{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_48370/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_48370","id":"gutenberg_48370","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48370","summary":null,"tags":["Bible. Kings, 1st, XXII, 9-10 -- Sermons","Category: History - British","Category: History - Royalty","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649 -- Anniversaries, etc.","Church of England -- Sermons","Sermons, English -- 18th century"],"text":"Transcriber's Notes: Every effort has been made to reproduce the\noriginal text as printed. Sidenotes and footnotes in the original have\nbeen moved inline to follow applicable text.\n\n\n\n\n                                   A\n                                SERMON\n                               PREACH'D\n                      Before the Right Honourable\n                                  THE\n                              LORD-MAYOR,\n                                  THE\n                  Aldermen and Citizens of _London_,\n                                AT THE\n                   _CATHEDRAL_ Church of St. _Paul_,\n                On _Monday_ the 30th of _Jan._ 1709/10.\n                                 BEING\n               The ANNIVERSARY FAST for the _Martyrdom_\n                      of King CHARLES the First.\n\n                       By _ANDREW SNAPE_, D. D.\n             Chaplain to his Grace the Duke of _Somerset_,\n                   and Rector of St. _Mary at Hill_.\n\n                _LONDON_: Printed for JONAH BOWYER, at\n           the Sign of the _Rose_ in _Ludgate-Street_. 1710.\n\n\n\n\n_Garrard_, Mayor.\n\n     _Martis_ vii. _die Februarii, 1709. Annoq; Regni Regin\u00e6 Ann\u00e6,\n       Magn\u00e6 Britanni\u00e6, &c. Octavo._\n\n\nThis Court doth desire Dr. _Snape_ to Print his Sermon, Preach'd at the\nCathedral Church of St. _Paul_, before the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen and\nCitizens of this City, on _Monday_ the Thirtieth of _January_ last,\nbeing the Day of Humiliation for the Martyrdom of King _Charles_ the\nFirst.\n\n                                                        _GIBSON._\n\n\n\n\n1 KINGS, XXI. 9, 10.\n\n     _Proclaim a Fast, and set_ Naboth _on high among the People_:\n\n     _And set Two Men, Sons of _Belial_, before him, to bear Witness\n       against him, saying, Thou didst blaspheme God and the King:\n       and then carry him out and stone him, that he may die._\n\n\nThere is scarce any one Instance of the shedding innocent Blood\nrecorded in Holy Scripture which has not at some time or other been\napply'd to the Occasion of this Day's Solemnity, even that of our\nblessed Saviour not excepted, whose Steps we have with one Voice\ndeclar'd in the Service of the Church the blessed Martyr cheerfully to\nhave follow'd. [Note: _2d Collect for the day._] But here indeed it\nconcerns us to tread warily. We can only affirm of the greatest Saints\nand brightest Luminaries of the Church that they have made some faint\nApproaches toward that great Exemplar, without presuming to equal\neither the Merits or the Sufferings of any meer Man to those of our\ncrucify'd Redeemer: in all other Parallels there is less Danger of\nExcess, since most of 'em will be found, in many Circumstances, to fall\nshort of the Fact committed on this Day.\n\nNow altho' in such a comparative way of arguing, where we single out\nsome remarkable Passage from the Records of past Ages, and adapt it,\nas far as it will naturally bear, to some After-Occurrence that has\nfall'n out nearer our own Times, it cannot be expected that both\nthe Cases should be in all Respects exactly the same, without the\nleast Variation, yet when we can point out some of the principal\nand Master-Strokes of each of 'em which have a near Resemblance of\none another, when the Methods and Ways of Acting, the Motives and\nInducements to it, with other concurrent Circumstances, are the same;\nthis may be enough to justify the Choice of the Subject, and make it\nserve at least as a fair Introduction to the Matter in Debate.\n\nI mention this, because of one remarkable Disagreement, which you\nmust needs have been before-hand with me in observing, between the\nCase of _Naboth_, and that of this Day's _Royal Sufferer_, who as he\nhad Liv'd the Ornament, so Died the _Martyr_ of the _English_ Church\nand Monarchy: And that is, that in the former of 'em, an innocent\nSubject was Murder'd by a wicked King (or at least by his Instruments\nand Agents, not without his Approbation and Consent, as appear'd by\nhis subsequent Behaviour, in seizing his Inheritance, as well as by\nhis own Confession, when he submitted to the Prophet's Charge, and\nhumbled himself for it) whereas in the latter, a just and pious King\nwas depriv'd at once of his Crown and Life by wicked and rebellious\nSubjects. But there are other Resemblances between 'em, that will make\nAmends for this Disparity. And therefore I shall proceed.\n\n     I. To draw a Parallel between the two Cases, and shew what is\n         common to 'em both.\n\n     II. To consider the Nature and Consequences of the Fact\n         committed on this Day. And\n\n     III. I shall conclude with one or two Moral Reflections.\n\n\nI. I am to draw a Parallel between the two Cases, and show what\nis common to 'em both. Here then we may observe, that the Persons\ncompar'd were both good Men: Both were Murder'd with a pretended Show\nof Justice, and with Religious Solemnities: Both for the same Cause,\nbecause they would not part with _the Inheritance of their Fathers_:\nNeither of 'em suffer'd singly; but the Enemies of each extended their\nMalice to the whole Race of 'em.\n\nFirst I say they were both good Men. That _Naboth_ was so, we may very\nfairly conjecture from his Behaviour in the Matter of the Vineyard;\nand from the Severity of God's Wrath toward _Ahab_ and his Family, for\nunjustly putting him to Death. For altho' the Murder even of a wicked\nMan, either by false Accusation, or secret Treachery, is a very heinous\nand detestable Thing; (and that Life that is Forfeited to Justice by a\nthousand real Crimes, yet if innocent _quoad hoc_, and taken away by\nwicked Subornation, on weak and insufficient Evidence, for that which\nis not a Crime, or which was not committed, will derive a Sentence of\nBlood-guiltiness, nay of the Shedding innocent Blood, on the Contrivers\nand Actors in such an Execution;) yet we cannot suppose, that this is,\nin so excessive a Degree, provoking, or that it entails the Divine\nVengeance on so many Generations, as when the Person Condemn'd is\neminent for Piety and Vertue.\n\nIf indeed we were to judge of Things by their first Appearance, the\nCarriage of _Naboth_ toward _Ahab_, in denying him his Vineyard, might\nseem to have been very Churlish and Undutiful, especially when offer'd\na _better Vineyard_ in Exchange for it, or an equivolent in _Mony_.\nAnd the Kings condescending way of Address, when he thus expresses\nhimself, _If it shall seem good to thee_, and _if it please thee_;\nmight be thought to have deserv'd a better Answer than, _I will not\ngive thee my Vineyard_.\n\nBut we must consider on the other Hand, that the Thing which the\nKing desir'd, was absolutely Unlawful, and expressly forbid by the\nCommand of God; the smallest Ceremony of whose Appointment could not\nbe dispens'd with. We may learn from _Lev._ 25. and _Num._ 36. how\nstraitly the _Jews_ were enjoyn'd to look upon the Inheritance of their\nFathers as Sacred: The very numerical Lands and Possessions were to be\ncontinually preserv'd in the respective Families to which they were\nallotted, and the present Occupants had no Power of totally alienating\n'em, but only till they could be redeem'd by one of their Kin, and not\nso long as that, if a Year of _Jubilee_ should first happen, when all\nThings were to be restor'd as at the beginning: And even that temporary\nAlienation was not to be made, but under the Pressure of extreme\nNecessity, which it seems was not _Naboth_'s Case. So that he look'd\non the Proposal, as a Thing he could not with a safe Conscience comply\nwith, and therefore speaks, you see, with some Abhorrence of it, (tho'\nnot altogether so bluntly as _Ahab_ repeated it to his Wife) _The Lord\nforbid it me, that I shou'd give the Inheritance of my Fathers unto\nthee_. From this I say, and the other Consideration before-mention'd,\nwe may reasonably infer that _Naboth_ was a Man of Uprightness and\nIntegrity; tho' the Scripture has distinguish'd him by no other Title,\nbut that of _Naboth the Jesraelite_.\n\nBut we have better Arguments than bare Conjectures and remote\nConclusions to induce us to believe that our _Martyr'd Sovereign_ was\nhighly deserving of this Character, of which we have all the Proof and\nDemonstration that 'tis possible for one Man to have of the Integrity\nof another.\n\n'Tis true, God alone is an infallible Judge and Discerner of the Heart;\n_he_ only beholds with an unerring Eye the Uprightness or Obliquity of\nHuman Thoughts and Intentions; and therefore none but he can absolutely\nand decisively pronounce of any Person, that he is either Holy and\nSincere, or Wicked and Prophane.\n\nBut we Men must form our Judgment from the outward Actions, and\nwheresoever we find a regular Conduct, where all the Duties to God and\nMan, as far as we can observe, are exactly and punctually discharg'd,\nwhere there are no visible Infractions of Divine or Human Laws, or none\nbut such as may be imputed to Human Frailty; we are to look upon a\nPerson so qualified as a Man of Probity and Vertue.\n\nThis is no more than is due in _common Justice_. But _Christian\nCharity_ will oblige us yet farther, even where there are some\nsuspicious Appearances, if the Character of the Person be in other\nRespects unblemish'd; to err (if we must err) on the better Side, and\nmake a favourable Construction.\n\nThis is Spoken at large, and not that there is any Occasion for this\nlast Supposal, with Regard to the Subject I am upon: There being\nnothing in the Behaviour of that _excellent Prince_, that has so much\nas an indirect Aspect, nothing I mean that can affect his general\nCharacter.\n\nWhen I affirm this I consider him chiefly as a private Christian,\nfor in his _Royal Capacity_ indeed, as we find him represented, by\nthe designing Artifice of his malicious and restless Enemies, there\nare faulty Appearances enough. And yet the very Persons, who thus\nindustriously blackned and defam'd him, and loaded him with so many\nunjust Reproaches on the Account of his _Regal Administration_; (which\ncan never be so Excellent, as to give no Handle to the _Factious_,\nthe _Guilty_, and the _Disappointed_, to censure and malign it, and\nwill be always liable to Misconstruction, the Reasons of State being\nso Mysterious) yet cou'd never charge on him any gross Misbehaviour\nin Point of Moral Duty, any one habitual Vice, or indulg'd Passion,\ntho' they wanted not Means of prying into his most secret Commerce and\nprivate Correspondence, and nothing, we know, is so quick-sighted as\nMalice.\n\nHis Devotion to God was regular and constant both in publick and in\nprivate, and that, not cold and formal, but with an ardent Zeal and\nenflam'd Affection. In the midst of the perplexing Cares that encompass\na Throne, and with which _his_ Throne was peculiarly beset; he always\nfound Leisure for the Exercises of Religion: He was never so dazl'd\nwith the Splendor of an _Earthly_ Crown, as not to prefer before it\na _Heavenly_ and _Immortal_ One: Nor was he ever unmindful of this\nimportant Truth, that as _his_ Subjects were accountable to _him_;\n(tho' in the End they quite inverted that Order) so was he himself to\nrender an Account of _his_ Actions at a greater Tribunal before the\nKing of Kings.\n\nIn the midst of the highest Plenty, and all the Means of gratifying\na sensual Appetite that _Royal Affluence_ cou'd Administer, he was\nremarkably Temperate, Chast and Sober. His Conjugal Affection has\nbeen even imputed as a _Crime_. He was an inviolable Observer of his\nMatrimonial Vow, a Vertue not _too common_ in the World, a very rare\none indeed in _Princes_. Nor was he less eminent for Clemency and\nJustice, and a tender Regard for the Welfare of his Subjects.\n\nAnd if we consider him in the last Scene of his Life, in his Behaviour\nboth before, and at the Scaffold; we may observe an admirable\nComposition of Christian Meekness, and Royal Grandeur, how under the\nextremest Pressures he wou'd never be prevail'd with, to do any thing\nunbecoming either the _Christian_ or the _King_.\n\nAs he had Liv'd, he Died a true Professor of the purest reform'd Faith:\nAnd his Character has this Advantage, even from the _reproachful_\nmanner of his Death; that his last Declaration so publickly made in the\nFace of the World, was not capable of being denied, or misrepresented.\nWhereas had they dispatch'd him by Poyson or Assassination, or any\nother way of Murder, that had carried less of Pomp and Ostentation; the\nAccusation had been obvious, that he Died a _Papist_, which his Enemies\nwould not have fail'd to have reported, and his Friends could not so\nconvincingly have disprov'd.\n\nHis admirable and instructing Legacy to his Children, his Praying for\nhis Murderers, his patient Resignation to the Will of God, and indeed\nall the several Parts of his Deportment at that dismal Juncture; do\nconspire to raise in us the highest Esteem and Veneration for his\nMemory. And sure we may allow to one who was endu'd with so large a\nShare of Vertues, with so inconsiderable a Mixture of Defects, the\nCharacter and Denomination of a good Man. I mean, in a qualified Sense,\nfor, in an absolute Sense, we know who has told us, there is none good\nbut God. And this is one Point in which _Naboth_ and he agree.\n\nThe next is, that they both were Murder'd with a pretended Show of\nJustice, and with Religious Solemnities.\n\nIn order to _Naboth_'s Murder there was a _Fast Proclaim'd_, _a solemn\nAssembly call'd_, a formal Accusation forg'd, and suborn'd Witnesses\nproduc'd. The principally intended Wickedness was thus usher'd in\nwith a preparatory Combination of other Crimes; thus closely was the\nTrain of Mischeif laid, by the Contrivance of wicked _Jezebel_; that\n_Hypocrisy_, _Perjury_ and _false Judgment_ should be the Prelude and\nIntroduction to _Murder_.\n\nAnd was not this exactly the Case of our _Royal Sufferer_? Was there\nnot a Day of _Humiliation_ appointed? Was not the nefarious Business in\nAgitation dignified with the specious Title of _the Lord's Work_? Did\nnot the cheif Authors of that Cruelty pretend to be _seeking the Lord_,\nwhilst their Instruments were embruing their Hands in the Blood of the\n_Lord's Anointed_.\n\nHow horribly did they profane the Name of God, whilst they invok'd\nhim, as Accessary to their Bloody Machinations, and besought him to\nstrengthen their Hands in that diabolical Work! How wretchedly did they\npervert his Word, which teaches all Obedience and Reverence to Princes;\nwhilst even from those sacred Writings they would pretend to justify\nnot only the highest Insolence and Contempt, but even the actual Murder\nof his _Lawful Vice-gerent_! To how base Purposes were the Ordinances\nof Religion prostituted, whilst they fasted for the Success of that\nimpious Act, which it requires a perpetual Fast to deprecate the Guilt\nof: And _made long Prayers_ only _for a Pretense_, when they were\nmaking a Royal Widow, and devouring Houses and Lands, stately Palaces,\nand Princely Revenues with insatiable Greediness! How ill did it accord\nwith their profest Purity and Godliness, after they had strain'd at so\nmany Gnats, to swallow such a Camel!\n\nCould they, in Reality, have been held by any Religious Ties, they\nwould have paid some Regard, if not to the general Precepts of\nObedience, if not to the former Oaths of Allegiance they had taken;\nyet at least to their own _Solemn League and Covenant_, that precious\nTest of Disloyalty, they so eagerly contended for, and which they had\ncontriv'd as a Snare for others, whilst, thro' the Deadness of their\nConsciences, they were unrestrain'd themselves.\n\nEven _that Engagement_, rebellious as it was, provided for the Security\nof the King's Person, which they were bound, by all that was Sacred, to\nprotect and defend; and consequently the putting him to Death, besides\nall the other bad Circumstances, was an Act of the most _deliberate\nPerjury_ that ever was committed.\n\nBut as if something was still wanting to fill up the Measure of their\ncomplicated Impiety; they added Hypocrisy to the rest, gave a Religious\nTurn to their execrable Proceedings, and in the Depth of all this\nMischeif, pretended a Zeal for God's Glory, and to have nothing so\nmuch at Heart, as promoting the Purity of his Worship.\n\nNor was _Piety_ the only false Pretence, they wou'd make a show of\n_Justice_ too: They would seem to do that by _Law_, which was an open\nViolation of all the Laws both of God and Man. To this End was erected\na Mock-Tribunal of Self-created Judges, who by Vertue of that usurp'd\nand imaginary Authority, presum'd to set before 'em as a Criminal,\ntheir unquestionably rightful Sovereign. They had false Witnesses,\n_Sons of Belial_, ready at hand to have born their Testimony against\nhim, and to have charg'd him with such Things, as he not only, in Fact,\nwas clear of, but which he was not capable of committing.\n\n_Naboth_ indeed might, 'tho' he did not, have Curs'd _God and the\nKing_. [Note: So the Hebrew Verb should be rendred here, as it is\nelsewhere. The _Arabick_ and _Chaldee_ express it by two different\nWords. Thou didst _Blaspheme_ God, and _Curse_ the King.] There were\nreally such Offences, tho' there was no such Offender. Whereas in the\nCase of our Martyr'd Prince, the Crime its self was as Fictitious as\nthe Personal Charge. He not only was not, but cou'd not be guilty of\nthat Treason they accus'd him of, since by our known Constitution, it\nwas against himself only that any Treason cou'd be committed. We find\nin no Records the mention of such a Crime, as the _Lese-Majesty of the\nPeople_, nor that the cruellest Tyrants were ever tax'd with being\n_Rebels_ to their own Subjects. 'Tis possible for 'em to Misgovern, to\nsubvert Fundamentals, to abuse their Trust, or to forsake it, and drive\nthe People to a Necessity of transferring their Allegiance (of which\nour own Times have furnish'd us with an Instance:) But they can never\nbe guilty of _Treason_, nor suffer the Punishment of _Traytors_.\n\nWhen therefore the good King disown'd this illegal Judicature, and\nrefus'd (as he well might) to Plead his Cause before 'em; they still\nwent on with a Mask of Justice, and in Mock-Representation of a legal\nProcess, to Sentence and Condemn him, and Sign a Bloody Warrant for his\nExecution.\n\nAnother Thing in which his Case does nearly resemble that of _Naboth_\nis, that they both were Murder'd for the same Cause, because they wou'd\nnot part with the _Inheritance of their Fathers_.\n\n_Naboth_ might have compounded for his _Life_, by relinquishing\nhis _Vineyard_, nay he might have had an equivalent too. But as he\nconceiv'd himself bound in Conscience, religiously to preserve his\noriginal Patrimony, he was under an unhappy Necessity of making such a\nRefusal, as brought him to that untimely End.\n\nAnd the Desire of his _Inheritance_ was the Motive that induc'd our\nunnatural Country-men, to take away the Life of their Lawful King.\nThe Inherent-Rights and Prerogtiaves of the Crown, which his Royal\nPredecessors had uncontestably enjoy'd, thro' a Succession of many\nAges, were one after another disputed with _him_, and in the End\nviolently extorted. What he cou'd depart from, with safety to his\nConscience and Honour, he gave 'em, by a voluntary Consent, to preserve\nthe Quiet of his Kingdom; but when he perceiv'd that nothing wou'd\ncontent 'em; (their Demands still rising, as his Concessions were\nlarger) he adher'd with a steddy Resolution to those Branches of Power,\nwhich he judg'd to be inseparable from the Royal Dignity, and parted\nwith them and his Life together.\n\nBefore they had thus compass'd their wicked Ends, and were become\nMasters of all without Controul, whilst there was yet the Appearance\nand Shadow of Kingly Government, and nothing cou'd be valid without\nthe Royal Sanction; even then, tho' they left him the _Name_, they\narrogated to themselves the _Power_. With what repeated Importunities\ndid they Daily tear from him his most trusted and faithful Servants,\nunder the Character of _Evil Counsellors_, and thrust into his Presence\nand Councils, their own Mercenary Creatures, Men of notorious Faction\nand Disloyalty, the profest Haters both of his Person and Authority,\nas the only Men to be _confided_ in! How justly might he have answer'd\ntheir haughty and unreasonable Demands (for such in Effect were their\n_humble Petitions_) in the Words of the wisest of Princes (when a\nvery improper Application was made to him, in behalf of one, who had\nso little Pretension to _Favour_, that _Impunity_ was more than he had\ndeserv'd) _Ask for him the Kingdom also_. [Note: _1 Kings_ 2. 22.]\n\nThey wanted, in short, such a Power as should create Dependencies on\n_them_, and tie fast to their Service such Instruments of Mischeif as\nthey should have Occasion to make use of. And not to descend to all\nthe several Branches of Royalty, 'twas Dominion and Government they\naim'd at; an Affectation of Lording and Ruling it, was the real Ground\nof their seditious Outcries (as the Event sufficiently show'd) however\nthey varnish'd over their Designs with more plausible Pretences.\n\nOnce more, we may observe another Resemblance between these two\nInnocent Persons, in that neither of 'em suffer'd _singly_, but the\nEnemies of each extended their Malice to the _whole Race_ of 'em. Tho'\nthe History now before us is silent as to _Naboth_'s _Family_, and only\nrelates what befel him in his own _Person_; yet we may learn from _2\nKings_ 9. 26. what became of 'em. _Surely I have seen Yesterday the\nBlood of _Naboth_, and the Blood of his Sons, saith the Lord, and I will\nrequite thee in this Plat._\n\nIt cannot, I confess, be equally affirm'd, with relation to our\nMartyr'd Sovereign, that the Blood of _his Sons_ too calls for\nVengeance, _that_ only Stream of Royal Blood having been Spilt, that\nran within his own Veins. But tho' they escap'd with Life, (no Thanks\nto the Usurpers of their Inheritance that they did so) yet were they\ndevested of their just Rights, which none of 'em had then done any\nthing to forfeit, driven into Exile, branded with Names of Infamy and\nReproach, and declar'd _Traytors_ and _Rebels_ themselves, as well as\ntheir Abettors and Adherents.\n\nHaving said thus much by way of Parallel, give me leave to conclude\nthe Comparison between these two Innocents, as I first introduc'd it,\nwith taking Notice of one other material Difference between the two\nHistories. _Naboth_'s Murderer, tho' _above_ the Reach of _human_\nJustice, saw, and confess'd, and bewail'd his Guilt, and humbled\nhimself so effectually before God, that the Vengeance he requir'd for\nthat _innocent Blood_ (for _innocent Blood_ will be aveng'd, nor is it\nany Security to us, that it was not shed by _us_, or in _our Days_) was\nnot immediately taken, but postpon'd till another Generation.\n\nBut the _Royal Murderers_ show'd _no_ Remorse. The _Regicides_ of\n_this Day_ continu'd to the last Inflexible and Obdurate: Their Hearts\nwere so hardned by the just Judgment of God for their accumulated\nWickedness; that even those of 'em who, by his peculiar Providence,\nwere reserv'd for _publick Justice_, were so far from any Signs of\nRepentance, that they even _Gloried_ in the inhuman Deed. I come now in\nthe\n\n\nII. Place to consider the _Nature and Consequences_ of the Fact\ncommitted on this Day. The _Nature_ of it may be in a great Measure\njudg'd, from what has been already said. But farther to convince us\nof the enormous Guilt of it, let us take it, as attended with the\nfollowing Circumstances.\n\nFor a Sovereign and _Hereditary Monarch_ (it was then an _Hereditary\nMonarchy_ sure) after many other previous Outrages and Affronts, to\nbe brought to the Bar, as a _common Malefactor_, and that before a\npretended _High-Court_ compos'd of his own _Subjects_, surrounded with\na Guard of his own _Soldiers_, to be Arraign'd of _Treason_, to be\nSentenc'd to _Death_, and Executed on a _Scaffold_, in his _Capital\nCity_, and before the Walls of his own _Palace_: And all this to\ngratify the Ambition or Revenge of a few turbulent Spirits, whilst a\nfar greater Number, who disapprov'd of that rigorous Extremity, cou'd\nyet be contented to stand by as unconcern'd Spectators, and suffer the\nbloody Tragedy to be Acted, without offering to interpose, or stirring\nto the Rescue of their Prince: The Fact I say thus circumstantiated, is\nnot to be equal'd in any History, by which Majesty its self, as well as\nthe Person of the King, was so outragiously insulted.\n\nAnd that all this should be done in a Kingdom, _by the undoubted\nand fundamental Laws_ whereof (I speak in the very Words of a Law,\nmade indeed since the horrid Fact, but made, not to constitute, but\nrecognize this _Essential Prerogative_, as antecedently inherent in\nthe Crown, that) _neither the Peers of the Realm, nor the Commons, nor\nboth together, in Parliament, or out of Parliament, nor the People\nCollectively, nor Representatively, nor any other Persons whatsoever,\never had, have, or ought to have any coercive Power over the Persons of\nthe Kings of the Realm_. [Note: Stat. 12. _Car._ 2. Ch. 30. \u00a7. 7.]\n\nAnd if no such Authority was lodg'd with the _whole Body_ of Subjects,\nhow much less cou'd it be claim'd by that _inconsiderable Remnant_ of\none House, which without the Concurrence of the other, and whilst the\nfar greater Part of its own Members were kept out by Force of Arms; had\nthe Confidence to usurp the venerable Name of _Parliament_.\n\nNever was that _happy Part_ of our _Constitution_, that _Necessary\nFence_ against _Arbitrary Rule_, and Bulwark of English Laws and\nLiberties, so reproachfully perverted. Never were the People of\n_England_ so untruly said to be represented: which they no more were,\nby the corrupt Refuse of that Assembly; than the _Catholic Church_ was\nfairly represented in the pretended _Council_ of _Trent_, where only\nthose cou'd be admitted, who were the known Favorers of the _Pope's\nSupremacy_, and who wou'd be sure to do his Work effectually.\n\nBut let us suppose they had a Power over his Person, and withal that\nhe had misemploy'd his Regal Administration as much as some have\nrepresented him to have done; let us take all for Truth that inveterate\nMalice, or factious Prejudice has endeavour'd to fasten on him; even\nthese Provocations were far from sufficient to justify so extravagant a\nRemedy as the shedding of his Blood.\n\nMuch less when they liv'd under so mild a Government, and a Prince so\ntender of the Rights and Liberties of his Subjects as he naturally was\nin his own Temper.\n\nI pretend not to deny that, even in _his_ Reign, there were some\njust Causes of Complaint, some real Grievances, some unwarrantable\nImpositions and unjustifiable Demands. Princes are but Men, and\nfallible like other Men, nor is it any great Wonder if the best of 'em\nmistake the Extent of their Prerogative, when persuaded into an undue\nOpinion of it, by those that shou'd advise 'em better.\n\nBut how easily might those Greivances have been set right in Time, had\nnot the rough and undutiful Manner in which the Redress of 'em was\nsought, made him believe for a time there were none that needed it.\nBut when once he was convinc'd of their Reality, how willingly did he\nredress 'em all, and more than all, that cou'd with any show of Justice\nbe complain'd of, or be thought to deserve the Name of Hardships!\nHow often might Things have been brought to a better Temper, and the\nunhappy Breach accommodated, had not their own Obstinacy prevented\nit, whom no Degree of Royal Condescension would satisfie or appease;\nbut his Blood they _would have_, and his Blood they _had_: The Guilt\nwhereof has ever since lay heavy on this sinful Nation, and even now\ncalls for our deepest Humiliation, to deprecate that Vengeance of\nAlmighty God, which might justly be inflicted on the _remote Posterity_\nof the Actors in that _unnatural Parricide_.\n\nHe has abundantly testified his Displeasure at it, by many bad and\nmischeivous _Consequences_ it has produc'd, some of which we still\nsmart under, tho' not the first I am going to mention, which is\n\nThe Confusion of those Times that immediately ensu'd. The miserable\nState of _Anarchy_ to which this unhappy Country was reduc'd, after\nthe Extirpation of the _Royal Family_, may be a Warning to all\nquerulous Innovators, who are never contented with the present State\nof Things. They compass'd their Wish at last, and had the Satisfaction\nof seeing both _Kingly and Episcopal Government_ at once abolish'd,\nand themselves, (as they suppos'd) in a State of _religious and civil\nLiberty_.\n\nBut did they enjoy that _Liberty_ any otherwise than in Name? Did\nit not cost 'em much dearer to maintain their _new Lords_ in their\nill-gotten _Tyranny_, than ever it had done to supply the Exigencies\nof their _lawful Prince_? Was the Freedom of _Parliament_, and Right\nof _Elections_ more inviolably kept? Were they less under the Terror\nof an _armed Force_? Were there fewer _Executions_, _Fines_ and\n_Imprisonments_? Was the Course of the _Law_ more free and undisturb'd,\nor _Justice_ more equitably and impartially Administer'd? Were the\n_Taxes_ more moderate, the _Loans_ of Money less constrain'd, or the\n_Public Faith_ (when no Body knew what or where the _Public_ was) a\nbetter Security for what was lent, than before this violent Convulsion\nof the State.\n\nNo. The Reverse of all this is notoriously true, if there be any Truth\nin History. They dream't and rav'd of Oppression before, but they were\nthen opprest in Earnest. They were before chastis'd with imaginary\nWhips, but then with real Scorpions. And surely it was a just Judgment\nof God upon 'em for their Inconstancy of Temper, and Eagerness for a\nChange, that when once they had shaken off their just Allegiance, and\nchose new Masters for themselves, they were afterwards forc'd to be\nperpetually changing, and cou'd find no Power that was able to protect\n'em long, but saw more Turns and Revolutions in the Compass of a few\nMonths, than had happen'd in a Thousand Years before.\n\nNew Schemes and Models of Government were daily Fashion'd, some of\nwhich died in _Embryo_, others made a Blaze for a short Time, but no\nsooner had they turn'd themselves to the new-started Light, in hopes to\nbe warm'd and directed by it, but the Airy Meteor disappear'd.\n\n'Twas a common Thing then to see Servants on Horseback, whilst Princes\nwalk'd on Foot, to see the meanest of the People in the highest\nPlaces; and one might have seen _Jotham_'s Parable exactly verified,\nwhen instead of the _Fatness of the Olive_, and the _Fruitfulness of\nthe Vine_; the Supreme Dominion was invested in the despicable, the\nuseless, the hurtful _Brambles_.\n\nThen as to _Spirituals_. Did the _Authors_ of those Troubles find their\nAccount in 'em? Were they able at last quietly to Establish their own\nWay of Worship, and had they not many contending Rivals? Were not\ntheir own Complaints against the Hierarchy, of _taking too much upon\n'em_, _imposing_ on the _Lord's People_, and depriving 'em of their\n_Christian Liberty_, return'd upon themselves? Was there a greater\nAdvancement of Piety, whilst the _Sacrament_ was rarely Administer'd,\nthe Catechizing of Youth exceedingly neglected, and almost all Religion\nresolv'd into _Hearing_? Was there a greater _Liberty of Conscience_,\nwhen the prevailing Sect for the Time Condemn'd the _Toleration_ of the\nrest as _Anti-christian_?\n\n       ----_En quo Discordia Cives\n     Perduxit miseros!_\n\n_These_ were the _Blessed_ Fruits of _Discord_ and _Rebellion_.\n_This_ was the Price of over-turning a legally and peacably settled\nConstitution.\n\nAs another bad Effect (but God be prais'd that's over too) of this\nDay's Cruelty, may be reckon'd the imminent Danger we were in, not many\nYears since, of the Return of _Popish Superstition_ into this Nation,\nto which, in all human Probability, the greatest Part of it had in a\nlittle time relaps'd, had not Providence defeated the Designs that were\nform'd against our Holy Religion, by the late _Happy Revolution_.\n\nThat very Danger, I say, of _Popery_, may be imputed, in its Original,\nto those who, by Banishing the _Royal Progeny_, and obliging 'em to\nfly for shelter to the Court of a _Popish Prince_, expos'd 'em to the\nutmost Temptation of changing the Religion of the Country they had\nleft, for that of the Place where they were Entertain'd. It did, in\nFact, so happen, that they were earnestly solicited to that Effect, and\none of 'em, we know, (and we had like to have known it at too dear a\nRate) unhappily complied with the Temptation.\n\nBut there are some ill Consequences of that great Rebellion, that still\naffect us, and particularly the unhappy Divisions that reign among us.\n'Tis a sad and deplorable Thing indeed, that Men who are Professors of\nthe same Religion, who have the same Political Obligations, who are\nbound by all the Ties both of Interest and Duty to direct their Designs\nand Actions to the same End, should notwithstanding, fly into such\nopposite Extremes, and brand each other with such opprobrious Names.\n\nSuch Jealousies and Surmises, such _Names of Distinction_, and forming\nof _Parties_, were the fatal Beginnings of that _Intestine War_, which\ndepopulated and laid Wast this flourishing Kingdom, and ended in the\n_Murder_ of the _Sovereign_, and the total overthrow of all orderly\nGovernment both in Church and State. And that Spirit of Division which\nthen began to Reign has never since been totally ejected.\n\nAdd to this, that many loose Principles as to _Government_, were then\nimbib'd, of which it were much to be wish'd, there were no Tincture\nstill remaining.\n\nAnd (which is worst of all) it is too certain that the Pretences to\na more than ordinary Sanctity, and the great Apperance of Godliness\nin such Numbers of Men, who yet, when the Mask was off, were found to\nbe wicked to the last Degree, and to have acted by no Principles but\n_Iuterest_ and _Ambition_; gave an unhappy Disgust to many Observers\nof their Conduct, against all that favor'd of Piety and Goodness, and\nrais'd an unjust suspicion in 'em, that all Religion was counterfeit,\nthat whoever went under the Character of a _devout Person_, was only\nacting a Part, in order to deceive. Thus were the Seeds of _Atheism_\nand _Irreligion_ sown, which have since thriven but too well, and\nyielded a very ungracious Encrease.\n\n1. To the same Cause too we may ascribe almost all our Differences in\nReligion. We can call upon all the Persuasions but one, who enjoy the\nBenefit of the _Toleration_, (and may it ever be enjoy'd by Consciences\ntruly tender) to look back to those unhappy Times for their first\nOriginal, and see, in the midst of how much Licenciousness and Disorder\nthey were propagated, and began to spread.\n\n\nI shall only crave your farther Patience, while I apply what has been\nsaid in two short moral Reflections, both which I shall take from the\nconcluding Prayer in the Service for the Day, where we beseech God,\n_that neither the splendor of any thing that is great, nor the Conceit\nof any thing that is good in us, may any ways withdraw our Eyes from\nlooking on our selves as sinful Dust and Ashes_.\n\n1. Then, from the tragical Event of this Day, we may observe the\n_Uncertainty_ of all _Human State and Grandeur_. Of how short\nContinuance, and consequently of how little Value is the most\nglittering Pomp, that attracts our vain Eyes, and strikes us with\nAdmiration! Of how slippery a Tenure must _lesser_ Dignities and\nHonours be, if _Majesty_ it self be so insecure! How little is the\nCondition of Princes to be envied, who have often Occasion to envy\nthe Quiet and Repose of the meanest of their Subjects, who can Sleep\nsecurely, whilst _they_ are waking and caring for 'em! They are equally\nexpos'd to Pain and Sickness, to Infirmity and Diseases; they lye as\nopen to a natural, and much _more_ open to a violent Death. _Plots_\nand _Conspiracies_, _Assassinations_ and _Poysonings_ are Accidents\npeculiar to the _Royal List_ of Mortality, and seldom bring a Subject\nto his End.\n\nNor is the _Fame_ of Princes less liable to Injury, than their\n_Persons_. Calumny dares even assault the _Throne_, and fears not to\ntrample on _Regal Sepulchers_. There is none so great and inaccessible,\nas to be out of the Reach of that intruding Monster; who will blacken\nand sully the clearest Fame, turn the brightest Ornaments and Beauties\ninto Deformities, detract from the most Heroical and Princely Vertues,\nand transform, to the Appearance of such as see by her Glass, a\ngood _Josiah_ into a wicked _Jeroboam_. And as the most conspicuous\n_Greatness_ is no Preservative against the common Calamities of the\nWorld, so neither\n\n2. Is the most eminent _Goodness_. Tryals and Afflictions are the\ncommon Lot of Mortality, and every Man, more or less must sustain his\nShare of 'em. In this, the Righteous and Wicked fare alike, nor can a\nMan judge of Love or Hatred by all that is before him.\n\nThere are indeed many Passages of Scripture, that encourage a good Man\nto expect even the Blessings of this Life, and ordinarily Speaking,\nhe does actually enjoy 'em, at least in a contented Mind and quiet\nConscience, which comprehends 'em all. But we are to look upon these\nPassages, as moral Observations, not as absolute Promises: That\naccording to the most rational, most probable, most natural Event,\nsuch temporal Blessings would be allotted to good Men, not that each\nparticular good Man should be possess'd of every one of 'em, for that\nwould be in some Measure, to have his Portion here.\n\nAll this is beside our Contract with God. The Reward there stipulated,\nis the _Kingdom of Heaven_, and if he does think fit to _add these\nThings unto us_, and to enlarge our Portion, by the Accession of some\nexternal good Things, 'tis over and above our covenanted Recompence.\n\nBut whatever the Lot may be of a righteous Man here on _Earth_, he\nwill be sure of his Reward in a _better Place_, in those Regions of\nendless Bliss and Glory, where the _Blessed Martyr_, whom we this Day\nCommemorate, we may Charitably presume, is now adorn'd with that _Crown\nof Life_, which he Purchas'd by his constant _Perseverance unto Death_.\n\n\n_FINIS._\n\n\n\n\n     _BOOKS Printed for, and sold by_ Jonah Bowyer, _at the Rose\n       in_ Ludgate-street, _near the West-End of St._ Paul_'s\n       Church._\n\n\nFourteen Sermons, preach'd on several Occaosins, together with a large\nVindication of the Doctrine contain'd in the Sermon preach'd at the\nFuneral of Mr. _Thomas Bennet_. By _Francis Atterbury_, D. D. Dean of\nDean of _Carlisle_, Preacher at the _Rolls_, and Chaplain in Ordinary\nto her Majesty.\n\nNot included in the said Volume; a Spittal Sermon preach'd at St.\n_Bridget_'s Church, before the Right Honourable the Lord-Mayor, _&c._\n\n_Concio ad Clerum Londinensem, habita in Ecclesia S. Elphegi, Maij 17.\n1709._ _A Francisco Atterbury_, S. T. P. _Carliolensis Ecclesi\u00e6 Decano,\n& Regi\u00e6 Majestati a Sacris Domesticis._\n\n_Sancti Patris nostri Joannis Chrysostomi Archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani\nde Sercerdotio Libri_ VI. _accessere Dissertationes qu\u00e6dam Promiales\nde Dignitate Sacerdotali, item S. Chrysostomi Vita e Celeber. Cavij\nHistoria Litteraria desumpta. Adornavit, Pr\u00e6fationemq; adjecit Joannes\nHughes_, A. M. _Collegij Jesu apud Cantabrigienses Socius. Cantabrigi\u00e6\nTypis Academicis._\n\nInstructions for the Education of a Daughter, by the Author of\n_Temelachus_. To which is added a small Tract of Instructions for the\nConduct of young Ladies of the highest Rank, with suitable Devotions\nannex'd. Done into _English_, and revis'd by Dr. _Geo. Hicks_: The\nsecond Edition.\n\nThe glorious Descent, or the Blessings of the Holy Ghost, represented\nin thre Discourses on St. _John_, vi. 7. Lately preach'd at _Triploe_\nnear _Cambridge_. To which are added, three other Sermons, Two on the\nFeast of _Easter_; and, one on the Nativity of our Lord. By _Edmund\nBrome_, B. D. and Fellow of St. _John_'s College in _Cambridge_, being\nimprov'd with Notes and Enlargements.\n\nAn Account of the Earl of _Peterboroughs_ Conduct in _Spain_, chiefly\nsince the Raising the Seige of _Barcelona_, 1706. To which is added\nthe Campagne of _Valencia_. With Original Papers. The second Edition\ncorrected.\n\n_Epicteti Enchiridion_, made _English_, in a Poetical Phrase. By _Ellis\nWalker_, M. A.\n\nA Sermon preach'd at the Anniversary Meeting of the Sons of the Clergy,\nin the Cathedral Church of St. _Paul_, on _Thursday, Dec. 2. 1708_. By\n_Phillip Basse_, D. D.\n\nA Sermon Preach'd before the Sons of the Clergy, at their\n_Anniversary-Meeting_ in the Church of St. _Paul_, _Dec. 6. 1709_. By\n_Francis Atterbury_, D. D. Preacher at the _Rolls_, Dean of _Carlisle_,\nand Chaplain in Ordinary to Her Majesty. To which are annex'd, An\n_Abstract_ of the _Charter_, erecting the _Corporation_; and a True\nAccount of the _Sums_, distributed sinee its Erection.\n\n\n_Just Publish'd_\n\nA True State of the Case of the Reverend Mr. _Greenshields_, now\nPrisoner in the _Tolbooth_ in _Edenburgh_, For Reading _Common-Prayer_,\nin an _Episcopal Congregation_ there; tho' qualify'd by taking the\n_Oaths_, and praying for the _Queen_ and Princess _Sophia_. With Copies\nof several Original Papers relating to his _Accusation_, _Defense_,\n_Imprisonment_, and _Appeal_, first to the Lords of the Session in\n_North-Britain_, and since to the House of Lords.","title":"A sermon preach'd before the Right Honourable the Lord-Mayor : the aldermen and citizens of London: at the Cathedral-Church of St. Paul on Monday the 30th of Jan. 1709/10 being the anniversary fast for the Martyrdom of King Charles","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":6872}