the different degrees of light in\nthe appearance above-mentioned. But this account seems liable to\nthis obvious objection, that as putrid fish, &c. make a luminous\nappearance without being moved or disturbed, it might be expected\nthat the supposed putrid particles on the surface of the sea, should\nalways appear luminous, where there is not a greater light; and,\nconsequently, that the whole surface of the sea, covered with those\nparticles, should always, in dark nights, appear luminous, without\nbeing disturbed. But this is not fact.\n\nAmong the rest, I threw out my conjecture, that the said appearance\nmight be caused by a great number of little animals, floating on the\nsurface of the sea, which, on being disturbed, might, by expanding\ntheir finns, or otherwise moving themselves, expose such a part\nof their bodies as exhibits a luminous appearance, somewhat in\nthe manner of a glow-worm, or fire-fly: that these animals may be\nmore numerous in some places than others; and, therefore, that the\nappearance above-mentioned being fainter and stronger in different\nplaces, might be owing to that: that certain circumstances of\nweather, &c. might invite them to the surface, on which, in a calm,\nthey might sport themselves and glow; or in storms, being forced up,\nmake the same appearance.\n\nThere is no difficulty in conceiving that the sea may be stocked with\nanimalcula for this purpose, as we find all nature crowded with\nlife. But it seems difficult to conceive that such small portions\nof matter, even if they were wholly luminous, should affect our\nsight; much more so, when it is supposed that only a part of them is\nluminous. But, if we consider some other appearances, we may find\nthe same difficulty to conceive of them; and yet we know they take\nplace. For instance, the flame of a candle, which, it is said, may\nbe seen four miles round. The light which fills this circle of eight\nmiles diameter, was contained, when it first left the candle, within\na circle of half an inch diameter. If the density of light, in these\ncircumstances, be as those circles to each other, that is, as the\nsquares of their diameters, the candle-light, when come to the eye,\nwill be 1027709337600 times rarer than when it quitted the half inch\ncircle. Now the aperture of the eye, through which the light passes,\ndoes not exceed one-tenth of an inch diameter, and the portion of\nthe lesser circle, which corresponds to this small portion of the\ngreater circle, must be proportionably, that is, 1027709337600 times\nless than one-tenth of an inch; and yet this infinitely small point\n(if you will allow the expression) affords light enough to make it\nvisible four miles; or, rather, affords light sufficient to affect\nthe sight at that distance.\n\nThe smallness of the animalcula is no objection then to this\nconjecture; for supposing them to be ten thousand times less than the\n_minimum visibile_, they may, notwithstanding, emit light enough to\naffect the eyes, and so to cause the luminous appearance aforesaid.\nThis conjecture I send you for want of something better ****.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[16] I. Badoin. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. P. F.[17] IN NEWPORT.\n\n _On the Saltness of Sea-Water._\n\n\n _London, May 7, 1760._\n\n SIR,\n\n**** It has, indeed, as you observe, been the opinion of some very\ngreat naturalists, that the sea is salt only from the dissolution\nof mineral or rock-salt, which its waters happened to meet with.\nBut this opinion takes it for granted that all water was originally\nfresh, of which we can have no proof. I own I am inclined to a\ndifferent opinion, and rather think all the water on this globe was\noriginally salt, and that the fresh water we find in springs and\nrivers, is the produce of distillation. The sun raises the vapours\nfrom the sea, which form clouds, and fall in rain upon the land, and\nsprings and rivers are formed of that rain. As to the rock-salt found\nin mines, I conceive, that instead of communicating its saltness to\nthe sea, it is itself drawn from the sea, and that of course the sea\nis now fresher than it was originally. This is only another effect of\nnature's distillery, and might be performed various ways.\n\nIt is evident from the quantities of sea-shells, and the bones and\nteeth of fishes found in high lands, that the sea has formerly\ncovered them. Then, either the sea has been higher than it now is,\nand has fallen away from those high lands, or they have been lower\nthan they are, and were lifted up out of the water to their present\nheight, by some internal mighty force, such as we still feel some\nremains of, when whole continents are moved by earthquakes. In\neither case it may be supposed that large hollows or valleys among\nhills, might be left filled with sea-water, which evaporating, and\nthe fluid part drying away in a course of years, would leave the salt\ncovering the bottom; and that salt coming afterwards to be covered\nwith earth, from the neighbouring hills, could only be found by\ndigging through that earth. Or, as we know from their effects, that\nthere are deep fiery caverns under the earth, and even under the\nsea, if at any time the sea leaks into any of them, the fluid parts\nof the water must evaporate from that heat, and pass off through\nsome volcano, while the salt remains, and by degrees, and continual\nacretion, becomes a great mass. Thus the cavern may at length be\nfilled, and the volcano connected with it cease burning, as many\nit is said have done; and future miners, penetrating such cavern,\nfind what we call a salt-mine. This is a fancy I had on visiting\nthe salt-mines at Northwich, with my son. I send you a piece of the\nrock-salt which he brought up with him out of the mine. ****\n\n I am, Sir, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[17] Peter Franklin. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO MISS STEPHENSON.\n\n _On the Effect of Air on the Barometer, and the Benefits derived\n from the Study of Insects._\n\n\n _Craven Street, June 11, 1760._\n\n'Tis a very sensible question you ask, how the air can affect the\nbarometer, when its opening appears covered with wood? If indeed it\nwas so closely covered as to admit of no communication of the outward\nair to the surface of the mercury, the change of weight in the air\ncould not possibly affect it. But the least crevice is sufficient\nfor the purpose; a pinhole will do the business. And if you could\nlook behind the frame to which your barometer is fixed, you would\ncertainly find some small opening.\n\nThere are indeed some barometers in which the body of mercury at the\nlower end is contained in a close leather bag, and so the air cannot\ncome into immediate contact with the mercury; yet the same effect is\nproduced. For the leather being flexible, when the bag is pressed by\nany additional weight of air it contracts, and the mercury is forced\nup into the tube; when the air becomes lighter, and its pressure\nless, the weight of the mercury prevails, and it descends again into\nthe bag.\n\nYour observation on what you have lately read concerning insects is\nvery just and solid. Superficial minds are apt to despise those who\nmake that part of the creation their study, as mere triflers; but\ncertainly the world has been much obliged to them. Under the care\nand management of man, the labours of the little silkworm afford\nemployment and subsistence to thousands of families, and become an\nimmense article of commerce. The bee, too, yields us its delicious\nhoney, and its wax useful to a multitude of purposes. Another insect,\nit is said, produces the cochineal, from whence we have our rich\nscarlet dye. The usefulness of the cantharides or Spanish flies, in\nmedicine, is known to all, and thousands owe their lives to that\nknowledge. By human industry and observation, other properties of\nother insects may possibly be hereafter discovered, and of equal\nutility. A thorough acquaintance with the nature of these little\ncreatures may also enable mankind to prevent the increase of such\nas are noxious, or secure us against the mischiefs they occasion.\nThese things doubtless your books make mention of: I can only add\na particular late instance which I had from a Swedish gentleman of\ngood credit. In the green timber, intended for ship-building at the\nking's yards in that country, a kind of worms were found, which every\nyear became more numerous and more pernicious, so that the ships were\ngreatly damaged before they came into use. The king sent Linn\u00e6us, the\ngreat naturalist, from Stockholm, to enquire into the affair, and see\nif the mischief was capable of any remedy. He found, on examination,\nthat the worm was produced from a small egg, deposited in the little\nroughnesses on the surface of the wood, by a particular kind of fly\nor beetle; from whence the worm, as soon as it was hatched, began\nto eat into the substance of the wood, and after some time came out\nagain a fly of the parent kind, and so the species increased. The\nseason in which the fly laid its eggs, Linn\u00e6us knew to be about a\nfortnight (I think) in the month of May, and at no other time in the\nyear. He therefore advised, that some days before that season, all\nthe green timber should be thrown into the water, and kept under\nwater till the season was over. Which being done by the king's order,\nthe flies missing their usual nests, could not increase; and the\nspecies was either destroyed or went elsewhere; and the wood was\neffectually preserved, for after the first year, it became too dry\nand hard for their purpose.\n\nThere is, however, a prudent moderation to be used in studies of\nthis kind. The knowledge of nature may be ornamental, and it may\nbe useful, but if to attain an eminence in that, we neglect the\nknowledge and practice of essential duties, we deserve reprehension.\nFor there is no rank in natural knowledge of equal dignity and\nimportance with that of being a good parent, a good child, a good\nhusband, or wife, a good neighbour or friend, a good subject or\ncitizen, that is, in short, a good christian. Nicholas Gimcrack,\ntherefore, who neglected the care of his family, to pursue\nbutterflies, was a just object of ridicule, and we must give him up\nas fair game to the satyrist.\n\n Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever\n\n Yours affectionately,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME.\n\n _On the Bristol Waters, and the Tide in Rivers._\n\n\n _London, Sept. 13, 1760._\n\n MY DEAR FRIEND,\n\nI have your agreeable letter from Bristol, which I take this first\nleisure hour to answer, having for some time been much engaged in\nbusiness.\n\nYour first question, _What is the reason the water at this place,\nthough cold at the spring, becomes warm by pumping?_ It will be\nmost prudent in me to forbear attempting to answer, till, by a more\ncircumstantial account, you assure me of the fact. I own I should\nexpect that operation to warm, not so much the water pumped, as the\nperson pumping.--The rubbing of dry solids together has been long\nobserved to produce heat; but the like effect has never yet, that\nI have heard, been produced by the mere agitation of fluids, or\nfriction of fluids with solids. Water in a bottle shook for hours\nby a mill-hopper, it is said, discovered no sensible addition of\nheat. The production of animal heat by exercise is therefore to be\naccounted for in another manner, which I may hereafter endeavour to\nmake you acquainted with.\n\nThis prudence of not attempting to give reasons before one is sure of\nfacts, I learnt from one of your sex, who, as Selden tells us, being\nin company with some gentlemen that were viewing, and considering\nsomething which they called a Chinese shoe, and disputing earnestly\nabout the manner of wearing it, and how it could possibly be put on;\nput in her word, and said modestly, _Gentlemen, are you sure it is a\nshoe?--Should not that be settled first?_\n\nBut I shall now endeavour to explain what I said to you about the\ntide in rivers, and to that end shall make a figure, which though\nnot very like a river, may serve to convey my meaning.--Suppose a\ncanal one hundred and forty miles long, communicating at one end with\nthe sea, and filled therefore with sea water. I chuse a canal at\nfirst, rather than a river, to throw out of consideration the effects\nproduced by the streams of fresh water from the land, the inequality\nin breadth, and the crookedness of courses.\n\n[Illustration: (showing tidal wave effects)]\n\nLet A, C, be the head of the canal; C, D, the bottom of it; D, F,\nthe open mouth of it next the sea. Let the strait pricked line, B,\nG, represent low water mark the whole length of the canal, A, F,\nhigh water mark:--Now if a person standing at E, and observing at\nthe time of high water there, that the canal is quite full at that\nplace up to the line E, should conclude that the canal is equally\nfull to the same height from end to end, and therefore there was as\nmuch more water come into the canal since it was down at low water\nmark, as would be included in the oblong space A, B, G, F, he would\nbe greatly mistaken. For the tide is _a wave_, and the top of the\nwave, which makes high water, as well as every other lower part, is\nprogressive; and it is high water successively, but not at the same\ntime, in all the several points between G, F, and A, B.--And in such\na length as I have mentioned it is low water at F, G, and also at A,\nB, at or near the same time with its being high water at E; so that\nthe surface of the water in the canal, during that situation, is\nproperly represented by the curve pricked line B, E, G. And on the\nother hand, when it is low water at E, H, it is high water both at F,\nG, and at A, B, at or near the same time: and the surface would then\nbe described by the inverted curve line, A, H, F.\n\nIn this view of the case, you will easily see, that there must be\nvery little more water in the canal at what we call high water, than\nthere is at low water, those terms not relating to the whole canal at\nthe same time, but successively to its parts. And if you suppose the\ncanal six times as long, the case would not vary as to the quantity\nof water at different times of the tide; there would only be six\nwaves in the canal at the same time, instead of one, and the hollows\nin the water would be equal to the hills.\n\nThat this is not mere theory, but conformable to fact, we know by\nour long rivers in America. The Delaware, on which Philadelphia\nstands, is in this particular similar to the canal I have supposed\nof one wave: for when it is high water at the Capes or mouth of the\nriver, it is also high water at Philadelphia, which stands about one\nhundred and forty miles from the sea; and there is at the same time\na low water in the middle between the two high waters; where, when\nit comes to be high water, it is at the same time low water at the\nCapes and at Philadelphia. And the longer rivers have some a wave\nand half, some two, three, or four waves, according to their length.\nIn the shorter rivers of this island, one may see the same thing in\npart: for instance, it is high water at Gravesend an hour before it\nis high water at London Bridge; and twenty miles below Gravesend an\nhour before it is high water at Gravesend. Therefore at the time of\nhigh water at Gravesend the top of the wave is there, and the water\nis then not so high by some feet where the top of the wave was an\nhour before, or where it will be an hour after, as it is just then at\nGravesend.\n\nNow we are not to suppose, that because the swell or top of the\nwave runs at the rate of twenty miles an hour, that therefore the\ncurrent, or water itself of which the wave is composed, runs at that\nrate. Far from it. To conceive this motion of a wave, make a small\nexperiment or two. Fasten one end of a cord in a window near the top\nof a house, and let the other end come down to the ground; take this\nend in your hand, and you may, by a sudden motion, occasion a wave in\nthe cord that will run quite up to the window; but though the wave\nis progressive from your hand to the window, the parts of the rope do\nnot proceed with the wave, but remain where they were, except only\nthat kind of motion that produces the wave. So if you throw a stone\ninto a pond of water when the surface is still and smooth, you will\nsee a circular wave proceed from the stone as its centre, quite to\nthe sides of the pond; but the water does not proceed with the wave,\nit only rises and falls to form it in the different parts of its\ncourse; and the waves that follow the first, all make use of the same\nwater with their predecessors.\n\nBut a wave in water is not indeed in all circumstances exactly like\nthat in a cord; for water being a fluid, and gravitating to the\nearth, it naturally runs from a higher place to a lower; therefore\nthe parts of the wave in water do actually run a little both ways\nfrom its top towards its lower sides, which the parts of the wave\nin the cord cannot do. Thus, when it is high and standing water at\nGravesend, the water twenty miles below has been running ebb, or\ntowards the sea for an hour, or ever since it was high water there;\nbut the water at London Bridge will run flood, or from the sea yet\nanother hour, till it is high water, or the top of the wave arrives\nat that bridge, and then it will have run ebb an hour at Gravesend,\n&c. &c. Now this motion of the water, occasioned only by its gravity,\nor tendency to run from a higher place to a lower, is by no means so\nswift as the motion of the wave. It scarce exceeds perhaps two miles\nin an hour.\n\nIf it went as the wave does twenty miles an hour, no ships could\nride at anchor in such a stream, nor boats row against it.\n\nIn common speech, indeed, this current of the water both ways from\nthe top of the wave is called _the tide_; thus we say, _the tide runs\nstrong_, _the tide runs at the rate of one, two, or three miles an\nhour, &c._ and when we are at a part of the river behind the top of\nthe wave, and find the water lower than high-water mark, and running\ntowards the sea, we say, _the tide runs ebb_; and when we are before\nthe top of the wave, and find the water higher than low-water mark,\nand running from the sea, we say, _the tide runs flood_; but these\nexpressions are only locally proper; for a tide, strictly speaking,\nis _one whole wave_, including all its parts higher and lower, and\nthese waves succeed one another about twice in twenty-four hours.\n\nThis motion of the water, occasioned by its gravity, will explain to\nyou why the water near the mouths of rivers may be salter at high\nwater than at low. Some of the salt-water, as the tide wave enters\nthe river, runs from its top and fore side, and mixes with the fresh,\nand also pushes it back up the river.\n\nSupposing that the water commonly runs during the flood at the rate\nof two miles in an hour, and that the flood runs five hours, you see\nthat it can bring at most into our canal only a quantity of water\nequal to the space included in the breadth of the canal, ten miles\nof its length, and the depth between low and high-water mark; which\nis but a fourteenth part of what would be necessary to fill all the\nspace between low and high-water mark, for one hundred and forty\nmiles, the whole length of the canal.\n\nAnd indeed such a quantity of water as would fill that whole space,\nto run in and out every tide, must create so outrageous a current, as\nwould do infinite damage to the shores, shipping, &c. and make the\nnavigation of a river almost impracticable.\n\nI have made this letter longer than I intended, and therefore\nreserve for another what I have further to say on the subject of\ntides and rivers. I shall now only add, that I have not been exact\nin the numbers, because I would avoid perplexing you with minute\ncalculations, my design at present being chiefly to give you distinct\nand clear ideas of the first principles.\n\nAfter writing six folio pages of philosophy to a young girl, is it\nnecessary to finish such a letter with a compliment?--Is not such\na letter of itself a compliment?--Does it not say, she has a mind\nthirsty after knowledge, and capable of receiving it; and that the\nmost agreeable things one can write to her are those that tend to\nthe improvement of her understanding?--It does indeed say all this,\nbut then it is still no compliment; it is no more than plain honest\ntruth, which is not the character of a compliment. So if I would\nfinish my letter in the _mode_, I should yet add some thing that\nmeans nothing, and is _merely_ civil and polite. But being naturally\naukward at every circumstance of ceremony, I shall not attempt it.\nI had rather conclude abruptly with what pleases me more than any\ncompliment can please you, that I am allowed to subscribe myself\n\n Your affectionate friend,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME.\n\n _On the same Subject._\n\n\n _Craven-street, Monday, March 30, 1761._\n\n MY DEAR FRIEND,\n\nSupposing the fact, that the water of the well at Bristol is warmer\nafter sometime pumping, I think your manner of accounting for that\nincreased warmth very ingenious and probable. It did not occur to me,\nand therefore I doubted of the fact.\n\nYou are, I think quite right in your opinion, that the rising of the\ntides in rivers is not owing to the immediate influence of the moon\non the rivers. It is rather a subsequent effect of the influence\nof the moon on the sea, and does not make its appearance in some\nrivers till the moon has long passed by. I have not expressed myself\nclearly if you have understood me to mean otherwise. You know I\nhave mentioned it as a fact, that there are in some rivers several\ntides all existing at the same time; that is, two, three, or more,\nhigh-waters, and as many low-waters, in different parts of the same\nriver, which cannot possibly be all effects of the moon's immediate\naction on that river; but they may be subsequent effects of her\naction on the sea.\n\nIn the enclosed paper you will find my sentiments on several points\nrelating to the air, and the evaporation of water. It is Mr.\nCollinson's copy, who took it from one I sent through his hands to a\ncorrespondent in France some years since; I have, as he desired me,\ncorrected the mistakes he made in transcribing, and must return it to\nhim; but if you think it worth while, you may take a copy of it: I\nwould have saved you any trouble of that kind, but had not time.\n\nSome day in the next or the following week, I purpose to have the\npleasure of seeing you at Wanstead: I shall accompany your good mamma\nthither, and stay till the next morning, if it may be done without\nincommoding your family too much.--We may then discourse any points\nin that paper that do not seem clear to you; and taking a walk to\nlord Tilney's ponds, make a few experiments there to explain the\nnature of the tides more fully. In the mean time, believe me to be,\nwith the highest esteem and regard, your sincerely affectionate\nfriend,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME.\n\n _Salt-Water rendered fresh by Distillation.--Method of relieving\n Thirst by Sea-Water._\n\n\n _Craven-street, August 10, 1761._\n\nWe are to set out this week for Holland, where we may possibly spend\na month, but purpose to be at home again before the coronation. I\ncould not go without taking leave of you by a line at least, when I\nam so many letters in your debt.\n\nIn yours of May 19, which I have before me, you speak of the ease\nwith which salt water may be made fresh by distillation, supposing it\nto be, as I had said, that in evaporation the air would take up water\nbut not the salt that was mixed with it. It is true that distilled\nsea water will not be salt, but there are other disagreeable\nqualities that rise with the water in distillation; which indeed\nseveral besides Dr. Hales have endeavoured by some means to prevent;\nbut as yet their methods have not been brought much into use.\n\nI have a singular opinion on this subject, which I will venture to\ncommunicate to you, though I doubt you will rank it among my whims.\nIt is certain that the skin has _imbibing_ as well as _discharging_\npores; witness the effects of a blistering plaister, &c. I have read\nthat a man, hired by a physician to stand by way of experiment in\nthe open air naked during a moist night, weighed near three pounds\nheavier in the morning. I have often observed myself, that however\nthirsty I may have been before going into the water to swim, I am\nnever long so in the water. These imbibing pores, however, are very\nfine, perhaps fine enough in filtering to separate salt from water;\nfor though I have soaked (by swimming, when a boy) several hours in\nthe day for several days successively in salt-water, I never found\nmy blood and juices salted by that means, so as to make me thirsty\nor feel a salt taste in my mouth: and it is remarkable, that the\nflesh of sea fish, though bred in salt-water, is not salt.--Hence I\nimagine, that if people at sea, distressed by thirst when their fresh\nwater is unfortunately spent, would make bathing-tubs of their empty\nwater-casks, and, filling them with sea-water, sit in them an hour or\ntwo each day, they might be greatly relieved. Perhaps keeping their\nclothes constantly wet might have an almost equal effect; and this\nwithout danger of catching cold. Men do not catch cold by wet cloaths\nat sea. Damp, but not wet linen may possibly give colds; but no one\ncatches cold by bathing, and no clothes can be wetter than water\nitself. Why damp clothes should then occasion colds, is a curious\nquestion, the discussion of which I reserve for a future letter, or\nsome future conversation.\n\nAdieu, my little philosopher. Present my respectful compliments to\nthe good ladies your aunts, and to miss Pitt; and believe me ever\n\n Your affectionate friend,\n\n And humble Servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME.\n\n _Tendency of Rivers to the Sea.--Effect of the Sun's Rays on Cloths\n of different Colours._\n\n\n _Sept. 20, 1761._\n\n MY DEAR FRIEND,\n\nIt is, as you observed in our late conversation, a very general\nopinion, that _all rivers run into the sea_, or deposite their\nwaters there. 'Tis a kind of audacity to call such general opinions\nin question, and may subject one to censure. But we must hazard\nsomething in what we think the cause of truth: and if we propose our\nobjections modestly, we shall, though mistaken, deserve a censure\nless severe, than when we are both mistaken and insolent.\n\nThat some rivers run into the sea is beyond a doubt: such, for\ninstance, are the Amazons, and I think the Oronoko and the\nMississippi. The proof is, that their waters are fresh quite to the\nsea, and out to some distance from the land. Our question is, whether\nthe fresh waters of those rivers whose beds are filled with salt\nwater to a considerable distance up from the sea (as the Thames,\nthe Delaware, and the rivers that communicate with Chesapeak-bay in\nVirginia) do ever arrive at the sea? And as I suspect they do not, I\nam now to acquaint you with my reasons; or, if they are not allowed\nto be reasons, my conceptions at least, of this matter.\n\nThe common supply of rivers is from springs, which draw their origin\nfrom rain that has soaked into the earth. The union of a number of\nsprings forms a river. The waters as they run, exposed to the sun,\nair, and wind, are continually evaporating. Hence in travelling one\nmay often see where a river runs, by a long blueish mist over it,\nthough we are at such a distance as not to see the river itself. The\nquantity of this evaporation is greater or less, in proportion to\nthe surface exposed by the same quantity of water to those causes of\nevaporation. While the river runs in a narrow confined channel in the\nupper hilly country, only a small surface is exposed; a greater as\nthe river widens. Now if a river ends in a lake, as some do, whereby\nits waters are spread so wide as that the evaporation is equal to\nthe sum of all its springs, that lake will never overflow:--And if\ninstead of ending in a lake, it was drawn into greater length as a\nriver, so as to expose a surface equal in the whole to that lake, the\nevaporation would be equal, and such river would end as a canal; when\nthe ignorant might suppose, as they actually do in such cases, that\nthe river loses itself by running under ground, whereas in truth it\nhas run up into the air.\n\nNow, many rivers that are open to the sea widen much before they\narrive at it, not merely by the additional waters they receive,\nbut by having their course stopped by the opposing flood-tide; by\nbeing turned back twice in twenty-four hours, and by finding broader\nbeds in the low flat countries to dilate themselves in; hence the\nevaporation of the fresh water is proportionably increased; so that\nin some rivers it may equal the springs of supply. In such cases,\nthe salt water comes up the river, and meets the fresh in that part\nwhere, if there were a wall or bank of earth across from side to\nside, the river would form a lake, fuller indeed at some times than\nat others, according to the seasons, but whose evaporation would, one\ntime with another, be equal to its supply.\n\nWhen the communication between the two kinds of water is open, this\nsupposed wall of separation may be conceived as a moveable one, which\nis not only pushed some miles higher up the river by every flood tide\nfrom the sea, and carried down again as far by every tide of ebb,\nbut which has even this space of vibration removed nearer to the sea\nin wet seasons, when the springs and brooks in the upper country are\naugmented by the falling rains, so as to swell the river, and farther\nfrom the sea in dry seasons.\n\nWithin a few miles above and below this moveable line of separation,\nthe different waters mix a little, partly by their motion to and fro,\nand partly from the greater specific gravity of the salt water, which\ninclines it to run under the fresh, while the fresh water, being\nlighter, runs over the salt.\n\nCast your eye on the map of North America, and observe the bay of\nChesapeak in Virginia, mentioned above; you will see, communicating\nwith it by their mouths, the great rivers Sasquehanah, Potowmack,\nRappahanock, York, and James, besides a number of smaller streams,\neach as big as the Thames. It has been proposed by philosophical\nwriters, that to compute how much water any river discharges into the\nsea in a given time, we should measure its depth and swiftness at any\npart above the tide; as, for the Thames, at Kingston or Windsor. But\ncan one imagine, that if all the water of those vast rivers went to\nthe sea, it would not first have pushed the salt water out of that\nnarrow-mouthed bay, and filled it with fresh?--The Sasquehanah alone\nwould seem to be sufficient for this, if it were not for the loss by\nevaporation. And yet that bay is salt quite up to Annapolis.\n\nAs to our other subject, the different degrees of heat imbibed from\nthe sun's rays by cloths of different colours, since I cannot find\nthe notes of my experiment to send you, I must give it as well as I\ncan from memory.\n\nBut first let me mention an experiment you may easily make yourself.\nWalk but a quarter of an hour in your garden when the sun shines,\nwith a part of your dress white, and a part black; then apply your\nhand to them alternately, and you will find a very great difference\nin their warmth. The black will be quite hot to the touch, the white\nstill cool.\n\nAnother. Try to fire the paper with a burning glass. If it is white,\nyou will not easily burn it;--but if you bring the focus to a black\nspot, or upon letters, written or printed, the paper will immediately\nbe on fire under the letters.\n\nThus fullers and dyers find black cloths, of equal thickness with\nwhite ones, and hung out equally wet, dry in the sun much sooner\nthan the white, being more readily heated by the sun's rays. It is\nthe same before a fire; the heat of which sooner penetrates black\nstockings than white ones, and so is apt sooner to burn a man's\nshins. Also beer much sooner warms in a black mug set before the\nfire, than in a white one, or in a bright silver tankard.\n\nMy experiment was this. I took a number of little square pieces of\nbroad cloth from a taylor's pattern-card, of various colours. There\nwere black, deep blue, lighter blue, green, purple, red, yellow,\nwhite, and other colours, or shades of colours. I laid them all out\nupon the snow in a bright sun-shiny morning. In a few hours (I cannot\nnow be exact as to the time) the black, being warmed most by the sun,\nwas sunk so low as to be below the stroke of the sun's rays; the dark\nblue almost as low, the lighter blue not quite so much as the dark,\nthe other colours less as they were lighter; and the quite white\nremained on the surface of the snow, not having entered it at all.\n\nWhat signifies philosophy that does not apply to some use?---May we\nnot learn from hence, that black clothes are not so fit to wear in a\nhot sunny climate or season, as white ones; because in such clothes\nthe body is more heated by the sun when we walk abroad, and are at\nthe same time heated by the exercise, which double heat is apt to\nbring on putrid dangerous fevers? That soldiers and seamen, who must\nmarch and labour in the sun, should in the East or West Indies have\nan uniform of white? That summer hats, for men or women, should be\nwhite, as repelling that heat which gives head-achs to many, and to\nsome the fatal stroke that the French call the _coup de soleil?_ That\nthe ladies summer hats, however, should be lined with black, as not\nreverberating on their faces those rays which are reflected upwards\nfrom the earth or water? That the putting a white cap of paper or\nlinen _within_ the crown of a black hat, as some do, will not keep\nout the heat, though it would if placed _without_. That fruit-walls\nbeing blacked may receive so much heat from the sun in the day-time,\nas to continue warm in some degree through the night, and thereby\npreserve the fruit from frosts, or forward its growth?--with sundry\nother particulars of less or greater importance, that will occur from\ntime to time to attentive minds?--I am,\n\n Yours affectionately,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. HOPKINSON.\n\n _On the Vis Inerti\u00e6 of Matter._\n\n\n _Philadelphia, 1748._\n\n SIR,\n\nAccording to my promise, I send you _in writing_ my observations on\nyour book[18]: you will be the better able to consider them; which\nI desire you to do at your leisure, and to set me right where I am\nwrong.\n\nI stumble at the threshold of the building, and therefore have not\nread farther. The author's _vis inerti\u00e6 essential to matter_, upon\nwhich the whole work is founded, I have not been able to comprehend.\nAnd I do not think he demonstrates at all clearly (at least to me he\ndoes not) that there is really _such a property in matter_.\n\nHe says, No. 2. \"Let a given body or mass of matter be called\n_a_, and let any given celerity be called c. That _celerity_\ndoubled, tripled, &c. or halved, thirded, &c. will be 2 _c_, 3 _c_,\n&c. or \u00bd _c_, \u2153 _c_, &c. respectively: also the _body_ doubled,\ntripled, or halved, thirded, will be 2 _a_, 3 _a_, or \u00bd _a_, \u2153 _a_,\nrespectively.\" Thus far is clear.--But he adds, \"Now to move the body\n_a_ with the celerity _c_, requires a certain force to be impressed\nupon it; and to move it with a celerity as 2 _c_, requires _twice\nthat force_ to be impressed upon it, &c.\" Here I suspect some mistake\ncreeps in by the author's not distinguishing between a great force\napplied at once, or a small one continually applied, to a mass of\nmatter, in order to move it. I think it is generally allowed by\nthe philosophers, and, for aught we know, is certainly true, that\nthere is no mass of matter, how great soever, but may be moved by\nany force how small soever (taking friction out of the question)\nand this small force continued, will in time bring the mass to move\nwith any velocity whatsoever.--Our author himself seems to allow\nthis towards the end of the same No. 2. when he is subdividing his\ncelerities and forces: for as in continuing the division to eternity\nby his method of \u00bd _c_, \u2153 _c_, \u00bc _c_, \u2155 _c_, &c. you can never come\nto a fraction of velocity that is equal to 0 _c_, or no celerity at\nall; so dividing the force in the same manner, you can never come\nto a fraction of force that will not produce an equal fraction of\ncelerity.--Where then is the mighty vis inerti\u00e6, and what is its\nstrength; when the greatest assignable mass of matter will give way\nto, or be moved by the _least_ assignable force? Suppose two globes,\nequal to the sun and to one another, exactly equipoised in Jove's\nbalance; suppose no friction in the centre of motion, in the beam or\nelsewhere: if a musketo then were to light on one of them, would he\nnot give motion to them both, causing one to descend and the other\nto rise? If it is objected, that the force of gravity helps one globe\nto descend, I answer, the same force opposes the other's rising: here\nis an equality that leaves the whole motion to be produced by the\nmusketo, without whom those globes would not be moved at all.--What\nthen does vis inerti\u00e6 do in this case? and what other effect could\nwe expect _if there were no such thing_? Surely if it were any thing\nmore than a phantom, there might be enough of it in such _vast_\nbodies to annihilate, by its opposition to motion, so trifling a\nforce?\n\nOur author would have reasoned more clearly, I think, if, as he has\nused the letter _a_ for a certain quantity of matter, and _c_ for a\ncertain quantity of celerity, he had employed one letter more, and\nput _f_ perhaps, for a certain quantity of force. This let us suppose\nto be done; and then as it is a maxim that the force of bodies in\nmotion is equal to the quantity of matter multiplied by the celerity,\n(or _f_ = _c_ X _a_); and as the force received by and subsisting in\nmatter, when it is put in motion, can never exceed the force given;\nso if, _f_ moves _a_ with _c_, there must needs be required 2 _f_ to\nmove _a_ with 2 _c_; for _a_ moving with 2 _c_ would have a force\nequal to 2 _f_, which it could not receive from 1 _f_; and this, not\nbecause there is such a thing as vis inerti\u00e6, for the case would be\nthe same _if that had no existence_; but because nothing _can_ give\nmore than it has, if 1 _f_ can to 1 _a_ give 1 _c_, which is the\nsame thing as giving it 1 _f_; (i. e. if force applied to matter at\nrest, can put it in motion, and give it _equal_ force) where then is\nvis inerti\u00e6? If it existed at all in matter, should we not find the\nquantity of its resistance subtracted from the force given?\n\nIn No. 4. our author goes on and says, \"the body _a_ requires a\ncertain force to be impressed on it to be moved with a celerity as\n_c_, or such a force is necessary; and therefore makes a certain\nresistance, &c. A body as 2 _a_ requires _twice_ that force to be\nmoved with the _same celerity_, or it makes twice that resistance;\nand so on.\"--This I think is not true; but that the body 2 _a_ moved\nby the force 1 _f_ (though the eye may judge otherwise of it) does\nreally move with the same celerity as it did when impelled by the\nsame force; for 2 _a_ is compounded of 1 _a_ + 1 _a_: and if each of\nthe 1 _a_'s or each part of the compound were made to move with 1 _c_\n(as they might be by 2 _f_) then the whole would move with 2 _c_, and\nnot with 1 _c_, as our author supposes. But 1 _f_ applied to 2 _a_,\nmakes each _a_ move with \u00bd _c_; and so the whole moves with 1 _c_;\nexactly the same as 1 _a_ was made to do by 1 _f_ before. What is\nequal celerity but a _measuring the same space by moving bodies in\nthe same time_?--Now if 1 _a_ impelled by 1 _f_ measures 100 yards\nin a minute; and in 2 _a_ impelled by 1 _f_, each _a_ measures 50\nyards in a minute, which added make 100; are not the celerities as\nthe forces equal? and since force and celerity in the same quantity\nof matter are always in _proportion_ to each other, why should we,\nwhen the quantity of matter is doubled, allow the force to continue\nunimpaired, and yet suppose one half of the celerity to be lost?--I\nwonder the more at our author's mistake in this point, since in the\nsame number I find him observing: \"We may easily conceive that a body\nas 3 _a_, 4 _a_, &c. would make 3 or 4 bodies equal to once _a_, each\nof which would require once the first force to be moved with the\ncelerity _c_.\" If then in 3 _a_, each _a_ requires once the first\nforce _f_ to be moved with the celerity _c_, would not each move\nwith the force _f_ and celerity _c_; and consequently the whole be 3\n_a_ moving with 3 _f_ and 3 _c?_ After so distinct an observation,\nhow could he miss of the consequence, and imagine that 1 _c_ and 3\n_c_ were the same? Thus as our author's abatement of celerity in the\ncase of 2 _a_ moved by 1 _f_ is imaginary, so must be his additional\nresistance.--And here again, I am at a loss to discover any effect of\nthe vis inerti\u00e6.\n\nIn No. 6, he tells us, \"that all this is likewise certain when taken\nthe contrary way, viz. _from motion to rest_; for the body _a_ moving\nwith a certain velocity, as _c_, requires a certain degree of force\nor resistance to stop that motion, &c. &c.\" that is, in other words,\nequal force is necessary to destroy force. It may be so. But how\ndoes that discover a vis inerti\u00e6? would not the effect be the same\n_if there were no such thing_? A force 1 _f_ strikes a body 1 _a_,\nand moves it with the celerity 1 _c_, i. e. with the force 1 _f_: It\nrequires, even according to our author, only an opposing 1 _f_ to\nstop it. But ought it not (if there were a vis inerti\u00e6) to have not\nonly the force 1 _f_, but an additional force equal to the force of\nvis inerti\u00e6, that _obstinate power by which a body endeavours with_\nall its might _to continue in its present state, whether of motion\nor rest_? I say, ought there not to be an opposing force equal to\nthe sum of these?--The truth however is, that there is no body, how\nlarge soever, moving with any velocity, how great soever, but may be\nstopped by any opposing force, how small soever, continually applied.\nAt least all our modern philosophers agree to tell us so.\n\nLet me turn the thing in what light I please, I cannot discover the\nvis inerti\u00e6, nor any effect of it. It is allowed by all, that a body\n1 _a_ moving with a velocity 1 _c_, and a force 1 _f_ _striking\nanother_ body 1 _a_ at rest, they will afterwards _move on together_,\neach with \u00bd _c_ and \u00bd _f_; which, as I said before, is equal in the\nwhole to 1 _c_ and 1 _f_. If vis inerti\u00e6, as in this case, neither\nabates the force nor the velocity of bodies, what does it, or how\ndoes it discover itself?\n\nI imagine I may venture to conclude my observations on this piece,\nalmost in the words of the author; that if the doctrines of the\nimmateriality of the soul and the existence of God and of divine\nprovidence are demonstrable from no plainer principles, the _deist_\n[i.e. _theist_] has a desperate cause in hand. I oppose _my theist_\nto his atheist, because I think they are diametrically opposite;\nand not near of kin, as Mr. Whitfield seems to suppose; where (in\nhis journal) he tells us, \"_M. B. was a deist, I had almost said an\natheist_;\" that is, _chalk_, I had almost said _charcoal_.\n\nThe din of the market[19] increases upon me; and that, with frequent\ninterruptions, has, I find, made me say some things twice over; and,\nI suppose, forget some others I intended to say. It has, however, one\ngood effect, as it obliges me to come to the relief of your patience\nwith\n\n Your humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[18] Baxter's Inquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul. B. V.\n\n[19] Philadelphia market, in which Dr. Franklin lived. B. V.\n\n\n\n\nTO JOHN PRINGLE, M. D. AND F. R. S.\n\n _On the different Strata of the Earth._\n\n\n _Craven-Street, Jan. 6, 1758._\n\n SIR,\n\nI return you Mr. Mitchell's paper on the strata of the earth[20] with\nthanks. The reading of it, and perusal of the draft that accompanies\nit, have reconciled me to those convulsions which all naturalists\nagree this globe has suffered. Had the different strata of clay,\ngravel, marble, coals, lime-stone, sand, minerals, &c. continued to\nlie level, one under the other, as they may be supposed to have done\nbefore those convulsions, we should have had the use only of a few\nof the uppermost of the strata, the others lying too deep and too\ndifficult to be come at; but the shell of the earth being broke,\nand the fragments thrown into this oblique position, the disjointed\nends of a great number of strata of different kinds are brought up\nto day, and a great variety of useful materials put into our power,\nwhich would otherwise have remained eternally concealed from us. So\nthat what has been usually looked upon as a _ruin_ suffered by this\npart of the universe, was, in reality, only a preparation, or means\nof rendering the earth more fit for use, more capable of being to\nmankind a convenient and comfortable habitation.\n\n I am, Sir, with great esteem, yours, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[20] See this paper afterwards printed in the _Philosophical\nTransactions_.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE ABBE SOULAVIE.\n\n Occasioned by his sending me some notes he had taken of what I had\n said to him in conversation on the Theory of the Earth. I wrote\n it to set him right in some points wherein he had mistaken my\n meaning.[21]\n\n\n _Passy, September 22, 1782._\n\n SIR,\n\nI return the papers with some corrections. I did not find coal mines\nunder the calcareous rock in Derbyshire. I only remarked, that at\nthe lowest part of that rocky mountain which was in sight, there\nwere oyster shells mixed in the stone; and part of the high county\nof Derby being probably as much above the level of the sea, as the\ncoal mines of Whitehaven were below it, seemed a proof, that there\nhad been a great _bouleversement_ in the surface of that island, some\npart of it having been depressed under the sea, and other parts,\nwhich had been under it, being raised above it. Such changes in the\nsuperficial parts of the globe, seemed to me unlikely to happen,\nif the earth were solid to the centre. I therefore imagined, that\nthe internal parts might be a fluid more dense, and of greater\nspecific gravity than any of the solids we are acquainted with, which\ntherefore might swim in or upon that fluid. Thus the surface of the\nglobe would be a shell, capable of being broken and disordered by\nthe violent movements of the fluid on which it rested. And as air\nhas been compressed by art so as to be twice as dense as water, in\nwhich case, if such air and water could be contained in a strong\nglass vessel, the air would be seen to take the lowest place, and\nthe water to float above and upon it; and as we know not yet the\ndegree of density to which air may be compressed, and M. Amontons\ncalculated, that its density increasing as it approached the centre,\nin the same proportion as above the surface, it would at the depth of\n[___] leagues, be heavier than gold, possibly the dense fluid occupying\nthe internal parts of the globe might be air compressed. And as the\nforce of expansion in dense air when heated is in proportion to its\ndensity, this central air might afford another agent to move the\nsurface, as well as be of use in keeping alive the subterraneous\nfires; though, as you observe, the sudden rarefaction of water coming\ninto contact without those fires, may also be an agent sufficiently\nstrong for that purpose, when acting between the incumbent earth and\nthe fluid on which it rests.\n\nIf one might indulge imagination in supposing how such a globe\nwas formed, I should conceive, that all the elements in separate\nparticles being originally mixed in confusion, and occupying a great\nspace, they would (as soon as the almighty fiat ordained gravity,\nor the mutual attraction of certain parts, and the mutual repulsion\nof others, to exist) all move to their common centre: that the air\nbeing a fluid whose parts repel each other, though drawn to the\ncommon centre by their gravity, would be densest towards the centre,\nand rarer as more remote; consequently all matters lighter than the\ncentral parts of that air, and immersed in it, would recede from\nthe centre, and rise till they arrived at that region of the air\nwhich was of the same specific gravity with themselves, where they\nwould rest; while other matter, mixed with the lighter air, would\ndescend, and the two meeting would form the shell of the first earth,\nleaving the upper atmosphere nearly clear. The original movement of\nthe parts towards their common centre would naturally form a whirl\nthere; which would continue upon the turning of the new-formed globe\nupon its axis, and the greatest diameter of the shell would be in its\nequator. If by any accident afterwards the axis should be changed,\nthe dense internal fluid, by altering its form, must burst the shell,\nand throw all its substance into the confusion in which we find it. I\nwill not trouble you at present with my fancies concerning the manner\nof forming the rest of our system. Superior beings smile at our\ntheories, and at our presumption in making them. I will just mention,\nthat your observation of the ferruginous nature of the lava which is\nthrown out from the depths of our volcanoes, gave me great pleasure.\nIt has long been a supposition of mine, that the iron contained in\nthe surface of the globe has made it capable of becoming, as it is,\na great magnet; that the fluid of magnetism perhaps exists in all\nspace; so that there is a magnetical north and south of the universe,\nas well as of this globe, and that if it were possible for a man to\nfly from star to star, he might govern his course by the compass;\nthat it was by the power of this general magnetism this globe became\na particular magnet. In soft or hot iron the fluid of magnetism is\nnaturally diffused equally; when within the influence of the magnet\nit is drawn to one end of the iron, made denser there and rarer\nat the other. While the iron continues soft and hot, it is only a\ntemporary magnet; if it cools or grows hard in that situation, it\nbecomes a permanent one, the magnetic fluid not easily resuming its\nequilibrium. Perhaps it may be owing to the permanent magnetism of\nthis globe, which it had not at first, that its axis is at present\nkept parallel to itself, and not liable to the changes it formerly\nsuffered, which occasioned the rupture of its shell, the submersions\nand emersions of its lands and the confusion of its seasons. The\npresent polar and equatorial diameters differing from each other\nnear ten leagues, it is easy to conceive, in case some power should\nshift the axis gradually, and place it in the present equator, and\nmake the new equator pass through the present poles, what a sinking\nof the waters would happen in the present equatorial regions, and\nwhat a rising in the present polar regions; so that vast tracts would\nbe discovered, that now are under water, and others covered, that\nare now dry, the water rising and sinking in the different extremes\nnear five leagues. Such an operation as this possibly occasioned\nmuch of Europe, and among the rest this Mountain of Passy on which I\nlive, and which is composed of limestone, rock and sea-shells, to be\nabandoned by the sea, and to change its ancient climate, which seems\nto have been a hot one. The globe being now become a perfect magnet,\nwe are, perhaps, safe from any change of its axis. But we are still\nsubject to the accidents on the surface, which are occasioned by a\nwave in the internal ponderous fluid; and such a wave is producible\nby the sudden violent explosion you mention, happening from the\njunction of water and fire under the earth, which not only lifts\nthe incumbent earth that is over the explosion, but impressing with\nthe same force the fluid under it, creates a wave, that may run a\nthousand leagues, lifting, and thereby shaking, successively, all\nthe countries under which it passes. I know not, whether I have\nexpressed myself so clearly, as not to get out of your sight in\nthese reveries. It they occasion any new enquiries, and produce a\nbetter hypothesis, they will not be quite useless. You see I have\ngiven a loose to imagination; but I approve much more your method\nof philosophising, which proceeds upon actual observation, makes\na collection of facts, and concludes no farther than those facts\nwill warrant. In my present circumstances, that mode of studying\nthe nature of the globe is out of my power, and therefore I have\npermitted myself to wander a little in the wilds of fancy. With great\nesteem,\n\n I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.\n\n BENJ. FRANKLIN.\n\n_P. S._ I have heard, that chymists can by their art decompose stone\nand wood, extracting a considerable quantity of water from the one,\nand air from the other. It seems natural to conclude from this, that\nwater and air were ingredients in their original composition: for\nmen cannot make new matter of any kind. In the same manner may we\nnot suppose, that when we consume combustibles of all kinds, and\nproduce heat or light, we do not create that heat or light; but only\ndecompose a substance, which received it originally as a part of its\ncomposition? Heat may be thus considered as originally in a fluid\nstate; but, attracted by organized bodies in their growth, becomes a\npart of the solid. Besides this, I can conceive, that in the first\nassemblage of the particles of which this earth is composed, each\nbrought its portion of the loose heat that had been connected with\nit, and the whole, when pressed together, produced the internal fire\nthat still subsists.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[21] In an American periodical publication, this paper is said to\nhave been so endorsed in Dr. Franklin's hand. We extract the paper\nitself, from the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society,\nwhere it was read Nov. 21, 1788. The two papers that follow it are\nfrom the same work, and were read in the Society the preceding day,\nand the other Jan. 15, 1790. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO DAVID RITTENHOUSE, ESQ.\n\n _New and curious Theory of Light and Heat._\n\n\n [No date.]\n\nUniversal space, as far as we know of it, seems to be filled with a\nsubtle fluid, whose motion, or vibration, is called light.\n\nThis fluid may possibly be the same with that, which, being attracted\nby, and entering into other more solid matter, dilates the substance\nby separating the constituent particles, and so rendering some solids\nfluid, and maintaining the fluidity of others; of which fluid, when\nour bodies are totally deprived, they are said to be frozen; when\nthey have a proper quantity, they are in health, and fit to perform\nall their functions; it is then called natural heat; when too much,\nit is called fever; and when forced into the body in too great a\nquantity from without, it gives pain, by separating and destroying\nthe flesh, and is then called burning, and the fluid so entering and\nacting is called fire.\n\nWhile organised bodies, animal or vegetable, are augmenting in\ngrowth, or are supplying their continual waste, is not this done by\nattracting and consolidating this fluid called fire, so as to form\nof it a part of their substance? And is it not a separation of the\nparts of such substance, which, dissolving its solid state, sets that\nsubtle fluid at liberty, when it again makes its appearance as fire?\n\nFor the power of man relative to matter, seems limited to the\nseparating or mixing the various kinds of it, or changing its form\nand appearance by different compositions of it; but does not extend\nto the making or creating new matter, or annihilating the old. Thus,\nif fire be an original element or kind of matter, its quantity is\nfixed and permanent in the universe. We cannot destroy any part of\nit, or make addition to it; we can only separate it from that which\nconfines it, and so set it at liberty; as when we put wood in a\nsituation to be burnt, or transfer it from one solid to another, as\nwhen we make lime by burning stone, a part of the fire dislodged\nin the fuel being left in the stone. May not this fluid, when at\nliberty, be capable of penetrating and entering into all bodies,\norganised or not, quitting easily in totality those not organised,\nand quitting easily in part those which are; the part assumed and\nfixed remaining till the body is dissolved?\n\nIs it not this fluid which keeps asunder the particles of air,\npermitting them to approach, or separating them more, in proportion\nas its quantity is diminished or augmented?\n\nIs it not the greater gravity of the particles of air, which forces\nthe particles of this fluid to mount with the matters to which it is\nattached, as smoke or vapour?\n\nDoes it not seem to have a greater affinity with water, since it will\nquit a solid to unite with that fluid, and go off with it in vapour,\nleaving the solid cold to the touch, and the degree measurable by the\nthermometer?\n\nThe vapour rises attached to this fluid, but at a certain height they\nseparate, and the vapour descends in rain, retaining but little of\nit, in snow or hail less. What becomes of that fluid? Does it rise\nabove our atmosphere, and mix with the universal mass of the same\nkind?\n\nOr does a spherical stratum of it, denser, as less mixed with air,\nattracted by this globe, and repelled or pushed up only to a certain\nheight from its surface, by the greater weight of air, remain there\nsurrounding the globe, and proceeding with it round the sun?\n\nIn such case, as there may be a continuity or communication of this\nfluid through the air quite down to the earth, is it not by the\nvibrations given to it, by the sun, that light appears to us? And\nmay it not be, that every one of the infinitely small vibrations,\nstriking common matter with a certain force, enters its substance,\nis held there by attraction, and augmented by succeeding vibrations,\ntill the matter has received as much as their force can drive into it?\n\nIs it not thus, that the surface of this globe is continually heated\nby such repeated vibrations in the day, and cooled by the escape of\nthe heat when those vibrations are discontinued in the night, or\nintercepted and reflected by clouds?\n\nIs it not thus, that fire is amassed and makes the greatest part of\nthe substance of combustible bodies?\n\nPerhaps, when this globe was first formed, and its original particles\ntook their place at certain distances from the centre, in proportion\nto their greater or less gravity, the fluid fire, attracted towards\nthat centre, might in great part be obliged, as lightest, to take\nplace above the rest, and thus form the sphere of fire above\nsupposed, which would afterwards be continually diminishing by the\nsubstance it afforded to organised bodies, and the quantity restored\nto it again, by the burning or other separating of the parts of those\nbodies.\n\nIs not the natural heat of animals thus produced, by separating in\ndigestion the parts of food, and setting their fire at liberty?\n\nIs it not this sphere of fire which kindles the wandering globes that\nsometimes pass through it in our course round the sun, have their\nsurface kindled by it, and burst when their included air is greatly\nrarefied by the heat on their burning surfaces?\n\nMay it not have been from such considerations that the ancient\nphilosophers supposed a sphere of fire to exist above the air of our\natmosphere?\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. BODOIN.\n\n _Queries and Conjectures relating to Magnetism and the Theory of\n the Earth._\n\n\n [No date.]\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI received your favours by Messrs. Gore, Hilliard, and Lee, with\nwhose conversation I was much pleased, and wished for more of it; but\ntheir stay with us was too short. Whenever you recommend any of your\nfriends to me, you oblige me.\n\nI want to know whether your Philosophical Society received the\nsecond volume of our Transactions. I sent it, but never heard of its\narriving. If it miscarried, I will send another. Has your Society\namong its books the French work _Sur les Arts, et les Metiers_? It\nis voluminous, well executed, and may be useful in our country. I\nhave bequeathed it them in my will; but if they have it already, I\nwill substitute something else.\n\nOur ancient correspondence used to have something philosophical in\nit. As you are now more free from public cares, and I expect to be so\nin a few months, why may we not resume that kind of correspondence?\nOur much regretted friend Winthrop once made me the compliment, that\nI was good at starting game for philosophers, let me try if I can\nstart a little for you.\n\nHas the question, how came the earth by its magnetism, ever been\nconsidered?\n\nIs it likely that _iron ore_ immediately existed when this globe was\nfirst formed; or may it not rather be supposed a gradual production\nof time?\n\nIf the earth is at present magnetical, in virtue of the masses of\niron ore contained in it, might not some ages pass before it had\nmagnetic polarity?\n\nSince iron ore may exist without that polarity, and by being placed\nin certain circumstances may obtain it, from an external cause, is\nit not possible that the earth received its magnetism from some such\ncause?\n\nIn short, may not a magnetic power exist throughout our system,\nperhaps through all systems, so that if men could make a voyage in\nthe starry regions, a compass might be of use? And may not such\nuniversal magnetism, with its uniform direction, be serviceable in\nkeeping the diurnal revolution of a planet more steady to the same\naxis?\n\nLastly, as the poles of magnets may be changed by the presence of\nstronger magnets, might not, in ancient times, the near passing of\nsome large comet of greater magnetic power than this globe of ours\nhave been a means of changing its poles, and thereby wrecking and\nderanging its surface, placing in different regions the effect of\ncentrifugal force, so as to raise the waters of the sea in some,\nwhile they were depressed in others?\n\nLet me add another question or two, not relating indeed to magnetism,\nbut, however, to the theory of the earth.\n\nIs not the finding of great quantities of shells and bones of animals\n(natural to hot climates) in the cold ones of our present world,\nsome proof that its poles have been changed? Is not the supposition\nthat the poles have been changed, the easiest way of accounting for\nthe deluge, by getting rid of the old difficulty how to dispose of\nits waters after it was over? Since if the poles were again to be\nchanged, and placed in the present equator, the sea would fall there\nabout fifteen miles in height, and rise as much in the present polar\nregions; and the effect would be proportionable if the new poles were\nplaced any where between the present and the equator.\n\nDoes not the apparent wreck of the surface of this globe, thrown up\ninto long ridges of mountains, with strata in various positions, make\nit probable, that its internal mass is a fluid; but a fluid so dense\nas to float the heaviest of our substances? Do we know the limit of\ncondensation air is capable of? Supposing it to grow denser _within_\nthe surface, in the same proportion nearly as it does _without_, at\nwhat depth may it be equal in density with gold?\n\nCan we easily conceive how the strata of the earth could have been\nso deranged, if it had not been a mere shell supported by a heavier\nfluid? Would not such a supposed internal fluid globe be immediately\nsensible of a change in the situation of the earth's axis, alter its\nform, and thereby burst the shell, and throw up parts of it above\nthe rest? As, if we would alter the position of the fluid contained\nin the shell of an egg, and place its longest diameter where the\nshortest now is, the shell must break; but would be much harder to\nbreak; if the whole internal substance were as solid and hard as the\nshell.\n\nMight not a wave, by any means raised in this supposed internal ocean\nof extremely dense fluid, raise in some degree, as it passes, the\npresent shell of incumbent earth, and break it in some places, as in\nearthquakes? And may not the progress of such wave, and the disorders\nit occasions among the solids of the shell, account for the rumbling\nsound being first heard at a distance, augmenting as it approaches,\nand gradually dying away as it proceeds? A circumstance observed by\nthe inhabitants of South America in their last great earthquake, that\nnoise coming from a place, some degrees north of Lima, and being\ntraced by enquiry quite down to Buenos Ayres, proceeded regularly\nfrom north to south at the rate of [___] leagues per minute, as I was\ninformed by a very ingenious Peruvian whom I met with at Paris.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO M. DUBOURG.\n\n _On the Nature of Sea Coal[22]._\n\n\n**** I am persuaded, as well as you, that the sea coal has a\nvegetable origin, and that it has been formed near the surface of\nthe earth; but as preceding convulsions of nature had served to bring\nit very deep in many places, and covered it with many different\nstrata, we are indebted to subsequent convulsions for having brought\nwithin our view the extremities of its veins, so as to lead us to\npenetrate the earth in search of it. I visited last summer a large\ncoal-mine at Whitehaven, in Cumberland; and in following the vein\nand descending by degrees towards the sea, I penetrated below the\nocean, where the level of its surface was more than eight hundred\nfathom above my head, and the miners assured me, that their works\nextended some miles beyond the place where I then was, continually\nand gradually descending under the sea. The slate, which forms the\nroof of this coal mine, is impressed in many places with the figures\nof leaves and branches of fern, which undoubtedly grew at the surface\nwhen the slate was in the state of sand on the banks of the sea.\nThus it appears that this vein of coal has suffered a prodigious\nsettlement. ****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[22] Retranslated from the French edition of Dr. Franklin's works.\n_Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO DR. PRIESTLEY[23].\n\n _Effect of Vegetation on noxious Air._\n\n\n**** That the vegetable creation should restore the air which is\nspoiled by the animal part of it, looks like a rational system, and\nseems to be of a piece with the rest. Thus fire purifies water all\nthe world over. It purifies it by distillation, when it raises it in\nvapours, and lets it fall in rain; and farther still by filtration,\nwhen, keeping it fluid, it suffers that rain to percolate the\nearth. We knew before, that putrid animal substances were converted\ninto sweet vegetables, when mixed with the earth, and applied as\nmanure; and now, it seems, that the same putrid substances, mixed\nwith the air, have a similar effect. The strong thriving state of\nyour mint, in putrid air, seems to shew, that the air is mended\nby taking something from it, and not by adding to it. I hope this\nwill give some check to the rage of destroying trees that grow near\nhouses, which has accompanied our late improvements in gardening,\nfrom an opinion of their being unwholesome. I am certain, from long\nobservation, that there is nothing unhealthy in the air of woods; for\nwe Americans have every where our country habitations in the midst\nof woods, and no people on earth enjoy better health, or are more\nprolific. ****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[23] This extract is taken from Dr. Priestley's Experiments on\nAir, Vol. I. page 94. It was written in answer to a note from Dr.\nPriestley, informing our author of the result of certain experiments\non some plants which he had seen at Dr. Priestley's house in a very\nflourishing state, in jars of highly noxious air. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME[24].\n\n _On the Inflammability of the Surface of certain Rivers in America._\n\n\n _Craven-street, April 10, 1774._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nIn compliance with your request, I have endeavoured to recollect the\ncircumstances of the American experiments I formerly mentioned to\nyou, of raising a flame on the surface of some waters there.\n\nWhen I passed through New Jersey in 1764, I heard it several times\nmentioned, that by applying a lighted candle near the surface of\nsome of their rivers, a sudden flame would catch and spread on the\nwater, continuing to burn for near half a minute. But the accounts I\nreceived were so imperfect, that I could form no guess at the cause\nof such an effect, and rather doubted the truth of it. I had no\nopportunity of seeing the experiment; but calling to see a friend who\nhappened to be just returning home from making it himself, I learned\nfrom him the manner of it; which was to choose a shallow place,\nwhere the bottom could be reached by a walking-stick, and was muddy;\nthe mud was first to be stirred with the stick, and when a number\nof small bubbles began to arise from it, the candle was applied.\nThe flame was so sudden and so strong, that it catched his ruffle\nand spoiled it, as I saw. New Jersey having many pine-trees in many\nparts of it, I then imagined that something like a volatile oil of\nturpentine might be mixed with the waters from a pine-swamp, but this\nsupposition did not quite satisfy me. I mentioned the fact to some\nphilosophical friends on my return to England, but it was not much\nattended to. I suppose I was thought a little too credulous.\n\nIn 1765, the Reverend Dr. Chandler received a letter from Dr.\nFinley, President of the College in that province, relating the\nsame experiment. It was read at the Royal Society, November 21 of\nthat year, but not printed in the Transactions; perhaps because\nit was thought too strange to be true, and some ridicule might be\napprehended, if any member should attempt to repeat it, in order to\nascertain, or refute it. The following is a copy of that account.\n\n\"A worthy gentleman, who lives at a few miles distance, informed\nme, that in a certain small cove of a mill-pond, near his house, he\nwas surprized to see the surface of the water blaze like inflamed\nspirits. I soon after went to the place, and made the experiment with\nthe same success. The bottom of the creek was muddy, and when stirred\nup, so as to cause a considerable curl on the surface, and a lighted\ncandle held within two or three inches of it, the whole surface was\nin a blaze, as instantly as the vapour of warm inflammable spirits,\nand continued, when strongly agitated, for the space of several\nseconds. It was at first imagined to be peculiar to that place; but\nupon trial it was soon found, that such a bottom in other places\nexhibited the same phenomenon. The discovery was accidentally made by\none belonging to the mill.\"\n\nI have tried the experiment twice here in England, but without\nsuccess. The first was in a slow running water with a muddy bottom.\nThe second in a stagnant water at the bottom of a deep ditch. Being\nsome time employed in stirring this water, I ascribed an intermitting\nfever, which seized me a few days after, to my breathing too much of\nthat foul air, which I stirred up from the bottom, and which I could\nnot avoid while I stooped, endeavouring to kindle it. The discoveries\nyou have lately made, of the manner in which inflammable air is in\nsome cases produced, may throw light on this experiment, and explain\nits succeeding in some cases, and not in others. With the highest\nesteem and respect,\n\nI am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[24] From his Experiments on Air, Vol. I. page 321. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO DR. PERCIVAL[25].\n\n _On the different Quantities of Rain which fall at different\n Heights over the same Ground._\n\n\n [No date.]\n\nOn my return to London I found your favour of the 16th of May (1771).\nI wish I could, as you desire, give you a better explanation of the\nphenomenon in question, since you seem not quite satisfied with your\nown; but I think we want more and a greater variety of experiments,\nin different circumstances, to enable us to form a thoroughly\nsatisfactory hypothesis. Not that I make the least doubt of the facts\nalready related, as I know both Lord Charles Cavendish, and Dr.\nHeberden to be very accurate experimenters: but I wish to know the\nevent of the trials proposed in your six queries; and also, whether\nin the same place where the lower vessel receives nearly twice the\nquantity of water that is received by the upper, a third vessel\nplaced at half the height will receive a quantity proportionable. I\nwill however endeavour to explain to you what occurred to me, when I\nfirst heard of the fact.\n\nI suppose it will be generally allowed, on a little consideration\nof the subject, that scarce any drop of water was, when it began to\nfall from the clouds, of a magnitude equal to that it has acquired,\nwhen it arrives at the earth; the same of the several pieces of\nhail; because they are often so large and so weighty, that we\ncannot conceive a possibility of their being suspended in the air,\nand remaining at rest there, for any time, how small soever; nor do\nwe conceive any means of forming them so large, before they set out\nto fall. It seems then, that each beginning drop, and particle of\nhail, receives continual addition in its progress downwards. This\nmay be several ways: by the union of numbers in their course, so\nthat what was at first only descending mist, becomes a shower; or\nby each particle, in its descent through air that contains a great\nquantity of dissolved water, striking against, attaching to itself,\nand carrying down with it such particles of that dissolved water, as\nhappen to be in its way; or attracting to itself such as do not lie\ndirectly in its course by its different state with regard either to\ncommon or electric fire; or by all these causes united.\n\nIn the first case, by the uniting of numbers, larger drops might be\nmade, but the quantity falling in the same place would be the same at\nall heights; unless, as you mention, the whole should be contracted\nin falling, the lines described by all the drops converging, so\nthat what set out to fall from a cloud of many thousand acres,\nshould reach the earth in perhaps a third of that extent, of which I\nsomewhat doubt. In the other cases we have two experiments.\n\n1. A dry glass bottle filled with very cold water, in a warm day,\nwill presently collect from the seemingly dry air that surrounds\nit a quantity of water, that shall cover its surface and run down\nits sides, which perhaps is done by the power wherewith the cold\nwater attracts the fluid, common fire that had been united with the\ndissolved water in the air, and drawing the fire through the glass\ninto itself, leaves the water on the outside.\n\n2. An electrified body left in a room for some time, will be more\ncovered with dust than other bodies in the same room not electrified,\nwhich dust seems to be attracted from the circumambient air.\n\nNow we know that the rain, even in our hottest days, comes from a\nvery cold region. Its falling sometimes in the form of ice, shows\nthis clearly; and perhaps even the rain is snow or ice, when it first\nmoves downwards, though thawed in falling: and we know that the\ndrops of rain are often electrified: but those causes of addition to\neach drop of water, or piece of hail, one would think could not long\ncontinue to produce the same effect; since the air, through which the\ndrops fall, must soon be stripped of its previously dissolved water,\nso as to be no longer capable of augmenting them. Indeed very heavy\nshowers, of either, are never of long continuance; but moderate rains\noften continue so long as to puzzle this hypothesis: so that upon the\nwhole I think, as I intimated before, that we are yet hardly ripe for\nmaking one. ****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[25] This letter is taken from the Memoirs of the Literary and\nPhilosophical Society of Manchester, Vol. II. page 126. It was\ncommunicated by the person to whom it is addressed, and was read\nin the Society, January 21, 1784, as an appendix to a paper by Dr.\nPercival on the same subject. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. NAIRNE, OF LONDON[26].\n\n _Proposing a slowly sensible Hygrometer for certain Purposes._\n\n\n _Passy, near Paris, Nov. 13, 1780._\n\n SIR,\n\nThe qualities hitherto sought in a hygrometer, or instrument to\ndiscover the degrees of moisture and dryness in the air, seem to\nhave been, an aptitude to receive humidity readily from a moist\nair, and to part with it is as readily to a dry air. Different\nsubstances have been found to possess more or less of this quality;\nbut when we shall have found the substance that has it in the\ngreatest perfection, there will still remain some uncertainty in the\nconclusions to be drawn from the degree shown by the instrument,\narising from the actual state of the instrument itself as to heat and\ncold. Thus, if two bottles or vessels of glass or metal being filled,\nthe one with cold and the other with hot water, are brought into\na room, the moisture of the air in the room will attach itself in\nquantities to the surface of the cold vessel, while if you actually\nwet the surface of the hot vessel, the moisture will immediately quit\nit, and be absorbed by the same air. And thus, in a sudden change of\nthe air from cold to warm, the instrument remaining longer cold may\ncondense and absorb more moisture, and mark the air as having become\nmore humid than it is in reality, and the contrary in a change from\nwarm to cold.\n\nBut if such a suddenly changing instrument could be freed from\nthese imperfections, yet when the design is to discover the\ndifferent degrees of humidity in the air of different countries,\nI apprehend the quick sensibility of the instrument to be rather\na disadvantage; since, to draw the desired conclusions from it, a\nconstant and frequent observation day and night in each country will\nbe necessary for a year or years, and the mean of each different\nset of observations is to be found and determined. After all which\nsome uncertainty will remain respecting the different degrees of\nexactitude with which different persons may have made and taken\nnotes of their observations.\n\nFor these reasons, I apprehend that a substance which, though capable\nof being distended by moisture and contracted by dryness, is so\nslow in receiving and parting with its humidity, that the frequent\nchanges in the atmosphere have not time to affect it sensibly, and\nwhich therefore should gradually take nearly the medium of all\nthose changes and preserve it constantly, would be the most proper\nsubstance of which to make such an hygrometer.\n\nSuch an instrument, you, my dear sir, though without intending it,\nhave made for me; and I, without desiring or expecting it, have\nreceived from you. It is therefore with propriety that I address to\nyou the following account of it; and the more, as you have both a\nhead to contrive and a hand to execute the means of perfecting it.\nAnd I do this with greater pleasure, as it affords me the opportunity\nof renewing that antient correspondence and acquaintance with you,\nwhich to me was always so pleasing and so instructive.\n\nYou may possibly remember, that in or about the year 1758, you made\nfor me a set of artificial magnets, six in number, each five and\na half inches long, half an inch broad, and one eighth of an inch\nthick. These, with two pieces of soft iron, which together equalled\none of the magnets, were inclosed in a little box of mahogany wood,\nthe grain of which ran with, and not across, the length of the box:\nand the box was closed by a little shutter of the same wood, the\ngrain of which ran across the box; and the ends of this shutting\npiece were bevelled so as to fit and slide in a kind of dovetail\ngroove when the box was to be shut or opened.\n\nI had been of opinion, that good mahogany wood was not affected by\nmoisture so as to change its dimensions, and that it was always to\nbe found as the tools of the workman left it. Indeed the difference\nat different times in the same country is so small as to be scarcely\nin a common way observable. Hence the box, which was made so as to\nallow sufficient room for the magnets to slide out and in freely,\nand, when in, afforded them so much play that by shaking the box one\ncould make them strike the opposite sides alternately, continued in\nthe same state all the time I remained in England, which was four\nyears, without any apparent alteration. I left England in August\n1762, and arrived at Philadelphia in October the same year. In a few\nweeks after my arrival, being desirous of showing your magnets to a\nphilosophical friend, I found them so tight in the box, that it was\nwith difficulty I got them out; and constantly during the two years I\nremained there, viz. till November 1764, this difficulty of getting\nthem out and in continued. The little shutter too, as wood does not\nshrink lengthways of the grain, was found too long to enter its\ngrooves, and, not being used, was mislaid and lost; and I afterwards\nhad another made that fitted.\n\nIn December 1764 I returned to England, and after some time I\nobserved that my box was become full big enough for my magnets, and\ntoo wide for my new shutter; which was so much too short for its\ngrooves, that it was apt to fall out; and to make it keep in, I\nlengthened it by adding to each end a little coat of sealing-wax.\n\nI continued in England more than ten years, and during all that time,\nafter the first change, I perceived no alteration. The magnets had\nthe same freedom in their box, and the little shutter continued with\nthe added sealing-wax to fit its grooves, till some weeks after my\nsecond return to America.\n\nAs I could not imagine any other cause for this change of dimensions\nin the box, when in the different countries, I concluded, first\ngenerally that the air of England was moister than that of America.\nAnd this I supposed an effect of its being an island, where every\nwind that blew must necessarily pass over some sea before it arrived,\nand of course lick up some vapour. I afterwards indeed doubted\nwhether it might be just only so far as related to the city of\nLondon, where I resided; because there are many causes of moisture in\nthe city air, which do not exist to the same degree in the country;\nsuch as the brewers' and dyers' boiling caldrons, and the great\nnumber of pots and tea-kettles continually on the fire, sending forth\nabundance of vapour; and also the number of animals who by their\nbreath continually increase it; to which may be added, that even the\nvast quantity of sea coals burnt there, do in kindling discharge a\ngreat deal of moisture.\n\nWhen I was in England, the last time, you also made for me a little\nachromatic pocket telescope, the body was brass, and it had a round\ncase (I think of thin wood) covered with shagrin. All the while\nI remained in England, though possibly there might be some small\nchanges in the dimensions of this case, I neither perceived nor\nsuspected any. There was always comfortable room for the telescope\nto slip in and out. But soon after I arrived in America, which was\nin May 1775, the case became too small for the instrument, it was\nwith much difficulty and various contrivances that I got it out, and\nI could never after get it in again, during my stay there, which\nwas eighteen months. I brought it with me to Europe, but left the\ncase as useless, imagining that I should find the continental air of\nFrance as dry as that of Pennsylvania, where my magnet box had also\nreturned a second time to its narrowness, and pinched the pieces, as\nheretofore, obliging me too, to scrape the sealing-wax off the ends\nof the shutter.\n\nI had not been long in France, before I was surprised to find, that\nmy box was become as large as it had always been in England, the\nmagnets entered and came out with the same freedom, and, when in,\nI could rattle them against its sides; this has continued to be\nthe case without sensible variation. My habitation is out of Paris\ndistant almost a league, so that the moist air of the city cannot be\nsupposed to have much effect upon the box. I am on a high dry hill,\nin a free air, as likely to be dry as any air in France. Whence it\nseems probable that the air of England in general may, as well as\nthat of London, be moister than the air of America, since that of\nFrance is so, and in a part so distant from the sea.\n\nThe greater dryness of the air in America appears from some other\nobservations. The cabinet work formerly sent us from London, which\nconsisted in thin plates of fine wood glued upon fir, never would\nstand with us; the vaneering, as those plates are called, would get\nloose and come off; both woods shrinking, and their grains often\ncrossing, they were forever cracking and flying. And in my electrical\nexperiments there, it was remarkable, that a mahogany table, on which\nmy jars stood under the prime conductor to be charged, would often be\nso dry, particularly when the wind had been some time at north-west,\nwhich with us is a very drying wind, as to isolate the jars, and\nprevent their being charged till I had formed a communication between\ntheir coatings and the earth. I had a like table in London, which I\nused for the same purpose all the time I resided there; but it was\nnever so dry as to refuse conducting the electricity.\n\nNow what I would beg leave to recommend to you, is, that you would\nrecollect, if you can, the species of mahogany of which you made\nmy box, for you know there is a good deal of difference in woods\nthat go under that name; or if that cannot be, that you would take\na number of pieces of the closest and finest grained mahogany that\nyou can meet with, plane them to the thinness of about a line, and\nthe width of about two inches across the grain, and fix each of the\npieces in some instrument that you can contrive, which will permit\nthem to contract and dilate, and will show, in sensible degrees, by\na moveable hand upon a marked scale, the otherwise less sensible\nquantities of such contraction and dilatation. If these instruments\nare all kept in the same place while making, and are graduated\ntogether while subject to the same degrees of moisture or dryness,\nI apprehend you will have so many comparable hygrometers, which,\nbeing sent into different countries, and continued there for some\ntime, will find and show there the mean of the different dryness\nand moisture of the air of those countries, and that with much less\ntrouble than by any hygrometer hitherto in use.\n\n With great esteem, I am,\n\n Dear Sir, your most obedient,\n\n And most humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[26] This letter is taken from the Transactions of the American\nPhilosophical Society, in which it was read, January 26, 1786.\n_Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO DR. P.[27] IN LONDON.\n\n _Relating a curious Instance of the Effect of Oil on Water._\n\n\n _Philadelphia, Dec. 1, 1762._\n\n SIR,\n\nDuring our passage to Madeira, the weather being warm, and the cabin\nwindows constantly open for the benefit of the air, the candles\nat night flared and run very much, which was an inconvenience. At\nMadeira, we got oil to burn, and with a common glass tumbler or\nbeaker, slung in wire, and suspended to the cieling of the cabin, and\na little wire hoop for the wick, furnished with corks to float on the\noil, I made an Italian lamp, that gave us very good light all over\nthe table.--The glass at bottom contained water to about one third of\nits height; another third was taken up with oil; the rest was left\nempty that the sides of the glass might protect the flame from the\nwind. There is nothing remarkable in all this; but what follows is\nparticular. At supper, looking on the lamp, I remarked, that though\nthe surface of the oil was perfectly tranquil, and duly preserved\nits position and distance with regard to the brim of the glass, the\nwater under the oil was in great commotion, rising and falling in\nirregular waves, which continued during the whole evening. The lamp\nwas kept burning as a watch light all night, till the oil was spent,\nand the water only remained. In the morning I observed, that though\nthe motion of the ship continued the same, the water was now quiet,\nand its surface as tranquil as that of the oil had been the evening\nbefore.\n\nAt night again, when oil was put upon it, the water resumed its\nirregular motions, rising in high waves almost to the surface of the\noil, but without disturbing the smooth level of that surface. And\nthis was repeated every day during the voyage.\n\nSince my arrival in America, I have repeated the experiment\nfrequently thus. I have put a pack-thread round a tumbler, with\nstrings of the same, from each side, meeting above it in a knot at\nabout a foot distance from the top of the tumbler. Then putting in\nas much water as would fill about one third part of the tumbler, I\nlifted it up by the knot, and swung it to and fro in the air; when\nthe water appeared to keep its place in the tumbler as steadily as if\nit had been ice. But pouring gently in upon the water about as much\noil, and then again swinging it in the air as before, the tranquility\nbefore possessed by the water, was transferred to the surface of the\noil, and the water under it was agitated with the same commotions as\nat sea.\n\nI have shewn this experiment to a number of ingenious persons. Those\nwho are but slightly acquainted with the principles of hydrostatics,\n&c. are apt to fancy immediately that they understand it, and readily\nattempt to explain it; but their explanations have been different,\nand to me not very intelligible. Others, more deeply skilled in those\nprinciples, seem to wonder at it, and promise to consider it. And I\nthink it is worth considering: for a new appearance, if it cannot\nbe explained by our old principles, may afford us new ones, of use\nperhaps in explaining some other obscure parts of natural knowledge.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[27] Dr. Pringle. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Of the Stilling of Waves by Means of Oil. Extracted from Sundry\n Letters between Benjamin Franklin, L. L. D. F. R. S. William\n Brownrigg, M. D. F. R. S. and the Rev. Mr. Farish._\n\n Read at the Royal Society, June 2, 1774.\n\n\n_Extract of a Letter from Dr. Brownrigg to Dr. Franklin, dated\nOrmathwait, January 27, 1773._\n\nBy the enclosed from an old friend, a worthy clergyman at Carlisle,\nwhose great learning and extensive knowledge in most sciences would\nhave more distinguished him, had he been placed in a more conspicuous\npoint of view, you will find, that he had heard of your experiment on\nDerwent Lake, and has thrown together what he could collect on that\nsubject; to which I have subjoined one experiment from the relation\nof another gentleman.\n\n\n_Extract of a Letter from the Rev. Mr. Farish, to Dr. Brownrigg._\n\nI some time ago met with Mr. Dun, who surprised me with an account of\nan experiment you had tried upon the Derwent Water, in company with\nSir John Pringle and Dr. Franklin. According to his representation,\nthe water, which had been in great agitation before, was instantly\ncalmed upon pouring in only a very small quantity of oil, and that\nto so great a distance round the boat as seemed incredible. I have\nsince had the same accounts from others, but I suspect all of a\nlittle exaggeration. Pliny mentions this property of oil as known\nparticularly to the divers, who made use of it in his days, in order\nto have a more steady light at the bottom.[28] The sailors, I have\nbeen told, have observed something of the same kind in our days, that\nthe water is always remarkably smoother, in the wake of a ship that\nhas been newly tallowed, than it is in one that is foul. Mr. Pennant\nalso mentions an observation of the like nature made by the seal\ncatchers in Scotland. _Brit. Zool._ Vol. IV. _Article_ Seal. When\nthese animals are devouring a very oily fish, which they always do\nunder water, the waves alone are observed to be remarkably smooth,\nand by this mark the fishermen know where to look for them. Old Pliny\ndoes not usually meet with all the credit I am inclined to think he\ndeserves. I shall be glad to have an authentic account of the Keswick\nexperiment, and if it comes up to the representations that have been\nmade of it, I shall not much hesitate to believe the old gentleman in\nanother more wonderful phenomenon he relates of stilling a tempest\nonly by throwing up a little vinegar into the air.\n\n\n_Extract of a Letter to Dr. Brownrigg from Dr. Franklin._\n\n _London Nov. 7, 1773._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI thank you for the remarks of your learned friend at Carlisle. I\nhad, when a youth, read and smiled at Pliny's account of a practice\namong the seamen of his time, to still the waves in a storm by\npouring oil into the sea; which he mentions, as well as the use\nmade of oil by the divers; but the stilling a tempest by throwing\nvinegar into the air had escaped me. I think with your friend, that\nit has been of late too much the mode to slight the learning of the\nancients. The learned, too, are apt to slight too much the knowledge\nof the vulgar. The cooling by evaporation was long an instance of the\nlatter. This art of smoothing the waves by oil is an instance of both.\n\nPerhaps you may not dislike to have an account of all I have heard,\nand learnt, and done in this way. Take it if you please as follows.\n\nIn 1757, being at sea in a fleet of 96 sail bound against Louisbourg,\nI observed the wakes of two of the ships to be remarkably smooth,\nwhile all the others were ruffled by the wind, which blew fresh.\nBeing puzzled with the differing appearance, I at last pointed it out\nto our captain, and asked him the meaning of it. \"The cooks,\" says\nhe, \"have, I suppose, been just emptying their greasy water through\nthe scuppers, which has greased the sides of those ships a little;\"\nand this answer he gave me with an air of some little contempt, as\nto a person ignorant of what every body else knew. In my own mind\nI at first slighted his solution, though I was not able to think\nof another, but recollecting what I had formerly read in Pliny, I\nresolved to make some experiment of the effect of oil on water, when\nI should have opportunity.\n\nAfterwards being again at sea in 1762, I first observed the wonderful\nquietness of oil on agitated water, in the swinging glass lamp I made\nto hang up in the cabin, as described in my printed papers[29]. This\nI was continually looking at and considering, as an appearance to me\ninexplicable. An old sea captain, then a passenger with me, thought\nlittle of it, supposing it an effect of the same kind with that of\noil put on water to smooth it, which he said was a practice of the\nBermudians when they would strike fish, which they could not see, if\nthe surface of the water was ruffled by the wind. This practice I had\nnever before heard of, and was obliged to him for the information;\nthough I thought him mistaken as to the sameness of the experiment,\nthe operations being different as well as the effects. In one\ncase, the water is smooth till the oil is put on, and then becomes\nagitated. In the other it is agitated before the oil is applied, and\nthen becomes smooth. The same gentleman told me, he had heard it was\na practice with the fisherman of Lisbon when about to return into the\nriver (if they saw before them too great a surf upon the bar, which\nthey apprehended might fill their boats in passing) to empty a bottle\nor two of oil into the sea, which would suppress the breakers, and\nallow them to pass safely. A confirmation of this I have not since\nhad an opportunity of obtaining: but discoursing of it with another\nperson, who had often been in the Mediterranean, I was informed,\nthat the divers there, who, when under water in their business, need\nlight, which the curling of the surface interrupts by the refractions\nof so many little waves, let a small quantity of oil now and then out\nof their mouths, which rising to the surface smooths it, and permits\nthe light to come down to them. All these informations I at times\nrevolved in my mind, and wondered to find no mention of them in our\nbooks of experimental philosophy.\n\nAt length being at Clapham, where there is, on the common, a large\npond, which I observed one day to be very rough with the wind, I\nfetched out a cruet of oil, and dropt a little of it on the water.\nI saw it spread itself with surprising swiftness upon the surface;\nbut the effect of smoothing the waves was not produced; for I had\napplied it first on the leeward side of the pond, where the waves\nwere largest, and the wind drove my oil back upon the shore. I\nthen went to the windward side where they began to form; and there\nthe oil, though not more than a tea spoonful, produced an instant\ncalm over a space several yards square, which spread amazingly,\nand extended itself gradually till it reached the lee side, making\nall that quarter of the pond, perhaps half an acre, as smooth as a\nlooking-glass.\n\nAfter this I contrived to take with me, whenever I went into the\ncountry, a little oil in the upper hollow joint of my bamboo cane,\nwith which I might repeat the experiment as opportunity should offer,\nand I found it constantly to succeed.\n\nIn these experiments, one circumstance struck me with particular\nsurprise. This was the sudden, wide and forcible spreading of a drop\nof oil on the face of the water, which I do not know that any body\nhas hitherto considered. If a drop of oil is put on a highly polished\nmarble table, or on a looking-glass that lies horizontally, the drop\nremains in its place, spreading very little. But when put on water,\nit spreads instantly many feet round, becoming so thin as to produce\nthe prismatic colours, for a considerable space, and beyond them so\nmuch thinner as to be invisible, except in its effect of smoothing\nthe waves at a much greater distance. It seems as if a mutual\nrepulsion between its particles took place as soon as it touched the\nwater, and a repulsion so strong as to act on other bodies swimming\non the surface, as straw, leaves, chips, &c. forcing them to recede\nevery way from the drop, as from a centre, leaving a large clear\nspace. The quantity of this force, and the distance to which it\nwill operate, I have not yet ascertained; but I think it a curious\nenquiry, and I wish to understand whence it arises.\n\nIn our journey to the north, when we had the pleasure of seeing you\nat Ormathwaite, we visited the celebrated Mr. Smeaton, near Leeds.\nBeing about to show him the smoothing experiment on a little pond\nnear his house, an ingenious pupil of his, Mr. Jessop, then present,\ntold us of an odd appearance on that pond, which had lately occurred\nto him. He was about to clean a little cup in which he kept oil, and\nhe threw upon the water some flies that had been drowned in the oil.\nThese flies presently began to move, and turned round on the water\nvery rapidly, as if they were vigorously alive, though on examination\nhe found they were not so. I immediately concluded that the motion\nwas occasioned by the power of the repulsion above mentioned, and\nthat the oil issuing gradually from the spungy body of the fly\ncontinued the motion. He found some more flies drowned in oil, with\nwhich the experiment was repeated before us. To show that it was not\nany effect of life recovered by the flies, I imitated it by little\nbits of oiled chips and paper cut in the form of a comma, of the size\nof a common fly; when the stream of repelling particles issuing from\nthe point made the comma turn round the contrary way. This is not a\nchamber experiment; for it cannot be well repeated in a bowl or dish\nof water on a table. A considerable surface of water is necessary to\ngive room for the expansion of a small quantity of oil. In a dish of\nwater, if the smallest drop of oil be let fall in the middle, the\nwhole surface is presently covered with a thin greasy film proceeding\nfrom the drop; but as soon as that film has reached the sides of the\ndish, no more will issue from the drop, but it remains in the form\nof oil, the sides of the dish putting a stop to its dissipation by\nprohibiting the farther expansion of the film.\n\nOur friend Sir John Pringle, being soon after in Scotland, learned\nthere, that those employed in the herring-fishery could at a distance\nsee where the shoals of herrings were, by the smoothness of the water\nover them, which might possibly be occasioned, he thought, by some\noiliness proceeding from their bodies.\n\nA gentleman from Rhode-island told me, it had been remarked, that the\nharbour of Newport was ever smooth while any whaling vessels were\nin it; which probably arose from hence, that the blubber which they\nsometimes bring loose in the hold, or the leakage of their barrels,\nmight afford some oil, to mix with that water, which from time to\ntime they pump out to keep their vessel free, and that some oil might\nspread over the surface of the water in the harbour, and prevent the\nforming of any waves.\n\nThis prevention I would thus endeavour to explain.\n\nThere seems to be no natural repulsion between water and air, such as\nto keep them from coming into contact with each other. Hence we find\na quantity of air in water; and if we extract it by means of the\nair-pump, the same water, again exposed to the air, will soon imbibe\nan equal quantity.\n\nTherefore air in motion, which is wind, in passing over the smooth\nsurface of water, may rub, as it were, upon that surface, and raise\nit into wrinkles, which, if the wind continues, are the elements of\nfuture waves.\n\nThe smallest wave once raised does not immediately subside, and leave\nthe neighbouring water quiet: but in subsiding raises nearly as much\nof the water next to it, the friction of the parts making little\ndifference. Thus a stone dropped in a pool raises first a single wave\nround itself; and leaves it, by sinking to the bottom; but that first\nwave subsiding raises a second, the second a third, and so on in\ncircles to a great extent.\n\nA small power continually operating will produce a great action. A\nfinger applied to a weighty suspended bell can at first move it but\nlittle; if repeatedly applied, though with no greater strength, the\nmotion increases till the bell swings to its utmost height, and with\na force that cannot be resisted by the whole strength of the arm and\nbody. Thus the small first-raised waves, being continually acted upon\nby the wind, are, though the wind does not increase in strength,\ncontinually increased in magnitude, rising higher and extending their\nbases, so as to include a vast mass of water in each wave, which in\nits motion acts with great violence.\n\nBut if there be a mutual repulsion between the particles of oil, and\nno attraction between oil and water, oil dropped on water will not be\nheld together by adhesion to the spot whereon it falls; it will not\nbe imbibed by the water; it will be at liberty to expand itself; and\nit will spread on a surface that, besides being smooth to the most\nperfect degree of polish, prevents, perhaps by repelling the oil,\nall immediate contact, keeping it at a minute distance from itself;\nand the expansion will continue till the mutual repulsion between\nthe particles of the oil is weakened and reduced to nothing by their\ndistance.\n\nNow I imagine that the wind, blowing over water thus covered with\na film of oil, cannot easily _catch_ upon it, so as to raise the\nfirst wrinkles, but slides over it, and leaves it smooth as it finds\nit. It moves a little the oil indeed, which being between it and\nthe water, serves it to slide with, and prevents friction, as oil\ndoes between those parts of a machine, that would otherwise rub\nhard together. Hence the oil dropped on the windward side of a pond\nproceeds gradually to leeward, as may be seen by the smoothness it\ncarries with it, quite to the opposite side. For the wind being thus\nprevented from raising the first wrinkles, that I call the elements\nof waves, cannot produce waves, which are to be made by continually\nacting upon, and enlarging those elements, and thus the whole pond is\ncalmed.\n\nTotally therefore we might suppress the waves in any required place,\nif we could come at the windward place where they take their rise.\nThis in the ocean can seldom if ever be done. But perhaps something\nmay be done on particular occasions, to moderate the violence of the\nwaves when we are in the midst of them, and prevent their breaking\nwhere that would be inconvenient.\n\nFor when the wind blows fresh, there are continually rising on the\nback of every great wave a number of small ones, which roughen its\nsurface, and give the wind hold, as it were, to push it with greater\nforce. This hold is diminished, by preventing the generation of\nthose small ones. And possibly too, when a wave's surface is oiled,\nthe wind, in passing over it, may rather in some degree press\nit down, and contribute to prevent it, rising again, instead of\npromoting it.\n\nThis as mere conjecture would have little weight, if the apparent\neffects of pouring oil into the midst of waves were not considerable,\nand as yet not otherwise accounted for.\n\nWhen the wind blows so fresh, as that the waves are not sufficiently\nquick in obeying its impulse, their tops being thinner and lighter\nare pushed forward, broken, and turned over in a white foam. Common\nwaves lift a vessel without entering it; but these when large\nsometimes break above and pour over it, doing great damage.\n\nThat this effect might in any degree be prevented, or the height\nand violence of waves in the sea moderated, we had no certain\naccount; Pliny's authority for the practice of seamen in his time\nbeing slighted. But discoursing lately on this subject with his\nexcellency Count Bentinck, of Holland, his son the honourable Captain\nBentinck, and the learned professor Allemand (to all whom I showed\nthe experiment of smoothing in a windy day the large piece of water\nat the head of the Green Park) a letter was mentioned, which had\nbeen received by the Count from Batavia, relative to the saving of a\nDutch ship in a storm by pouring oil into the sea. I much desired to\nsee that letter, and a copy of it was promised me, which I afterward\nreceived.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[28] Note by Dr. Brownrigg.\n\nSir Gilfred Lawson, who served long in the army at Gibraltar,\nassures me, that the fishermen in that place are accustomed to pour\na little oil on the sea, in order to still its motion, that they may\nbe enabled to see the oysters lying at its bottom; which are there\nvery large, and which they take up with a proper instrument. This\nSir Gilfred had often seen there performed, and said the same was\npractised on other parts of the Spanish coast.\n\n[29] See the preceding paper. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n_Extract of a Letter from Mr. Tengnagel to Count Bentinck, dated at\nBatavia, the 5th of January, 1770._\n\n\"Near the islands Paul and Amsterdam, we met with a storm, which had\nnothing particular in it worthy of being communicated to you, except\nthat the captain found himself obliged for greater safety in wearing\nthe ship, to pour oil into the sea, to prevent the waves breaking\nover her, which had an excellent effect, and succeeded in preserving\nus. As he poured out but a little at a time, the East India Company\nowes perhaps its ship to only six demi-ames of oil-olive. I was\npresent upon deck when this was done; and I should not have mentioned\nthis circumstance to you, but that we have found people here so\nprejudiced against the experiment, as to make it necessary for the\nofficers on board and myself to give a certificate of the truth on\nthis head, of which we made no difficulty.\"\n\nOn this occasion, I mentioned to Captain Bentinck, a thought\nwhich had occurred to me in reading the voyages of our late\ncircumnavigators, particularly where accounts are given of pleasant\nand fertile islands which they much desired to land upon, when\nsickness made it more necessary, but could not effect a landing\nthrough a violent surf breaking on the shore, which rendered it\nimpracticable. My idea was, that possibly by sailing to and fro at\nsome distance from such lee-shore, continually pouring oil into the\nsea, the waves might be so much depressed, and lessened before they\nreached the shore, as to abate the height and violence of the surf,\nand permit a landing; which, in such circumstances, was a point of\nsufficient importance to justify the expense of the oil that might\nbe requisite for the purpose. That gentleman, who is ever ready\nto promote what may be of public utility, though his own ingenious\ninventions have not always met with the countenance they merited, was\nso obliging as to invite me to Portsmouth, where an opportunity would\nprobably offer, in the course of a few days, of making the experiment\non some of the shores about Spithead, in which he kindly proposed\nto accompany me, and to give assistance with such boats as might be\nnecessary. Accordingly, about the middle of October last, I went with\nsome friends to Portsmouth; and a day of wind happening, which made\na lee-shore between Haslar-hospital and the point near Jillkecker,\nwe went from the Centaur with the long-boat and barge towards that\nshore. Our disposition was this: the long-boat was anchored about a\nquarter of a mile from the shore; part of the company were landed\nbehind the point (a place more sheltered from the sea) who came\nround and placed themselves opposite to the long-boat, where they\nmight observe the surf, and note if any change occurred in it upon\nusing the oil. Another party, in the barge, plied to windward of the\nlong-boat, as far from her as she was from the shore, making trips\nof about half a mile each, pouring oil continually out of a large\nstone-bottle, through a hole in the cork, somewhat bigger than a\ngoose-quill. The experiment had not, in the main point, the success\nwe wished, for no material difference was observed in the height or\nforce of the surf upon the shore; but those who were in the long-boat\ncould observe a tract of smoothed water, the whole of the distance in\nwhich the barge poured the oil, and gradually spreading in breadth\ntowards the long-boat. I call it smoothed, not that it was laid\nlevel; but because, though the swell continued, its surface was not\nroughened by the wrinkles, or smaller waves, before-mentioned; and\nnone or very few white caps (or waves whose tops turn over in foam)\nappeared in that whole space, though to windward and leeward of it\nthere were plenty; and a wherry, that came round the point under\nsail, in her way to Portsmouth, seemed to turn into that tract of\nchoice, and to use it from end to end, as a piece of turnpike-road.\n\nIt may be of use to relate the circumstances of an experiment that\ndoes not succeed, since they may give hints of amendment in future\ntrials: it is therefore I have been thus particular. I shall only add\nwhat I apprehend may have been the reason of our disappointment.\n\nI conceive, that the operation of oil on water is, first, to prevent\nthe raising of new waves by the wind; and, secondly, to prevent its\npushing those before raised with such force, and consequently their\ncontinuance of the same repeated height, as they would have done, if\ntheir surface were not oiled. But oil will not prevent waves being\nraised by another power, by a stone, for instance, falling into a\nstill pool; for they then rise by the mechanical impulse of the\nstone, which the greasiness on the surrounding water cannot lessen\nor prevent, as it can prevent the winds catching the surface and\nraising it into waves. Now waves once raised, whether by the wind or\nany other power, have the same mechanical operation, by which they\ncontinue to rise and fall, as a _pendulum_ will continue to swing,\na long time after the force ceases to act by which the motion was\nfirst produced: that motion will, however, cease in time; but time\nis necessary. Therefore, though oil spread on an agitated sea may\nweaken the push of the wind on those waves whose surfaces are covered\nby it, and so, by receiving less fresh impulse, they may gradually\nsubside; yet a considerable time, or a distance through which they\nwill take time to move, may be necessary to make the effect sensible\non any shore in a diminution of the surf: for we know, that when\nwind ceases suddenly, the waves it has raised do not as suddenly\nsubside, but settle gradually, and are not quite down till after the\nwind has ceased. So though we should, by oiling them, take off the\neffect of wind on waves already raised, it is not to be expected\nthat those waves should be instantly levelled. The motion they have\nreceived will, for some time, continue; and if the shore is not far\ndistant, they arrive there so soon, that their effect upon it will\nnot be visibly diminished. Possibly, therefore, if we had begun our\noperations at a greater distance, the effect might have been more\nsensible. And perhaps we did not pour oil in sufficient quantity.\nFuture experiments may determine this.\n\nI was, however, greatly obliged to Captain Bentinck, for the chearful\nand ready aids he gave me: and I ought not to omit mentioning Mr.\nBanks, Dr. Solander, General Carnoc, and Dr. Blagden, who all\nassisted at the experiment, during that blustering unpleasant day,\nwith a patience and activity that could only be inspired by a zeal\nfor the improvement of knowledge, such especially as might possibly\nbe of use to men in situations of distress.\n\nI would wish you to communicate this to your ingenious friend, Mr.\nFarish, with my respects; and believe me to be, with sincere esteem,\n\n Dear Sir,\n\n Your most obedient, humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO SIR JOHN PRINGLE, BART.\n\n _On the Difference of Navigation in shoal and deep Water._\n\n\n _Craven-street, May 10, 1768._\n\n SIR,\n\nYou may remember, that when, we were travelling together in Holland,\nyou remarked, that the trackschuyt in one of the stages went slower\nthan usual, and enquired of the boatman, what might be the reason;\nwho answered, that it had been a dry season, and the water in the\ncanal was low. On being again asked if it was so low as that the boat\ntouched the muddy bottom; he said, no, not so low as that, but so\nlow as to make it harder for the horse to draw the boat. We neither\nof us at first could conceive that if there was water enough for\nthe boat to swim clear of the bottom, its being deeper would make\nany difference; but as the man affirmed it seriously as a thing\nwell known among them; and as the punctuality required in their\nstages was likely to make such difference, if any there were, more\nreadily observed by them, than by other watermen who did not pass so\nregularly and constantly backwards and forwards in the same track; I\nbegan to apprehend there might be something in it, and attempted to\naccount for it from this consideration, that the boat in proceeding\nalong the canal, must in every boat's length of her course, move out\nof her way a body of water, equal in bulk to the room her bottom took\nup in the water; that the water so moved must pass on each side of\nher and under her bottom to get behind her; that if the passage under\nher bottom was straitened by the shallows, more of that water must\npass by her sides, and with a swifter motion, which would retard her,\nas moving the contrary way; or that the water becoming lower behind\nthe boat than before, she was pressed back by the weight of its\ndifference in height, and her motion retarded by having that weight\nconstantly to overcome. But as it is often lost time to attempt\naccounting for uncertain facts, I determined to make an experiment of\nthis when I should have convenient time and opportunity.\n\nAfter our return to England, as often as I happened to be on the\nThames, I enquired of our watermen whether they were sensible of any\ndifference in rowing over shallow or deep water. I found them all\nagreeing in the fact, that there was a very great difference, but\nthey differed widely in expressing the quantity of the difference;\nsome supposing it was equal to a mile in six, others to a mile in\nthree, &c. As I did not recollect to have met with any mention of\nthis matter in our philosophical books, and conceiving that if\nthe difference should really be great, it might be an object of\nconsideration in the many projects now on foot for digging new\nnavigable canals in this island, I lately put my design of making\nthe experiment in execution, in the following manner.\n\nI provided a trough of plained boards fourteen feet long, six inches\nwide and six inches deep, in the clear, filled with water within half\nan inch of the edge, to represent a canal. I had a loose board of\nnearly the same length and breadth, that, being put into the water,\nmight be sunk to any depth, and fixed by little wedges where I would\nchuse to have it stay, in order to make different depths of water,\nleaving the surface at the same height with regard to the sides of\nthe trough. I had a little boat in form of a lighter or boat of\nburthen, six inches long, two inches and a quarter wide, and one inch\nand a quarter deep. When swimming, it drew one inch water. To give\nmotion to the boat, I fixed one end of a long silk thread to its\nbow, just even with the water's edge, the other end passed over a\nwell-made brass pully, of about an inch diameter, turning freely on a\nsmall axis; and a shilling was the weight. Then placing the boat at\none end of the trough, the weight would draw it through the water to\nthe other.\n\nNot having a watch that shows seconds, in order to measure the time\ntaken up by the boat in passing from end to end, I counted as fast\nas I could count to ten repeatedly, keeping an account of the number\nof tens on my fingers. And as much as possible to correct any little\ninequalities in my counting, I repeated the experiment a number of\ntimes at each depth of water, that I might take the medium. And the\nfollowing are the results.\n\n Water 1\u00bd inches deep. 2 inches. 4\u00bd inches.\n 1st exp. 100 94 79\n 2 104 93 78\n 3 104 91 77\n 4 106 87 79\n 5 100 88 79\n 6 99 86 80\n 7 100 90 79\n 8 100 88 81\n ---- ---- ----\n 813 717 632\n ---- ---- ----\n Medium 101 Medium 89 Medium 79\n\nI made many other experiments, but the above are those in which I was\nmost exact; and they serve sufficiently to show that the difference\nis considerable. Between the deepest and shallowest it appears to\nbe somewhat more than one fifth. So that supposing large canals and\nboats and depths of water to bear the same proportions, and that four\nmen or horses would draw a boat in deep water four leagues in four\nhours, it would require five to draw the same boat in the same time\nas far in shallow water; or four would require five hours.\n\nWhether this difference is of consequence enough to justify a greater\nexpence in deepening canals, is a matter of calculation, which our\ningenious engineers in that way will readily determine. I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. ALPHONSUS LE ROY, MEMBER OF SEVERAL ACADEMIES AT PARIS.[30]\n\n _Containing sundry Maritime Observations._\n\n At Sea, on board the London Packet, Capt. Truxton.\n\n\n _Aug. 1785._\n\n SIR,\n\nYour learned writings on the navigation of the antients, which\ncontain a great deal of curious information, and your very ingenious\ncontrivances for improving the modern sails (_voilure_) of which\nI saw with great pleasure a successful trial on the river Seine,\nhave induced me to submit to your consideration and judgment, some\nthoughts I have had on the latter subject.\n\nThose mathematicians, who have endeavoured to improve the swiftness\nof vessels, by calculating to find the form of least resistance, seem\nto have considered a ship as a body moving through one fluid only,\nthe water; and to have given little attention to the circumstance\nof her moving through another fluid, the air. It is true that when\na vessel sails right before the wind, this circumstance is of no\nimportance, because the wind goes with her; but in every deviation\nfrom that course, the resistance of the air is something, and becomes\ngreater in proportion as that deviation increases. I wave at present\nthe consideration of those different degrees of resistance given by\nthe air to that part of the hull which is above water, and confine\nmyself to that given to the sails; for their motion through the air\nis resisted by the air, as the motion of the hull through the\nwater is resisted by the water, though with less force as the air is\na lighter fluid. And to simplify the discussion as much as possible,\nI would state one situation only, to wit, that of the wind upon the\nbeam, the ship's course being directly across the wind; and I would\nsuppose the sail set in an angle of 45 degrees with the keel, as in\nthe following figure; wherein (Plate VI, Fig. 1.)\n\n[Illustration:\n\n _Plate VI._ MARITIME OBSERVATIONS. _Vol. II. page 163._\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\nA B represents the body of the vessel, C D the position of the sail,\nEEE the direction of the wind, MM the line of motion. In observing\nthis figure it will appear, that so much of the body of the vessel\nas is immersed in the water must, to go forward, remove out of its\nway what water it meets with between the pricked lines FF. And the\nsail, to go forward, must move out of its way all the air its whole\ndimension meets with between the pricked lines CG and DG. Thus both\nthe fluids give resistance to the motion, each in proportion to the\nquantity of matter contained in the dimension to be removed. And\nthough the air is vastly lighter than the water, and therefore more\neasily removed, yet the dimension being much greater its effect is\nvery considerable.\n\nIt is true that in the case stated, the resistance given by the air\nbetween those lines to the motion of the sail is not apparent to the\neye, because the greater force of the wind, which strikes it in the\ndirection EEE, overpowers its effect, and keeps the sail full in the\ncurve a, a, a, a, a. But suppose the wind to cease, and the vessel in\na calm to be impelled with the same swiftness by oars, the sail would\nthen appear filled in the contrary curve b, b, b, b, b, when prudent\nmen would immediately perceive, that the air resisted its motion,\nand would order it to be taken in.\n\nIs there any possible means of diminishing this resistance, while\nthe same quantity of sail is exposed to the action of the wind, and\ntherefore the same force obtained from it? I think there is, and\nthat it may be done by dividing the sail into a number of parts, and\nplacing those parts in a line one behind the other; thus instead of\none sail extending from C to D, figure 2, if four sails containing\ntogether the same quantity of canvas, were placed as in figure 3,\neach having one quarter of the dimensions of the great sail, and\nexposing a quarter of its surface to the wind, would give a quarter\nof the force; so that the whole force obtained from the wind would be\nthe same, while the resistance from the air would be nearly reduced\nto the space between the pricked lines _a b_ and _c d_, before the\nforemost sail.\n\nIt may perhaps be doubted whether the resistance from the air would\nbe so diminished; since possibly each of the following small sails\nhaving also air before it, which must be removed, the resistance on\nthe whole would be the same.\n\nThis is then a matter to be determined by experiment. I will mention\none that I many years since made with success for another purpose;\nand I will propose another small one easily made. If that too\nsucceeds, I should think it worth while to make a larger, though at\nsome expense, on a river boat; and perhaps time, and the improvements\nexperience will afford, may make it applicable with advantage to\nlarger vessels.\n\nHaving near my kitchen chimney a round hole of eight inches diameter,\nthrough which was a constant steady current of air, increasing or\ndiminishing only as the fire increased or diminished, I contrived\nto place my jack so as to receive that current; and taking off the\nflyers, I fixed in their stead on the same pivot a round tin plate of\nnearly the same diameter with the hole; and having cut it in radial\nlines almost to the centre, so as to have six equal vanes, I gave to\neach of them the obliquity of forty-five degrees. They moved round,\nwithout the weight, by the impression only of the current of air,\nbut too slowly for the purpose of roasting. I suspected that the air\nstruck by the back of each vane might possibly by its resistance\nretard the motion; and to try this, I cut each of them into two, and\nI placed the twelve, each having the same obliquity, in a line behind\neach other, when I perceived a great augmentation in its velocity,\nwhich encouraged me to divide them once more, and, continuing the\nsame obliquity, I placed the twenty-four behind each other in a line,\nwhen the force of the wind being the same, and the surface of vane\nthe same, they moved round with much greater rapidity, and perfectly\nanswered my purpose.\n\nThe second experiment that I propose, is, to take two playing cards\nof the same dimensions, and cut one of them transversely into eight\nequal pieces; then with a needle string them upon two threads one\nnear each end, and place them so upon the threads that, when hung up,\nthey may be one exactly over the other, at a distance equal to their\nbreadth, each in a horizontal position; and let a small weight, such\nas a bird-shot, be hung under them, to make them fall in a straight\nline when let loose. Suspend also the whole card by threads from\nits four corners, and hang to it an equal weight, so as to draw\nit downwards when let fall, its whole breadth pressing against the\nair. Let those two bodies be attached, one of them to one end of a\nthread a yard long, the other to the other end. Extend a twine under\nthe ceiling of a room, and put through it at thirty inches distance\ntwo pins bent in the form of fish-hooks. On these two hooks hang\nthe two bodies, the thread that connects them extending parallel to\nthe twine, which thread being cut, they must begin to fall at the\nsame instant. If they take equal time in falling to the floor, it\nis a proof that the resistance of the air is in both cases equal.\nIf the whole card requires a longer time, it shows that the sum of\nthe resistances to the pieces of the cut card is not equal to the\nresistance of the whole one[31].\n\nThis principle so far confirmed, I would proceed to make a larger\nexperiment, with a shallop, which I would rig in this manner. (Plate\nVI. Fig. 4.)\n\nA B is a long boom, from which are hoisted seven jibs, a, b, c, d,\ne, f, g, each a seventh part of the whole dimensions, and as much\nmore as will fill the whole space when set in an angle of forty-five\ndegrees, so that they may lap when going before the wind, and hold\nmore wind when going large. Thus rigged, when going right before the\nwind, the boom should be brought at right angles with the keel, by\nmeans of the sheet ropes C D, and all the sails hauled flat to the\nboom.\n\nThese positions of boom and sails to be varied as the wind quarters.\nBut when the wind is on the beam, or when you would turn to\nwindward, the boom is to be hauled right fore and aft, and the sails\ntrimmed according as the wind is more or less against your course.\n\nIt seems to me, that the management of a shallop so rigged would be\nvery easy, the sails being run up and down separately, so that more\nor less sail may be made at pleasure; and I imagine, that there being\nfull as much sail exposed to the force of the wind which impels the\nvessel in its course, as if the whole were in one piece, and the\nresistance of the dead air against the foreside of the sail being\ndiminished, the advantage of swiftness would be very considerable;\nbesides that the vessel would lie nearer the wind.\n\nSince we are on the subject of improvements in navigation, permit\nme to detain you a little longer with a small relative observation.\nBeing, in one of my voyages, with ten merchant-ships under convoy\nof a frigate at anchor in Torbay, waiting for a wind to go to the\nwestward; it came fair, but brought in with it a considerable swell.\nA signal was given for weighing, and we put to sea all together; but\nthree of the ships left their anchors, their cables parting just as\nthe anchors came a-peak. Our cable held, and we got up our anchor;\nbut the shocks the ship felt before the anchor got loose from the\nground, made me reflect on what might possibly have caused the\nbreaking of the other cables; and I imagined it might be the short\nbending of the cable just without the hause-hole, from a horizontal\nto an almost vertical position, and the sudden violent jerk it\nreceives by the rising of the head of the ship on the swell of a wave\nwhile in that position. For example, suppose a vessel hove up so as\nto have her head nearly over her anchor, which still keeps its hold,\nperhaps in a tough bottom; if it were calm, the cable still out would\nform nearly a perpendicular line, measuring the distance between the\nhause-hole and the anchor; but if there is a swell, her head in the\ntrough of the sea will fall below the level, and when lifted on the\nwave will be much above it. In the first case the cable will hang\nloose and bend perhaps as in figure 5. In the second case, figure 6,\nthe cable will be drawn straight with a jerk, must sustain the whole\nforce of the rising ship, and must either loosen the anchor, resist\nthe rising force of the ship, or break. But why does it break at the\nhause-hole?\n\nLet us suppose it a cable of three inches diameter, and represented\nby figure 7. If this cable is to be bent round the corner A, it is\nevident that either the part of the triangle contained between the\nletters a, b, c, must stretch considerably, and those most that are\nnearest the surface; or that the parts between d, e, f, must be\ncompressed; or both, which most probably happens. In this case the\nlower half of the thickness affords no strength against the jerk, it\nnot being strained, the upper half bears the whole, and the yarns\nnear the upper surface being first and most strained, break first,\nand the next yarns follow; for in this bent situation they cannot\nbear the strain all together, and each contributes its strength to\nthe whole, as they do when the cable is strained in a straight line.\n\nTo remedy this, methinks it would be well to have a kind of large\npulley wheel, fixed in the hause-hole, suppose of two feet diameter,\nover which the cable might pass; and being there bent gradually to\nthe round of the wheel, would thereby be more equally strained, and\nbetter able to bear the jerk, which may save the anchor, and by that\nmeans in the course of the voyage may happen to save the ship.\n\nOne maritime observation more shall finish this letter. I have been a\nreader of news-papers now near seventy years, and I think few years\npass without an account of some vessel met with at sea, with no\nliving soul on board, and so many feet of water in her hold, which\nvessel has nevertheless been saved and brought into port: and when\nnot met with at sea, such forsaken vessels have often come ashore\non some coast. The crews, who have taken to their boats and thus\nabandoned such vessels, are sometimes met with and taken up at sea by\nother ships, sometimes reach a coast, and are sometimes never heard\nof. Those that give an account of quitting their vessels generally\nsay, that she sprung a leak, that they pumped for some time, that\nthe water continued to rise upon them, and that, despairing to save\nher, they had quitted her lest they should go down with her. It\nseems by the event that this fear was not always well founded, and\nI have endeavoured to guess at the reason of the people's too hasty\ndiscouragement.\n\nWhen a vessel springs a leak near her bottom, the water enters with\nall the force given by the weight of the column of water, without,\nwhich force is in proportion to the difference of level between the\nwater without and that within. It enters therefore with more force\nat first and in greater quantity, than it can afterwards when the\nwater within is higher. The bottom of the vessel too is narrower,\nso that the same quantity of water coming into that narrow part,\nrises faster than when the space for it to flow in is larger. This\nhelps to terrify. But as the quantity entering is less and less as\nthe surfaces without and within become more nearly equal in height,\nthe pumps that could not keep the water from rising at first, might\nafterwards be able to prevent its rising higher, and the people might\nhave remained on board in safety, without hazarding themselves in an\nopen boat on the wide ocean.(Fig. 8.)\n\nBesides the greater equality in the height of the two surfaces, there\nmay sometimes be other causes that retard the farther sinking of a\nleaky vessel. The rising water within may arrive at quantities of\nlight wooden work, empty chests, and particularly empty water-casks,\nwhich if fixed so as not to float themselves may help to sustain her.\nMany bodies which compose a ship's cargo may be specifically lighter\nthan water, all these when out of water are an additional weight to\nthat of the ship, and she is in proportion pressed deeper into the\nwater; but as soon as these bodies are immersed, they weigh no longer\non the ship, but on the contrary, if fixed, they help to support her,\nin proportion as they are specifically lighter than the water. And\nit should be remembered, that the largest body of a ship may be so\nbalanced in the water, that an ounce less or more of weight may leave\nher at the surface or sink her to the bottom. There are also certain\nheavy cargoes, that, when the water gets at them, are continually\ndissolving, and thereby lightening the vessel, such as salt and\nsugar. And as to water-casks mentioned above, since the quantity of\nthem must be great in ships of war where the number of men consume a\ngreat deal of water every day, if it had been made a constant rule to\nbung them up as fast as they were emptied, and to dispose the empty\ncasks in proper situations, I am persuaded that many ships which\nhave been sunk in engagements, or have gone down afterwards, might\nwith the unhappy people have been saved; as well as many of those\nwhich in the last war foundered, and were never heard of. While on\nthis topic of sinking, one cannot help recollecting the well known\npractice of the Chinese, to divide the hold of a great ship into a\nnumber of separate chambers by partitions tight caulked (of which you\ngave a model in your boat upon the Seine) so that if a leak should\nspring in one of them the others are not affected by it; and though\nthat chamber should fill to a level with the sea, it would not be\nsufficient to sink the vessel. We have not imitated this practice.\nSome little disadvantage it might occasion in the stowage is perhaps\none reason, though that I think might be more than compensated by an\nabatement in the insurance that would be reasonable, and by a higher\nprice taken of passengers, who would rather prefer going in such\na vessel. But our seafaring people are brave, despise danger, and\nreject such precautions of safety, being cowards only in one sense,\nthat of _fearing_ to be _thought afraid_.\n\nI promised to finish my letter with the last observation, but the\ngarrulity of the old man has got hold of me, and as I may never have\nanother occasion of writing on this subject, I think I may as well\nnow, once for all, empty my nautical budget, and give you all the\nthoughts that have in my various long voyages occurred to me relating\nto navigation. I am sure that in you they will meet with a candid\njudge, who will excuse my mistakes on account of my good intention.\n\nThere are six accidents that may occasion the loss of ships at\nsea. We have considered one of them, that of foundering by a\nleak. The other five are, 1. Oversetting by sudden flaws of wind,\nor by carrying sail beyond the bearing. 2. Fire by accident or\ncarelessness. 3. A heavy stroke of lightning, making a breach in the\nship, or firing the powder. 4. Meeting and shocking with other ships\nin the night. 5. Meeting in the night with islands of ice.\n\nTo that of oversetting, privateers in their first cruize have, as\nfar as has fallen within my knowledge or information, been more\nsubject than any other kind of vessels. The double desire of being\nable to overtake a weaker flying enemy, or to escape when pursued\nby a stronger, has induced the owners to overmast their cruizers,\nand to spread too much canvass; and the great number of men, many\nof them not seamen, who being upon deck when a ship heels suddenly\nare huddled down to leeward, and increase by their weight the effect\nof the wind. This therefore should be more attended to and guarded\nagainst, especially as the advantage of lofty masts is problematical.\nFor the upper sails have greater power to lay a vessel more on her\nside, which is not the most advantageous position for going swiftly\nthrough the water. And hence it is that vessels, which have lost\ntheir lofty masts, and been able to make little more sail afterwards\nthan permitted the ship to sail upon an even keel, have made so much\nway, even under jury masts, as to surprize the mariners themselves.\nBut there is besides, something in the modern form of our ships\nthat seems as if calculated expressly to allow their oversetting\nmore easily. The sides of a ship, instead of spreading out as they\nformerly did in the upper works, are of late years turned in, so as\nto make the body nearly round, and more resembling a cask. I do not\nknow what the advantages of this construction are, except that such\nships are not easily boarded. To me it seems a contrivance to have\nless room in a ship at nearly the same expense. For it is evident\nthat the same timber and plank consumed in raising the sides from a\nto b, and from d to c, would have raised them from a to e, and from\nd to f, fig. 9. In this form all the spaces between e, a, b, and c,\nd, f, would have been gained, the deck would have been larger, the\nmen would have had more room to act, and not have stood so thick in\nthe way of the enemy's shot; and the vessel, the more she was laid\ndown on her side, the more bearing she would meet with, and more\neffectual to support her, as being farther from the centre. Whereas\nin the present form, her ballast makes the chief part of her bearing,\nwithout which she would turn in the sea almost as easily as a barrel.\nMore ballast by this means becomes necessary, and that sinking a\nvessel deeper in the water occasions more resistance to her going\nthrough it. The Bermudian sloops still keep with advantage to the old\nspreading form. The islanders in the great Pacific ocean, though they\nhave no large ships, are the most expert boat-sailors in the world,\nnavigating that sea safely with their proas, which they prevent\noversetting by various means. Their sailing proas for this purpose\nhave outriggers generally to windward, above the water, on which, one\nor more men are placed, to move occasionally further from or nearer\nto the vessel as the wind freshens or slackens. But some have their\noutriggers to leeward, which, resting on the water, support the boat\nso as to keep her upright when pressed down by the wind. Their boats\nmoved by oars or rather by paddles are, for long voyages, fixed two\ntogether by cross bars of wood that keep them at some distance from\neach other, and so render their oversetting next to impossible.\nHow far this may be practicable in larger vessels, we have not yet\nsufficient experience. I know of but one trial made in Europe, which\nwas about one hundred years since, by Sir William Petty. He built a\ndouble vessel, to serve as a packet boat between England and Ireland.\nHer model still exists in the museum of the Royal Society, where\nI have seen it. By the accounts we have of her, she answered well\nthe purpose of her construction, making several voyages; and though\nwrecked at last by a storm, the misfortune did not appear owing to\nher particular construction, since many other vessels of the common\nform were wrecked at the same time. The advantage of such a vessel\nis, that she needs no ballast, therefore swims either lighter or will\ncarry more goods; and that passengers are not so much incommoded by\nher rolling: to which may be added, that if she is to defend herself\nby her cannon, they will probably have more effect, being kept more\ngenerally in a horizontal position, than those in common vessels. I\nthink, however, that it would be an improvement of that model, to\nmake the sides which are opposed to each other perfectly parallel,\nthough the other sides are formed as in common thus, figure 10.\n\nThe building of a double ship would indeed be more expensive in\nproportion to her burthen; and that perhaps is sufficient to\ndiscourage the method.\n\nThe accident of fire is generally well guarded against by the prudent\ncaptain's strict orders against smoking between decks, or carrying a\ncandle there out of a lanthorn. But there is one dangerous practice\nwhich frequent terrible accidents have not yet been sufficient to\nabolish; that of carrying store-spirits to sea in casks. Two large\nships, the Seraphis and the Duke of Athol, one an East-Indiaman, the\nother a frigate, have been burnt within these two last years, and\nmany lives miserably destroyed, by drawing spirits out of a cask near\na candle. It is high time to make it a general rule, that all the\nship's store of spirits should be carried in bottles.\n\nThe misfortune by a stroke of lightning I have in my former writings\nendeavoured to show a method of guarding against, by a chain and\npointed rod, extending, when run up, from above the top of the mast\nto the sea. These instruments are now made and sold at a reasonable\nprice by Nairne & Co. in London, and there are several instances of\nsuccess attending the use of them. They are kept in a box, and may be\nran up and fixed in about five minutes, on the apparent approach of a\nthunder gust.\n\nOf the meeting and shocking with other ships in the night, I have\nknown two instances in voyages between London and America. In one\nboth ships arrived though much damaged, each reporting their belief\nthat the other must have gone to the bottom. In the other, only one\ngot to port; the other was never afterwards heard of. These instances\nhappened many years ago, when the commerce between Europe and America\nwas not a tenth part of what it is at present, ships of course\nthinner scattered, and the chance of meeting proportionably less.\nIt has long been the practice to keep a _look-out before_ in the\nchannel, but at sea it has been neglected. If it is not at present\nthought worth while to take that precaution, it will in time become\nof more consequence; since the number of ships at sea is continually\naugmenting. A drum frequently beat, or a bell rung in a dark night,\nmight help to prevent such accidents.\n\nIslands of ice are frequently seen off the banks of Newfoundland,\nby ships going between North-America and Europe. In the day time\nthey are easily avoided, unless in a very thick fog. I remember two\ninstances of ship's running against them in the night. The first lost\nher bowsprit, but received little other damage. The other struck\nwhere the warmth of the sea had wasted the ice next to it, and a part\nhung over above. This perhaps saved her, for she was under great way;\nbut the upper part of the cliff taking her foretopmast, broke the\nshock, though it carried away the mast. She disengaged herself with\nsome difficulty, and got safe into port; but the accident shows the\npossibility of other ships being wrecked and sunk by striking those\nvast masses of ice, of which I have seen one that we judged to be\nseventy feet high above the water, consequently eight times as much\nunder water; and it is another reason for keeping a good _look-out\nbefore_, though far from any coast that may threaten danger.\n\nIt is remarkable, that the people we consider as savages have\nimproved the art of sailing and rowing-boats in several points beyond\nwhat we can pretend to. We have no sailing-boats equal to the flying\nproas of of the South Seas, no rowing or paddling-boat equal to that\nof the Greenlanders for swiftness and safety. The birch canoes of the\nNorth-American Indians have also some advantageous properties. They\nare so light that two men may carry one of them over land, which is\ncapable of carrying a dozen upon the water; and in heeling they are\nnot so subject to take in water as our boats, the sides of which are\nlowest in the middle where it is most likely to enter, this being\nhighest in that part, as in figure 11.\n\nThe Chinese are an enlightened people, the most antiently civilized\nof any existing, and their arts are antient, a presumption in their\nfavour: their method of rowing their boats differs from ours, the\noars being worked either two a-stern as we scull, or on the sides\nwith the same kind of motion, being hung parallel to the keel on a\nrail and always acting in the water, not perpendicular to the side as\nours are, nor lifted out at every stroke, which is a loss of time,\nand the boat in the interval loses motion. They see our manner, and\nwe theirs, but neither are disposed to learn of or copy the other.\n\nTo the several means of moving boats mentioned above, may be added\nthe singular one lately exhibited at Javelle, on the Seine below\nParis, where a clumsy boat was moved across that river in three\nminutes by rowing, not in the water, but in the air, that is, by\nwhirling round a set of windmill vanes fixed to a horizontal axis,\nparallel to the keel, and placed at the head of the boat. The axis\nwas bent into an elbow at the end, by the help of which it was turned\nby one man at a time. I saw the operation at a distance. The four\nvanes appeared to be about five feet long, and perhaps two and a\nhalf wide. The weather was calm. The labour appeared to be great\nfor one man, as the two several times relieved each other. But the\naction upon the air by the oblique surfaces of the vanes must have\nbeen considerable, as the motion of the boat appeared tolerably quick\ngoing and returning; and she returned to the same place from whence\nshe first set out, notwithstanding the current. This machine is since\napplied to the moving of air-balloons: an instrument similar may be\ncontrived to move a boat by turning under water.\n\nSeveral mechanical projectors have at different times proposed\nto give motion to boats, and even to ships, by means of circular\nrowing, or paddles placed on the circumference of wheels to be turned\nconstantly on each side of the vessel; but this method, though\nfrequently tried, has never been found so effectual as to encourage\na continuance of the practice. I do not know that the reason has\nhitherto been given. Perhaps it may be this, that great part of the\nforce employed contributes little to the motion. For instance, (fig.\n12) of the four paddles a, b, c, d, all under water, and turning to\nmove a boat from X to Y, c has the most power, b nearly though not\nquite as much, their motion being nearly horizontal; but the force\nemployed in moving a, is consumed in pressing almost downright upon\nthe water till it comes to the place of b; and the force employed\nin moving d is consumed in lifting the water till d arrives at the\nsurface; by which means much of the labour is lost. It is true, that\nby placing the wheels higher out of the water, this waste labour\nwill be diminished in a calm, but where a sea runs, the wheels must\nunavoidably be often dipt deep in the waves, and the turning of them\nthereby rendered very laborious to little purpose.\n\nAmong the various means of giving motion to a boat, that of M.\nBernoulli appears one of the most singular, which was to have fixed\nin the boat a tube in the form of an L, the upright part to have a\nfunnel-kind of opening at top, convenient for filling the tube with\nwater; which, descending and passing through the lower horizontal\npart, and issuing in the middle of the stern, but under the surface\nof the river, should push the boat forward. There is no doubt that\nthe force of the descending water would have a considerable effect,\ngreater in proportion to the height from which it descended; but\nthen it is to be considered, that every bucket-full pumped or dipped\nup into the boat, from its side or through its bottom, must have\nits _vis inerti\u00e6_ overcome so as to receive the motion of the boat,\nbefore it can come to give motion by its descent; and that will be a\ndeduction from the moving power. To remedy this, I would propose the\naddition of another such L pipe, and that they should stand back to\nback in the boat thus, figure 13, the forward one being worked as a\npump, and sucking in the water at the head of the boat, would draw it\nforward while pushed in the same direction by the force at the stern.\nAnd after all it should be calculated whether the labour of pumping\nwould be less than that of rowing. A fire-engine might possibly in\nsome cases be applied in this operation with advantage.\n\nPerhaps this labour of raising water might be spared, and the whole\nforce of a man applied to the moving of a boat by the use of air\ninstead of water; suppose the boat constructed in this form, figure\n14. A, a tube round or square of two feet diameter, in which a piston\nmay move up and down. The piston to have valves in it, opening\ninwards to admit air when the piston rises; and shutting, when it\nis forced down by means of the lever B turning on the centre C. The\ntube to have a valve D, to open when the piston is forced down, and\nlet the air pass out at E, which striking forcibly against the water\nabaft must push the boat forward. If there is added an air-vessel\nF properly valved and placed, the force would continue to act while\na fresh stroke is taken with the lever. The boat-man might stand\nwith his back to the stern, and putting his hands behind him, work\nthe motion by taking hold of the cross bar at B, while another\nshould steer; or if he had two such pumps, one on each side of the\nstern, with a lever for each hand, he might steer himself by working\noccasionally more or harder with either hand, as watermen now do\nwith a pair of sculls. There is no position in which the body of a\nman can exert more strength than in pulling right upwards. To obtain\nmore swiftness, greasing the bottom of a vessel is sometimes used,\nand with good effect. I do not know that any writer has hitherto\nattempted to explain this. At first sight one would imagine, that\nthough the friction of a hard body, sliding on another hard body,\nand the resistance occasioned by that friction, might be diminished\nby putting grease between them, yet that a body sliding on a fluid,\nsuch as water, should have no need of, nor receive any advantage\nfrom such greasing. But the fact is not disputed. And the reason\nperhaps may be this--The particles of water have a mutual attraction,\ncalled the attraction of adhesion. Water also adheres to wood, and\nto many other substances, but not to grease: on the contrary they\nhave a mutual repulsion, so that it is a question whether when oil\nis poured on water, they ever actually touch each other; for a drop\nof oil upon water, instead of sticking to the spot where it falls,\nas it would if it fell on a looking-glass, spreads instantly to an\nimmense distance in a film extremely thin, which it could not easily\ndo if it touched and rubbed or adhered even in a small degree to the\nsurface of the water. Now the adhesive force of water to itself, and\nto other substances, may be estimated from the weight of it necessary\nto separate a drop, which adheres, while growing, till it has weight\nenough to force the separation and break the drop off. Let us suppose\nthe drop to be the size of a pea, then there will be as many of these\nadhesions as there are drops of that size touching the bottom of a\nvessel, and these must be broken by the moving power, every step\nof her motion that amounts to a drop's breadth: and there being no\nsuch adhesions to break between the water and a greased bottom, may\noccasion the difference.\n\nSo much respecting the motion of vessels. But we have sometimes\noccasion to stop their motion; and if a bottom is near enough we can\ncast anchor: where there are no soundings, we have as yet no means\nto prevent driving in a storm, but by lying-to, which still permits\ndriving at the rate of about two miles an hour; so that in a storm\ncontinuing fifty hours, which is not an uncommon case, the ship may\ndrive one hundred miles out of her course; and should she in that\ndistance meet with a lee shore, she may be lost.\n\nTo prevent this driving to leeward in deep water, a swimming anchor\nis wanting, which ought to have these properties.\n\n1. It should have a surface so large as, being at the end of a hauser\nin the water, and placed perpendicularly, should hold so much of it,\nas to bring the ship's head to the wind, in which situation the wind\nhas least power to drive her.\n\n2. It should be able by its resistance to prevent the ship's\nreceiving way.\n\n3. It should be capable of being situated below the heave of the sea,\nbut not below the undertow.\n\n4. It should not take up much room in the ship.\n\n5. It should be easily thrown out, and put into its proper situation.\n\n6. It should be easy to take in again, and stow away.\n\nAn ingenious old mariner, whom I formerly knew, proposed, as a\nswimming anchor for a large ship, to have a stem of wood twenty-five\nfeet long and four inches square, with four boards of 18, 16, 14, and\n12, feet long, and one foot wide, the boards to have their substance\nthickened several inches in the middle by additional wood, and to\nhave each a four inch square hole through its middle, to permit its\nbeing slipt on occasionally upon the stem, and at right angles with\nit; where all being placed and fixed at four feet distance from\neach other, it would have the appearance of the old mathematical\ninstrument called a forestaff. This thrown into the sea, and held by\na hauser veered out to some length, he conceived would bring a vessel\nup, and prevent her driving, and when taken in might be stowed away\nby separating the boards from the stem. Figure 15. Probably such a\nswimming anchor would have some good effect, but it is subject to\nthis objection, that lying on the surface of the sea, it is liable to\nbe hove forward by every wave, and thereby give so much leave for the\nship to drive.\n\nTwo machines for this purpose have occurred to me, which, though not\nso simple as the above, I imagine would be more effectual, and more\neasily manageable. I will endeavour to describe them, that they may\nbe submitted to your judgment, whether either would be serviceable;\nand if they would, to which we should give the preference.\n\nThe first is to be formed, and to be used in the water on almost the\nsame principles with those of a paper kite used in the air. Only as\nthe paper kite rises in the air, this is to descend in the water. Its\ndimensions will be different for ships of different size.\n\nTo make one of suppose fifteen feet high; take a small spar of that\nlength for the back-bone, AB, figure 16, a smaller of half that\nlength CD, for the cross piece. Let these be united by a bolt at E,\nyet so as that by turning on the bolt they may be laid parallel to\neach other. Then make a sail of strong canvas, in the shape of figure\n17. To form this, without waste of sail-cloth, sew together pieces of\nthe proper length, and for half the breadth, as in figure 18, then\ncut the whole in the diagonal lines a, b, c, and turn the piece F so\nas to place its broad part opposite to that of the piece G, and the\npiece H in like manner opposite to I, which when all sewed together\nwill appear as in fig. 17. This sail is to be extended on the cross\nof figure 16, the top and bottom points well secured to the ends of\nthe long spar; the two side points d, e, fastened to the ends of\ntwo cords, which coming from the angle of the loop (which must be\nsimilar to the loop of a kite) pass through two rings at the ends of\nthe short spar, so as that on pulling upon the loop the sail will be\ndrawn to its extent. The whole may, when aboard, be furled up, as in\nfigure 19, having a rope from its broad end, to which is tied a bag\nof ballast for keeping that end downwards when in the water, and at\nthe other end another rope with an empty keg at its end to float on\nthe surface; this rope long enough to permit the kite's descending\ninto the undertow, or if you please lower into still water. It should\nbe held by a hauser. To get it home easily, a small loose rope may be\nveered out with it, fixed to the keg. Hauling on that rope will bring\nthe kite home with small force, the resistance being small as it will\nthen come end ways.\n\nIt seems probable that such a kite at the end of a long hauser would\nkeep a ship with her head to the wind, and, resisting every tug,\nwould prevent her driving so fast as when her side is exposed to it,\nand nothing to hold her back. If only half the driving is prevented,\nso as that she moves but fifty miles instead of the hundred during a\nstorm, it may be some advantage, both in holding so much distance as\nis saved, and in keeping from a lee-shore. If single canvas should\nnot be found strong enough to bear the tug without splitting, it may\nbe doubled, or strengthened by a netting behind it, represented by\nfigure 20.\n\nThe other machine for the same purpose, is to be made more in the\nform of an umbrella, as represented, figure 21. The stem of the\numbrella a square spar of proper length, with four moveable arms, of\nwhich two are represented C, C, figure 22. These arms to be fixed in\nfour joint cleats, as D, D, &c. one on each side of the spar, but so\nas that the four arms may open by turning on a pin in the joint. When\nopen they form a cross, on which a four-square canvas sail is to be\nextended, its corners fastened to the ends of the four arms. Those\nends are also to be stayed by ropes fastened to the stem or spar, so\nas to keep them short of being at right angles with it: and to the\nend of one of the arms should be hung the small bag of ballast, and\nto the end of the opposite arm the empty keg. This, on being thrown\ninto the sea, would immediately open; and when it had performed its\nfunction, and the storm over, a small rope from its other end being\npulled on, would turn it, close it, and draw it easily home to the\nship. This machine seems more simple in its operation, and more\neasily manageable than the first, and perhaps may be as effectual[32].\n\nVessels are sometimes retarded, and sometimes forwarded in their\nvoyages, by currents at sea, which are often not perceived. About\nthe year 1769 or 70, there was an application made by the board\nof customs at Boston, to the lords of the treasury in London,\ncomplaining that the packets between Falmouth and New-York, were\ngenerally a fortnight longer in their passages, than merchant-ships\nfrom London to Rhode-Island, and proposing that for the future\nthey should be ordered to Rhode-Island instead of New-York. Being\nthen concerned in the management of the American post-office, I\nhappened to be consulted on the occasion; and it appearing strange\nto me that there should be such a difference between two places,\nscarce a day's run asunder, especially when the merchant-ships are\ngenerally deeper laden, and more weakly manned than the packets, and\nhad from London the whole length of the river and channel to run\nbefore they left the land of England, while the packets had only to\ngo from Falmouth, I could not but think the fact misunderstood or\nmisrepresented. There happened then to be in London a Nantucket\nsea-captain of my acquaintance, to whom I communicated the affair. He\ntold me he believed the fact might be true; but the difference was\nowing to this, that the Rhode-Island captains were acquainted with\nthe gulf-stream, which those of the English packets were not. We are\nwell acquainted with that stream, says he, because in our pursuit\nof whales, which keep near the sides of it, but are not to be met\nwith in it, we run down along the sides, and frequently cross it to\nchange our side: and in crossing it have sometimes met and spoke with\nthose packets, who were in the middle of it, and stemming it. We have\ninformed them that they were stemming a current, that was against\nthem to the value of three miles an hour; and advised them to cross\nit and get out of it; but they were too wise to be counselled by\nsimple American fishermen. When the winds are but light, he added,\nthey are carried back by the current more than they are forwarded\nby the wind: and if the wind be good, the subtraction of 70 miles\na day from their course is of some importance. I then observed it\nwas a pity no notice was taken of this current upon the charts,\nand requested him to mark it out for me, which he readily complied\nwith, adding directions for avoiding it in sailing from Europe to\nNorth-America. I procured it to be engraved by order from the general\npost-office, on the old chart of the Atlantic, at Mount and Page's,\nTower-hill; and copies were sent down to Falmouth for the captains\nof the packets, who slighted it however; but it is since printed in\nFrance, of which edition I hereto annex a copy.\n\nThis stream is probably generated by the great accumulation of\nwater on the eastern coast of America between the tropics, by the\ntrade-winds which constantly blow there. It is known that a large\npiece of water ten miles broad and generally only three feet deep,\nhas by a strong wind had its waters driven to one side and sustained\nso as to become six feet deep, while the windward side was laid dry.\nThis may give some idea of the quantity heaped up on the American\ncoast, and the reason of its running down in a strong current through\nthe islands into the bay of Mexico, and from thence issuing through\nthe gulph of Florida, and proceeding along the coast to the banks of\nNewfoundland, where it turns off towards and runs down through the\nWestern Islands. Having since crossed this stream several times in\npassing between America and Europe, I have been attentive to sundry\ncircumstances relating to it, by which to know when one is in it; and\nbesides the gulph weed with which it is interspersed, I find that it\nis always warmer than the sea on each side of it, and that it does\nnot sparkle in the night: I annex hereto the observations made with\nthe thermometer in two voyages, and possibly may add a third. It will\nappear from them, that the thermometer may be an useful instrument to\na navigator, since currents coming from the northward into southern\nseas, will probably be found colder than the water of those seas,\nas the currents from southern seas into northern are found warmer.\nAnd it is not to be wondered that so vast a body of deep warm water,\nseveral leagues wide, coming from between the tropics and issuing\nout of the gulph into the northern seas, should retain its warmth\nlonger than the twenty or thirty days required to its passing the\nbanks of Newfoundland. The quantity is too great, and it is too\ndeep to be suddenly cooled by passing under a cooler air. The air\nimmediately over it, however, may receive so much warmth from it as\nto be rarefied and rise, being rendered lighter than the air on each\nside of the stream; hence those airs must flow in to supply the place\nof the rising warm air, and, meeting with each other, form those\ntornados and water-spouts frequently met with, and seen near and over\nthe stream; and as the vapour from a cup of tea in a warm room, and\nthe breath of an animal in the same room, are hardly visible, but\nbecome sensible immediately when out in the cold air, so the vapour\nfrom the gulph stream, in warm latitudes is scarcely visible, but\nwhen it comes into the cool air from Newfoundland, it is condensed\ninto the fogs, for which those parts are so remarkable.\n\nThe power of wind to raise water above its common level in the sea\nis known to us in America, by the high tides occasioned in all our\nsea-ports when a strong north-easter blows against the gulph stream.\n\nThe conclusion from these remarks is, that a vessel from Europe to\nNorth-America may shorten her passage by avoiding to stem the stream,\nin which the thermometer will be very useful; and a vessel from\nAmerica to Europe may do the same by the same means of keeping in\nit. It may have often happened accidentally, that voyages have been\nshortened by these circumstances. It is well to have the command of\nthem.\n\nBut may there not be another cause, independent of winds and\ncurrents, why passages are generally shorter from America to Europe\nthan from Europe to America? This question I formerly considered in\nthe following short paper.\n\n\nOn board the Pennsylvania Packet, Capt. Osborne.\n\n _At Sea_, _April 5, 1775._\n\n\"Suppose a ship to make a voyage eastward from a place in lat. 40\u00b0\nnorth, to a place in lat. 50\u00b0 north, distance in longitude 75 degrees.\n\n\"In sailing from 40 to 50, she goes from a place where a degree of\nlongitude is about eight miles greater than in the place she is going\nto. A degree is equal to four minutes of time; consequently the ship\nin the harbour she leaves, partaking of the diurnal motion of the\nearth, moves two miles in a minute faster, than when in the port she\nis going to; which is 120 miles in an hour.\n\n\"This motion in a ship and cargo is of great force; and if she could\nbe lifted up suddenly from the harbour in which she lay quiet, and\nset down instantly in the latitude of the port she was bound to,\nthough in a calm, that force contained in her would make her run a\ngreat way at a prodigious rate. This force must be lost gradually in\nher voyage, by gradual impulse against the water, and probably thence\nshorten the voyage. Query, In returning does the contrary happen, and\nis her voyage thereby retarded and lengthened?\"[33]\n\nWould it not be a more secure method of planking ships, if, instead\nof thick single planks laid horizontally, we were to use planks of\nhalf the thickness, and lay them double and across each other as\nin figure 23? To me it seems that the difference of expence would\nnot be considerable, and that the ship would be both tighter and\nstronger.\n\nThe securing of the ship is not the only necessary thing; securing\nthe health of the sailors, a brave and valuable order of men,\nis likewise of great importance. With this view the methods so\nsuccessfully practised by Captain Cook in his long voyages cannot be\ntoo closely studied or carefully imitated. A full account of those\nmethods is found in Sir John Pringle's speech, when the medal of the\nRoyal Society was given to that illustrious navigator. I am glad to\nsee in his last voyage that he found the means effectual which I had\nproposed for preserving flour, bread, &c. from moisture and damage.\nThey were found dry and good after being at sea four years. The\nmethod is described in my printed works, page 452, fifth edition[34].\nIn the same, page 469, 470[35], is proposed a means of allaying\nthirst in case of want of fresh water. This has since been practised\nin two instances with success. Happy if their hunger, when the other\nprovisions are consumed, could be relieved as commodiously; and\nperhaps in time this may be found not impossible. An addition might\nbe made to their present vegetable provision, by drying various roots\nin slices by the means of an oven. The sweet potatoe of America and\nSpain is excellent for this purpose. Other potatoes, with carrots,\nparsnips and turnips, might be prepared and preserved in the same\nmanner.\n\nWith regard to make-shifts in cases of necessity, seamen are\ngenerally very ingenious themselves. They will excuse however the\nmention of two or three. If they happen in any circumstance, such\nas after shipwreck, taking to their boat, or the like, to want a\ncompass, a fine sewing-needle laid on clear water in a cup will\ngenerally point to the north, most of them being a little magnetical,\nor may be made so by being strongly rubbed or hammered, lying in a\nnorth and south direction. If their needle is too heavy to float by\nitself, it may be supported by little pieces of cork or wood. A man\nwho can swim, may be aided in a long traverse by his handkerchief\nformed into a kite, by two cross sticks extending to the four\ncorners; which, being raised in the air when the wind is fair and\nfresh, will tow him along while lying on his back. Where force is\nwanted to move a heavy body, and there are but few hands and no\nmachines, a long and strong rope may make a powerful instrument.\nSuppose a boat is to be drawn up on a beach, that she may be out of\nthe surf; a stake drove into the beach where you would have the boat\ndrawn, and another to fasten the end of the rope to, which comes\nfrom the boat, and then applying what force you have to pull upon\nthe middle of the rope at right angles with it, the power will be\naugmented in proportion to the length of rope between the posts. The\nrope being fastened to the stake A, and drawn upon in the direction\nC D, will slide over the stake B; and when the rope is bent to the\nangle A D B, represented by the pricked line in figure 24, the boat\nwill be at B.\n\nSome sailors may think the writer has given himself unnecessary\ntrouble in pretending to advise them; for they have a little\nrepugnance to the advice of landmen, whom they esteem ignorant and\nincapable of giving any worth notice; though it is certain that most\nof their instruments were the invention of landmen. At least the\nfirst vessel ever made to go on the water was certainly such. I will\ntherefore add only a few words more, and they shall be addressed to\npassengers.\n\nWhen you intend a long voyage, you may do well to keep your intention\nas much as possible a secret, or at least the time of your departure;\notherwise you will be continually interrupted in your preparations\nby the visits of friends and acquaintance, who will not only rob\nyou of the time you want, but put things out of your mind, so that\nwhen you come to sea, you have the mortification to recollect points\nof business that ought to have been done, accounts you intended to\nsettle, and conveniencies you had proposed to bring with you, &c. &c.\nall which have been omitted through the effect of these officious\nfriendly visits. Would it not be well if this custom could be\nchanged; if the voyager after having, without interruption, made all\nhis preparations, should use some of the time he has left, in going\nhimself to take leave of his friends at their own houses, and let\nthem come to congratulate him on his happy return.\n\nIt is not always in your power to make a choice in your captain,\nthough much of your comfort in the passage may depend on his personal\ncharacter, as you must for so long a time be confined to his company,\nand under his direction; if he be a sensible, sociable, good-natured,\nobliging man, you will be so much the happier. Such there are; but if\nhe happens to be otherwise, and is only skilful, careful, watchful\nand active in the conduct of his ship, excuse the rest, for these are\nthe essentials.\n\nWhatever right you may have by agreement in the mass of stores laid\nin by him for the passengers, it is good to have some particular\nthings in your own possession, so as to be always at your own\ncommand.\n\n1. Good water, that of the ship being often bad. You can be sure of\nhaving it good only by bottling it from a clear spring or well and\nin clean bottles. 2. Good tea. 3. Coffee ground. 4. Chocolate. 5.\nWine of the sort you particularly like, and cyder. 6. Raisins. 7.\nAlmonds. 8. Sugar. 9. Capillaire. 10. Lemons. 11. Jamaica spirits.\n12. Eggs greased. 13. Diet bread 14. Portable soup. 15. Rusks. As to\nfowls, it is not worth while to have any called yours, unless you\ncould have the feeding and managing of them according to your own\njudgment under your own eye. As they are generally treated at present\nin ships, they are for the most part sick, and their flesh tough and\nhard as whit-leather. All seamen have an opinion, broached I supposed\nat first prudently, for saving of water when short, that fowls do not\nknow when they have drank enough, and will kill themselves if you\ngive them too much, so they are served with a little only once in two\ndays. This is poured into troughs that lie sloping, and therefore\nimmediately runs down to the lower end. There the fowls ride upon one\nanother's backs to get at it, and some are not happy enough to reach\nand once dip their bills in it. Thus tantalized, and tormented with\nthirst, they cannot digest their dry food, they fret, pine, sicken\nand die. Some are found dead, and thrown overboard every morning, and\nthose killed for the table are not eatable. Their troughs should be\nin little divisions, like cups, to hold the water separately, figure\n25. But this is never done. The sheep and hogs are therefore your\nbest dependance for fresh meat at sea, the mutton being generally\ntolerable and the pork excellent.\n\nIt is possible your captain may have provided so well in the general\nstores, as to render some of the particulars above recommended of\nlittle or no use to you. But there are frequently in the ship poorer\npassengers, who are taken at a lower price, lodge in the steerage,\nand have no claim to any of the cabin provisions, or to any but\nthose kinds that are allowed the sailors. These people are sometimes\ndejected, sometimes sick, there may be women and children among\nthem. In a situation where there is no going to market, to purchase\nsuch necessaries, a few of these your superfluities distributed\noccasionally may be of great service, restore health, save life, make\nthe miserable happy, and thereby afford you infinite pleasure.\n\nThe worst thing in ordinary merchant ships is the cookery. They have\nno professed cook, and the worst hand as a seaman is appointed to\nthat office, in which he is not only very ignorant but very dirty.\nThe sailors have therefore a saying, that _God sends meat and the\ndevil cooks_. Passengers more piously disposed, and willing to\nbelieve heaven orders all things for the best, may suppose, that,\nknowing the sea-air and constant exercise by the motion of the vessel\nwould give us extraordinary appetites, bad cooks were kindly sent to\nprevent our eating too much; or that, foreseeing we should have bad\ncooks, good appetites were furnished to prevent our starving. If you\ncannot trust to these circumstances, a spirit-lamp, with a blaze-pan,\nmay enable you to cook some little things for yourself; such as a\nhash, a soup, &c. And it might be well also to have among your stores\nsome potted meats, which if well put up will keep long good. A small\ntin oven, to place with the open side before the fire, may be another\ngood utensil, in which your own servant may roast for you a bit of\npork or mutton. You will sometimes be induced to eat of the ship's\nsalt beef, as it is often good. You will find cyder the best quencher\nof that thirst which salt meat or fish occasions. The ship biscuit\nis too hard for some sets of teeth. It may be softened by toasting.\nBut rusk is better; for being made of good fermented bread, sliced\nand baked a second time, the pieces imbibe the water easily, soften\nimmediately, digest more kindly, and are therefore more wholesome\nthan the unfermented biscuit. By the way, rusk is the true original\nbiscuit, so prepared to keep for sea, biscuit in French signifying\ntwice baked. If your dry peas boil hard, a two-pound iron shot put\nwith them into the pot, will by the motion of the ship grind them as\nfine as mustard.\n\nThe accidents I have seen at sea with large dishes of soup upon a\ntable, from the motion of the ship, have made me wish, that our\npotters or pewterers would make soup-dishes in divisions, like a set\nof small bowls united together, each containing about sufficient for\none person, in some such form as fig. 26; for then when the ship\nshould make a sudden heel, the soup would not in a body flow over one\nside, and fall into people's laps and scald them, as is sometimes the\ncase, but would be retained in the separate divisions, as in figure\n27.\n\nAfter these trifles, permit the addition of a few general\nreflections. Navigation, when employed in supplying necessary\nprovisions to a country in want, and thereby preventing famines,\nwhich were more frequent and destructive before the invention of that\nart, is undoubtedly a blessing to mankind. When employed merely in\ntransporting superfluities, it is a question whether the advantage of\nthe employment it affords is equal to the mischief of hazarding so\nmany lives on the ocean. But when employed in pillaging merchants\nand transporting slaves, it is clearly the means of augmenting the\nmass of human misery. It is amazing to think of the ships and lives\nrisqued in fetching tea from China, coffee from Arabia, sugar and\ntobacco from America, all which our ancestors did well without.\nSugar employs near one thousand ships, tobacco almost as many. For\nthe utility of tobacco there is little to be said; and for that of\nsugar, how much more commendable would it be if we could give up the\nfew minutes gratification afforded once or twice a day by the taste\nof sugar in our tea, rather than encourage the cruelties exercised\nin producing it. An eminent French moralist says, that when he\nconsiders the wars we excite in Africa to obtain slaves, the numbers\nnecessarily slain in those wars, the many prisoners who perish at sea\nby sickness, bad provisions, foul air, &c. &c. in the transportation,\nand how many afterwards die from the hardships of slavery, he cannot\nlook on a piece of sugar without conceiving it stained with spots of\nhuman blood! Had he added the consideration of the wars we make to\ntake and retake the sugar islands from one another, and the fleets\nand armies that perish in those expeditions, he might have seen his\nsugar not merely spotted, but thoroughly dyed scarlet in grain. It is\nthese wars that make the maritime powers of Europe, the inhabitants\nof London and Paris, pay dearer for sugar than those of Vienna, a\nthousand miles from the sea; because their sugar costs not only the\nprice they pay for it by the pound, but all they pay in taxes to\nmaintain the fleets and armies that fight for it.\n\n With great esteem, I am, Sir,\n\n Your most obedient humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[30] This letter and the annexed paper on the Gulph stream, are taken\nfrom the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, in which\nthey were read December 2, 1785. _Editor._\n\n[31] The motion of the vessel made it inconvenient to try this simple\nexperiment at sea, when the proposal of it was written. But it has\nbeen tried since we came on shore, and succeeded as the other.\n\n[32] Captain Truxton, on board whose ship this was written, has\nexecuted this proposed machine; he has given six arms to the\numbrella, they are joined to the stem by iron hinges, and the canvas\nis double. He has taken it with him to China. February, 1786.\n\n[33] Since this paper was read at the Society, an ingenious member,\nMr. Patterson, has convinced the writer that the returning voyage\nwould not, from this cause, be retarded.\n\n[34] See the Paper referred to, Vol. I. p. 376. _Editor._\n\n[35] See Vol. II. p. 104. _Editor._\n\n\n[Illustration:\n\n _Plate VII. Vol. II. page 197._\n\n A\n CHART\n of The\n _GULPH STREAM_.\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\n\n _Remarks upon the Navigation from Newfoundland to New-York, in\n order to avoid the Gulph Stream on one hand, and on the other the\n Shoals that lie to the Southward of Nantucket and of St. George's\n Banks._\n\n\nAfter you have passed the banks of Newfoundland in about the 44th\ndegree of latitude, you will meet with nothing, till you draw near\nthe Isle of Sables, which we commonly pass in latitude 43. Southward\nof this isle, the current is found to extend itself as far north as\n41\u00b0 20\u2032 or 30\u2032, then it turns towards the E. S. E. or S. E. \u00bc E.\n\nHaving passed the Isle of Sables, shape your course for the St.\nGeorge's Banks, so as to pass them in about latitude 40\u00b0, because the\ncurrent southward of those banks reaches as far north as 39\u00b0. The\nshoals of those banks lie in 41\u00b0 35\u2032.\n\nAfter having passed St. George's Banks, you must, to clear Nantucket,\nform your course so as to pass between the latitudes 38\u00b0 30\u2032 and 40\u00b0\n45\u2032.\n\nThe most southern part of the shoals of Nantucket lie in about 40\u00b0\n45\u2032. The northern part of the current directly to the south of\nNantucket is felt in about latitude 38\u00b0 30\u2032.\n\nBy observing these directions and keeping between the stream and\nthe shoals, the passage from the Banks of Newfoundland to New-York,\nDelaware, or Virginia, may be considerably shortened; for so you will\nhave the advantage of the eddy current, which moves contrary to the\nGulph Stream. Whereas if to avoid the shoals you keep too far to the\nsouthward, and get into that stream, you will be retarded by it at\nthe rate of 60 or 70 miles a day.\n\nThe Nantucket whale-men being extremely well acquainted with the\nGulph Stream, its course, strength, and extent, by their constant\npractice of whaling on the edges of it, from their island quite down\nto the Bahamas, this draft of that stream was obtained from one of\nthem, Captain Folges, and caused to be engraved on the old chart in\nLondon, for the benefit of navigators, by\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n_Note_, The Nantucket captains who are acquainted with this stream,\nmake their voyages from England to Boston in as short a time\ngenerally as others take in going from Boston to England, viz. from\ntwenty to thirty days.\n\nA stranger may know when he is in the Gulph Stream, by the warmth\nof the water, which is much greater than that of the water on each\nside of it. If then he is bound to the westward, he should cross the\nstream to get out of it as soon as possible.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\n OBSERVATIONS _of the Warmth of the_ SEA-WATER, &c. _by Fahrenheit's\n Thermometer, in crossing the Gulph Stream; with other Remarks made\n on board the Pennsylvania Packet, Capt. Osborne, bound from London\n to Philadelphia, in April and May, 1775_.\n\n\n ------------------------------------------------------------------------\n |Date| Hour |Temp|Temp |Wind|Course|Dist-| Lat |Long | Remarks. |\n | | | of | of | | |ance | N. | W. | |\n | | | Air|Water| | | | | | |\n |----+-------+----+-----+----+------+-----+-----+-----+------------------|\n | Apr| | | | | | | | | |\n | 10| | | 62 | | | | | | |\n | 11| | | 61 | | | | | | |\n | 12| | | 64 | | | | | | |\n | 13| | | 65 | | | | | | |\n | 14| | | 65 | | | | \u00b0 \u2032| \u00b0 \u2032| |\n | 26| | 60 | 70 | | | |37 39|60 38|Much gulph weed; |\n | | | | | | | | | | saw a whale. |\n | 27| | 60 | 70 | SSE| WbS | |37 13|62 29|Colour of water |\n | | | | | | | | | | changed. |\n | 28| 8 A.M.| 70 | 64 | SW | WNW | |37 48|64 35|No gulph weed. |\n | --| 6 P.M.| 67 | 60 | | | 34 | | |Sounded, no bottom|\n | 29| 8 A.M.| 63 | 71 | N | W | 44 |37 26|66 0|Much light in the |\n | | | | | | | | | | water last night.|\n | --| 5 P.M.| 65 | 72 | NE | | 57 | | |Water again of the|\n | --|11 dit.| 66 | 66 |NWbN| WbS | 57 | | | usual deep sea |\n | 30| 8 A.M.| 64 | 70 | NE | WbN | 69 | | | colour, little or|\n | | | | | | | | | | no light in it at|\n | | | | | | | | | | night. |\n | --|12 | 62 | 70 | | EbS | 24 |37 20|68 53|Freq. gulph weed, |\n | --| 6 P.M.| 64 | 72 | ESE| WbN | 43 | | | water continues of\n | | | | | | | | | | sea colour, little\n | | | | | | | | | | light. |\n | --|10 dit.| 65 | 65 | S | | 25 | | |Much light. |\n | May| | | | | | | | | |\n | 1| 7 A.M.| 68 | 63 | | | 60 | | |Much light all |\n | | | | | | | | | | last night. |\n | --|12 | 65 | 56 | SSW| WNW | 44 |38 13|72 2 |Colour of water |\n | | | | | | | | | | changed. |\n | --| 4 P.M.| 64 | 56 | | WbN | 21 | | | |\n | --|10 dit.| 64 | 57 | SW | WNW | 31 | | |Much light. |\n | 2| 8 A.M.| 62 | 53 | | | 18 |38 43|74 3|Much light. Thunder\n | | | | | | | | | | -gust. |\n | --|12 | 60 | 53 | WSW| NW | 18 | | | |\n | --| 6 P.M.| 64 | 55 | NW| WSW | 15 | | | |\n | --|10 | 65 | 55 | NbW| WbN | 10 | | | |\n | 3| 7 A.M.| 62 | 54 | | | 30 |38 30|75 0| |\n ------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n\n\n OBSERVATIONS _of the Warmth of the_ SEA-WATER, &c. _by Fahrenheit's\n Thermometer; with other Remarks made on board the Reprisal, Capt.\n Wycks, bound from Philadelphia to France, in October and November,\n 1776_.\n\n ------------------------------------------------------------------------\n |Date |Hour|Hour|Temp|Temp |Wind|Course|Dist-| Lat |Long | Remarks |\n | |A.M.|P.M.| of | of | | |ance | N. | W. | |\n | | | | Air|Water| | | | | | |\n |-----+----+----+----+-----+----+------+-----+-----+-----+---------------\n | Oct | | | | | | | | | |Left the capes |\n | 31| 10 | | 76 | 70 |SSE | EbS | 135 |38 12|70 30|Thursday night,|\n | --| | 4 | | 71 | | | | | |Oct 29, 1776 |\n | Nov | | | | | | | | | | |\n | 1| 10 | | | 78 |WSW | E\u00bdN | 109 |No ob|68 12| |\n | --| | 4 | 71 | 81 | | | | | | |\n | 2| 8 | | 71 | 75 | N | | | | |Some sparks in |\n | --| 12 | | | 78 | | | 141 |ditto|65 23|the water these|\n | --| | 4 | 67 | 76 | | | | | |two last nights|\n | 3| 8 | | | 76 | NW | ESE\u00bdE| | | | |\n | --| 12 | | | 76 | | EbS | 160 |37 0|62 7| |\n | --| | 4 | 70 | 76 | | | | | | |\n | 4| 9 | | 68 | 76 | | NbE | | | |Ditto. |\n | --| | 1 | | 76 | | | 194 |36 26|58 8| |\n | --| | 4 | 68 | 76 | | | | | | |\n | --| | 8 | | 78 | | | | | | |\n | 5| 8 | | 68 | 76 | | NE | | | |Ditto. |\n | --| 12 | | 70 | 75 | | | 163 |35 21|55 3| |\n | --| | 4 | | 75 | | | | | | |\n | --| | 8 | | 75 | | | | | | |\n | 6| 8 | | | 76 |EbN | S50E | | | | |\n | --| 12 | | | 77 | | | 7 |35 33|53 52| |\n | 7| 8 | | | 78 |SEbE| N30W | | | | |\n | --| 12 | | | 77 | | | 108 |36 6|52 46| |\n | --| | 4 | | 77 | | | | | | |\n | 8| 9 | | 75 | 77 |SbE | N49E | | | | |\n | --| 12 | | | 77 | | | 175 |38 2|50 1| |\n | --| | 4 | | 77 | | | | | | |\n | 9| 9 | | 75 | 77 | | | | | | |\n | --| 12 | | 75 | 70 | SW | N33E | 175 |39 39|46 55| |\n ------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n OBSERVATIONS MADE ON BOARD THE REPRISAL, CONTINUED.\n\n ------------------------------------------------------------------------\n |Date.|Hour|Hour|Temp|Temp |Wind|Course|Dist-| Lat |Long |Remarks. |\n | |A.M.|P.M.| of | of | | |ance | N. | W. | |\n | | | | Air|Water| | | | | | |\n |-----+----+----+----+-----+----+------+-----+-----+-----+---------------\n | Nov | | | | | | | | | | |\n | 9 | | 4 | | 71 | | | | | | |\n | 10 | 8 | | 70 | 68 | | | | | | |\n | -- | 12 | | | 64 | E |N 17 E| 64 |40 39|46 27| |\n | 11 | 8 | | | 63 | | | | | | |\n | -- | 12 | | | 61 |S E |N 8 E | 41 |41 19|46 19| |\n | 12 | 8 | | 56 | 59 | | | | | | |\n | -- | | 4 | | 69 |NNW |N 80 E| 120 |41 39|43 42| |\n | 13 | all day | | 68 | E |S 82 E| 69 |41 29|42 10| |\n | 14 | 8 | | 70 | 70 | |N 74 E| 111 |42 0|39 57| |\n | -- | |Noon| | 72 |ESE | | | | | |\n | -- | | 4 | | 71 | | | | | | |\n | 15 | 8 | | 61 | 69 | | | | | | |\n | -- | |Noon| | 68 |WSW |N 70 E| 186 |43 3|35 51| |\n | -- | | 4 | | 67 | | | | | | |\n | 16 | |Noon| 65 | 67 |S W |N 67 W| 48 |43 22|34 50| |\n | -- | | 4 | | 63 | | | | | | |\n | 17 | 8 | | | 63 |ESE |N 19 E| 56 |44 15|34 25| |\n | 18 | all day | | 65 |SbW |N 75 E| 210 |45 6|29 43|Some gulph weed|\n | 19 | |Noon| 65 | 64 |S W |N 80 E| 238 |45 46|24 2| |\n | 20 | 8 | | | 62 | N |S 80 E| 155 |45 19|20 30| |\n | -- | | 4 | | 60 | | | | | | |\n | 21 | 9 | | | 62 | S |N 88 E| 94 |45 22|18 17| |\n | 22 | 10 | | 60 | 62 |SSW |S 89 E| 133 |45 19|15 19| |\n | 23 | |Noon| | 61 |WSW |S 86 E| 194 |45 6|10 35| |\n | 24 | | do.| | 60 |NNE |N 78 E| 191 |45 46| 6 10| |\n | 25 | | do.| | 60 |N E |S 76 E| 125 |45 4| 3 23| |\n | 26 | | do.| 56 | 60 | E |N 73 E| 31 |45 13| 2 20| |\n | 27 | | do.| | 58 | | | | | |Soundings off |\n | 28 | | do.| 54 | 56 | | | | | | Bellisle. |\n ------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n\n\n _A Journal of a Voyage from the Channel between France and England\n towards America._\n\n -------------------------------------------------------------------------\n | | | |Therm. AM|Therm. PM| | | |Varia-| |\n | | | |---------|---------| | |Dis- |tion | |\n |Date|Latit.|Long.|Air|Water|Air|Water|Winds|Course|tance |of the| |\n | | N. | W. | | | | | | | |Needle| |\n | | | | | | | | | |Miles.| West.| |\n |----|------|-----|---|-----|---|-----|-----|------|------|------| |\n |July| | | | | | | | | | | |\n | 29 | | | 62| 57 | | | {These are taken on an} | |\n | 30 | | | 62| 58 | 63| 58 | {average of 24 hours. } | |\n | 31 | | | 60| 58 | 62| 62 | | | | | |\n |Aug | | | | | | | | | | | |\n | 1 |49 15 | 4 15| 63| 62 | 60| 64 |East |SW \u00bdW | 60 |22\u00b0 0 | |\n | 2 |48 28 | 8 58| 64| 64 | 64| 63 |E S E|WbS \u00bdS| 174 | | |\n | 3 |47 0 |12 13| 60| 67 | omitted |N E |SW bW | 160 | | |\n | 4 |45 0 |15 43| 66| 66 |do.| 66 |NW bW|SW \u00bdW | 190 | | |\n | 5 |43 5 |17 25| 67| 65 | 65| 68 |N E |SW bS | 131 |20 0 | |\n | 6 |41 3 |19 44| 70| 68 | 71| 69 |N E |SW \u00bdS | 166 |16 30 | |\n | 7 |38 45 |21 34| 70| 70 | 68| 70 |N E |SSW \u00beW| 165 |11 30 | |\n | 8 |36 42 |23 10| 72| 71 | 73| 72 |N E |SSW \u00beW| 149 |11 15 | |\n | 9 |35 40 |25 40| 73| 73 | 73| 74 |N E |WSW \u00bcS| 137 | --|--------|\n | 10 |35 0 |27 0| 71| 73 | 77| 75 |N W |WSW \u00beS| 76 | |Therm|Noon|\n | 11 |33 51 |28 42| 74| 74 | 76| 77 |North|SW \u00beW | 112 | |-----|----|\n | 12 |33 30 |31 30| 76| 75 | 76| 76 |North|W \u00beS | 143 | | A. | W. |\n | 13 |33 17 |33 32| 76| 76 | 78| 77 |N E |W \u00bd S | 103 | | 77 | 78 |\n | 14 |33 22 |34 31| 76| 76 | 81| 79 |S S E|W \u00bd N | 50 | | 81 | 79 |\n | 15 |33 45 |35 0| 78| 79 | 79| 78 |W N W|SW \u00bcW | 35 | | 79 | 79 |\n | 16 |34 14 |35 30| 79| 78 | 81| 80 |West |NW \u00bdN | 38 | | 81 | 80 |\n | 17 |35 37 |36 4| 80| 79 | 80| 78 |W S W|N N W | 75 | | 80 | 78 |\n | 18 |36 7 |37 16| 80| 78 | omitted |NW bW|WNW \u00bdN| 65 | | 80 | 79 |\n | 19 |36 38 |38 0| 78| 77 | 78| 77 |W S W|NW \u00bdW | 49 | | 79 | 77 |\n -------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n _Journal of a Voyage, &c. continued._\n\n\n -------------------------------------------------------------------------\n | | | |Therm. AM|Therm. PM| | | |Varia-|Therm. |\n | | | |---------|---------| | |Dis- |tion |at Noon.|\n |Date|Latit.|Long.|Air|Water|Air|Water|Winds|Course|tance |of the|--------|\n | | N. | W. | | | | | | | |Needle| | |\n | | | | | | | | | |Miles.| West.| A.| W. |\n |----|------|-----|---|-----|---|-----|-----|------|------|------|--------|\n |Aug | | | | | | | | | | / |\n | 20 |37 38 |38 6| 78| 76 | omitted |West |N \u00bc W | 62 | | 77 | 75 |\n | 21 |36 15 |38 26| 73| 74 | 78| 76 |W N W|S b W | 82 | | 77 | 75 |\n | 22 |35 40 |38 44| 7 | 76 | 80| 77 |W b S|S S W | 38 | | 80 | 77 |\n | 23 |35 35 |40 52| 7 | 77 | 78| 75 |North|W \u00bc S | 100 | | omitted.|\n | 24 |35 12 |41 31| 75| 73 | 75| 74 |W N W|S WbW | 41 | | 75 | 74 |\n | 25 |35 40 |42 33| 79| 76 | 79| 76 |W b N|W NW\u00beN| 60 | | 80 | 76 |\n | 26 |35 30 |42 44| 79| 76 | 80| 76 |S WbW|S W\u00bdS | 14 | | 80 | 76 |\n | 27 |35 14 |43 23| 79| 77 | 81| 79 |West |W SW\u00bcS| 38 | | 81 | 78 |\n | 28 |34 23 |44 0| 7 | 76 | 78| 78 |N N E|S WbS | 60 | | 78 | 78 |\n | 29 |34 12 |45 52| 77| 78 | 78| 78 |N E |W \u00bc S | 94 | 8\u00b0 0| 79 | 78 |\n | 30 |34 5 |48 31| 78| 78 | 78| 78 |East |W \u00bd S | 134 | | 78 | 78 |\n | 31 |34 20 |51 4| 80| 79 | 81| 79 |East |W \u00be S | 129 | | 80 | 80 |\n |Sep | | | | | | | | | | | | |\n | 1 |34 20 |52 47| 81| 78 | omitted |S S W|W \u00bc N | 86 | | 83 | 80 |\n | 2 |34 55 |55 12| 81| 80 | 83| 80 |S W |WbN \u00bdW| 125 | | 83 | 80 |\n | 3 |35 30 |57 24| 83| 80 | 83| 80 |S WbS|WbN \u00bdN| 114 | 6\u00b0 0| 84 | 81 |\n | 4 |35 50 |59 1| 82| 80 | 83| 80 |S W\u00bdW|WbN \u00bcN| 82 | | 83 | 81 |\n | 5 |35 55 |61 0| 81| 80 | 82| 81 |S S W|W \u00bc N | 96 | | 82 | 81 |\n | 6 |36 20 |62 30| 80| 81 | 79| 80 |N WbN|W b N | 75 | | 78 | 80 |\n | 7 |34 50 |63 10| 87| 80 | 78| 81 |N WbN|S S W | 86 | | 78 | 81 |\n | 8 |34 45 |64 40| 75| 79 | 75| 79 |North|W \u00bc S | 74 | | 75 | 79 |\n | 9 |35 43 |66 42| 75| 79 | 77| 73 |N E |W N W | 108 | | 78 | 80 |\n | 10 |37 20 |68 40| 77| 73 | 77| 70 |E N E|N W | 126 | | 78 | 72 |\n -------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\nN.B. Longitude is reckoned from London, and the Thermometer is\naccording to Fahrenheit.\n\n\nOBSERVATIONS.\n\n July 31. At one P.M. the Start bore WNW. distant six leagues.\n\n August 1. The water appears luminous in the ship's wake.\n\n ---- 2. The temperature of the water is taken at eight in the\n morning and at eight in the evening.\n\n ---- 6. The water appears less luminous.\n\n ---- 7. Formegas SW. dist 32\u00bd deg. St. Mary's SW\u00bdS. 33 leagues.\n\n ---- 8. From this date the temperature of the water is taken at\n eight in the morning and at six in the evening.\n\n ---- 10. Moonlight, which prevents the luminous appearance of the\n water.\n\n ---- 11. A strong southerly current.\n\n ---- 12. Ditto. From this date the temperature of the air and water\n was taken at noon, as well as morning and evening.\n\n ---- 16. Northerly current.\n\n ---- 19. First saw gulph weed.\n\n ---- 21. Southerly current.\n\n ---- 22. Again saw gulph weed.\n\n ---- 24. The water appeared luminous in a small degree before the\n moon rose.\n\n ---- 29. No moon, yet very little light in the water.\n\n ---- 30. Much gulph weed to-day.\n\n ---- 31. Ditto.\n\n Sept. 1. Ditto.\n\n ---- 2. A little more light in the water.\n\n ---- 4. No gulph weed to-day. More light in the water.\n\n ---- 5. Some gulph weed again.\n\n ---- 6. Little light in the water. A very hard thunder-gust in the\n night.\n\n ---- 7. Little gulph weed.\n\n ---- 8. More light in the water. Little gulph weed.\n\n ---- 9. Little gulph weed. Little light in the water last evening.\n\n ---- 10. Saw some beds of rock-weed; and we were surprised to\n observe the water six degrees colder by the thermometer than the\n preceding noon.\n\n This day (10th) the thermometer still kept descending, and at five\n in the morning of the 11th, it was in water as low as 70, when\n we struck soundings. The same evening the pilot came on board,\n and we found our ship about five degrees of longitude a-head of\n the reckoning, which our captain accounted for by supposing our\n course to have been near the edge of the gulph stream, and thus\n an eddy-current always in our favour. By the distance we ran from\n Sept. 9, in the evening, till we struck soundings, we must have\n then been at the western edge of the gulph stream, and the change\n in the temperature of the water was probably owing to our suddenly\n passing from that current, into the waters of our own climate.\n\n On the 14th of August the following experiment was made. The\n weather being perfectly calm, an empty bottle, corked very tight,\n was sent down 20 fathoms, and it was drawn up still empty. It was\n then sent down again 35 fathoms, when the weight of the water\n having forced in the cork, it was drawn up full; the water it\n contained was immediately tried by the thermometer, and found to be\n 70, which was six degrees colder than at the surface: the lead and\n bottle were visible, but not very distinctly so, at the depth of\n 12 fathoms, but when only 7 fathoms deep, they were perfectly seen\n from the ship. This experiment was thus repeated Sept. 11, when we\n were in soundings of 18 fathoms. A keg was previously prepared with\n a valve at each end, one opening inward, the other outward; this\n was sent to the bottom in expectation that by the valves being both\n open when going down, and both shut when coming up, it would keep\n within it the water received at bottom. The upper valve performed\n its office well, but the under one did not shut quite close, so\n that much of the water was lost in hauling it up the ship's side.\n As the water in the keg's passage upwards could not enter at the\n top, it was concluded that what water remained in it was of that\n near the ground, and on trying this by the thermometer, it was\n found to be at 58, which was 12 degrees colder than at the surface.\n\n\n _This last Journal was obligingly kept for me by Mr. J. Williams,\n my fellow-passenger in the London Packet, who made all the\n experiments with great exactness._\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. O. N[36].\n\n _On the Art of Swimming._\n\n\n [No date.]\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI cannot be of opinion with you that it is too late in life for you\nto learn to swim. The river near the bottom of your garden affords\na most convenient place for the purpose. And as your new employment\nrequires your being often on the water, of which you have such a\ndread, I think you would do well to make the trial; nothing being\nso likely to remove those apprehensions as the consciousness of\nan ability to swim to the shore, in case of an accident, or of\nsupporting yourself in the water till a boat could come to take you\nup.\n\nI do not know how far corks or bladders may be useful in learning to\nswim, having never seen much trial of them. Possibly they may be of\nservice in supporting the body while you are learning what is called\nthe stroke, or that manner of drawing in and striking out the hands\nand feet that is necessary to produce progressive motion. But you\nwill be no swimmer till you can place some confidence in the power of\nthe water to support you; I would therefore advise the acquiring that\nconfidence in the first place; especially as I have known several\nwho, by a little of the practice necessary for that purpose, have\ninsensibly acquired the stroke, taught as it were by nature.\n\nThe practice I mean is this. Chusing a place where the water deepens\ngradually, walk coolly into it till it is up to your breast, then\nturn round, your face to the shore, and throw an egg into the water\nbetween you and the shore. It will sink to the bottom, and be easily\nseen there, as your water is clear. It must lie in water so deep\nas that you cannot reach it to take it up but by diving for it. To\nencourage yourself in order to do this, reflect that your progress\nwill be from deeper to shallower water, and that at any time you may,\nby bringing your legs under you and standing on the bottom, raise\nyour head far above the water. Then plunge under it with your eyes\nopen, throwing yourself towards the egg, and endeavouring by the\naction of your hands and feet against the water to get forward till\nwithin reach of it. In this attempt you will find, that the water\nbuoys you up against your inclination; that it is not so easy a thing\nto sink as you imagined; that you cannot but by active force get down\nto the egg. Thus you feel the power of the water to support you, and\nlearn to confide in that power; while your endeavours to overcome it,\nand to reach the egg, teach you the manner of acting on the water\nwith your feet and hands, which action is afterwards used in swimming\nto support your head higher above water, or to go forward through it.\n\nI would the more earnestly press you to the trial of this method,\nbecause, though I think I satisfied you that your body is lighter\nthan water, and that you might float in it a long time with your\nmouth free for breathing, if you would put yourself in a proper\nposture, and would be still and forbear struggling; yet till you have\nobtained this experimental confidence in the water, I cannot depend\non your having the necessary presence of mind to recollect that\nposture and the directions I gave you relating to it. The surprize\nmay put all out of your mind. For though we value ourselves on being\nreasonable knowing creatures, reason and knowledge seem on such\noccasions to be of little use to us; and the brutes to whom we allow\nscarce a glimmering of either, appear to have the advantage of us.\n\nI will, however, take this opportunity of repeating, those\nparticulars to you, which I mentioned in our last conversation, as,\nby perusing them at your leisure, you may possibly imprint them so in\nyour memory as on occasion to be of some use to you.\n\n1. That though the legs, arms, and head, of a human body, being solid\nparts, are specifically something heavier than fresh water, yet the\ntrunk, particularly the upper part, from its hollowness, is so much\nlighter than water, as that the whole of the body taken together\nis too light to sink wholly under water, but some part will remain\nabove, until the lungs become filled with water, which happens from\ndrawing water into them instead of air, when a person in the fright\nattempts breathing while the mouth and nostrils are under water.\n\n2. That the legs and arms are specifically lighter than salt water,\nand will be supported by it, so that a human body would not sink\nin salt-water, though the lungs were filled as above, but from the\ngreater specific gravity of the head.\n\n3. That therefore a person throwing himself on his back in salt\nwater, and extending his arms, may easily lie so as to keep his mouth\nand nostrils free for breathing; and by a small motion of his hands\nmay prevent turning, if he should perceive any tendency to it.\n\n4. That in fresh water, if a man throws himself on his back, near\nthe surface, he cannot long continue in that situation but by proper\naction of his hands on the water. If he uses no such action, the legs\nand lower part of the body will gradually sink till he comes into an\nupright position, in which he will continue suspended, the hollow of\nthe breast keeping the head uppermost.\n\n5. But if, in this erect position, the head is kept upright above the\nshoulders, as when we stand on the ground, the immersion will, by the\nweight of that part of the head that is out of water, reach above the\nmouth and nostrils, perhaps a little above the eyes, so that a man\ncannot long remain suspended in water with his head in that position.\n\n6. The body continuing suspended as before, and upright, if the head\nbe leaned quite back, so that the face looks upwards, all the back\npart of the head being then under water, and its weight consequently\nin a great measure supported by it, the face will remain above water\nquite free for breathing, will rise an inch higher every inspiration,\nand sink as much every expiration, but never so low as that the water\nmay come over the mouth.\n\n7. If therefore a person unacquainted with swimming and falling\naccidentally into the water, could have presence of mind sufficient\nto avoid struggling and plunging, and to let the body take this\nnatural position, he might continue long safe from drowning till\nperhaps help would come. For as to the cloaths, their additional\nweight while immersed is very inconsiderable, the water supporting it\nthough, when he comes out of the water, he would find them very heavy\nindeed.\n\nBut, as I said before, I would not advise you or any one to depend on\nhaving this presence of mind on such an occasion, but learn fairly to\nswim; as I wish all men were taught to do in their youth; they would,\non many occurrences, be the safer for having that skill, and on many\nmore the happier, as freer from painful apprehensions of danger,\nto say nothing of the enjoyment in so delightful and wholesome an\nexercise. Soldiers particularly should, methinks, all be taught to\nswim; it might be of frequent use either in surprising an enemy, or\nsaving themselves. And if I had now boys to educate, I should prefer\nthose schools (other things being equal) where an opportunity was\nafforded for acquiring so advantageous an art, which once learned is\nnever forgotten.\n\n I am, Sir, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[36] Oliver Neale. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nON THE SAME SUBJECT,\n\n _In Answer to some Enquiries of M. Dubourg[37]._\n\n\n**** I am apprehensive that I shall not be able to find leisure for\nmaking all the disquisitions and experiments which would be desirable\non this subject. I must, therefore, content myself with a few remarks.\n\nThe specific gravity of some human bodies, in comparison to that\nof water, has been examined by Mr. Robinson, in our Philosophical\nTransactions, volume 50, page 30, for the year 1757. He asserts, that\nfat persons with small bones float most easily upon the water.\n\nThe diving-bell is accurately described in our Transactions.\n\nWhen I was a boy, I made two oval pallets, each about ten inches\nlong, and six broad, with a hole for the thumb, in order to retain it\nfast in the palm of my hand. They much resembled a painter's pallets.\nIn swimming I pushed the edges of these forward, and I struck the\nwater with their flat surfaces as I drew them back. I remember I swam\nfaster by means of these pallets, but they fatigued my wrists. I\nalso fitted to the soles of my feet a kind of sandals; but I was not\nsatisfied with them, because I observed that the stroke is partly\ngiven by the inside of the feet and the ancles, and not entirely with\nthe soles of the feet.\n\nWe have here waistcoats for swimming, which are made of double\nsail-cloth, with small pieces of cork quilted in between them.\n\nI know nothing of the _scaphandre_ of M. de la Chapelle.\n\nI know by experience, that it is a great comfort to a swimmer, who\nhas a considerable distance to go, to turn himself sometimes on\nhis back, and to vary in other respects the means of procuring a\nprogressive motion.\n\nWhen he is seized with the cramp in the leg, the method of driving it\naway is to give to the parts affected a sudden, vigorous and violent\nshock; which he may do in the air as he swims on his back.\n\nDuring the great heats of summer there is no danger in bathing,\nhowever warm we may be, in rivers which have been thoroughly warmed\nby the sun. But to throw oneself into cold spring water, when the\nbody has been heated by exercise in the sun, is an imprudence which\nmay prove fatal. I once knew an instance of four young men, who,\nhaving worked at harvest in the heat of the day, with a view of\nrefreshing themselves plunged into a spring of cold water: two died\nupon the spot, a third the next morning, and the fourth recovered\nwith great difficulty. A copious draught of cold water, in similar\ncircumstances, is frequently attended with the same effect in North\nAmerica.\n\nThe exercise of swimming is one of the most healthy and agreeable in\nthe world. After having swam for an hour or two in the evening, one\nsleeps coolly the whole night, even during the most ardent heat of\nsummer. Perhaps the pores being cleansed, the insensible perspiration\nincreases and occasions this coolness. It is certain that much\nswimming is the means of stopping a diarrh\u0153a, and even of producing a\nconstipation. With respect to those who do not know how to swim, or\nwho are affected with a diarrh\u0153a at a season which does not permit\nthem to use that exercise, a warm bath, by cleansing and purifying\nthe skin, is found very salutary, and often effects a radical cure. I\nspeak from my own experience, frequently repeated, and that of others\nto whom I have recommended this.\n\nYou will not be displeased if I conclude these hasty remarks by\ninforming you, that as the ordinary method of swimming is reduced\nto the act of rowing with the arms and legs, and is consequently\na laborious and fatiguing operation when the space of water to be\ncrossed is considerable; there is a method in which a swimmer may\npass to great distances with much facility, by means of a sail. This\ndiscovery I fortunately made by accident, and in the following manner.\n\nWhen I was a boy I amused myself one day with flying a paper kite;\nand approaching the bank of a pond, which was near a mile broad,\nI tied the string to a stake, and the kite ascended to a very\nconsiderable height above the pond, while I was swimming. In a little\ntime, being desirous of amusing myself with my kite, and enjoying at\nthe same time the pleasure of swimming, I returned; and loosing from\nthe stake the string with the little stick which was fastened to it,\nwent again into the water, where I found, that, lying on my back and\nholding the stick in my hands, I was drawn along the surface of the\nwater in a very agreeable manner. Having then engaged another boy\nto carry my clothes round the pond, to a place which I pointed out\nto him on the other side, I began to cross the pond with my kite,\nwhich carried me quite over without the least fatigue, and with\nthe greatest pleasure imaginable. I was only obliged occasionally\nto halt a little in my course, and resist its progress, when it\nappeared that, by following too quick, I lowered the kite too much;\nby doing which occasionally I made it rise again. I have never since\nthat time practised this singular mode of swimming, though I think\nit not impossible to cross in this manner from Dover to Calais. The\npacket-boat, however, is still preferable. ****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[37] This and the four following extracts of letters to M. Dubourg,\nare re-translated from the French edition of Dr. Franklin's works.\n_Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO M. DUBOURG.\n\n _On the free Use of Air._\n\n\n _London, July 28, 1760._\n\n**** I greatly approve the epithet which you give, in your letter\nof the 8th of June, to the new method of treating the small-pox,\nwhich you call the _tonic_ or bracing method; I will take occasion,\nfrom it, to mention a practice to which I have accustomed myself.\nYou know the cold bath has long been in vogue here as a tonic; but\nthe shock of the cold water has always appeared to me, generally\nspeaking, as too violent, and I have found it much more agreeable\nto my constitution to bathe in another element, I mean cold air.\nWith this view I rise almost every morning, and sit in my chamber\nwithout any clothes whatever, half an hour or an hour, according\nto the season, either reading or writing. This practice is not in\nthe least painful, but, on the contrary, agreeable; and if I return\nto bed afterwards, before I dress myself, as sometimes happens, I\nmake a supplement to my night's rest of one or two hours of the most\npleasing sleep that can be imagined. I find no ill consequences\nwhatever resulting from it, and that at least it does not injure my\nhealth, if it does not in fact contribute much to its preservation. I\nshall therefore call it for the future a _bracing_ or _tonic_ bath.\n****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\n _On the Causes of Colds._\n\n\n _March 10, 1773._\n\n**** I shall not attempt to explain why damp clothes occasion\ncolds, rather than wet ones, because I doubt the fact; I imagine\nthat neither the one nor the other contribute to this effect, and\nthat the causes of colds are totally independent of wet and even of\ncold. I propose writing a short paper on this subject, the first\nmoment of leisure I have at my disposal. In the mean time I can\nonly say, that having some suspicions that the common notion, which\nattributes to cold the property of stopping the pores and obstructing\nperspiration, was ill founded, I engaged a young physician, who is\nmaking some experiments with Sanctorius's balance, to estimate the\ndifferent proportions of his perspiration, when remaining one hour\nquite naked, and another warmly clothed. He pursued the experiment\nin this alternate manner for eight hours successively, and found his\nperspiration almost double during those hours in which he was naked.\n****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\n _Dr. Stark_[38].\n\n\n _May 4, 1773._\n\n**** The young physician whom I mentioned is dead, and all the notes\nwhich he had left of his curious experiments are by some accident\nlost between our friends Sir John Pringle and Dr. Huck (Saunders);\nbut these gentlemen, if the papers cannot be recovered, it is to be\npresumed, will repeat the experiments themselves ****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n _Dr. Lettsom._\n\n _London, August 30, 1769._\n\n**** This letter will be forwarded to you by Dr. Lettsom, a young\nAmerican physician of much merit, and one of the peaceable sect of\nQuakers: you will therefore at least regard him as a curiosity, even\nthough you should have embraced all the opinions of the majority of\nyour countrymen concerning these people ****\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nFROM DR. ----[39] OF BOSTON, TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. OF\nPHILADELPHIA.\n\n _Respecting the Number of Deaths in Philadelphia by Inoculation._\n\n\n _Boston, Aug. 3, 1752._\n\n SIR,\n\nThis comes to you on account of Dr. Douglass: he desired me to write\nto you for what you know of the number that died of the inoculation\nin Philadelphia, telling me he designed to write something on the\nsmall-pox shortly. We shall both be obliged to you for a word on this\naffair.\n\nThe chief particulars of our visitation, you have in the public\nprints. But the less degree of mortality than usual in the common way\nof infection, seems chiefly owing to the purging method designed to\nprevent the secondary fever; a method first begun and carried on in\nthis town, and with success beyond expectation. We lost one in eleven\none-sixth, but had we been experienced in this way, at the first\ncoming of the distemper, probably the proportion had been but one in\nthirteen or fourteen. In the year 1730 we lost one in nine, which is\nmore favourable than ever before with us. The distemper pretty much\nthe same then as now, but some circumstances not so kind this time.\n\nIf there be any particulars which you want to know, please to signify\nwhat they are, and I shall send them.\n\nThe number of our inhabitants decreases[40]. On a strict inquiry,\nthe overseers of the poor find but fourteen thousand one hundred and\nninety Whites, and one thousand five hundred and forty-four Blacks,\nincluding those absent, on account of the small-pox, many of whom, it\nis probable, will never return.\n\nI pass this opportunity without any particulars of my old theme.\nOne thing, however, I must mention, which is, that perhaps my last\nletters contained something that seemed to militate with your\ndoctrine of the _Origin_, &c. But my design was only to relate the\nphenomena as they appeared to me. I have received so much light and\npleasure from your writings, as to prejudice me in favour of every\nthing from your hand, and leave me only liberty to observe, and a\npower of dissenting when some great probability might oblige me: and\nif at any time that be the case, you will certainly hear of it.\n\n I am, Sir, &c.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[38] The works of Dr. Stark, including the experiments alluded to,\nhave since been published. _Editor._\n\n[39] Dr. Perkins. _Editor._\n\n[40] Boston is an old town, and was formerly the seat of all the\ntrade of the country, that was carried on by sea. New towns, and\nports, have, of late, divided the trade with it, and diminished its\ninhabitants, though the inhabitants of the country, in general, have\ngreatly increased.\n\n\n\n\nFROM BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. OF PHILADELPHIA.\n\n _In Answer to the preceding._\n\n\n _Philadelphia, Aug. 13, 1752._\n\n SIR,\n\nI received your favour of the 3d instant. Some time last winter I\nprocured from one of our physicians an account of the number of\npersons inoculated during the five visitations of the small-pox we\nhave had in twenty-two years; which account I sent to Mr. W. V. of\nyour town, and have no copy. If I remember right, the number exceeded\neight hundred, and the deaths were but four. I suppose Mr. V. will\nshow you the account, if he ever received it. Those four were all\nthat our doctors allow to have died of the small-pox by inoculation,\nthough I think there were two more of the inoculated who died of the\ndistemper; but the eruptions appearing soon after the operation, it\nis supposed they had taken the infection before, in the common way.\n\nI shall be glad to see what Dr. Douglass may write on the subject. I\nhave a French piece printed at Paris, 1724, entitled, _Observations\nsur la Saign\u00e9e du Pied, et sur la Purgation au commencement de la\nPetite Verole, & Raisons de doubte contre l' Inoculation._--A letter\nof the doctor's is mentioned in it. If he or you have it not, and\ndesire to see it, I will send it.--Please to favour me with the\nparticulars of your purging method, to prevent the secondary fever.\n\nI am indebted for your preceding letter, but business sometimes\nobliges one to postpone philosophical amusements. Whatever I\nhave wrote of that kind, are really, as they are entitled, but\n_Conjectures_ and _Suppositions_; which ought always to give place,\nwhen careful observation militates against them. I own I have too\nstrong a penchant to the building of hypotheses; they indulge my\nnatural indolence: I wish I had more of your patience and accuracy in\nmaking observations, on which, alone, true philosophy can be founded.\nAnd, I assure you, nothing can be more obliging to me, than your kind\ncommunication of those you make, however they may disagree with my\npre-conceived notions.\n\nI am sorry to hear that the number of your inhabitants decreases. I\nsome time since, wrote a small paper of _Thoughts on the peopling of\nCountries_[41], which, if I can find, I will send you, to obtain your\nsentiments. The favourable opinion you express of my writings, may,\nyou see, occasion you more trouble than you expected from,\n\n Sir, yours, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[41] This paper will be found in a subsequent part of the present\nvolume. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN, ESQ.\n\n _On the Effects of Lead upon the human Constitution[42]._\n\n\n _Philadelphia, July 31, 1786._\n\n DEAR FRIEND,\n\nI recollect that when I had last the pleasure of seeing you at\nSouthampton, now a twelvemonth since, we had some conversation on\nthe bad effects of lead taken inwardly; and that at your request I\npromised to send you in writing a particular account of several facts\nI then mentioned to you, of which you thought some good use might be\nmade. I now sit down to fulfil that promise.\n\nThe first thing I remember of this kind was a general discourse\nin Boston when I was a boy, of a complaint from North Carolina\nagainst New-England rum, that it poisoned their people, giving\nthem the dry-belly-ach, with a loss of the use of their limbs. The\ndistilleries being examined on the occasion, it was found, that\nseveral of them used leaden still-heads and worms, and the physicians\nwere of opinion, that the mischief was occasioned by that use of\nlead. The legislature of Massachussetts thereupon passed an act,\nprohibiting, under severe penalties, the use of such still-heads and\nworms hereafter.\n\nIn 1724, being in London, I went to work in the printing-house of Mr.\nPalmer, Bartholomew-close, as a compositor. I there found a practice,\nI had never seen before, of drying a case of types (which are wet in\ndistribution) by placing it sloping before the fire.\n\nI found this had the additional advantage, when the types were not\nonly dried but heated, of being comfortable to the hands working over\nthem in cold weather. I therefore sometimes heated my case when the\ntypes did not want drying. But an old workman observing it advised me\nnot to do so, telling me I might lose the use of my hands by it, as\ntwo of our companions had nearly done, one of whom, that used to earn\nhis guinea a week, could not then make more than ten shillings, and\nthe other, who had the dangles, but seven and sixpence. This, with a\nkind of obscure pain, that I had sometimes felt, as it were, in the\nbones of my hand when working over the types made very hot, induced\nme to omit the practice. But talking afterwards with Mr. James, a\nletter-founder in the same Close, and asking him if his people, who\nworked over the little furnaces of melted metal, were not subject to\nthat disorder; he made light of any danger from the effluvia, but\nascribed it to particles of the metal swallowed with their food by\nslovenly workmen, who went to their meals after handling the metal,\nwithout well washing their fingers, so that some of the metalline\nparticles were taken off by their bread and eaten with it. This\nappeared to have some reason in it. But the pain I had experienced\nmade me still afraid of those effluvia.\n\nBeing in Derbyshire at some of the furnaces for smelting of lead\nore, I was told, that the smoke of those furnaces was pernicious to\nthe neighbouring grass and other vegetables; but I do not recollect\nto have heard any thing of the effect of such vegetables eaten by\nanimals. It may be well to make the enquiry.\n\nIn America I have often observed, that on the roofs of our\nshingled-houses, where moss is apt to grow in northern exposures,\nif there be any thing on the roof painted with white lead, such as\nbalusters, or frames of dormant windows, &c. there is constantly a\nstreak on the shingles from such paint down to the eaves, on which\nno moss will grow, but the wood remains constantly clean and free\nfrom it. We seldom drink rain-water that fall on our houses; and\nif we did, perhaps the small quantity of lead descending from such\npaint might not be sufficient to produce any sensible ill-effect\non our bodies. But I have been told of a case in Europe, I forget\nthe place, where a whole family was afflicted with what we call\nthe dry-belly-ach, or _colica pictorum_, by drinking rain-water.\nIt was at a country-seat, which, being situated too high to have\nthe advantage of a well, was supplied with water from a tank, which\nreceived the water from the leaded roofs. This had been drank several\nyears without mischief, but some young trees planted near the house\ngrowing up above the roof, and shedding their leaves upon it, it\nwas supposed, that an acid in those leaves had corroded the lead\nthey covered, and furnished the water of that year with its baneful\nparticles and qualities.\n\nWhen I was in Paris with Sir John Pringle in 1767, he visited _La\nCharit\u00e9_, an hospital particularly famous for the cure of that\nmalady, and brought from thence a pamphlet, containing a list of\nthe names of persons, specifying their professions or trades, who\nhad been cured there. I had the curiosity to examine that list,\nand found, that all the patients were of trades, that some way or\nother use or work in lead; such as plumbers, glaziers, painters, &c.\nexcepting only two kinds, stone-cutters and soldiers. In them, I\ncould not reconcile it to my notion, that lead was the cause of that\ndisorder. But on my mentioning it to a physician of that hospital, he\ninformed me, that the stone-cutters are continually using melted lead\nto fix the ends of iron balustrades in stone; and that the soldiers\nhad been employed by painters as labourers in grinding of colours.\n\nThis, my dear friend, is all I can at present recollect on the\nsubject. You will see by it, that the opinion of this mischievous\neffect from lead, is at least above sixty years old; and you will\nobserve with concern how long a useful truth may be known and exist,\nbefore it is generally received and practised on.\n\n I am, ever, yours most affectionately,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[42] This letter is taken from a work by Dr. John Hunter, entitled\n_Observations on the Diseases of the Army_. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO M. DUBOURG[43].\n\n _Observations on the prevailing Doctrines of Life and Death._\n\n\n**** Your observations on the causes of death, and the experiments\nwhich you propose for recalling to life those who appear to be killed\nby lightning, demonstrate equally your sagacity and your humanity. It\nappears, that the doctrines of life and death, in general, are yet\nbut little understood.\n\nA toad buried in sand will live, it is said, till the sand becomes\npetrified: and then, being inclosed in the stone, it may still live\nfor we know not how many ages. The facts which are cited in support\nof this opinion are too numerous, and too circumstantial, not to\ndeserve a certain degree of credit. As we are accustomed to see all\nthe animals, with which we are acquainted, eat and drink, it appears\nto us difficult to conceive, how a toad can be supported in such\na dungeon: but if we reflect, that the necessity of nourishment,\nwhich animals experience in their ordinary state, proceeds from the\ncontinual waste of their substance by perspiration, it will appear\nless incredible, that some animals in a torpid state, perspiring\nless because they use no exercise, should have less need of aliment;\nand that others, which are covered with scales or shells, which\nstop perspiration, such as land and sea-turtles, serpents, and some\nspecies of fish, should be able to subsist a considerable time\nwithout any nourishment whatever.--A plant, with its flowers, fades\nand dies immediately, if exposed to the air without having its\nroot immersed in a humid soil, from which it may draw a sufficient\nquantity of moisture to supply that which exhales from its substance\nand is carried off continually by the air. Perhaps, however, if it\nwere buried in quicksilver, it might preserve for a considerable\nspace of time its vegetable life, its smell and colour. If this be\nthe case, it might prove a commodious method of transporting from\ndistant countries those delicate plants, which are unable to sustain\nthe inclemency of the weather at sea, and which require particular\ncare and attention. I have seen an instance of common flies preserved\nin a manner somewhat similar. They had been drowned in Madeira wine,\napparently about the time when it was bottled in Virginia, to be\nsent hither (to London). At the opening of one of the bottles, at\nthe house of a friend where I then was, three drowned flies fell\ninto the first glass that was filled. Having heard it remarked, that\ndrowned flies were capable of being revived by the rays of the sun,\nI proposed making the experiment upon these: they were therefore\nexposed to the sun upon a sieve, which had been employed to strain\nthem out of the wine. In less than three hours, two of them began by\ndegrees to recover life. They commenced by some convulsive motions\nof the thighs, and at length they raised themselves upon their legs,\nwiped their eyes with their fore-feet, beat and brushed their wings\nwith their hind-feet, and soon after began to fly, finding themselves\nin Old England, without knowing how they came thither. The third\ncontinued lifeless till sunset, when, losing all hopes of him, he was\nthrown away.\n\nI wish it were possible, from this instance, to invent a method of\nembalming drowned persons, in such a manner that they may be recalled\nto life at any period, however distant; for having a very ardent\ndesire to see and observe the state of America an hundred years\nhence, I should prefer to any ordinary death, the being immersed in a\ncask of Madeira wine, with a few friends till that time, to be then\nrecalled to life by the solar warmth of my dear country! But since in\nall probability we live in an age too early and too near the infancy\nof science, to hope to see such an art brought in our time to its\nperfection, I must for the present content myself with the treat,\nwhich you are so kind as to promise me, of the resurrection of a fowl\nor a turkey-cock.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[43] This letter is translated from the French edition of Dr.\nFranklin's works. It has no date, but the letter to which it is an\nanswer is dated 15th April, 1773.\n\n\n\n\n _An Account of the new-invented Pensylvanian Fire-Places: wherein\n their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly\n explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming\n Rooms demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised\n against the Use of them answered and obviated. With Directions for\n putting them up, and for using them to the best Advantage. And a\n Copper-Plate, in which the several parts of the Machine are exactly\n laid down, from a Scale of Equal Parts._\n\n BY B. FRANKLIN.\n\n (First printed at Philadelphia in 1745.)\n\n\nIn these northern colonies the inhabitants keep fires to sit by\ngenerally seven months in the year; that is, from the beginning\nof October, to the end of April; and, in some winters, near eight\nmonths, by taking in part of September and May.\n\nWood, our common fuel, which within these hundred years might be had\nat every man's door, must now be fetched near one hundred miles to\nsome towns, and makes a very considerable article in the expence of\nfamilies.\n\nAs therefore so much of the comfort and conveniency of our lives, for\nso great a part of the year, depends on the article of _fire_; since\nfuel is become so expensive, and (as the country is more cleared and\nsettled) will of course grow scarcer and dearer, any new proposal for\nsaving the wood, and for lessening the charge, and augmenting the\nbenefit of fire, by some particular method of making and managing it,\nmay at least be thought worth consideration.\n\nThe new fire-places are a late invention to that purpose, of which\nthis paper is intended to give a particular account.\n\nThat the reader may the better judge whether this method of managing\nfire has any advantage over those heretofore in use, it may be proper\nto consider both the old and new methods separately and particularly,\nand afterwards make the comparison.\n\nIn order to this, it is necessary to understand well, some few of the\nproperties of air and fire, viz.\n\n1. Air is rarefied by _heat_, and condensed by _cold_, _i. e._ the\nsame quantity of air takes up more space when warm than when cold.\nThis may be shown by several very easy experiments. Take any clear\nglass bottle (a Florence flask stript of the straw is best) place it\nbefore the fire, and as the air within is warmed and rarefied, part\nof it will be driven out of the bottle; turn it up, place its mouth\nin a vessel of water, and remove it from the fire; then, as the air\nwithin cools and contracts, you will see the water rise in the neck\nof the bottle, supplying the place of just so much air as was driven\nout. Hold a large hot coal near the side of the bottle, and as the\nair within feels the heat, it will again distend and force out the\nwater.--Or, fill a bladder not quite full of air, tie the neck tight,\nand lay it before a fire as near as may be without scorching the\nbladder; as the air within heats, you will perceive it to swell and\nfill the bladder, till it becomes tight, as if full blown: remove it\nto a cool place, and you will see it fall gradually, till it becomes\nas lank as at first.\n\n2. Air rarefied and distended by heat is[44] specifically\nlighter than it was before, and will rise in other air of greater\ndensity. As wood, oil, or any other matter specifically lighter than\nwater, if placed at the bottom of a vessel of water, will rise till\nit comes to the top; so rarefied air will rise in common air, till\nit either comes to air of equal weight, or is by cold reduced to its\nformer density.\n\nA fire then being made in any chimney, the air over the fire is\nrarefied by the heat, becomes lighter, and therefore immediately\nrises in the funnel, and goes out; the other air in the room (flowing\ntowards the chimney) supplies its place, is rarefied in its turn, and\nrises likewise; the place of the air thus carried out of the room,\nis supplied by fresh air coming in through doors and windows, or, if\nthey be shut, through every crevice with violence, as may be seen by\nholding a candle to a key-hole: If the room be so tight as that all\nthe crevices together will not supply so much air as is continually\ncarried off, then, in a little time, the current up the funnel must\nflag, and the smoke being no longer driven up, must come into the\nroom.\n\n1. Fire (_i. e._ common fire) throws out light, heat, and smoke (or\nfume.) The two first move in right lines, and with great swiftness,\nthe latter is but just separated from the fuel, and then moves\nonly as it is carried by the stream of rarefied air: and without a\ncontinual accession and recession of air, to carry off the smoaky\nfumes, they would remain crouded about the fire, and stifle it.\n\n2. Heat may be separated from the smoke as well as from the light, by\nmeans of a plate of iron, which will suffer heat to pass through it\nwithout the others.\n\n3. Fire sends out its rays of heat as well as rays of light, equally\nevery way; but the greatest sensible heat is over the fire, where\nthere is, besides the rays of heat shot upwards, a continual rising\nstream of hot air, heated by the rays shot round on every side.\n\nThese things being understood, we proceed to consider the fire-places\nheretofore in use, _viz._\n\n1. The large open fire-places used in the days of our fathers, and\nstill generally in the country, and in kitchens.\n\n2. The newer-fashioned fire-places, with low breasts, and narrow\nhearths.\n\n3. Fire-places with hollow backs, hearths, and jams of iron\n(described by M. Gauger, in his tract entitled, _La Mechanique de\nFeu_) for warming the air as it comes into the room.\n\n4. The Holland stoves, with iron doors opening into the room.\n\n5. The German stoves, which have no opening in the room where they\nare used, but the fire is put in from some other room, or from\nwithout.\n\n6. Iron pots, with open charcoal fires, placed in the middle of a\nroom.\n\n1. The first of these methods has generally the conveniency of two\nwarm seats, one in each corner; but they are sometimes too hot to\nabide in, and, at other times, incommoded with the smoke; there is\nlikewise good room for the cook to move, to hang on pots, &c. Their\ninconveniencies are, that they almost always smoke, if the door be\nnot left open; that they require a large funnel, and a large funnel\ncarries off a great quantity of air, which occasions what is called\na strong draft to the chimney, without which strong draft the smoke\nwould come out of some part or other of so large an opening, so that\nthe door can seldom be shut; and the cold air so nips the backs and\nheels of those that sit before the fire, that they have no comfort\ntill either screens or settles are provided (at a considerable\nexpence) to keep it off, which both cumber the room, and darken the\nfire-side. A moderate quantity of wood on the fire, in so large a\nhearth, seems but little; and, in so strong and cold a draught, warms\nbut little; so that people are continually laying on more. In short,\nit is next to impossible to warm a room with such a fire-place: and I\nsuppose our ancestors never thought of warming rooms to sit in; all\nthey purposed was, to have a place to make a fire in, by which they\nmight warm themselves when cold.\n\n2. Most of these old-fashioned chimneys in towns and cities, have\nbeen, of late years, reduced to the second sort mentioned, by\nbuilding jambs within them, narrowing the hearth, and making a\nlow arch or breast. It is strange, methinks, that though chimneys\nhave been so long in use, their construction should be so little\nunderstood till lately, that no workman pretended to make one which\nshould always carry off all smoke, but a chimney-cloth was looked\nupon as essential to a chimney. This improvement, however, by small\nopenings and low breasts, has been made in our days; and success in\nthe first experiments has brought it into general use in cities, so\nthat almost all new chimneys are now made of that sort, and much\nfewer bricks will make a stack of chimneys now than formerly. An\nimprovement, so lately made, may give us room to believe, that still\nfarther improvements may be found to remedy the inconveniencies yet\nremaining. For these new chimneys, though they keep rooms generally\nfree from smoke, and, the opening being contracted, will allow\nthe door to be shut, yet the funnel still requiring a considerable\nquantity of air, it rushes in at every crevice so strongly, as to\nmake a continual whistling or howling; and it is very uncomfortable,\nas well as dangerous, to sit against any such crevice. Many colds\nare caught from this cause only, it being safer to sit in the open\nstreet, for then the pores do all close together, and the air does\nnot strike so sharply against any particular part of the body.\n\nThe Spaniards have a proverbial saying,\n\n If the wind blows on you through a hole,\n Make your will, and take care of your soul.\n\nWomen particularly, from this cause, as they sit much in the house,\nget colds in the head, rheums and defluctions, which fall into their\njaws and gums, and have destroyed early many a fine set of teeth in\nthese northern colonies. Great and bright fires do also very much\ncontribute to damage the eyes, dry and shrivel the skin, and bring\non early the appearances of old age. In short, many of the diseases\nproceeding from colds, as fevers, pleurisies, &c. fatal to very\ngreat numbers of people, may be ascribed to strong drawing chimneys,\nwhereby, in severe weather, a man is scorched before while he is\nfroze behind.[45] In the mean time, very little is done by these\nchimneys towards warming the room; for the air round the fire-place,\nwhich is warmed by the direct rays from the fire, does not continue\nin the room, but is continually crouded and gathered into the chimney\nby the current of cold air coming behind it, and so is presently\ncarried off.\n\nIn both these sorts of fire-places, the greatest part of the heat\nfrom the fire is lost; for as fire naturally darts heat every way,\nthe back, the two jambs, and the hearth, drink up almost all that is\ngiven them, very little being reflected from bodies so dark, porous,\nand unpolished; and the upright heat, which is by far the greatest,\nflies directly up the chimney. Thus five-sixths at least of the heat\n(and consequently of the fuel) is wasted, and contributes nothing\ntowards warming the room.\n\n3. To remedy this, the Sieur Gauger gives, in his book entitled, La\nMechanique de Feu, published in 1709, seven different constructions\nof the third sort of chimneys mentioned above, in which there are\nhollow cavities made by iron plates in the back, jambs, and hearths,\nthrough which plates the heat passing warms the air in those\ncavities, which is continually coming into the room fresh and warm.\nThe invention was very ingenious, and had many conveniencies: the\nroom was warmed in all parts, by the air flowing into it through the\nheated cavities: cold air was prevented rushing through the crevices,\nthe funnel being sufficiently supplied by those cavities: much less\nfuel would serve, &c. But the first expence, which was very great,\nthe intricacy of the design, and the difficulty of the execution,\nespecially in old chimneys, discouraged the propagation of the\ninvention; so that there are, I suppose, very few such chimneys now\nin use. [The upright heat, too, was almost all lost in these, as in\nthe common chimneys.]\n\n4. The Holland iron stove, which has a flue proceeding from the\ntop, and a small iron door opening into the room, comes next to be\nconsidered. Its conveniencies are, that it makes a room all over\nwarm; for the chimney being wholly closed, except the flue of the\nstove, very little air is required to supply that, and therefore not\nmuch rushes in at crevices, or at the door when it is opened. Little\nfuel serves, the heat being almost all saved; for it rays out almost\nequally from the four sides, the bottom and the top, into the room,\nand presently warms the air around it, which, being rarefied, rises\nto the ceiling, and its place is supplied by the lower air of the\nroom, which flows gradually towards the stove, and is there warmed,\nand rises in its turn, so that there is a continual circulation\ntill all the air in the room is warmed. The air, too, is gradually\nchanged, by the stove-door's being in the room, through which part of\nit is continually passing, and that makes these stoves wholesomer,\nor at least pleasanter than the German stoves, next to be spoken of.\nBut they have these inconveniencies. There is no sight of the fire,\nwhich is in itself a pleasant thing. One cannot conveniently make\nany other use of the fire but that of warming the room. When the room\nis warm, people, not seeing the fire, are apt to forget supplying it\nwith fuel till it is almost out, then, growing cold, a great deal\nof wood is put in, which soon makes it too hot. The change of air\nis not carried on quite quick enough, so that if any smoke or ill\nsmell happens in the room, it is a long time before it is discharged.\nFor these reasons the Holland stove has not obtained much among the\nEnglish (who love the sight of the fire) unless in some workshops,\nwhere people are obliged to sit near windows for the light, and in\nsuch places they have been found of good use.\n\n5. The German stove is like a box, one side wanting. It is composed\nof five iron plates screwed together, and fixed so as that you may\nput the fuel into it from another room, or from the outside of the\nhouse. It is a kind of oven reversed, its mouth being without, and\nbody within the room that is to be warmed by it. This invention\ncertainly warms a room very speedily and thoroughly with little fuel:\nno quantity of cold air comes in at any crevice, because there is\nno discharge of air which it might supply, there being no passage\ninto the stove from the room. These are its conveniencies. Its\ninconveniencies are, that people have not even so much sight or use\nof the fire as in the Holland stoves, and are, moreover, obliged to\nbreathe the same unchanged air continually, mixed with the breath and\nperspiration from one another's bodies, which is very disagreeable to\nthose who have not been accustomed to it.\n\n[Illustration: (of the Pensylvania fireplace)\n\n _Plate VIII._ _Vol. II. page 235._\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\n6. Charcoal fires in pots are used chiefly in the shops of\nhandicraftsmen. They warm a room (that is kept close, and has no\nchimney to carry off the warmed air) very speedily and uniformly; but\nthere being no draught to change the air, the sulphurous fumes from\nthe coals [be they ever so well kindled before they are brought in,\nthere will be some] mix with it, render it disagreeable, hurtful to\nsome constitutions, and sometimes, when the door is long kept shut,\nproduce fatal consequences.\n\nTo avoid the several inconveniencies, and at the same time retain all\nthe advantages of other fire-places, was contrived the Pensylvania\nfire-place, now to be described.\n\nThis machine consists of\n\nA bottom-plate, (i) (_See the Plate annexed_.)\n\nA back plate, (ii)\n\nTwo side plates, (iii iii)\n\nTwo middle plates, (iv iv) which, joined together, form a tight box,\nwith winding passages in it for warming the air.\n\nA front plate, (v)\n\nA top plate (vi)\n\nThese are all cast of iron, with mouldings or ledges where the\nplates come together, to hold them fast, and retain the mortar used\nfor pointing to make tight joints. When the plates are all in their\nplaces, a pair of slender rods, with screws, are sufficient to bind\nthe whole very firmly together, as it appears in Fig. 2.\n\nThere are, moreover, two thin plates of wrought iron, viz. the\nshutter, (vii) and the register, (viii); besides the screw-rods O P,\nall which we shall explain in their order.\n\n(i) The bottom plate, or hearth-piece, is round before, with a\nrising moulding, that serves as a fender to keep coals and ashes from\ncoming to the floor, &c. It has two ears, F G, perforated to receive\nthe screw-rods O P; a long air-hole, _a a_, through which the fresh\noutward air passes up into the air-box; and three smoke-holes B C,\nthrough which the smoke descends and passes away; all represented\nby dark squares. It has also double ledges to receive between them\nthe bottom edges of the back plate, the two side-plates, and the two\nmiddle plates. These ledges are about an inch asunder, and about\nhalf an inch high; a profile of two of them, joined to a fragment of\nplate, appears in Fig. 3.\n\n(ii) The back plate is without holes, having only a pair of ledges on\neach side, to receive the back edges of the two.\n\n(iii iii) Side-plates: These have each a pair of ledges to receive\nthe side-edges of the front-plate, and a little shoulder for it to\nrest on; also two pair of ledges to receive the side-edges of the two\nmiddle plates which form the air-box; and an oblong air-hole near the\ntop, through which is discharged into the room the air warmed in the\nair-box. Each has also a wing or bracket, H and I, to keep in falling\nbrands, coals, &c. and a small hole, Q and R, for the axis of the\nregister to turn in.\n\n(iv iv) The air-box is composed of the two middle plates, D E and\nF G. The first has five thin ledges or partitions cast on it, two\ninches deep, the edges of which are received in so many pair of\nledges cast in the other. The tops of all the cavities formed by\nthese thin deep ledges, are also covered by a ledge of the same form\nand depth, cast with them; so that when the plates are put together,\nand the joints luted, there is no communication between the air-box\nand the smoke. In the winding passages of this box, fresh air is\nwarmed as it passes into the room.\n\n(v) The front plate is arched on the under side, and ornamented with\nfoliages, &c. it has no ledges.\n\n(vi) The top plate has a pair of ears, M N, answerable to those in\nthe bottom plate, and perforated for the same purpose: it has also a\npair of ledges running round the under side, to receive the top edges\nof the front, back, and side-plates. The air-box does not reach up to\nthe top plate by two inches and a half.\n\n(vii) The shutter is of thin wrought iron and light, of such a length\nand breadth as to close well the opening of the fire-place. It is\nused to blow up the fire, and to shut up and secure it at nights. It\nhas two brass knobs for handles, _d d_, and commonly slides up and\ndown in a groove, left, in putting up the fire-place, between the\nforemost ledge of the side-plates, and the face of the front plate;\nbut some chuse to set it aside when it is not in use, and apply it on\noccasion.\n\n(viii) The register is also of thin wrought iron. It is placed\nbetween the back plate and air-box, and can, by means of the key S,\nbe turned on its axis so as to lie in any position between level and\nupright.\n\nThe screw-rods O P are of wrought iron, about a third of an inch\nthick, with a button at bottom, and a screw and nut at top, and may\nbe ornamented with two small brasses screwed on above the nuts.\n\nTo put this machine to work,\n\n1. A false back of four inch (or, in shallow small chimneys, two\ninch) brick work is to be made in the chimney, four inches or more\nfrom the true back; from the top of this false back a closing is to\nbe made over to the breast of the chimney, that no air may pass into\nthe chimney, but what goes under the false back, and up behind it.\n\n2. Some bricks of the hearth are to be taken up, to form a hollow\nunder the bottom plate; across which hollow runs a thin tight\npartition, to keep apart the air entering the hollow and the smoke;\nand is therefore placed between the air-hole and smoke-holes.\n\n3. A passage is made, communicating with the outward air, to\nintroduce that air into the fore part of the hollow under the bottom\nplate, whence it may rise through the air-hole into the air-box.\n\n4. A passage is made from the back part of the hollow, communicating\nwith the flue behind the false back: through this passage the smoke\nis to pass.\n\nThe fire-place is to be erected upon these hollows, by putting all\nthe plates in their places, and screwing them together.\n\nIts operation may be conceived by observing the plate entitled,\nProfile of the Chimney and Fire-Place.\n\n_M_ The mantle-piece, or breast of the chimney.\n\n_C_ The funnel.\n\n_B_ The false back and closing.\n\n_E_ True back of the chimney.\n\n_T_ Top of the fire-place.\n\n_F_ The front of it.\n\n_A_ The place where the fire is made.\n\n_D_ The air-box.\n\n_K_ The hole in the side-plate, through which the warmed air is\ndischarged out of the air-box into the room.\n\n_H_ The hollow filled with fresh air, entering at the passage _I_,\nand ascending into the air-box through the air-hole in the bottom\nplate near\n\n_G_ The partition in the hollow to keep the air and smoke apart.\n\n_P_ The passage under the false back and part of the hearth for the\nsmoke.\n\nThe arrows show the course of the smoke.\n\n[Illustration:\n\n _Plate VIII*._ _Vol. II. page 238._\n\n_PROFILE OF THE PENSYLVANIA CHIMNEY & FIRE-PLACE._\n\n_STAFFORDSHIRE FIRE-PLACE._\n\n_Front View Side View_\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\nThe fire being made at A, the flame and smoke will ascend and strike\nthe top T, which will thereby receive a considerable heat. The smoke,\nfinding no passage upwards, turns over the top of the air-box, and\ndescends between it and the back plate to the holes in the bottom\nplate, heating, as it passes, both plates of the air-box, and the\nsaid back plate; the front plate, bottom and side plates are also all\nheated at the same time. The smoke proceeds in the passage that leads\nit under and behind the false back, and so rises into the chimney.\nThe air of the room, warmed behind the back plate, and by the sides,\nfront, and top plates, becoming specifically lighter than the other\nair in the room, is obliged to rise; but the closure over the\nfireplace hindering it from going up the chimney, it is forced out\ninto the room, rises by the mantle-piece to the cieling, and spreads\nall over the top of the room, whence being crouded down gradually by\nthe stream of newly-warmed air that follows and rises above it, the\nwhole room becomes in a short time equally warmed.\n\nAt the same time the air, warmed under the bottom plate, and in the\nair-box, rises and comes out of the holes in the side-plates, very\nswiftly, if the door of the room be shut, and joins its current with\nthe stream before-mentioned, rising from the side, back, and top\nplates.\n\nThe air that enters the room through the air-box is fresh, though\nwarm; and, computing the swiftness of its motion with the areas of\nthe holes, it is found that near ten barrels of fresh air are hourly\nintroduced by the air-box; and by this means the air in the room is\ncontinually changed, and kept, at the same time, sweet and warm.\n\nIt is to be observed, that the entering air will not be warm at first\nlighting the fire, but heats gradually as the fire increases.\n\nA square opening for a trap-door should be left in the closing of\nthe chimney, for the sweeper to go up: the door may be made of slate\nor tin, and commonly kept close shut, but so placed as that, turning\nup against the back of the chimney when open, it closes the vacancy\nbehind the false back, and shoots the soot, that falls in sweeping,\nout upon the hearth. This trap-door is a very convenient thing.\n\nIn rooms where much smoking of tobacco is used, it is also convenient\nto have a small hole, about five or six inches square, cut near the\nceiling through into the funnel: this hole must have a shutter, by\nwhich it may be closed or opened at pleasure. When open, there will\nbe a strong draught of air through it into the chimney, which will\npresently carry off a cloud of smoke, and keep the room clear: if\nthe room be too hot like-wise, it will carry off as much of the warm\nair as you please, and then you may stop it entirely, or in part, as\nyou think fit. By this means it is, that the tobacco smoke does not\ndescend among the heads of the company near the fire, as it must do\nbefore it can get into common chimneys.\n\n\n_The Manner of using this Fire-Place._\n\nYour cord-wood must be cut into three lengths; or else a short\npiece, fit for the fire-place, cut off, and the longer left for the\nkitchen or other fires. Dry hickery, or ash, or any woods that burn\nwith a clear flame are rather to be chosen, because such are less\napt to foul the smoke-passages with soot; and flame communicates\nwith its light, as well as by contact, greater heat to the plates\nand room. But where more ordinary wood is used, half a dry faggot\nof brush-wood, burnt at the first making the fire in the morning,\nis very advantageous, as it immediately, by its sudden blaze, heats\nthe plates, and warms the room (which with bad wood slowly kindling\nwould not be done so soon) and at the same time by the length of\nits flame, turning in the passages, consumes and cleanses away the\nsoot that such bad smoaky wood had produced therein the preceding\nday, and so keeps them always free and clean. When you have laid a\nlittle back log, and placed your billets on small dogs, as in common\nchimneys, and put some fire to them, then slide down your shutter\nas low as the dogs, and the opening being by that means contracted,\nthe air rushes in briskly, and presently blows up the flames. When\nthe fire is sufficiently kindled, slide it up again.[46] In some of\nthese fire-places there is a little six-inch square trap-door of\nthin wrought iron or brass, covering a hole of like dimensions near\nthe fore-part of the bottom plate, which being by a ring lifted up\ntowards the fire, about an inch, where it will be retained by two\nspringing sides fixed to it perpendicularly (_See the Plate, Fig.\n4._) the air rushes in from the hollow under the bottom plate, and\nblows the fire. Where this is used, the shutter serves only to close\nthe fire at nights. The more forward you can make your fire on the\nhearth-plate, not to be incommoded by the smoke, the sooner and\nmore will the room be warmed. At night, when you go to bed, cover\nthe coals or brands with ashes as usual; then take away the dogs,\nand slide down the shutter close to the bottom-plate, sweeping a\nlittle ashes against it, that no air may pass under it; then turn\nthe register, so as very near to stop the flue behind. If no smoke\nthen comes out at crevices into the room, it is right: if any smoke\nis perceived to come out, move the register, so as to give a little\ndraught, and it will go the right way. Thus the room will be kept\nwarm all night; for the chimney being almost entirely stopt, very\nlittle cold air, if any, will enter the room at any crevice. When you\ncome to re-kindle the fire in the morning, turn open the register\nbefore you lift up the slider, otherwise, if there be any smoke in\nthe fireplace, it will come out into the room. By the same use of the\nshutter and register, a blazing fire may be presently stifled, as\nwell as secured, when you have occasion to leave it for any time; and\nat your return you will find the brands warm, and ready for a speedy\nrekindling. The shutter alone will not stifle a fire, for it cannot\nwell be made to fit so exactly but that air will enter, and that\nin a violent stream, so as to blow up and keep alive the flames,\nand consume the wood, if the draught be not checked by turning the\nregister to shut the flue behind. The register has also two other\nuses. If you observe the draught of air into your fire-place to be\nstronger than is necessary (as in extreme cold weather it often is)\nso that the wood is consumed faster than usual; in that case, a\nquarter, half, or two-thirds turn of the register, will check the\nviolence of the draught, and let your fire burn with the moderation\nyou desire: and at the same time both the fire-place and the room\nwill be the warmer, because less cold air will enter and pass\nthrough them. And if the chimney should happen to take fire (which\nindeed there is very little danger of, if the preceding direction be\nobserved in making fires, and it be well swept once a year; for, much\nless wood being burnt, less soot is proportionably made; and the fuel\nbeing soon blown into flame by the shutter, or the trap-door bellows,\nthere is consequently less smoke from the fuel to make soot; then,\nthough the funnel should be foul, yet the sparks have such a crooked\nup and down round about way to go, that they are out before they get\nat it). I say, if ever it should be on fire, a turn of the register\nshuts all close, and prevents any air going into the chimney, and so\nthe fire may easily be stifled and mastered.\n\n\n_The Advantages of this Fire-Place._\n\nIts advantages above the common fire-places are,\n\n1. That your whole room is equally warmed, so that people need not\ncroud so close round the fire, but may sit near the window, and have\nthe benefit of the light for reading, writing, needle-work, &c.\nThey may sit with comfort in any part of the room, which is a very\nconsiderable advantage in a large family, where there must often be\ntwo fires kept, because all cannot conveniently come at one.\n\n2. If you sit near the fire, you have not that cold draught of\nuncomfortable air nipping your back and heels, as when before common\nfires, by which many catch cold, being scorched before, and, as it\nwere, froze behind.\n\n3. If you sit against a crevice, there is not that sharp draught of\ncold air playing on you, as in rooms where there are fires in the\ncommon way; by which many catch cold, whence proceed coughs[47],\ncatarrhs, tooth-achs, fevers, pleurisies, and many other diseases.\n\n4. In case of sickness, they make most excellent nursing rooms; as\nthey constantly supply a sufficiency of fresh air, so warmed at the\nsame time as to be no way inconvenient or dangerous. A small one\ndoes well in a chamber; and, the chimneys, being fitted for it, it\nmay be removed from one room to another, as occasion requires, and\nfixed in half an hour. The equal temper too, and warmth of the air\nof the room, is thought to be particularly advantageous in some\ndistempers; for it was observed in the winters of 1730 and 1736, when\nthe small-pox spread in Pensylvania, that very few children of the\nGermans died of that distemper in proportion to those of the English;\nwhich was ascribed, by some, to the warmth and equal temper of air\nin their stove-rooms, which made the disease as favourable as it\ncommonly is in the West Indies. But this conjecture we submit to the\njudgment of physicians.\n\n5. In common chimneys, the strongest heat from the fire, which is\nupwards, goes directly up the chimney, and is lost; and there is such\na strong draught into the chimney that not only the upright heat, but\nalso the back, sides, and downward heats are carried up the chimney\nby that draught of air; and the warmth given before the fire, by\nthe rays that strike out towards the room, is continually driven\nback, crouded into the chimney, and carried up by the same draught\nof air. But here the upright heat strikes and heats the top plate,\nwhich warms the air above it, and that comes into the room. The heat\nlikewise, which the fire communicates to the sides, back, bottom, and\nair-box, is all brought into the room; for you will find a constant\ncurrent of warm air coming out of the chimney-corner into the room.\nHold a candle just under the mantle-piece, or breast of your chimney,\nand you will see the flame bent outwards: by laying a piece of\nsmoaking paper on the hearth, on either side, you may see how the\ncurrent of air moves, and where it tends, for it will turn and carry\nthe smoke with it.\n\n6. Thus, as very little of the heat is lost, when this fire-place is\nused, _much less wood_[48] will serve you, which is a considerable\nadvantage where wood is dear.\n\n7. When you burn candles near this fire-place, you will find that\nthe flame burns quite upright, and does not blare and run the tallow\ndown, by drawing towards the chimney, as against common fires.\n\n8. This fire-place cures most smoaky chimneys, and thereby preserves\nboth the eyes and furniture.\n\n9. It prevents the fouling of chimneys; much of the lint and dust\nthat contributes to foul a chimney being, by the low arch, obliged to\npass through the flame, where it is consumed. Then, less wood being\nburnt, there is less smoke made. Again, the shutter, or trap-bellows,\nsoon blowing the wood into a flame, the same wood does not yield so\nmuch smoke as if burnt in a common chimney: for as soon as flame\nbegins, smoke in proportion ceases.\n\n10. And if a chimney should be foul, it is much less likely to take\nfire. If it should take fire, it is easily stifled and extinguished.\n\n11. A fire may be very speedily made in this fire-place by the help\nof the shutter, or trap-bellows, as aforesaid.\n\n12. A fire may be soon extinguished, by closing it with the shutter\nbefore, and turning the register behind, which will stifle it, and\nthe brands will remain ready to rekindle.\n\n13. The room being once warm, the warmth may be retained in it all\nnight.\n\n14. And lastly, the fire is so secured at night, that not one spark\ncan fly out into the room to do damage.\n\nWith all these conveniences, you do not lose the pleasing sight nor\nuse of the fire, as in the Dutch stoves, but may boil the tea-kettle,\nwarm the flat-irons, heat heaters, keep warm a dish of victuals by\nsetting it on the top, &c.\n\n\n_Objections answered._\n\nThere are some objections commonly made by people that are\nunacquainted with these fire-places, which it may not be amiss to\nendeavour to remove, as they arise from prejudices which might\notherwise obstruct, in some degree, the general use of this\nbeneficial machine. We frequently hear it said, _They are of the\nnature of Dutch stoves_; _stoves have an unpleasant smell_; _stoves\nare unwholesome_; _and, warm rooms make people tender, and apt\nto catch cold_.--As to the first, that they are of the nature of\nDutch stoves, the description of those stoves, in the beginning\nof this paper, compared with that of these machines, shows that\nthere is a most material difference, and that these have vastly the\nadvantage, if it were only in the single article of the admission and\ncirculation of the fresh air. But it must be allowed there may have\nbeen some cause to complain of the offensive smell of iron stoves.\nThis smell, however, never proceeded from the iron itself, which, in\nits nature, whether hot or cold, is one of the sweetest of metals,\nbut from the general uncleanly manner of using those stoves. If they\nare kept clean, they are as sweet as an ironing-box, which though\never so hot, never offends the smell of the nicest lady: but it is\ncommon to let them be greased, by setting candlesticks on them,\nor otherwise; to rub greasy hands on them; and, above all, to spit\nupon them, to try how hot they are, which is an inconsiderate filthy\nunmannerly custom; for the slimy matter of spittle drying on burns\nand fumes when the stove is hot, as well as the grease, and smells\nmost nauseously, which makes such close stove-rooms, where there is\nno draught to carry off those filthy vapours, almost intolerable to\nthose that are not from their infancy accustomed to them. At the same\ntime nothing is more easy than to keep them clean; for when by any\naccident they happen to be fouled, a lee made of ashes and water,\nwith a brush, will scour them perfectly: as will also a little strong\nsoft soap and water.\n\nThat hot iron of itself gives no offensive smell, those know very\nwell who have (as the writer of this has) been present at a furnace\nwhen the workmen were pouring out the flowing metal to cast large\nplates, and not the least smell of it to be perceived. That hot\niron does not, like lead, brass, and some other metals, give out\nunwholesome vapours, is plain from the general health and strength\nof those who constantly work in iron, as furnace-men, forge-men,\nand smiths; that it is in its nature a metal perfectly wholesome\nto the body of man, is known from the beneficial use of chalybeate\nor iron-mine-waters; from the good done by taking steel filings in\nseveral disorders; and that even the smithy water in which hot irons\nare quenched, is found advantageous to the human constitution.--The\ningenious and learned Dr. Desaguliers, to whose instructive writings\nthe contriver of this machine acknowledges himself much indebted,\nrelates an experiment he made, to try whether heated iron would yield\nunwholesome vapours: he took a cube of iron, and having given it\na very great heat, he fixed it so to a receiver, exhausted by the\nair-pump, that all the air rushing in to fill the receiver, should\nfirst pass through a hole in the hot iron. He then put a small bird\ninto the receiver, who breathed that air without any inconvenience,\nor suffering the least disorder. But the same experiment being made\nwith a cube of hot brass, a bird put into that air died in a few\nminutes. Brass, indeed, stinks even when cold, and much more when\nhot; lead, too, when hot, yields a very unwholesome steam; but iron\nis always sweet and every way taken is wholesome and friendly to the\nhuman body--except in weapons.\n\n_That warmed rooms make people tender, and apt to catch cold_, is a\nmistake as great as it is (among the English) general. We have seen\nin the preceding pages how the common rooms are apt to give colds;\nbut the writer of this paper may affirm from his own experience, and\nthat of his family and friends who have used warm rooms for these\nfour winters past, that by the use of such rooms, people are rendered\n_less liable_ to take cold, and, indeed, _actually hardened_. If\nsitting warm in a room made one subject to take cold on going out,\nlying warm in bed, should by a parity of reason, produce the same\neffect when we rise. Yet we find we can leap out of the warmest bed\nnaked, in the coldest morning, without any such danger; and in the\nsame manner out of warm cloaths into a cold bed. The reason is, that\nin these cases the pores all close at once, the cold is shut out,\nand the heat within augmented, as we soon after feel by the glowing\nof the flesh and skin. Thus no one was ever known to catch cold by\nthe use of the cold bath: and are not cold baths allowed to harden\nthe bodies of those that use them? Are they not therefore frequently\nprescribed to the tenderest constitutions? Now every time you go\nout of a warm room into the cold freezing air, you do as it were\nplunge into a cold bath, and the effect is in proportion the same;\nfor (though perhaps you may feel somewhat chilly at first) you find\nin a little time your bodies hardened and strengthened, your blood\nis driven round with a brisker circulation, and a comfortable steady\nuniform inward warmth succeeds that equal outward warmth you first\nreceived in the room. Farther to confirm this assertion, we instance\nthe Swedes, the Danes, and the Russians: these nations are said to\nlive in rooms, compared to ours, as hot as ovens[49]; yet where are\nthe hardy soldiers, though bred in their boasted cool houses, that\ncan, like these people, bear the fatigues of a winter campaign in so\nsevere a climate, march whole days to the neck in snow, and at night\nentrench in ice as they do?\n\nThe mentioning of those northern nations, puts me in mind of a\nconsiderable _public advantage_ that may arise from the general use\nof these fire-places. It is observable, that though those countries\nhave been well inhabited for many ages, wood is still their fuel,\nand yet at no very great price; which could not have been, if they\nhad not universally used stoves, but consumed it as we do, in great\nquantities, by open fires. By the help of this saving invention our\nwood may grow as fast as we consume it, and our posterity may warm\nthemselves at a moderate rate, without, being obliged to fetch their\nfuel over the Atlantic; as, if pit-coal should not be here discovered\n(which is an uncertainty) they must necessarily do.\n\nWe leave it to the _political arithmetician_ to compute how much\nmoney will be saved to a country, by its spending two-thirds less of\nfuel; how much labour saved in cutting and carriage of it; how much\nmore land may be cleared by cultivation; how great the profit by the\nadditional quantity of work done, in those trades particularly that\ndo not exercise the body so much, but that the workfolks are obliged\nto run frequently to the fire to warm themselves: and to physicians\nto say, how much healthier thick-built towns and cities will be,\nnow half-suffocated with sulphury smoke, when so much less of that\nsmoke shall be made, and the air breathed by the inhabitants be\nconsequently so much purer. These things it will suffice just to have\nmentioned; let us proceed to give some necessary directions to the\nworkman who is to fix or set up these fire-places.\n\n\n_Directions to the Bricklayer._\n\nThe chimney being first well swept and cleansed from soot, &c.\nlay the bottom plate down on the hearth, in the place where the\nfire-place is to stand, which may be as forward as the hearth will\nallow. Chalk a line from one of its back corners round the plate\nto the other corner, that you may afterwards know its place when\nyou come to fix it; and from those corners, two parallel lines to\nthe back of the chimney: make marks also on each side, that you\nmay know where the partition is to stand, which is to prevent any\ncommunication between the air and smoke. Then, removing the plate,\nmake a hollow under it and beyond it, by taking up as many of the\nbricks or tiles as you can, within your chalked lines, quite to\nthe chimney-back. Dig out six or eight inches deep of the earth\nor rubbish, all the breadth and length of your hollow; then make\na passage of four inches square (if the place will allow so much)\nleading from the hollow to some place communicating with the outer\nair; by _outer air_ we mean air without the room you intend to warm.\nThis passage may be made to enter your hollow on either side, or in\nthe fore part, just as you find most convenient, the circumstances\nof your chimney considered. If the fire-place is to be put up in\na chamber, you may have this communication of outer air from the\nstair-case; or sometimes more easily from between the chamber floor,\nand the ceiling of the lower room, making only a small hole in the\nwall of the house entering the space betwixt those two joists with\nwhich your air-passage in the hearth communicates. If this air\npassage be so situated as that mice may enter it, and nestle in the\nhollow, a little grate of wire will keep them out. This passage\nbeing made, and, if it runs under any part of the earth, tiled\nover securely, you may proceed to raise your false back. This may\nbe of four inches or two inches thickness, as you have room, but\nlet it stand at least four inches from the true chimney-back. In\nnarrow chimneys this false back runs from jamb to jamb, but in large\nold-fashioned chimneys, you need not make it wider than the back of\nthe fire-place. To begin it, you may form an arch nearly flat, of\nthree bricks end to end, over the hollow, to leave a passage the\nbreadth of the iron fire-place, and five or six inches deep, rounding\nat bottom, for the smoke to turn and pass under the false back, and\nso behind it up the chimney. The false back is to rise till it is\nas high as the breast of the chimney, and then to close over to the\nbreast[50]; always observing, if there is a wooden mantle-tree, to\nclose above it. If there is no wood in the breast, you may arch over\nand close even with the lower part of the breast. By this closing the\nchimney is made tight, that no air or smoke can pass up it, without\ngoing under the false back. Then from side to side of your hollow,\nagainst the marks you made with chalk, raise a tight partition,\nbrick-on-edge, to separate the air from the smoke, bevelling away to\nhalf an inch the brick that comes just under the air-hole, that the\nair may have a free passage up into the air-box: lastly, close the\nhearth over that part of the hollow that is between the false back\nand the place of the bottom plate, coming about half an inch under\nthe plate, which piece of hollow hearth may be supported by a bit\nor two of old iron-hoop; then is your chimney fitted to receive the\nfire-place.\n\nTo set it, lay first a little bed of mortar all round the\nedges of the hollow, and over the top of the partition: then lay\ndown your bottom plate in its place (with the rods in it) and tread\nit till it lies firm. Then put a little fine mortar (made of loam\nand lime, with a little hair) into its joints, and set in your back\nplate, leaning it for the present against the false back: then set\nin your air-box, with a little mortar in its joints; then put in the\ntwo sides, closing them up against the air-box, with mortar in their\ngrooves, and fixing at the same time your register: then bring up\nyour back to its place, with mortar in its grooves, and that will\nbind the sides together. Then put in your front plate, placing it\nas far back in the groove as you can, to leave room for the sliding\nplate: then lay on your top plate, with mortar in its grooves also,\nscrewing the whole firmly together by means of the rods. The capital\nletters A B D E, &c. in Plate VIII., shew the corresponding parts of\nthe several plates. Lastly, the joints being pointed all round on the\noutside, the fire-place is fit for use.\n\nWhen you make your first fire in it, perhaps if the chimney be\nthoroughly cold, it may not draw, the work too being all cold and\ndamp. In such case, put first a few shovels of hot coals in the\nfire-place, then lift up the chimney-sweeper's trap-door, and putting\nin a sheet or two of flaming paper, shut it again, which will set\nthe chimney a drawing immediately, and when once it is filled with a\ncolumn of warm air, it will draw strongly and continually.\n\nThe drying of the mortar and work by the first fire may smell\nunpleasantly, but that will soon be over.\n\nIn some shallow chimneys, to make more room for the false back and\nits flue, four inches or more of the chimney back may be picked away.\n\nLet the room be made as tight as conveniently it may be, so will the\nouter air, that must come in to supply the room and draught of the\nfire, be all obliged to enter through the passage under the bottom\nplate, and up through the air-box, by which means it will not come\ncold to your backs, but be warmed as it comes in, and mixed with the\nwarm air round the fire-place, before it spreads in the room.\n\nBut as a great quantity of cold air, in extreme cold weather\nespecially, will presently enter a room if the door be carelessly\nleft open, it is good to have some contrivance to shut it, either by\nmeans of screw hinges, a spring, or a pulley.\n\nWhen the pointing in the joints is all dry and hard, get some\npowder of black lead (broken bits of black lead crucibles from the\nsilver-smiths, pounded fine, will do) and mixing it with a little rum\nand water, lay it on, when the plates are warm, with a hard brush,\nover the top and front-plates, part of the side and bottom-plates,\nand over all the pointing; and, as it dries, rub it to a gloss with\nthe same brush, so the joints will not be discerned, but it will look\nall of a piece, and shine like new iron. And the false back being\nplaistered and white-washed, and the hearth reddened, the whole will\nmake a pretty appearance. Before the black lead is laid on, it would\nnot be amiss to wash the plates with strong lee and a brush, or soap\nand water, to cleanse them from any spots of grease or filth that may\nbe on them. If any grease should afterwards come on them, a little\nwet ashes will get it out.\n\nIf it be well set up, and in a tolerable good chimney, smoke will\ndraw in from as far as the fore part of the bottom plate, as you may\ntry by a bit of burning paper.\n\nPeople are at first apt to make their rooms too warm, not imagining\nhow little a fire will be sufficient. When the plates are no hotter\nthan that one may just bear the hand on them, the room will generally\nbe as warm as you desire it.\n\n\n_Soon after the foregoing piece was published, some persons in\nEngland, in imitation of Mr. Franklin's invention, made what they\ncall_ Pensylvanian Fire-places, with improvements; _the principal of\nwhich pretended improvements is, a contraction of the passages in the\nair-box, originally designed for admitting a quantity of fresh air,\nand warming it as it entered the room. The contracting these passages\ngains indeed more room for the grate, but in a great measure defeats\ntheir intention. For if the passages in the air-box do not greatly\nexceed in dimensions the amount of all the crevices by which cold air\ncan enter the room, they will not considerably prevent, as they were\nintended to do, the entry of cold air through these crevices._\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[44] Body or matter of any sort, is said to be _specifically_ heavier\nor lighter than other matter, when it has more or less substance or\nweight in the same dimensions.\n\n[45] As the writer is neither physician nor philosopher, the reader\nmay expect he should justify these his opinions by the authority of\nsome that are so. M. Clare, F. R. S. in his treatise of _The Motion\nof Fluids_, says, page 246, &c. \"And here it may be remarked, that\nit is more prejudicial to health to sit near a window or door, in\na room where there are many candles and a fire, than in a room\nwithout; for the consumption of air thereby occasioned, will always\nbe very considerable, and this must necessarily be replaced by cold\nair from without. Down the chimney can enter none, the stream of\nwarm air always arising therein absolutely forbids it, the supply\nmust therefore come in wherever other openings shall be found. If\nthese happen to be small, _let those who sit near them beware_; the\nsmaller the floodgate, the smarter will be the stream. Was a man,\neven in a sweat, to leap into a cold bath, or jump from his warm bed,\nin the intensest cold, even in a frost, provided he do not continue\nover-long therein, and be in health when he does this, we see by\nexperience that he gets no harm. If he sits a little while against a\nwindow, into which a successive current of cold air comes, his pores\nare closed, and he gets a fever. In the first case, the shock the\nbody endures, is general, uniform, and therefore less fierce; in the\nother, a single part, a neck, or ear perchance, is attacked, and that\nwith the greater violence probably, as it is done by a successive\nstream of cold air. And the cannon of a battery, pointed against a\nsingle part of a bastion, will easier make a breach than were they\ndirected to play singly upon the whole face, and will admit the enemy\nmuch sooner into the town.\"\n\nThat warm rooms, and keeping the body warm in winter, are means of\npreventing such diseases, take the opinion of that learned Italian\nphysician Antonino Parcio, in the preface to his tract _de Militis\nSanitate tuenda_, where, speaking of a particular wet and cold\nwinter, remarkable at Venice for its sickliness, he says, \"Popularis\nautem pleuritis qu\u00e6 Venetiis s\u00e6viit mensibus _Dec. Jan. Feb._ ex\nc\u00e6li, a\u00ebrisque inclementia facta est, quod non habeant hypocausta\n[_stove-rooms_] & quod non soliciti sunt Itali omnes de auribus,\ntemporibus, collo, totoque corpore defendendis ab injuriis a\u00ebris; et\ntegmina domorum Veneti disponant parum inclinata, ut nives diutius\npermaneant super tegmina. E contra, Germani, qui experiuntur c\u00e6li\ninclementiam, perdidicere sese defendere ab a\u00ebris injuria. Tecta\nconstruunt multum inclinata, ut decidant nives. Germani abundant\nlignis, domusque _hypocaustis_; foris autem incedunt pannis\npellibus, gossipio, bene mehercule loricati atque muniti. In Bavaria\ninterrogabam (curiositate motus videndi Germaniam) quot nam elapsis\nmensibus pleuritide vel peripneumonia fuissent absumti: dicebant vix\nunus aut alter illis temporibus pleuritide fuit correptus.\"\n\nThe great Dr. Boerhaave, whose authority alone might be sufficient,\nin his _Aphorisms_, mentions, as one antecedent cause of pleurisies,\n\"A cold air, driven violently through some narrow passage upon the\nbody, overheated by labour or fire.\"\n\nThe eastern physicians agree with the Europeans in this point;\nwitness the Chinese treatise entitled, _Tschang seng_; i.e. _The\nArt of procuring Health and long Life_, as translated in Pere Du\nHalde's account of China, which has this passage. \"As, of all the\npassions which ruffle us, anger does the most mischief, so of all\nthe malignant affections of the air, a wind that comes through any\nnarrow passage, which is cold and piercing, is most dangerous; and\ncoming upon us unawares insinuates itself into the body, often\ncausing grievous diseases. It should therefore be avoided, according\nto the advice of the ancient proverb, as carefully as the point of an\narrow.\" These mischiefs are avoided by the use of the new-invented\nfire-places, as will be shown hereafter.\n\n[46] The shutter is slid up and down in this manner, only in those\nfire-places which are so made as that the distance between the top of\nthe arched opening, and the bottom plate, is the same as the distance\nbetween it and the top plate. Where the arch is higher, as it is in\nthe draught annexed (which is agreeable to the last improvements) the\nshutter is set by, and applied occasionally; because if it were made\ndeep enough to close the whole opening when slid down, it would hide\npart of it when up.\n\n[47] My Lord Molesworth, in his account of Denmark, says, \"That few\nor none of the people there are troubled with coughs, catarrhs,\nconsumptions, or such like diseases of the lungs; so that in the\nmidst of winter in the churches, which are very much frequented,\nthere is no noise to interrupt the attention due to the preacher.\nI am persuaded (says he) their _warm stoves_ contribute to their\nfreedom from these kind of maladies.\" page 91.\n\n[48] People who have used these fire-places, differ much in their\naccounts of the wood saved by them. Some say five-sixths, others\nthree-fourths, and others much less. This is owing to the great\ndifference there was in their former fires; some (according to the\ndifferent circumstances of their rooms and chimneys) having been used\nto make very large, others middling, and others, of a more sparing\ntemper, very small ones: while in these fire-places (their size\nand draught being nearly the same), the consumption is more equal.\nI suppose, taking a number of families together, that two-thirds,\nor half the wood, at least, is saved. My common room, I know, is\nmade thrice as warm as it used to be, with a quarter of the wood I\nformerly consumed there.\n\n[49] Mr. Boyle, in his experiments and observations upon cold,\n_Shaw's Abridgement_, Vol. I. p. 684, says, \"It is remarkable, that\nwhile the cold has strange and tragical effects at Moscow, and\nelsewhere, the Russians and Livonians should be exempt from them, who\naccustom themselves to pass immediately from a great degree of heat,\nto as great an one of cold, without receiving any visible prejudice\nthereby. I remember being told by a person of unquestionable credit,\nthat it was a common practice among them, to go from a hot stove,\ninto cold water; the same was also affirmed to me by another who\nresided at Moscow. This tradition is likewise abundantly confirmed by\nOlearius.\"--\"It is a surprising thing, says he, to see how far the\nRussians can endure heat; and how, when it makes them ready to faint,\nthey can go out of their stoves, stark naked, both men and women, and\nthrow themselves into cold water; and even in winter wallow in the\nsnow.\"\n\n[50] See page 240, where the trap-door is described that ought to be\nin this closing.\n\n\n\n\nTO DR. INGENHAUSZ, PHYSICIAN TO THE EMPEROR, AT VIENNA[51].\n\n _On the Causes and Cure of Smoky Chimnies._\n\n\n _At Sea, Aug., 28, 1785._\n\n DEAR FRIEND,\n\nIn one of your letters, a little before I left France, you desire\nme to give you in writing my thoughts upon the construction and use\nof chimneys, a subject you had sometimes heard me touch upon in\nconversation. I embrace willingly this leisure afforded by my present\nsituation to comply with your request, as it will not only show my\nregard to the desires of a friend, but may at the same time be of\nsome utility to others; the doctrine of chimneys appearing not to\nbe as yet generally well understood, and mistakes respecting them\nbeing attended with constant inconvenience, if not remedied, and with\nfruitless expence, if the true remedies are mistaken.\n\nThose who would be acquainted with this subject should begin by\nconsidering on what principle smoke ascends in any chimney. At first\nmany are apt to think that smoke is in its nature and of itself\nspecifically lighter than air, and rises in it for the same reason\nthat cork rises in water. These see no case why smoke should not rise\nin the chimney, though the room be ever so close. Others think there\nis a power in chimneys to _draw_ up the smoke, and that there are\ndifferent forms of chimneys which afford more or less of this power.\nThese amuse themselves with searching for the best form. The equal\ndimensions of a funnel in its whole length is not thought artificial\nenough, and it is made, for fancied reasons, sometimes tapering and\nnarrowing from below upwards, and sometimes the contrary, &c. &c. A\nsimple experiment or two may serve to give more correct ideas. Having\nlit a pipe of tobacco, plunge the stem to the bottom of a decanter\nhalf filled with cold water; then putting a rag over the bowl, blow\nthrough it and make the smoke descend in the stem of the pipe, from\nthe end of which it will rise in bubbles through the water; and being\nthus cooled, will not afterwards rise to go out through the neck of\nthe decanter, but remain spreading itself and resting on the surface\nof the water. This shows that smoke is really heavier than air, and\nthat it is carried upwards only when attached to, or acted upon, by\nair that is heated, and thereby rarefied and rendered specifically\nlighter than the air in its neighbourhood.\n\nSmoke being rarely seen but in company with heated air, and its\nupward motion being visible, though that of the rarefied air that\ndrives it is not so, has naturally given rise to the error.\n\nI need not explain to you, my learned friend, what is meant by\nrarefied air; but if you make the public use you propose of this\nletter, it may fall into the hands of some who are unacquainted with\nthe term and with the thing. These then may be told, that air is a\nfluid which has weight as well as others, though about eight hundred\ntimes lighter than water. That heat makes the particles of air recede\nfrom each other and take up more space, so that the same weight of\nair heated will have more bulk, than equal weights of cold air which\nmay surround it, and in that case must rise, being forced upwards by\nsuch colder and heavier air, which presses to get under it and take\nits place. That air is so rarefied or expanded by heat may be proved\nto their comprehension, by a lank blown bladder, which, laid before a\nfire, will soon swell, grow tight and burst.\n\n[Illustration: (remedies for smoky chimnies)\n\n _Plate IX._ _Vol. II. page 269._\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\nAnother experiment may be to take a glass tube about an inch in\ndiameter, and twelve inches long, open at both ends and fixed upright\non legs, so that it need not be handled, for the hands might warm it.\nAt the end of a quill fasten five or six inches of the finest light\nfilament of silk, so that it may be held either above the upper\nend of the tube or under the lower end, your warm hand being at a\ndistance by the length of the quill. (Plate IX. fig. 1.) If there\nwere any motion of air through the tube, it would manifest itself\nby its effect on the silk; but if the tube and the air in it are\nof the same temperature with the surrounding air, there will be no\nsuch motion, whatever may be the form of the tube, whether crooked\nor strait, narrow below and widening upwards, or the contrary; the\nair in it will be quiescent. Warm the tube, and you will find, as\nlong as it continues warm, a constant current of air entering below\nand passing up through it, till discharged at the top; because the\nwarmth of the tube being communicated to the air it contains rarefies\nthat air and makes it lighter than the air without, which therefore\npresses in below, forces it upwards, and follows and takes its place,\nand is rarefied in its turn. And, without warming the tube, if you\nhold under it a knob of hot iron, the air thereby heated will rise\nand fill the tube, going out at its top, and this motion in the\ntube will continue as long as the knob remains hot, because the air\nentering the tube below is heated and rarefied by passing near and\nover that knob.\n\nThat this motion is produced merely by the difference of specific\ngravity between the fluid within and that without the tube, and not\nby any fancied form of the tube itself, may appear by plunging it\ninto water contained in a glass jar a foot deep, through which such\nmotion might be seen. The water within and without the tube being\nof the same specific gravity, balance each other, and both remain\nat rest. But take out the tube, stop its bottom with a finger and\nfill it with olive oil, which is lighter than water, then stopping\nthe top, place it as before, its lower end under water, its top a\nvery little above. As long as you keep the bottom stopt, the fluids\nremain at rest, but the moment it is unstopt, the heavier enters\nbelow, forces up the lighter, and takes its place. And the motion\nthen ceases, merely because the new fluid cannot be successively made\nlighter, as air may be by a warm tube.\n\nIn fact, no form of the funnel of a chimney has any share in its\noperation or effect respecting smoke, except its height. The longer\nthe funnel, if erect, the greater its force when filled with heated\nand rarefied air, to _draw_ in below and drive up the smoke, if one\nmay, in compliance with custom, use the expression _draw_, when in\nfact it is the superior weight of the surrounding atmosphere that\n_presses_ to enter the funnel below, and so _drives up_ before it the\nsmoke and warm air it meets with in its passage.\n\nI have been the more particular in explaining these first principles,\nbecause, for want of clear ideas respecting them, much fruitless\nexpence has been occasioned; not only single chimneys, but in some\ninstances, within my knowledge, whole stacks having been pulled down\nand rebuilt with funnels of different forms, imagined more powerful\nin _drawing_ smoke; but having still the same height and the same\nopening below, have performed no better than their predecessors.\n\nWhat is it then which makes a _smoky chimney_, that is, a chimney\nwhich, instead of conveying up all the smoke, discharges a part of it\ninto the room, offending the eyes and damaging the furniture?\n\nThe causes of this effect, which have fallen under my observation,\namount to _nine_, differing from each other, and therefore requiring\ndifferent remedies.\n\n1. _Smoky chimneys in a new house, are such, frequently from mere\nwant of air._ The workmanship of the rooms being all good, and just\nout of the workman's hand, the joints of the boards of the flooring,\nand of the pannels of wainscotting are all true and tight, the more\nso as the walls, perhaps not yet thoroughly dry, preserve a dampness\nin the air of the room which keeps the wood-work swelled and close.\nThe doors and the sashes too, being worked with truth, shut with\nexactness, so that the room is as tight as a snuff-box, no passage\nbeing left open for air to enter, except the key-hole, and even that\nis sometimes covered by a little dropping shutter. Now if smoke\ncannot rise but as connected with rarefied air, and a column of such\nair, suppose it filling the funnel, cannot rise, unless other air\nbe admitted to supply its place; and if, therefore, no current of\nair enter the opening of the chimney, there is nothing to prevent\nthe smoke coming out into the room. If the motion upwards of the\nair in a chimney that is freely supplied, be observed by the rising\nof the smoke or a feather in it, and it be considered that in the\ntime such feather takes in rising from the fire to the top of the\nchimney, a column of air equal to the content of the funnel must be\ndischarged, and an equal quantity supplied from the room below, it\nwill appear absolutely impossible that this operation should go on\nif the tight room is kept shut; for were there any force capable of\ndrawing constantly so much air out of it, it must soon be exhausted\nlike the receiver of an air-pump, and no animal could live in it.\nThose therefore who stop every crevice in a room to prevent the\nadmission of fresh air, and yet would have their chimney carry up\nthe smoke, require inconsistencies, and expect impossibilities.\nYet under this situation, I have seen the owner of a new house, in\ndespair, and ready to sell it for much less than it cost, conceiving\nit uninhabitable, because not a chimney in any one of its rooms would\ncarry off the smoke, unless a door or window were left open. Much\nexpence has also been made, to alter and amend new chimneys which\nhad really no fault; in one house particularly that I knew, of a\nnobleman in Westminster, that expence amounted to no less than three\nhundred pounds, _after_ his house had been, as he thought, finished\nand all charges paid. And after all, several of the alterations were\nineffectual, for want of understanding the true principles.\n\n_Remedies._ When you find on trial, that opening the door or a\nwindow, enables the chimney to carry up all the smoke, you may be\nsure that want of air _from without_, was the cause of its smoking.\nI say _from without_, to guard you against a common mistake of those\nwho may tell you, the room is large, contains abundance of air,\nsufficient to supply any chimney, and therefore it cannot be that the\nchimney wants air. These reasoners are ignorant, that the largeness\nof a room, if tight, is in this case of small importance, since it\ncannot part with a chimney full of its air without occasioning so\nmuch vacuum; which it requires a great force to effect, and could not\nbe borne if effected.\n\nIt appearing plainly, then, that some of the outward air must be\nadmitted, the question will be, how much is _absolutely necessary_;\nfor you would avoid admitting more, as being contrary to one of your\nintentions in having a fire, viz. that of warming your room. To\ndiscover this quantity, shut the door gradually while a middling\nfire is burning, till you find that, before it is quite shut, the\nsmoke begins to come out into the room, then open it a little till\nyou perceive the smoke comes out no longer. There hold the door, and\nobserve the width of the open crevice between the edge of the door\nand the rabbit it should shut into. Suppose the distance to be half\nan inch, and the door eight feet high, you find thence that your room\nrequires an entrance for air equal in area to ninety-six half inches,\nor forty-eight square inches, or a passage of six inches by eight.\nThis however is a large supposition, there being few chimneys, that,\nhaving a moderate opening and a tolerable height of funnel, will not\nbe satisfied with such a crevice of a quarter of an inch; and I have\nfound a square of six by six, or thirty-six square inches, to be a\npretty good medium, that will serve for most chimneys. High funnels,\nwith small and low openings, may indeed be supplied thro' a less\nspace, because, for reasons that will appear hereafter, the _force\nof levity_, if one may so speak, being greater in such funnels, the\ncool air enters the room with greater velocity, and consequently\nmore enters in the same time. This however has its limits; for\nexperience shows, that no increased velocity, so occasioned, has\nmade the admission of air through the key-hole equal in quantity to\nthat through an open door; though through the door the current moves\nslowly, and through the key-hole with great rapidity.\n\nIt remains then to be considered how and where this necessary\nquantity of air from without is to be admitted so as to be least\ninconvenient. For if at the door, left so much open, the air thence\nproceeds directly to the chimney, and in its way comes cold to your\nback and heels as you sit before your fire. If you keep the door\nshut, and raise a little the sash of your window, you feel the same\ninconvenience. Various have been the contrivances to avoid this, such\nas bringing in fresh air through pipes in the jams of the chimney,\nwhich, pointing upwards, should blow the smoke up the funnel; opening\npassages into the funnel above, to let in air for the same purpose.\nBut these produce an effect contrary to that intended: for as it\nis the constant current of air passing from the room _through the\nopening of the chimney_ into the funnel which prevents the smoke\ncoming out into the room, if you supply the funnel by other means or\nin other ways with the air it wants, and especially if that air be\ncold, you diminish the force of that current, and the smoke in its\neffort to enter the room finds less resistance.\n\nThe wanted air must then _indispensably_ be admitted into the\nroom, to supply what goes off through the opening of the chimney.\nM. Gauger, a very ingenious and intelligent French writer on the\nsubject, proposes with judgment to admit it _above_ the opening\nof the chimney; and to prevent inconvenience from its coldness,\nhe directs its being made to pass in its entrance through winding\ncavities made behind the iron back and sides of the fire-place, and\nunder the iron hearth-plate; in which cavities it will be warmed, and\neven heated, so as to contribute much, instead of cooling, to the\nwarming of the room. This invention is excellent in itself, and may\nbe used with advantage in building new houses; because the chimneys\nmay then be so disposed, as to admit conveniently the cold air to\nenter such passages: but in houses built without such views, the\nchimneys are often so situated, as not to afford that convenience,\nwithout great and expensive alterations. Easy and cheap methods,\nthough not quite so perfect in themselves, are of more general\nutility; and such are the following.\n\nIn all rooms where there is a fire, the body of air warmed and\nrarefied before the chimney is continually changing place, and making\nroom for other air that is to be warmed in its turn. Part of it\nenters and goes up the chimney, and the rest rises and takes place\nnear the ceiling. If the room be lofty, that warm air remains above\nour heads as long as it continues warm, and we are little benefited\nby it, because it does not descend till it is cooler. Few can imagine\nthe difference of climate between the upper and lower parts of such\na room, who have not tried it by the thermometer, or by going up a\nladder till their heads are near the ceiling. It is then among this\nwarm air that the wanted quantity of outward air is best admitted,\nwith which being mixed, its coldness is abated, and its inconvenience\ndiminished so as to become scarce observable. This may be easily\ndone, by drawing down about an inch the upper sash of a window; or,\nif not moveable, by cutting such a crevice through its frame; in both\nwhich cases, it will be well to place a thin shelf of the length,\nto conceal the opening, and sloping upwards to direct the entering\nair horizontally along and under the ceiling. In some houses the air\nmay be admitted by such a crevice made in the wainscot, cornish or\nplastering, near the ceiling and over the opening of the chimney.\nThis, if practicable, is to be chosen, because the entering cold air\nwill there meet with the warmest rising air from before the fire, and\nbe soonest tempered by the mixture. The same kind of shelf should\nalso be placed here. Another way, and not a very difficult one, is\nto take out an upper pane of glass in one of your sashes, set in a\ntin frame, (Plate, Fig. 2.) giving it two springing angular sides,\nand then replacing it, with hinges below on which it may be turned\nto open more or less above. It will then have the appearance of an\ninternal sky light. By drawing this pane in, more or less, you may\nadmit what air you find necessary. Its position will naturally throw\nthat air up and along the ceiling. This is what is called in France\na _Was ist das?_ As this is a German question, the invention is\nprobably of that nation, and takes its name from the frequent asking\nof that question when it first appeared. In England, some have of\nlate years cut a round hole about five inches diameter in a pane\nof the sash and placed against it a circular plate of tin hung on\nan axis, and cut into vanes, which, being separately bent a little\nobliquely, are acted upon by the entering air, so as to force the\nplate continually round like the vanes of a windmill. This admits the\noutward air, and by the continual whirling of the vanes, does in some\ndegree disperse it. The noise only, is a little inconvenient.\n\n2. A second cause of the smoking of chimneys is, _their openings\nin the room being too large_; that is, too wide, too high, or\nboth. Architects in general have no other ideas of proportion\nin the opening of a chimney, than what relate to symmetry and\nbeauty, respecting the dimensions of the room;[52] while its true\nproportion, respecting its function and utility depends on quite\nother principles; and they might as properly proportion the step\nin a stair-case to the height of the story, instead of the natural\nelevation of men's legs in mounting. The proportion then to be\nregarded, is what relates to the height of the funnel. For as the\nfunnels in the different stories of a house are necessarily of\ndifferent heights or lengths, that from the lowest floor being\nthe highest or longest, and those of the other floors shorter and\nshorter, till we come to those in the garrets, which are of course\nthe shortest; and the force of draft being, as already said, in\nproportion to the height of funnel filled with rarefied air; and a\ncurrent of air from the room into the chimney, sufficient to fill\nthe opening, being necessary to oppose and prevent the smoke coming\nout into the room; it follows, that the openings of the longest\nfunnels may be larger, and that those of the shorter funnels should\nbe smaller. For if there be a large opening to a chimney that does\nnot draw strongly, the funnel may happen to be furnished with the\nair it demands by a partial current entering on one side of the\nopening, and, leaving the other side free of any opposing current,\nmay permit the smoke to issue there into the room. Much too of the\nforce of draft in a funnel depends on the degree of rarefaction in\nthe air it contains, and that depends on the nearness to the fire of\nits passage in entering the funnel. If it can enter far from the fire\non each side, or far above the fire in a wide or high opening, it\nreceives little heat in passing by the fire, and the contents of the\nfunnel is by that means less different in levity from the surrounding\natmosphere, and its force in drawing consequently weaker. Hence if\ntoo large an opening be given to chimneys in upper rooms, those rooms\nwill be smoky: on the other hand, if too small openings be given to\nchimneys in the lower rooms, the entering air, operating too directly\nand violently on the fire, and afterwards strengthening the draft as\nit ascends the funnel, will consume the fuel too rapidly.\n\n_Remedy._ As different circumstances frequently mix themselves\nin these matters, it is difficult to give precise dimensions for\nthe openings of all chimneys. Our fathers made them generally\nmuch too large; we have lessened them; but they are often still\nof greater dimension than they should be, the human eye not being\neasily reconciled to sudden and great changes. If you suspect that\nyour chimney smokes from the too great dimension of its opening,\ncontract it by placing moveable boards so as to lower and narrow\nit gradually, till you find the smoke no longer issues into the\nroom. The proportion so found will be that which is proper for that\nchimney, and you may employ the bricklayer or mason to reduce it\naccordingly. However, as, in building new houses, something must\nbe sometimes hazarded, I would make the openings in my lower rooms\nabout thirty inches square and eighteen deep, and those in the upper,\nonly eighteen inches square and not quite so deep; the intermediate\nones diminishing in proportion as the height of funnel diminished.\nIn the larger openings, billets of two feet long, or half the common\nlength of cordwood, may be burnt conveniently; and for the smaller,\nsuch wood may be sawed into thirds. Where coals are the fuel, the\ngrates will be proportioned to the openings. The same depth is nearly\nnecessary to all, the funnels being all made of a size proper to\nadmit a chimney-sweeper. If in large and elegant rooms custom or\nfancy should require the appearance of a larger chimney, it may be\nformed of expensive marginal decorations, in marble, &c. In time\nperhaps, that which is fittest in the nature of things may come to be\nthought handsomest. But at present, when men and women in different\ncountries show themselves dissatisfied with the forms God has given\nto their heads, waists and feet, and pretend to shape them more\nperfectly, it is hardly to be expected that they will be content\nalways with the best form of a chimney. And there are some, I know,\nso bigotted to the fancy of a large noble opening, that rather than\nchange it, they would submit to have damaged furniture, sore eyes,\nand skins almost smoked to bacon.\n\n3. Another cause of smoky chimneys is, _too short a funnel_. This\nhappens necessarily in some cases, as where a chimney is required in\na low building; for, if the funnel be raised high above the roof, in\norder to strengthen its draft, it is then in danger of being blown\ndown, and crushing the roof in its fall.\n\n_Remedies_. Contract the opening of the chimney, so as to oblige all\nthe entering air to pass through or very near the fire; whereby it\nwill be more heated and rarefied, the funnel itself be more warmed,\nand its contents have more of what may be called the force of levity,\nso as to rise strongly and maintain a good draft at the opening.\n\nOr you may in some cases, to advantage, build additional stories over\nthe low building, which will support a high funnel.\n\nIf the low building be used as a kitchen, and a contraction of the\nopening therefore inconvenient, a large one being necessary, at\nleast when there are great dinners, for the free management of so\nmany cooking utensils; in such case, I would advise the building of\ntwo more funnels joining to the first, and having three moderate\nopenings, one to each funnel, instead of one large one. When there is\noccasion to use but one, the other two may be kept shut by sliding\nplates, hereafter to be described;[53] and two or all of them may be\nused together when wanted. This will indeed be an expence, but not an\nuseless one, since your cooks will work with more comfort, see better\nthan in a smoky kitchen what they are about, your victuals will be\ncleaner dressed, and not taste of smoke, as is often the case; and\nto render the effect more certain, a stack of three funnels may be\nsafely built higher above the roof than a single funnel.\n\nThe case of too short a funnel is more general than would be\nimagined, and often found where one would not expect it. For it is\nnot uncommon, in ill-contrived buildings, instead of having a funnel\nfor each room or fire-place, to bend and turn the funnel of an upper\nroom so as to make it enter the side of another funnel that comes\nfrom below. By this means the upper room funnel is made short of\ncourse, since its length can only be reckoned from the place where\nit enters the lower room funnel; and that funnel is also shortened\nby all the distance between the entrance of the second funnel and\nthe top of the stack: for all that part being readily supplied with\nair through the second funnel, adds no strength to the draught,\nespecially as that air is cold when there is no fire in the second\nchimney. The only easy remedy here is, to keep the opening shut of\nthat funnel in which there is no fire.\n\n4. Another very common cause of the smoking of\nchimneys, is, _their overpowering one another_. For instance, if\nthere be two chimneys in one large room, and you make fires in both\nof them, the doors and windows close shut, you will find that the\ngreater and stronger fire shall overpower the weaker, and draw air\ndown its funnel to supply its own demand; which air descending in\nthe weaker funnel will drive down its smoke, and force it into the\nroom. If, instead of being in one room, the two chimneys are in\ntwo different rooms, communicating by a door, the case is the same\nwhenever that door is open. In a very tight house, I have known a\nkitchen chimney on the lowest floor, when it had a great fire in,\nit, overpower any other chimney in the house, and draw air and smoke\ninto its room, as often as the door was opened communicating with the\nstair-case.\n\n_Remedy._ Take care that every room has the means of supplying itself\nfrom without, with the air its chimney may require, so that no one of\nthem may be obliged to borrow from another, nor under the necessity\nof lending. A variety of these means have been already described.\n\n5. Another cause of smoking is, _when the tops of chimneys are\ncommanded by higher buildings, or by a hill_, so that the wind\nblowing over such eminences falls like water over a dam, sometimes\nalmost perpendicularly on the tops of the chimneys that lie in its\nway, and beats down the smoke contained in them.\n\n_Remedy._ That commonly applied to this case, is a turncap made of\ntin or plate iron, covering the chimney above and on three sides,\nopen on one side, turning on a spindle, and which, being guided or\ngoverned by a vane, always presents its back to the current. This\nI believe may be generally effectual, though not certain, as there\nmay be cases in which it will not succeed. Raising your funnels, if\npracticable, so as their tops may be higher, or at least equal with\nthe commanding eminence, is more to be depended on. But the turning\ncap, being easier and cheaper, should first be tried. If obliged to\nbuild in such a situation, I would chuse to place my doors on the\nside next the hill, and the backs of my chimneys on the furthest\nside; for then the column of air falling over the eminence, and of\ncourse pressing on that below and forcing it to enter the doors or\n_Was ist das_es on that side, would tend to balance the pressure down\nthe chimneys, and leave the funnels more free in the exercise of\ntheir functions.\n\n6. There is another case of command, the reverse of that last\nmentioned. It is where the commanding eminence is farther from the\nwind than the chimney commanded. To explain this a figure may be\nnecessary. Suppose then a building whose side A happens to be exposed\nto the wind, and forms a kind of dam against its progress. (Plate,\nFigure 3.) The air obstructed by this dam will, like water, press and\nsearch for passages through it; and finding the top of the chimney B,\nbelow the top of the dam, it will force itself down that funnel, in\norder to get through by some door or window open on the other side of\nthe building. And if there be a fire in such chimney, its smoke is of\ncourse beat down, and fills the room.\n\n_Remedy._ I know of but one, which is to raise such funnel higher\nthan the roof, supporting it, if necessary by iron bars. For a\nturn-cap in this case has no effect, the dammed up air pressing down\nthrough it in whatever position the wind may have placed its opening.\n\nI know a city in which many houses are rendered smoky by this\noperation. For their kitchens being built behind, and connected by a\npassage with the houses, and the tops of the kitchen chimneys lower\nthan the top of the houses, the whole side of a street, when the wind\nblows against its back, forms such a dam, as above described; and the\nwind, so obstructed, forces down those kitchen chimneys (especially\nwhen they have but weak fires in them) to pass through the passage\nand house into the street. Kitchen chimneys, so formed and situated,\nhave another inconvenience. In summer, if you open your upper room\nwindows for air, a light breeze blowing over your kitchen chimney\ntowards the house, though not strong enough to force down its smoke\nas aforesaid, is sufficient to waft it into your windows, and fill\nthe rooms with it; which, besides the disagreeableness, damages your\nfurniture.\n\n7. Chimneys, otherwise drawing well, are sometimes made to smoke by\n_the improper and inconvenient situation of a door_. When the door\nand chimney are on the same side of the room as in the figure, if the\ndoor A, being in the corner, is made to open against the wall (Plate,\nFigure 4) which is common, as being there, when open, more out of the\nway, it follows, that when the door is only opened in part, a current\nof air rushing in passes along the wall into and across the opening\nof the chimney B, and flirts some of the smoke out into the room.\nThis happens more certainly when the door is shutting, for then the\nforce of the current is augmented, and becomes very inconvenient to\nthose who, warming themselves by the fire, happen to sit in its way.\n\nThe _remedies_ are obvious and easy. Either put an intervening\nskreen from the wall round great part of the fire-place; or, which is\nperhaps preferable, shift the hinges of your door, so as it may open\nthe other way, and when open throw the air along the other wall.\n\n8. A room, that has no fire in its chimney, is sometimes filled\nwith _smoke which is received at the top of its funnel and descends\ninto the room_. In a former paper[54] I have already explained the\ndescending currents of air in cold funnels; it may not be amiss\nhowever to repeat here, that funnels without fires have an effect,\naccording to their degree of coldness or warmth, on the air that\nhappens to be contained in them. The surrounding atmosphere is\nfrequently changing its temperature; but stacks of funnels, covered\nfrom winds and sun by the house that contains them, retain a more\nequal temperature. If, after a warm season, the outward air suddenly\ngrows cold, the empty warm funnels begin to draw strongly upward;\nthat is, they rarefy the air contained in them, which of course\nrises, cooler air enters below to supply its place, is rarefied in\nits turn and rises; and this operation continues till the funnel\ngrows cooler, or the outward air warmer, or both, when the motion\nceases. On the other hand, if after a cold season, the outward air\nsuddenly grows warm and of course lighter, the air contained in\nthe cool funnels, being heavier, descends into the room; and the\nwarmer air which enters their tops being cooled in its turn, and\nmade heavier, continues to descend; and this operation goes on, till\nthe funnels are warmed by the passing of warm air through them, or\nthe air itself grows cooler. When the temperature of the air and of\nthe funnels is nearly equal, the difference of warmth in the air\nbetween day and night is sufficient to produce these currents, the\nair will begin to ascend the funnels as the cool of the evening comes\non, and this current will continue till perhaps nine or ten o'clock\nthe next morning, when it begins to hesitate; and as the heat of the\nday approaches, it sets downwards, and continues so till towards\nevening, when it again hesitates for some time, and then goes upwards\nconstantly during the night, as before mentioned. Now when smoke\nissuing from the tops of neighbouring funnels passes over the tops of\nfunnels which are at the time drawing downwards, as they often are\nin the middle part of the day, such smoke is of necessity drawn into\nthese funnels, and descends with the air into the chamber.\n\nThe _remedy_ is to have a sliding plate, hereafter described[55],\nthat will shut perfectly the offending funnel.\n\n9. Chimneys which generally draw well, do nevertheless sometimes give\nsmoke into the rooms, _it being driven down by strong winds passing\nover the tops of their funnels_, though not descending from any\ncommanding eminence. This case is most frequent where the funnel is\nshort, and the opening turned from the wind. It is the more grievous,\nwhen it happens to be a cold wind that produces the effect, because\nwhen you most want your fire, you are sometimes obliged to extinguish\nit. To understand this, it may be considered that the rising light\nair, to obtain a free issue from the funnel, must push out of its\nway or oblige the air that is over it to rise. In a time of calm or\nof little wind this is done visibly, for we see the smoke that is\nbrought up by that air rise in a column above the chimney. But when a\nviolent current of air, that is, a strong wind, passes over the top\nof a chimney, its particles have received so much force, which keeps\nthem in a horizontal direction and follow each other so rapidly,\nthat the rising light air has not strength sufficient to oblige them\nto quit that direction and move upwards to permit its issue. Add to\nthis, that some of the current passing over that side of the funnel\nwhich it first meets with, viz. at A, (Plate IX. Figure 5.) having\nbeen compressed by the resistance of the funnel, may expand itself\nover the flue, and strike the interior opposite side at B, from\nwhence it may be reflected downwards and from side to side in the\ndirection of the pricked lines c c c.\n\n_Remedies._ In some places, particularly in Venice, where they have\nnot stacks of chimneys but single flues, the custom is, to open or\nwiden the top of the flue rounding in the true form of a funnel;\n(Plate, Figure 6) which some think may prevent the effect just\nmentioned, for that the wind blowing over one of the edges into the\nfunnel may be slanted out again on the other side by its form. I have\nhad no experience of this; but I have lived in a windy country, where\nthe contrary is practised, the tops of the flues being _narrowed_\ninwards, so as to form a slit for the issue of the smoke, long as\nthe breadth of the funnel, and only four inches wide. This seems to\nhave been contrived on a supposition, that the entry of the wind\nwould thereby be obstructed, and perhaps it might have been imagined,\nthat the whole force of the rising warm air being condensed, as it\nwere, in the narrow opening, would thereby be strengthened, so as\nto overcome the resistance of the wind. This however did not always\nsucceed; for when the wind was at north-east and blew fresh, the\nsmoke was forced down by fits into the room I commonly sat in, so\nas to oblige me to shift the fire into another. The position of the\nslit of this funnel was indeed north-east and south-west. Perhaps if\nit had lain across the wind, the effect might have been different.\nBut on this I can give no certainty. It seems a matter proper to\nbe referred to experiment. Possibly a turn-cap might have been\nserviceable, but it was not tried.\n\nChimneys have not been long in use in England. I formerly saw a\nbook printed in the time of queen Elizabeth, which remarked the\nthen modern improvements of living, and mentioned among others the\nconvenience of chimneys. \"Our forefathers,\" said the author, \"had\nno chimneys. There was in each dwelling house only one place for a\nfire, and the smoke went out through a hole in the roof; but now\nthere is scarce a gentleman's house in England that has not at least\none chimney in it.\"--When there was but one chimney, its top might\nthen be opened as a funnel, and perhaps, borrowing the form from the\nVenetians, it was then the flue of a chimney got that name. Such is\nnow the growth of luxury, that in both England and France we must\nhave a chimney for every room, and in some houses every possessor\nof a chamber, and almost every servant, will have a fire; so that\nthe flues being necessarily built in stacks, the opening of each as\na funnel is impracticable. This change of manners soon consumed the\nfirewood of England, and will soon render fuel extremely scarce\nand dear in France, if the use of coals be not introduced in the\nlatter kingdom as it has been in the former, where it at first met\nwith opposition; for there is extant in the records of one of queen\nElizabeth's parliaments, a motion made by a member, reciting, \"That\nmany dyers, brewers, smiths, and other artificers of London, had\nof late taken to the use of pit-coal for their fires, instead of\nwood, which filled the air with noxious vapours and smoke, very\nprejudicial to the health, particularly of persons coming out of\nthe country; and therefore moving that a law might pass to prohibit\nthe use of such fuel (at least during the session of parliament) by\nthose artificers.\"--It seems it was not then commonly used in private\nhouses. Its supposed unwholesomeness was an objection. Luckily the\ninhabitants of London have got over that objection, and now think\nit rather contributes to render their air salubrious, as they have\nhad no general pestilential disorder since the general use of coals,\nwhen, before it, such were frequent. Paris still burns wood at an\nenormous expence continually augmenting, the inhabitants having still\nthat prejudice to overcome. In Germany you are happy in the use of\nstoves, which save fuel wonderfully: your people are very ingenious\nin the management of fire; but they may still learn something in that\nart from the Chinese[56], whose country being greatly populous and\nfully cultivated, has little room left for the growth of wood, and\nhaving not much other fuel that is good, have been forced upon many\ninventions during a course of ages, for making a little fire go as\nfar as possible.\n\nI have thus gone through all the common causes of the smoking of\nchimneys that I can at present recollect as having fallen under\nmy observation; communicating the remedies that I have known\nsuccessfully used for the different cases, together with the\nprinciples on which both the disease and the remedy depend, and\nconfessing my ignorance wherever I have been sensible of it. You\nwill do well, if you publish, as you propose, this letter, to add in\nnotes, or as you please, such observations as may have occurred to\nyour attentive mind; and if other philosophers will do the same, this\npart of science, though humble, yet of great utility, may in time\nbe perfected. For many years past, I have rarely met with a case of\na smoky chimney, which has not been solvable on these principles,\nand cured by these remedies, where people have been willing to apply\nthem; which is indeed not always the case; for many have prejudices\nin favour of the nostrums of pretending chimney-doctors and fumists,\nand some have conceits and fancies of their own, which they rather\nchuse to try, than to lengthen a funnel, alter the size of an\nopening, or admit air into a room, however necessary; for some are as\nmuch afraid of fresh air as persons in the hydrophobia are of fresh\nwater. I myself had formerly this prejudice, this _aerophobia_, as I\nnow account it, and dreading the supposed dangerous effects of cool\nair, I considered it as an enemy, and closed with extreme care every\ncrevice in the rooms I inhabited. Experience has convinced me of\nmy error. I now look upon fresh air as a friend: I even sleep with\nan open window. I am persuaded that no common air from without, is\nso unwholesome as the air within a close room that has been often\nbreathed and not changed. Moist air too, which formerly I thought\npernicious, gives me now no apprehensions: for considering that\nno dampness of air applied to the outside of my skin can be equal\nto what is applied to and touches it within, my whole body being\nfull of moisture, and finding that I can lie two hours in a bath\ntwice a week, covered with water, which certainly is much damper\nthan any air can be, and this for years together, without catching\ncold, or being in any other manner disordered by it, I no longer\ndread mere moisture, either in air or in sheets or shirts: and I\nfind it of importance to the happiness of life, the being freed\nfrom vain terrors, especially of objects that we are every day\nexposed inevitably to meet with. You physicians have of late happily\ndiscovered, after a contrary opinion had prevailed some ages, that\nfresh and cool air does good to persons in the small pox and other\nfevers. It is to be hoped, that in another century or two we may all\nfind out, that it is not bad even for people in health. And as to\nmoist air, here I am at this present writing in a ship with above\nforty persons, who have had no other but moist air to breathe for six\nweeks past; every thing we touch is damp, and nothing dries, yet we\nare all as healthy as we should be on the mountains of Switzerland,\nwhose inhabitants are not more so than those of Bermuda or St.\nHelena, islands on whose rocks the waves are dashed into millions of\nparticles, which fill the air with damp, but produce no diseases,\nthe moisture being pure, unmixed with the poisonous vapours arising\nfrom putrid marshes and stagnant pools, in which many insects die and\ncorrupt the water. These places only, in my opinion (which however\nI submit to yours) afford unwholesome air; and that it is not the\nmere water contained in damp air, but the volatile particles of\ncorrupted animal matter mixed with that water, which renders such air\npernicious to those who breathe it. And I imagine it a cause of the\nsame kind that renders the air in close rooms, where the perspirable\nmatter is breathed over and over again by a number of assembled,\npeople so hurtful to health. After being in such a situation, many\nfind themselves affected by that _febricula_, which the English alone\ncall a _cold_, and, perhaps from the name, imagine that they caught\nthe malady by _going out_ of the room, when it was in fact by being\nin it.\n\nYou begin to think that I wander from my subject, and go out of my\ndepth. So I return again to my chimneys.\n\nWe have of late many lecturers in experimental philosophy. I have\nwished that some of them would study this branch of that science,\nand give experiments in it as a part of their lectures. The addition\nto their present apparatus need not be very expensive. A number of\nlittle representations of rooms composed each of five panes of sash\nglass, framed in wood at the corners, with proportionable doors,\nand moveable glass chimneys, with openings of different sizes, and\ndifferent lengths of funnel, and some of the rooms so contrived as\nto communicate on occasion with others, so as to form different\ncombinations, and exemplify different cases; with quantities of green\nwax taper cut into pieces of an inch and half, sixteen of which stuck\ntogether in a square, and lit, would make a strong fire for a little\nglass chimney, and blown out would continue to burn and give smoke as\nlong as desired. With such an apparatus all the operations of smoke\nand rarified air in rooms and chimneys might be seen through their\ntransparent sides; and the effect of winds on chimneys, commanded or\notherwise, might be shown, by letting the entering air blow upon them\nthrough an opened window of the lecturer's chamber, where it would\nbe constant while he kept a good fire in his chimney. By the help of\nsuch lectures our fumists would become better instructed. At present\nthey have generally but one remedy, which perhaps they have known\neffectual in some one case of smoky chimneys, and they apply that\nindiscriminately to all the other cases, without success,--but not\nwithout expence to their employers.\n\nWith all the science, however, that a man shall suppose himself\npossessed of in this article, he may sometimes meet with cases\nthat shall puzzle him. I once lodged in a house at London, which,\nin a little room, had a single chimney and funnel. The opening was\nvery small, yet it did not keep in the smoke, and all attempts to\nhave a fire in this room were fruitless. I could not imagine the\nreason, till at length observing that the chamber over it, which had\nno fire-place in it, was always filled with smoke when a fire was\nkindled below and that the smoke came through the cracks and crevices\nof the wainscot; I had the wainscot taken down, and discovered that\nthe funnel, which went up behind it, had a crack many feet in length,\nand wide enough to admit my arm, a breach very dangerous with regard\nto fire, and occasioned probably by an apparent irregular settling of\none side of the house. The air entering this breach freely, destroyed\nthe drawing force of the funnel. The remedy would have been, filling\nup the breach or rather rebuilding the funnel: but the landlord\nrather chose to stop up the chimney.\n\nAnother puzzling case I met with at a friend's country house near\nLondon. His best room had a chimney in which, he told me, he never\ncould have a fire, for all the smoke came out into the room. I\nflattered myself I could easily find the cause, and prescribe the\ncure. I had a fire made there, and found it as he said. I opened\nthe door, and perceived it was not want of air. I made a temporary\ncontraction of the opening of the chimney, and found that it was not\nits being too large that caused the smoke to issue. I went out and\nlooked up at the top of the chimney: its funnel was joined in the\nsame stack with others, some of them shorter, that drew very well,\nand I saw nothing to prevent its doing the same. In fine, after\nevery other examination I could think of, I was obliged to own the\ninsufficiency of my skill. But my friend, who made no pretension to\nsuch kind of knowledge, afterwards discovered the cause himself. He\ngot to the top of the funnel by a ladder, and looking down, found\nit filled with twigs and straw cemented by earth, and lined with\nfeathers. It seems the house, after being built, had stood empty some\nyears before he occupied it; and he concluded that some large birds\nhad taken the advantage of its retired situation to make their nest\nthere. The rubbish, considerable in quantity, being removed, and the\nfunnel cleared, the chimney drew well, and gave satisfaction.\n\nIn general smoke is a very tractable thing, easily governed and\ndirected when one knows the principles, and is well informed of\nthe circumstances. You know I made it _descend_ in my Pensylvania\nstove. I formerly had a more simple construction, in which the same\neffect was produced, but visible to the eye (Plate, Figure 7). It\nwas composed of two plates A B and C D, placed as in the figure.\nThe lower plate A B rested with its edge in the angle made by the\nhearth with the back of the chimney. The upper plate was fixed to\nthe breast, and lapped over the lower about six inches wide and\nthe length of the plates (near two feet) between them. Every other\npassage of air into the funnel was well stopped. When therefore a\nfire was made at E, for the first time with charcoal, till the air\nin the funnel was a little heated through the plates, and then wood\nlaid on, the smoke would rise to A, turn over the edge of that plate,\ndescend to D, then turn under the edge of the upper plate, and go\nup the chimney. It was pretty to see, but of no great use. Placing\ntherefore the under plate in a higher situation, I removed the\nupper plate C D, and placed it perpendicularly (Plate, Figure 8) so\nthat the upper edge of the lower plate A B came within about three\ninches of it, and might be pushed farther from it, or suffered to\ncome nearer to it, by a moveable wedge between them. The flame then\nascending from the fire at E, was, carried to strike the upper plate,\nmade it very hot, and its heat rose and spread with the rarefied air\ninto the room.\n\nI believe you have seen in use with me, the contrivance of a\nsliding-plate over the fire, seemingly placed to oppose the rising of\nthe smoke, leaving but a small passage for it, between the edge of\nthe plate and the back of the chimney. It is particularly described,\nand its uses explained, in my former printed letter, and I mention it\nhere only as another instance of the tractability of smoke[57].\n\nWhat is called the Staffordshire chimney, (see the Plate, facing page\n238) affords an example of the same kind. The opening of the chimney\nis bricked up, even with the fore-edge of its jams, leaving open only\na passage over the grate of the same width, and perhaps eight inches\nhigh. The grate consists of semicircular bars, their upper bar of\nthe greatest diameter, the others under it smaller and smaller, so\nthat it has the appearance of half a round basket. It is, with the\ncoals it contains, wholly without the wall that shuts up the chimney,\nyet the smoke bends and enters the passage above it, the draft being\nstrong, because no air can enter that is not obliged to pass near or\nthrough the fire, so that all that the funnel is filled with is much\nheated, and of course much rarefied.\n\nMuch more of the prosperity of a winter country depends on the plenty\nand cheapness of fuel, than is generally imagined. In travelling I\nhave observed, that in those parts where the inhabitants can have\nneither wood nor coal nor turf but at excessive prices, the working\npeople live in miserable hovels, are ragged, and have nothing\ncomfortable about them. But when fuel is cheap (or where they have\nthe art of managing it to advantage) they are well furnished with\nnecessaries, and have decent habitations. The obvious reason is,\nthat the working hours of such people are the profitable hours, and\nthey who cannot afford sufficient fuel have fewer such hours in the\ntwenty four, than those who have it cheap and plenty: for much of the\ndomestic work of poor women, such as spinning, sewing, knitting; and\nof the men in those manufactures that require little bodily exercise,\ncannot well be performed where the fingers are numbed with cold,\nthose people, therefore, in cold weather, are induced to go to bed\nsooner, and lie longer in a morning, than they would do if they could\nhave good fires or warm stoves to sit by; and their hours of work are\nnot sufficient to produce the means of comfortable subsistence. Those\npublic works, therefore, such as roads, canals, &c. by which fuel\nmay be brought cheap into such countries from distant places, are of\ngreat utility; and those who promote them may be reckoned among the\nbenefactors of mankind.\n\nI have great pleasure in having thus complied with your request, and\nin the reflection, that the friendship you honour me with, and in\nwhich I have ever been so happy, has continued so many years without\nthe smallest interruption. Our distance from each other is now\naugmented, and nature must soon put an end to the possibility of my\ncontinuing our correspondence: but if consciousness and memory remain\nin a future state, my esteem and respect for you, my dear friend,\nwill be everlasting.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n_Notes for the Letter upon Chimneys._\n\nNo. I.\n\nThe latest work on architecture that I have seen, is that entitled\n_Nutshells_, which appears to be written by a very ingenious man, and\ncontains a table of the proportions of the openings of chimneys; but\nthey relate solely to the proportions he gives his rooms, without\nthe smallest regard to the funnels. And he remarks, respecting those\nproportions, that they are similar to the harmonic divisions of a\nmonochord.[58] He does not indeed lay much stress on this; but it\nshows that we like the appearance of principles; and where we have\nnot true ones, we have some satisfaction in producing such as are\nimaginary.\n\n\nNo. II.\n\nThe description of the sliding plates here promised, and which hath\nbeen since brought into use under various names, with some immaterial\nchanges, is contained in a former letter to J. B. Esq. as follows:\n\n\n TO J. B.[59] ESQ. AT BOSTON, IN NEW-ENGLAND.\n\n _London, Dec. 2, 1758,_\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI have executed here an easy simple contrivance, that I have long\nsince had in speculation, for keeping rooms warmer in cold weather\nthan they generally are, and with less fire. It is this. The opening\nof the chimney is contracted, by brick-work faced with marble slabs,\nto about two feet between the jams, and the breast brought down to\nwithin about three feet of the hearth. An iron frame is placed just\nunder the breast, and extending quite to the back of the chimney,\nso that a plate of the same metal may slide horizontally backwards\nand forwards in the grooves on each side of the frame. This plate\nis just so large as to fill the whole space, and shut the chimney\nentirely when thrust quite in, which is convenient when there is no\nfire. Drawing it out, so as to leave a space between its further edge\nand the back, of about two inches; this space is sufficient for the\nsmoke to pass; and so large a part of the funnel being stopt by the\nrest of the plate, the passage of warm air out of the room, up the\nchimney, is obstructed and retarded, and by that means much cold air\nis prevented from coming in through crevices, to supply its place.\nThis effect is made manifest three ways. First, when the fire burns\nbriskly in cold weather, the howling or whistling noise made by the\nwind, as it enters the room through the crevices, when the chimney\nis open as usual, ceases as soon as the plate is slid in to its\nproper distance. Secondly, opening the door of the room about half\nan inch, and holding your hand against the opening, near the top of\nthe door, you feel the cold air coming in against your hand, but\nweakly, if the plate be in. Let another person suddenly draw it out,\nso as to let the air of the room go up the chimney, with its usual\nfreedom where chimneys are open, and you immediately feel the cold\nair rushing in strongly. Thirdly, if something be set against the\ndoor, just sufficient, when the plate is in, to keep the door nearly\nshut, by resisting the pressure of the air that would force it open:\nthen, when the plate is drawn out, the door will be forced open by\nthe increased pressure of the outward cold air endeavouring to get in\nto supply the place of the warm air, that now passes out of the room\nto go up the chimney. In our common open chimneys, half the fuel is\nwasted, and its effect lost; the air it has warmed being immediately\ndrawn off. Several of my acquaintance, having seen this simple\nmachine in my room, have imitated it at their own houses, and it\nseems likely to become pretty common. I describe it thus particularly\nto you, because I think it would be useful in Boston, where firing is\noften dear.\n\nMentioning chimneys puts me in mind of a property I formerly had\noccasion to observe in them, which I have not found taken notice of\nby others; it is, that in the summer time, when no fire is made in\nthe chimneys, there is, nevertheless, a regular draft of air through\nthem, continually passing upwards, from about five or six o'clock\nin the afternoon, till eight or nine o'clock the next morning, when\nthe current begins to slacken and hesitate a little, for about half\nan hour, and then sets as strongly down again, which it continues to\ndo till towards five in the afternoon, then slackens and hesitates\nas before, going sometimes a little up, then a little down, till, in\nabout a half an hour, it gets into a steady upward current for the\nnight, which continues till eight or nine the next day; the hours\nvarying a little as the days lengthen and shorten, and sometimes\nvarying from sudden changes in the weather; as if, after being long\nwarm, it should begin to grow cool about noon, while the air was\ncoming down the chimney, the current will then change earlier than\nthe usual hour, &c.\n\nThis property in chimneys I imagine we might turn to some account,\nand render improper, for the future, the old saying, _as useless\nas a chimney in summer_. If the opening of the chimney, from the\nbreast down to the hearth, be closed by a slight moveable frame or\ntwo, in the manner of doors, covered with canvas, that will let the\nair through, but keep out the flies; and another little frame set\nwithin upon the hearth, with hooks on which to hang joints of meat,\nfowls, &c. wrapt well in wet linen cloths, three or four fold, I\nam confident, that if the linen is kept wet, by sprinkling it once\na day, the meat would be so cooled by the evaporation, carried on\ncontinually by means of the passing air, that it would keep a week\nor more in the hottest weather. Butter and milk might likewise be\nkept cool, in vessels or bottles covered with wet cloths. A shallow\ntray, or keeler, should be under the frame to receive any water that\nmight drip from the wetted cloths. I think, too, that this property\nof chimneys might, by means of smoke-jack vanes, be applied to some\nmechanical purposes, where a small but pretty constant power only is\nwanted.\n\nIf you would have my opinion of the cause of this changing current of\nair in chimneys, it is, in short, as follows. In summer time there\nis generally a great difference in the warmth of the air at mid-day\nand mid-night, and, of course, a difference of specific gravity\nin the air, as the more it is warmed the more it is rarefied. The\nfunnel of a chimney, being for the most part surrounded by the house,\nis protected, in a great measure, from the direct action of the\nsun's rays, and also from the coldness of the night air. It thence\npreserves a middle temperature between the heat of the day, and the\ncoldness of the night. This middle temperature it communicates to\nthe air contained in it. If the state of the outward air be cooler\nthan that in the funnel of the chimney, it will, by being heavier,\nforce it to rise, and go out at the top. What supplies its place from\nbelow, being warmed, in its turn, by the warmer funnel, is likewise\nforced up by the colder and weightier air below, and so the current\nis continued till the next day, when the sun gradually changes the\nstate of the outward air, makes it first as warm as the funnel of\nthe chimney can make it (when the current begins to hesitate) and\nafterwards warmer. Then the funnel, being cooler than the air that\ncomes into it, cools that air, makes it heavier than the outward air,\nof course it descends; and what succeeds it from above being cooled\nin its turn, the descending current continues till towards evening,\nwhen it again hesitates and changes its course, from the change of\nwarmth in the outward air, and the nearly remaining same middle\ntemperature in the funnel.\n\nUpon this principle, if a house were built behind Beacon-hill, an\nadit carried from one of the doors into the hill horizontally, till\nit meet with a perpendicular shaft sunk from its top, it seems\nprobable to me, that those who lived in the house would constantly,\nin the heat even of the calmest day, have as much cool air passing\nthrough the house, as they should chuse; and the same, though\nreversed in its current, during the stillest night.\n\nI think, too, this property might be made of use to miners; as,\nwhere several shafts or pits are sunk perpendicularly into the\nearth, communicating at bottom by horizontal passages, which is a\ncommon case, if a chimney of thirty or forty feet high were built\nover one of the shafts, or so near the shaft, that the chimney might\ncommunicate with the top of the shaft, all air being excluded but\nwhat should pass up or down by the shaft, a constant change of air\nwould, by this means, be produced in the passages below, tending to\nsecure the workmen from those damps, which so frequently incommode\nthem. For the fresh air would be almost always going down the open\nshaft, to go up the chimney, or down the chimney, to go up the shaft.\nLet me add one observation more, which is, that if that part of the\nfunnel of a chimney, which appears above the roof of a house, be\npretty long, and have three of its sides exposed to the heat of the\nsun successively, viz. when he is in the east, in the south, and in\nthe west, while the north side is sheltered by the building from the\ncool northerly winds; such a chimney will often be so heated by the\nsun, as to continue the draft strongly upwards, through the whole\ntwenty-four hours, and often for many days together. If the outside\nof such a chimney be painted black, the effect will be still greater,\nand the current stronger.\n\n\nNo. III.\n\nIt is said the northern Chinese have a method of warming their ground\nfloors, which is ingenious. Those floors are made of tiles, a foot\nsquare and two inches thick, their corners being supported by bricks\nset on end, that are a foot long and four inches square; the tiles,\ntoo, join into each other, by ridges and hollows along their sides.\nThis forms a hollow under the whole floor, which on one side of the\nhouse has an opening into the air, where a fire is made, and it has a\nfunnel rising from the other side to carry off the smoke. The fuel is\na sulphurous pitcoal, the smell of which in the room is thus avoided,\nwhile the floor, and of course the room, is well warmed. But as the\nunderside of the floor must grow foul with soot, and a thick coat of\nsoot prevents much of the direct application of the hot air to the\ntiles, I conceive that burning the smoke, by obliging it to descend\nthrough red coals, would in this construction be very advantageous,\nas more heat would be given by the flame than by the smoke, and the\nfloor being thereby kept free from soot would be more heated with\nless fire. For this purpose I would propose erecting the funnel close\nto the grate, so as to have only an iron plate between the fire and\nthe funnel, through which plate, the air in the funnel being heated,\nit will be sure to draw well, and force the smoke to descend, as in\nthe figure (Plate, Figure 9.) where A is the funnel or chimney, B the\ngrate on which the fire is placed, C one of the apertures through\nwhich the descending smoke is drawn into the channel D of figure\n10, along which channel it is conveyed by a circuitous route, as\ndesignated by the arrows, until it arrives at the small aperture E,\nfigure 10, through which it enters the funnel F. G in both figures is\nthe iron plate against which the fire is made, which, being heated\nthereby, will rarefy the air in that part of the funnel, and cause\nthe smoke to ascend rapidly. The flame thus dividing from the grate\nto the right and left, and turning in passages, disposed, as in\nfigure 10, so as that every part of the floor may be visited by it\nbefore it enters the funnel F, by the two passages E E, very little\nof the heat will be lost, and a winter room thus rendered very\ncomfortable.\n\n\nNo. IV.\n\nPage 265. _Few can imagine_, &c. It is said the Icelanders have very\nlittle fuel, chiefly drift wood that comes upon their coast. To\nreceive more advantage from its heat, they make their doors low, and\nhave a stage round the room above the door, like a gallery, wherein\nthe women can sit and work, the men read or write, &c. The roof being\ntight, the warm air is confined by it and kept from rising higher and\nescaping; and the cold air, which enters the house when the door is\nopened, cannot rise above the level of the top of the door, because\nit is heavier than the warm air above the door, and so those in the\ngallery are not incommoded by it. Some of our too lofty rooms might\nhave a stage so constructed as to make a temporary gallery above, for\nthe winter, to be taken away in summer. Sedentary people would find\nmuch comfort there in cold weather.\n\n\nNo. V.\n\nPage 285. _Where they have the art of managing it_, &c. In some\nhouses of the lower people among the northern nations of Europe, and\namong the poorer sort of Germans in Pensylvania, I have observed this\nconstruction, which appears very advantageous. (Plate Figure 11.) A\nis the kitchen with its chimney; B an iron stove in the stove-room.\nIn a corner of the chimney is a hole through the back into the stove,\nto put in fuel, and another hole above it to let the smoke of the\nstove come back into the chimney. As soon as the cooking is over,\nthe brands in the kitchen chimney are put through the hole to supply\nthe stove, so that there is seldom more than one fire burning at a\ntime. In the floor over the stove-room, is a small trap door, to\nlet the warm air rise occasionally into the chamber. Thus the whole\nhouse is warmed at little expence of wood, and the stove-room kept\nconstantly warm; so that in the coldest winter nights, they can work\nlate, and find the room still comfortable when they rise to work\nearly. An English farmer in America, who makes great fires in large\nopen chimneys, needs the constant employment of one man to cut and\nhaul wood for supplying them; and the draft of cold air to them is\nso strong, that the heels of his family are frozen while they are\nscorching their faces, and the room is never warm, so that little\nsedentary work can be done by them in winter. The difference in\nthis article alone of economy shall, in a course of years, enable\nthe German to buy out the Englishman, and take possession of his\nplantation.\n\n\n_Miscellaneous Observations._\n\nChimneys, whose funnels go up in the north wall of a house and are\nexposed to the north winds, are not so apt to draw well as those in\na south wall; because, when rendered cold by those winds, they draw\ndownwards.\n\nChimneys, enclosed in the body of a house, are better than those\nwhose funnels are exposed in cold walls.\n\nChimneys in stacks are apt to draw better than separate funnels,\nbecause the funnels, that have constant fires in them, warm the\nothers, in some degree, that have none.\n\nOne of the funnels, in a house I once occupied, had a particular\nfunnel joined to the south side of the stack, so that three of its\nsides were exposed to the sun in the course of the day, viz. (Plate,\nFigure 12.) the east side E during the morning, the south side S in\nthe middle part of the day, and the west side W during the afternoon,\nwhile its north side was sheltered by the stack from the cold winds.\nThis funnel, which came from the ground-floor, and had a considerable\nheight above the roof, was constantly in a strong drawing state day\nand night, winter and summer.\n\nBlacking of funnels, exposed to the sun, would probably make them\ndraw still stronger.\n\nIn Paris I saw a fire-place so ingeniously contrived as to serve\nconveniently two rooms, a bedchamber and a study. The funnel over the\nfire was round. The fire-place was of cast iron (Plate, Figure 13.)\nhaving an upright back A, and two horizontal semicircular plates B C,\nthe whole so ordered as to turn on the pivots D E. The plate B always\nstopped that part of the round funnel that was next to the room\nwithout fire, while the other half of the funnel over the fire was\nalways open. By this means a servant in the morning could make a fire\non the hearth C, then in the study, without disturbing the master by\ngoing into his chamber; and the master, when he rose, could, with a\ntouch of his foot, turn the chimney on its pivots, and bring the fire\ninto his chamber, keep it there as long as he wanted it, and turn it\nagain, when he went out, into his study. The room which had no fire\nin it was also warmed by the heat coming through the back plate, and\nspreading in the room, as it could not go up the chimney.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[51] This letter, which has been published in a separate pamphlet,\nboth in this country and America, first appeared in the Transactions\nof the American Philosophical Society, in which it was read Oct. 21,\n1785. _Editor._\n\n[52] See Notes at the end of the Letter, No. I.\n\n[53] See Notes at the end of the Letter, No. II.\n\n[54] See Notes at the end of the letter, No. II.\n\n[55] See Notes at the end of the letter, No. II.\n\n[56] See Notes at the end of the letter, No. III.\n\n[57] See Notes at the end of the Letter, No. II.\n\n[58] \"It may be just remarked here, that upon comparing these\nproportions with those arising from the common divisions of the\nmonochord, it happens that the first answers to unisons, and although\nthe second is a discord, the third answers to the third minor, the\nfourth to the third major, the fifth to the fourth, the sixth to the\nfifth, and the seventh to the octave.\" NUTSHELLS, page 85.\n\n[59] Badoin. _Editor._\n\n\n[Illustration:\n\n _Plate X._ _Vol. II. page 297._\n\nSTOVE FOR BURNING PIT-COAL.\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\n\n\n\n _Description of a new Stove for burning of Pitcoal, and consuming\n all its smoke._[60] _By Dr. B._ FRANKLIN.\n\n\nTowards the end of the last century an ingenious French philosopher,\nwhose name I am sorry I cannot recollect, exhibited an experiment\nto show, that very offensive things might be burnt in the middle of\na chamber, such as woollen rags, feathers, &c. without creating the\nleast smoke or smell. The machine in which it was made, if I remember\nright, was of this form, (Plate X. Figure 1.) made of plate iron.\nSome clear burning charcoals were put into the opening of the short\ntube A, and supported there by the grate B. The air, as soon as the\ntubes grew warm, would ascend in the longer leg C and go out at D,\nconsequently air must enter at A descending to B. In this course it\nmust be heated by the burning coals through which it passed, and\nrise more forcibly in the longer tube, in proportion to its degree\nof heat or rarefaction, and length of that tube. For such a machine\nis a kind of inverted syphon; and as the greater weight of water in\nthe longer leg of a common syphon in descending is accompanied by an\nascent of the same fluid in the shorter; so, in this inverted syphon,\nthe greater quantity of levity of air in the longer leg, in rising\nis accompanied by the descent of air in the shorter. The things to\nbe burned being laid on the hot coals at A, the smoke must descend\nthrough those coals, be converted into flame, which, after destroying\nthe offensive smell, came out at the end of the longer tube as mere\nheated air.\n\nWhoever would repeat this experiment with success must take care that\nthe part A, B, of the short tube, be quite full of burning coals,\nso that no part of the smoke may descend and pass by them without\ngoing through them, and being converted into flame; and that the\nlonger tube be so heated as that the current of ascending hot air\nis established in it before the things to be burnt are laid on the\ncoals; otherwise there will be a disappointment.\n\nIt does not appear either in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences,\nor Philosophical Transactions of the English Royal Society, that any\nimprovement was ever made of this ingenious experiment, by applying\nit to useful purposes. But there is a German book, entitled _Vulcanus\nFamulans_, by Joh. George Leutmann, P. D. printed at Wirtemberg in\n1723, which describes, among a great variety of other stoves for\nwarming rooms, one, which seems to have been formed on the same\nprinciple, and probably from the hint thereby given, though the\nFrench experiment is not mentioned. This book being scarce, I have\ntranslated the chapter describing the stove, viz.\n\n\n\"_Vulcanus Famulans, by John George Leutmann, P. D._\n\n\"_Wirtemberg, 1723._\n\n\"CHAP. VII.\n\n\"On a Stove, which draws downwards.\n\n\"Here follows the description of a sort of stove, which can easily\nbe removed and again replaced at pleasure. This drives the fire down\nunder itself, and gives no smoke, but however a very unwholesome\nvapour.\n\n\"In the figure, A is an iron vessel like a funnel, (Plate X. Figure\n20.) in diameter at the top about twelve inches, at the bottom near\nthe grate about five inches; its height twelve inches. This is set on\nthe barrel C, which is ten inches diameter and two feet long, closed\nat each end E E. From one end rises a pipe or flue about four inches\ndiameter, on which other pieces of pipe are set, which are gradually\ncontracted to D, where the opening is but about two inches. Those\npipes must together be at least four feet high. B is an iron grate.\nF F are iron handles guarded with wood, by which the stove is to be\nlifted and moved. It stands on three legs. Care must be taken to stop\nwell all the joints, that no smoke may leak through.\n\n\"When this stove is to be used, it must first be carried into the\nkitchen and placed in the chimney near the fire. There burning wood\nmust be laid and left upon its grate till the barrel C is warm, and\nthe smoke no longer rises at A, but descends towards C. Then it is to\nbe carried into the room which it is to warm. When once the barrel C\nis warm, fresh wood may be thrown into the vessel A as often as one\npleases, the flame descends and without smoke, which is so consumed\nthat only a vapour passes out at D.\n\n\"As this vapour is unwholesome, and affects the head, one may be\nfreed from it, by fixing in the wall of the room an inverted funnel,\nsuch as people use to hang over lamps, through which their smoke goes\nout as through a chimney. This funnel carries out all the vapour\ncleverly, so that one finds no inconvenience from it, even though the\nopening D be placed a span below the mouth of the said funnel G. The\nneck of the funnel is better when made gradually bending, than if\nturned in a right angle.\n\n\"The cause of the draft downwards in the stove is the pressure of the\noutward air, which, falling into the vessel A in a column of twelve\ninches diameter, finds only a resisting passage at the grate B, of\nfive inches, and one at D, of two inches, which are much too weak\nto drive it back again; besides, A stands much higher than B, and\nso the pressure on it is greater and more forcible, and beats down\nthe frame to that part where it finds the least resistance. Carrying\nthe machine first to the kitchen fire for preparation, is on this\naccount, that in the beginning the fire and smoke naturally ascend,\ntill the air in the close barrel C is made thinner by the warmth.\nWhen that vessel is heated, the air in it is rarefied, and then all\nthe smoke and fire descends under it.\n\n\"The wood should be thoroughly dry, and cut into pieces five or six\ninches long, to fit it for being thrown into the funnel A.\" Thus far\nthe German book.\n\nIt appears to me, by Mr. Leutmann's explanation of the operation of\nthis machine, that he did not understand the principles of it, whence\nI conclude he was not the inventor of it; and by the description of\nit, wherein the opening at A is made so large, and the pipe E, D,\nso short, I am persuaded he never made nor saw the experiment, for\nthe first ought to be much smaller and the last much higher, or it\nhardly will succeed. The carrying it in the kitchen, too, every time\nthe fire should happen to be out, must be so troublesome, that it is\nnot likely ever to have been in practice, and probably has never been\nshown but as a philosophical experiment. The funnel for conveying\nthe vapour out of the room would besides have been uncertain in its\noperation, as a wind blowing against its mouth would drive the vapour\nback.\n\nThe stove I am about to describe was also formed on the idea given by\nthe French experiment, and completely carried into execution before\nI had any knowledge of the German invention; which I wonder should\nremain so many years in a country, where men are so ingenious in the\nmanagement of fire, without receiving long since the improvements I\nhave given it.\n\n\n_Description of the Parts._\n\nA, the bottom plate which lies flat upon the hearth, with its\npartitions, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, (Plate X. Figure 2.) that are cast with\nit, and a groove Z Z, in which are to slide, the bottom edges of the\nsmall plates Y, Y, figure 12; which plates meeting at X close the\nfront.\n\nB 1, figure 3, is the cover plate showing its under side, with the\ngrooves 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, to receive the top edges of the partitions\nthat are fixed to the bottom plate. It shows also the grate W W, the\nbars of which are cast in the plate, and a groove V V, which comes\nright over the groove Z Z, figure 2, receiving the upper edges of the\nsmall sliding plates Y Y, figure 12.\n\nB 2, figure 4, shows the upper side of the same plate, with a square\nimpression or groove for receiving the bottom mouldings T T T T of\nthe three-sided box C, figure 5, which is cast in one piece.\n\nD, figure 6, its cover, showing its under side with grooves to\nreceive the upper edges S S S of the sides of C, figure 5, also a\ngroove R, R, which when the cover is put on comes right over another\nQ Q in C, figure 5, between which it is to slide.\n\nE, figure 7, the front plate of the box.\n\nP, a hole three inches diameter through the cover D, figure 6, over\nwhich hole stands the vase F, figure 8, which has a corresponding\nhole two inches diameter through its bottom.\n\nThe top of the vase opens at O, O, O, figure 8, and turns back\nupon a hinge behind when coals are to be put in; the vase has a\ngrate within at N N of cast iron H, figure 9, and a hole in the top,\none and a half inches diameter, to admit air, and to receive the\nornamental brass guilt flame M, figure 10, which stands in that hole,\nand, being itself hollow and open, suffers air to pass through it to\nthe fire.\n\nG, figure 11, is a drawer of plate iron, that slips in between in\nthe partitions 2 and 3, figure 2, to receive the falling ashes. It\nis concealed when the small sliding plates Y Y, figure 12, are shut\ntogether.\n\nI, I, I, I, figure 8, is a niche built of brick in the chimney and\nplastered. It closes the chimney over the vase, but leaves two\nfunnels, one in each corner, communicating with the bottom box K K,\nfigure 2.\n\n\n _Dimensions of the Parts._\n\n _Feet._ _In._\n\n Front of the bottom box, 2 0\n Height of its partitions, 0 4\u00bc\n Length of No. 1, 2, 3 and 4, each, 1 3\n Length of No. 5 and 6, each, 0 8\u00bc\n Breadth of the passage between No. 2 and 3, 0 6\n Breadth of the other passages each, 0 3\u00bd\n Breadth of the grate, 0 6\u00bd\n Length of ditto, 0 8\n Bottom moulding of box C, square, 1 0\n Height of the sides of ditto, 0 4\n Length of the back side, 0 10\n Length of the right and left sides, each, 0 9\u00bd\n Length of the front plate E, where longest, 0 11\n The cover D, square, 0 12\n Hole in ditto, diameter, 0 3\n Sliding plates Y Y, their length, each, 1 0\n ----- ----- ----- their breadth, each, 0 4\u00bd\n Drawer G, its length, 1 0\n ----- ----- breadth, 0 5\u00be\n ----- ----- depth, 0 4\n ----- ----- depth of its further end, only, 0 1\n Grate H in the vase, its diameter to the\n extremity of its knobs, 0 5\u00be\n Thickness of the bars at top, 0 0\u00bc\n ----- ----- ----- at bottom, less, 0 0\n Depth of the bars at the top, 0 0\u00be\n Height of the vase, 1 6\n Diameter of the opening O, O, in the clear, 0 8\n Diameter of the air-hole at top, 0 1\u00bd\n ----- of the flame hole at bottom, 0 2\n\n\n_To fix this Machine._\n\nSpread mortar on the hearth to bed the bottom plate A, then lay that\nplate level, equally distant from each jamb, and projecting out\nas far as you think proper. Then putting some Windsor loam in the\ngrooves of the cover B, lay that on: trying the sliding plates Y Y,\nto see if they move freely in the grooves Z Z, V V, designed for them.\n\nThen begin to build the niche, observing to leave the square corners\nof the chimney unfilled; for they are to be funnels. And observe also\nto leave a free open communication between the passages at K K, and\nthe bottom of those funnels, and mind to close the chimney above the\ntop of the niche, that no air may pass up that way. The concave back\nof the niche will rest on the circular iron partition 1 A 4, figure\n2, then, with a little loam, put on the box C over the grate, the\nopen side of the box in front.\n\nThen, with loam in three of its grooves, the groove R R being left\nclean, and brought directly over the groove Q Q in the box, put on\nthe cover D, trying the front plate E, to see if it slides freely in\nthose grooves.\n\nLastly, set on the vase, which has small holes in the moulding of its\nbottom to receive two iron pins that rise out of the plate D at I I,\nfor the better keeping it steady.\n\nThen putting in the grate H, which rests on its three knobs h h h\nagainst the inside of the vase, and slipping the drawer into its\nplace; the machine is fit for use.\n\n\n_To use it._\n\nLet the first fire be made after eight in the evening or before\neight in the morning, for at those times and between those hours all\nnight, there is usually a draft up a chimney, though it has long been\nwithout fire; but between those hours in the day there is often, in\na cold chimney, a draft downwards, when, if you attempt to kindle a\nfire, the smoke will come into the room.\n\nBut to be certain of your proper time, hold a flame over the air-hole\nat the top. If the flame is drawn strongly down for a continuance,\nwithout whiffling, you may begin to kindle a fire.\n\nFirst put in a few charcoals on the grate H.\n\nLay some small sticks on the charcoals,\n\nLay some pieces of paper on the sticks,\n\nKindle the paper with a candle,\n\nThen shut down the top, and the air will pass down through the\nair-hole, blow the flame of the paper down through the sticks, kindle\nthem, and their flame passing lower kindles the charcoal.\n\nWhen the charcoal is well kindled, lay on it the sea-coals, observing\nnot to choak the fire by putting on too much at first.\n\nThe flame descending through the hole in the bottom of the vase,\nand that in plate D into the box C, passes down farther through the\ngrate W W in plate B 1, then passes horizontally towards the back of\nthe chimney; there dividing, and turning to the right and left, one\npart of it passes round the far end of the partition 2, then coming\nforward it turns round the near end of partition 1, then moving\nbackward it arrives at the opening into the bottom of one of the\nupright corner funnels behind the niche, through which it ascends\ninto the chimney, thus heating that half of the box and that side of\nthe niche. The other part of the divided flame passes round the far\nend of partition 3, round the near end of partition 4, and so into\nand up the other corner funnel, thus heating the other half of the\nbox, and the other side of the niche. The vase itself, and the box C\nwill also be very hot, and the air surrounding them being heated, and\nrising, as it cannot get into the chimney, it spreads in the room,\ncolder air succeeding is warmed in its turn, rises and spreads, till\nby the continual circulation the whole is warmed.\n\nIf you should have occasion to make your first fire at hours not\nso convenient as those above mentioned, and when the chimney does\nnot draw, do not begin it in the vase, but in one or more of the\npassages of the lower plate, first covering the mouth of the vase.\nAfter the chimney has drawn a while with the fire thus low, and\nbegins to be a little warm, you may close those passages and kindle\nanother fire in the box C, leaving its sliding shutter a little open;\nand when you find after some time that the chimney being warmed draws\nforcibly, you may shut that passage, open your vase, and kindle your\nfire there, as above directed. The chimney well warmed by the first\nday's fire will continue to draw constantly all winter, if fires are\nmade daily.\n\nYou will, in the management of your fire, have need of the following\nimplements:\n\nA pair of small light tongs, twelve or fifteen inches long, plate,\nfigure 13.\n\nA light poker about the same length with a flat broad point, figure\n14.\n\nA rake to draw ashes out of the passages of the lower plate, where\nthe lighter kind escaping the ash-box will gather by degrees, and\nperhaps once in a week or ten days require being removed, figure 15.\n\nAnd a fork with its prongs wide enough to slip on the neck of the\nvase cover, in order to raise and open it when hot, to put in fresh\ncoals, figure 16.\n\nIn the management of this stove there are certain precautions to\nbe observed, at first with attention, till they become habitual.\nTo avoid the inconvenience of smoke, see that the grate H be clear\nbefore you begin to light a fresh fire. If you find it clogged with\ncinders and ashes, turn it up with your tongs and let them fall upon\nthe grate below; the ashes will go through it, and the cinders may be\nraked off and returned into the vase when you would burn them. Then\nsee that all the sliding plates are in their places and close shut,\nthat no air may enter the stove but through the round opening at the\ntop of the vase. And to avoid the inconvenience of dust from the\nashes, let the ash-drawer be taken out of the room to be emptied; and\nwhen you rake the passages, do it when the draft of the air is strong\ninwards, and put the ashes carefully into the ash-box, that remaining\nin its place.\n\nIf, being about to go abroad, you would prevent your fire burning in\nyour absence, you may do it by taking the brass flame from the top\nof the vase, and covering the passage with a round tin plate, which\nwill prevent the entry of more air than barely sufficient to keep a\nfew of the coals alive. When you return, though some hours absent, by\ntaking off the tin plate and admitting the air, your fire will soon\nbe recovered.\n\nThe effect of this machine, well managed, is to burn not only the\ncoals, but all the smoke of the coals, so that while the fire is\nburning, if you go out and observe the top of your chimney, you will\nsee no smoke issuing, nor any thing but clear warm air, which as\nusual makes the bodies seen through it appear waving.\n\nBut let none imagine from this, that it may be a cure for bad or\nsmoky chimneys, much less, that as it burns the smoke it may be used\nin a room that has no chimney. It is by the help of a good chimney,\nthe higher the better, that it produces its effect; and though a\nflue of plate iron sufficiently high might be raised in a very lofty\nroom, the management to prevent all disagreeable vapour would be too\nnice for common practice, and small errors would have unpleasing\nconsequences.\n\nIt is certain that clean iron yields no offensive smell when heated.\nWhatever of that kind you perceive, where there are iron stoves,\nproceeds therefore from some foulness burning or fuming on their\nsurface. They should therefore never be spit upon, or greased, nor\nshould any dust be suffered to lie upon them. But as the greatest\ncare will not always prevent these things, it is well once a week\nto wash the stove with soap lees and a brush, rinsing it with clean\nwater.\n\n\n_The Advantages of this Stove._\n\n1. The chimney does not grow foul, nor ever need sweeping; for as no\nsmoke enters it, no soot can form in it.\n\n2. The air heated over common fires instantly quits the room and\ngoes up the chimney with the smoke; but in the stove, it is obliged\nto descend in flame and pass through the long winding horizontal\npassages, communicating its heat to a body of iron plate, which,\nhaving thus time to receive the heat, communicates the same to the\nair of the room, and thereby warms it to a greater degree.\n\n3. The whole of the fuel is consumed by being turned into flame, and\nyou have the benefit of its heat, whereas in common chimneys a great\npart goes away in smoke which you see as it rises, but it affords\nyou no rays of warmth. One may obtain some notion of the quantity of\nfuel thus wasted in smoke, by reflecting on the quantity of soot that\na few weeks firing will lodge against the sides of the chimney, and\nyet this is formed only of those particles of the column of smoke\nthat happen to touch the sides in its ascent. How much more must have\npassed off in the air? And we know that this soot is still fuel;\nfor it will burn and flame as such, and when hard caked together is\nindeed very like and almost as solid as the coal it proceeds from.\nThe destruction of your fuel goes on nearly in the same quantity\nwhether in smoke or in flame: but there is no comparison in the\ndifference of heat given. Observe when fresh coals are first put on\nyour fire, what a body of smoke arises. This smoke is for a long\ntime too cold to take flame. If you then plunge a burning candle\ninto it, the candle instead of inflaming the smoke will instantly be\nitself extinguished. Smoke must have a certain degree of heat to be\ninflammable. As soon as it has acquired that degree, the approach of\na candle will inflame the whole body, and you will be very sensible\nof the difference of the heat it gives. A still easier experiment\nmay be made with the candle itself. Hold your hand near the side of\nits flame, and observe the heat it gives; then blow it out, the hand\nremaining in the same place, and observe what heat may be given by\nthe smoke that rises from the still burning snuff. You will find it\nvery little. And yet that smoke has in it the substance of so much\nflame, and will instantly produce it, if you hold another candle\nabove it so as to kindle it. Now the smoke from the fresh coals laid\non this stove, instead of ascending and leaving the fire while too\ncold to burn, being obliged to descend through the burning coals,\nreceives among them that degree of heat which converts it into flame,\nand the heat of that flame is communicated to the air of the room, as\nabove explained.\n\n4. The flame from the fresh coals laid on in this stove, descending\nthrough the coals already ignited, preserves them long from\nconsuming, and continues them in the state of red coals as long as\nthe flame continues that surrounds them, by which means the fires\nmade in this stove are of much longer duration than in any other,\nand fewer coals are therefore necessary for a day. This is a very\nmaterial advantage indeed. That flame should be a kind of pickle, to\npreserve burning coals from consuming, may seem a paradox to many,\nand very unlikely to be true, as it appeared to me the first time\nI observed the fact. I must therefore relate the circumstances,\nand shall mention an easy experiment, by which my reader may be in\npossession of every thing necessary to the understanding of it. In\nthe first trial I made of this kind of stove, which was constructed\nof thin plate iron, I had instead of the vase a kind of inverted\npyramid like a mill-hopper; and fearing at first that the small\ngrate contained in it might be clogged by cinders, and the passage\nof the flame sometimes obstructed, I ordered a little door near the\ngrate, by means of which I might on occasion clear it: though after\nthe stove was made, and before I tried it, I began to think this\nprecaution superfluous, from an imagination, that the flame being\ncontracted in the narrow part where the grate was placed, would be\nmore powerful in consuming what it should there meet with, and that\nany cinders between or near the bars would be presently destroyed\nand the passage opened. After the stove was fixed and in action, I\nhad a pleasure now and then in opening that door a little, to see\nthrough the crevice how the flame descended among the red coals,\nand observing once a single coal lodged on the bars in the middle\nof the focus, a fancy took me to observe by my watch in how short a\ntime it would be consumed. I looked at it long without perceiving\nit to be at all diminished, which surprised me greatly. At length\nit occurred to me, that I and many others had seen the same thing\nthousands of times, in the conservation of the red coal formed in\nthe snuff of a burning candle, which while envelloped in flame, and\nthereby prevented from the contact of passing air, is long continued\nand augments instead of diminishing, so that we are often obliged\nto remove it by the snuffers, or bend it out of the flame into the\nair, where it consumes presently to ashes. I then supposed, that to\nconsume a body by fire, passing air was necessary to receive and\ncarry off the separated particles of the body: and that the air\npassing in the flame of my stove, and in the flame of a candle,\nbeing already saturated with such particles, could not receive more,\nand therefore left the coal undiminished as long as the outward air\nwas prevented from coming to it by the surrounding flame, which\nkept it in a situation somewhat like that of charcoal in a well\nluted crucible, which, though long kept in a strong fire, comes out\nunconsumed.\n\nAn easy experiment will satisfy any one of this conserving power of\nflame envelloping red coal. Take a small stick of deal or other wood\nthe size of a goose quill, and hold it horizontally and steadily in\nthe flame of the candle above the wick, without touching it, but in\nthe body of the flame. The wood will first be inflamed, and burn\nbeyond the edge of the flame of the candle, perhaps a quarter of an\ninch. When the flame of the wood goes out, it will leave a red coal\nat the end of the stick, part of which will be in the flame of the\ncandle and part out in the air. In a minute or two you will perceive\nthe coal in the air diminish gradually, so as to form a neck; while\nthe part in the flame continues of its first size, and at length the\nneck being quite consumed it drops off; and by rolling it between\nyour fingers when extinguished you will find it still a solid coal.\n\nHowever, as one cannot be always putting on fresh fuel in this stove\nto furnish a continual flame as is done in a candle, the air in the\nintervals of time gets at the red coals and consumes them. Yet the\nconservation while it lasted, so much delayed the consumption of the\ncoals, that two fires, one made in the morning, and the other in the\nafternoon, each made by only a hatfull of coals, were sufficient to\nkeep my writing room, about sixteen feet square and ten high, warm a\nwhole day. The fire kindled at seven in the morning would burn till\nnoon; and all the iron of the machine with the walls of the niche\nbeing thereby heated, the room kept warm till evening, when another\nsmaller fire kindled kept it warm till midnight.\n\nInstead of the sliding plate E, which shuts the front of the box C,\nI sometimes used another which had a pane of glass, or, which is\nbetter, of Muscovy talc, that the flame might be seen descending\nfrom the bottom of the vase and passing in a column through the box\nC, into the cavities of the bottom plate, like water falling from a\nfunnel, admirable to such as are not acquainted with the nature of\nthe machine, and in itself a pleasing spectacle.\n\nEvery utensil, however properly contrived to serve its purpose,\nrequires some practice before it can be used adroitly. Put into the\nhands of a man for the first time a gimblet or a hammer (very simple\ninstruments) and tell him the use of them, he shall neither bore a\nhole or drive a nail with the dexterity and success of another who\nhas been accustomed to handle them. The beginner therefore in the\nuse of this machine will do well not to be discouraged with little\naccidents that may arise at first from his want of experience.\nBeing somewhat complex, it requires as already said a variety of\nattentions; habit will render them unnecessary. And the studious man\nwho is much in his chamber, and has a pleasure in managing his own\nfire, will soon find this a machine most comfortable and delightful.\nTo others who leave their fires to the care of ignorant servants, I\ndo not recommend it. They will with difficulty acquire the knowledge\nnecessary, and will make frequent blunders that will fill your\nroom with smoke. It is therefore by no means fit for common use in\nfamilies. It may be adviseable to begin with the flaming kind of\nstone coal, which is large, and, not caking together, is not so apt\nto clog the grate. After some experience, any kind of coal may be\nused, and with this advantage, that no smell, even from the most\nsulphurous kind can come into your room, the current of air being\nconstantly into the vase, where too that smell is all consumed.\n\nThe vase form was chosen as being elegant in itself, and very\nproper for burning of coals: where wood is the usual fuel, and\nmust be burned in pieces of some length, a long square chest may\nbe substituted, in which A is the cover opening by a hinge behind,\nB the grate, C the hearth-box with its divisions as in the other,\nD the plan of the chest, E the long narrow grate. (Plate, Figure\n17.) This I have not tried, but the vase machine was completed in\n1771, and used by me in London three winters, and one afterwards in\nAmerica, much to my satisfaction; and I have not yet thought of any\nimprovement it may be capable of, though such may occur to others.\nFor common use, while in France, I have contrived another grate\nfor coals, which has in part the same property of burning the smoke\nand preserving the red coals longer by the flame, though not so\ncompletely as in the vase, yet sufficiently to be very useful, which\nI shall now describe as follows.\n\nA, is a round grate, one foot (French) in diameter, and eight inches\ndeep between the bars and the back; (Plate, Figure 18.) the sides\nand back of plate iron; the sides having holes of half an inch\ndiameter distant three or four inches from each other, to let in air\nfor enlivening the fire. The back without holes. The sides do not\nmeet at top nor at bottom by eight inches: that square is filled by\ngrates of small bars crossing front to back to let in air below,\nand let out the smoke or flame above. The three middle bars of the\nfront grate are fixed, the upper and lower may be taken out and put\nin at pleasure, when hot, with a pair of pincers. This round grate\nturns upon, an axis, supported by the crotchet B, the stem of which\nis an inverted conical tube five inches deep, which comes on as many\ninches upon a pin that fits it, and which is fixed upright in cast\niron plate D, that lies upon the hearth; in the middle of the top and\nbottom grates are fixed small upright pieces E E about an inch high,\nwhich as the whole is turned on its axis stop it when the grate is\nperpendicular. Figure 19 is another view of the same machine.\n\nIn making the first fire in a morning with this grate, there is\nnothing particular to be observed. It is made as in other grates,\nthe coals being put in above, after taking out the upper bar, and\nreplacing it when they are in. The round figure of the fire when\nthoroughly kindled is agreeable, it represents the great giver of\nwarmth to our system. As it burns down and leaves a vacancy above,\nwhich you would fill with fresh coals, the upper bar is to be taken\nout, and afterwards replaced. The fresh coals, while the grate\ncontinues in the same position, will throw up as usual a body of\nthick smoke. But every one accustomed to coal fires in common grates\nmust have observed, that pieces of fresh coal stuck in below among\nthe red coals have their smoke so heated as that it becomes flame\nas fast as it is produced, which flame rises among the coals and\nenlivens the appearance of the fire. Here then is the use of this\nswivel grate. By a push with your tongs or poker, you turn it on\nits pin till it faces the back of the chimney, then turn it over on\nits axis gently till it again faces the room, whereby all the fresh\ncoals will be found under the live coals, and the greater part of the\nsmoke arising from the fresh coals will in its passage through the\nlive ones be heated so as to be converted into flame: whence you have\nmuch more heat from them, and your red coals are longer preserved\nfrom consuming. I conceive this construction, though not so complete\na consumer of all the smoke as the vase, yet to be fitter for common\nuse, and very advantageous. It gives too a full sight of the fire,\nalways a pleasing object, which we have not in the other. It may\nwith a touch be turned more or less from any one of the company that\ndesires to have less of its heat, or presented full to one just come\nout of the cold. And supported in a horizontal position, a tea-kettle\nmay be boiled on it.\n\nThe author's description of his Pensylvania fireplace, first\npublished in 1744, having fallen into the hands of workmen in Europe,\nwho did not, it seems, well comprehend the principles of that\nmachine, it was much disfigured in their imitations of it; and one\nof its main intentions, that of admitting a sufficient quantity of\nfresh air warmed in entering through the air-box, nearly defeated,\nby a pretended improvement, in lessening its passages to make more\nroom for coals in a grate. On pretence of such improvements, they\nobtained patents for the invention, and for a while made great profit\nby the sale, till the public became sensible of that defect, in the\nexpected operation. If the same thing should be attempted with this\nvase stove, it will be well for the buyer to examine thoroughly\nsuch pretended improvements, lest, being the mere productions of\nignorance, they diminish or defeat the advantages of the machine, and\nproduce inconvenience and disappointment.\n\nThe method of burning smoke, by obliging it to descend through hot\ncoals, may be of great use in heating the walls of a hot-house. In\nthe common way, the horizontal passages or flues that are made to go\nand return in those walls, lose a great deal of their effect when\nthey come to be foul with soot; for a thick blanket-like lining of\nsoot prevents much of the hot air from touching and heating the brick\nwork in its passage, so that more fire must be made as the flue grows\nfouler: but by burning the smoke they are kept always clean. The same\nmethod may also be of great advantage to those businesses in which\nlarge coppers or caldrons are to be heated.\n\n _Written at Sea, 1785._\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[60] From the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, in\nwhich it was read January 28, 1786. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO MISS STEPHENSON.\n\n _Method of Contracting Chimneys. Modesty in Disputation._\n\n\n _Craven-Street, Saturday Evening, past 10._\n\nThe question you ask me is a very sensible one, and I shall be\nglad if I can give you a satisfactory answer. There are two ways\nof contracting a chimney; one, by contracting the opening _before_\nthe fire; the other, by contracting the funnel _above_ the fire.\nIf the funnel above the fire is left open in its full dimensions,\nand the opening before the fire is contracted; then the coals, I\nimagine, will burn faster, because more air is directed through the\nfire, and in a stronger stream; that air which before passed over\nit, and on each side of it, now passing _through_ it. This is seen\nin narrow stove chimneys, when a sacheverell or blower is used,\nwhich still more contracts the narrow opening.--But if the funnel\nonly _above_ the fire is contracted, then, as a less stream of air\nis passing up the chimney, less must pass through the fire, and\nconsequently it should seem that the consuming of the coals would\nrather be checked than augmented by such contraction. And this will\nalso be the case, when both the opening _before_ the fire, and the\nfunnel _above_ the fire are contracted, provided the funnel above\nthe fire is more contracted in proportion than the opening before\nthe fire.--So you see I think you had the best of the argument; and\nas you notwithstanding gave it up in complaisance to the company, I\nthink you had also the best of the dispute. There are few, though\nconvinced, that know how to give up, even an error, they have been\nonce engaged in maintaining; there is therefore the more merit in\ndropping a contest where one thinks one's self right; it is at least\nrespectful to those we converse with. And indeed all our knowledge\nis so imperfect, and we are from a thousand causes so perpetually\nsubject to mistake and error, that positiveness can scarce ever\nbecome even the most knowing; and modesty in advancing any opinion,\nhowever plain and true we may suppose it, is always decent, and\ngenerally more likely to procure assent. Pope's rule\n\n To speak, though sure, with seeming diffidence,\n\nis therefore a good one; and if I had ever seen in your conversation\nthe least deviation from it, I should earnestly recommend it to your\nobservation.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO MICHAEL HILLEGRAS ESQ.\n\n _Respecting covering Houses with Copper.[61]_\n\n\n _London, March 17, 1770._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI received your favour of November 25, and have made enquiries, as\nyou desired, concerning the copper covering of houses. It has been\nused here in a few instances only, and the practice does not seem to\ngain ground. The copper is about the thickness of a common playing\ncard, and though a dearer metal than lead, I am told, that, as less\nweight serves, on account of its being so much thinner, and as\nslighter woodwork in the roof is sufficient to support it, the roof\nis not dearer on the whole, than one covered with lead. It is said,\nthat hail and rain make a disagreeable drumming noise on copper; but\nthis I suppose is rather fancy; for the plates being fastened on\nthe rafters, must, in a great measure, deaden such sound. The first\ncost, whatever it is, will be all, as a copper covering must last for\nages; and when the house decays, the plates will still have intrinsic\nworth. In Russia, I am informed many houses are covered with plates\nof iron tinned, such as our tin pots and other vases are made of,\nlaid on over the edges of one another like tiles; and which, it is\nsaid, last very long, the tin preserving the iron from much decay by\nrusting. In France and the Low Countries, I have seen many spouts or\npipes for conveying the water down from the roofs of houses, made of\nthe same kind of tin plates soldered together; and they seem to stand\nvery well.\n\n With sincere regard, I am,\n\n Yours, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[61] The two following letters, and the accompanying paper, appeared\nin several periodical publications, both English and American, many\nyears before the death of Franklin, which is sufficient to give them\nauthenticity. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO SAMUEL RHOADS, ESQ.\n\n _On the same Subject._\n\n\n _London, June 26, 1770._\n\n DEAR FRIEND,\n\nIt is a long time since I had the pleasure of hearing from you\ndirectly. Mrs. Franklin has indeed now and then acquainted me of your\nwelfare, which I am always glad to hear of. It is, I fear, partly,\nif not altogether, my fault, that our correspondence has not been\nregularly continued. One thing I am sure of, that it has been from no\nwant of regard on either side, but rather from too much business, and\navocations of various kinds, and my having little of importance to\ncommunicate.\n\nOne of our good citizens, Mr. Hillegras, anxious for the future\nsafety of our town, wrote to me some time since, desiring I would\nenquire concerning the covering of our houses here with copper. I\nsent him the best information I could then obtain, but have since\nreceived the inclosed from an ingenious friend, who is what they call\nhere a civil engineer. I should be glad you would peruse it, think of\nthe matter a little and give me your sentiments of it. When you have\ndone with the paper, please to give it to Mr. Hillegras. I am told\nby Lord Despencer, who has covered a long piazza, or gallery, with\ncopper, that the expence is charged in this account too high, for his\ncost but one shilling and ten-pence per foot, all charges included.\nI suppose his copper must have been thinner. And, indeed, it is so\nstrong a metal, that I think it may well be used very thin.\n\nIt appears to me of great importance, to build our dwelling houses,\nif we can, in a manner more secure from danger by fire. We scarcely\never hear of fire in Paris. When I was there I took particular notice\nof the construction of their houses, and I did not see how one of\nthem could well be burnt, the roofs are slate or tile, the walls are\nstone, the walls generally lined with stucco or plaster, instead of\nwainscot, the floors of stucco, or of six square tiles painted brown,\nor of flag stone, or of marble; if any floors were of wood, it was of\noak wood, which is not so inflammable as pine. Carpets prevent the\ncoldness of stone or brick floors offending the feet in winter, and\nthe noise of treading on such floors, overhead, is less inconvenient\nthan on boards. The stairs too, at Paris, are either stone or brick,\nwith only a wooden edge or corner for the step; so that on the whole,\nthough the Parisians commonly burn wood in their chimneys, a more\ndangerous kind of fuel than that used here, yet their houses escape\nextremely well, as there is little in a room that can be consumed\nby fire except the furniture: whereas in London, perhaps scarcely a\nyear passes in which half a million of property and many lives are\nnot lost by this destructive element. Of late, indeed, they begin\nhere to leave off wainscoting their rooms, and instead of it cover\nthe walls with stucco, often formed into pannels like wainscot,\nwhich being painted, is very strong and warm. Stone staircases too,\nwith iron rails, grow more and more into fashion here: but stone\nsteps cannot, in some circumstances, be fixed; and there, methinks,\noak is safer than pine; and I assure you, that in many genteel\nhouses here, both old and new, the stairs and floors are oak, and\nlook extremely well. Perhaps solid oak for the steps would be still\nsafer than boards; and two steps might be cut diagonally out of one\npiece. Excuse my talking to you on a subject with which you must\nbe so much better acquainted than I am. It is partly to make out a\nletter, and partly in hope, that, by turning your attention to the\npoint, some methods of greater security in our future building may be\nthought of and promoted by you, whose judgment I know has deservedly\ngreat weight with our fellow-citizens. For though our town has not\nhitherto suffered very greatly by fire, yet I am apprehensive, that\nsome time or other, by a concurrence of unlucky circumstances, such\nas dry weather, hard frost, and high winds, a fire then happening\nmay suddenly spread far and wide over our cedar roofs, and do us an\nimmense mischief. I am,\n\n Yours, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\n _Paper referred to in the preceding Letter._\n\nThe carpentry of the roof being formed with its proper descents,\nis, in the first place, sheeted or covered with deals, nailed\nhorizontally upon the rafters, after the same manner as when intended\nto be covered with lead. The sheets of the copper for this covering\nare two feet by four, and for covering the slopes of the roof are\ncast so thin, as to weigh eight or nine pounds, and for covering the\nflats or gutters, ten or eleven pounds each, or about one pound, or a\npound and a quarter, to the superficial foot.\n\nA string of strong cartridge paper (over-lapping a little at its\njoints) is regularly tacked down upon the sheeting, under the copper\ncovering, as the work proceeds from eaves to ridge. It prevents the\njingling sound of hail or rain falling upon the roof, and answers\nanother purpose to be mentioned by-and-by.\n\nIn order to shew the regular process of laying down the roof, we must\nbegin with fastening two sheets together lengthwise. The edges of two\nsheets are laid down so as to lap or cover each other an inch, and a\nslip of the same copper, about three and a half inches broad, called\nthe reeve, is introduced between them. Four oblong holes, or slits,\nare then cut or punched through the whole, and they are fastened or\nriveted together by copper nails, with small round shanks and flat\nheads. Indents are then cut 1\u00be inch deep upon the seam at top and\nbottom. The right hand sheet and the reeve are then folded back to\nthe left. The reeve is then folded to the right, and the sheets being\nlaid on the roof in their place, it is nailed down to the sheeting\nwith flat-headed short copper nails. The right hand sheet is then\nfolded over the reeve to the right, and the whole beat down flat\nupon the cartridge paper covering the sheeting, and thus they are\nfastened and laid in their places, by nailing down the reeve only;\nand by reason of the oblong holes through them and the reeve, have a\nlittle liberty to expand or contract with the heat and cold, without\nraising themselves up from the sheeting, or tearing themselves or\nthe fastening to pieces. Two other sheets are then fixed together,\naccording to the first and second operations above, and their seam,\nwith the reeve, introduced under the upper ends of the seam of the\nformer, so as to cover down about two inches upon the upper ends\nof the former sheets: and so far the cartridge paper is allowed\nto cover the two first sheets. This edge of the paper is dipped in\noil, or in turpentine, so far before its application, and thus a\nbody between the sheets is formed impenetrable to wet, and the reeve\nbelonging to the two last sheets is nailed down to the sheeting as\nbefore, and the left hand sheet is turned down to the right. Four\nsheets are now laid down, with the seam or joint rising to the ridge;\nand thus the work is continued, both vertically and horizontally,\ntill the roof be covered, the sides and ends of each sheet being\nalternately each way, undermost and uppermost.\n\nThe price for copper, nails, and workmanship, runs at about eight\npounds ten shillings per hundred weight, or two shillings and\nthree-pence per foot, superficial, exclusive of the lappings; and\nabout two shillings and eight-pence per foot upon the whole; which\nis rather above half as much more as the price of doing it well with\nlead.\n\n\n\n\nTO PETER COLLINSON, ESQ. AT LONDON.\n\n _Magical Square of Squares._\n\n\n SIR,\n\nAccording to your request I now send you the arithmetical curiosity,\nof which this is the history.\n\nBeing one day in the country, at the house of our common friend, the\nlate learned Mr. Logan, he showed me a folio French book filled with\nmagic squares, wrote, if I forget not, by one M. Frenicle, in which\nhe said the author had discovered great ingenuity and dexterity in\nthe management of numbers; and though several other foreigners had\ndistinguished themselves in the same way, he did not recollect that\nany one Englishman had done any thing of the kind remarkable.\n\nI said, it was, perhaps, a mark of the good sense of our English\nmathematicians, that they would not spend their time in things that\nwere merely _difficiles nug\u00e6_, incapable of any useful application.\nHe answered, that many of the arithmetical or mathematical questions,\npublicly proposed and answered in England, were equally trifling and\nuseless. Perhaps the considering and answering such questions, I\nreplied, may not be altogether useless, if it produces by practice an\nhabitual readiness and exactness in mathematical disquisitions, which\nreadiness may, on many occasions, be of real use. In the same way,\nsays he, may the making of these squares be of use. I then confessed\nto him, that in my younger days, having once some leisure (which I\nstill think I might have employed more usefully) I had amused myself\nin making these kind of magic squares, and, at length, had acquired\nsuch a knack at it, that I could fill the cells of any magic square\nof reasonable size, with a series of numbers as fast as I could\nwrite them, disposed in such a manner as that the sums of every row,\nhorizontal, perpendicular, or diagonal, should be equal; but not\nbeing satisfied with these, which I looked on as common and easy\nthings, I had imposed on myself more difficult tasks, and succeeded\nin making other magic squares, with a variety of properties, and\nmuch more curious. He then shewed me several in the same book, of an\nuncommon and more curious kind; but as I thought none of them equal\nto some I remembered to have made, he desired me to let him see\nthem; and accordingly, the next time I visited him, I carried him a\nsquare of 8, which I found among my old papers, and which I will now\ngive you, with an account of its properties. (_See Plate_ V. Fig. 3.)\n\nThe properties are,\n\n1. That every strait row (horizontal or vertical) of 8 numbers added\ntogether makes 260, and half each row half 260.\n\n2. That the bent row of 8 numbers, ascending and descending\ndiagonally, viz. from 16 ascending to 10, and from 23 descending\nto 17; and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers make\n260.--Also the bent row from 52 descending to 54, and from 43\nascending to 45; and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers\nmake 260.--Also the bent row from 45 to 43, descending to the left,\nand from 23 to 17, descending to the right, and every one of its\nparallel bent rows of 8 numbers, make 260.--Also the bent row from\n52 to 54, descending to the right, and from 10 to 16, descending to\nthe left, and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers make\n260.--Also the parallel bent rows next to the above-mentioned, which\nare shortened to 3 numbers ascending, and 3 descending, &c. as from\n53 to 4 ascending, and from 29 to 44 descending, make, with the two\ncorner numbers, 260.--Also the 2 numbers 14, 61 ascending, and 36,\n19 descending, with the lower 4 numbers situated like them, viz. 50,\n1, descending, and 32, 47, ascending, make 260.--And, lastly, the 4\ncorner numbers, with the 4 middle numbers, make 260.\n\n[Illustration:\n\n _Plate XI._ _Vol. II. page 327._\n\n_A Magic Square of Squares._\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\nSo this magical square seems perfect in its kind. But these are not\nall its properties; there are 5 other curious ones, which, at some\nother time, I will explain to you.\n\nMr. Logan then shewed me an old arithmetical book, in quarto, wrote,\nI think, by one Stifelius, which contained a square of 16, that he\nsaid he should imagine must have been a work of great labour; but if\nI forget not, it had only the common properties of making the same\nsum, viz. 2056, in every row, horizontal, vertical, and diagonal.\nNot willing to be out-done by Mr. Stifelius, even in the size of my\nsquare, I went home, and made, that evening, the following magical\nsquare of 16, which, besides having all the properties of the\nforegoing square of 8, _i. e._ it would make the 2056 in all the same\nrows and diagonals, had this added, that a four-square hole being cut\nin a piece of paper of such a size as to take in and show through it\njust 16 of the little squares, when laid on the greater square, the\nsum of the 16 numbers so appearing through the hole, wherever it was\nplaced on the greater square, should likewise make 2056. This I sent\nto our friend the next morning, who, after some days, sent it back\nin a letter with these words: \"I return to thee thy astonishing or\nmost stupendous piece of the magical square, in which----\" but the\ncompliment is too extravagant, and therefore, for his sake, as well\nas my own, I ought not to repeat it. Nor is it necessary; for I make\nno question but you will readily allow this square of 16 to be the\nmost magically magical of any magic square ever made by any magician.\n(_See the Plate._)\n\nI did not, however, end with squares, but composed also a magic\ncircle, consisting of 8 concentric circles, and 8 radial rows, filled\nwith a series of numbers from 12 to 75 inclusive, so disposed as that\nthe numbers of each circle, or each radial row, being added to the\ncentral number 12, they make exactly 360, the number of degrees in\na circle; and this circle had, moreover, all the properties of the\nsquare of 8. If you desire it, I will send it; but at present, I\nbelieve, you have enough on this subject. I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE SAME.\n\n _Magical Circle._\n\n\n SIR,\n\nI am glad the perusal of the magical squares afforded you any\namusement. I now send you the magical circle. (_See Plate_ XII.)\n\nIts properties, besides those mentioned in my former, are these.\n\nHalf the number in any radial row, added with half the central\nnumber, make 180, equal to the number of degrees in a semi-circle.\n\nAlso half the numbers in any one of the concentric circles, taken\neither above or below the horizontal double line, with half the\ncentral number, make 180.\n\nAnd if any four adjoining numbers, standing nearly in a square, be\ntaken from any part, and added with half the central number, they\nmake 180.\n\n[Illustration:\n\n _Plate XII._ _Vol. II. page 328._\n\nA MAGIC CIRCLE OF CIRCLES.\n\n_Published as the Act directs, April 1, 1806, by Longman, Hurst, Rees\n& Orme, Paternoster Row._]\n\nThere are, moreover, included four other sets of circular spaces,\nexcentric with respect to the first, each of these sets containing\nfive spaces. The centres of the circles that bound them, are at A, B,\nC, and D. Each set, for the more easy distinguishing them from the\nfirst, are drawn with a different coloured ink, red, blue, green,\nand yellow.[62]\n\nThese sets of excentric circular spaces intersect those of the\nconcentric, and each other; and yet the numbers contained in each of\nthe twenty excentric spaces, taken all around, make, with the central\nnumber, the same sum as those in each of the 8 concentric, viz. 360.\nThe halves, also of those drawn from the centres A and C, taken above\nor below the double horizontal line, and of those drawn from centres\nB and D, taken to the right or left of the vertical line, do, with\nhalf the central number, make just 180.\n\nIt may be observed, that there is not one of the numbers but what\nbelongs at least to two of the different circular spaces; some to\nthree, some to four, some to five; and yet they are all so placed as\nnever to break the required number 360, in any of the 28 circular\nspaces within the primitive circle.\n\nThese interwoven circles make so perplexed an appearance, that it\nis not easy for the eye to trace every circle of numbers one would\nexamine, through all the maze of circles intersected by it; but if\nyou fix one foot of the compasses in either of the centres, and\nextend the other to any number in the circle you would examine\nbelonging to that centre, the moving foot will point the others out,\nby passing round over all the numbers of that circle successively. I\nam, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[62] In the plate they are distinguished by dashed or dotted lines,\nas different as the engraver could well make them.\n\n\n\n\nTO THE REV. FATHER BECCARIA.\n\n _Describing a new musical Instrument composed of Glasses._\n\n\n _London, July 13, 1762._\n\n REV. SIR,\n\nI once promised myself the pleasure of seeing you at Turin, but as\nthat is not now likely to happen, being just about returning to my\nnative country, America, I sit down to take leave of you (among\nothers of my European friends that I cannot see) by writing.\n\nI thank you for the honourable mention you have so frequently made\nof me in your letters to Mr. Collinson and others, for the generous\ndefence you undertook and executed with so much success, of my\nelectrical opinions; and for the valuable present you have made me\nof your new work, from which I have received great information and\npleasure. I wish I could in return entertain you with any thing new\nof mine on that subject; but I have not lately pursued it. Nor do I\nknow of any one here that is at present much engaged in it.\n\nPerhaps, however, it may be agreeable to you, as you live in a\nmusical country, to have an account of the new instrument lately\nadded here to the great number that charming science was before\npossessed of.--As it is an instrument that seems peculiarly adapted\nto Italian music, especially that of the soft and plaintive kind,\nI will endeavour to give you such a description of it, and of the\nmanner of constructing it, that you or any of your friends, may\nbe enabled to imitate it, if you incline so to do, without being\nat the expence and trouble of the many experiments I have made in\nendeavouring to bring it to its present perfection.\n\nYou have doubtless heard the sweet tone that is drawn from a drinking\nglass, by passing a wet finger round its brim. One Mr. Puckeridge, a\ngentleman from Ireland, was the first who thought of playing tunes,\nformed of these tones. He collected a number of glasses of different\nsizes, fixed them near each other on a table, and tuned them by\nputting into them water more or less, as each note required. The\ntones were brought out by passing his fingers round their brims.--He\nwas unfortunately burned here, with his instrument, in a fire which\nconsumed the house he lived in. Mr. E. Delaval, a most ingenious\nmember of our Royal Society, made one in imitation of it, with a\nbetter choice and form of glasses, which was the first I saw or\nheard. Being charmed with the sweetness of its tones, and the music\nhe produced from it, I wished only to see the glasses disposed in a\nmore convenient form, and brought together in a narrower compass, so\nas to admit of a greater number of tones, and all within reach of\nhand to a person sitting before the instrument, which I accomplished,\nafter various intermediate trials, and less commodious forms, both of\nglasses and construction, in the following manner.\n\n[Illustration: (hemispherical glass vessel)]\n\nThe glasses are blown as near as possible in the form of hemispheres,\nhaving each an open neck or socket in the middle. The thickness of\nthe glass near the brim about a tenth of an inch, or hardly quite so\nmuch, but thicker as it comes nearer the neck, which in the largest\nglasses is about an inch deep, and an inch and half wide within,\nthese dimensions lessening as the glasses themselves diminish in\nsize, except that the neck of the smallest ought not to be shorter\nthan half an inch.--The largest glass is nine inches diameter, and\nthe smallest three inches. Between these three are twenty-three\ndifferent sizes, differing from each other a quarter of an inch in\ndiameter.--To make a single instrument there should be at least six\nglasses blown of each size; and out of this number one may probably\npick thirty-seven glasses (which are sufficient for three octaves\nwith all the semitones) that will be each either the note one wants\nor a little sharper than that note, and all fitting so well into each\nother as to taper pretty regularly from the largest to the smallest.\nIt is true there are not thirty-seven sizes, but it often happens\nthat two of the same size differ a note or half note in tone, by\nreason of a difference in thickness, and these may be placed one in\nthe other without sensibly hurting the regularity of the taper form.\n\nThe glasses being chosen, and every one marked with a diamond the\nnote you intend it for, they are to be tuned by diminishing the\nthickness of those that are too sharp. This is done by grinding them\nround from the neck towards the brim, the breadth of one or two\ninches, as may be required; often trying the glass by a well tuned\nharpsichord, comparing the tone drawn from the glass by your finger,\nwith the note you want, as sounded by that string of the harpsichord.\nWhen you come nearer the matter, be careful to wipe the glass clean\nand dry before each trial, because the tone is something flatter when\nthe glass is wet, than it will be when dry;--and grinding a very\nlittle between each trial, you will thereby tune to great exactness.\nThe more care is necessary in this, because if you go below your\nrequired tone, there is no sharpening it again but by grinding\nsomewhat off the brim, which will afterwards require polishing, and\nthus increase the trouble.\n\nThe glasses being thus tuned, you are to be provided with a case\nfor them, and a spindle on which they are to be fixed. My case is\nabout three feet long, eleven inches every way wide within at the\nbiggest end, and five inches at the smallest end; for it tapers all\nthe way, to adapt it better to the conical figure of the set of\nglasses. This case opens in the middle of its height, and the upper\npart turns up by hinges fixed behind. The spindle, which is of hard\niron, lies horizontally from end to end of the box within, exactly\nin the middle, and is made to turn on brass gudgeons at each end.\nIt is round, an inch diameter at the thickest end, and tapering to\na quarter of an inch at the smallest.--A square shank comes from\nits thickest end through the box, on which shank a wheel is fixed\nby a screw. This wheel serves as a fly to make the motion equable,\nwhen the spindle, with the glasses, is turned by the foot like a\nspinning-wheel. My wheel is of mahogany, eighteen inches diameter,\nand pretty thick, so as to conceal near its circumference about 25lb\nof lead.--An ivory pin is fixed in the face of this wheel, and about\nfour inches from the axis. Over the neck of this pin is put the loop\nof the string that comes up from the moveable step to give it motion.\nThe case stands on a neat frame with four legs.\n\nTo fix the glasses on the spindle, a cork is first to be fitted in\neach neck pretty tight, and projecting a little without the neck,\nthat the neck of one may not touch the inside of another when put\ntogether, for that would make a jarring.--These corks are to be\nperforated with holes of different diameters, so as to suit that\npart of the spindle on which they are to be fixed. When a glass is\nput on, by holding it stiffly between both hands, while another turns\nthe spindle, it may be gradually brought to its place. But care must\nbe taken that the hole be not too small, lest in forcing it up the\nneck should split; nor too large, lest the glass not being firmly\nfixed should turn or move on the spindle, so as to touch and jar\nagainst its neighbouring glass. The glasses thus are placed one in\nanother, the largest on the biggest end of the spindle which is to\nthe left hand; the neck of this glass is towards the wheel, and the\nnext goes into it in the same position, only about an inch of its\nbrim appearing beyond the brim of the first; thus proceeding, every\nglass when fixed shews about an inch of its brim (or three quarters\nof an inch, or half an inch, as they grow smaller) beyond the brim\nof the glass that contains it; and it is from these exposed parts of\neach glass that the tone is drawn, by laying a finger upon one of\nthem as the spindle and glasses turn round.\n\nMy largest glass is G, a little below the reach of a common voice,\nand my highest G, including three compleat octaves.--To distinguish\nthe glasses the more readily to the eye, I have painted the apparent\nparts of the glasses within side, every semitone white, and the other\nnotes of the octave with the seven prismatic colours, _viz._ C, red;\nD, orange; E, yellow; F, green; G, blue; A, indigo; B, purple; and C,\nred again;--so that glasses of the same colour (the white excepted)\nare always octaves to each other.\n\nThis instrument is played upon, by sitting before the middle of the\nset of glasses as before the keys of a harpsichord, turning them\nwith the foot, and wetting them now and then with a spunge and clean\nwater. The fingers should be first a little soaked in water, and\nquite free from all greasiness; a little fine chalk upon them is\nsometimes useful, to make them catch the glass and bring out the tone\nmore readily. Both hands are used, by which means different parts are\nplayed together.--Observe, that the tones are best drawn out when the\nglasses turn _from_ the ends of the fingers, not when they turn _to_\nthem.\n\nThe advantages of this instrument are, that its tones are\nincomparably sweet beyond those of any other; that they may be\nswelled and softened at pleasure by stronger or weaker pressures of\nthe finger, and continued to any length; and that the instrument,\nbeing once well tuned, never again wants tuning.\n\nIn honour of your musical language, I have borrowed from it the name\nof this instrument, calling it the Armonica.\n\n With great esteem and respect, I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n\n\n\nTO A FRIEND[63].\n\n _Respecting the best Mediums for conveying Sound._\n\n\n _July 20, 1762._\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI have perused your paper on sound, and would freely mention to\nyou, as you desire it, every thing that appeared to me to need\ncorrection:--But nothing of that kind occurs to me, unless it be,\nwhere you speak of the air as \"the _best_ medium for conveying\nsound.\" Perhaps this is speaking rather too positively, if there be,\nas I think there are, some other mediums that will convey it farther\nand more readily.--It is a well-known experiment, that the scratching\nof a pin at one end of a long piece of timber, may be heard by an\near applied near the other end, though it could not be heard at the\nsame distance through the air.--And two stones being struck smartly\ntogether under water, the stroke may be heard at a greater distance\nby an ear also placed under water, than it can be heard through the\nair. I think I have heard it near a mile; how much farther it may be\nheard I know not; but suppose a great deal farther, because the sound\ndid not seem faint, as if at a distance, like distant sounds through\nair, but smart and strong, and as if present just at the ear.--I wish\nyou would repeat these experiments now you are upon the subject, and\nadd your own observations.--And if you were to repeat, with your\nnaturally exact attention and observation, the common experiment of\nthe bell in the exhausted receiver, possibly something new may occur\nto you, in considering,\n\n1. Whether the experiment is not ambiguous; _i. e._ whether the\ngradual exhausting of the air, as it creates an increasing difference\nof pressure on the outside, may not occasion in the glass a\ndifficulty of vibrating, that renders it less fit to communicate to\nthe air without, the vibrations that strike it from within; and the\ndiminution of the sound arise from this cause, rather than from the\ndiminution of the air?\n\n2. Whether, as the particles of air themselves are at a distance\nfrom each other, there must not be some medium between them, proper\nfor conveying sound, since otherwise it would stop at the first\nparticle?\n\n3. Whether the great difference we experience in hearing sounds at\na distance, when the wind blows towards us from the sonorous body,\nor towards that from us, can be well accounted for by adding to or\nsubtracting from the swiftness of sound, the degree of swiftness that\nis in the wind at the time? The latter is so small in proportion,\nthat it seems as if it could scarce produce any sensible effect,\nand yet the difference is very great. Does not this give some hint,\nas if there might be a subtle fluid, the conductor of sound, which\nmoves at different times in different directions over the surface of\nthe earth, and whose motion may perhaps be much swifter than that of\nthe air in our strongest winds; and that in passing through air, it\nmay communicate that motion to the air which we call wind, though a\nmotion in no degree so swift as its own?\n\n4. It is somewhere related, that a pistol fired on the top of an\nexceeding high mountain, made a noise like thunder in the valleys\nbelow. Perhaps this fact is not exactly related: but if it is, would\nnot one imagine from it, that the rarer the air, the greater sound\nmight be produced in it from the same cause?\n\n5. Those balls of fire which are sometimes seen passing over a\ncountry, computed by philosophers to be often thirty miles high at\nleast, sometimes burst at that height; the air must be exceeding rare\nthere, and yet the explosion produces a sound that is heard at that\ndistance, and for seventy miles round on the surface of the earth,\nso violent too as to shake buildings, and give an apprehension of an\nearthquake. Does not this look as if a rare atmosphere, almost a\nvacuum, was no bad conductor of sound?\n\nI have not made up my own mind on these points, and only mention them\nfor your consideration, knowing that every subject is the better for\nyour handling it.\n\n With the greatest esteem, I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[63] Mr. Oliver Neave. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO LORD KAIMS, AT EDINBURGH.\n\n _On the Harmony and Melody of the old Scotch Tunes._\n\n\n _June 2, 1765._\n\n**** In my passage to America I read your excellent work, the\n_Elements of Criticism_, in which I found great entertainment. I\nonly wished you had examined more fully the subject of music, and\ndemonstrated that the pleasure artists feel in hearing much of that\ncomposed in the modern taste, is not the natural pleasure arising\nfrom melody or harmony of sounds, but of the same kind with the\npleasure we feel on seeing the surprising feats of tumblers and\nrope-dancers, who execute difficult things. For my part I take this\nto be really the case, and suppose it the reason why those who\nare unpractised in music, and therefore unacquainted with those\ndifficulties, have little or no pleasure in hearing this music. Many\npieces of it are mere compositions of tricks. I have sometimes, at a\nconcert, attended by a common audience, placed myself so as to see\nall their faces, and observed no signs of pleasure in them during\nthe performance of a great part that was admired by the performers\nthemselves; while a plain old Scotch tune, which they disdained, and\ncould scarcely be prevailed on to play, gave manifest and general\ndelight. Give me leave, on this occasion, to extend a little the\nsense of your position, that \"melody and harmony are separately\nagreeable, and in union delightful,\" and to give it as my opinion,\nthat the reason why the Scotch tunes have lived so long, and will\nprobably live for ever (if they escape being stifled in modern\naffected ornament) is merely this, that they are really compositions\nof melody and harmony united, or rather that their melody is harmony.\nI mean the simple tunes sung by a single voice. As this will appear\nparadoxical, I must explain my meaning. In common acceptation,\nindeed, only an agreeable _succession_ of sounds is called _melody_,\nand only the _co-existence_ of agreeable sounds, _harmony_. But since\nthe memory is capable of retaining for some moments a perfect idea of\nthe pitch of a past sound, so as to compare with it the pitch of a\nsucceeding sound, and judge truly of their agreement or disagreement,\nthere may and does arise from thence a sense of harmony between the\npresent and past sounds, equally pleasing with that between two\npresent sounds. Now the construction of the old Scotch tunes is this,\nthat almost every succeeding emphatical note is a third, a fifth, an\noctave, or in short some note that is in concord with the preceding\nnote. Thirds are chiefly used, which are very pleasing concords. I\nuse the word _emphatical_ to distinguish those notes which have a\nstress laid on them in singing the tune, from the lighter connecting\nnotes, that serve merely, like grammar articles in common speech, to\ntack the whole together.\n\nThat we have a most perfect idea of a sound just past, I might appeal\nto all acquainted with music, who know how easy it is to repeat a\nsound in the same pitch with one just heard. In tuning an instrument,\na good ear can as easily determine that two strings are in unison\nby sounding them separately, as by sounding them together; their\ndisagreement is also as easily, I believe I may say more easily and\nbetter distinguished, when sounded separately; for when sounded\ntogether, though you know by the beating that one is higher than the\nother, you cannot tell which it is. I have ascribed to memory the\nability of comparing the pitch of a present tone with that of one\npast. But if there should be, as possibly there may be, something\nin the ear, similar to what we find in the eye, that ability would\nnot be entirely owing to memory. Possibly the vibrations given to\nthe auditory nerves by a particular sound may actually continue some\ntime after the cause of those vibrations is past, and the agreement\nor disagreement of a subsequent sound become by comparison with them\nmore discernible. For the impression made on the visual nerves by a\nluminous object will continue for twenty or thirty seconds. Sitting\nin a room, look earnestly at the middle of a window a little while\nwhen the day is bright, and then shut your eyes; the figure of the\nwindow will still remain in the eye, and so distinct that you may\ncount the panes. A remarkable circumstance attending this experiment,\nis, that the impression of forms is better retained than that of\ncolours; for after the eyes are shut, when you first discern the\nimage of the window, the panes appear dark, and the cross bars of the\nsashes, with the window frames and walls, appear white or bright;\nbut if you still add to the darkness in the eyes by covering them\nwith your hand, the reverse instantly takes place, the panes appear\nluminous and the cross bars dark. And by removing the hand they are\nagain reversed. This I know not how to account for.--Nor for the\nfollowing; that after looking long through green spectacles, the\nwhite paper of a book will on first taking them off appear to have a\nblush of red; and after long looking through red glasses, a greenish\ncast; this seems to intimate a relation between green and red not\nyet explained. Farther, when we consider by whom these ancient tunes\nwere composed, and how they were first performed, we shall see that\nsuch harmonical successions of sounds was natural and even necessary\nin their construction. They were composed by the minstrels of those\ndays to be played on the harp accompanied by the voice. The harp was\nstrung with wire, which gives a sound of long continuance, and had\nno contrivance like that in the modern harpsichord, by which the\nsound of the preceding could be stopt, the moment a succeeding note\nbegan. To avoid actual discord, it was therefore necessary that the\nsucceeding emphatic note should be a chord with the preceding, as\ntheir sounds must exist at the same time. Hence arose that beauty\nin those tunes that has so long pleased, and will please for ever,\nthough men scarce know why. That they were originally composed for\nthe harp, and of the most simple kind, I mean a harp without any\nhalf notes but those in the natural scale, and with no more than\ntwo octaves of strings, from C to C, I conjecture from another\ncircumstance, which is, that not one of those tunes, really ancient,\nhas a single artificial half note in it, and that in tunes where it\nwas most convenient for the voice to use the middle notes of the\nharp, and place the key in F, there the B, which if used should be\na B flat, is always omitted, by passing over it with a third. The\nconnoisseurs in modern music will say, I have no taste, but I cannot\nhelp adding, that I believe our ancestors, in hearing a good song,\ndistinctly articulated, sung to one of those tunes, and accompanied\nby the harp, felt more real pleasure than is communicated by the\ngenerality of modern operas, exclusive of that arising from the\nscenery and dancing. Most tunes of late composition, not having\nthis natural harmony united with their melody, have recourse to the\nartificial harmony of a bass, and other accompanying parts.[64] This\nsupport, in my opinion, the old tunes do not need, and are rather\nconfused than aided by it. Whoever has heard James Oswald play them\non his violoncello, will be less inclined to dispute this with me.\nI have more than once seen tears of pleasure in the eyes of his\nauditors; and yet, I think, even _his_ playing those tunes would\nplease more, if he gave them less modern ornament.\n\n I am, &c.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[64] The celebrated Rousseau in his Dictionnaire de Musique, printed\n1768, appears to have similar sentiments of our modern harmony, viz.\n\n\"M. Rameau pr\u00e9tend que les dessus d'une certaine simplicit\u00e9 sugger\u00e8nt\nnaturellement leur basse, & qu'un homme ayant l'oreille juste & non\nexerc\u00e9e, entonnera naturellement cette basse. C'est-l\u00e0 un pr\u00e9jug\u00e9\nde musicien, d\u00e9menti par toute exp\u00e9rience. Non seulement celui qui\nn'aura jamais entendu ni basse ni harmonie, ne trouvera, de lui-m\u00eame,\nni cette harmonie ni cette basse; mais elles lui d\u00e9plairont si on les\nlui fait entendre, & il aimera beaucoup mieux le simple unisson.\n\nQuand on songe que, de tous les peuples de la terre, qui tous ont\nune musique & un chant, les Europ\u00e9ens sont les seuls qui aient une\nharmonie des accords, & qui trouvent ce m\u00e9lange agr\u00e9able; quand\non songe que le monde a dur\u00e9 tant de si\u00e8cles, sans que, de toutes\nles nations qui ont cultiv\u00e9 les beaux arts, aucune ait connu cette\nharmonie; qu'aucun animal, qu'aucun oiseau, qu'aucan \u00eatre dans la\nnature ne produit d'autre accord que l'unisson, ni d'autre musique\nque la m\u00e9lodie; que les langues orientales, si sonores, si musicales;\nque les oreilles Grecques, si d\u00e9licates, si sensibles, exerc\u00e9es avec\ntant d'art, n'ont jamais guid\u00e9 ces peuples voluptueax & passionn\u00e9s\nvers notre harmonie; que, sans elle, leur musique avoits des effets\nsi prodigieux: qu'avec elle la n\u00f4tre en a de si foibles: qu'entin\nil \u00e9toit r\u00e9serv\u00e9 \u00e0 des peuples du Nord, dont les organes durs &\ngrossiers sont plus touch\u00e9s de l'\u00e9clat & du bruit des voix, que de la\ndouceur des accens, & de la m\u00e9lodie des inflexions, de faire cette\ngrande d\u00e9couverte, & de la donner pour principe \u00e0 toutes les r\u00e9gles\nde l'art; quand, dis-je, on fait attention \u00e0 tout cela, il est bien\ndifficile de ne pas soup\u00e7onner que toute notre harmonie n'est qu'une\ninvention gothique & barbare, dont nous ne nous fussions jamais\navis\u00e9s, si nous fussions \u00e9t\u00e9 plus sensibles aux v\u00e9ritables beaut\u00e9s de\nl'art, & \u00e0 la musique vraiment naturelle.\"\n\n\n\n\nTO MR. PETER FRANKLIN, NEWPORT, NEW ENGLAND.\n\n _On the Defects of Modern Music._\n\n\n [No date.]\n\n DEAR BROTHER,\n\n**** I like your ballad, and think it well adapted for your purpose\nof discountenancing expensive foppery, and encouraging industry and\nfrugality. If you can get it generally sung in your country, it may\nprobably have a good deal of the effect you hope and expect from it.\nBut as you aimed at making it general, I wonder you chose so uncommon\na measure in poetry, that none of the tunes in common use will suit\nit. Had you fitted it to an old one, well known, it must have spread\nmuch faster than I doubt it will do from the best new tune we can\nget composed for it. I think too, that if you had given it to some\ncountry girl in the heart of the Massachusets, who has never heard\nany other than psalm tunes, or _Chevy Chace_, the _Children in the\nWood_, the _Spanish Lady_, and such old simple ditties, but has\nnaturally a good ear, she might more probably have made a pleasing\npopular tune for you, than any of our masters here, and more proper\nfor your purpose, which would best be answered, if every word could\nas it is sung be understood by all that hear it, and if the emphasis\nyou intend for particular words could be given by the singer as\nwell as by the reader; much of the force and impression of the song\ndepending on those circumstances. I will however get it as well done\nfor you as I can.\n\nDo not imagine that I mean to depreciate the skill of our composers\nof music here; they are admirable at pleasing _practised_ ears, and\nknow how to delight _one another_; but, in composing for songs, the\nreigning taste seems to be quite out of nature, or rather the reverse\nof nature, and yet like a torrent, hurries them all away with it; one\nor two perhaps only excepted.\n\nYou, in the spirit of some ancient legislators, would influence the\nmanners of your country by the united powers of poetry and music. By\nwhat I can learn of _their_ songs, the music was simple, conformed\nitself to the usual pronunciation of words, as to measure, cadence or\nemphasis, &c. never disguised and confounded the language by making\na long syllable short, or a short one long when sung; their singing\nwas only a more pleasing, because a melodious manner of speaking;\nit was capable of all the graces of prose oratory, while it added\nthe pleasure of harmony. A modern song, on the contrary, neglects\nall the proprieties and beauties of common speech, and in their\nplace introduces its _defects_ and _absurdities_ as so many graces.\nI am afraid you will hardly take my word for this, and therefore I\nmust endeavour to support it by proof. Here is the first song I lay\nmy hand on. It happens to be a composition of one of our greatest\nmasters, the ever-famous Handel. It is not one of his juvenile\nperformances, before his taste could be improved and formed: it\nappeared when his reputation was at the highest, is greatly admired\nby all his admirers, and is really excellent in its kind. It is\ncalled, \"The additional favourite song in Judas Maccabeus.\" Now I\nreckon among the defects and improprieties of common speech, the\nfollowing, viz.\n\n1. _Wrong placing the accent or emphasis_, by laying it on words of\nno importance, or on wrong syllables.\n\n2. _Drawling_; or extending the sound of words or syllables beyond\ntheir natural length.\n\n3. _Stuttering_; or making many syllables of one.\n\n4. _Unintelligibleness_; the result of the three foregoing united.\n\n5. _Tautology_; and\n\n6. _Screaming_, without cause.\n\nFor the _wrong placing of the accent, or emphasis_, see it on the\nword _their_ instead of being on the word _vain_.\n\n[Illustration (music): with _their_ vain my-ste-rious Art]\n\nAnd on the word _from_, and the wrong syllable _like_.\n\n[Illustration (music): God _like_ wisdom _from_ a-bove.]\n\nFor the _drawling_, see the last syllable of the word _wounded_.\n\n[Illustration (music): Nor can heal the wound_ed_ heart]\n\nAnd in the syllable _wis_, and the word _from_, and syllable _bove_\n\n[Illustration (music): God-like _wis_dom _from_ a-_bove_]\n\nFor the _stuttering_, see the words _ne'er relieve_, in\n\n[Illustration (music): Ma-gick charms can _ne'er_ _re-lieve_ you]\n\nHere are four syllables made of one, and eight of three; but this\nis moderate. I have seen in another song that I cannot now find,\nseventeen syllables made of three, and sixteen of one: the latter I\nremember was the word _charms_; viz. _cha, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a,\na, a, a, a, a, a, arms_. Stammering with a witness!\n\nFor the _unintelligibleness_; give this whole song to any taught\nsinger, and let her sing it to any company that have never heard it;\nyou shall find they will not understand three words in ten. It is\ntherefore, that at the oratorios and operas one sees with books in\ntheir hands all those who desire to understand what they hear sung by\neven our best performers.\n\nFor the _tautology_; you have, _with their vain mysterious art_,\ntwice repeated; _magic charms can ne'er relieve you_, three times.\n_Nor can heal the wounded heart_, three times. _Godlike wisdom from\nabove_, twice; and, _this alone can deceive you_, two or three times.\nBut this is reasonable when compared with _the Monster Polypheme, the\nMonster Polypheme_, a hundred times over and over, in his admired\n_Acis and Galatea_.\n\nAs to the _screaming_; perhaps I cannot find a fair instance in this\nsong; but whoever has frequented our operas will remember many. And\nyet here methinks the words _no_ and _e'er_, when sung to these\nnotes, have a little of the air of _screaming_, and would actually be\nscreamed by some singers.\n\n[Illustration (music): _No_ magic charms can _e'er_ re-lieve you.]\n\nI send you inclosed the song with its music at length. Read the words\nwithout the repetitions. Observe how few they are, and what a shower\nof notes attend them: you will then perhaps be inclined to think with\nme, that though the words might be the principal part of an ancient\nsong, they are of small importance in a modern one; they are in short\nonly _a pretence for singing_.\n\n I am, as ever,\n\n Your affectionate brother,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nP. S. I might have mentioned _inarticulation_ among the defects in\ncommon speech that are assumed as beauties in modern singing. But\nas that seems more the fault of the singer than of the composer, I\nomitted it in what related merely to the composition. The fine singer\nin the present mode, stifles all the hard consonants, and polishes\naway all the rougher parts of words that serve to distinguish them\none from another; so that you hear nothing but an admirable pipe, and\nunderstand no more of the song, than you would from its tune played\non any other instrument. If ever it was the ambition of musicians to\nmake instruments that should imitate the human voice, that ambition\nseems now reversed, the voice aiming to be like an instrument. Thus\nwigs were first made to imitate a good natural head of hair;--but\nwhen they became fashionable, though in unnatural forms, we have seen\nnatural hair dressed to look like wigs.\n\n\n\n\n _Description of the Process to be observed in making large Sheets\n of Paper in the Chinese Manner, with one smooth surface._[65]\n\n\nIn Europe to have a large surface of paper connected together and\nsmooth on one side, the following operations are performed.\n\n1. A number of small sheets are to be made separately.\n\n2. These are to be couched, one by one, between blankets.\n\n3. When a heap is formed it must be put under a strong press, to\nforce out the water.\n\n4. Then the blankets are to be taken away, one by one, and the sheets\nhung up to dry.\n\n5. When dry they are to be again pressed, or if to be sized, they\nmust be dipped into size made of warm water, in which glue and alum\nare dissolved.\n\n6. They must then be pressed again to force out the superfluous size.\n\n7. They must then be hung up a second time to dry, which, if the air\nhappens to be damp, requires some days.\n\n8. They must then be taken down, laid together, and again pressed.\n\n9. They must be pasted together at their edges.\n\n10. The whole must be glazed by labour, with a flint.\n\nIn China, if they would make sheets, suppose of four and a half ells\nlong and one and a half ells wide, they have two large vats, each\nfive ells long and two ells wide, made of brick, lined with a plaster\nthat holds water. In these the stuff is mixed ready to work.\n\nBetween these vats is built a kiln or stove, with two inclining\nsides; each side something larger than the sheet of paper; they are\ncovered with a fine stucco that takes a polish, and are so contrived\nas to be well heated by a small fire circulating in the walls.\n\nThe mould is made with thin but deep sides, that it may be both\nlight and stiff: it is suspended at each end with cords that pass\nover pullies fastened to the cieling, their ends connected with a\ncounterpoise nearly equal the weight of the mould.\n\nTwo men, one at each end of the mould, lifting it out of the water\nby the help of the counterpoise, turn it and apply it with the stuff\nto the smooth surface of the stove, against which they press it, to\nforce out great part of the water through the wires. The heat of the\nwall soon evaporates the rest, and a boy takes off the dried sheet by\nrolling it up. The side next the stove receives the even polish of\nthe stucco, and is thereby better fitted to receive the impression of\nfine prints. If a degree of sizing is required, a decoction of rice\nis mixed with the stuff in the vat.\n\nThus the great sheet is obtained, smooth and sized, and a number of\nthe European operations saved.\n\nAs the stove has two polished sides, and there are two vats, the same\noperation is at the same time performed by two other men at the other\nvat; and one fire serves.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[65] Communicated by Dr. Franklin to the American Philosophical\nSociety, in which it was read, June 20, 1788. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO NOAH WEBSTER, JUN. ESQ. AT HARTFORD[66].\n\n _On Modern Innovations in the English Language and in Printing._\n\n\n _Philadelphia, Dec_.26, 1789.\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nI received, some time since, your _Dissertations on the English\nLanguage_. It is an excellent work, and will be greatly useful in\nturning the thoughts of our countrymen to correct writing. Please to\naccept my thanks for it, as well as for the great honour you have\ndone me in its dedication. I ought to have made this acknowledgment\nsooner, but much indisposition prevented me.\n\nI cannot but applaud your zeal for preserving the purity of our\nlanguage both in its expression and pronunciation, and in correcting\nthe popular errors several of our states are continually falling\ninto with respect to both. Give me leave to mention some of them,\nthough possibly they may already have occurred to you. I wish,\nhowever, that in some future publication of yours, you would set a\ndiscountenancing mark upon them. The first I remember, is the word\n_improved_. When I left New England in the year 1723, this word had\nnever been used among us, as far as I know, but in the sense of\n_ameliorated_, or _made better_, except once in a very old book of\nDr. Mather's, entitled _Remarkable Providences_. As that man wrote a\nvery obscure hand, I remember that when I read that word in his book\nused instead of the word _employed_, I conjectured that it was an\nerror of the printer, who had mistaken a short _l_ in the writing for\nan _r_, and a _y_ with too short a tail for a _v_, whereby _employed_\nwas converted into _improved_: but when I returned to Boston in\n1733, I found this change had obtained favour, and was then become\ncommon; for I met with it often in perusing the newspapers, where it\nfrequently made an appearance rather ridiculous. Such, for instance,\nas the advertisement of a country house to be sold, which had been\nmany years _improved_ as a tavern; and in the character of a deceased\ncountry gentleman, that he had been, for more than thirty years,\n_improved_ as a justice of the peace. This use of the word _improve_\nis peculiar to New England, and not to be met with among any other\nspeakers of English, either on this or the other side of the water.\n\nDuring my late absence in France, I find that several other new\nwords have been introduced into our parliamentary language. For\nexample, I find a verb from the substantive _notice_. _I should\nnot have_ noticed _this, were it not that the gentleman_, &c. Also\nanother verb, from the substantive _advocate_; _The gentleman who_\nadvocates, _or who has_ advocated _that motion_,&c. Another from\nthe substantive _progress_, the most awkward and abominable of the\nthree: _the committee having_ progressed, _resolved to adjourn_. The\nword _opposed_, though not a new word, I find used in a new manner,\nas, _the gentlemen who are_ opposed _to this measure, to which I\nhave also myself always been_ opposed. If you should happen to be\nof my opinion with respect to these innovations, you will use your\nauthority in reprobating them.\n\nThe Latin language, long the vehicle used in distributing knowledge\namong the different nations of Europe, is daily more and more\nneglected; and one of the modern tongues, viz. French, seems, in\npoint of universality, to have supplied its place. It is spoken in\nall the courts of Europe; and most of the literati, those even who\ndo not speak it, have acquired enough knowledge of it, to enable\nthem easily to read the books, that are written in it. This gives\na considerable advantage to that nation. It enables its authors\nto inculcate and spread through other nations, such sentiments\nand opinions, on important points, as are most conducive to its\ninterests, or which may contribute to its reputation, by promoting\nthe common interests of mankind. It is, perhaps, owing to its being\nwritten in French, that Voltaire's Treatise on Toleration has had so\nsudden and so great an effect on the bigotry of Europe, as almost\nentirely to disarm it. The general use of the French language has\nlikewise a very advantageous effect on the profits of the bookselling\nbranch of commerce, it being well known, that the more copies can\nbe sold, that are struck off from one composition of types, the\nprofits increase in a much greater proportion, than they do in\nmaking a greater number of pieces in any other kind of manufacture.\nAnd at present there is no capital town in Europe without a French\nbookseller's shop corresponding with Paris. Our English bids fair\nto obtain the second place. The great body of excellent printed\nsermons in our language, and the freedom of our writings on political\nsubjects, have induced a great dumber of divines of different sects\nand nations, as well as gentlemen concerned in public affairs, to\nstudy it, so far at least as to read it. And if we were to endeavour\nthe facilitating its progress, the study of our tongue might become\nmuch more general. Those, who have employed some part of their time\nin learning a new language, must have frequently observed, that while\ntheir acquaintance with it was imperfect, difficulties, small in\nthemselves, operated as great ones in obstructing their progress. A\nbook, for example, ill printed, or a pronunciation in speaking, not\nwell articulated, would render a sentence unintelligible, which, from\na clear print, or a distinct speaker, would have been immediately\ncomprehended. If, therefore, we would have the benefit of seeing our\nlanguage more generally known among mankind, we should endeavour\nto remove all the difficulties, however small, that discourage the\nlearning of it. But I am sorry to observe, that, of late years, those\ndifficulties, instead of being diminished, have been augmented.\n\nIn examining the English books, that were printed between the\nrestoration and the accession of George the Second, we may observe,\nthat all the substantives were begun with a capital, in which we\nimitated our mother tongue, the German. This was more particularly\nuseful to those, who were not well acquainted with the English,\nthere being such a prodigious number of our words, that are both\nverbs and substantives, and spelt in the same manner, though\noften accented differently in pronunciation. This method has, by\nthe fancy of printers, of late years been entirely laid aside;\nfrom an idea, that suppressing the capitals shows the character\nto greater advantage; those letters prominent above the line,\ndisturbing its even, regular appearance. The effect of this change\nis so considerable, that a learned man of France, who used to read\nour books, though not perfectly acquainted with our language, in\nconversation with me on the subject of our authors, attributed the\ngreater obscurity he found in our modern books, compared with those\nof the period above mentioned, to a change of style for the worse in\nour writers: of which mistake I convinced him, by marking for him\neach substantive with a capital, in a paragraph, which he then easily\nunderstood, though before he could not comprehend it. This shows the\ninconvenience of that pretended improvement.\n\nFrom the same fondness for an uniform and even appearance of\ncharacters in the line, the printers have of late banished also the\nItalic types, in which words, of importance to be attended to in the\nsense of the sentence, and words, on which an emphasis should be put\nin reading, used to be printed. And lately, another fancy has induced\nother printers to use the round _s_ instead of the long one, which\nformerly served well to distinguish a word readily by its varied\nappearance. Certainly the omitting this prominent letter makes a\nline appear more even, but renders it less immediately legible; as\nthe paring of all men's noses might smooth and level their faces,\nbut would render their physiognomies less distinguishable. Add to\nall these improvements backwards, another modern fancy, that _grey_\nprinting is more beautiful than black. Hence the English new books\nare printed in so dim a character, as to be read with difficulty\nby old eyes; unless in a very strong light and with good glasses.\nWhoever compares a volume of the Gentleman's Magazine, printed\nbetween the years 1731 and 1740, with one of those printed in the\nlast ten years, will be convinced of the much greater degree of\nperspicuity given by black than by the grey. Lord Chesterfield\npleasantly remarked this difference to Faulkener, the printer of the\nDublin Journal, who was vainly making encomiums on his own paper, as\nthe most complete of any in the world. \"But Mr. Faulkener,\" says my\nlord, \"don't you think it might be still farther improved, by using\npaper and ink not quite so near of a colour?\"--For all these reasons,\nI cannot but wish, that our American printers would, in their\neditions, avoid these fancied improvements, and thereby render their\nworks more agreeable to foreigners in Europe, to the great advantage\nof our bookselling commerce.\n\nFarther, to be more sensible of the advantage of clear and distinct\nprinting, let us consider the assistance it affords in reading\nwell aloud to an auditory. In so doing, the eye generally slides\nforward three or four words before the voice. If the sight clearly\ndistinguishes what the coming words are, it gives time to order\nthe modulation of the voice to express them properly. But if they\nare obscurely printed or disguised, by omitting the capitals and\nlong _\u0283_'s, or otherwise, the reader is apt to modulate wrong; and\nfinding he has done so, he is obliged to go back and begin the\nsentence again; which lessens the pleasure of the hearers. This\nleads me to mention an old error in our mode of printing. We are\nsensible, that when a question is met with in the reading, there is a\nproper variation to be used in the management of the voice. We have\ntherefore a point, called an interrogation, affixed to the question,\nin order to distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its end,\nso that the reader does not discover it till he finds, that he has\nwrongly modulated his voice, and is therefore obliged to begin again\nthe sentence. To prevent this, the Spanish printers, more sensibly,\nplace an interrogation at the beginning as well as at the end of the\nquestion. We have another error of the same kind in printing plays,\nwhere something often occurs, that is marked as spoken _aside_. But\nthe word _aside_ is placed at the end of the speech, when it ought\nto precede it, as a direction to the reader, that he may govern his\nvoice accordingly. The practice of our ladies in meeting five or six\ntogether, to form little busy parties, where each is employed in some\nuseful work, while one reads to them, is so commendable in itself,\nthat it deserves the attention of authors and printers to make it as\npleasing as possible, both to the reader and hearers.\n\nMy best wishes attend you, being, with sincere esteem,\n\n Sir,\n\n Your most obedient and very humble servant,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[66] This letter is taken from an American periodical publication\nentitled the Columbian Magazine. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _A Scheme for a New Alphabet and reformed Mode of Spelling; with\n Remarks and Examples concerning the same; and an Enquiry into its\n Uses, in a Correspondence between Miss S----[67] and Dr. Franklin,\n written in the Characters of the Alphabet[68]._\n\n\n TABLE OF THE REFORMED ALPHABET\n\n\n To face page 357,\n Vol. II.\n\n |Characters\n |\n | |_Sounded_ respectively, as in\n | |the Words in the Column below.\n | |\n | | |_Names_ of Letters as expressed in\n | | |the reformed Sounds and Characters.\n | | |\n | | | |_Manner of pronouncing_ the Sounds.\n +-----+-----------------------+-----+--------------------------------------+\n | o |Old. | o |The first VOWEL naturally, and deepest|\n | | | | sound; requires only the mouth, and |\n | | | | breathe through it. |\n | *\u03d6 |John, folly; awl, ball.| \u03d6 |The next requiring the mouth opened a |\n | | | | little more, or hollower. |\n | a |Man, can. | a |The next, a little more. |\n | e |Men, lend, name, lane. | e |The next requires the _tongue_ to be a|\n | | | | little more elevated. |\n | i |Did, sin, deed, seen. | i |The next still more. |\n | u |Tool, fool, rule. | u |The next requires the _lips_ to be |\n | | | | gathered up, leaving a small opening|\n | *\u0173 |Um, un; as in umbrage, | \u0173 |The next a very short vowel, the sound|\n | | unto, &c. and | | of which we should express in our |\n | | as in _er_. | | present letters thus, _uh_; a short,|\n | | | | and not very strong _aspiration_. |\n | h |Hunter, happy, high. | huh |A stronger or more forcible aspiration|\n | | | | |\n | g |Give, gather, | gi |The first CONSONANT; being formed by |\n | | | | the _root of the tongue_; this is |\n | | | | the present hard _g_. |\n | k |Keep, kick. | ki |A kindred sound; a little more acute; |\n | | | | to be used instead of the hard _c_. |\n | *\u053b |(sh) Ship, wish. | ish |A new letter wanted in our language; |\n | | | | our _sh_, separately taken, not |\n | | | | being proper elements of the sound. |\n | *\u014b |(ng) ing, repeating, | ing |A new letter wanted for the same |\n | | among, | | reason:--These are formed _back in |\n | | | | the mouth_. |\n | n |End. | en |Formed _more forward_ in the mouth; |\n | | | | the _tip of the tongue_ to the |\n | | | | _roof_ of the mouth. |\n | r |Art. | r |The same; the tip of the tongue a |\n | | | | little loose or separate from the |\n | | | | roof of the mouth, and vibrating. |\n | t |Teeth. | ti |The tip of the tongue more forward; |\n | | | | touching, and then leaving, the roof|\n | d |Deed. | di |The same; touching a little fuller. |\n | l |ell, tell. | el |The same; touching just about the |\n | | | | _gums_ of the _upper teeth_. |\n | s |Essence. | es |This sound is formed by the breath |\n | | | | passing _between_ the moist end of |\n | | | | the _tongue_ and the _upper teeth_. |\n | z |(ez) Wages. | ez |The same; a little denser and duller. |\n | *\u0267 |(th) Think | e\u0267 |The tongue under, and a little |\n | | | | _behind_, the upper teeth; touching |\n | | | | them, but so as to let the breath |\n | | | | pass between. |\n | *\u0195 |(dh) Thy. | e\u0195 |The same; a little fuller. |\n | f |Effect. | ef |Formed by the _lower lip_ against the |\n | | | | upper teeth. |\n | v |Ever. | ev |The same; fuller and duller. |\n | b |Bees. | b |The _lips full together_, and _opened_|\n | | | | as the air passes out. |\n | p |Peep. | pi |The same; but a thinner sound. |\n | m |Ember. | em |The _closing_ of the lips, while the |\n | | | | _e_ [here annexed] is sounding. |\n +-----+-----------------------+-----+--------------------------------------+\n\n * _N. B._ The six new letters are marked with an asterisk (*) to\n distinguish them, and show how few new characters are proposed. B. V.\n\n [Transcriber Note: The original text used italic styling on each\n character in columns 1 and 3 above, and column 1 below. This\n styling (underscores) has been removed from the tables for clarity.]\n\n\n REMARKS [_on the Alphabetical Table_.]\n\n { It is endeavoured to give the alphabet\n o { a _more natural order_; beginning first with\n { the simple sounds formed by the breath,\n to { with none or very little help of tongue,\n { teeth, and lips, and produced chiefly in\n huh { the windpipe.\n\n { Then coming forward to those, formed\n g k { by the roof of the tongue next to the\n { windpipe.\n\n r n { Then to those, formed more forward,\n t d { the forepart of the tongue against the\n { roof of the mouth.\n\n { Then those, formed still more forward\n l { in the mouth, by the tip of the tongue\n s z { applied first to the roots of the upper\n { teeth.\n\n \u0267 { Then to those, formed by the tip of the\n \u0195 { tongue applied to the ends or edges of\n { the upper teeth.\n\n f { Then to those, formed still more forward,\n v { by the under lip applied to the upper\n { teeth.\n\n b { Then to those, formed yet more forward\n p { by the upper and under lip opening\n { to let out the sounding breath.\n\n { And lastly, ending with the shutting\n m { up of the mouth, or closing the lips while\n { any vowel is sounding.\n\n\nIn this alphabet _c_ is _omitted_ as unnecessary; _k_ supplying\nits hard sound, and _s_ the soft; _k_ also supplies well the place\nof _q_, and with an _s_ added the place of _x_: _q_ and _x_ are\ntherefore omitted. The vowel _u_ being sounded as _oo_ makes the _w_\nunnecessary. The _y_, where used simply, is supplied by _i_, and\nwhere as a dipthong, by two vowels: that letter is therefore omitted\nas useless. The jod _j_ is also omitted, its sound being supplied by\nthe new letter _\u053b_, _ish_, which serves other purposes, assisting in\nthe formation of other sounds;--thus the _\u053b_ with a _d_ before it\ngives the sound of the jod _j_ and soft _g_, as in \"James, January,\ngiant, gentle,\" \"_d\u053beems_, _d\u053bhanueri_, _d\u053b\u0173iant_, _d\u053bentel_;\" with\na _t_ before it, it gives the sound of _ch_, as in \"cherry, chip,\"\n\"_t\u053beri_, _t\u053bip_;\" and with a _z_ before it, the French sound of the\njod _j_, as in \"jamais,\" \"_z\u053bame_.\"\n\nThus the _g_ has no longer _two different_ sounds, which occasioned\nconfusion, but is, as every letter ought to be, confined to one. The\nsame is to be observed in _all_ the letters, vowels, and consonants,\nthat wherever they are met with, or in whatever company, their\nsound is always the same. It is also intended, that there be _no\nsuperfluous_ letters used in spelling; i. e. no letter that is not\nsounded; and this alphabet, by six new letters, provides, that, there\nbe no distinct sounds in the language, _without letters_ to express\nthem. As to the difference between _short and long vowels_, it is\nnaturally expressed by a single vowel where short, a double one\nwhere long; as for \"mend,\" write \"mend,\" but for \"remain'd,\" write\n\"remeen'd;\" for \"did\" write \"did,\" but for \"deed\" write \"diid,\" &c.\n\nWhat in our common alphabet is supposed the third vowel, _i_, as\nwe sound it, is as a _dipthong_, consisting of two of our vowels\njoined; [viz.] _\u0173_ as sounded in \"unto,\" and _i_ in its true sound.\nAny one will be sensible of this who sounds those two vowels _\u0173 i_\nquick after each other; the sounds begins _\u0173_ and ends _ii_. The\ntrue sound of the _i_ is that we now give to _e_ in the words \"deed,\nkeep--[69].\"\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[67] Stephenson. Editor.\n\n[68] For the nature and intention of this alphabet, &c. I must refer\nto what Dr. Franklin has himself said upon the subject, in answer\nto Miss S----n's objections; as the reader may understand the whole\nin an hour or two.--It is necessary to add, that the new letters;\nused in the course of printing this paper, are exactly copied from\nthe _manuscript_ in my possession; there being no provision for a\ndistinction in the character as _written_ or _printed_. I have no\nother way therefore of marking the scored parts of the manuscript\n(answering to _italics_) than by placing such passages between\ninverted commas.--As to _capitals_, I should have provided for them\nby means of larger types, but the form of some of them would have\nmade them too large for the page: however, were the author's general\nsystem ever adopted, nothing would be easier than to remedy this\nparticular. B. V.\n\n[69] The copy, from which this is printed, ends in the same abrupt\nway with the above, followed by a considerable blank space; so that\nmore perhaps was intended to be added by our author. B. V.\n\n\nEXAMPLES [_of writing in this Character_.]\n\n_So huen s\u0173m End\u053bel, b\u0173i div\u0173in k\u03d6mand, Ui\u0195 r\u0173izi\u014b tempests \u053beeks\ne gilti Land; (S\u0173t\u053b az \u03d6v leet or peel Britania past,) Kalm and\nsiriin hi dr\u0173ivs \u0195i fiuri\u0173s blast; And, pliiz'd \u0195' \u03d6lm\u0173itis \u03d6rd\u0173rs tu\np\u0173rf\u03d6rm, R\u0173ids in \u0195i Hu\u0173rluind and d\u0173irekts \u0195i St\u03d6rm._\n\n\n_So \u0195i piur limpid striim, huen f\u03d6ul ui\u0267 steens \u03d6v r\u0173\u053bi\u014b T\u03d6rents and\ndisendi\u014b Reens, U\u0173rks itself kliir; and az it r\u0173ns rif\u0173ins; Til b\u0173i\ndigriis, \u0195e floti\u014b mir\u0173r \u053b\u0173ins, Riflekts iit\u053b fl\u03d6ur \u0195at \u03d6n its b\u03d6rd\u0173r\ngroz, And e nu hev'n in its feer B\u0173z\u0173m \u053boz._\n\n\n _Kensi\u014bt\u0173n, Septemb\u0173r_ 26, 1768.\n\n _Diir S\u0173r_,\n\n_\u0173i hav transkr\u0173b'd iur alfabet, &c. huit\u053b \u0173i \u0195ink m\u0173it bi \u03d6v s\u0173rvis\ntu \u0195oz, hu ui\u053b ta aku\u0173ir an akiuret pron\u0173nsie\u053b\u0173n, if \u0195at kuld bi\nfiks'd; b\u0173t \u0173i si meni ink\u03d6nviiniensis, az uel oz difik\u0173ltis, \u0195at\nuuld atend \u0195i bri\u014bi\u014b iur let\u0173rs and \u03d6r\u0267\u03d6grafi intu k\u03d6m\u0173n ias. \u03d6\u03d6l \u03d6ur\netim\u03d6lod\u053biz uuld be l\u03d6st, k\u03d6nsikuentli ui kuld n\u03d6t as\u0173rteen \u0195i miini\u014b\n\u03d6v meni u\u0173rds; \u0195i distink\u053b\u0173n tu, bituiin u\u0173rds \u03d6v dif\u0173rent miini\u014b\nand similar s\u03d6und uuld bi iusles, \u0173nles ui livi\u014b r\u0173iters p\u0173bli\u053b nu\niidi\u053b\u0173ns. In \u053b\u03d6rt \u0173i biliiv ui m\u0173st let piipil spel \u03d6n in \u0195eer old\nue, (az ui f\u0173ind it iisiiest) du \u0195i seem \u03d6urselves._ With ease and\nwith sincerity I can, in the old way, subscribe myself,\n\n Dear Sir,\n\n Your faithful and affectionate Servant,\n\n M. S.\n\n Dr. Franklin.\n\n\nANSWER TO MISS S****.\n\n _Diir Madam,_\n_\u0195i \u03d6bd\u053bek\u053byn iu meek to rektif\u0173ii\u014b \u03d6ur alfabet, \"\u0195at it uil bi\natended ui\u0195 ink\u03d6viniensiz and difik\u0173ltiz,\" iz e natural u\u0173n; f\u03d6r it\n\u03d6luaz \u03d6k\u0173rz huen eni ref\u03d6rme\u053b\u0173n iz propozed; hue\u0195\u0173r in rilid\u053b\u0173n,\ng\u0173vernment, l\u03d6z, and iven d\u03d6un az lo az rods and huil karid\u053biz.\n\u0195i tru kuest\u053b\u0173n \u0195en, is n\u03d6t hue\u0195h\u0173r \u0195aer uil bi no difik\u0173ltiz \u03d6r\nink\u03d6nviniensiz, b\u0173t hue\u0195er \u0195i difik\u0173ltiz m\u00ea n\u03d6t bi s\u0173rm\u03d6unted;\nand hue\u0195e\u0173r \u0195i k\u03d6nviniensiz uil n\u03d6t, \u03d6n \u0195i huol, bi gret\u0173r \u0195an \u0195i\nink\u03d6nviniensiz. In \u0195is kes, \u0195i difik\u0173ltiz er onli in \u0195i bigini\u014b \u03d6v \u0195i\npraktis: huen \u0195\u00ea er u\u0173ns ov\u0173rk\u0173m, \u0195i advanted\u053bez er lasti\u014b.--To \u0173i\u0195\u0173r\niu \u03d6r mi, hu spel uel in \u0195i prezent mod, \u0173i imad\u053bin \u0195i difik\u0173lti \u03d6v\nt\u053bendi\u014b \u0195at mod f\u03d6r \u0195i nu, iz n\u03d6t so gr\u00eat, b\u0173t \u0195at ui m\u0173it p\u0173rfektli\ngit ov\u0173r it in a uiiks r\u0173iti\u014b.--Az to \u0195oz hu du n\u03d6t spel uel, if\n\u0195i tu difik\u0173ltiz er k\u0173mp\u00eard, viz. \u0195at \u03d6v tit\u053bi\u014b \u0195em tru speli\u014b in\n\u0195i prezent mod, and \u0195at \u03d6v tit\u053bing \u0195em \u0195i nu alfabet and \u0195i nu\nspeli\u014b ak\u03d6rdi\u014b to it, \u0173i am k\u03d6nfident \u0195at \u0195i lat\u0173r uuld bi byi far\n\u0195i liist. \u0195\u00ea nat\u0173rali f\u03d6l into \u0195i nu me\u0267\u0173d alreadi, az m\u0173t\u053b az \u0195i\nimperfek\u053b\u0173n \u03d6v \u0195er alfabet uil admit \u03d6v; \u0195\u00ear prezent bad speli\u014b iz\nonli bad, bik\u03d6z k\u03d6ntreri to \u0195i prezent bad ruls: \u0173nd\u0173r \u0195i nu ruls\nit uuld bi gud.--\u0195i difik\u0173lti \u03d6v l\u0173rni\u014b to spel uel in \u0195i old u\u00ea iz\nso gr\u00eat, \u0195at fiu at\u00ean it; \u0267\u03d6uzands and \u0267\u03d6uzands r\u0173iti\u014b \u03d6n to old\ned\u053b, ui\u0195\u03d6ut ever bii\u014b ebil to aku\u0173ir it. 'Tiz, bis\u0173idz, e difik\u0173lti\nk\u03d6ntinuali inkriisi\u014b az \u0195i s\u03d6und graduali veriz mor and mor fr\u03d6m \u0195i\nspeli\u014b; and to f\u03d6ren\u0173rs[70] it m\u00eaks \u0195i l\u0173rni\u014b to pron\u03d6ns \u03d6ur la\u014bued\u053b,\naz riten in \u03d6ur buks, almost imp\u03d6sibil._\n\n_N\u03d6u az to \"\u0195i ink\u03d6nviniensiz\" iu men\u053b\u0173n.--\u0195i f\u0173rst iz, \u0195at \"\u03d6\u03d6l \u03d6ur\netim\u03d6lod\u053biz uuld bi l\u03d6st, k\u03d6nsikuentli ui kuld n\u03d6t as\u0173rteen \u0195i miini\u014b\n\u03d6v meni u\u0173rds.\"--etim\u03d6lod\u053biz er at present veri \u0173ns\u0173rteen; b\u0173t s\u0173t\u053b\naz \u0195\u00ea er, \u0195i old buks uuld stil priz\u0173rv \u0195em, and etimolod\u053biz uuld\n\u0195\u00ear f\u0173ind \u0195em. U\u0173rds in \u0195i kors \u03d6v tyim, t\u053bend\u053b \u0195er miini\u014bs, az uel\naz \u0195er speli\u014b and pron\u0173nsie\u053b\u0173n; and ui du n\u03d6t luk to etim\u03d6lod\u053bi f\u03d6r\n\u0195er prezent miini\u014bs. If \u0173i \u053buld k\u03d6l e man e Neev and e Vilen, hi uuld\nhardli bi satisf\u0173id wi\u0267 m\u0173i teli\u014b him, \u0195at u\u0173n \u03d6v \u0195i u\u0173rds orid\u053binali\nsignif\u0173id onli e lad \u03d6r s\u0173rvant; and \u0195i \u0173\u0195\u0173r, an \u0173nd\u0173r pl\u03d6uman, \u03d6r \u0195i\ninhabitant \u03d6v e viled\u053b. It iz fr\u03d6m prezent iused\u053b onli, \u0195i miini\u014b \u03d6v\nu\u0173rds iz to bi dit\u0173rmined._\n\n_Iur sek\u0173nd ink\u03d6nviniens iz, \u0195at \"\u0195i distink\u053b\u0173n bituiin u\u0173rds \u03d6v\ndif\u0173rent miini\u014b and similar s\u03d6und uuld bi distr\u03d6\u0173id.\"--\u0195at distink\u053b\u0173n\niz \u03d6lreadi distr\u03d6\u0173id in pron\u03d6unsi\u014b \u0195em; and ui ril\u0173i \u03d6n \u0195i sens alon\n\u03d6v \u0195i sentens to as\u0173rteen, huit\u053b \u03d6v \u0195i several u\u0173rds, similar in\ns\u03d6und, ui intend. If \u0195is iz s\u0173fi\u053bent in \u0195i rapiditi \u03d6v diskors, it\nuil bi mut\u053b mor so in riten sentenses, huit\u053b m\u00ea bi red lez\u053burli, and\natended to mor partikularli in kes \u03d6v difik\u0173lti, \u0195an ui kan atend to\ne past sentens, hu\u0173il e spik\u0173r iz h\u0173ryi\u014b \u0173s al\u03d6ng ui\u0267 nu u\u0173ns._\n\n_Iur \u0267\u0173rd ink\u03d6nviniens iz, \u0195at \"\u03d6\u03d6l \u0195i buks alredi riten uuld bi\niusles.\"--\u0195is ink\u03d6nviniens uuld onli k\u0173m \u03d6n graduali, in e kors \u03d6v\ned\u053bes. Iu and \u0173i, and \u0173\u0195\u0173r n\u03d6u livi\u014b rid\u0173rs, uuld hardli f\u03d6rget \u0195i\nius \u03d6v \u0195em. Piipil uuld long l\u0173rn to riid \u0195i old r\u0173iting, \u0195o \u0195\u00ea\npraktist \u0195i nu.--And \u0195i ink\u03d6nvinens iz n\u03d6t greter, \u0195an huat hes\naktuali hapend in a similar kes, in Iteli, F\u03d6rmerli its inhabitants\n\u03d6\u03d6l spok and rot Latin: az \u0195i la\u014bued\u053b t\u053bend\u053bd, \u0195i speli\u014b f\u03d6lo'd it.\nIt iz tru \u0195at at prezent, e miir \u0173nlarn'd Italien kn\u03d6t riid \u0195i Latin\nbuks; \u0195o \u0195e er stil red and \u0173nd\u0173rstud b\u0173i meni. B\u0173t, if \u0195i speli\u014b\nhad nev\u0173r bin t\u053bend\u053bed, hi uuld n\u03d6u hev f\u03d6und it m\u0173t\u053b mor difik\u0173lt\nto riid and ryit hiz on la\u014buad\u053b; f\u03d6r riten u\u0173rds uuld hev had no\nril\u00ea\u053b\u0173n to s\u03d6unds, \u0195e uuld onli hev stud f\u03d6r \u0195i\u014bs; so \u0195at if hi uuld\nekspres in r\u0173iti\u014b \u0195i \u0173idia hi hez, huen hi s\u03d6unds \u0195i u\u0173rd_ Vescovo,\n_hi m\u0173st iuz \u0195i leterz_ Episcopus.--_In \u053b\u03d6rt, huatever \u0195i difik\u0173ltiz\nand ink\u03d6nviniensiz n\u03d6u er, \u0195e uil bi mor iizili s\u0173rm\u03d6unted n\u03d6u, \u0195an\nhiraft\u0173r; and s\u0173m t\u0173im \u03d6r \u0173\u0195\u0173r, it m\u0173st bi d\u0173n; \u03d6r \u03d6ur r\u0173iti\u014b uil\nbik\u0173m \u0195i s\u00eam ui\u0195 \u0195i T\u053b\u0173iniiz[71], az to \u0195i difik\u0173lti \u03d6v l\u0173rni\u014b and\niuzing it. And it uuld alredi hev bin s\u0173t\u053b, if ui had k\u03d6ntinud \u0195i\nSaks\u0173n speli\u014b and r\u0173iti\u014b, iuzed b\u0173i our forfa\u0195ers._\n\n _\u0173i am, m\u0173i diir frind,_\n\n _iurs afek\u053b\u0173netli,_\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n _L\u0173nd\u0173n_,\n\n _Kreven-striit, Sept. 28, 1768._\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[70] Dr. Franklin used to lay some little stress on this\ncircumstance, when he occasionally spoke on the subject. \"A\ndictionary, formed on this model, would have been serviceable to\nhim, he said, even as an American;\" because, from the want of\npublic examples of pronunciation in his own country, it was often\ndifficult to learn the proper sound of certain words, which occurred\nvery frequently in our English writings, and which of course every\nAmerican very well understood as to their meaning. B. V.\n\n[71] Chinese.\n\n\n\n\n _Rules for a Club formerly established in Philadelphia[72]._\n\n Previous question, to be answered at every meeting.\n\n\nHave you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider\nwhat you might have to offer the Junto [touching] any one of them?\nviz.\n\n1. Have you met with any thing, in the author you last read,\nremarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the Junto? particularly\nin history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or\nother parts of knowledge.\n\n2. What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling in\nconversation?\n\n3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately,\nand what have you heard of the cause?\n\n4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what\nmeans?\n\n5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere,\ngot his estate?\n\n6. Do you know of any fellow citizen, who has lately done a worthy\naction, deserving praise and imitation? or who has lately committed\nan error, proper for us to be warned against and avoid?\n\n[7. What unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or\nheard? of imprudence? of passion? or of any other vice or folly?\n\n8. What happy effects of temperance? of prudence? of moderation? or\nof any other virtue?]\n\n9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or wounded?\nIf so, what remedies were used, and what were their effects?\n\n10. Who do you know that are shortly going voyages or journies, if\none should have occasion to send by them?\n\n11. Do you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto may be\nserviceable to _mankind_? to their country, to their friends, or to\nthemselves?\n\n12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting,\nthat you heard of? and what have you heard or observed of his\ncharacter or merits? and whether think you, it lies in the power of\nthe Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves?\n\n13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom\nit lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage?\n\n14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your\n_country_, [of] which it would be proper to move the legislature for\nan amendment? or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting?\n\n15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties\nof the people?\n\n16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately? and what can the\nJunto do towards securing it?\n\n17. Is their any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto,\nor any of them, can procure for you?\n\n18. Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and how\nhave you defended it?\n\n19. Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of the\nJunto to procure redress?\n\n20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you in any\nof your honourable designs?\n\n21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in which you think the\nadvice of the Junto may be of service[73]?\n\n22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not present?\n\n23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice, and\ninjustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time?\n\n24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings\nof the Junto, which might be amended?\n\nAny person to be qualified, to stand up, and lay his hand on his\nbreast, and be asked these questions; viz.\n\n1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present\nmembers?--_Answer._ I have not.\n\n2. Do you sincerely declare, that you love mankind in general; of\nwhat profession or religion soever? _Ans._ I do.\n\n3. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name\nor goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of\nworship?--_Ans._ No.\n\n4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavour\nimpartially to find and receive it yourself and communicate it to\nothers?--_Ans._ Yes.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[72] This was an early performance, and carries along with it an\nair of singularity, accompanied with such operative good sense and\nphilanthropy, as characterizes it for Dr. Franklin's. The club, for\nwhich it was written, was held at Philadelphia; and, if I am well\ninformed, was composed of men considerable for their influence and\ndiscretion; for though the chief measures of Pensylvania usually\nreceived their first formation in this club, it existed for thirty\nyears without the nature of its institution being publicly known. B.\nV.\n\n[73] Queries No. 7 and 8 follow here, in the original. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _Questions discussed by the Junto forming the preceding Club[74]._\n\n\nIs _sound_ an entity or body?\n\nHow may the phenomena of vapours be explained?\n\nIs self-interest the rudder that steers mankind, the universal\nmonarch to whom all are tributaries?\n\nWhich is the best form of government, and what was that form which\nfirst prevailed among mankind?\n\nCan any one particular form of government suit all mankind?\n\nWhat is the reason that the tides rise higher in the Bay of Fundy\nthan the Bay of Delaware?\n\nIs the emission of paper-money safe?\n\nWhat is the reason that men of the greatest knowledge not the most\nhappy?\n\nHow may the possession of the Lakes be improved to our advantage?\n\nWhy are tumultuous, uneasy sensations, united with our desires?\n\nWhether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the\npassions?\n\nHow may smoaky chimneys be best cured?\n\nWhy does the flame of a candle tend upwards in a spire?\n\nWhich is least criminal, a _bad_ action joined with a _good_\nintention, or a _good_ action with a _bad_ intention?\n\nIs it consistent with the principles of liberty in a free government,\nto punish a man as a libeller, when he speaks the truth?\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[74] These questions are from the Eulogium of Dr. Franklin, delivered\nbefore the American Philosophical Society, in 1791, of which the\nJunto was the foundation. On the formation of that society, a\nbook, containing many of the questions discussed by the Junto, was\ndelivered into Dr. Smith's hands, for the purpose of being digested,\nand in due time published among the transactions of that body.\nMany of the questions Dr. Smith observes are curious and curiously\nhandled, and he selects the above as answering the description.\n_Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Sketch of an English School; for the Consideration of the Trustees\n of the Philadelphia Academy[75]._\n\n\nIt is expected that every scholar, to be admitted into this school,\nbe at least able to pronounce and divide the syllables in reading,\nand to write a legible hand. None to be received, that are under\n[___]years of age.\n\n\n_First, or lowest Class._\n\nLet the first class learn the English Grammar rules, and at the same\ntime let particular care be taken to improve them in orthography.\nPerhaps the latter is best done by pairing the scholars; two of those\nnearest equal in their spelling to be put together. Let these strive\nfor victory; each propounding ten words every day to the other to be\nspelled. He that spells truly most of the other's words is victor for\nthat day; he that is victor most days in a month, to obtain a prize,\na pretty neat book of some kind, useful in their future studies. This\nmethod fixes the attention of children extremely to the orthography\nof words, and makes them good spellers very early. It is a shame for\na man to be so ignorant of this little art, in his own language,\nas to be perpetually confounding words of like sound and different\nsignifications; the consciousness of which defect makes some men,\notherwise of good learning and understanding, averse to writing even\na common letter.\n\nLet the pieces read by the scholars in this class be short; such as\nCroxal's fables, and little stories. In giving the lesson, let it\nbe read to them; let the meaning of the difficult words in it be\nexplained to them; and let them con over by themselves before they\nare called to read to the master or usher, who is to take particular\ncare, that they do not read too fast, and that they duly observe the\nstops and pauses. A vocabulary of the most usual difficult words\nmight be formed for their use, with explanations; and they might\ndaily get a few of those words and explanations by heart, which would\na little exercise their memories; or at least they might write a\nnumber of them in a small book for the purpose, which would help to\nfix the meaning of those words in their minds, and at the same time\nfurnish every one with a little dictionary for his future use.\n\n\n_The Second Class_\n\nTo be taught, reading with attention, and with proper modulations of\nthe voice, according to the sentiment and the subject.\n\nSome short pieces, not exceeding the length of a Spectator, to be\ngiven this class for lessons (and some of the easier Spectators would\nbe very suitable for the purpose). These lessons might be given every\nnight as tasks; the scholars to study them against the morning. Let\nit then be required of them to give an account, first of the parts of\nspeech, and construction of one or two sentences. This will oblige\nthem to recur frequently to their grammar, and fix its principal\nrules in their memory. Next, of the intention of the writer, or\nthe scope of the piece, the meaning of each sentence, and of every\nuncommon word. This would early acquaint them with the meaning and\nforce of words, and give them that most necessary habit, of reading\nwith attention.\n\nThe master then to read the piece with the proper modulations of\nvoice, due emphasis, and suitable action, where action is required;\nand put the youth on imitating his manner.\n\nWhere the author has used an expression not the best, let it be\npointed out; and let his beauties be particularly remarked to the\nyouth.\n\nLet the lessons for reading be varied, that the youth may be made\nacquainted with good styles of all kinds, in prose and verse, and\nthe proper manner of reading each kind--sometimes a well-told story,\na piece of a sermon, a general's speech to his soldiers, a speech\nin a tragedy, some part of a comedy, an ode, a satire, a letter,\nblank verse, Hudibrastic, heroic, &c. But let such lessons be\nchosen for reading, as contain some useful instruction, whereby the\nunderstanding or morals of the youth may at the same time be improved.\n\nIt is required that they should first study and understand the\nlessons, before they are put upon reading them properly; to which\nend each boy should have an English dictionary, to help him over\ndifficulties. When our boys read English to us, we are apt to\nimagine they understand what they read, because we do, and because\nit is their mother tongue. But they often read, as parrots speak,\nknowing little or nothing of the meaning. And it is impossible a\nreader should give the due modulation to his voice, and pronounce\nproperly, unless his understanding goes before his tongue, and makes\nhim master of the sentiment. Accustoming boys to read aloud what\nthey do not first understand, is the cause of those even set tones,\nso common among readers, which, when they have once got a habit of\nusing, they find so difficult to correct; by which means, among fifty\nreaders we scarcely find a good one. For want of good reading, pieces\npublished with a view to influence the minds of men, for their own or\nthe public benefit, lose half their force. Were there but one good\nreader in a neighbourhood, a public orator might be heard throughout\na nation with the same advantages, and have the same effect upon his\naudience, as if they stood within the reach of his voice.\n\n\n_The Third Class_\n\nTo be taught speaking properly and gracefully; which is near a-kin\nto good reading, and naturally follows it in the studies of youth.\nLet the scholars of this class begin with learning the elements of\nrhetoric from some short system, so as to be able to give an account\nof the most useful tropes and figures. Let all their bad habits of\nspeaking, all offences against good grammar, all corrupt or foreign\naccents, and all improper phrases, be pointed out to them. Short\nspeeches from the Romans, or other history, or from the parliamentary\ndebates, might be got by heart, and delivered with the proper action,\n&c. Speeches and scenes in our best tragedies and comedies (avoiding\nevery thing, that could injure the morals of youth) might likewise\nbe got by rote, and the boys exercised in delivering or acting them:\ngreat care being taken to form their manner after the truest models.\n\nFor their farther improvement, and a little to vary their studies,\nlet them now begin to read history, after having got by heart a short\ntable of the principal epochs in chronology. They may begin with\nRollin's ancient and Roman histories, and proceed at proper hours, as\nthey go through the subsequent classes, with the best histories of\nour own nation and colonies. Let emulation be excited among the boys,\nby giving, weekly, little prizes, or other small encouragements to\nthose, who are able to give the best account of what they have read,\nas to time, places, names of persons, &c. This will make them read\nwith attention, and imprint the history well in their memories. In\nremarking on the history, the master will have fine opportunities of\ninstilling instruction of various kinds, and improving the morals, as\nwell as the understandings, of youth.\n\nThe natural and mechanic history, contained in the Spectacle de la\nNature, might also be begun in this class, and continued through the\nsubsequent classes, by other books of the same kind; for, next to\nthe knowledge of duty, this kind of knowledge is certainly the most\nuseful, as well as the most entertaining. The merchant may thereby\nbe enabled better to understand many commodities in trade; the\nhandicraftsman, to improve his business by new instruments, mixtures\nand materials; and frequently hints are given for new manufactures,\nor new methods of improving land, that may be set on foot greatly to\nthe advantage of a country.\n\n\n_The Fourth Class_\n\nTo be taught composition. Writing one's own language well, is\nthe next necessary accomplishment after good speaking. It is the\nwriting-master's business, to take care that the boys make fair\ncharacters, and place them straight and even in the lines: but to\nform their style, and even to take care that the stops and capitals\nare properly disposed, is the part of the English master. The\nboys should be put on writing letters to each other on any common\noccurrences, and on various subjects, imaginary business, &c.\ncontaining little stories, accounts of their late reading, what\nparts of authors please them, and why; letters of congratulation, of\ncompliment, of request, of thanks, of recommendation, of admonition,\nof consolation, of expostulation, excuse, &c. In these, they should\nbe taught to express themselves clearly, concisely, and naturally,\nwithout affected words or high-flown phrases. All their letters to\npass through the master's hand, who is to point out the faults,\nadvise the corrections, and commend what he finds right. Some of the\nbest letters published in our own language, as sir William Temple's,\nthose of Pope and his friends, and some others, might be set before\nthe youth as models, their beauties pointed out and explained by the\nmaster, the letters themselves transcribed by the scholar.\n\nDr. Johnson's Ethices Elementa, or First Principles of Morality,\nmay now be read by the scholars, and explained by the master, to\nlay a solid foundation of virtue and piety in their minds. And as\nthis class continues the reading of history, let them now, at proper\nhours, receive some farther instruction in chronology, and in that\npart of geography (from the mathematical master) which is necessary\nto understand the maps and globes. They should also be acquainted\nwith the modern names of the places they find mentioned in ancient\nwriters. The exercises of good reading, and proper speaking, still\ncontinued at suitable times.\n\n\n_Fifth Class_\n\nTo improve the youth in composition, they may now, besides continuing\nto write letters, begin to write little essays in prose, and\nsometimes in verse; not to make them poets, but for this reason,\nthat nothing acquaints a lad so speedily with variety of expression,\nas the necessity of finding such words and phrases as will suit the\nmeasure, sound and rhyme of verse, and at the same time well express\nthe sentiment. These essays should all pass under the master's eye,\nwho will point out their faults, and put the writer on correcting\nthem. Where the judgment is not ripe enough for forming new essays,\nlet the sentiments of a Spectator be given, and required to be\nclothed in the scholar's own words; or the circumstances of some good\nstory, the scholar to find expression. Let them be put sometimes on\nabridging a paragraph of a diffuse author: sometimes on dilating or\namplifying what is wrote more closely. And now let Dr. Johnson's\nNoetica, or First Principles of Human Knowledge, containing a logic,\nor art of reasoning, &c. be read by the youth, and the difficulties,\nthat may occur to them, be explained by the master. The reading of\nhistory, and the exercises of good reading and just speaking still\ncontinued.\n\n\n_Sixth Class_\n\nIn this class, besides continuing the studies of the preceding in\nhistory, rhetoric, logic, moral and natural philosophy, the best\nEnglish authors may be read and explained; as Tillotson, Milton,\nLocke, Addison, Pope, Swift, the higher papers in the Spectator and\nGuardian, the best translations of Homer, Virgil and Horace, of\nTelemachus, travels of Cyrus, &c.\n\nOnce a year, let there be public exercises in the hall; the trustees\nand citizens present. Then let fine gilt books be given as prizes\nto such boys, as distinguish themselves, and excel the others in\nany branch of learning, making three degrees of comparison: giving\nthe best prize to him, that performs best; a less valuable one to\nhim, that comes up next to the best, and another to the third.\nCommendations, encouragement, and advice to the rest; keeping up\ntheir hopes, that, by industry, they may excel another time. The\nnames of those, that obtain the prize, to be yearly printed in a list.\n\nThe hours of each day are to be divided and disposed in such a\nmanner, as that some classes may be with the writing-master,\nimproving their hands; others with the mathematical master, learning\narithmetic, accounts, geography, use of the globes, drawing,\nmechanics, &c. while the rest are in the English school, under the\nEnglish master's care.\n\nThus instructed, youth will come out of this school fitted for\nlearning any business, calling, or profession, except such wherein\nlanguages are required: and, though unacquainted with any ancient or\nforeign tongue, they will be masters of their own, which is of more\nimmediate and general use, and withal will have attained many other\nvaluable accomplishments: the time usually spent in acquiring those\nlanguages, often without success, being here employed in laying such\na foundation of knowledge and ability, as, properly improved, may\nqualify them to pass through and execute the several offices of civil\nlife, with advantage and reputation to themselves and country.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[75] This piece, which we believe to be an early production of our\nauthor, is taken from the American Museum, Vol. V. p. 473. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO MISS S----N[76], AT WANSTEAD.\n\n _Advice to Youth in Reading._\n\n\n _Craven-street, May 17, 1760._\n\nI send my good girl the books I mentioned to her last night. I beg\nher to accept of them as a small mark of my esteem and friendship.\nThey are written in the familiar easy manner for which the French are\nso remarkable, and afford a good deal of philosophic and practical\nknowledge, unembarrassed with the dry mathematics, used by more\nexact reasoners, but which is apt to discourage young beginners. I\nwould advise you to read with a pen in your hand, and enter in a\nlittle book short hints of what you find, that is curious, or that\nmay be useful; for this will be the best method of imprinting such\nparticulars in your memory, where they will be ready, either for\npractice on some future occasion, if they are matters of utility,\nor at least to adorn and improve your conversation, if they are\nrather points of curiosity. And as many of the terms of science are\nsuch, as you cannot have met with in your common reading, and may\ntherefore be unacquainted with, I think it would be well for you to\nhave a good dictionary at hand, to consult immediately when you meet\nwith a word you do not comprehend the precise meaning of. This may\nat first seem troublesome and interrupting; but it is a trouble that\nwill daily diminish, as you will daily find less and less occasion\nfor your dictionary as you become more acquainted with the terms; and\nin the mean time you will read with more satisfaction, because with\nmore understanding. When any point occurs, in which you would be glad\nto have farther information than your book affords you, I beg you\nwould not in the least apprehend, that I should think it a trouble\nto receive and answer your questions. It will be a pleasure, and no\ntrouble. For though I may not be able, out of my own little stock of\nknowledge, to afford you what you require, I can easily direct you to\nthe books, where it may most readily be found. Adieu, and believe me\never, my dear friend,\n\n Yours affectionately,\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[76] Stevenson. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nPAPERS\n\nON\n\n_SUBJECTS OF GENERAL POLITICS_.\n\n\n\n\nPAPERS\n\nON\n\n_SUBJECTS OF GENERAL POLITICS_.\n\n\n\n\n _Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, peopling of\n Countries, &c[77]._\n\n Written in Pensylvania, 1751.\n\n\n1. Tables of the proportion of marriages to births, of deaths to\nbirths, of marriages to the number of inhabitants, &c. formed on\nobservations made upon the bills of mortality, christenings, &c. of\npopulous cities, will not suit countries; nor will tables, formed on\nobservations made on full settled old countries, as Europe, suit new\ncountries, as America.\n\n2. For people increase in proportion to the number of marriages,\nand that is greater, in proportion to the ease and convenience of\nsupporting a family. When families can be easily supported, more\npersons marry, and earlier in life.\n\n3. In cities, where all trades, occupations, and offices are full,\nmany delay marrying, till they can see how to bear the charges of\na family; which charges are greater in cities, as luxury is more\ncommon; many live single during life, and continue servants to\nfamilies, journeymen to trades, &c. Hence cities do not, by natural\ngeneration, supply themselves with inhabitants; the deaths are more\nthan the births.\n\n4. In countries full settled, the case must be nearly the same, all\nlands being occupied and improved to the height; those who cannot\nget land, must labour for others, that have it; when labourers are\nplenty, their wages will be low; by low wages a family is supported\nwith difficulty; this difficulty deters many from marriage, who\ntherefore long continue servants and single. Only, as the cities take\nsupplies of people from the country, and thereby make a little more\nroom in the country, marriage is a little more encouraged there, and\nthe births exceed the deaths.\n\n5. Great part of Europe is fully, settled with husbandmen,\nmanufacturers, &c. and therefore cannot now much encrease in\npeople. America is chiefly occupied by Indians, who subsist mostly\nby hunting. But as the hunter, of all men, requires the greatest\nquantity of land from whence to draw his subsistence, (the husbandman\nsubsisting on much less, the gardener on still less, and the\nmanufacturer requiring least of all) the Europeans found America as\nfully settled, as it well could be by hunters; yet these, having\nlarge tracts, were easily prevailed on to part with portions of\nterritory to the new comers, who did not much interfere with the\nnatives in hunting, and furnished them with many things they wanted.\n\n6. Land being thus plenty in America, and so cheap, as that a\nlabouring man, that understands husbandry, can, in a short time,\nsave money enough to purchase a piece of new land, sufficient for\na plantation, whereon he may subsist a family; such are not afraid\nto marry; for if they even look far enough forward to consider how\ntheir children, when grown up, are to be provided for, they see,\nthat more land is to be had at rates equally easy, all circumstances\nconsidered.\n\n7. Hence marriages in America are more general, and more generally\nearly, than in Europe. And if it is reckoned there, that there is\nbut one marriage _per annum_ among 100 persons, perhaps we may\nhere reckon two; and if in Europe, they have but four births to a\nmarriage, (many of their marriages being late) we may here reckon\neight, of which, if one half grow up, and our marriages are made,\nreckoning one with another, at twenty years of age, our people must\nat least be doubled every twenty years.\n\n8. But notwithstanding this increase, so vast is the territory of\nNorth America, that it will require many ages to settle it fully,\nand till it is fully settled, labour will never be cheap here, where\nno man continues long a labourer for others, but gets a plantation\nof his own; no man continues long a journeyman to a trade, but goes\namong those new settlers, and sets up for himself, &c. Hence labour\nis no cheaper now, in Pensylvania, than it was thirty years ago,\nthough so many thousand labouring people have been imported from\nGermany and Ireland.\n\n9. The danger, therefore, of these colonies interfering with their\nmother country in trades, that depend on labour, manufactures, &c. is\ntoo remote to require the attention of Great Britain.\n\n10. But, in proportion to the increase of the colonies, a vast demand\nis growing for British manufactures; a glorious market, wholly in\nthe power of Britain, in which foreigners cannot interfere, which\nwill increase, in a short time, even beyond her power of supplying,\nthough her whole trade should be to her colonies.\n\n * * * * *\n\n12. It is an ill-grounded opinion, that, by the labour of slaves,\nAmerica may possibly vie in cheapness of manufactures with Britain.\nThe labour of slaves can never be so cheap here, as the labour of\nworking men is in Britain. Any one may compute it. Interest of\nmoney is in the colonies from 6 to 10 per cent. Slaves, one with\nanother, cost 30_l._ sterling per head. Reckon then the interest of\nthe first purchase of a slave, the insurance or risque on his life,\nhis clothing and diet, expences in his sickness, and loss of time,\nloss by his neglect of business, (neglect is natural to the man,\nwho is not to be benefited by his own care or diligence) expence of\na driver to keep him at work, and his pilfering from time to time,\nalmost every slave being, from the nature of slavery, a thief, and\ncompare the whole amount with the wages of a manufacturer of iron or\nwool in England, you will see, that labour is much cheaper there,\nthan it ever can be by negroes here. Why then will Americans purchase\nslaves? Because slaves may be kept as long as a man pleases, or has\noccasion for their labour, while hired men are continually leaving\ntheir master (often in the midst of his business) and setting up for\nthemselves. \u00a78.\n\n13. As the increase of people depends on the encouragement of\nmarriages, the following things must diminish a nation, viz. 1. The\nbeing conquered; for the conquerors will engross as many offices, and\nexact as much tribute or profit on the labour of the conquered, as\nwill maintain them in their new establishment; and this diminishing\nthe subsistence of the natives discourages their marriages, and\nso gradually diminishes them, while the foreigners increase. 2.\nLoss of territory. Thus the Britons, being driven into Wales, and\ncrouded together in a barren country, insufficient to support such\ngreat numbers, diminished, till the people bore a proportion to the\nproduce; while the Saxons increased on then abandoned lands, till\nthe island became full of English. And, were the English now driven\ninto Wales by some foreign nation, there would, in a few years, be no\nmore Englishmen in Britain, than there are now people in Wales. 3.\nLoss of trade. Manufactures, exported, draw subsistence from foreign\ncountries for numbers, who are thereby enabled to marry and raise\nfamilies. If the nation be deprived of any branch of trade, and no\nnew employment is found for the people occupied in that branch, it\nwill soon be deprived of so many people. 4. Loss of food. Suppose\na nation has a fishery, which not only employs great numbers, but\nmakes the food and subsistence of the people cheaper: if another\nnation becomes master of the seas, and prevents the fishery, the\npeople will diminish in proportion as the loss of employ and dearness\nof provision makes it more difficult to subsist a family. 5. Bad\ngovernment and insecure property. People not only leave such a\ncountry, and, settling abroad, incorporate with other nations, lose\ntheir native language, and become foreigners; but the industry of\nthose that remain being discouraged, the quantity of subsistence\nin the country is lessened, and the support of a family becomes\nmore difficult. So heavy taxes tend to diminish a people. 6. The\nintroduction of slaves. The negroes, brought into the English sugar\nislands, have greatly diminished the whites there; the poor are by\nthis means deprived of employment, while a few families acquire vast\nestates, which they spend on foreign luxuries; and, educating their\nchildren in the habit of those luxuries, the same income is needed\nfor the support of one, that might have maintained one hundred. The\nwhites, who have slaves, not labouring; are enfeebled, and therefore\nnot so generally prolific; the slaves being worked too hard, and\nill fed, their constitutions are broken, and the deaths among them\nare more than the births; so that a continual supply is needed from\nAfrica. The northern colonies, having few slaves, increase in whites.\nSlaves also pejorate the families that use them; the white children\nbecome proud, disgusted with labour, and, being educated in idleness,\nare rendered unfit to get a living by industry.\n\n14. Hence the prince, that acquires new territory, if he finds it\nvacant, or removes the natives to give his own people room;--the\nlegislator, that makes effectual laws for promoting of trade,\nincreasing employment, improving land by more or better tillage,\nproviding more food by fisheries, securing property, &c.--and the man\nthat invents new trades, arts or manufactures, or new improvements in\nhusbandry, may be properly called _fathers of their nation_, as they\nare the cause of the generation of multitudes, by the encouragement\nthey afford to marriage.\n\n15. As to privileges granted to the married, (such as the _jus\ntrium liberorum_ among the Romans) they may hasten the filling of\na country, that has been thinned by war or pestilence, or that has\notherwise vacant territory, but cannot increase a people beyond the\nmeans provided for their subsistence.\n\n16. Foreign luxuries, and needless manufactures, imported and used\nin a nation, do, by the same reasoning, increase the people of the\nnation, that furnishes them, and diminish the people of the nation,\nthat uses them. Laws, therefore, that prevent such importations,\nand, on the contrary, promote the exportation of manufactures to\nbe consumed in foreign countries, may be called (with respect to\nthe people that make them) _generative laws_, as, by increasing\nsubsistence, they encourage marriage. Such laws likewise strengthen\na country doubly, by increasing its own people, and diminishing its\nneighbours.\n\n17. Some European nations prudently refuse to consume the\nmanufactures of East India:--they should likewise forbid them to\ntheir colonies; for the gain to the merchant is not to be compared\nwith the loss, by this means, of people to the nation.\n\n18. Home luxury in the great increases the nation's manufacturers\nemployed by it, who are many, and only tends to diminish the families\nthat indulge in it, who are few. The greater the common fashionable\nexpence of any rank of people, the more cautious they are of\nmarriage. Therefore luxury should never be suffered to become common.\n\n19. The great increase of offspring in particular families is not\nalways owing to greater fecundity of nature, but sometimes to\nexamples of industry in the heads, and industrious education, by\nwhich the children are enabled to provide better for themselves,\nand their marrying early is encouraged from the prospect of good\nsubsistence.\n\n20. If there be a sect, therefore, in our nation, that regard\nfrugality and industry as religious duties, and educate their\nchildren therein, more than others commonly do, such sect must\nconsequently increase more by natural generation than any other sect\nin Britain.\n\n21. The importation of foreigners into a country, that has as many\ninhabitants as the present employments and provisions for subsistence\nwill bear, will be in the end no increase of people, unless the\nnew-comers have more industry and frugality than the natives, and\nthen they will provide more subsistence, and increase in the country;\nbut they will gradually eat the natives out.--Nor is it necessary to\nbring in foreigners to fill up any occasional vacancy in a country;\nfor such vacancy (if the laws are good, \u00a7 14, 16) will soon be filled\nby natural generation. Who can now find the vacancy made in Sweden,\nFrance, or other warlike nations, by the plague of heroism 40 years\nago; in France, by the expulsion of the protestants; in England,\nby the settlement of her colonies; or in Guinea by a hundred years\nexportation of slaves, that has blackened half America? The thinness\nof the inhabitants in Spain is owing to national pride, and idleness,\nand other causes, rather than to the expulsion, of the Moors, or to\nthe making of new settlements.\n\n22. There is, in short, no bound to the prolific nature of plants\nor animals, but what is made by their crowding and interfering with\neach other's means of subsistence. Was the face of the earth vacant\nof other plants, it might be gradually sowed and the overspread\nwith one kind only, as for instance, with fennel; and were it empty\nof other inhabitants, it might, in a few ages, be replenished from\none nation only, as for instance, with Englishmen. Thus there are\nsupposed to be now upwards of one million of English souls in North\nAmerica (though it is thought scarce 80,000 have been brought over\nsea) and yet perhaps there is not one the fewer in Britain, but\nrather many more, on account of the employment the colonies afford to\nmanufacturers at home. This million doubling, suppose but once in 25\nyears, will, in another century, be more than the people of England,\nand the greatest number of Englishmen will be on this side the water.\nWhat an accession of power to the British empire by sea as well as\nland! What increase of trade and navigation! What numbers of ships\nand seamen! We have been here but little more than a hundred years,\nand yet the force of our privateers in the late war, united, was\ngreater, both in men and guns, than that of the whole British navy in\nqueen Elizabeth's time. How important an affair then to Britain is\nthe present treaty[78] for settling the bounds between her colonies\nand the French! and how careful should she be to secure, room enough,\nsince on the room depends so much the increase of her people?\n\n23. In fine, a nation well regulated is like a polypus[79], take\naway a limb, its place is soon supplied; cut it in two, and each\ndeficient part shall speedily grow out of the part remaining. Thus,\nif you have room and subsistence enough, as you may, by dividing,\nmake ten polypuses out of one, you may, of one, make ten nations,\nequally populous and powerful; or, rather, increase a nation tenfold\nin numbers and strength.\n\n * * * * *\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[77] This paper and the answer to it are the last we have to extract\nfrom Mr. Collinson's collection. The papers that follow, having notes\nwith the signature B. V., are from the collection referred to before,\nVol. I, p. 399. _Editor._\n\n[78] In 1751.\n\n[79] A water insect, well-known to naturalists.\n\n\n\n\nR. J.[80] ESQ. OF LONDON, TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. AT PHILADELPHIA.\n\n _Remarks on some of the foregoing Observations, showing\n particularly the Effect which manners have on Population._\n\n\n DEAR SIR,\n\nIt is now near three years since I received your excellent\n_Observations on the Increase of Mankind_, &c. in which you have\nwith so much sagacity and accuracy shown in what manner, and by\nwhat causes, that principal means of political grandeur is best\npromoted; and have so well supported those just inferences you have\noccasionally drawn, concerning the general state of our American\ncolonies, and the views and conduct of some of the inhabitants of\nGreat Britain.\n\nYou have abundantly proved, that natural fecundity is hardly to\nbe considered, because the _vis generandi_, as far as we know,\nis unlimited, and because experience shows, that the numbers of\nnations is altogether governed by collateral causes, and among these\nnone of so much force as quantity of subsistence, whether arising\nfrom climate, soil, improvement of tillage, trade, fisheries,\nsecure property, conquest of new countries, or other favourable\ncircumstances.\n\nAs I perfectly concurred with you in your sentiments on these heads,\nI have been very desirous of building somewhat on the foundation you\nhave there laid; and was induced, by your hints in the twenty-first\nsection, to trouble you with some thoughts on the influence manners\nhave always had, and are always likely to have, on the numbers of a\npeople, and their political prosperity in general.\n\nThe end of every individual is its own private good. The rules it\nobserves in the pursuit of this good are a system of propositions,\nalmost every one founded in authority, that is, derive their\nweight from the credit given to one or more persons, and not from\ndemonstration.\n\nAnd this, in the most important as well as the other affairs of\nlife, is the case even of the wisest and philosophical part of the\nhuman species; and that it should be so is the less strange, when we\nconsider, that it is perhaps impossible to prove, that _being_, or\nlife itself, has any other value than what is set on it by authority.\n\nA confirmation of this may be derived from the observation, that, in\nevery country in the universe, happiness is sought upon a different\nplan; and, even in the same country, we see it placed by different\nages, professions, and ranks of men, in the attainment of enjoyments\nutterly unlike.\n\nThese propositions, as well as others framed upon them, become\nhabitual by degrees, and, as they govern the determination of the\nwill, I call them _moral habits_.\n\nThere are another set of habits, that have the direction of the\nmembers of the body, that I call therefore _mechanical habits_. These\ncompose what we commonly call _the arts_, which are more or less\nliberal or mechanical, as they more or less partake of assistance\nfrom the operations of the mind.\n\nThe _cumulus_ of the moral habits of each individual is the manners\nof that individual; the _cumulus_ of the manners of individuals makes\nup the manners of a nation.\n\nThe happiness of individuals is evidently the end of political\nsociety; and political welfare, or the strength, splendour, and\nopulence of the state, have been always admitted, both by political\nwriters, and the valuable part of mankind in general, to conduce to\nthis end, and are therefore desirable.\n\nThe causes, that advance or obstruct any one of these three objects,\nare external or internal. The latter may be divided into physical,\ncivil, and personal, under which last head I comprehend the moral and\nmechanical habits of mankind. The physical causes are principally\nclimate, soil, and number of subjects; the civil, are government and\nlaws; and political welfare is always in a ratio composed of the\nforce of these particular causes; a multitude of external causes,\nand all these internal ones, not only control and qualify, but are\nconstantly acting on, and thereby insensibly, as well as sensibly,\naltering one another, both for the better and the worse, and this not\nexcepting the climate itself.\n\nThe powerful efficacy of manners in encreasing a people is manifest\nfrom the instance you mention, the Quakers; among them industry and\nfrugality multiply and extend the use of the necessaries of life;\nto manners of a like kind are owing the populousness of Holland,\nSwitzerland, China, Japan, and most parts of Indostan, &c. in every\none of which, the force of extent of territory and fertility of soil\nis multiplied, or their want compensated by industry and frugality.\n\nNeither nature nor art have contributed much to the production of\nsubsistence in Switzerland, yet we see frugality preserves and\neven increases families, that live on their fortunes, and which,\nin England, we call the gentry; and the observation we cannot but\nmake in the southern part of this kingdom, that those families,\nincluding all superior ones, are gradually becoming extinct,\naffords the clearest proof, that luxury (that is, a greater expence\nof subsistence than in prudence a man ought to consume) is as\ndestructive as a proportionable want of it; but in Scotland, as\nin Switzerland, the gentry, though one with another they have not\none-fourth of the income, increase in number.\n\nAnd here I cannot help remarking, by the by, how well founded your\ndistinction is between the increase of mankind in old and new settled\ncountries in general, and more particularly in the case of families\nof condition. In America, where the expences are more confined, to\nnecessaries, and those necessaries are cheap, it is common to see\nabove one hundred persons descended from one living old man. In\nEngland, it frequently happens, where a man has seven, eight, or more\nchildren, there has not been a descendant in the next generation,\noccasioned by the difficulties the number of children has brought on\nthe family, in a luxurious dear country, and which have prevented\ntheir marrying.\n\nThat this is more owing to luxury than mere want appears from what I\nhave said of Scotland, and more plainly from parts of England remote\nfrom London, in most of which the necessaries of life are nearly as\ndear, in some dearer than London, yet the people of all ranks marry\nand breed up children.\n\nAgain; among the lower ranks of life, none produce so few children\nas servants. This is, in some measure, to be attributed to their\nsituation, which hinders marriage, but is also to be attributed to\ntheir luxury and corruption of manners, which are greater than among\nany other set of people in England, and is the consequence of a\nnearer view of the lives and persons of a superior rank, than any\ninferior rank, without a proper education, ought to have.\n\nThe quantity of subsistence in England has unquestionably become\ngreater for many ages; and yet if the inhabitants are more numerous,\nthey certainly are not so in proportion to our improvement of the\nmeans of support. I am apt to think there are few parts of this\nkingdom, that have not been at some former time more populous than\nat present. I have several cogent reasons for thinking so of great\npart of the counties I am most intimately acquainted with; but as\nthey were probably not all most populous at the same time, and as\nsome of our towns are visibly and vastly grown in bulk, I dare not\nsuppose, as judicious men have done, that England is less peopled\nthan heretofore.\n\nThis growth of our towns is the effect of a change of manners, and\nimprovement of arts, common to all Europe; and though it is not\nimagined, that it has lessened the country growth of necessaries,\nit has evidently, by introducing a greater consumption of them, (an\ninfallible consequence of a nation's dwelling in towns) counteracted\nthe effects of our prodigious advances in the arts.\n\nBut however frugality may supply the place, or prodigality counteract\nthe effects, of the natural or acquired subsistence of a country,\nindustry is, beyond doubt, a more efficacious cause of plenty than\nany natural advantage of extent or fertility. I have mentioned\ninstances of frugality and industry united with extent and fertility.\nIn Spain and Asia Minor, we see frugality joined to extent and\nfertility, without industry; in Ireland, we once saw the same;\nScotland had then none of them but frugality. The change in these\ntwo countries is obvious to every one, and it is owing to industry\nnot yet very widely diffused in either. The effects of industry and\nfrugality in England are surprising; both the rent and the value of\nthe inheritance of land depend on them greatly more than on nature,\nand this, though there is no considerable difference in the prices of\nour markets. Land of equal goodness lets for double the rent of other\nland lying in the same county, and there are many years purchase\ndifference between different counties, where rents are equally well\npaid and secure.\n\nThus manners operate upon the number of inhabitants, but of their\nsilent effects upon a civil constitution, history, and even our\nown experience, yields us abundance of proofs, though they are\nnot uncommonly attributed to external causes: their support of a\ngovernment against external force is so great, that it is a common\nmaxim among the advocates of liberty, that no free government was\never dissolved, or overcome, before the manners of its subjects were\ncorrupted.\n\nThe superiority of Greece over Persia was singly owing to their\ndifference of manners; and that, though all natural advantages were\non the side of the latter, to which I might add the civil ones; for\nthough the greatest of all civil advantages, liberty, was on the\nside of Greece, yet that added no political strength to her, than\nas it operated on her manners, and, when they were corrupted, the\nrestoration of their liberty by the Romans, overturned the remains of\ntheir power.\n\nWhether the manners of ancient Rome were at any period calculated\nto promote the happiness of individuals, it is not my design to\nexamine; but that their manners, and the effects of those manners\non their government and public conduct, founded, enlarged, and\nsupported, and afterwards overthrew their empire, is beyond all\ndoubt. One of the effects of their conquest furnishes us with a\nstrong proof, how prevalent manners are even beyond quantity of\nsubsistence; for, when the custom of bestowing on the citizens of\nRome corn enough to support themselves and families was become\nestablished, and Egypt and Sicily produced the grain, that fed the\ninhabitants of Italy, this became less populous every day, and the\n_jus trium liberorum_ was but an expedient, that could not balance\nthe want of industry and frugality.\n\nBut corruption of manners did not only thin the inhabitants of the\nRoman empire, it rendered the remainder incapable of defence, long\nbefore its fall, perhaps before the dissolution of the republic; so\nthat without standing disciplined armies, composed of men, whose\nmoral habits principally, and mechanical habits secondarily, made\nthem different from the body of the people, the Roman empire had been\na prey to the barbarians many ages before it was.\n\nBy the mechanical habits of the soldiery, I mean their discipline,\nand the art of war; and that this is but a secondary quality appears\nfrom the inequality that has in all ages been between raw, though\nwell disciplined armies, and veterans, and more from the irresistible\nforce a single moral habit, religion, has conferred on troops,\nfrequently neither disciplined nor experienced.\n\nThe military manners of the noblesse in France, compose the chief\nforce of that kingdom, and the enterprising manners and restless\ndispositions of the inhabitants of Canada have enabled a handful of\nmen to harass our populous, and, generally, less martial colonies;\nyet neither are of the value they seem at first sight, because\noverbalanced by the defect they occasion of other habits, that would\nproduce more eligible political good: and military manners in a\npeople are not necessary in an age and country where such manners may\nbe occasionally formed and preserved among men enough to defend the\nstate; and such a country is Great Britain, where, though the lower\nclass of people are by no means of a military cast, yet they make\nbetter soldiers than even the noblesse of France.\n\nThe inhabitants of this country, a few ages back, were to the\npopulous and rich provinces of France, what Canada is now to the\nBritish colonies. It is true, there was less disproportion between\ntheir natural strength; but I mean, that the riches of France were a\nreal weakness, opposed to the military manners founded upon poverty\nand a rugged disposition, then the character of the English; But it\nmust be remembered, that at this time the manners of a people were\nnot distinct from that of their soldiery, for the use of standing\narmies has deprived a military people of the advantages they before\nhad over others; and though it has been often said, that civil wars\ngive power, because they render all men soldiers, I believe this has\nonly been found true in internal wars following civil wars, and not\nin external ones; for now, in foreign wars, a small army, with ample\nmeans to support it, is of greater force than one more numerous, with\nless. This last fact has often happened between France and Germany.\n\nThe means of supporting armies, and consequently the power of\nexerting external strength, are best found in the industry and\nfrugality of the body of a people living under a government and laws,\nthat encourage commerce: for commerce is at this day almost the only\nstimulus, that forces every one to contribute a share of labour for\nthe public benefit.\n\nBut such is the human frame, and the world is so constituted, that\nit is a hard matter to possess ones self of a benefit, without\nlaying ones self open to a loss on some other side; the improvements\nof manners of one sort often deprave those of another: thus we see\nindustry and frugality under the influence of commerce, which I\ncall a commercial spirit, tend to destroy, as well as support, the\ngovernment it flourishes under.\n\nCommerce perfects the arts, but more the mechanical than the liberal,\nand this for an obvious reason; it softens and enervates the manners.\nSteady virtue and unbending integrity are seldom to be found where\na spirit of commerce pervades every thing; yet the perfection of\ncommerce is, that every thing should have its price. We every day\nsee its progress, both to our benefit and detriment here. Things,\nthat _boni mores_ forbid to be set to sale, are become its objects,\nand there are few things indeed _extra commercium_. The legislative\npower itself has been _in commercio_, and church livings are seldom\ngiven without consideration, even by sincere Christians, and, for\nconsideration, not seldom to very unworthy persons. The rudeness of\nancient military times and the fury of more modern enthusiastic ones\nare worn off; even the spirit of forensic contention is astonishingly\ndiminished, all marks of manners softening; but luxury and corruption\nhave taken their places, and seem the inseparable companions of\ncommerce and the arts.\n\nI cannot help observing, however, that this is much more the case in\nextensive countries, especially at their metropolis, than in other\nplaces. It is an old observation of politicians, and frequently\nmade by historians, that small states always best preserve their\nmanners. Whether this happens from the greater room there is for\nattention in the legislature, or from the less room there is for\nambition and avarice, it is a strong argument, among others, against\nan incorporating union of the colonies in America, or even a federal\none, that may tend to the future reducing them under one government.\n\nTheir power, while disunited, is less, but their liberty; as well\nas manners, is more secure; and, considering the little danger\nof any conquest to be made upon them, I had rather they should\nsuffer something through disunion, than see them under a general\nadministration less equitable than that concerted at Albany[81].\n\nI take it, the inhabitants of Pensylvania are both frugal and\nindustrious beyond those of any province in America. If luxury should\nspread, it cannot be extirpated by laws. We are told by Plutarch,\nthat Plato used to say, _It was a hard thing to make laws for the\nCyrenians, a people abounding in plenty and opulence_.\n\nBut from what I set out with, it is evident, if I be not mistaken,\nthat education only can stem the torrent, and, without checking\neither true industry or frugality, prevent the sordid frugality and\nlaziness of the old Irish, and many of the modern Scotch, (I mean\nthe inhabitants of that country, those who leave it for another\nbeing generally industrious) or the industry, mixed with luxury, of\nthis capital, from getting ground, and, by rendering ancient manners\nfamiliar, produce a reconciliation between disinterestedness and\ncommerce; a thing we often see, but almost always in men of a liberal\neducation.\n\nTo conclude: when we would form a people, soil and climate may be\nfound at least sufficiently good; inhabitants may be encouraged to\nsettle, and even supported for a while; a good government and laws\nmay be framed, and even arts may be established, or their produce\nimported: but many necessary moral habits are hardly ever found\namong those who voluntary offer themselves in times of quiet at\nhome, to people new colonies; besides that the moral, as well as\nmechanical habits adapted to a mother country are frequently not so\nto the new settled one, and to external events, many of which are\nalways unforeseen. Hence it is we have seen such fruitless attempts\nto settle colonies, at an immense public and private expence, by\nseveral of the powers of Europe: and it is particularly observable,\nthat none of the English colonies became any way considerable, till\nthe necessary manners were born and grew up in the country, excepting\nthose to which singular circumstances at home forced manners fit for\nthe forming a new state.\n\n I am, sir, &c.\n\n R.J.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[80] Richard Jackson, an English barrister. _Editor._\n\n[81] The reader will see an account of this plan in the subsequent\nvolume. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Plan, by Messieurs Franklin and Dalrymple, for benefitting distant\n unprovided Countries[82]._\n\n\n _Aug. 29, 1771._\n\nThe country called in the maps New Zealand has been discovered by the\nEndeavour, to be two islands, together as large as Great Britain:\nthese islands, named Acpy-nomaw\u00e9e and Tovy-poennammoo, are inhabited\nby a brave and generous race, who are destitute of _corn_, _fowls_,\nand _all quadrupeds_, except _dogs_.\n\nThese circumstances being mentioned lately in a company of men of\nliberal sentiments, it was observed, that it seemed incumbent on such\na country as this, to communicate to all others the conveniences of\nlife, which we enjoy.\n\nDr. Franklin, whose life has ever been directed to promote the true\ninterest of society, said, \"he would with all his heart _subscribe_\nto a voyage intended to communicate _in general_ those benefits,\nwhich we enjoy, to countries destitute of them in the remote parts\nof the globe.\" This proposition being warmly adopted by the rest of\nthe company, Mr. Dalrymple, then present, was induced to offer to\nundertake the command on such an expedition.\n\nOn mature reflection, this scheme appears the more honourable to the\nnational character of any which can be conceived, as it is grounded\non the noblest principle of benevolence. Good intentions are often\nfrustrated by letting them remain indigested; on this consideration\nMr. Dalrymple was induced to put the outlines on paper, which are\nnow published, that by an early communication there, may be a better\nopportunity of collecting all the hints, which can conduce to execute\neffectually the benevolent purpose of the expedition, in case it\nshould meet with general approbation.\n\nOn this scheme being shown to Dr. Franklin, he communicated his\nsentiments, by way of introduction, to the following effect:\n\n\"Britain is said to have produced originally nothing but _sloes_.\nWhat vast advantages have been communicated to her by the fruits,\nseeds, roots, herbage, animals, and arts of other countries! We are\nby their means become a wealthy and a mighty nation, abounding in all\ngood things. Does not some _duty_ hence arise from us towards other\ncountries, still remaining in our former state?\n\n\"Britain is now the first maritime power in the world. Her ships are\ninnumerable, capable by their form, size, and strength, of sailing\nall seas. Our seamen are equally bold, skilful, and hardy; dexterous\nin exploring the remotest regions, and ready to engage in voyages\nto unknown countries, though attended with the greatest dangers.\nThe inhabitants of those countries, our _fellow men_, have canoes\nonly; not knowing iron, they cannot build ships; they have little\nastronomy, and no knowledge of the compass to guide them; they cannot\ntherefore come to us, or obtain any of our advantages. From these\ncircumstances, does not some duty seem to arise from us to them? Does\nnot Providence, by these distinguishing favours, seem to call on us,\nto do something ourselves for the common interest of humanity!\n\n\"Those who think it their duty, to ask bread and other blessings\ndaily from heaven, would they not think it equally a duty, to\ncommunicate of those blessings when they have received them, and show\ntheir gratitude to their great Benefactor by the only means in their\npower, promoting the happiness of his other children?\n\n\"Ceres is said to have made a journey through many countries to teach\nthe use of corn, and the art of raising it. For this single benefit\nthe grateful nations deified her. How much more may Englishmen\ndeserve such honour, by communicating the knowledge and use not of\ncorn only, but of all the other enjoyments earth can produce, and\nwhich they are now in possession of. _Communiter bona profundere,\nDeum est._\n\n\"Many voyages have been undertaken with views of profit or of\nplunder, or to gratify resentment; to procure some advantage to\nourselves, or do some mischief to others: but a voyage is now\nproposed, to visit a distant people on the other side the globe; not\nto cheat them, not to rob them, not to seize their lands, or enslave\ntheir persons; but merely to do them good, and make them, as far as\nin our power lies, to live as comfortably as ourselves.\n\n\"It seems a laudable wish, that all the nations of the earth were\nconnected by a knowledge of each other, and a mutual exchange of\nbenefits: but a commercial nation particularly should wish for a\ngeneral civilization of mankind, since trade is always carried on to\nmuch greater extent with people who have the arts and conveniences\nof life, than it can be with naked savages. We may therefore hope,\nin this undertaking, to be of, some service to our country, as well\nas to those poor people, who, however distant from us, are in truth\nrelated to us, and whose interests do, in some degree, concern every\none who can say, _Homo sum, &c._\"\n\n_Scheme of a voyage, by subscription_, to convey the conveniences of\nlife, as fowls, hogs, goats, cattle, corn, iron, &c., to those remote\nregions, which are destitute of them, and to bring from thence such\nproductions, as can be cultivated in this kingdom to the advantage of\nsociety, in a ship under the command of Alexander Dalrymple.\n\n Catt or bark, from the coal trade, \u00a3\n of 350 tons, estimated at about 2000\n Extra expences, stores, boats, &c. 3000\n ----\n To be manned with 60 men at\n 4 per man per month\n ----\n 240\n 12\n ----\n 2880 per annum\n 3\n ----\n Wages and 8640 for three years 8640\n provisions -----\n 13640\n -----\n Cargo included, supposed 15000\n\nThe expences of this expedition are calculated for _three_ years: but\nthe greatest part of the amount of wages will not be wanted till the\nship returns, and a great part of the expence of provisions will be\nsaved by what is obtained in the course of the voyage, by barter, or\notherwise, though it is proper to make provision for contingencies.\n\n * * * * *\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[82] These proposals were printed upon a sheet of paper some two or\nthree years ago, and distributed. The parts written by Dr. Franklin\nand Mr. Dalrymple are easily distinguished. B. V.\n\n\n\n\nTO DR. PERCIVAL.\n\n _Concerning the Provision made in China against Famine._\n\n\nI have somewhere read, that in China an account is yearly taken of\nthe number of people, and the quantities of provision produced. This\naccount is transmitted to the emperor, whose ministers can thence\nforesee a scarcity, likely to happen in any province, and from what\nprovince it can best be supplied in good time. To facilitate the\ncollecting of this account, and prevent the necessity of entering\nhouses and spending time in asking and answering questions, each\nhouse is furnished with a little board, to be hung without the door\nduring a certain time each year; on which board are marked certain\nwords, against which the inhabitant is to mark number and quantity,\nsomewhat in this manner:\n\n -----------------\n | Men, |\n | Women, |\n | Children, |\n | Rice, or Wheat, |\n | Flesh, &c. |\n -----------------\n\nAll under sixteen are accounted children, and all above, men\nand women. Any other particulars, which the government desires\ninformation of, are occasionally marked on the same boards. Thus the\nofficers, appointed to collect the accounts in each district, have\nonly to pass before the doors, and enter into their book what they\nfind marked on the board, without giving the least trouble to the\nfamily. There is a penalty on marking falsely, and as neighbours must\nknow nearly the truth of each others account, they dare not expose\nthemselves, by a false one, to each others accusation. Perhaps such a\nregulation is scarcely practicable with us[83].\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[83] The above passage is taken from Dr. Percival's Essays, Vol.\nIII. p. 25, being an extract from a letter written to him, by\nDr. Franklin, on the subject of his observations on the state of\npopulation in Manchester and other adjacent places. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _Positions to be examined, concerning national Wealth[84]._\n\n\n1. All food or subsistence for mankind arise from the earth or waters.\n\n2. Necessaries of life, that are not foods, and all other\nconveniences, have their values estimated by the proportion of food\nconsumed while we are employed in procuring them.\n\n3. A small people, with a large territory, may subsist on the\nproductions of nature, with no other labour than that of gathering\nthe vegetables and catching the animals.\n\n4. A large people, with a small territory, finds these insufficient,\nand, to subsist, must labour the earth, to make it produce greater\nquantities of vegetable food, suitable for the nourishment of men,\nand of the animals they intend to eat.\n\n5. From this labour arises a _great increase_ of vegetable and\nanimal food, and of materials for clothing, as flax, wool, silk,\n&c. The superfluity of these is wealth. With this wealth we pay for\nthe labour employed in building our houses, cities, &c. which are\ntherefore only subsistence thus metamorphosed.\n\n6. _Manufactures_ are only _another shape_ into which so much\nprovisions and subsistence are turned, as were equal in value to the\nmanufactures produced. This appears from hence, that the manufacturer\ndoes not, in fact, obtain from the employer, for his labour, _more_\nthan a mere subsistence, including raiment, fuel, and shelter: all\nwhich derive their value from the provisions consumed in procuring\nthem.\n\n7. The produce of the earth, thus converted into manufactures, may be\nmore easily carried to distant markets than before such conversion.\n\n8. _Fair commerce_ is, where equal values are exchanged for equal,\nthe expence of transport included. Thus, if it costs A in England\nas much labour and charge to raise a bushel of wheat, as it costs B\nin France to produce four gallons of wine, then are four gallons of\nwine the fair exchange for a bushel of wheat, A and B meeting at half\ndistance with their commodities to make the exchange. The advantage\nof this fair commerce is, that each party increases the number of his\nenjoyments, having, instead of wheat alone, or wine alone, the use of\nboth wheat and wine.\n\n9. Where the labour and expence of producing both commodities are\nknown to both parties, bargains will generally be fair and equal.\nWhere they are known to one party only, bargains will often be\nunequal, knowledge taking its advantage of ignorance.\n\n10. Thus he, that carries one thousand bushels of wheat abroad to\nsell, may not probably obtain so great a profit thereon, as if he had\nfirst turned the wheat into manufactures, by subsisting therewith\nthe workmen while producing those manufactures: since there are many\nexpediting and facilitating methods of working, not generally known;\nand strangers to the manufactures, though they know pretty well the\nexpence of raising wheat, are unacquainted with those short methods\nof working, and thence, being apt to suppose more labour employed\nin the manufactures than there really is, are more easily imposed\non in their value, and induced to allow more for them than they are\nhonestly worth.\n\n11. Thus the advantage of having manufactures in a country does not\nconsist, as is commonly supposed, in their highly advancing the\nvalue of rough materials, of which they are formed; since, though\nsix-pennyworth of flax may be worth twenty shillings when worked into\nlace, yet the very cause of its being worth twenty shillings, is,\nthat, besides the flax, it has cost nineteen shillings and sixpence\nin subsistence to the manufacturer. But the advantage of manufactures\nis, that under their shape provisions may be more easily carried to a\nforeign market; and by their means our traders may more easily cheat\nstrangers. Few, where it is not made, are judges of the value of\nlace. The importer may demand forty, and perhaps get thirty shillings\nfor that, which cost him but twenty.\n\n12. Finally, there seem to be but three ways for a nation to\nacquire wealth. The first is by _war_, as the Romans did, in\nplundering their conquered neighbours. This is _robbery_.--The\nsecond by _commerce_, which is generally _cheating_.--The third by\n_agriculture_, the only _honest way_, wherein man receives a real\nincrease of the seed thrown into the ground, in a kind of continual\nmiracle wrought by the hand of God in his favour, as a reward for his\ninnocent life, and his virtuous industry.\n\n B. FRANKLIN.\n\n _April 4, 1769._\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[84] This article has been inserted in The Repository for select\nPapers on Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures. Vol. I, p. 350. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _Political Fragments, supposed either to be written by Dr.\n Franklin, or to contain Sentiments nearly allied to his own[85]._\n\n\n[\u00a7 1. _Of the Employment of Time, and of Indolence: particularly as\nrespecting the State._]\n\nAll that live must be subsisted. Subsistence costs something. He,\nthat is industrious, produces, by his industry, something that is an\nequivalent, and pays for his subsistence: he is therefore no charge\nor burden to society. The indolent are an expence uncompensated.\n\nThere can be no doubt but all kinds of employment, that can be\nfollowed without prejudice from interruptions; work, that can be\ntaken up, and laid down, often in a day, without damage; (such\nas spinning, knitting, weaving, &c.) are highly advantageous to\na community; because in them may be collected all the produce of\nthose fragments of time, that occur in family-business, between the\nconstant and necessary parts of it, that usually occupy females;\nas the time between rising and preparing for breakfast, between\nbreakfast and preparing for dinner, &c. &c. The amount of all these\nfragments is, in the course of a year, very considerable to a single\nfamily; to a state proportionably. Highly profitable therefore it is,\nin this case also, to follow that divine direction, _gather up the\nfragments that nothing be lost_. Lost time is lost subsistence; it is\ntherefore lost treasure.\n\nHereby, in several families, many yards of linen have been produced,\nfrom the employment of those fragments only, in one year, though such\nfamilies were just the same in number as when not so employed.\n\nIt was an excellent saying of a certain Chinese emperor, _I will, if\npossible, have no idleness in my dominions; for if there be one man\nidle, some man must suffer cold or hunger_. We take this emperor's\nmeaning to be, that the labour due to the public by each individual,\nnot being performed by the indolent, must naturally fall to the share\nof others, who must thereby suffer.\n\n\n[\u00a7 2. _Of Embargoes upon Corn, and of the Poor._]\n\nIn inland high countries, remote from the sea, and whose rivers\nare small, running _from_ the country, and not _to_ it, as is the\ncase of Switzerland, great distress may arise from a course of\nbad harvests, if public granaries are not provided, and kept well\nstored. Anciently too, before navigation was so general, ships so\nplenty, and commercial connections so well established, even maritime\ncountries might be occasionally distressed by bad crops. But such is\nnow the facility of communication between those countries, that an\nunrestrained commerce can scarce ever fail of procuring a sufficiency\nfor any of them. If indeed any government is so imprudent, as to lay\nits hands on imported corn, forbid its exportation, or compel its\nsale at limited prices, there the people may suffer some famine from\nmerchants avoiding their ports. But wherever commerce is known to be\nalways free, and the merchant absolute master of his commodity, as in\nHolland, there will always be a reasonable supply.\n\nWhen an exportation of corn takes place, occasioned by a higher price\nin some foreign countries, it is common to raise a clamour, on the\nsupposition, that we shall thereby produce a domestic famine. Then\nfollows a prohibition, founded on the imaginary distress of the poor.\nThe poor, to be sure, if in distress, should be relieved; but if the\nfarmer could have a high price for his corn from the foreign demand,\nmust he, by a prohibition of exportation, be compelled to take a\nlow price, not of the poor only, but of every one that eats bread,\neven the richest? the duty of relieving the poor is incumbent on the\nrich; but by this operation the whole burden of it is laid on the\nfarmer, who is to relieve the rich at the same time. Of the poor too,\nthose, who are maintained by the parishes, have no right to claim\nthis sacrifice of the farmer; as, while they have their allowance,\nit makes no difference to them, whether bread be cheap or dear.\nThose working poor, who now mind business only _five_ or _four_\ndays in the week, if bread should be so dear, as to oblige them to\nwork the whole _six_ required by the commandment, do not seem to be\naggrieved, so as to have a right to public redress. There will then\nremain, comparatively, only a few families in every district, who,\nfrom sickness, or a great number of children, will be so distressed\nby a high price of corn, as to need relief; and these should be taken\ncare of by particular benefactions, without restraining the farmer's\nprofit.\n\nThose, who fear, that exportation may so far drain the country of\ncorn, as to starve ourselves, fear what never did, nor ever can\nhappen. They may as well, when they view the tide ebbing towards\nthe sea, fear, that all the water will leave the river. The price\nof corn, like water, will find its own level. The more we export,\nthe dearer it becomes at home; the more is received abroad, the\ncheaper it becomes there; and as soon as these prices are equal,\nthe exportation stops of course. As the seasons vary in different\ncountries, the calamity of a bad harvest is never universal. If then,\nall ports were always open, and all commerce free, every maritime\ncountry would generally eat bread at the medium price, or average\nof all the harvests; which would probably be more equal than we can\nmake it by out artificial regulations, and therefore a more steady\nencouragement to agriculture. The nation would all have bread at this\nmiddle price; and that nation, which at any time inhumanely refuses\nto relieve the distresses of another nation, deserves no compassion\nwhen in distress itself.\n\n\n[\u00a7 3. _Of the Effect of Dearness of Provisions upon Working, and upon\nManufactures._]\n\nThe common people do not work for pleasure generally, but from\nnecessity. Cheapness of provisions makes them more idle; less work is\nthen done, it is then more in demand proportionally, and of course\nthe price rises. Dearness of provisions obliges the manufacturer to\nwork more days and more hours; thus more work is done than equals the\nusual demand; of course it becomes cheaper, and the manufactures in\nconsequence.\n\n\n[\u00a7 4. _Of an open Trade._]\n\nPerhaps, in general, it would be better if government meddled no\nfarther with trade, than to protect it, and let it take its course.\nMost of the statutes or acts, edicts, arrets, and placarts of\nparliaments, princes, and states, for regulating, directing, or\nrestraining of trade, have, we think, been either political blunders,\nor jobs obtained by artful men, for private advantage, under pretence\nof public good. When Colbert assembled some wise old merchants of\nFrance, and desired their advice and opinion, how he could serve and\npromote commerce: their answer, after consultation, was in three\nwords only, _Laissez nous faire_; \"Let us alone.\"--It is said, by a\nvery solid writer of the same nation, that he is well advanced in\nthe science of politics, who knows the full force of that maxim,\n_Pas trop gouverner_, \"Not to govern too much;\" which, perhaps,\nwould be of more use when applied to trade, than in any other public\nconcern. It were therefore to be wished, that commerce were as free\nbetween all the nations of the world, as it is between the several\ncounties of England; so would all, by mutual communication, obtain\nmore enjoyments. Those counties do not ruin each other by trade,\nneither would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by trade, even,\nseemingly, the most disadvantageous.\n\nWherever desirable superfluities are imported, industry is excited,\nand thereby plenty is produced. Were only necessaries permitted to be\npurchased, men would work no more than was necessary for that purpose.\n\n\n[\u00a7 5. _Of Prohibitions, with Respect to the Exportation of Gold and\nSilver._]\n\nCould Spain and Portugal have succeeded in executing their foolish\nlaws for _hedging in the cuckoo_, as Locke calls it, and have kept\nat home all their gold and silver, those metals would by this time\nhave been of little more value than so much lead or iron. Their\nplenty would have lessened their value. We see the folly of these\nedicts: but are not our own prohibitory and restrictive laws, that\nare professedly made with intention to bring a balance in our favour\nfrom our trade with foreign nations to be paid in money, and laws\nto prevent the necessity of exporting that money, which if they\ncould be thoroughly executed, would make money as plenty, and of as\nlittle value; I say, are not such laws a kin to those Spanish edicts,\nfollies of the same family?\n\n\n[\u00a7 6. _Of the Returns for foreign Articles._]\n\nIn fact, the _produce of other countries_ can hardly be obtained,\nunless by fraud and rapine, without giving the _produce of our land\nor our industry_ in exchange for them. If we have mines of gold and\nsilver, gold and silver may then be called the produce of our land:\nif we have not, we can only fairly obtain those metals by giving for\nthem the produce of our land or industry. When we have them, they are\nthen only that produce or industry in another shape; which we may\ngive, if the trade requires it, and our other produce will not suit,\nin exchange for the produce of some other country, that furnishes\nwhat we have more occasion for, or more desire. When we have, to an\ninconvenient degree, parted with our gold and silver, our industry\nis stimulated afresh to procure more; that, by its means, we may\ncontrive to procure the same advantage.\n\n\n[\u00a7 7. _Of Restraints upon Commerce in Time of War._]\n\nWhen princes make war by prohibiting commerce, each may hurt himself\nas much as his enemy. Traders, who by their business are promoting\nthe common good of mankind, as well as farmers and fishermen, who\nlabour for the subsistence of all, should never be interrupted, or\nmolested in their business, but enjoy the protection of all in the\ntime of war, as well as in time of peace.\n\nThis policy, those, whom we are pleased to call Barbarians, have in\na great measure adopted; for the trading subjects of any power with\nwhom the emperor of Morocco may be at war, are not liable to capture,\nwhen within sight of his land, going or coming; and have otherwise\nfree liberty to trade and reside in his dominions.\n\nAs a maritime power, we presume it is not thought right, that Great\nBritain should grant such freedom, except partially; as in the case\nof war with France, when tobacco is allowed to be sent thither under\nthe sanction of passports.\n\n\n[\u00a7 8. _Exchanges in Trade may be gainful to each Party._]\n\nIn transactions of trade, it is not to be supposed, that, like\ngaming, what one party _gains_ the other must necessarily _lose_. The\ngain to each may be equal. If A has more corn than he can consume,\nbut wants cattle; and B has more cattle, but wants corn, exchange\nis gain to each: hereby the common stock of comforts in life is\nincreased.\n\n\n[\u00a79. _Of Paper Credit._]\n\nIt is impossible for government to circumscribe, or fix the extent of\npaper credit, which must of course fluctuate. Government may as well\npretend to lay down rules for the operations, or the confidence of\nevery individual in the course of his trade. Any seeming temporary\nevil arising, must naturally work its own cure.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[85] The political fragments, which are here presented to the reader,\nwere gathered up from the notes, annexed to a pamphlet called The\nPrinciples of Trade, printed for Brotherton and Sewel, London, 1774,\nsecond edition.--The writer of this work speaks of assistance lent to\nhim, in the following passage in his preface: \"Some very respectable\nfriends have indulged me with their ideas and opinions. It is with\nthe greatest pleasure we, in this second edition, most gratefully\nacknowledge the favour; and must add, that should the public hold\nthis performance in any estimation, no small share belongs to those\nfriends.\" Our author is one of the respectable friends here alluded\nto. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _On the Price of Corn, and Management of the Poor[86]._\n\n\n TO MESSIEURS THE PUBLIC.\n\nI am one of that class of people, that feeds you all, and at present\nis abused by you all;--in short, I am a _farmer_.\n\nBy your news-papers we are told, that God had sent a very short\nharvest to some other countries of Europe. I thought this might be in\nfavour of Old England; and that now we should get a good price for\nour grain, which would bring millions among us, and make us flow in\nmoney: that to be sure is scarce enough.\n\nBut the wisdom of government forbad the exportation[87].\n\nWell, says I, then we must be content with the market-price at home.\n\nNo, say my lords the mob, you sha'n't have that. Bring your corn to\nmarket if your dare;--we'll sell it for you, for less money, or take\nit for nothing.\n\nBeing thus attacked by both ends _of the constitution_, the head and\ntail _of government_, what am I to do?\n\nMust I keep my corn in the barn, to feed and increase\nthe breed of rats?--be it so;--they cannot be less thankful than\nthose I have been used to feed.\n\nAre we farmers the only people to be grudged the profits of our\nhonest labour?--And why? One of the late scribblers against us gives\na bill of fare of the provisions at my daughter's wedding, and\nproclaims to all the world, that we had the insolence to eat beef and\npudding!--Has he not read the precept in the good book, _Thou shalt\nnot muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn_; or does\nhe think us less worthy of good living than our oxen?\n\nO, but the manufacturers! the manufacturers! they are to be favoured,\nand they must have bread at a cheap rate!\n\nHark ye, Mr. Oaf:--The farmers live splendidly, you say. And pray,\nwould you have them hoard the money they get? Their fine clothes\nand furniture, do they make them themselves or for one another, and\nso keep the money among them? Or, do they employ these your darling\nmanufacturers, and so scatter it again all over the nation?\n\nThe wool would produce me a better price, if it were suffered to\ngo to foreign markets; but that, Messieurs the Public, your laws\nwill not permit. It must be kept all at home, that our _dear_\nmanufacturers may have it the cheaper. And then, having yourselves\nthus lessened our encouragement for raising sheep, you curse us for\nthe scarcity of mutton!\n\nI have heard my grandfather say, that the farmers submitted to the\nprohibition on the exportation of wool, being made to expect and\nbelieve, that when the manufacturer bought his wool cheaper, they\nshould also have their cloth cheaper. But the deuce a bit. It has\nbeen growing dearer and dearer from that day to this. How so? Why,\ntruly, the cloth is exported; and that keeps up the price.\n\nNow if it be a good principle, that the exportation of a commodity is\nto be restrained, that so our people at home may have it the cheaper;\nstick to that principle, and go thorough stitch with it. Prohibit the\nexportation of your cloth, your leather, and shoes, your ironware,\nand your manufactures of all sorts, to make them, all cheaper at\nhome. And cheap enough they will be, I will warrant you--till people\nleave off making them.\n\nSome folks seem to think they ought never to be easy till England\nbecomes another Lubberland, where it is fancied the streets are paved\nwith penny-rolls, the houses tiled with pancakes, and chickens, ready\nroasted, cry, Come eat me.\n\nI say, when you are sure you have got a good principle, stick to\nit, and carry it thorough.--I hear it is said, that though it was\n_necessary and right_ for the m----y to advise a prohibition of the\nexportation of corn, yet it was _contrary to law_; and also, that\nthough it was _contrary to law_ for the mob to obstruct waggons,\nyet it was _necessary and right_.--Just the same thing to a tittle.\nNow they tell me, an act of indemnity ought to pass in favour of\nthe m----y, to secure them from the consequences of having acted\nillegally.--If so, pass another in favour of the mob. Others say,\nsome of the mob ought to be hanged, by way of example.---If so,--but\nI say no more than I have said before, _when you are sure that you\nhave got a good principle, go through with it_.\n\nYou say, poor labourers cannot afford to buy bread at a high price,\nunless they had higher wages.--Possibly.--But how shall we farmers be\nable to afford our labourers higher wages, if you will not allow us\nto get, when we might have it, a higher price for our corn?\n\nBy all that I can learn, we should at least have had a guinea a\nquarter more, if the exportation had been allowed. And this money\nEngland would have got from foreigners.\n\nBut, it seems, we farmers must take so much less, that the poor may\nhave it so much cheaper.\n\nThis operates then as a tax for the maintenance of the poor. A very\ngood thing, you will say. But I ask, why a partial tax? why laid on\nus farmers only? If it be a good thing, pray, Messieurs the Public,\ntake your share of it, by indemnifying us a little out of your\npublic treasury. In doing a good thing, there is both honour and\npleasure--you are welcome to your share of both.\n\nFor my own part, I am not so well satisfied of the goodness of this\nthing. I am for doing good to the poor, but I differ in opinion about\nthe means. I think the best way of doing good to the poor, is, not\nmaking them easy _in_ poverty, but leading or driving them _out_\nof it. In my youth I travelled much, and I observed in different\ncountries, that the more public provisions were made for the poor,\nthe less they provided for themselves, and of course became poorer.\nAnd, on the contrary, the less was done for them, the more they did\nfor themselves, and became richer. There is no country in the world\nwhere so many provisions are established for them; so many hospitals\nto receive them when they are sick or lame, founded and maintained\nby voluntary charities; so many alms houses for the aged of both\nsexes, together with a solemn general law made by the rich to subject\ntheir estates to a heavy tax for the support of the poor. Under all\nthese obligations, are our poor modest, humble, and thankful? And do\nthey use their best endeavours to maintain themselves, and lighten\nour shoulders of this burthen? On the contrary, I affirm, that\nthere is no country in the world in which the poor are more idle,\ndissolute, drunken, and insolent. The day you passed that act, you\ntook away from before their eyes the greatest of all inducements to\nindustry, frugality, and sobriety, by giving them a dependence on\nsomewhat else than a careful accumulation during youth and health,\nfor support in age or sickness. In short, you offered a premium for\nthe encouragement of idleness, and you should not now wonder, that\nit has had its effect in the increase of poverty. Repeal that law,\nand you will soon see a change in their manners, _Saint Monday_, and\n_Saint Tuesday_, will soon cease to be holidays. Six _days shalt thou\nlabour_, though one of the old commandments long treated as out of\ndate, will again be looked upon as a respectable precept; industry\nwill increase, and with it plenty among the lower people; their\ncircumstances will mend, and more will be done for their happiness\nby inuring them to provide for themselves, than could be done by\ndividing all your estates among them.\n\nExcuse me, Messieurs the Public, if upon this _interesting_ subject,\nI put you to the trouble of reading a little of _my_ nonsense; I am\nsure I have lately read a great deal of _yours_, and therefore from\nyou (at least from those of you who are writers) I deserve a little\nindulgence.\n\n I am yours, &c.\n\n ARATOR[88].\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[86] The following extracts of a letter signed Columella, and\naddressed to the editors of the Repository for select Papers on\nAgriculture, Arts, and Manufactures (See Vol. I. p. 352.) will again\nserve the purpose of preparing those who read it, for entering upon\nthis paper.\n\n\"GENTLEMEN,\n\n\"There is now publishing in France a periodical work, called\nEphemeridis du Citoyen, in which several points, interesting to those\nconcerned in agriculture, are from time to time discussed by some\nable hands. In looking over one of the volumes of this work a few\ndays ago, I found a little piece written by one of our countrymen,\nand which our vigilant neighbours had taken from the London Chronicle\nin 1766. The author is a gentleman well known to every man of letters\nin Europe, and perhaps there is none, in this age, to whom mankind in\ngeneral are more indebted.\n\n\"That this piece may not be lost to our own country, I beg you will\ngive it a place in your Repository: it was written in favour of the\nfarmers, when they suffered so much abuse in our public papers, and\nwere also plundered by the mob in many places.\"\n\nThe principles on which this piece is grounded are given more at\nlarge in the Political Fragments, art. 2. B. V.\n\n[87] It is not necessary to repeat in what degree Dr. Franklin\nrespected the ministers, to whom he alludes.--The embargo upon corn\nwas but a single measure, which, it is enough to say, an host of\npoliticians thought well advised, but ill defended. Of the great\nand honourable services of the earl of Chatham to his country, Dr.\nFranklin has borne the amplest testimony. B. V.\n\n[88] The late Mr. Owen Ruffhead, being some time ago employed in\npreparing _a digest of our poor laws_, communicated a copy of it to\nDr. Franklin for his advice. Dr. Franklin recommended, that provision\nshould be made therein, for the printing on a sheet of paper and\ndispersing, in each parish in the kingdom, annual accounts of every\ndisbursement and receipt of its officers. It is obvious to remark,\nhow greatly this must tend to check both the officers and the poor,\nand to inform and interest the parishioners with respect to parish\nconcerns.--Some of the American colonies actually practise this\nmeasure with a success which might justify its adoption here. B. V.\n\n\n\n\nTO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN, ESQ[89].\n\n _On Luxury, Idleness, and Industry._\n\n Written in 1784.\n\n\nIt is wonderful how preposterously the affairs of this world are\nmanaged. Naturally one would imagine, that the interest of a few\nindividuals should give way to general interest; but individuals\nmanage their affairs with so much more application, industry, and\naddress, than the public do theirs, that, general interest most\ncommonly gives way to particular. We assemble parliaments and\ncouncils, to have the benefit of their collected wisdom; but we\nnecessarily have, at the same time, the inconvenience of their\ncollected passions, prejudices, and private interests. By the help of\nthese, artful men overpower their wisdom, and dupe its possessors:\nand if we may judge, by the acts, arrets, and edicts, all the world\nover, for regulating commerce, an assembly of great men is the\ngreatest fool upon earth.\n\nI have not yet, indeed, thought of a remedy for luxury. I am not\nsure that in a great state it is capable of a remedy, nor that the\nevil is in itself always so great as it is represented. Suppose we\ninclude in the definition of luxury all unnecessary expence, and then\nlet us consider, whether laws to prevent such expence are possible\nto be executed in a great country, and whether, if they could be\nexecuted, our people generally would be happier, or even richer. Is\nnot the hope of being one day able to purchase and enjoy luxuries, a\ngreat spur to labour and industry? May not luxury therefore produce\nmore than it consumes, if, without such a spur, people would be,\nas they are naturally enough inclined to be, lazy and indolent? To\nthis purpose I remember a circumstance. The skipper of a shallop,\nemployed between Cape-May and Philadelphia, had done us some small\nservice, for which he refused to be paid. My wife, understanding\nthat he had a daughter, sent her a present of a new-fashioned cap.\nThree years after, this skipper being at my house with an old farmer\nof Cape-May, his passenger, he mentioned the cap, and how much his\ndaughter had been pleased with it. \"But (said he) it proved a dear\ncap to our congregation.\" \"How so?\" \"When my daughter appeared with\nit at meeting, it was so much admired, that all the girls resolved\nto get such caps from Philadelphia; and my wife and I computed, that\nthe whole could not have cost less than a hundred pounds.\" \"True\n(said the farmer), but you do not tell all the story. I think the cap\nwas nevertheless an advantage to us, for it was the first thing that\nput our girls upon knitting worsted mittens for sale at Philadelphia,\nthat they might have wherewithal to buy caps and ribbons there,\nand you know that that industry has continued, and is likely to\ncontinue and increase to a much greater value, and answer better\npurposes.\"--Upon the whole, I was more reconciled to this little\npiece of luxury, since not only the girls were made happier by having\nfine caps, but the Philadelphians by the supply of warm mittens.\n\nIn our commercial towns upon the sea-coast, fortunes will\noccasionally be made. Some of those who grow rich will be prudent,\nlive within bounds, and preserve what they have gained for their\nposterity: others, fond of showing their wealth, will be extravagant,\nand ruin themselves. Laws cannot prevent this: and perhaps it is not\nalways an evil to the public. A shilling spent idly by a fool, may\nbe picked up by a wiser person, who knows better what to do with\nit. It is therefore not lost. A vain silly fellow builds a fine\nhouse, furnishes it richly, lives in it expensively, and in a few\nyears ruins himself: but the masons, carpenters, smiths, and other\nhonest tradesmen, have been by his employ assisted in maintaining and\nraising their families; the farmer has been paid for his labour, and\nencouraged, and the estate is now in better hands. In some cases,\nindeed, certain modes of luxury may be a public evil, in the same\nmanner as it is a private one. If there be a nation, for instance,\nthat exports its beef and linen, to pay for the importation of claret\nand porter, while a great part of its people live upon potatoes,\nand wear no shirts, wherein does it differ from the sot, who lets\nhis family starve, and sells his clothes to buy drink? Our American\ncommerce is, I confess, a little in this way. We sell our victuals to\nthe islands for rum and sugar; the substantial necessaries of life\nfor superfluities. But we have plenty, and live well nevertheless,\nthough, by being soberer, we might be richer.\n\nThe vast quantity of forest land we have yet to clear, and put\nin order for cultivation, will for a long time keep the body of\nour nation laborious and frugal. Forming an opinion of our people\nand their manners, by what is seen among the inhabitants of the\nsea-ports, is judging from an improper sample. The people of\nthe trading towns may be rich and luxurious, while the country\npossesses all the virtues, that tend to promote happiness and public\nprosperity. Those towns are not much regarded by the country; they\nare hardly considered as an essential part of the states, and the\nexperience of the last war has shown, that their being in the\npossession of the enemy did not necessarily draw on the subjection\nof the country, which bravely continued to maintain its freedom and\nindependence notwithstanding.\n\nIt has been computed by some political arithmetician, that if every\nman and woman would work for four hours each day on something useful,\nthat labour would produce sufficient to procure all the necessaries\nand comforts of life, want and misery would be banished out of the\nworld, and the rest of the twenty-four hours might be leisure and\npleasure.\n\nWhat occasions then so much want and misery? It is the employment\nof men and women in works, that produce neither the necessaries\nnor conveniences of life, who, with those who do nothing, consume\nnecessaries raised by the laborious. To explain this.\n\nThe first elements of wealth are obtained by labour, from the earth\nand waters. I have land, and raise corn. With this, if I feed a\nfamily that does nothing, my corn will be consumed, and at the end of\nthe year I shall be no richer than I was at the beginning. But if,\nwhile I feed them, I employ them, some in spinning, others in making\nbricks, &c. for building, the value of my corn will be arrested and\nremain with me, and at the end of the year we may all be better\nclothed and better lodged. And if, instead of employing a man I feed\nin making bricks, I employ him in fiddling for me, the corn he eats\nis gone, and no part of his manufacture remains to augment the wealth\nand convenience of the family: I shall therefore be the poorer for\nthis fiddling man, unless the rest of my family work more, or eat\nless, to make up the deficiency he occasions.\n\nLook round the world, and see the millions employed in doing nothing,\nor in something that amounts to nothing, when the necessaries and\nconveniences of life are in question. What is the bulk of commerce,\nfor which we fight and destroy each other, but the toil of millions\nfor superfluities, to the great hazard and loss of many lives, by the\nconstant dangers of the sea? How much labour is spent in building and\nfitting great ships, to go to China and Arabia for tea and coffee,\nto the West Indies for sugar, to America for tobacco? These things\ncannot be called the necessaries of life, for our ancestors lived\nvery comfortably without them.\n\nA question may be asked: could all these people now employed in\nraising, making, or carrying superfluities, be subsisted by raising\nnecessaries? I think they might. The world is large, and a great part\nof it still uncultivated. Many hundred millions of acres in Asia,\nAfrica, and America, are still in a forest, and a great deal even\nin Europe. On a hundred acres of this forest a man might become a\nsubstantial farmer, and a hundred thousand men, employed in clearing\neach his hundred acres, would hardly brighten a spot big enough to be\nvisible from the moon, unless with Herschel's telescope; so vast are\nthe regions still in wood.\n\nIt is, however, some comfort to reflect, that, upon the whole, the\nquantity of industry and prudence among mankind exceeds the quantity\nof idleness and folly. Hence the increase of good buildings, farms\ncultivated, and populous cities filled with wealth, all over Europe,\nwhich a few ages since were only to be found on the coasts of the\nMediterranean; and this notwithstanding the mad wars continually\nraging, by which are often destroyed in one year the works of many\nyears peace. So that we may hope the luxury of a few merchants on the\ncoast will not be the ruin of America.\n\nOne reflection more, and I will end this long rambling letter. Almost\nall the parts of our bodies require some expence. The feet demand\nshoes; the legs stockings; the rest of the body clothing; and the\nbelly a good deal of victuals. Our eyes, though exceedingly useful,\nask, when reasonable, only the cheap assistance of spectacles, which\ncould not much impair our finances. But the eyes of other people are\nthe eyes that ruin us. If all but myself were blind, I should want\nneither fine clothes, fine houses, nor fine furniture.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[89] This letter is taken from a periodical publication, that existed\nonly for a short period, entitled, The Repository, to which it was\ncommunicated by the person to whom it is addressed. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _On Smuggling, and its various Species[90]._\n\n\n SIR,\n\nThere are many people that would be thought, and even think\nthemselves, _honest_ men, who fail nevertheless in particular points\nof honesty; deviating from that character sometimes by the prevalence\nof mode or custom, and sometimes through mere inattention; so that\ntheir _honesty_ is partial only, and not _general_ or universal. Thus\none, who would scorn to over-reach you in a bargain, shall make no\nscruple of tricking you a little now and then at cards; another, that\nplays with the utmost fairness, shall with great freedom cheat you in\nthe sale of a horse. But there is no kind of dishonesty, into which\notherwise good people more easily and frequently fall, than that of\ndefrauding government of its revenues by smuggling, when they have an\nopportunity, or encouraging smugglers by buying their goods.\n\nI fell into these reflections the other day, on hearing two gentlemen\nof reputation discoursing about a small estate, which one of them\nwas inclined to sell, and the other to buy; when the seller, in\nrecommending the place, remarked, that its situation was very\nadvantageous on this account, that, being on the sea-coast in a\nsmuggling country, one had frequent opportunities of buying many\nof the expensive articles used in a family (such as tea, coffee,\nchocolate, brandy, wines, cambrics, Brussels laces, French silks,\nand all kinds of India goods), 20, 30, and in some articles 50 _per\ncent_ cheaper, than they could be had in the more interior parts, of\ntraders that paid duty.--The other _honest_ gentlemen allowed this\nto be an advantage, but insisted, that the seller, in the advanced\nprice he demanded on that account, rated the advantage much above its\nvalue. And neither of them seemed to think dealing with smugglers a\npractice, that an _honest_ man (provided he got his goods cheap) had\nthe least reason to be ashamed of.\n\nAt a time when the load of our, public debt, and the heavy expence\nof maintaining our fleets and armies to be ready for our defence on\noccasion, makes it necessary, not only to continue old taxes, but\noften to look out for new ones, perhaps it may not be unuseful to\nstate this matter in a light, that few seem to have considered it in.\n\nThe people of Great Britain, under the happy constitution of this\ncountry, have a privilege few other countries enjoy, that of choosing\nthe third branch of the legislature, which branch has alone the\npower of regulating their taxes. Now whenever the government finds\nit necessary for the common benefit, advantage, and safety of the\nnation, for the security of our liberties, property, religion, and\nevery thing that is dear to us, that certain sums shall be yearly\nraised by taxes, duties, &c. and paid into the public treasury,\nthence to be dispensed by government for those purposes; ought not\nevery _honest man_ freely and willingly to pay his just proportion\nof this necessary expence? Can he possibly preserve a right to that\ncharacter, if, by any fraud, stratagem, or contrivance, he avoids\nthat payment in whole or in part.\n\nWhat should we think of a companion, who, having supped with his\nfriends at a tavern, and partaken equally of the joys of the evening\nwith the rest of us, would nevertheless contrive by some artifice\nto shift his share of the reckoning upon others, in order to go off\nscot-free? If a man who practised this would, when detected, be\ndeemed and called a scoundrel, what ought he to be called, who can\nenjoy all the inestimable benefits of public society, and yet by\nsmuggling, or dealing with smugglers, contrive to evade paying his\njust share of the expence, as settled by his own representatives in\nparliament; and wrongfully throw it upon his honester and perhaps\nmuch poorer neighbours? He will perhaps be ready to tell me, that\nhe does not wrong his neighbours; he scorns the imputation, he only\ncheats the king a little, who is very able to bear it. This however\nis a mistake. The public treasure is the treasure of the nation,\nto be applied to national purposes. And when a duty is laid for a\nparticular public and necessary purpose, if, through smuggling, that\nduty falls short of raising the sum required, and other duties must\ntherefore be laid to make up the deficiency, all the additional sum\nlaid by the new duties and paid by other people, though it should\namount to no more than a halfpenny or a farthing per head, is so\nmuch actually picked out of the pockets of those other people by\nthe smugglers and their abettors and encouragers. Are they then\nany better or other than pickpockets? and what mean, low, rascally\npickpockets must those be, that can pick pockets for halfpence and\nfor farthings?\n\nI would not however be supposed to allow in what I have just said,\nthat cheating the king is a less offence against honesty, than\ncheating the public. The king and the public in this case are\ndifferent names for the same thing; but if we consider the king\ndistinctly it will not lessen the crime: it is no justification of\na robbery, that the person robbed was rich and able to bear it. The\nking has as much right to justice as the meanest of his subjects;\nand as he is truly the common _father_ of his people, those that rob\nhim fall under the scripture woe, pronounced against the son _that\nrobbeth his father, and saith it is no sin_.\n\nMean as this practice is, do we not daily see people of character and\nfortune engaged in it for trifling advantages to themselves?--Is any\nlady ashamed to request of a gentleman of her acquaintance, that when\nhe returns from abroad, he would smuggle her home a piece of silk or\nlace from France or Flanders? Is any gentleman ashamed to undertake\nand execute the commission?--Not in the least. They will talk of it\nfreely, even before others whose pockets they are thus contriving to\npick by this piece of knavery.\n\nAmong other branches of the revenue, that of the post-office is, by\na late law, appropriated to the discharge of our public debt, to\ndefray the expences of the state. None but members of parliament,\nand a few public officers have now a right to avoid, by a frank, the\npayment of postage. When any letter, not written by them or on their\nbusiness, is franked by any of them, it is a hurt to the revenue, an\ninjury which they must now take the pains to conceal by writing the\nwhole superscription themselves. And yet such is our insensibility\nto justice in this particular, that nothing is more common than to\nsee, even in a reputable company, a _very honest_ gentleman or lady\ndeclare his or her intention to cheat the nation of three-pence by\na frank, and without blushing apply to one of the very legislators\nthemselves, with a modest request, that he would be pleased to become\nan accomplice in the crime, and assist in the perpetration.\n\nThere are those who by these practices take a great deal in a year\nout of the public purse, and put the money into their own private\npockets. If, passing through a room where public treasure is\ndeposited, a man takes the opportunity of clandestinely pocketing and\ncarrying off a guinea, is he not truly and properly a thief? And if\nanother evades paying into the treasury a guinea he ought to pay in,\nand applies it to his own use, when he knows it belongs to the public\nas much as that which has been paid in, what difference is there in\nthe nature of the crime, or the baseness of committing it?\n\nSome laws make the receiving of stolen goods equally penal with\nstealing, and upon this principle, that if there were no receivers\nthere would be few thieves. Our proverb too says truly, that _the\nreceiver is as bad as the thief_. By the same reasoning, as there\nwould be few smugglers, if there were none who knowingly encouraged\nthem by buying their goods, we may say, that the encouragers of\nsmuggling are as bad as the smugglers; and that, as smugglers are a\nkind of thieves, both equally deserve the punishments of thievery.\n\nIn this view of wronging the revenue, what must we think of those who\ncan evade paying for their wheels and their plate, in defiance of law\nand justice, and yet declaim against corruption and peculation, as if\ntheir own hands and hearts were pure and unsullied? The Americans\noffend us grievously, when, contrary to our laws, they smuggle goods\ninto their own country: and yet they had no hand in making those\nlaws. I do not however pretend from thence to justify them. But\nI think the offence much greater in those who either directly or\nindirectly have been concerned in making the very laws they break.\nAnd when I hear them exclaiming against the Americans, and for every\nlittle infringement of the acts of trade, or obstruction given by a\npetty mob to an officer of our customs in that country, calling for\nvengeance against the whole people as REBELS and traitors, I cannot\nhelp thinking there are still those in the world who can _see a mote\nin their brother's eye, while they do not discern a beam in their\nown_; and that the old saying is as true now as ever it was, _one man\nmay better steal a horse, than another look over the hedge_.\n\n F. B.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[90] This letter is extracted from the London Chronicle, for November\n24, 1767, and is addressed to the printer of that newspaper. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _Observations on War[91]._\n\n\nBy the original law of nations, war and extirpation were the\npunishment of injury. Humanizing by degrees, it admitted slavery\ninstead of death: a farther step was the exchange of prisoners\ninstead of slavery: another, to respect more the property of private\npersons under conquest, and be content with acquired dominion. Why\nshould not this law of nations go on improving? Ages have intervened\nbetween its several steps: but as knowledge of late increases\nrapidly, why should not those steps be quickened? Why should it\nnot be agreed to, as the future law of nations, that in any war\nhereafter the following description of men should be undisturbed,\nhave the protection of both sides, and be permitted to follow their\nemployments in security? viz.\n\n1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labour for the subsistence\nof mankind.\n\n2. Fishermen, for the same reason.\n\n3. Merchants and traders in unarmed ships, who accommodate different\nnations by communicating and exchanging the necessaries and\nconveniences of life.\n\n4. Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns.\n\nIt is hardly necessary to add, that the hospitals of enemies should\nbe unmolested--they ought to be assisted. It is for the interest of\nhumanity in general, that the occasions of war, and the inducements\nto it, should be diminished. If rapine be abolished, one of the\nencouragements to war is taken away; and peace therefore more likely\nto continue and be lasting.\n\nThe practice of robbing merchants on the high seas--a remnant of\nthe antient piracy--though it may be accidentally beneficial to\nparticular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in\nit, or to the nation that authorises it. In the beginning of a war,\nsome rich ships are surprized and taken. This encourages the first\nadventurers to fit out more armed vessels, and many others to do the\nsame. But the enemy at the same time become more careful, arm their\nmerchant ships better, and render them not so easy to be taken:\nthey go also more under the protection of convoys. Thus, while\nthe privateers to take them are multiplied, the vessels subject to\nbe taken, and the chances of profit, are diminished; so that many\ncruises are made wherein the expences overgo the gains, and, as is\nthe case in other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the\nmass of adventurers are losers, the whole expence of fitting out all\nthe privateers during a war being much greater than the whole amount\nof goods taken.\n\nThen there is the national loss of all the labour of so many men\nduring the time they have been employed in robbing, who besides\nspend what they get in riot, drunkenness, and debauchery, lose their\nhabits of industry, are rarely fit for any sober business after\na peace, and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and\nhousebreakers. Even the undertakers, who have been fortunate, are by\nsudden wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues\nwhen the means of supporting it cease, and finally ruins them: a just\npunishment for their having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many\nhonest, innocent traders and their families, whose substance was\nemployed in serving the common interest of mankind.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[91] From the American Museum, Vol. VII. p. 101. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Notes copied from Dr. Franklin's writing in pencil in the margin\n of Judge Foster's celebrated argument in favour of the Impressing\n of Seamen (published in the folio edition of his works)[92]._\n\n\nJudge Foster, p. 158. \"Every man.\"--The conclusion here, from the\n_whole to a part_, does not seem to be good logic. If the alphabet\nshould say, Let us all fight for the defence of the whole, that is\nequal, and may therefore be just. But if they should say, Let A B C\nand D go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and sleep in\nwhole skins, that is not equal, and therefore cannot be just.\n\n_Ib._ \"Employ.\"--If you please. The word signifies engaging a man to\nwork for me, by offering him such wages as are sufficient to induce\nhim to prefer my service. This is very different from compelling him\nto work on such terms as I think proper.\n\n_Ib._ \"This service and employment, &c.\"--These are false facts. His\nemployments and service are not the same.--Under the merchant he\ngoes in an unarmed vessel, not obliged to fight, but to transport\nmerchandise. In the king's service he is obliged to fight, and to\nhazard all the dangers of battle. Sickness on board of king's ships\nis also more common and more mortal. The merchant's service too\nhe can quit at the end of the voyage, not the king's. Also, the\nmerchant's wages are much higher.\n\n_Ib._ \"I am very sensible, &c.\"--Here are two things put in\ncomparison that are not comparable: viz. injury to seamen, and\ninconvenience to trade. Inconvenience to the whole trade of a nation\nwill not justify injustice to a single seaman. If the trade would\nsuffer without his service, it is able and ought to be willing\nto offer him such wages, as may induce him to afford his service\nvoluntarily.\n\nPage 159. \"Private mischief must be borne with patience, for\npreventing a national calamity.\"--Where is this maxim in law and\ngood policy to be found? And how can that be a maxim, which is not\nconsistent with common sense? If the maxim had been, that private\nmischiefs, which prevent a national calamity, ought to be generously\ncompensated by the nation, one might understand it: but that such\nprivate mischiefs are only to be borne with patience, is absurd!\n\n_Ib._ \"The expedient, &c. And, &c.\" (Paragraphs 2 and 3).--Twenty\nineffectual or inconvenient schemes will not justify one that is\nunjust.\n\n_Ib._ \"Upon the foot of, &c.\"--Your reasoning, indeed, like a lie,\nstands but upon one _foot_, truth upon two.\n\nPage 160. \"Full wages.\"--Probably the same they had in the merchant's\nservice.\n\nPage 174. \"I hardly admit, &c.\" (Paragraph 5).--When this author\nspeaks of impressing, page 158, he diminishes the horror of the\npractice as much as possible, by presenting to the mind one sailor\nonly suffering a \"_hardship_\" (as he tenderly calls it) in some\n\"_particular cases_\" only, and he places against this private\nmischief the inconvenience to the trade of the kingdom.--But if,\nas he supposes is often the case, the sailor who is pressed, and\nobliged to serve for the defence of trade, at the rate of twenty-five\nshillings a month, could get three pounds fifteen shillings in the\nmerchant's service, you take from him fifty shillings a month; and if\nyou have a 100,000 in your service, you rob this honest industrious\npart of society and their poor families of 250,000_l._ per month, or\nthree millions a year, and at the same time oblige them to hazard\ntheir lives in fighting for the defence of your trade, to the defence\nof which all ought indeed to contribute (and sailors among the rest)\nin proportion to their profits by it: but this three millions is more\nthan their share, if they did not pay with their persons; but when\nyou force that, methinks you should excuse the other.\n\nBut it may be said, to give the king's seamen merchant's wages would\ncost the nation too much, and call for more taxes. The question then\nwill amount to this: whether it be just in a community, that the\nricher part should compel the poorer to fight in defence of them\nand their properties, for such wages as they think fit to allow,\nand punish them if they refuse? Our author tells us that it is\n\"_legal_.\" I have not law enough to dispute his authorities, but I\ncannot persuade myself that it is equitable. I will, however, own\nfor the present, that it may be lawful when necessary; but then I\ncontend, that it may be used so as to produce the same good effects,\n_the public security_, without doing so much intolerable injustice\nas attends the impressing common seamen.--In order to be better\nunderstood I would premise two things: first, that voluntary seamen\nmay be had for the service, if they were sufficiently paid. The proof\nis, that to serve in the same ship, and incur the same dangers,\nyou have no occasion to impress captains, lieutenants, second\nlieutenants, midshipmen, pursers, nor many other officers. Why, but\nthat the profits of their places, or the emoluments expected, are\nsufficient inducements? The business then is, to find money, by\nimpressing, sufficient to make the sailors all volunteers, as well as\ntheir officers, and this without any fresh burthen upon trade.--The\nsecond of my premises is, that twenty-five shillings a month, with\nhis share of the salt beef, pork, and peas-pudding, being found\nsufficient for the subsistence of a hard-working seaman, it will\ncertainly be so for a sedentary scholar or gentleman. I would then\npropose to form a treasury, out of which encouragements to seamen\nshould be paid. To fill this treasury, I would impress a number of\ncivil officers, who at present have great salaries, oblige them to\nserve in their respective offices for twenty-five shillings a month,\nwith their shares of mess provisions, and throw the rest of their\nsalaries into the seamen's treasury. If such a press-warrant were\ngiven me to execute, the first I would press should be a recorder\nof Bristol, or a Mr. Justice Foster, because I might have need of\nhis edifying example, to show how much impressing ought to be borne\nwith; for he would certainly find, that though to be reduced to\ntwenty-five shillings a month might be a \"_private mischief_,\" yet\nthat, agreeably to his maxim of law and good policy, it \"_ought to\nbe borne with patience_,\" for preventing a national calamity. Then\nI would press the rest of the judges; and, opening the red book,\nI would press every civil officer of government from 50_l._ a year\nsalary, up to 50,000_l._ which would throw an immense sum into our\ntreasury: and these gentlemen could not complain, since they would\nreceive twenty-five shillings a month, and their rations; and this\nwithout being obliged to fight. Lastly, I think I would impress ****\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[92] These notes are taken from the periodical publication mentioned\nin p. 424 of the present Vol. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\nTO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN, ESQ[93].\n\n _On the criminal Laws, and the Practice of Privateering._\n\n\n _March 14, 1785._\n\n MY DEAR FRIEND,\n\nAmong the pamphlets you lately sent me, was one, entitled, Thoughts\non Executive Justice. In return for that, I send you a French one on\nthe same subject, Observations concernant l'Ex\u00e9cution de l'Article\nII, de la D\u00e9claration sur le Vol. They are both addressed to the\njudges, but written, as you will see, in a very different spirit. The\nEnglish author is for hanging _all_ thieves. The Frenchman is for\nproportioning punishments to offences.\n\nIf we really believe, as we profess to believe, that the law of Moses\nwas the law of God, the dictate of divine wisdom, infinitely superior\nto human; on what principles do we ordain death as the punishment of\nan offence, which, according to that law, was only to be punished\nby a restitution of fourfold? To put a man to death for an offence,\nwhich does not deserve death, is it not a murder? And, as the French\nwriter says, _Doit on punir un d\u00e9lit contre la societ\u00e9, par un crime\ncontre la nature?_\n\nSuperfluous property is the creature of society. Simple and mild laws\nwere sufficient to guard the property that was merely necessary. The\nsavage's bow, his hatchet, and his coat of skins, were sufficiently\nsecured, without law, by the fear of personal resentment and\nretaliation. When, by virtue of the first laws, part of the society\naccumulated wealth and grew powerful, they enacted others more\nsevere, and would protect their property at the expence of humanity.\nThis was abusing their power, and commencing a tyranny. If a savage,\nbefore he entered into society, had been told,--\"Your neighbour, by\nthis means, may become owner of an hundred deer; but if your brother,\nor your son, or yourself, having no deer of your own, and being\nhungry, should kill one, an infamous death must be the consequence:\"\nhe would probably have preferred his liberty, and his common right\nof killing any deer, to all the advantages of society that might be\nproposed to him.\n\nThat it is better a hundred guilty persons should escape, than that\none innocent person should suffer, is a maxim that has been long\nand generally approved; never, that I know of, controverted. Even\nthe sanguinary author of the Thoughts agrees to it, adding well,\n\"that the very thought of _injured_ innocence, and much more that\nof _suffering_ innocence, must awaken all our tenderest and most\ncompassionate feelings, and at the same time raise our highest\nindignation against the instruments of it.\" \"But,\" he adds, \"there is\nno danger of _either_, from a strict adherence to the laws.\"--Really!\nIs it then impossible to make an unjust law? and if the law itself be\nunjust, may it not be the very \"instrument\" which ought \"to raise the\nauthor's, and every body's highest indignation?\" I see, in the last\nnewspapers from London, that a woman is capitally convicted at the\nOld Bailey, for privately stealing out of a shop some gauze, value\nfourteen shillings and three-pence: is there any proportion between\nthe injury done by a theft, value fourteen shillings and three-pence,\nand the punishment of a human creature, by death, on a gibbet? Might\nnot that woman, by her labour, have made the reparation ordained by\nGod, in paying fourfold? Is not all punishment, inflicted beyond\nthe merit of the offence, so much punishment of innocence? In this\nlight, how vast is the annual quantity, of not only _injured_ but\n_suffering_ innocence, in almost all the civilized states of Europe!\n\nBut it seems to have been thought, that this kind of innocence may\nbe punished by way of _preventing_ crimes. I have read, indeed, of a\ncruel Turk in Barbary, who, whenever he bought a new Christian slave,\nordered him immediately to be hung up by the legs, and to receive a\nhundred blows of a cudgel on the soles of his feet, that the severe\nsense of the punishment, and fear of incurring it thereafter, might\nprevent the faults, that should merit it. Our author himself would\nhardly approve entirely of this Turk's conduct in the government\nof slaves; and yet he appears to recommend something like it for\nthe government of English subjects, when he applauds the reply of\njudge Burnet to the convict horse-stealer; who, being asked what\nhe had to say why judgment of death should not pass against him,\nand answering, that it was hard to hang a man for _only_ stealing a\nhorse, was told by the judge, \"Man, thou art not to be hanged _only_\nfor stealing a horse, but that horses may not be stolen.\" The man's\nanswer, if candidly examined, will, I imagine, appear reasonable,\nas being founded on the eternal principle of justice and equity,\nthat punishments should be proportioned to offences; and the judge's\nreply brutal and unreasonable, though the writer \"wishes all judges\nto carry it with them whenever they go the circuit, and to bear\nit in their minds, as containing a wise reason for all the penal\nstatutes, which they are called upon to put in execution. \"It at\nonce illustrates,\" says he, \"the true grounds and reasons of all\ncapital punishments whatsoever, namely, that every man's property,\nas well as his life, may be held sacred and inviolate.\" Is there\nthen no difference in value between property and life? If I think\nit right, that the crime of murder should be punished with death,\nnot only as an equal punishment of the crime, but to prevent other\nmurders, does it follow, that I must approve of inflicting the same\npunishment for a little invasion on my property by theft? If I am\nnot myself so barbarous, so bloody-minded, and revengeful, as to\nkill a fellow-creature for stealing from me fourteen shillings and\nthree-pence, how can I approve of a law that does it? Montesquieu,\nwho was himself a judge, endeavours to impress other maxims. He must\nhave known what humane judges feel on such occasions, and what the\neffects of those feelings; and, so far from thinking that severe and\nexcessive punishments prevent crimes, he asserts, as quoted by our\nFrench writer, that\n\n\"_L'atrocit\u00e9 des loix en emp\u00eache l'ex\u00e9cution._\n\n\"_L'orsque la peine est sans mesure, on est souvent oblig\u00e9 de lui\npr\u00e9f\u00e9rer l'impunit\u00e9._\n\n\"_La cause de tous les rel\u00e2chemens vient de l'impunit\u00e9 des crimes, et\nnon de la mod\u00e9ration des peines._\"\n\nIt is said by those who know Europe generally, that there are more\nthefts committed and punished annually in England, than in all the\nother nations put together. If this be so, there must be a cause\nor causes for such depravity in our common people. May not one be\nthe deficiency of justice and morality in our national government,\nmanifested in our oppressive conduct to subjects, and unjust wars\non our neighbours? View the long-persisted in, unjust, monopolizing\ntreatment of Ireland, at length acknowledged! View the plundering\ngovernment exercised by our merchants in the Indies; the confiscating\nwar made upon the American colonies; and, to say nothing of those\nupon France and Spain, view the late war upon Holland, which was\nseen by impartial Europe in no other light than that of a war of\nrapine and pillage; the hopes of an immense and easy prey being\nits only apparent, and probably its true and real motive and\nencouragement. Justice is as strictly due between neighbour nations,\nas between neighbour citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when\nhe plunders in a gang, as when single; and a nation, that makes\nan unjust war, is only a great gang. After employing your people\nin robbing the Dutch, strange is it, that, being put out of that\nemploy by peace, they still continue robbing, and rob one another?\n_Piraterie_, as the French call it, or privateering, is the universal\nbent of the English nation, at home and abroad, wherever settled. No\nless than seven hundred privateers were, it is said, commissioned in\nthe last war! These were fitted out by merchants, to prey upon other\nmerchants, who had never done them any injury. Is there probably any\none of those privateering merchants of London, who were so ready to\nrob the merchants of Amsterdam, that would not as readily plunder\nanother London merchant of the next street, if he could do it with\nthe same impunity! The avidity, the _alieni appetens_, is the same;\nit is the fear alone of the gallows that makes the difference. How\nthen can a nation, which, among the honestest of its people, has so\nmany thieves by inclination, and whose government encouraged and\ncommissioned no less than seven hundred gangs of robbers; how can\nsuch a nation have the face to condemn the crime in individuals, and\nhang up twenty of them in a morning! It naturally puts one in mind\nof a Newgate anecdote. One of the prisoners complained, that in the\nnight somebody had taken his buckles out of his shoes. \"What, the\ndevil!\" says another, \"have we then _thieves_ amongst us? It must not\nbe suffered. Let us search out the rogue, and pump him to death.\"\n\nThere is, however, one late instance of an English merchant, who will\nnot profit by such ill-gotten gain. He was, it seems, part-owner of\na ship, which the other owners thought fit to employ as a letter of\nmarque, and which took a number of French prizes. The booty being\nshared, he has now an agent here enquiring, by an advertisement in\nthe Gazette, for those who suffered the loss, in order to make them,\nas far as in him lies, restitution. This conscientious man is a\nQuaker. The Scotch presbyterians were formerly as tender; for there\nis still extant an ordinance of the town-council of Edinburgh, made\nsoon after the reformation, \"forbidding the purchase of prize goods,\nunder pain of losing the freedom of the burgh for ever, with other\npunishment at the will of the magistrate; the practice of making\nprizes being contrary to good conscience, and the rule of treating\nChristian brethren as we would wish to be treated; and such goods\n_are not to be sold by any godly men within this burgh_.\" The race of\nthese godly men in Scotland is probably extinct, or their principles\nabandoned, since, as far as that nation had a hand in promoting the\nwar against the colonies, prizes and confiscations are believed to\nhave been a considerable motive.\n\nIt has been for some time a generally received opinion, that a\nmilitary man is not to inquire whether a war be just or unjust; he is\nto execute his orders. All princes who are disposed to become tyrants\nmust probably approve of this opinion, and be willing to establish\nit; but is it not a dangerous one? since, on that principle, if\nthe tyrant commands his army to attack and destroy, not only an\nunoffending neighbour nation, but even his own subjects, the army\nis bound to obey. A negro slave, in our colonies, being commanded\nby his master to rob or murder a neighbour, or do any other immoral\nact, may refuse, and the magistrate will protect him in his refusal.\nThe slavery then of a soldier is worse than that of a negro! A\nconscientious officer, if not restrained by the apprehension of\nits being imputed to another cause, may indeed resign, rather than\nbe employed in an unjust war; but the private men are slaves for\nlife; and they are perhaps incapable of judging for themselves. We\ncan only lament their fate, and still more that of a sailor, who is\noften dragged by force from his honest occupation, and compelled to\nimbrue his hands in, perhaps, innocent blood. But methinks it well\nbehoves merchants (men more enlightened by their education, and\nperfectly free from any such force or obligation) to consider well\nof the justice of a war, before they voluntarily engage a gang of\nruffians to attack their fellow-merchants of a neighbouring nation,\nto plunder them of their property, and perhaps ruin them and their\nfamilies, if they yield it; or to wound, maim, or murder them, if\nthey endeavour to defend it. Yet these things are done by Christian\nmerchants, whether a war be just or unjust; and it can hardly be\njust on both sides. They are done by English and American merchants,\nwho, nevertheless, complain of private theft, and hang by dozens the\nthieves they have taught by their own example.\n\nIt is high time, for the sake of humanity, that a stop were put to\nthis enormity. The United States of America, though better situated\nthan any European nation to make profit by privateering (most of the\ntrade of Europe, with the West Indies, passing before their doors)\nare, as far as in them lies, endeavouring to abolish the practice,\nby offering, in all their treaties with other powers, an article,\nengaging solemnly, that, in case of future war, no privateer shall\nbe commissioned on either side; and that unarmed merchant-ships, on\nboth sides, shall pursue their voyages unmolested[94]. This will be\na happy improvement of the law of nations. The humane and the just\ncannot but wish general success to the proposition.\n\n With unchangeable esteem and affection,\n\n I am, my dear friend,\n\n Ever yours.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[93] From a small collection of Dr. Franklin's papers, printed for\nDilly. _Editor_.\n\n[94] This offer having been accepted by the late king of Prussia, a\ntreaty of amity and commerce was concluded between that monarch and\nthe United States, containing the following humane, philanthropic\narticle; in the formation of which Dr. Franklin, as one of the\nAmerican plenipotentiaries, was principally concerned, viz.\n\nART. XXIII.\n\nIf war should arise between the two contracting parties, the\nmerchants of either country, then residing in the other, shall be\nallowed to remain nine months to collect their debts and settle\ntheir affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects\nwithout molestation or hindrance; and all women and children,\nscholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, artisans,\nmanufacturers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified\ntowns, villages, or places, and in general all others, whose\noccupations are for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind,\nshall be allowed to continue their respective employments, and shall\nnot be molested in their persons, nor shall their houses and goods\nbe burnt, or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted, by the\narmed force of the enemy into whose power, by the events of war, they\nmay happen to fall; but if any thing is necessary to be taken from\nthem for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at\na reasonable price. And all merchant and trading vessels employed in\nexchanging the products of different places, and thereby rendering\nthe necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of human life more easy\nto be obtained, and more general, shall be allowed to pass free and\nunmolested; and neither of the contracting powers shall grant or\nissue any commission to any private armed vessels, empowering them to\ntake or destroy such trading vessels, or interrupt such commerce.\n\n\n\n\n _A Parable against Persecution, in Imitation of Scripture\n Language[95]._\n\n\n1. And it came to pass after these things, that Abraham sat in the\ndoor of his tent, about the going down of the sun.\n\n2. And behold a man bent with age, coming from the way of the\nwilderness leaning on a staff.\n\n3. And Abraham arose, and met him, and said unto him, Turn in, I pray\nthee, and wash thy feet, and tarry all night; and thou shalt arise\nearly in the morning, and go on thy way.\n\n4. And the man said, Nay; for I will abide under this tree.\n\n5. But Abraham pressed him greatly: so he turned and they went into\nthe tent: and Abraham baked unleaven bread, and they did eat.\n\n6. And when Abraham saw that the man blessed not God, he said unto\nhim, Wherefore dost thou not worship the most high God, creator of\nheaven and earth?\n\n7. And the man answered and said, I do not worship thy God, neither\ndo I call upon his name, for I have made to myself a god, which\nabideth always in my house, and provideth me with all things.\n\n8. And Abraham's zeal was kindled against the man, and he arose, and\nfell upon him, and drove him forth with blows into the wilderness.\n\n9. And God called unto Abraham, saying, Abraham, where is the\nstranger?\n\n10. And Abraham answered and said, Lord, he would not worship thee,\nneither would he call upon thy name, therefore have I driven him out\nfrom before my face into the wilderness.\n\n11. And God said, Have I borne with him these hundred and ninety and\neight years, and nourished him, and clothed him, notwithstanding his\nrebellion against me, and couldst not thou, who art thyself a sinner,\nbear with him one night?\n\n12. And Abraham said, Let not the anger of my Lord wax hot against\nhis servant; lo, I have sinned, forgive me I pray thee.\n\n13. And Abraham arose, and went forth into the wilderness and\ndiligently sought for the man and found him, and returned with him to\nthe tent, and when he had entreated him kindly, he sent him away on\nthe morrow with gifts.\n\n14. And God spake again unto Abraham saying, For this thy sin shall\nthy seed be afflicted four hundred years in a strange land.\n\n15. But for thy repentance will I deliver them, and they shall\ncome forth with power, and with gladness of heart, and with much\nsubstance.[96]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[95] I have taken this piece from Sketches of the History of Man,\nwritten by lord Kaims, and shall preface it with his lordship's own\nwords. See Vol. II. p. 472, 473.\n\n\"The following Parable against Persecution was communicated to me\nby Dr. Franklin of Philadelphia, a man who makes a great figure\nin the learned world: and who would still make a greater figure\nfor benevolence and candour, were virtue as much regarded in this\ndeclining age as knowledge.\"\n\n * * * * *\n\n\"The historical style of the Old Testament is here finely imitated;\nand the moral must strike every one who is not sunk in stupidity\nand superstition. Were it really a chapter of Genesis, one is apt\nto think, that persecution could never have shown a bare face among\nJews or Christians. But alas! that is a vain thought. Such a passage\nin the Old Testament would avail as little against the rancorous\npassions of men, as the following passages in the New Testament,\nthough persecution cannot be condemned in terms more explicit.\n_Him that is weak in the faith, receive you, but not to doubtful\ndisputations. For, &c._\" B. V.\n\n[96] Dr. Franklin, as I have been told, has often imposed this\nparable upon his friends and acquaintance, as part of a chapter of\nGenesis. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _A Letter concerning Persecution in former Ages, the Maintenance of\n the Clergy, American Bishops, and the State of Toleration in Old\n England and New England compared[97]._\n\n\n SIR,\n\nI understand from the public papers, that in the debates on the\nbill for relieving the dissenters in the point of subscription to\nthe church articles, sundry reflections were thrown out against\nthe people, importing, that they themselves are of a persecuting\nintolerant spirit, for that when they had the superiority, they\npersecuted the church, and still persecute it in America, where they\ncompel its members to pay taxes for maintaining the presbyterian or\nindependent worship, and at the same time refuse them a toleration\nin the full exercise of their religion, by the administrations of a\nbishop.\n\nIf we look back into history for the character of the present sects\nin Christianity, we shall find few that have not, in their turns,\nbeen persecutors and complainers of persecution. The primitive\nchristians thought persecution extremely wrong in the pagans, but\npractised it on one another. The first protestants of the church of\nEngland blamed persecution in the Romish church, but practised it\nagainst the puritans: these found it wrong in the bishops, but fell\ninto the same practice both here and in New England.--To account\nfor this, we should remember, that the doctrine of _toleration_ was\nnot then known, or had not prevailed in the world. Persecution was\ntherefore not so much the fault of the sect as of the times. It was\nnot in those days deemed wrong _in itself_. The general opinion\nwas only, that those _who are in error_ ought not to persecute\n_the truth_: but the _possessors of truth_ were in the right to\npersecute error, in order to destroy it. Thus every sect believing\nitself possessed of _all truth_, and that every tenet differing from\ntheirs was _error_, conceived, that when the power was in their\nhands, persecution was a duty required of them by that God whom they\nsupposed to be offended with heresy.--By degrees, more moderate _and\nmore modest_ sentiments have taken place in the christian world;\nand among protestants particularly, all disclaim persecution, none\nvindicate it, and few practise it.--We should then cease to reproach\neach other with what was done by our ancestors, but judge of the\npresent character of sects or churches by their _present conduct_\nonly[98].\n\nNow to determine on the justice of this charge against the present\ndissenters, particularly those in America, let us consider the\nfollowing facts. They went from England to establish a new country\nfor themselves, _at their own expence_, where they might enjoy\nthe free exercise of religion in their own way. When they had\npurchased the territory of the natives, they granted the lands out\nin townships, requiring for it neither purchase-money nor quit-rent,\nbut this condition only to be complied with, that the freeholders\nshould support a gospel-minister (meaning probably one of the then\ngoverning sects) and a free-school, within the township. Thus,\nwhat is commonly called presbyterianism became the _established\nreligion_ of that country. All went on well in this way, while the\nsame religious opinions were general, the support of minister and\nschool being raised by a proportionate tax on the lands. But, in\nprocess of time, some becoming quakers[99], some baptists, and of\nlate years, some returning to the church of England (through the\nlaudable endeavours and a _proper application_[100] of their funds\nby the society for propagating the gospel), objections were made\nto the payment of a tax appropriated to the support of a church\nthey disapproved and had forsaken. The civil magistrates, however,\ncontinued for a time to collect and apply the tax according to the\noriginal laws, which remained in force; and they did it the more\nfreely as thinking it just and equitable, that the holders of lands\nshould pay what was contracted to be paid when they were granted, as\nthe only consideration for the grant, and what had been considered by\nall subsequent purchasers as a perpetual incumbrance on the estate,\nbought therefore at a proportionally cheaper rate; a payment which,\nit was thought, no honest man ought to avoid, under pretence of his\nhaving changed his religious persuasion: and this, I suppose, is one\nof the best grounds of demanding tythes of dissenters now in England.\nBut the practice being clamoured against by the episcopalians as\npersecution, the legislature of the province of Massachusets Bay,\nnear thirty years since, passed an act for their relief, requiring,\nindeed, the tax to be paid as usual, but directing that the several\nsums, levied from members of the church of England, should be paid\nover to the minister of that church with whom such members usually\nattended divine worship; which minister had power given him to\nreceive, and, on occasion, _to recover the same by law_.\n\nIt seems that legislature considered, that the end of the\ntax was to secure and improve the morals of the people, and promote\ntheir happiness, by supporting among them the public worship of God\nand the preaching of the gospel; that where particular people fancied\na particular mode, that mode might probably, therefore, be of most\nuse to those people, and that if the good was done, it was not so\nmaterial in what mode or by whom it was done. The consideration, that\ntheir brethren, the dissenters in England, were still compelled to\npay tythes to the clergy of the church, had not weight enough with\nthe legislature to prevent this moderate act, which still continues\nin full force; and I hope no uncharitable conduct of the church\ntoward the dissenters will ever provoke them to repeal it.----\n\nWith regard to _a bishop_, I know not upon what ground the\ndissenters, either here or in America, are charged with refusing the\nbenefit of such an officer to the church in that country. _Here_\nthey seem to have naturally no concern in the affair. _There_ they\nhave no power to prevent it, if government should think fit to send\none. They would probably _dislike_, indeed, to see an order of\nmen established among them, from whose persecutions their fathers\nfled into that wilderness, and whose future domination they might\npossibly fear, _not knowing that their natures are changed_.--But the\nnon-appointment of bishops for America seems to arise from another\nquarter. The same wisdom of government, probably, that prevents the\nsitting of convocations, and forbids, by _noli prosequi's_, the\npersecution of dissenters for non-subscription, avoids establishing\nbishops, where the minds of people are not yet prepared to receive\nthem cordially, lest the public peace should be endangered.\n\nAnd now let us see how this _persecution-account_ stands between the\nparties.\n\nIn New England, where the legislative bodies are almost to a man\ndissenters from the church of England:\n\n1. There is no test to prevent churchmen holding offices.\n\n2. The sons of churchmen have the full benefit of the universities.\n\n3. The taxes for support of public worship, when paid by churchmen,\nare given to the episcopal minister.\n\nIn Old England:\n\n1. Dissenters are excluded from all offices of profit and honour.\n\n2. The benefits of education in the universities are appropriated to\nthe sons of churchmen.\n\n3. The clergy of the dissenters receive none of the tythes paid by\ntheir people, who must be at the additional charge of maintaining\ntheir own separate worship.--\n\nBut it is said, that the dissenters of America _oppose_ the\nintroduction of a bishop.\n\nIn fact, it is not alone the dissenters there that give the\nopposition (if _not encouraging_ must be termed _opposing_) but\nthe laity in general dislike the project, and some even of the\nclergy. The inhabitants of Virginia are almost all episcopalians,\nthe church is fully established there, and the council and general\nassembly are, perhaps to a man, its members: yet, when lately at\na meeting of the clergy, a resolution was taken to apply for a\nbishop, against which several however protested; assembly of the\nprovince, at the next meeting, expressed their disapprobation of the\nthing in the strongest manner, by unanimously ordering the thanks\nof the house to the protesters; for many of the American laity of\nthe church think it some advantage--whether their own young men\ncome to England for ordination, and improve themselves at the same\ntime by conversation with the learned here--or the congregations\nare supplied by Englishmen, who have had the benefit of education\nin English universities, and are ordained before they came abroad.\nThey do not, therefore, see the necessity of a bishop merely for\nordination; and confirmation is among them deemed a ceremony of no\nvery great importance, since few seek it in England, where bishops\nare in plenty.--These sentiments prevail with many churchmen there,\nnot to promote a design which they think must sooner or later saddle\nthem with great expences to support it.--As to the dissenters, their\nminds might probably be more conciliated to the measure, if the\nbishops here should, in their wisdom and goodness, think fit to set\ntheir sacred character in a more friendly light, by dropping their\nopposition to the dissenters' application for relief in subscription,\nand declaring their willingness that dissenters should be capable of\noffices, enjoy the benefit of education in the universities, and the\nprivilege of appropriating their tythes to the support of their own\nclergy. In all these points of toleration, they appear far behind\nthe present dissenters of New England, and it may seem to some a\nstep below the dignity of bishops, to follow the example of such\ninferiors. I do not, however, despair of their doing it some time\nor other, since nothing of the kind is too hard for _true christian\nhumility_.\n\n I am, sir, yours, &c.\n\n A NEW-ENGLAND-MAN.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[97] The above letter first appeared in one of the public papers on\nJune 3, 1772, and seems to have been addressed to the printer. The\nspirited writer of the _Two letters to the prelates_ republished\nit in an appendix to that pamphlet, without, however, naming Dr.\nFranklin as the author, but expressing it to be the production \"of a\ngentleman highly respected in the literary world.\" B. V.\n\n[98] \"Toleration in religion, though obvious to common understanding,\nwas not however the production of reason, but of commerce. The\nadvantage of toleration for promoting commerce was discovered long\nbefore by the Portuguese. They were too zealous Catholics to venture\nso bold a measure in Portugal; but it was permitted in Goa, and the\ninquisition in that town was confined to Roman Catholics.\" Lord\nKaim's Sketches of the History of Man, Vol. II. p. 474. B. V.\n\n[99] \"No person appeared in New England who professed the opinion\nof the Quakers, until 1656, (i. e. about 36 years after the first\nsettling of the colony), when Mary Fisher and Ann Austin came from\nBarbadoes; and soon after, nine others arrived in the ship Speedwell\nfrom London.\" They were successful in their preaching, and the\nprovincial government, wishing to keep the colony free from them,\nattempted to send away such as they discovered, and prevent the\narrival of others. Securities, fines, banishment, imprisonment, and\ncorporal punishments were instituted for this purpose, but with so\nlittle effect, that at last \"a law was made for punishing with death,\nall such as should _return_ into the jurisdiction _after banishment_.\nA few were hanged!\" See the history of the British dominions, 4to,\n1773, p. 118, 120. B. V.\n\n[100] They were to spread the gospel, and maintain a learned and\northodox clergy, where ministers were wanted or ill-provided,\nadministering God's word and sacraments, and preventing atheism,\ninfidelity, popery, and idolatry. B. V.\n\n\n\n\n _On the Slave Trade[101]._\n\n\nReading in the newspapers the speech of Mr. Jackson in congress,\nagainst meddling with the affair of slavery, or attempting to mend\nthe condition of slaves, it put me in mind of a similar speech, made\nabout one hundred years since, by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member\nof the divan of Algiers, which may be seen in Martin's account of\nhis consulship, 1687. It was against granting the petition of the\nsect called erika, or purists, who prayed for the abolition of\npiracy and slavery, as being unjust.--Mr. Jackson does not quote it;\nperhaps he has not seen it. If therefore, some of its reasonings are\nto be found in his eloquent speech, it may only show, that men's\ninterests operate, and are operated on, with surprising similarity,\nin all countries and climates, whenever they are under similar\ncircumstances. The African speech, as translated, is as follows:\n\n\"Alla Bismillah, &c. God is great, and Mahomet is his prophet.\n\n\"Have these erika considered the consequences of granting their\npetition? If we cease our cruises against the christians, how shall\nwe be furnished with the commodities their countries produce,\nand which are so necessary for us? If we forbear to make slaves\nof their people, who, in this hot climate, are to cultivate our\nlands? Who are to perform the common labours of our city, and of\nour families? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is there not\nmore compassion and more favour due to us mussulmen, than to those\nchristian dogs?--We have now above fifty thousand slaves in and near\nAlgiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon\ndiminish, and be gradually annihilated. If, then, we cease taking\nand plundering the infidel ships, and making slaves of the seamen\nand passengers, our lands will become of no value, for want of\ncultivation; the rents of houses in the city will sink one half; and\nthe revenues of government, arising from the share of prizes, must be\ntotally destroyed.--And for what? To gratify the whim of a whimsical\nsect, who would have us not only forbear making more slaves, but even\nmanumit those we have. But who is to indemnify their masters for the\nloss? Will the state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the\nerika do it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think\njustice to the slaves, do a greater injustice to the owners? And if\nwe set our slaves free, what is to be done with them? Few of them\nwill return to their native countries; they know too well the greater\nhardships they must there be subject to. They will not embrace our\nholy religion: they will not adopt our manners: our people will not\npollute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we maintain them\nas beggars in our streets; or suffer our properties to be the prey\nof their pillage? for men, accustomed to slavery, will not work for\na livelihood, when not compelled.--And what is there so pitiable\nin their present condition? Were they not slaves in their own\ncountries? Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states,\ngoverned by despots, who hold all their subjects in slavery, without\nexception? Even England treats her sailors as slaves, for they are,\nwhenever the government pleases, seized and confined in ships of war,\ncondemned not only to work, but to fight for small wages, or a mere\nsubsistence, not better than our slaves are allowed by us. Is their\ncondition then made worse by their falling into our hands? no; they\nhave only exchanged one slavery for another; and I may say a better:\nfor here they are brought into a land, where the sun of islamism\ngives forth its light, and shines in full splendor, and they have an\nopportunity of making themselves acquainted with the true doctrine,\nand thereby saving their immortal souls. Those who remain at home\nhave not that happiness. Sending the slaves home then, would be\nsending them out of light into darkness.\n\n\"I repeat the question, what is to be done with them? I have heard\nit suggested, that they may be planted in the wilderness, where\nthere is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and where they may\nflourish as a free state.--But they are, I doubt, too little disposed\nto labour without compulsion, as well as too ignorant to establish\ngood government: and the wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy, or\nagain enslave them. While serving us, we take care to provide them\nwith every thing; and they are treated with humanity. The labourers\nin their own countries are, as I am informed, worse fed, lodged,\nand clothed. The condition of most of them is therefore already\nmended, and requires no farther improvement. Here their lives are in\nsafety. They are not liable to be impressed for soldiers, and forced\nto cut one another's christian throats, as in the wars of their\nown countries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now tease\nus with their silly petitions, have, in a fit of blind zeal, freed\ntheir slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that moved\nthem to the action; it was from the conscious burthen of a load of\nsins, and hope, from the supposed merits of so good a work, to be\nexcused from damnation.--How grossly are they mistaken, in imagining\nslavery to be disavowed by the Alcoran! Are not the two precepts, to\nquote no more, \"Masters, treat your slaves with kindness--Slaves,\nserve your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity,\" clear proofs to\nthe contrary? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that sacred\nbook forbidden; since it is well known from it, that God has given\nthe world, and all that it contains, to his faithful mussulmen, who\nare to enjoy it, of right, as fast as they can conquer it. Let us\nthen hear no more of this detestable proposition, the manumission\nof christian slaves, the adoption of which would, by depreciating\nour lands and houses, and thereby depriving so many good citizens\nof their properties, create universal discontent, and provoke\ninsurrections, to the endangering of government and producing general\nconfusion. I have, therefore, no doubt that this wise council will\nprefer the comfort and happiness of a whole nation of true believers,\nto the whim of a few erika, and dismiss their petition.\"\n\nThe result was, as Martin tells us, that the divan came to this\nresolution: \"That the doctrine, that the plundering and enslaving the\nchristians is unjust, is at best problematical; but that it is the\ninterest of this state to continue the practice is clear; therefore,\nlet the petition be rejected.\"----And it was rejected accordingly.\n\nAnd since like motives are apt to produce, in the minds of men,\nlike opinions and resolutions, may we not venture to predict, from\nthis account, that the petitions to the parliament of England for\nabolishing the slave-trade, to say nothing of other legislatures and\nthe debates upon them, will have a similar conclusion.\n\n HISTORICUS.\n\n _March 23, 1790._\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[101] American Museum, Vol. IX. p. 336. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n _Account of the highest Court of Judicature in Pensylvania, viz.\n The Court of the Press[102]._\n\n _Power of this Court._\n\n\nIt may receive and promulgate accusations of all kinds, against all\npersons and characters among the citizens of the state, and even\nagainst all inferior courts; and may judge, sentence, and condemn to\ninfamy, not only private individuals, but public bodies, &c. with or\nwithout enquiry or hearing, at the court's discretion.\n\n\n_Whose Favour, or for whose Emolument this Court is established._\n\nIn favour of about one citizen in five hundred, who, by education, or\npractice in scribbling, has acquired a tolerable style as to grammar\nand construction, so as to bear printing; or who is possessed of a\npress and a few types. This five hundredth part of the citizens have\nthe privilege of accusing and abusing the other four hundred and\nninety-nine parts, at their pleasure; or they may hire out their\npens and press to others, for that purpose.\n\n\n_Practice of this Court._\n\nIt is not governed by any of the rules of the common courts of\nlaw. The accused is allowed no grand jury to judge of the truth of\nthe accusation before it is publicly made; nor is the name of the\naccuser made known to him; nor has he an opportunity of confronting\nthe witnesses against him, for they are kept in the dark, as in the\nSpanish court of inquisition. Nor is there any petty jury of his\npeers sworn to try the truth of the charges. The proceedings are also\nsometimes so rapid, that an honest good citizen may find himself\nsuddenly and unexpectedly accused, and in the same morning judged and\ncondemned, and sentence pronounced against him, that he is a rogue\nand a villain. Yet if an officer of this court receives the slightest\ncheck for misconduct in this his office, he claims immediately the\nrights of a free citizen by the constitution, and demands to know his\naccuser, to confront the witnesses, and to have a fair trial by a\njury of his peers.\n\n\n_Foundation of its Authority._\n\nIt is said to be founded on an article in the state constitution,\nwhich establishes the liberty of the press--a liberty which every\nPennsylvanian would fight and die for, though few of us, I believe,\nhave distinct ideas of its nature and extent. It seems, indeed,\nsomewhat like the liberty of the press, that felons have, by the\ncommon law of England, before conviction; that is, to be either\npressed to death or hanged. If, by the liberty of the press, were\nunderstood merely the liberty of discussing the propriety of public\nmeasures and political opinions, let us have as much of it as you\nplease; but if it means the liberty of affronting, calumniating, and\ndefaming one another, I, for my part, own myself willing to part with\nmy share of it, whenever our legislators shall please so to alter the\nlaw; and shall cheerfully consent to exchange my liberty of abusing\nothers, for the privilege of not being abused myself.\n\n\n_By whom this Court is commissioned or constituted._\n\nIt is not by any commission from the supreme executive council, who\nmight previously judge of the abilities, integrity, knowledge, &c.\nof the persons to be appointed to this great trust, of deciding upon\nthe characters and good fame of the citizens: for this court is above\nthat council, and may accuse, judge, and condemn it at pleasure.\nNor is it hereditary, as is the court of dernier resort in the\npeerage of England. But any man who can procure pen, ink, and paper,\nwith a press, a few types, and a huge pair of blacking balls, may\ncommissionate himself, and his court is immediately established in\nthe plenary possession and exercise of its rights. For if you make\nthe least complaint of the judge's conduct, he daubs his blacking\nballs in your face wherever he meets you; and, besides tearing your\nprivate character to splinters, marks you out for the odium of the\npublic, as an enemy to the liberty of the press.\n\n\n_Of the natural Support of this Court._\n\nIts support is founded in the depravity of such minds, as have not\nbeen mended by religion, nor improved by good education.\n\n There is a lust in man no charm can tame,\n Of loudly publishing his neighbour's shame.\n\nHence,\n\n On eagles' wings, immortal scandals fly,\n While virtuous actions are but born and die.----DRYDEN.\n\nWhoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his neighbour, will\nfeel a pleasure in the reverse. And of those who, despairing to rise\nto distinction by their virtues, are happy if others can be depressed\nto a level with themselves, there are a number sufficient in every\ngreat town to maintain one of these courts by their subscription. A\nshrewd observer once said, that in walking the streets of a slippery\nmorning, one might see where the good-natured people lived, by the\nashes thrown on the ice before the doors: probably he would have\nformed a different conjecture of the temper of those whom he might\nfind engaged in such subscriptions.\n\n\n_Of the Checks proper to be established against the Abuses of Power\nin those Courts._\n\nHitherto there are none. But since so much has been written and\npublished on the federal constitution; and the necessity of checks,\nin all other parts of good government, has been so clearly and\nlearnedly explained, I find myself so far enlightened as to suspect\nsome check may be proper in this part also: but I have been at a\nloss to imagine any, that may not be construed an infringement of\nthe sacred liberty of the press. At length, however, I think I have\nfound one, that, instead of diminishing general liberty, shall\naugment it; which is, by restoring to the people a species of liberty\nof which they have been deprived by our laws, I mean the liberty of\nthe cudgel! In the rude state of society, prior to the existence\nof laws, if one man gave another ill-language, the affronted person\nmight return it by a box on the ear; and if repeated, by a good\ndrubbing; and this without offending against any law: but now the\nright of making such returns is denied, and they are punished as\nbreaches of the peace, while the right of abusing seems to remain in\nfull force; the laws made against it being rendered ineffectual by\nthe liberty of the press.\n\nMy proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press untouched, to\nbe exercised in its full extent, force, and vigour, but to permit the\nliberty of the cudgel to go with it, _pari passu_. Thus, my fellow\ncitizens, if an impudent writer attacks your reputation--dearer\nperhaps to you than your life, and puts his name to the charge, you\nmay go to him as openly, and break his head. If he conceals himself\nbehind the printer, and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you\nmay, in like manner, way-lay him in the night, attack him behind, and\ngive him a good drubbing. If your adversary hires better writers than\nhimself to abuse you more effectually, you may hire brawny porters,\nstronger than yourself, to assist you in giving him a more effectual\ndrubbing. Thus far goes my project, as to _private_ resentment and\nretribution. But if the public should ever happen to be affronted, as\nit ought to be, with the conduct of such writers, I would not advise\nproceeding immediately to these extremities, but that we should in\nmoderation content ourselves with tarring and feathering, and tossing\nthem in a blanket.\n\nIf, however, it should be thought, that this proposal of mine may\ndisturb the public peace, I would then humbly recommend to our\nlegislators to take up the consideration of both liberties, that of\nthe press, and that of the cudgel; and by an explicit law mark their\nextent and limits: and at the same time that they secure the person\nof a citizen from assaults, they would likewise provide for the\nsecurity of his reputation.\n\nFOOTNOTE:\n\n[102] Ut supra, Vol. VI. p. 295. _Editor._\n\n\n\n\n END OF VOLUME THE SECOND.\n\n\n JAMES CUNDEE, PRINTER,\n\n _Ivy-Lane, Paternoster-Row._\n\n\n\n\n INDEX.\n\n\n A.\n\n _Accent_, or emphasis, wrong placing of, a fault in modern tunes, ii. 345.\n\n _Accidents_ at sea, how to guard against, ii. 172.\n\n _Adams_, Mr. Matthew, offers the use of his library to Franklin, i. 16.\n\n _Addison_, Franklin an assiduous imitator of, in his youth, i. 13.\n\n _Advice_ to youth in reading, ii. 378.\n to emigrants to America, iii. 398.\n to a crafty statesman, 430.\n to a young tradesman, 463.\n to a young married man, 477.\n to players at chess, 490.\n\n _\u00c6pinus_, his hypothesis of magnetism, i. 412.\n\n _Agriculture_ takes place of manufactures till a country is fully settled,\n iii. 107.\n the great business of America, 393.\n\n _Air_, some of the properties of, ii. 226.\n its properties with respect to electricity, i. 204.\n properties of its particles, 205. ii. 1.\n its currents over the globe, i. 207.\n resists the electric fluid and confines it to bodies, 241.\n its effects in electrical experiments, 253.\n its elasticity not affected by electricity, 254.\n its friction against trees, 270, 323.\n has its share of electricity, 333.\n its electricity denser above than below, 335.\n in rooms, electrified positively and negatively, 353.\n attracts water, ii. 1.\n when saturated with water precipitates it, 2.\n dissolves water, and, when dry, oil, 4.\n why suffocating, when impregnated with oil or grease, _ibid._\n supports water, 5, 46, 49.\n why less heated in the higher regions than near the earth's surface,\n 6.\n how it creates hurricanes, _ibid._\n winds, 8.\n whirlwinds, 10.\n effects of heat upon, 50.\n its effects on the barometer, 92.\n condensed, supposed to form the centre of the earth, 119, 127.\n noxious, corrected by vegetation, 129.\n observations on the free use of, 213.\n rare, no bad conductor of sound, 337.\n fresh, beneficial effects of, in bed-rooms, iii. 495.\n\n _Air-thermometer_, electrical, experiments with, i. 336.\n\n _Albany_ plan of union, short account of, i. 127.\n its singular fate, 129.\n papers relating to, iii. 3.\n motives on which formed, 4.\n rejects partial unions, 6.\n its president and grand council, 9.\n election of members, 12.\n place of first meeting, 13.\n new election, _ibid._\n proportion of members after three years, 15.\n meetings of the grand council and call, 16.\n allowance to members, 17.\n power of president and his duty, 18.\n treaties of peace and war, _ibid._\n Indian trade and purchases, 19.\n new settlements, 21.\n military establishments, 23.\n laws and taxes, 24, 26.\n issuing of money, 25.\n appointment of officers, 27.\n rejected in England, 29.\n\n _Almanack._ _See Poor Richard._\n\n _Alphabet_, a new one proposed, ii. 357.\n examples of writing in it, 360.\n correspondence on its merits, 361.\n\n _Amber_, electrical experiments on, i. 403.\n\n _America_, North, air of, drier than that of England and France, ii. 140.\n why marriages are more frequent there than in Europe, 385.\n why labour will long continue dear there, _ibid._\n argument against the union of the colonies of, under one government,\n 401.\n state of toleration there, 457.\n reflections on the scheme of imposing taxes on, without its consent,\n iii. 30.\n thoughts on the representation of, in the British parliament, 37.\n interest of Great Britain with regard to, 39.\n forts in the back settlements of, no security against France, 99.\n wars carried on there against the French, not merely in the cause of\n the colonies, 105.\n preference of the colonies of, to the West Indian colonies, 113.\n great navigable rivers of, favourable to inland trade, 118.\n what commodities the inland parts of, are fitted to produce, 119.\n the productions of, do not interfere with those of Britain, 123.\n union of the colonies of, in a revolt against Britain, impossible but\n from grievous oppression, 132.\n reasons given for restraining paper-bills of credit there, 144.\n intended scheme of a bank there, described, 155.\n attempts of Franklin for conciliation of Britain with, 286.\n feeling of, as to Britain, in May 1775, 346.\n conciliation of Britain with, hopeless, 355.\n account of the first campaign of the British forces against, 357.\n application of, to foreign courts, for aid in its independence, 360.\n credit of, with that of Britain, in 1777, compared, 372.\n true description of the interest and policy of, 391.\n information to those emigrating thither, 398.\n terms on which land may be obtained for new settlements there, 409.\n\n _Americans_, their prejudices for whatever is English, i. 144.\n\n _Anchor_, a swimming one proposed, ii. 181, 185.\n\n _Ancients_, their experimental learning too often slighted, ii. 146.\n\n _Anecdote_ of Franklin's early spirit of enterprise, i. 11.\n of a Swedish clergyman among the Indians, iii. 386.\n of an Indian who went to church, 389.\n\n _Animal_ food, Franklin's abstinence from, i. 20.\n return to, 47.\n humorous instance of abstinence from, 49.\n heat, whence it arises, ii. 79, 125.\n magnetism, detected and exposed, i. 150.\n\n _Animalcules_, supposed to cause the luminous appearance of sea-water,\n ii. 89.\n\n _Animals_, how to kill them by electricity, i. 415.\n\n _Antifederalists_ of America, comparison of, to the ancient Jews,\n iii. 410.\n\n _Apprentices_ easier placed out in America than in Europe, iii. 407.\n indentures of, how made in America, 408.\n\n _Argumentation_, bad effects of, as a habit, i. 17.\n best method of, 22.\n\n _Armies_, best means of supporting them, ii. 400.\n\n _Armonica_, musical instrument so called, described, ii. 330.\n manner of playing on it, 334.\n\n _Asbestos_, specimen of, sold by Franklin to Sir Hans Sloane, i. 60.\n letter relating to it, iii. 513.\n\n _Astrology_, letter to the Busy-body on, iii. 448.\n\n _Atmosphere_ sometimes denser above than below, ii. 6.\n electrical, its properties, i. 294.\n\n _Aurora borealis_ explained, i. 212.\n conjectures respecting, 257, ii. 69.\n query concerning, i. 293.\n\n\n B.\n\n _Badoin_, Mr. letters from, i. 314, 324.\n\n _Ballads_, two, written by Franklin in his youth, i. 16.\n\n _Balls_ of fire in the air, remark concerning, ii. 337.\n\n _Barometer_, how acted on by air, ii. 92.\n\n _Barrels_ for gunpowder, new sort proposed, i. 376.\n\n _Bass_, unnecessary in some tunes, ii. 343.\n\n _Bathing_ relieves thirst, ii. 104.\n observations on, 211.\n\n _Battery_, electrical, its construction, i. 193.\n\n _Baxter_, Mr. observations on his enquiry into the nature of the soul,\n ii. 110.\n\n _Beccaria_, character of his book on electricity, i. 310.\n\n _Beer_, not conducive to bodily strength, i. 62.\n\n _Bells_, form in consecrating them at Paris, i. 384.\n\n _Belly-ache_, dry, lead a cause of, ii. 220.\n\n _Bermuda_, little thunder there, i. 216.\n\n _Bermudian_ sloops, advantages of their construction, ii. 173.\n\n _Bernoulli_, Mr. his plan for moving boats, ii. 179.\n\n _Bevis_, Dr. draws electricity from the clouds, i. 429.\n\n _Bible_, anecdote of its concealment in the reign of Mary, i. 7.\n travestied by Dr. Brown, 31.\n\n _Bills_ of mortality, reasonings, formed on those for capital cities,\n not applicable to the country, ii. 383.\n\n _Birth_, noble, no qualification in America, iii. 400.\n\n _Bishops_, none in America, and why, ii. 456, 458.\n\n _Black clothes_ heat more and dry sooner than white, ii. 108.\n not fit for hot climates, 109.\n\n _Blacksmith_, trade of, hereditary in Franklin's family, i. 4.\n\n _Blindness_ occasioned both by lightning and electricity, i. 228.\n\n _Boats_, difference of their sailing in shoal and deep water, ii. 160.\n management of, best understood by savages, 176.\n how rowed by the Chinese, 177.\n methods of moving them by machinery, _ibid._\n improvement of Mr. Bernoulli's plan for moving them, 179.\n proposal for a new mode of moving them, _ibid._\n double, advantage of, 173, 174.\n one built by Sir W. Petty, _ibid._\n\n _Bodies_, electrified negatively, repel each other, ii. 294.\n effect of blunt, compared with pointed ones, i. 172, 223.\n\n _Body_, human, specifically lighter than water, ii. 208.\n political and human, compared, iii. 115.\n\n _Boerhaave_, his opinion of the propagation of heat, ii. 58.\n of steam from fermenting liquors, 59.\n\n _Boiling_ water, experiments with, i. 332, 344, 345.\n pot, bottom of, why cold, 387.\n\n _Bolton_, Mr. experiment by, i. 346.\n\n _Books_ read by Franklin in his youth, i. 15, 18, 20, 21.\n\n _Boston_, the birth-place of Franklin, i. 8.\n why quitted by him in his youth, 27,\n its inhabitants decrease, ii. 210.\n preface to proceedings of the town meeting of, iii. 317.\n\n _Boyle's_ lectures, effect of, on Franklin, i. 79.\n\n _Braddock_, general, defeat of, i. 131.\n\n _Bradford_, printer at Philadelphia, i. 34, 102.\n\n _Brass_, hot, yields unwholesome steams, ii. 249\n\n _Brientnal_, Joseph, a member of the Junto club, i. 83.\n\n _Brimstone_, when fluid, will conduct electricity, i. 256.\n\n _Bristol waters_, an alledged fact concerning, ii. 95.\n\n _Britain_, incapacity of, to supply the colonies with manufactures,\n ii. 386.\n\n _British empire_, an union of several states, iii. 310.\n\n _Brown_, Dr. acquaintance of Franklin's, i. 30.\n travestied the bible, 31.\n\n _Bubbles_ on the surface of water, hypothesis respecting, ii. 48.\n\n _Buchan_, earl of, letter to, on the price of land for new settlements\n in America, iii. 409.\n\n _Buildings_, what kind safest from lightning, i. 379.\n\n _Bullion_, causes of its variation in price, iii. 153.\n\n _Bunyan's_ Voyages, a book early read by Franklin, i. 15, 28.\n\n _Bur_, cause of, round a hole struck through pasteboard, i. 280.\n\n _Burnet_, governor, his attention to Franklin in his youth, i. 44.\n\n _Busy-body_, essays under the title of, i. 86. iii. 422.\n\n\n C.\n\n _Cabinet-work_, veneered in England, shrinks and flies in America,\n ii. 140.\n\n _Cables_, why apt to part when weighing anchor in a swell, ii. 167.\n this defect of, remedied, 168.\n\n _Cabot_, Sebastian, his commission from Henry VII., iii. 348.\n\n _Calvinism_, Franklin educated in the principles of, i. 79.\n\n _Campaign_ in America, account of the first, iii. 357.\n\n _Canals_, observations on their depth, ii. 159.\n\n _Canada_, importance of, to England, i. 136.\n visited by Franklin, 147.\n its extent, iii. 20.\n pamphlet on the importance of, 89.\n easily peopled without draining Britain, 139.\n\n _Cancers_, specific for, i. 260, 261.\n\n _Candles_ lighted by electricity, i. 176.\n distance at which the flame of, may be seen, ii. 90.\n\n _Cann_, silver, a singular experiment on, i. 307.\n\n _Canoes_ of the American Indians, their advantages, ii. 176.\n\n _Canton_, Mr. John, experiments by, i. 286, 346.\n draws electricity from the clouds, 428.\n\n _Capitals_, their use in printing, ii. 352.\n\n _Caribbees_, possession of, only a temporary benefit, iii. 142.\n\n _Carolina_, South, see _Lightning_.\n\n _Cavendish_, lord Charles, his electrical experiments, i. 348.\n\n _Cayenne_ would be a great acquisition to Britain, iii. 140.\n\n _Centre_ of the earth, hypothesis concerning, ii. 119, 127.\n\n _Cessions_ from an enemy, on what grounds may be demanded, iii. 93.\n\n _Chapel_, nickname for a printing house, i. 63.\n\n _Character_, remarks on the delineation of, iii. 445.\n\n _Charcoal-fires_, hurtful, ii. 235.\n\n _Charging_ and discharging, in electricity, explained, i. 190.\n a number of bottles at once, how done, _ibid._\n\n _Charters_ of the colonies could not be altered by parliament, iii. 332.\n\n _Chess_, morals of, iii. 488.\n not an idle amusement, _ibid._\n teaches various virtues, 489.\n advice to those who play, 490.\n too intense an application to, injurious, 500.\n\n _Chimnies_, different kinds of, enumerated, ii. 228.\n inconvenience of the old-fashioned ones, 229.\n defect of more modern ones, 230.\n have not long been in use in England, 277.\n Staffordshire, described, 285.\n have a draft of air up and down, 289.\n may be used for keeping provisions in summer, 290.\n may be of use to miners, 291.\n funnels to, what the best, 292, 295.\n method of contracting them, 317.\n smoky. See _Smoky_.\n\n _China_, provision made there against famine, ii. 407.\n\n _Chinese_ wisely divide the holds of their vessels by partitions, ii. 171.\n how they row their boats, 177.\n their method of warming ground floors, 292.\n improvement in this method suggested, 293.\n their method of making large paper, 349.\n\n _Circle_, magical, account of, ii. 327, 328.\n\n _Cities_, spring water gradually deteriorates in, i. 163.\n do not supply themselves with inhabitants, ii. 384.\n\n _Clark_, Dr. of Boston, quoted, on the instigation of the American\n Indians against the English, iii. 95, 100, 102.\n\n _Clothes_, wet, may preserve from lightning, i. 213.\n will relieve thirst, ii. 104.\n do not give colds, _ibid._\n imbibe heat according to their colour, 108.\n white, most suitable for hot climates, _ibid._\n\n _Clothing_ does not give, but preserves, warmth, ii. 81.\n\n _Clouds_, at land and at sea, difference between, i. 207.\n formed at sea, how brought to rain on land, 208.\n driven against mountains, form springs and rivers, 209.\n passing different ways, accounted for, 211.\n electrical, attracted by trees, spires, &c. 213.\n manner in which they become electrised, 257, 305.\n are electrised sometimes negatively and sometimes positively, 274,\n 277, 284, 292.\n electricity drawn from them, at Marly, 420.\n by Mr. Cauton, 428.\n by Dr. Bevis, 429,\n by Mr. Wilson, _ibid._\n how supported in air, ii. 5.\n how formed, 7.\n whether winds are generated or can be confined in them, 57.\n have little more solidity than fogs, _ibid._\n\n _Club_, called the Junto, instituted by Franklin, i. 82.\n rules of, ii. 366, 369.\n questions discussed in, 369.\n\n _Coal_, sea, letter on the nature of, ii. 128.\n\n _Cold_, why seemingly greater in metals than in wood, ii. 56, 77.\n sensation of, how produced, 57.\n only the absence of heat, 81.\n produced by chemical mixtures, _ibid._\n evaporation. See _Evaporation_.\n\n _Colden_, Mr. his remarks on Abb\u00e9 Nollet's letters, i. 430.\n meteorological observations, ii. 51.\n observations on water-spouts, 53.\n\n _Colds_, causes of, ii. 214, 230.\n\n _Coleman_, William, a member of the Junto club, i. 84, 89.\n\n _Colica pictorum_, caused by lead, ii. 219.\n\n _Collins_, John, an early friend of Franklin's, i. 17, 27, 41, 43, 44.\n\n _Collinson_, Mr. some account of, iii. 514.\n\n _Colonial_ governments in America of three kinds, iii. 50.\n\n _Colonies_, the settlement of, does not diminish national numbers,\n ii. 391.\n their prosperity beneficial to the mother country, iii. 113.\n are intitled to distinct governments, 303.\n American, preferable to the West Indies, _ibid._\n not dangerous to Britain, 132.\n aids to government, how given by, 225, 226.\n originally governed by the crown, independent of Parliament,\n 291.\n not settled at the expence of Britain, 348.\n\n _Colonists_ in America, double their number in 25 years, iii. 113.\n from Britain, their rights, 299.\n\n _Colours._ See _Clothes_.\n\n _Comazants_, or corposants, are electrical appearances, i. 248.\n\n _Commerce_, influence of, on the manners of a people, ii. 400.\n is best encouraged by being left free, 415.\n should not be prohibited in time of war, 417.\n by inland carriage, how supported, iii. 116.\n\n _Common-sense_, by Paine, Franklin supposed to have contributed to,\n i. 148.\n\n _Compass_, instances of its losing its virtue by lightning, i. 248.\n how to remedy the want of, at sea, ii. 191.\n\n _Conductors_ of lightning, very common in America, i. 113.\n first suggestion of the utility of, 227.\n construction of, 358.\n particulars relating to, 377.\n of electricity, difference in the action of, 200, 303.\n which the most perfect, 253, 256.\n and non-conductors, other terms substituted for, _ibid._\n of common fire, their properties and differences, ii. 76, 77.\n experiments on, ii. 77.\n\n _Congress_, Franklin appointed a delegate to, i. 146.\n proposed overture from, in 1775, iii. 347.\n\n _Consecration_ of bells in France, form of, i. 384.\n\n _Conspirators_, electrical, meaning of the term, i. 196.\n\n _Controversy_, benefit of, iii. 92.\n\n _Conversation_, advantage of useful topics of, at dinner, i. 12.\n\n _Cook_, captain, circular letter concerning, iii. 515.\n copy of the voyages of, presented to Franklin, by the Admiralty, 517.\n\n Cookery, at sea, generally bad, ii. 194.\n\n _Copper_, manner of covering houses with, ii. 318, 320, 322.\n\n _Copper_ plate printing-press, the first in America, constructed by\n Franklin, i. 77.\n\n _Corn_, ill policy of laying restraints on the exportation of, ii. 413,\n 418.\n\n _Countries_, distant and unprovided, a plan for benefiting, ii. 403.\n\n _Creation_, conjectures as to, ii. 118.\n\n _Credit_, that of America and Britain in 1777, compared, iii. 372.\n depends on payment of loans, 373.\n industry and frugality, 374.\n public spirit, 375.\n income and security, 376.\n prospects of future ability, _ibid._\n prudence, 377.\n character for honesty, 378.\n is money to a tradesman, 464.\n\n _Criminal_ laws, reflections on, ii. 439.\n\n _Crooked_ direction of lightning explained, i. 316.\n\n _Cutler_, circumstance that prevented Franklin's being apprenticed to\n one, i. 14.\n\n _Currents_ at sea, often not perceivable, ii. 185.\n\n _Cyder_, the best quencher of thirst, ii. 195.\n\n\n D.\n\n _Dalrymple_, Mr. scheme of a voyage under his command to benefit remote\n regions, ii. 403.\n\n _Damp_ air, why more chilling than dry air that is colder, ii. 56, 77.\n\n _Dampier_, account of a water-spout by, ii. 33.\n references to his voyage, on the subject of water-spouts, 58.\n\n _Dampness_ on walls, cause of, ii. 50.\n\n _Day-light_, proposal to use it instead of candle-light, iii. 470.\n\n _Deacon_, Isaac, from an underling to a surveyor, becomes inspector-\n general of America, i. 78.\n prognosticates the future eminence in life of Franklin, _ib._\n\n _Death_ of Franklin, i. 153.\n letter from Dr. Price on, iii. 541.\n of relatives, reflections on, 507.\n\n _Deism_, effects on Franklin of books written against, i. 79.\n\n _Deluge_, accounted for, ii. 127.\n\n _Denham_, a quaker, a friend of Franklin's, i. 54.\n extraordinary trait of honesty of, to his creditors, 67.\n Franklin's engagement with, as a clerk, 68, 70.\n\n _Denmark_, the people of, not subject to colds, ii. 244.\n\n _Denny_, governor, remarks on his official conduct in Pensylvania,\n iii. 170.\n\n _Desaquiliers_, his experiment on the vapour of hot iron, ii. 249.\n\n _Dew_, how produced, i. 207.\n\n _Dialogue_, between Franklin and the gout, iii. 499.\n\n _Dickenson_, Mr. his remarks on the views of England in framing laws\n over the colonies, iii. 234.\n remarks on his conduct, 192.\n on his protest, 202.\n\n _Discontented_ dispositions satirized, iii. 485.\n\n _Discontents_ in America before 1768, causes of, iii. 225.\n\n _Dissentions_ between England and America, letter on, iii. 310.\n\n _Dissertation_, early one of Franklin's, that he repented having written,\n i. 58.\n\n _Disputation_, modesty in, recommended, i. 21. ii. 317.\n\n _Disputes_ between Franklin and his brother, to whom he was apprenticed,\n i. 24.\n\n _Domien_, a traveller, short account of, i. 302.\n\n _Drawling_, a defect in modern tunes, ii. 345.\n\n _Dreams_, art of procuring pleasant ones, iii. 493.\n\n _Dumas_, Monsieur, letter to, on the aid wanted by America in her struggle\n for independence, iii. 360.\n\n _Duna_ river, not to be confounded with the Dwina, iii. 119, note.\n\n _Dust_, how raised and carried up into the air, ii. 3.\n\n _Duties_, moral, the knowledge of, more important than the knowledge of\n nature, ii. 95.\n\n _Dutch_ iron stove, advantages and defects of, ii. 233.\n\n\n E.\n\n _Early_ impressions, lasting effect of, on the mind, iii. 478.\n\n _Earth_ will dissolve in air, ii. 2.\n dry, will not conduct electricity, i. 206.\n the, sometimes strikes lightning into the clouds, 274.\n grows no hotter under the summer sun, why, ii. 86.\n different strata of, 116.\n theory of, 117.\n\n _Earthquakes_, general good arising from, ii. 116.\n how occasioned, 120, 128.\n\n _Eaton_, in Northamptonshire, residence of Franklin's family, i. 3.\n\n _Ebb_ and flood, explanation of the terms, ii. 100.\n\n _Economical_ project, iii. 469.\n\n _Edinburgh_, an ordinance there against the purchase of prize-goods,\n ii. 447.\n\n _Education_ of women, controversy respecting, i. 17.\n\n _Eel_, electrical, of Surinam, i. 408, 409.\n\n _Effluvia_ of drugs, &c. will not pass through glass, i. 243.\n\n _Electrical_ air-thermometer described, i. 336, _et seq._\n atmosphere, how produced, 221.\n how drawn off, 222.\n atmospheres repel each other, 294.\n repel electric matter in other bodies, _ib._\n battery, its construction, 193.\n clouds, experiment regarding, 229.\n death, the easiest, 307.\n experiments, Franklin's eager pursuit of, 104.\n made in France, 109.\n various, 182, 229, 254, 255, 261, 271, 278, 286, 294, 307, 327,\n 337, 348, 371, 434.\n fire, not created by friction, but collected, 173.\n passes through water, 202.\n loves water and subsists in it, 203.\n diffused through all matter, 205\n visible on the surface of the sea, _ibid._\n its properties and uses, 214, _et seq._\n produces common fire, 214, 238, 356.\n has the same crooked direction as lightning, 315.\n fluid, its beneficial uses, 219.\n is strongly attracted by glass, 236.\n manner of its acting through glass hermetically sealed, 241.\n a certain quantity of, in all kinds of matter, 275.\n nature of its explosion, 280.\n chooses the best conductor, 281, 378.\n force, may be unboundedly increased, 251.\n horse-race, 334.\n jack for roasting, 197.\n kiss, its force increased, 177.\n kite, described, 268.\n machine; simple and portable one, described, 178.\n matter, its properties, 217, 294.\n party of pleasure, 202.\n phial, or Leyden bottle, its phenomena explained, 179.\n shock, observations on, 182.\n effects of a strong one on the human body, 297, 306.\n spark, perforates a quire of paper, 195.\n wheel, its construction, 196.\n self-moving one, 198.\n\n _Electricity_, summary of its progress, i. 104.\n positive and negative, discovered, 106.\n distinguished, 175.\n in a tourmalin, 370.\n does not affect the elasticity of the air, 254.\n its similarity to lightning, 288.\n its effects on paralysis, 401.\n of fogs in Ireland, 405.\n supposed affinity between, and magnetism, 410.\n\n _Electrics per se_ and non-electrics, difference between, i. 242, 258.\n\n _Electrified_ bumpers described, i. 203.\n\n _Electrisation_, what constitutes the state of, i. 218.\n various appearances of, 175.\n variety of, 176.\n\n _Electrising_ one's self, manner of, i. 174.\n\n _Elocution_, how best taught, ii. 374.\n\n _Embassador_ from the United States to France, Franklin appointed to the\n office of, i. 148.\n\n _Emblematical_ design illustrative of the American troubles, iii. 371.\n\n _Emigrants_ to America, advice to, iii. 398.\n\n _Empire_, rules for reducing a great one, iii. 334.\n\n _England_, Franklin's first arrival in, i. 55.\n second arrival in, as agent for the province of Pensylvania, 134.\n third arrival in, as agent for the same province, 141.\n its air moister than that of America, ii. 140.\n decrease of population in, doubtful, 296.\n\n _English_, effect of the ancient manners of, ii. 399.\n language, innovations in, 351.\n\n _Enterprises_, public, Franklin's early disposition for, i. 10.\n\n _Ephemera_, an emblem of human life, iii. 508.\n\n _Epitaph_ on Franklin's parents, i. 13.\n on himself, 155.\n\n _Episcopalians_, conduct of the American legislature towards, ii. 455.\n\n _Errors_ of Franklin's early life, i. 45, 58, 61, 80, 97.\n\n _Ether_, what, ii. 59.\n\n _Evaporation_, cold produced by, i. 344, ii. 76, 83, 85.\n of rivers, effects of, 106.\n\n _Examination_ of Franklin before the house of commons, i. 142, iii. 245.\n before the privy council, 328.\n further particulars of, 551.\n\n _Exchange_, rate of, between Philadelphia and Britain, iii. 252.\n\n _Exercise_, should precede meals, iii. 493.\n\n _Experiments_, to show the electrical effect of points, i. 171, 172.\n to prove the electrical state of the Leyden phial, 182.\n of firing spirits by a spark sent through a river, 202.\n to show how thunder-storms produce rain, 209.\n on the clouds, proposed, 228.\n on drugs electrified, 243.\n on the elasticity of the air, 254.\n on the electric fluid, 255.\n by Mr. Kennersley, 261.\n on the electricity of the clouds, 271.\n for increasing electricity, 278.\n by Mr. Canton, 286.\n in pursuance of those of Mr. Canton, 294.\n on a silver cann, 307.\n on the velocity of the electric fluid, 327, 329, 330.\n for producing cold by evaporation, 344.\n on the different effects of electricity, 357.\n by lord Charles Cavendish, 348.\n on the tourmalin, 371.\n to show the utility of long pointed rods to houses, 389.\n on amber, 403 _et seq._\n on the Leyden phial, 434.\n on different coloured cloths, ii. 108, 109.\n on the sailing of boats, 160.\n\n _Exportation_ of gold and silver, observations on, ii. 416.\n\n _Exports_ to North America and the West Indies, iii. 127, 128.\n to Pensylvania, 129, 250.\n from ditto, 250.\n\n _Eye_, retains the images of luminous objects, ii. 340.\n\n\n F.\n\n _Facts_, should be ascertained before we attempt to account for them,\n ii. 96.\n\n _Family_ of Franklin, account of, i. 5. _et seq._\n\n _Famine_, how provided against in China, ii. 407.\n\n _Fanning_, how it cools, ii. 87.\n\n _Farmers_, remonstrance in behalf of, ii. 420.\n\n _Federal_ constitution, speech on, iii. 416.\n\n _Felons_, transportation of, to America, highly disagreeable to the\n inhabitants, iii. 235.\n\n _Fermenting_ liquors, their steam deleterious, ii. 59.\n\n Fire, not destroyed by water, but dispersed, i. 172.\n makes air specifically lighter, 206.\n exists in all bodies, 214.\n common and electrical, exist together, _ibid._\n a region of, above our atmosphere, 257, ii. 124.\n many ways of kindling it, i. 356.\n exists in a solid or quiescent state in substances, _ibid._ ii. 80,\n 122.\n recovers its fluidity by combustion, _ibid._\n is a fluid permeating all bodies, 76.\n conductors of, are also best conductors of the electric fluid, _ibid._\n difference between, and electrical conductors, 77.\n how diffused through substances, 78.\n how generated in animated bodies, 79.\n theory of, 122.\n a fixed and permanent quantity of, in the universe, 123.\n its properties, 227.\n electrical, see _Electrical_.\n\n _Fire-companies_, numerous at Philadelphia, i. 103.\n\n _Fire-places_, Pensylvanian, account of, ii. 225.\n large and open, inconvenient, 228.\n hollow backed, by Gauger, 232.\n Staffordshire, 285.\n an ingenious one for serving two rooms, 296.\n\n _Fires_, at sea, how often produced, ii. 174.\n great and bright, damage the eyes and skin, 230.\n\n _Fisheries_, value of those of Newfoundland, iii. 452.\n\n _Flame_, preserves bodies from being consumed while surrounding them,\n ii. 310, 311.\n\n _Flaxseed_, amount of the exportation of from America to Ireland,\n iii. 270.\n\n _Flesh_, of animals, made tender by lightning and by electricity, i. 359,\n 414.\n\n _Flies_, drowned in America, brought to life in England, ii. 223.\n\n _Flood_ and ebb, explanation of the terms, ii. 100.\n\n _Florence_ flask, when filled with boiling water, not chargeable with\n electricity, i. 332, 345.\n\n _Fog_, great, in 1783, ii. 68.\n conjectures as to its cause, _ibid._\n\n _Fogs_, how supported in air, ii. 5.\n electricity of, in Ireland, i. 405.\n\n _Folger_, family-name of Franklin's mother, i. 8.\n\n _Foreigners_, the importation of, not necessary to fill up occasional\n vacancies in population, ii. 390.\n\n _Forts_ in the back settlements, not approved of, iii. 99.\n\n _Foster_, judge, notes on his argument for the impress of seamen, ii. 437.\n\n _Foundering_ at sea, accidents that occasion it, ii. 169, 170.\n\n _Fountain_, when electrified, its stream separates, i. 206.\n\n _Fowls_, improperly treated at sea, ii. 193.\n\n _Fragments_, political, ii. 411.\n\n _France_, its air moister than that of America, ii. 140.\n effects of its military manners, 399.\n\n _Franklin_, derivation of the name, i. 4.\n genealogy of the family of, 5.\n\n _Franks_, the improper use of, reprobated, ii. 435.\n\n _Freezing_ to death in summer, possibility of, ii. 84.\n\n _French_ language, its general use, ii. 353.\n\n _Frontiers_, in America, the attack of, the common cause of the state,\n iii. 109.\n\n _Frugality_, advantages of, ii. 397.\n observance of, in America, iii. 374\n\n _Fruit-walls_, blacking them recommended, ii. 110.\n\n _Fuel_, scarce in Philadelphia, ii. 225.\n\n _Fulling-mills_ in America, iii. 270.\n\n _Fusion_, cold, of metals, supposed, i. 215.\n proves a mistake, 339.\n error respecting it acknowledged, 355.\n\n\n G.\n\n _Galloway_, Mr, preface to his speech, iii. 163.\n\n _Garnish-money_, practice among printers of demanding it, i. 63.\n\n _Gauger_, M. his invention for fire-places, ii. 232.\n\n _Genealogy_ of the Franklin family, i. 5.\n\n _German_ stoves, advantages and disadvantages of, ii. 234.\n\n _Germany_, why the several states of, encourage foreign manufactures in\n preference to those of each other, iii. 118. note.\n\n _Gilding_, its properties as a conductor, i. 201.\n the effects of lightning and of electricity on, 229.\n fails as a conductor after a few shocks, 231.\n\n _Glass_, has always the same quantity of electrical fire, i. 191.\n possesses the whole power of giving a shock, 192, 247.\n in panes, when first used in an electrical experiment, 193, 194.\n great force in small portions of, 199.\n impermeable to the electric fluid, 234, 310.\n strongly attracts the electric fluid, 236.\n cannot be electrified negatively, _ibid._\n its opposite surfaces, how affected, _ibid._\n its component parts and pores extremely fine, 237.\n manner of its operation in producing electricity, _ibid._\n its elasticity, to what owing, 239.\n thick, resists a change of the quantity of electricity of its\n different sides, 242.\n rod of, will not conduct a shock, _ibid._\n when fluid, or red hot, will conduct electricity, 256.\n difference in its qualities, 301.\n error as to its pores, 302.\n will admit the electric fluid, when moderately heated, 345, 347.\n when cold retains the electric fluid, 346.\n experiments on warm and cold, 348.\n singular tube and ball of, 386.\n\n _Glasses_, musical, described, ii. 330, _et seq._\n\n _God_, saying in America respecting, iii. 401.\n\n _Godfrey_, Thomas, a lodger with Franklin, i. 81.\n a member of the Junto, 83.\n inventor of Hadley's quadrant, _ibid._\n wishes Franklin to marry a relation of his, 95.\n\n _Gold_ and silver, remarks on exportation of, ii. 416.\n\n _Golden_ fish, an electrical device, i. 233.\n\n _Government_, free, only destroyed by corruption of manners, ii. 397.\n\n _Gout_, dialogue with that disease, iii. 499.\n\n _Grace_, Robert, member of the Junto club, i. 84, 89.\n\n _Gratitude_ of America, letter on, iii. 239.\n\n _Greasing_ the bottoms of ships, gives them more swiftness, ii. 180.\n\n _Greece_, causes of its superiority over Persia, ii. 397.\n\n _Greek_ empire, the destruction of, dispersed manufacturers over Europe,\n iii. 122.\n\n _Green_ and red, relation between the colours of, ii. 341.\n\n _Greenlanders_, their boats best for rowing, ii. 176.\n\n _Guadaloupe_, its value to Britain over-rated, iii. 139.\n\n _Gulph-stream_, observations on, ii. 186.\n whalers frequent its edges, _ibid._\n long unknown to any but the American fishermen, _ibid._\n how generated, 187.\n its properties, _ibid._\n tornadoes and water-spouts attending it, accounted for, 188.\n how to avoid it, 197.\n Nantucket whalers best acquainted with it, 198.\n thermometrical observations on, 199.\n journal of a voyage across, _ibid._\n\n _Gunpowder_, fired by electricity, i. 250.\n magazines of, how to secure them from lightning, 375.\n proposal for keeping it dry, 376.\n\n\n H.\n\n _Habits_, effects of, on population, ii. 393. 394.\n\n _Hadley's_ quadrant, by whom invented, i. 83, 95.\n\n _Hail_, brings down electrical fire, i. 292.\n how formed, ii. 66.\n\n _Hamilton_, Mr. a friend of Franklin's, i. 54, 88.\n\n _Handel_, criticism on one of his compositions, ii. 345.\n\n _Harmony_, in music, what, ii. 339.\n\n _Harp_, effect of, on the ancient Scotch tunes, ii. 340.\n\n _Harry_, David, companion of Franklin's, i. 72, 93.\n\n _Hats_, summer, should be white, ii. 109.\n the manufacture of, in New England, in 1760, iii. 131.\n\n _Health_ of seamen, Captain Cook's method of preserving it recommended,\n ii. 190.\n\n _Heat_, produced by electricity and by lightning, i. 338, 339.\n better conducted by some substances than others, ii. 56, 58.\n how propagated, 58.\n the pain it occasions, how produced, 78.\n in animals, how generated, 79, 125.\n in fermentation, the same as that of the human body, 80.\n great, at Philadelphia, in 1750, 85.\n general theory of, 122.\n\n _Herrings_, shoals of, perceived by the smoothness of the sea, ii. 150.\n\n _Hints_ to those that would be rich, iii. 466.\n\n _Holmes_, Robert, brother-in-law to Franklin, i. 37, 71.\n\n _Honesty_, often a very partial principle of conduct, ii. 430.\n\n _Honours_, all descending ones absurd, iii. 550.\n\n _Hopkins_, governor, his report of the number of inhabitants in Rhode\n Island, iii. 129.\n\n _Horse-race_, electrical, i. 335.\n\n _Hospital_, one founded by the exertions of Franklin, i. 126.\n\n _Hospitals_, foundling, state of in England and France, iii. 544*, 548*.\n\n _Hospitality_, a virtue of barbarians, iii. 391.\n\n _Houses_, remarks on covering them with copper, ii. 318, 320.\n many in Russia covered with iron plates, 319.\n their construction in Paris renders them little liable to fires, 321.\n\n _Howe_, lord, letter from, to Franklin, iii. 365.\n Franklin's answer to, 367.\n\n _Hudson's_ river, winds there, ii. 52, 59.\n\n _Hunters_, require much land to subsist on, ii. 384.\n\n _Hurricanes_, how produced, ii. 7.\n why cold in hot climates, _ibid._\n\n _Hutchinson_, governor, cause of the application for his removal,\n iii. 323.\n account of the letters of, 331, 551.\n\n _Hygrometer_, best substances for forming one, ii. 136.\n mahogany recommended for forming one, 141.\n\n\n I. J.\n\n _Jackson_, Mr. remarks on population by, ii. 392.\n\n _Jamaica_, its vacant lands not easily made sugar lands, iii. 140.\n\n _Javelle_, his machinery for moving boats, ii. 177.\n\n _Ice_ will not conduct an electric shock, i. 201.\n\n _Ice-islands_, dangerous to shipping, ii. 176.\n\n _Idleness_, the heaviest tax on mankind, ii. 411, iii. 454.\n encouraged by charity, ii. 422.\n reflections on, iii. 428.\n\n _Jefferson_, Mr. letter from, on the character of Franklin, iii. 545.\n\n _Jesuits_, hostility of the Indians in America excited by, iii. 95.\n\n _Ignorance_, a frank acknowledgment of, commendable, i. 308.\n\n _Imports_ into Pensylvania from Britain before 1766, iii. 250.\n\n _Impress_ of seamen, notes on Judge Foster's argument in favour of,\n ii. 437.\n\n _Inarticulation_ in modern singing, censured, ii. 348.\n\n _Increase_ of mankind, observations on, ii. 383, and _seq._\n what prevented by, 386, 387.\n how promoted, 388, 389.\n further observations on, 393.\n\n _Indemnification_, just ground for requiring cessions from an enemy,\n iii. 93.\n\n _Independence_, soon acquired in America, iii. 402.\n\n _Indian trade_ and affairs, remarks on a plan for the future management\n of, iii. 216.\n spirituous liquors the great encouragement of, 219.\n the debts from, must be left to honour, 220.\n not an American but a British interest, 275.\n\n _Indians_, of North America, a number of, murdered, i. 139.\n often excited by the French against the English, iii. 95.\n list of fighting men in the different nations of, 221.\n difference of their warfare from that of Europeans, 100.\n remarks concerning, 383.\n their mode of life, 384.\n public councils, 385.\n politeness in conversation, 386.\n rules in visiting, 388.\n\n _Industry_, effects of Franklin's, i. 85.\n the cause of plenty, ii. 396.\n essential to the welfare of a people, 411.\n relaxed by cheapness of provisions, 415.\n a greater portion of, in every nation, than of idleness, 396, 429,\n iii. 396.\n its prevalence in America, iii. 373.\n\n _Inflammability_ of the surface of rivers, ii. 130.\n\n _Inland_ commerce, instances of, iii. 120.\n\n _Innovations_ in language and printing, ii. 351.\n\n _Inoculation_, letter on the deaths occasioned by, ii. 215.\n success of, in Philadelphia, 216, 217.\n\n _Insects_, utility of the study of, ii. 93.\n\n _Interrogation_, the mark of, how to be placed, ii. 356.\n\n _Invention_, the faculty of, its inconveniences, i. 308.\n\n _Inventions_, new, generally scouted, _ibid._\n\n _Journal_ of a voyage, crossing the gulph-stream, ii. 199.\n from Philadelphia to France, 200, 201.\n from the channel to America, 202, _et seq._\n\n _Iron_ contained in the globe, renders it a great magnet, ii. 119.\n query whether it existed at the creation, 126.\n hot, gives no bad smell, 247.\n yields no bad vapours, 248.\n rods, erected for experiments on the clouds, i. 270.\n conduct more lightning in proportion to their thickness, 282.\n\n _Islands_ far from a continent have little thunder, i. 216.\n\n _Italic_ types, use of, in printing, ii. 355.\n\n _Judges_, mode of their appointment in America, in 1768, iii. 23.\n\n _Junto._ See _Club_.\n\n\n K.\n\n _Keimer_, a connection of Franklin's, some account of, i. 35, 70, 93.\n\n _Keith_, sir William, Franklin patronized by, i. 39.\n deceived by, 54.\n character of, 57.\n\n _Kinnersley_, Mr. electrical experiments by, i. 261, _et seq._, 331.\n\n _Kiss_, electrical, i. 177.\n\n _Kite_ used to draw electricity from the clouds, i. 108.\n electrical, described, i. 268.\n\n _Knobs_, not so proper as points, for conducting lightning, i. 359.\n\n\n L.\n\n _Labour_, why it will long continue dear in America, ii. 385.\n its advantages, 427, 428.\n\n _Land_, terms on which it may be obtained in America, by settlers,\n iii. 409.\n\n _Landing_ in a surf, supposed practicable, how, ii. 154.\n tried without success, 155.\n\n _Language_, remarks on innovations in, ii. 351, _et seq._\n\n _Laughers_, satyrized, iii. 425.\n\n _Law_, the old courts of, in the colonies, as ample in their powers, as\n those in England, iii. 304.\n\n _Law-expenses_, no discouragement to law-suits, iii. 270.\n\n _Law-stamps_, a tax on the poor, iii. 269.\n\n _Lead_, effects of, on the human constitution, ii. 219.\n\n _Leaks_ in ships, why water enters by them most rapidly at first, ii. 109.\n means to prevent their being fatal, 170.\n\n _Leather_ globe, proposed, instead of glass, for electrical experiments,\n i. 267.\n\n _Left_ hand, a petition from, iii. 483.\n\n _Leg_, handsome and deformed, humourous anecdote of, iii. 437.\n\n _Legal_ tender of paper-money, its advantages, iii. 150.\n further remarks on, 151.\n\n _Lending_ money, new mode of, iii. 463.\n\n _Letter-founding_ effected by Franklin in America, i. 74.\n\n _Leutmann_, J. G. extract from his vulcanus famulans, ii. 298.\n\n _Leyden_ bottle, its phenomena explained, i. 179.\n analysed, 192.\n experiment to prove its qualities, 245.\n when sealed hermetically, retains long its electricity, 345.\n\n _Liberty_ of the press, observations on, ii. 463.\n abused, 465.\n of the cudgel, should be allowed in return, 467.\n\n _Libraries_, public, the first in America set on foot by Franklin, i. 99.\n are now numerous in America, 100.\n advantages of, to liberty, 101.\n\n _Life_ and death, observations on the doctrines of, ii. 222.\n\n _Light_, difference between that from the sun and that from a fire in\n electrical experiments, i. 173.\n difficulties in the doctrines of, i. 253.\n queries concerning, _ibid._\n visibility of its infinitely small particles computed, ii. 90.\n new theory of, 122.\n\n _Lighthouse-tragedy_, an early poem of Franklin's, i. 16.\n\n _Lightning_, represented by electricity, i. 176.\n drawn from the clouds, by a kite, 268.\n by an iron rod, _ibid._\n reasons for proposing the experiment on, 304.\n its effects at Newbury, 310.\n will leave other substances, to pass through metals, 312.\n communicates magnetism to iron, 314.\n objections to the hypothesis of its being collected from the sea,\n 318, 323.\n effects of, on a wire at New York, 326.\n on Mr. West's pointed rod, 340, _et seq._\n how it shivers trees, 359.\n effects of, on conductors in Carolina, 361, 362, 364.\n does not enter through openings, 368.\n should be distinguished from its light, 369.\n an explosion always accompanies it, _ibid._\n observations on its effects on St. Bride's church, 374, 382.\n how to preserve buildings from, 377.\n personal danger from, how best avoided, 381.\n brought down by a pointed rod, in a large quantity, 389.\n how to prevent a stroke of, at sea, ii. 175.\n\n _Linn\u00e6us_, instance of public benefit arising from his knowledge\n of insects, ii. 94.\n\n _London_, atmosphere of, moister than that of the country, ii. 139.\n\n _Loyalty_ of America before the troubles, iii. 237.\n\n _Luxury_, beneficial when not too common, ii. 389.\n definition of, 395, 425.\n extinguishes families, 395.\n not to be extirpated by laws, 401.\n further observations on, 425.\n\n _Lying-to_, the only mode yet used for stopping a vessel at sea, ii. 181.\n\n\n M.\n\n _Maddeson_, Mr. death of, lamented, iii. 544*.\n\n _Magazine_ of powder, how to secure it from lightning, i. 375.\n\n _Magical_ circle of circles, ii. 327.\n picture, i. 195.\n square of squares, ii. 324.\n\n _Magnetism_, animal, detected and exposed, i. 150.\n given by electricity, 248, 314.\n and electricity, affinity between, 410.\n supposed to exist in all space, ii. 119, 126.\n conjectures as to its effects on the globe, 120.\n enquiry how it first came to exist, 126.\n\n _Mahogany_, expands and shrinks, according to climate, ii. 138.\n recommended for an hygrometer, 141.\n\n _Mandeville_, Franklin's acquaintance with, i. 39.\n\n _Manners_, effects of, on population, ii. 393, _et seq._\n letter to the Busy-body on the want of, iii. 432.\n\n _Manufactures_, produce greater proportionate returns than raw materials,\n ii. 410.\n founded in the want of land for the poor, iii. 107.\n are with difficulty transplanted from one country to another, 121.\n hardly ever lost but by foreign conquest, 122.\n probability of their establishment in America, 260.\n want no encouragement from the government, if a country be ripe for\n them, 405.\n\n _Maritime_ observations, ii. 162.\n\n _Marly_, experiments made at, for drawing lightning from the clouds,\n i. 421.\n\n _Marriage_ of Franklin, i. 97.\n\n _Marriages_, where the greatest number take place, ii. 383.\n why frequent and early in America, 385. iii. 113, 403.\n early, letter on, iii. 475.\n\n _Maryland_, account of a whirlwind there, ii. 61.\n of paper bills formerly issued there, iii. 155.\n its conduct in a French war, previous to the American troubles,\n defended, 262.\n\n _Massachusets_ bay, petition of the inhabitants of, to the king, iii. 325.\n\n _Matter_, enquiry into the supposed vis inerti\u00e6 of, ii. 110.\n man can neither create nor annihilate it, 123.\n\n _Mawgridge_, William, member of the Junto club, i. 84.\n\n _Maxims_, prudential, from poor Richard's almanack, iii. 453.\n\n _Mazeas_, abbe, letter from, i. 420.\n\n _Meal_, grain, &c. manner of preserving them good for ages, i. 376.\n ii. 190.\n\n _Mechanics_, advantages of an early attention to, i. 14.\n\n _Mediocrity_, prevalence of, in America, iii. 399.\n\n _Melody_ in music, what, ii. 340.\n\n _Men_, six, struck down by an electric shock, i. 306.\n\n _Mercer_, Dr. letter from, on a water-spout, ii. 34.\n\n _Merchants_ and shopkeepers in America, iii. 394.\n\n _Meredith_, Hugh, companion of Franklin, short account of, i. 72, 76, 89.\n\n _Metalline_ rods, secure buildings from lightning, i. 281.\n either prevent or conduct a stroke, 310.\n\n _Metals_, melted by electricity and by lightning, i. 215, 229.\n when melted by electricity, stain glass, 232.\n polished, spotted by electrical sparks, 253.\n feel colder than wood, why, ii. 56.\n\n _Meteorological_ observations, ii. 1, 45, 66.\n\n _Methusalem_ slept always in the open air, iii. 495.\n\n _Mickle_, Samuel, a prognosticator of evil, i. 81.\n\n _Military_ manners, effects of, ii. 398, 399.\n power of the king, remarks on, iii. 307.\n\n _Militia_ bill, Franklin the author of one, i. 132.\n particular one, rejected by the governor of Pensylvania, 100.\n iii. 157.\n\n _Mines_, method of changing air in them, ii. 291.\n of rock salt, conjectures as to their formation, 92.\n\n _Mists_, how supported in air, ii. 5.\n\n _Modesty_ in disputation recommended, ii. 317.\n\n _Money_, how to make it plenty, iii. 467.\n new mode of lending, 468.\n\n _Moral_ principles, state of Franklin's mind respecting, on his entering\n into business, i. 79.\n\n _Morals_ of chess, iii. 488.\n\n _Motion_, the communication and effects of, ii. 7, 8.\n of vessels at sea, how to be stopped, 181.\n\n _Mountains_, use of, in producing rain and rivers, i. 208.\n why the summits of, are cold, ii. 6.\n conjecture how they became so high, 91.\n\n _Music_, harmony and melody of the old Scotish, ii. 338.\n modern, defects of, 343.\n\n _Musical_ glasses described, ii. 330.\n\n\n N.\n\n _Nantucket_ whalers best acquainted with the gulph-stream, ii. 198.\n\n _National_ wealth, data for reasoning on, ii. 408.\n three ways of acquiring, 410.\n\n _Navigation_, difference of, in shoal and deep water, ii. 158.\n observations on, 195, 196.\n from Newfoundland to New York, 197.\n inland, in America, iii. 118.\n\n _Needle_ of a compass, its polarity reversed by lightning, i. 248, 325.\n of wood, circular motion of, by electricity, 332, 351.\n\n _Needles_, magnetised by electricity, i. 148.\n and pins, melted by electricity, 249.\n\n _Negatively_ electrised bodies repel each other, i. 294.\n\n _Negroes_ bear heat better, and cold worse, than whites, ii. 86.\n\n _Newbury_, effects of a stroke of lightning there, i. 310.\n\n _New-England_, former flourishing state of, from the issue of paper money,\n iii. 145.\n circumstances which rendered the restriction of paper money there not\n injurious, 148.\n abolition of paper currency there, 263.\n\n _Newfoundland_ fisheries, more valuable than the mines of Peru, iii. 452.\n\n _Newspaper_, one sufficient for all America, in 1721, i. 23.\n instance of one set up by Franklin at Philadelphia, 86.\n\n _New-York_, effects of lightning there, i. 326.\n former flourishing state of, from the issue of paper-money, iii. 146.\n sentiments of the colonists on the act for abolishing the legislature\n of, 232.\n obtained in exchange for Surinam, 349.\n\n _Nollet_, Abb\u00e9, Franklin's theory of electricity opposed by, i. 113.\n remarks on his letters, 430.\n\n _Non-conductors_ of electricity, i. 378.\n\n _Non-electric_, its property in receiving or giving electrical fire,\n i. 193.\n\n _North-east_ storms in America, account of, ii. 68.\n\n _Nurses_, office at Paris for examining the health of, iii. 549*.\n\n\n O.\n\n _Oak_ best for flooring and stair-cases, ii. 321.\n\n _Ohio_, distance of its fort from the sea, iii. 119, note.\n\n _Oil_, effect of heat on, ii. 4.\n evaporates only in dry air, _ibid._\n renders air unfit to take up water, _ibid._\n curious instance of its effects on water in a lamp, 142.\n stilling of waves by means of, 144, 145, 148, 150, 151, 154.\n\n _Old_ man's wish, song so called quoted, iii. 546*.\n\n _Onslow_, Arthur, dedication of a work to, by Franklin, iii. 59.\n\n _Opinions_, vulgar ones too much slighted, ii. 146.\n regard to established ones, thought wisdom in a government, iii. 226.\n\n _Orthography_, a new mode of, ii. 359.\n\n _Osborne_, a friend of Franklin's, i. 50, 53\n\n _Oversetting_ at sea, how it occurs, ii. 172.\n how to be prevented, _ibid._, 173.\n\n _Outriggers_ to boats, advantages of, ii. 173.\n\n\n P.\n\n _Packthread_, though wet, not a good conductor, i. 200.\n\n _Paine's_ Common Sense, Franklin supposed to have contributed to, i. 148.\n\n _Paper_, how to make large sheets, in the Chinese way, ii. 349.\n a poem, iii. 522.\n\n _Paper-credit_, cannot be circumscribed by law, ii. 418.\n\n _Paper-money_, pamphlet written by Franklin on, i. 91.\n American, remarks and facts relative to, iii. 144.\n advantages of, over gold and silver, iii. 152.\n\n _Papers_ on philosophical subjects, i. 169, _et seq._ ii. 1, _et seq._\n on general politics, ii. 383, _et seq._\n on American subjects, before the revolution, iii. 3, _et seq._\n during the revolution, iii. 225, _et seq._\n subsequent to the revolution, iii. 383, _et seq._\n on moral subjects, iii. 421, _et seq._\n\n _Parable_ against persecution, ii. 450.\n\n _Paradoxes_ inferred from some experiments, i. 262.\n\n _Paralysis_, effects of electricity on, i. 401.\n\n _Parliament_ of England, opinions in America, in 1766, concerning,\n iii. 254.\n\n _Parsons_, William, member of the Junto club, i. 83.\n\n _Parties_, their use in republics, iii. 396.\n\n _Party_ of pleasure, electrical, i. 202.\n\n _Passages_ to and from America, how to be shortened, ii. 138.\n why shorter from, than to, America, 189.\n\n _Passengers_ by sea, instructions to, ii. 192.\n\n _Patriotism_, spirit of, catching, iii. 90.\n\n _Peace_, the victorious party may insist on adequate securities in the\n terms of, iii. 96.\n\n _Penn_, governor, remarks on his administration, iii. 183.\n sold his legislative right in Pensylvania, but did not complete the\n bargain, 189.\n\n _Pensylvania_, Franklin appointed clerk to the general assembly of,\n i. 102.\n forms a plan of association for the defence of, 104.\n becomes a member of the general assembly of, 114.\n aggrievances of, iii. 50.\n infraction of its charter, 52.\n review of the constitution of, 59.\n former flourishing state of, from the issue of paper-money, 146.\n rate of exchange there, 154.\n letter on the militia bill of, 157.\n settled by English and Germans, 162.\n English and German, its provincial languages, _ib._\n pecuniary bargains between the governors and assembly of, 165.\n taxes there, 246, 251.\n number of its inhabitants, 249.\n proportion of quakers, and of Germans, _ibid._\n exports and imports, 250.\n assembly of, in 1766, how composed, 252.\n\n _Pensylvanian_ fire-places, account of, ii. 223.\n particularly described, 235.\n effects of, 239.\n manner of using them, 241.\n advantages of, 243.\n objections to, answered, 247.\n directions to bricklayers respecting, 251.\n\n _Peopling_ of countries, observations on, ii. 383, _et seq._\n\n _Perkins_, Dr. letter from, on water-spouts, ii. 11.\n on shooting stars, 36.\n\n _Persecution_, parable against, ii. 450.\n of dissenters, letter on, 452.\n of quakers in New England, 454.\n\n _Perspirable_ matter, pernicious, if retained, ii. 50.\n\n _Perspiration_, necessary to be kept up, in hot climates, ii. 86.\n difference of, in persons when naked and clothed, 214.\n\n _Petition_ from the colonists of Massachusets bay, iii. 325.\n of the left hand, 483.\n\n _Petty_, sir William, a double vessel built by, ii. 174.\n\n _Philadelphia_, Franklin's first arrival at, i. 32.\n account of a seminary there, instituted by Franklin, 116 to 127.\n state of the public bank at, iii. 551*.\n\n _Phytolacca_, or poke weed, a specific for cancers, i. 261.\n\n _Picture_, magical, described, i. 195.\n\n _Plain_ truth, Franklin's first political pamphlet, iii. 524.\n\n _Plan_ for benefiting distant countries, ii. 403.\n for settling two western colonies, iii. 41.\n for the management of Indian affairs, remarks on, 216.\n for improving the condition of the free blacks, 519.\n\n _Planking_ of ships, improvement in, ii. 189.\n\n _Pleurisy_, Franklin attacked by, i. 71, 154.\n\n _Plus_ and minus electricity, in the Leyden bottle, i. 181.\n in other bodies, 185.\n\n _Pointed_ rods, secure buildings from lightning, i. 283, 381.\n experiments and observations on, 388.\n objections to, answered, 395, 396.\n\n _Points_, their effects, i. 170.\n property of, explained, 223.\n experiment showing the effect of, on the clouds, 283.\n mistake respecting, 310.\n\n _Poke-weed_, a cure for cancers, i. 260, 261.\n\n _Polarity_ given to needles by electricity, i. 248.\n\n _Poles_ of the earth, if changed, would produce a deluge, ii. 127.\n\n _Political_ fragments, ii. 411.\n\n _Polypus_, a nation compared to, ii. 391.\n\n _Poor_, remarks on the management of, ii. 418.\n the better provided for, the more idle, 422.\n\n _Poor_ Richard, maxims of, iii. 453.\n\n _Pope_, criticism on two of his lines, i. 23.\n\n _Population_, observations on, ii. 383.\n causes which diminish it, 386.\n occasional vacancies in, soon filled by natural generation, 390.\n rate of its increase in America, 385. iii. 113, 250, 254.\n why it increases faster there, than in England, iii. 255.\n\n _Positions_ concerning national wealth, ii. 408.\n\n _Positiveness_, impropriety of, ii. 318.\n\n _Postage_, not a tax, but payment for a service, iii. 265.\n state of, in America, in 1766, 279.\n\n _Post-master_, and deputy post-master general, Franklin appointed to the\n offices of, i. 102, 127.\n\n _Potts_, Stephen, a companion of Franklin's, i. 72, 84.\n\n _Poultry_, not good at sea, ii. 193.\n\n _Powder-magazines_, how secured from lightning, i. 375.\n\n _Power_ to move a heavy body, how to be augmented, ii. 191.\n\n _Pownall_, governor, memorial of, to the Duke of Cumberland, iii. 41.\n letter from, on an equal communication of rights to America, 243.\n constitution of the colonies by, 299.\n\n _Preface_ to Mr. Galloway's speech, iii. 163.\n to proceedings of the inhabitants of Boston, 317.\n\n _Presbyterianism_, established religion in New England, ii. 454.\n\n _Press_, account of the court of, ii. 463.\n liberty of, abused, 465.\n\n _Pressing_ of seamen, animadversions on, ii. 437.\n\n _Price_, Dr. letter from, on Franklin's death, iii. 541.\n\n _Priestley_, Dr. letter from, on Franklin's character, iii. 547.\n\n _Printers_ at Philadelphia before Franklin, i. 36.\n\n _Printing_, Franklin apprenticed to the business of, i. 15.\n works at it as a journeymen in England, 58, 62.\n in America, 35, 71.\n enters on the business of, as master, 78.\n observations on fashions in, ii. 355.\n\n _Prison_, society for relieving the misery of, i. 151.\n not known among the Indians of America, iii. 220.\n\n _Privateering_, reprobated, ii. 436.\n further observations on, 446.\n article to prevent it, recommended in national treaties, 448.\n inserted in a treaty between America and Prussia, 449.\n\n _Proas_, of the pacific ocean, safety of, ii. 173.\n flying, superior to any of our sailing boats, 176.\n\n _Produce_ of the inland parts of America, iii. 119.\n\n _Products_ of America, do not interfere with those of Britain, iii. 124.\n\n _Prose-writing_, method of acquiring excellence in, i. 18.\n\n _Protest_ against Franklin's appointment as colonial agent, remarks on,\n iii. 203.\n\n _Provisions_, cheapness of, encourages idleness, ii. 415.\n\n _Prussian_ edict, assuming claims over Britain, iii. 311.\n\n _Public_ services and functions of Franklin, i. 125.\n spirit, manifest in England, iii. 91.\n different opinion respecting it expressed, 375.\n\n _Punctuality_ of America in the payment of public debts, iii. 373.\n\n _Puckridge_, Mr. inventor of musical glasses, i. 136.\n\n\n Q.\n\n _Quaker-lady_, good advice of one to Franklin in his youth, i. 42.\n\n _Quakers_, persecution of, in New England, ii. 454.\n proportion of, in Pensylvania, iii. 249.\n\n _Quebec_, remarks on the enlargement of the province of, iii. 20, note.\n\n _Queries_ concerning light, i. 258.\n proposed at the Junto club, ii. 366.\n from Mr. Strahan, on the American disputes, iii. 287.\n\n _Questions_ discussed by the Junto club, ii. 369.\n\n\n R.\n\n _Rain_, how produced, i. 207.\n generally brings down electricity, 292.\n why never salt, ii. 32.\n different quantities of, falling at different heights, 133.\n\n _Ralph_, James, a friend of Franklin's, i. 50, 53, 54, 57, 60.\n\n _Rarefaction_ of the air, why greater in the upper regions, ii. 6.\n\n _Read_, maiden name of Franklin's wife, i. 33, 37, 49, 54, 59, 70, 96.\n\n _Reading_, Franklin's early passion for, i. 15, 16.\n how best taught, ii. 372.\n advice to youth respecting, 378.\n\n _Recluse_, a Roman Catholic one, in London, i. 65.\n\n _Red_ and green, relation between the colours of, ii. 341.\n\n _Regimen_, sudden alterations of, not prejudicial, i. 49.\n\n _Religious_ sect, new one, intended establishment of, i. 48.\n\n _Repellency_, electrical, how destroyed, i. 172.\n\n _Representation_, American, in the British parliament, thoughts on,\n iii. 37, 243.\n\n _Repulsion_, electrical, the doctrine of, doubted, i. 333.\n considerations in support of, 349.\n\n _Revelation_, doubted by Franklin in his youth, i. 79.\n\n _Rhode-Island_, purchased for a pair of spectacles, iii. 21.\n its population at three periods, iii. 129.\n\n _Rich_, hints to those that would be, iii. 466.\n\n _Ridicule_, delight of the prince of Cond\u00e9 in, iii. 424.\n\n _Rivers_, from the Andes, how formed, i. 209.\n motion of the tides in, explained, ii. 96, 102.\n do not run into the sea, 105.\n evaporate before they reach the sea, 106.\n inflammability of the surface of, 130.\n\n _Rods_, utility of long pointed ones, to secure buildings from lightning,\n i. 388.\n See farther. _Iron._ _Lightning._ _Metalline._\n\n _Rome_, causes of its decline enquired into, ii. 398.\n political government of its provinces, iii. 136.\n\n _Rooms_, warm, advantages of, ii. 249.\n do not give colds, ibid.\n\n _Roots_, edible, might be dried and preserved for sea-store, ii. 190.\n\n _Rosin_, when fluid, will conduct electricity, i. 256.\n\n _Rousseau_, his opinion of tunes in parts, ii. 342.\n\n _Rowing_ of boats, Chinese method of, ii. 177.\n\n _Rowley_, Dr. Franklin's obligations to, iii. 555*.\n\n\n S.\n\n _Sailing_, observations on, ii. 163.\n\n _Sails_, proposed improvements in, ii. 164, 166.\n\n _Saint_ Bride's church, stroke of lightning on, i. 374.\n\n _Salt_, dry, will not conduct electricity, i. 258.\n rock, conjectures as to its origin, ii. 91.\n\n _Saltness_ of the sea-water considered, _ib._\n\n _Savage_, John, a companion of Franklin's, i. 72.\n\n _Savages_ of North America, remarks on, iii. 383, _et seq._\n\n _School_, sketch of one, for Philadelphia, ii. 370.\n\n _Scotch_ tunes, harmony of, and melody, ii. 338.\n\n _Screaming_, a defect in modern tunes, ii. 345.\n\n _Scull_, Nicholas, member of the Junto club, i. 83.\n\n _Sea_, electrical qualities of its component parts, i. 205.\n opinion, that it is the source of lightning, considered, 269, 321,\n 322.\n supposed cause of its luminous appearance, ii. 88.\n from what cause, salt, 91.\n has formerly covered the mountains, _ib._\n\n _Sea-coal_, has a vegetable origin, ii. 128.\n prejudices against the use of, at Paris, 278.\n\n _Sea-water_, soon loses its luminous quality, i. 269.\n considerations on the distillation of, ii. 103.\n how to quench thirst with, 104.\n thermometrical observation on, 199, _et seq._\n\n _Security_, a just ground to demand cessions from an enemy, iii. 93.\n\n _Separation_ of the colonies from Britain, probability of, in 1775,\n iii. 356.\n\n _Servants_ in England, the most barren parts of the people, ii. 395.\n\n _Settlements_, new, in America, letter concerning, iii. 409.\n\n _Settlers_ of British colonies, their rights, iii. 299.\n\n _Sheep_, a whole flock killed by lightning, i. 415.\n\n _Ships_, abandoned at sea, often saved, ii. 169.\n may be nicely balanced, 170.\n accidents to, at sea, how guarded against, 172.\n\n _Shirley_, governor, letters to, on the taxation of the colonies, iii. 30.\n on American representation in the British parliament, 37.\n\n _Shooting-stars_, letter on, ii. 36.\n\n _Shop-keepers_ in America, iii. 394.\n\n _Sides_ of vessels, the best construction of, ii. 172.\n\n _Silver_ cann, experiment with, i. 307.\n vessels, not so easily handled as glass, when filled with hot liquors,\n ii. 57.\n\n _Slavery_, society for the abolition of, i. 151.\n address to the public on the abolition of, iii. 517.\n\n _Slaves_, not profitable labourers, ii. 386.\n diminish population, ii. 387.\n\n _Slave-trade_, sentiment of a French moralist respecting, ii. 195.\n parody on the arguments in favour of, 450.\n\n _Sliding-plates_ for smoky chimnies described, ii. 287.\n\n _Slitting-mills_ in America, iii. 270.\n\n _Small_, Mr. Alexander, letter from, i. 374.\n\n _Smell_ of electricity, how produced, i. 244.\n\n _Smoke_, principle by which it ascends, ii. 257.\n stove that consumes it, 296.\n the burning of, useful in hot-houses, 316.\n\n _Smoky_ chimnies, observation on the causes and cure of, ii. 256.\n remedy for, if by want of air, 261, 262.\n if by too large openings in the room, 266, 268.\n if by too short a funnel, 269.\n if by overpowering each other, 270, 271.\n if by being overtopped, 271, 272.\n if by improper situation of a door, 273.\n if by smoke drawn down their funnels, 274, 275.\n if by strong winds, 275, 276.\n difficult sometimes to discover the cause of, 282.\n\n _Smuggling_, reflections on, ii. 430.\n encouragement of, not honest, 432.\n\n _Snow_, singular instance of its giving electricity, i. 373.\n\n _Soap-boiler_, part of Franklin's early life devoted to the business of,\n i. 10, 14.\n\n _Societies_, of which Franklin was president, i. 151.\n learned, of which he was a member, 135.\n\n _Socrates_, his mode of disputation, i. 21.\n\n _Songs_, ancient, give more pleasure than modern, ii. 342.\n modern, composed of all the defects of speech, 344.\n\n _Soul_, argument against the annihilation of, iii. 548*.\n\n _Sound_, best mediums for conveying, ii. 335.\n observations on, 336.\n queries concerning, 337.\n\n _Sounds_ just past, we have a perfect idea of their pitch, ii. 340.\n\n _Soup-dishes_ at sea, how to be made more convenient, ii. 195.\n\n _Spain_, what has thinned its population, ii. 390.\n\n _Specific_ weight, what, ii. 226.\n\n _Spectacles_, double, advantages of, iii. 544*, 551*.\n\n _Speech_, at Algiers, on slavery and piracy, ii. 450.\n of Mr. Galloway, preface to, iii. 163.\n last of Franklin, on the federal constitution, 416.\n\n _Spelling_, a new mode of, recommended, ii. 359.\n\n _Spheres_, electric, commodious ones, i. 178.\n\n _Spider_, artificial, described, i. 177.\n\n _Spirits_, fired without heating, i. 214, 245.\n linen wetted with, cooling in inflammations, ii. 87.\n should always be taken to sea in bottles, 175.\n\n _Spots_ in the sun, how formed, i. 260.\n\n _Squares_, magical square of, ii. 324.\n\n _Staffordshire_ chimney, description of, ii. 285.\n\n _Stamp-act_ in America stigmatized, iii. 228.\n letter on the repeal of, iii. 239.\n examination of Franklin on, 245.\n\n _Stars._ See _Shooting_.\n\n _State_, internal, of America, iii. 291.\n\n _Storms_, causes of, ii. 65.\n\n _Stove_, Dutch, its advantages and defects, ii. 233.\n German, ditto, 234.\n to draw downwards, by J. G. Leutmann, 298.\n for burning pit-coal and consuming its smoke, 301, 304, 308.\n\n _Strata_ of the earth, letter on, ii. 116.\n\n _Strahan_, Mr. queries by, on American politics, iii. 287.\n answer to the queries, 290.\n letter to, disclaiming his friendship, iii. 354.\n\n _Stuber_, Dr. continuator of Franklin's life, i. 98.\n\n _Studies_ of trifles, should be moderate, ii. 95.\n\n _Stuttering_, one of the affected beauties of modern tunes, ii. 245.\n\n _Sugar_, cruelties exercised in producing it, ii. 196.\n\n _Sulphur_ globe, its electricity different from that of the glass globe,\n i. 265.\n\n _Sun_, supplies vapour with fire, i. 207.\n why not wasted by expense of light, 259.\n effect of its rays on different coloured clothes, ii. 108.\n light of, proposed to be used instead of candlelight, iii. 470, 473.\n discovered to give light as soon as it rises, 471.\n\n _Surfaces_ of glass, different state of its opposite ones, when\n electrised, i. 191, 238.\n\n _Swimming_, skill of Franklin in, i. 66.\n art of, how to be acquired, ii. 206\n how a person unacquainted with it may avoid sinking, 208.\n a delightful and wholesome exercise, ii. 209, 211.\n advantage of, to soldiers, 210.\n inventions to improve it, _ibid._ 212.\n medical effects of, _ibid._\n\n\n T.\n\n _Tariffs_, not easily settled in Indian trade, iii. 218.\n\n _Tautology_, an affected beauty of modern songs, ii. 345.\n\n _Taxation_, American, letters to governor Shirley on, iii. 30.\n American, Dr. Franklin's examination on, iii. 246, 256.\n internal and external, distinguished, 259.\n on importation of goods and consumption, difference between, 266.\n\n _Tea-act_, the duty on, in America, how considered there, iii. 261, 317,\n 319.\n characterized by Mr. Burke, 319, _note_.\n\n _Teach_, or Blackbeard, name of a ballad written by Franklin in his youth,\n i. 16.\n\n _Thanks_ of the assembly of Pensylvania to Franklin, iii. 214.\n\n _Thanksgiving-days_ appointed in New England instead of fasts, iii. 392.\n\n _Theory_ of the earth, ii. 117.\n of light and heat, 122.\n\n _Thermometer_, not cooled by blowing on, when dry, ii. 87.\n electrical, described, and experiments with, ii. 336.\n\n _Thermometrical_ observations on the gulph-stream, ii. 199.\n on the warmth of sea-water, 200.\n\n _Thirst_, may be relieved by sea-water, how, ii. 105.\n\n _Thunder_ and lightning, how caused, i. 209.\n seldom heard far from land, 216.\n comparatively little at Bermuda, _ibid._\n defined, 378.\n\n _Thunder-gusts_, what, i. 203.\n hypothesis to explain them, 203, _et seq._\n\n _Tides_ in rivers, motion of, explained, ii. 96, 102.\n\n _Time_, occasional fragments of, how to be collected, ii. 412.\n is money to a tradesman, iii. 463.\n\n _Toads_ live long without nourishment, ii. 223.\n\n _Toleration_ in Old and New England compared, ii. 457.\n\n _Torpedo_, how to determine its electricity, i. 408, 409.\n\n _Tourmalin_, its singular electrical properties, i. 370.\n experiments on it, 371, 372.\n\n _Trade_, pleasure attending the first earnings in, i. 81.\n should be under no restrictions, ii. 415.\n exchanges in, may be advantageous to each party, 418.\n inland carriage no obstruction, to, iii. 116.\n great rivers in America, favourable to, 118.\n bills of credit, in lieu of money, the best medium of, 156.\n will find and make its own rates, 219.\n\n _Tradesman_, advice to a young one, iii. 463.\n\n _Transportation_ of felons to America, highly disagreeable to the\n inhabitants there, iii. 235.\n\n _Treaty_ between America and Prussia, humane article of, ii. 449.\n\n _Treasures_, hidden, search after, ridiculed, iii. 450.\n\n _Trees_, dangerous to be under, in thunder-storms, i. 213.\n the shivering of, by lightning, explained, 359.\n why cool in the sun, ii. 87.\n\n _Tubes_ of glass, electrical, manner of rubbing, i. 178.\n lined with a non-electric, experiment with, 240.\n exhausted, electric fire moves freely in, 241.\n\n _Tunes_, ancient Scotch, why give general pleasure, ii. 338.\n composed to the wire-harp, 341.\n in parts, Rousseau's opinion of, 342.\n modern, absurdities of, 344, _et seq._\n\n _Turkey_ killed by electricity, i. 299.\n\n _Turks_, ceremony observed by, in visiting, iii. 436.\n\n\n V. U.\n\n _Vacuum_, Torricellian, experiment with, i. 291.\n electrical experiment in, 317.\n\n _Vapour_, electrical experiment on, i. 343.\n\n _Vapours_ from moist hay, &c. easily fired by lightning, i. 215.\n cause of their rising considered, ii. 46, 49.\n\n _Vanity_, observation on, i. 2.\n\n _Varnish_, dry, burnt by electric sparks, i. 199.\n\n _Vattel's_ Law of Nations, greatly consulted by the American congress,\n iii. 360.\n\n _Vegetable_ diet, observed by Franklin, i. 20.\n abandoned by Franklin, why, 47.\n\n _Vegetation_, effects of, on noxious air, ii. 129.\n\n _Velocity_ of the electric fire, i. 319.\n\n _Virtue_ in private life exemplified, iii. 427.\n\n _Vernon_, Mr. reposes a trust in Franklin, which he violates, i. 44.\n\n _Vis_ inerti\u00e6 of matter, observations on, ii. 110.\n\n _Visits_, unseasonable and importunate, letter on, iii. 432.\n\n _Unintelligibleness_, a fault of modern singing, ii. 345.\n\n _Union_, Albany plan of. See _Albany_.\n\n _Union_ of America with Britain, letter on, iii. 239.\n\n _United_ states of America, nature of the congress of, iii. 550*.\n\n _Voyage_, from Boston to New York, i. 27.\n from New York to Philadelphia, 28.\n from Newfoundland to New York, remarks on, ii. 197.\n crossing the gulph stream, journal of, 199.\n from Philadelphia to France, 200, 201.\n from the channel to America, 202.\n to benefit distant countries, proposed, 403.\n\n _Vulgar_ opinions, too much slighted, ii. 146.\n\n\n W.\n\n _Waggons_, number of, supplied by Franklin, on a military emergency,\n i. 131.\n\n _War_, civil, whether it strengthens a country considered, ii. 399.\n observations on, 435.\n laws of, gradually humanized, _ib._\n humane article respecting, in a treaty between Prussia and America,\n ii. 449.\n French, of 1757, its origin, iii. 274.\n\n _Warm_ rooms do not make people tender, or give colds, ii. 249.\n\n _Washington_, early military talents of, i. 130.\n Franklin's bequest to, 164.\n\n _Water_, a perfect conductor of electricity, i. 201.\n strongly electrified, rises in vapour, 204.\n particles of, in rising, are attached to particles of air, 205.\n and air, attract each other, 206.\n exploded like gunpowder, by electricity, 358.\n expansion of, when reduced to vapour, _ib._\n saturated with salt, precipitates the overplus, ii. 2.\n will dissolve in air, _ib._\n expands when boiling, _ib._\n how supported in air, 45.\n bubbles on the surface of, hypothesis respecting, 48.\n agitated, does not produce heat, 49, 96.\n supposed originally all salt, 91.\n fresh, produce of distillation only, _ib._\n curious effects of oil on, 142.\n\n _Water-casks_, how to dispose of, in leaky vessels, ii. 170.\n\n _Water-spouts_, observations on, ii. 11.\n whether they descend or ascend, 14, 23, 38.\n various appearances of, 16.\n winds blow from all points towards them, 21.\n are whirlwinds at sea, _ib._\n effect of one on the coast of Guinea, 33.\n account of one at Antigua, 34.\n various instances of, 38.\n Mr. Colden's observations on, 53.\n\n _Watson_, Mr. William, letter by, on thunder-clouds, i. 427.\n\n _Waves_, stilled by oil, ii. 144, 145, 148.\n greasy water, 146.\n\n _Wax_, when fluid will conduct electricity, i. 256.\n may be electrised positively and negatively, 291.\n\n _Wealth_, way to, iii. 453.\n national, positions to be examined concerning, ii. 408.\n but three ways of acquiring it, 410.\n\n _Webb_, George, a companion of Franklin's, i. 72, 84, 86.\n\n _Wedderburn_, Mr. remarks on his treatment of Franklin before the privy\n council, iii. 330, 332, notes; 550.\n\n _West_, Mr. his conductor struck by lightning, i. 340.\n\n _Western_ colonies, plan for settling them, iii. 41.\n\n _Whatley_, Mr. four letters to, iii. 543*.\n\n _Wheels_, electrical, described, i. 196.\n\n _Whirlwinds_, how formed, ii. 10.\n observations on, 20.\n a remarkable one at Rome, 24.\n account of one in Maryland, 61.\n\n _Whistle_, a story, iii. 480.\n\n _White_, fittest colour for clothes in hot climates, ii. 109.\n\n _Will_, extracts from Franklin's, i. 155.\n\n _Wilson_, Mr. draws electricity from the clouds, i. 429.\n\n _Wind_ generated by fermentation, ii. 59.\n\n _Winds_ explained, ii. 8, 9, 48.\n the explanation objected to, 50, 51.\n observations on, by Mr. Colden, 52.\n whether confined to, or generated in, clouds, 57.\n raise the surface of the sea above its level, 188.\n effect of, on sound, 337.\n\n _Winters_, hard, causes of, ii. 68.\n\n _Winthrop_, professor, letters from, i. 373, 382.\n\n _Wire_ conducts a great stroke of lightning, though destroyed itself,\n i. 282.\n\n _Wolfe_, general, i. 136.\n\n _Women_ of Paris, singular saying respecting, as mothers, iii. 548*.\n\n _Wood_, dry, will not conduct electricity, i. 172.\n why does not feel so cold as metals, ii. 56.\n\n _Woods_, not unhealthy to inhabit, ii. 130.\n\n _Woollen_, why warmer than linen, ii. 57, 81.\n\n _Words_, to modern songs, only a pretence for singing, ii. 348.\n\n _Wygate_, an acquaintance of Franklin's, i. 66.\n\n _Wyndham_, sir William, applies to Franklin to teach his sons swimming,\n i. 69.\n\n\n\n\n TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE\n\n Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.\n\n Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been\n corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within\n the text and consultation of external sources.\n\n Several pages of the book contain a description and examples of a\n modified alphabet proposed by B.F. There are six new characters, which\n are denoted by the Unicode characters below (these are similar to,\n but not a precise rendering of the original printed characters).\n \u03d6 for the 'o' sound as in (John, folly, ball) 0x3d6\n \u0173 for the 'u' sound as in (umbrage, unto, er) 0x173\n \u053b for the 'sh' sound as in (ship, wish) 0x53b\n \u014b for the 'ng' sound as in (ing, repeating, among) 0x14b\n \u0267 for the 'th' sound as in (think, width) 0x267\n \u0195 for the 'th' sound as in (thy, weather) 0x195\n\n For consistency and clarity, the pound abbreviation 'l.' has been\n italicized, so for example '123,321l.' has been replaced by\n '123,321_l._' in the etext.\n\n For consistency, the date and salutation at the beginning of each\n letter, and the closing and name at the end of each letter,\n have been put on separate lines (they were sometimes placed on the\n same line in the original printed text).\n\n A 'List of the Plates' has been created and added in front of\n the Errata.\n\n Asterisks were used by the editor to indicate omitted text.\n For consistency, '****' is used when at the beginning or end\n of a letter, otherwise a line of 5 spaced asterisks is used.\n\n A deliberate blank space in the text is indicated by [___].\n\n All the changes noted in the Errata (pg vi) have been applied to the text.\n\n Many Footnotes have the signature 'B. V.' rather than 'Editor'. This is\n explained in Vol 1 p 399 Footnote [90], and is copied below for the\n reader's convenience:--\n Wherever this signature occurs, the note is taken from a volume of\n Dr. Franklin's writings, entitled Political, Miscellaneous, and\n Philosophical Pieces, printed for Johnson, 1779. The editor of that\n volume, though a young man at the time, had already evinced\n extraordinary talents, and was the friend and correspondent of our\n author. As he has chosen to withhold his name, we conceive ourselves\n not entitled to disclose it: but we shall take the freedom of an\n acquaintance to use the notes occasionally, deeming them in many\n instances valuable historical records. Editor.\n\n Except for those changes noted below, misspelling in the text, and\n inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.\n For example, compleat; cieling; inclose; watry; smoak; spunge;\n Pensylvania; Massachussets; newspaper, news-paper; midnight, mid-night.\n\n In addition:\n Pg iv. 'Mr. Tengugel' replaced by 'Mr. Tengnagel'.\n Pg vi. Errata: '254 47:' replaced by '254 17:'.\n Pg 15. 'decending' replaced by 'descending'.\n Pg 28. 'cirle' replaced by 'circle'.\n Pg 49. 'immerged' replaced by 'immersed'.\n Pg 54. 'canon-ball' replaced by 'cannon-ball'.\n Pg 55 FN [10]. 'Cadwalader' replaced by 'Cadwallader'.\n Pg 81. 'sik-worm' replaced by 'silk-worm'.\n Pg 84. 'desarts' replaced by 'deserts'.\n Pg 88 FN [16]. 'J. B.' is probably James Bowdoin, not 'I. Badoin'.\n Pg 101. 'circumsance' replaced by 'circumstance'.\n Pg 112. 'substracted' replaced by 'subtracted'.\n Pg 126. 'larg ecomet' replaced by 'large comet'.\n Pg 131. 'frome making' replaced by 'from making'.\n Pg 137. 'ran acros' replaced by 'ran across'.\n Pg 150. 'betwween water' replaced by 'between water'.\n Pg 151. 'smoth surface' replaced by 'smooth surface'.\n Pg 196. 'throughly' replaced by 'thoroughly'.\n Pg 204. '33. Much' replaced by '30. Much'.\n Pg 227. 'he separated' replaced by 'be separated'.\n Pg 240. 'kept closes hut' replaced by 'kept close shut'.\n Pg 247. 'bginning of this' replaced by 'beginning of this'.\n Pg 272. 'for pasages' replaced by 'for passages'.\n Pg 302. 'partions' replaced by 'partitions'.\n Pg 322. 'unluckly' replaced by 'unlucky'.\n Pg 328. 'mnke 180' replaced by 'make 180'.\n Pg 331. 'on atable' replaced by 'on a table'.\n Pg 337. 'substracting' replaced by 'subtracting'.\n Pg 339. 'betwen two' replaced by 'between two'.\n Pg 347. 'srceaming' replaced by 'screaming'.\n Pg 359. 'place of z' replaced by 'place of q'.\n Pg 375. 'sir Willam Temple' replaced by 'sir William Temple'.\n Pg 385. '6. The danger' replaced by '9. The danger'.\n Pg 411 FN [85]. 'presentedt ot he' replaced by 'presented to the'.\n Pg 421. 'when yon' replaced by 'when you'.\n Pg 424. 'of yonrs' replaced by 'of yours'.\n Pg 448. 'not restained' replaced by 'not restrained'.\n Pg 448. 'Englist and' replaced by 'English and'.\n Pg 461. 'islanism' replaced by 'islamism'.\n Index Pg 4i. 'Animalcnles' replaced by 'Animalcules'.\n Index Pg 29i. 'relation batween' replaced by 'relation between'.\n\n The Index covers all three volumes and was originally printed\n at the end of Volume 1 only. It has been copied to the end of\n Volume 2 and 3 as a convenience for the reader.\n\n The Index had no page numbers in the original text; page numbers from\n 1i to 36i have been added for completeness. For clarity, some volume\n identifiers (i. or ii. or iii.) have been added, or removed, in the\n index. Only references within this volume have been hyperlinked.\n\n The Index has some references to page numbers with a *, eg 551*. These\n are valid references; the book printer inserted pages 543*-556* between\n pages 542 and 543 in Vol iii.","title":"The Complete Works in Philosophy, Politics and Morals of the late Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Vol. 2 [of 3]","tradition":"philosophy-ethics","translated_text":null,"word_count":151331}