{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_48531/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_48531","id":"gutenberg_48531","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48531","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Adventure","Category: British Literature","Category: Classics of Literature","Category: Historical Novels","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Poetry","Charlemagne, Emperor, 742-814 -- Romances","Early English Text Society","English poetry -- Middle English, 1100-1500","Romances, English"],"text":"The Sowdone of Babylone.\n\n Early English Text Society.\n Extra Series. No. XXXVIII.\n 1881.\n\n\n BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.\n NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.\n PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.\n\n\n\n\n THE\n ENGLISH CHARLEMAGNE ROMANCES.\n\n PART V.\n\n The Romaunce of\n The Sowdone of Babylone\n and of\n Ferumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome.\n\n RE-EDITED\n FROM THE UNIQUE MS. OF THE LATE SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS,\n with Introduction, Notes, and Glossary,\n BY\n EMIL HAUSKNECHT, PH. D.\n\n LONDON:\n PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY\n BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TR\u00dcBNER & Co.,\n PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING-CROSS ROAD, W.C.\n MDCCCLXXXI.\n [\u00abReprinted 1891, 1898.\u00bb]\n\n\n\n\n Extra Series,\n XXXVIII.\n\n RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n INTRODUCTION \u2026 v\n\n   Popularity of the Carlovingian Romances \u2026 v\n\n   Popularity of the Ferumbras Poem \u2026 vi\n\n   The Proven\u00e7al Ferabras \u2026 ix\n\n   The Fierabras Poem an Enlarged and Recast Portion of the Old Balan\n   Romance \u2026 xi\n\n   The Poem of the Destruction de Rome \u2026 xiii\n\n   MSS. of the French Fierabras \u2026 xv\n\n   The English Sir Ferumbras, its Source, etc. \u2026 xvi\n\n   The Poem of the Sowdan of Babylon, its Sources, its Differences\n   from the Original Balan Romance and from the Ashmolean Ferumbras \u2026\n   xxii\n\n   Dialect of the Sowdan \u2026 xxxiv\n\n   Metre and Rhymes of the Sowdan \u2026 xl\n\n   Date and Author of the Sowdan \u2026 xlv\n\n   MS. of the Sowdan \u2026 xlvii\n\n   Roxburghe Club Edition of the Sowdan \u2026 xlviii\n\n ADDITIONS \u2026 xlix\n\n   The Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras Compared With the Sowdan \u2026\n   xlix\n\n   The Hanover Version Compared With Sir Ferumbras \u2026 lii\n\n SKETCH OF THE STORY \u2026 liv\n\n THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE\n WHO CONQUEREDE ROME \u2026 1\n\n NOTES \u2026 95\n\n GLOSSARIAL INDEX \u2026 133\n\n INDEX OF NAMES \u2026 141\n\n[p-v]\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\nThe exploits of Charles the Great, who by his achievements as conqueror\nand legislator, as reformer of learning and missionary, so deeply\nchanged the face of Western Europe, who during a reign of nearly half\na century maintained, by his armies, the authority of his powerful\nsceptre, from the southern countries of Spain and Italy to the more\nnorthern regions of Denmark, Poland, and Hungary, must have made a\nprofound and unalterable impression in the minds of his contemporaries,\nso that for centuries afterwards they continued to live in the memory\nof the people. Evidence of this high pitch of popularity is given\nby the numerous \u00abchansons de geste\u00bb or romances, which celebrate\nthe deeds, or are connected with the name, of the great and valiant\nchampion of Christendom.\n\nIt is true that the sublime figure of Charlemagne, who with his\nimaginary twelve peers perpetually warred against all heathenish\nor Saracen people, in the romances of a later period, has been\nconsiderably divested of that nimbus of majestic grandeur, which the\ncomposers of the earlier poems take pains to diffuse around him.\nWhereas, in the latter, the person of the Emperor appears adorned with\nhigh corporeal, intellectual, and warlike gifts, and possessed of all\nroyal qualities; the former show us the splendour of Royalty tarnished\nand debased, and the power of the feodal vassals enlarged to the\nprejudice of the royal authority. Roland, in speaking of Charlemagne,\nsays, in the \u00abChanson de Roland\u00bb, l. 376:\u2014\n\n \u201cJamais n\u2019iert hum qui encuntre lui vaillet,\u201d\n\nand again the same Roland says of the Emperor, in \u00abGuy de Bourgoyne\u00bb,\nl. 1061:\u2014\n\n \u201cLaissomes ce viellart qui tous est assotez.\u201d\n\n[p-vi]\n\nThis glorification of the great Christian hero took its rise in France,\nbut soon spread into the neighbouring countries, and before long\nCharlemagne was celebrated in song by almost all European nations.\nIndeed, there are translations, reproductions, compilations of French\nCharlemagne romances to be met with in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as\nwell as in Scandinavia and Iceland. Even in Hungary and Russia these\n\u00abchansons\u00bb of the Charlemagne cycle seem to have been known.[1]\n\nA full account of almost all Charlemagne romances will be found\nin Gaston Paris\u2019s exhaustive work of the \u00abHistoire po\u00e9tique de\nCharlemagne\u00bb (Paris, 1865), and in L\u00e9on Gautier\u2019s \u00abEpop\u00e9es fran\u00e7aises\u00bb\n(Paris, 1867).\n\nOf all the Charlemagne romances, that of Fierabras or Ferumbras has\ncertainly obtained the highest degree of popularity, as is shown by\nthe numerous versions and reproductions of this romance, from the 13th\ncentury down to the present day.\n\nWhen the art of printing first became general, the first romance that\nwas printed was a prose version of \u00abFierabras\u00bb; and when the study of\nmedi\u00e6val metrical romances was revived in this century, the \u00abFierabras\u00bb\npoem was the first to be re-edited.[2]\n\nThe balm of Fierabras especially seems to have been celebrated for\nits immediately curing any wound; we find it referred to and minutely\ndescribed in Florian\u2019s \u00abDon Quichotte\u00bb, I. chap. 10. The scene of\nFierabras challenging to a combat the twelve peers of France, and of\nhis vaunting offer to fight at once with six (or twelve) of them,[3]\nmust also have been pretty familiar to French readers, as the name of\nFierabras is met with in the sense of a simple common noun, signifying\n\u201ca bragging bully or swaggering hector.\u201d[4]\n\nRabelais[5] also alludes to Fierabras, thinking him renowned enough as\nto figure in the pedigree of Pantagruel.\n\nIn 1833, on a tour made through the Pyrenees, M. Jomard witnessed\n[p-vii] a kind of historical drama, represented by villagers, in which\nFierabras and Balan were the principal characters.[6]\n\nThat in our own days, the tradition of Fierabras continues to live,\nis evident from the fact, that copies of the Fierabras story, in the\nedition of the \u00abBiblioth\u00e8que Bleue\u00bb, still circulate amongst the\ncountry people of France.[7] There is even an illustrated edition,\npublished in 1861, the pictures of which have been executed by no less\nan artist than Gustave Dor\u00e9. And like Oberon, that other medi\u00e6val hero\nof popular celebrity,[8] Fierabras has become the subject of a musical\ncomposition. There is an Opera \u00abFierabras\u00bb composed by Franz Schubert\n(words by Joseph Kupelwieser) in 1823, the overture of which has been\narranged for the piano in 1827, by Carl Czerny.[9]\n\nThe different versions and the popularity of the present romance\nin France, Italy, Spain, and Germany, having been treated in the\nIntroduction to \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, we need not repeat it again here.[10]\nAs to the popularity of the \u00abFierabras\u00bb romance in the Netherlands, the\nfollowing passage from Hoffmann, \u00abHor\u00e6 Belgic\u00e6\u00bb (Vratislavi\u00e6, 1830), I.\n50, may be quoted here[11]:\u2014\n\n \u201cQuam not\u00e6 Belgis, sec. xiii. et xiv., vari\u00e6 variarum nationum\n fabul\u00e6 fuerint, qu\u00e6 ex Gallia septemtrionali, ubi originem ceperunt,\n translat\u00e6 sunt, pauca h\u00e6c testimonia demonstrabunt:\u2014\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. in\n exordio Sidraci:\u2014[12]\n\n   \u2018Dickent hebbic de gone ghescouden,\n die hem an boeken houden\n daer si clene oerbare in leren,\n also sijn jeesten van heeren,\n van Paerthenopeuse, van Amidase,\n van Troijen ende van \u00abFierabrase\u00bb,\n ende van menighen boeken, die men mint\n ende daer men litel oerbaren in vint, [p-viii]\n ende dat als leghene es ende mere,\n ende anders en hebben ghene lere,\n danne vechten ende vrowen minnen\n ende lant ende steden winnen\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u2019\u2014\n\n \u201cNec rarius tanguntur fabul\u00e6 de Carolo Magno, \u00abSpeculum Historiale\u00bb,\n IV. 1. xxix (cf. Bilderdijk, \u00abVerscheidenh\u00bb, I. D. bl. 161\u20132):\u2014\n\n   \u2018Carel es menichwaerf beloghen\n in groten boerden ende in hoghen,\n alse boerders doen ende oec dwase,\n diene beloghen van \u00abFierabrase\u00bb,\n dat nie ghesciede noch en was\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\n die scone walsce valsce poeten,\n die mer rimen dan si weten,\n belieghen groten Caerle vele\n in sconen worden ende bispele\n van \u00abFierabrase van Alisandre\u00bb,\n van \u00abPont Mautrible\u00bb ende andre,\n dat algader niet en was\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0.\u00a0.\u2019\u201d\n\n\nThat the \u00abFierabras\u00bb romance must have been well known and highly\npopular in England and Scotland, may be gathered from the numerous\nreferences to this poem in various Middle English works.\n\nThus the whole subject of the \u00abFierabras\u00bb romance is found in the\nfollowing passage, taken from \u00abBarbour\u2019s Bruce\u00bb, ed. Skeat, 3, 435 ss.,\nwhere the King is described as relating to his followers:\u2014\n\n \u201cRomanys off worthi Ferambrace,\n  That worthily our-commyn was\n  Throw the rycht douchty Olywer;\n  And how the duz Peris wer\n  Assegyt intill Egrymor,\n  Quhar King Lawyne lay thaim befor\n  With may thowsandis then I can say,\n  And bot elewyn within war thai,\n  And a woman; and wa sa stad,\n  That thai na mete thar within had,\n  Bot as thai fra thair fayis wan.\n  Y heyte, sua contenyt thai thaim than;\n  That thai the tour held manlily,\n  Till that Rychard off Normandy,\n  Magre his fayis, warnyt the king,\n  That wes joyfull off this tithing:\n  For he wend, thai had all bene slayne,\n  Tharfor he turnyt in hy agayne,\n  And wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot;\n  And syne Lawyne and all his flot\n  Dispitusly discumfyt he:\n  And deliueryt his men all fre,\n  And wan the \u00abnaylis\u00bb, and the \u00absper\u00bb,\n  And the croune that Ihesu couth ber; [p-ix]\n  And off the \u00abcroice\u00bb a gret party\n  He wan throw his chewalry.\u201d[13]\n\nIn his poem of \u00abWare the Hawk\u00bb, Skelton (ed. Dyce, I. 162) cites\n\u00abSyr Pherumbras\u00bb as a great tyrant. He also refers to him in one of\nhis poems against Garnesche, whom he addresses with the following\napostrophe:\u2014\n\n \u201cYe fowle, fers and felle, as Syr Ferumbras the ffreke.\u201d\n\nThe story of the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras is alluded to by\nLyndsay, in his \u00abHistorie of ane Nobil and Wail\u021deand Squyer, William\nMeldrum\u00bb, ed. Hall, ll. 1313\u201316:\u2014\n\n \u201cRoland with Brandwell, his bricht brand,\n  Faucht never better, hand for hand,\n  Nor Gawin aganis Golibras,\n  Nor \u00abOlyver\u00bb with \u00abPharambras\u00bb.\u201d\n\nThe tale of the fortified bridge of Mauntrible seems also to have\nbeen very well known in England and Scotland. In the \u00abComplaint of\nScotland\u00bb, ed. Murray, p. 63, we find the \u00abTail of the Brig of the\nMantrible\u00bb mentioned among other famous romances. In his lampoon on\nGarnesche, Skelton describes his adversary as being more deformed and\nuglier than\n\n \u201cOf Mantryble the bryge Malchus[14] the murryon.\u201d\n\nAs has already been mentioned, amongst all the Charlemagne romances the\n(originally French) romance of \u00abFierabras\u00bb is remarkable as being one\nof the first that was rescued from the dust of libraries; and it is\nworthy of note, in connection with it, that the first printed version\nwas not a French, but a Proven\u00e7al one, which was published not in\nFrance, the birth-place of the romance, but in Germany.\n\nThe manuscript of this Proven\u00e7al version having been\ndiscovered by Lachmann in the Library of Prince Ludwig von\nOettingen-Wallerstein,[15] [p-x] somewhere about the year 1820, the\npoem was published in 1829 by Immanuel Bekker.[16]\n\nRaynouard, who drew attention to this edition of the poem in the\n\u00abJournal des Savants\u00bb, March 1831, supposed this Proven\u00e7al version to\nbe the original.\n\nSoon after Fauriel discovered at Paris two MSS. of the romance in\nFrench, and a third French MS. was found in London,[17] by Fr. Michel,\nin 1838.\n\nIn 1852 Fauriel gave an account of the poem in the \u00abHistoire Litt\u00e9raire\nde la France, par les religieux b\u00e9n\u00e9dictins de congregation de\nSaint-Maur\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. continu\u00e9e par des membres de l\u2019Institut\u00bb, vol.\nxxii. p. 196 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, where he also investigated the question of the\noriginality of the two versions, without arriving at a final solution;\nas from the comparison of the French and the Proven\u00e7al version, no\nconclusion as to the original could be drawn in favour of either of the\ntwo poems.[18]\n\nAs early as 1829 Uhland and Diez had expressed their opinion, that\nin all probability the Proven\u00e7al poem was to be looked upon as a\nreproduction of some French source;[19] and in 1839 Edelestand du\nM\u00e9ril, in France, had pointed out the French poem as the original of\nthe Proven\u00e7al version;[20] Guessard in his lectures at the Ecole des\nChartes, at Paris, had also defended the same opinion; when in 1860,\nthe editors of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb[21] finally and irrefutably\nproved the impossibility of considering the Proven\u00e7al poem as anything\nbut a translation of a French original. [p-xi]\n\nIn 1865, Gaston Paris, in his \u00abPoetical History of Charlemagne\u00bb,\npointed out that what we have now of the Fierabras romance must\nbe looked upon as a very different version from the old original\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb (or \u00abBalan\u00bb) romance, the former being indeed only a\nportion, considerably amplified and in its arrangement modified, of the\nold poem, the first portion of which has been lost altogether. Gaston\nParis had been led to this supposition by the rather abrupt opening\nof the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, which at once introduces the reader \u00abin medias\nres\u00bb, and by the numerous passages of the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, which contain\nallusions and references to preceding events; several of which, being\nobscure and inexplicable from the context of the \u00abFierabras\u00bb itself,\ncan only be explained by assuming the existence of an earlier poem.\n\nThe main subject of the old \u00abBalan\u00bb or \u00abFierabras\u00bb romance may be\ngiven as follows:\u2014\u201cThe Saracens having invaded Rome and killed the\nPope, Charlemagne sends, from France, Guy of Burgundy and Richard of\nNormandy to the rescue of the city, and follows himself with his main\narmy. After a fierce combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, the city is\ndelivered from the Saracens, and a new Pope established.\u201d[22] [p-xii]\n\nOf all the events related in the old \u00abBalan\u00bb romance, there is but one\nwhich is contained in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb poem, viz. the combat between\nOliver and Ferumbras, and even this has been greatly modified in\nconsequence of the composer\u2019s transferring the scene of action from\nItaly to Spain. All the other events related in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, the\nlove of Floripas and Guy, the capture of the twelve peers, their\nbeing besieged in the castle of Agremor, and their deliverance\nby Charlemagne, and the ultimate wedding of Floripas and Guy are\naltogether wanting in the original \u00abFierabras\u00bb [Balan] romance.\n\nTherefore Gaston Paris was right in saying that the \u00abFierabras\u00bb poem\ncontained only the second part of the earlier poem, the first part of\nwhich had not come down to us.\n\nNow it seemed as though this view, which had been clearly [p-xiii]\ndemonstrated and generally adopted, would have to undergo a thorough\nmodification on the discovery of a new Fierabras Manuscript in Hanover.\nProfessor Gr\u0153ber, having been informed of the existence of that MS.\nby Professor Tobler, published from it, in 1873, the poem of the\n\u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb,[23] which in that MS. precedes the \u00abFierabras\u00bb\nromance.[24] In his Address to the Assembly of German Philologists\nat Leipzig,[25] the same scholar attempted to show that this poem\nrepresented the first part of the earlier \u00abBalan\u00bb romance.\n\nThis supposition, however, can only be accepted with reserve, and\nneeds a great modification, as by no means all the references to\nprevious events contained in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb receive explanation in\nthe \u00abDestruction\u00bb, although all such previous events must have been\nnarrated in the original \u00abBalan\u00bb. Moreover, one of these allusions\nin the \u00abFierabras\u00bb is in direct contradiction to the contents of the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb.\n\nThus ll. 2237 \u00abet seq.\u00bb of the \u00abFierabras\u00bb:[26]\u2014\n\n \u201c.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enam\u00e9:\n  Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel arm\u00e9;\n  Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l\u2019adur\u00e9.\n  D\u00e8s que je fui \u00e0 Romme, m\u2019a tout mon cuer embl\u00e9,\n  Quant l\u2019amirans mes peres fist gaster la cit\u00e9,\n  \u00abLucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pr\u00e9,\u00bb\n  \u00abEt lui et le ceval, d\u2019un fort espiel quarr\u00e9\u00bb,\u201d\n\nwhere Floripas declares that she has seen Guy before Rome when\ndefeating Lukafer, widely differ from the account given in ll. 1355 \u00abet\nseq.\u00bb of the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, where Guy does not arrive at Rome until\n\u00abafter\u00bb the departure of Laban\u2019s army to Spain.\n\nIn the \u00abDestruction\u00bb no clue is given which would enable us to explain\nwhy Charles should be constantly applying to Richard in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb\n(ll. 112 \u00abet seq.\u00bb) for information about Fierabras, or why Richard, in\nparticular, should know more about Fierabras than any one else. There\nis no mention in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb of Richard chasing [p-xiv] the\nEmir before him in the plain of Rome, to which event ll. 3708\u20139 of the\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb[27] clearly refer.\n\n \u201cRichars de Normendie au courage adur\u00e9,\n  Qui cacha l\u2019amirant devant Romme ens el pr\u00e9.\u201d\n\nThe allusion contained in l. 2614,[28]\n\n                   .\u2002.\u2002.\u2002.\u2002\u201cRichart de Normendie,\n Cil qui m\u2019ocist Corsuble et mon oncle Mautrie,\u201d\n\nwhere Richard is said to have slain Corsuble and Mautrie, the uncle\nof Floripas, is not cleared up by the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, as in the three\npassages, where Richard is mentioned there (ll. 246, 288, 541), he does\nnot play an active part at all, whereas from Mousket\u2019s analysis of the\noriginal \u00abFierabras\u00bb [\u00abBalan\u00bb] romance, we know how important a part\nGuy and Richard played in the old poem.[29] There Richard and Guy being\nsent off by Charlemagne as a first succour to the oppressed Romans,\nsucceeded in delivering Ch\u00e2teau-Miroir, which had been seized by the\nSaracens. The story of the combat around Ch\u00e2teau-Miroir, as related in\nthe \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 593 ss., is thoroughly different,[30] as besides\nother variations, there is neither Richard nor Guy concerned in it.\n\nTherefore, as the contents of the \u00abDestruction\u00bb are not identical with\nMousket\u2019s analysis of the old \u00abBalan\u00bb romance, and as several passages\nalluding to events previously described are left unexplained in the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb; and as there is even an instance of the \u00abDestruction\u00bb\nbeing in contradiction to the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, the poem of the \u00abDestruction\nde Rome\u00bb cannot be said to be identical with the first part of the\n\u00abBalan\u00bb romance.[31] [p-xv]\n\nThe Proven\u00e7al version and the \u00abDestruction\u00bb are each printed from\nunique MSS., the latter from the Hanover MS., the former from the\nWallerstein MS. Of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb there are seven MSS. known to\nexist.\n\n\u00aba\u00bb = the MS. of the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale at Paris, Suppl\u00e9m. fran\u00e7.,\nNo. 180, which has been followed throughout by the editors of the\nFrench \u00abFierabras\u00bb, who in cases of evident errors or lacun\u00e6 of this\nMS., consulted the three following MSS.:\n\n\u00abb\u00bb = the MS. of the Biblioth. Nationale, Lancelot, 7566^{3.3}.\n\n\u00abc\u00bb = the MS. of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.[32]\n\n\u00abd\u00bb = the MS. of the Vatican Library, Regina 1616.\n\n\u00abD\u00bb = the MS. in possession of M. Ambroise-Firmin Didot, a small\nfragment of which has been printed by Gautier, \u00abEpop\u00e9es\u00bb fr. ii. 307.\n\n\u00abE\u00bb = the Escorial MS., a description of which, together with the\nvariations, has been given by Knust, in the \u00abJahrbuch f\u00fcr romanische\nund englische Sprache und Literatur\u00bb, vol. ix. p. 43 et seq.\n\n\u00abH\u00bb = the Hanover MS., which also contains the \u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb.\nIt has been described by Professor Gr\u0153ber in the \u00abJahrbuch\u00bb, xiii. p.\n111. [p-xvi]\n\nAs to the English \u00abFierabras\u00bb romances, there are two versions known\nto exist:[33] the poem of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb contained in the Ashmole MS.\n33[34] and the present poem.\n\nIn the following we shall attempt to point out the differences of these\ntwo versions, and to examine whether there is any relationship between\nthe English and the French poems, and if possible to identify the\noriginal of the former.\n\nA superficial comparison of the English poem of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb with\nthe French romance \u00abFierabras\u00bb (edd. Kr\u0153ber and Servois) will suffice\nat once to show the great resemblance between the two versions. In my\n\u00abDissertation\u00bb on the sources and language of the \u00abSowdan of Babylone\u00bb\n(Berlin, 1879) I have proved (pp. 30\u201340) that the Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb\nmust be considered as a running poetical translation of a French\noriginal. Since Mr. Herrtage, in the Introduction to his edition of\nthe Ashmole MS. 33, has also pointed out the closeness with which the\ntranslator generally followed the original, which he believes to belong\nto the same type as the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, edited by MM. Kr\u0153ber and Servois.\n\u201cThe author has followed his original closely, so far as relates to the\ncourse of events; but at the same time he has translated it freely,\nintroducing several slight incidents and modifications, which help to\nenliven and improve the poem. That he has not translated his original\nliterally, is shown by the fact that the French version consists of\nonly 6219 lines, or allowing for the missing portion of the Ashmole\nMS., not much more than one-half the number of lines in the latter,\nand that too, although he has cut down the account of the duel between\nOliver and Ferumbras from 1500 to 800 lines, by leaving out Oliver\u2019s\nattempts at converting the Saracen, Charlemagne\u2019s prayers, &c.\u201d\n\nNow, in my opinion, we ought not to lay too much stress on the\nfact that the number of lines in the two versions differs, as all\ntranslators of poetical works, who wish to follow their original as\nclosely as possible, will easily be able to render it \u2018literally\u2019 as\nlong as they write in prose. But adopting a poetical form for their\ntranslation, and still pursuing their intention of a close rendering\nof their original, [p-xvii] they must needs be more diffuse, and\nthe consideration of rhythm and rhyme will compel them sometimes to\nabandon a quite literal translation, and to be content with a free\nreproduction. This is also the case with the author of \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb,\nwho, notwithstanding the many passages where the French text is not\ngiven \u2018literally,\u2019 must be considered as a close rhymed translation\nof the French poem. The only liberty which we see the English author\ntake sometimes, consists in contracting or amalgamating together those\n\u00abcouplets similaires\u00bb,[35] or strophes which contain repetitions.\n\nBut not always did the author thus give up his plan of rendering his\noriginal closely: occasionally he has such repetitionary lines in the\nsame place as the French poem, as, for instance, in ll. 130 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\ncorresponding to \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 125 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\nThe closeness and literalness of his translation is well exemplified by\nhis introduction in an English dress of a great many French words which\nare unknown, or at least of a most rare occurrence, in English, and\nwhich in his translation are found in the same place and context, where\nthe French text has them. This will be best illustrated by juxtaposing\nthe corresponding phrases of the two versions.\n\n      Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb.                French \u00abFierabras\u00bb.\n\n 312 Hit ys \u00abrewarded\u00bb ous two       301 \u2018Nous jujon Olivier, si\n betwyne \u00feat Olyuer schal wende      l\u2019avons \u00abesgard\u00e9\u00bb Qu\u2019il fera la\n and take \u00fee batail                  bataille au paien deffa\u00e9.\u2019\n\n 330 \u00abMercy\u00bb, qua\u00fe he to kyng        333 \u2018As pi\u00e9s le roy se jete,\n Charles                             \u00abmerchi\u00bb li a prii\u00e9.\u2019\n\n 369 \u00feat \u00abpaynede\u00bb crist             377 \u2018\u2014dont vos Diex fu \u00abpen\u00e8s\u00bb.\u2019\n\n 388 Er y \u00abremuvie\u00bb me of \u00feis        392 \u2018Ains que je m\u2019en \u00abremue\u00bb\u2002...\u2019\n place\n\n 399 y \u00abchalenge\u00bb wi\u00fe \u00fee to fi\u021dt     402 \u2018\u2014je te voel \u00abcalengier\u00bb\u2019\n\n 457 \u00abParfay\u00bb, ansuerde erld O.      449 \u2018\u00abPar foi\u00bb, dist Oliviers\u2002...\u2019\n\n 533 \u00feat he ne\u00a0.\u00a0. maden \u021delde his   548 \u2018se Roland s\u2019i combat, ne faice\n body to him \u00abcreaunt\u00bb               \u00abrecr\u00e9ant\u00bb\u2019\n\n 537 wi\u00fe my swerd \u00abtrenchaunt\u00bb       553 \u2018\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. \u00e0 m\u2019esp\u00e9e \u00abtrencant\u00bb\u2019\n\n 538 \u00abSarsyns\u00bb, said erld O.         554 \u00abSarrazins\u00bb, dist li quans\u2002...\n\n 551 long man in \u00abfourchure\u00bb         579 Il ot \u00abl\u2019enfourc\u00e9ure\u00bb grant\n\n 558 a ful \u00abgret pite\u00bb, etc.         586 j\u2019ai de toi \u00abgrand pit\u00e9\u00bb, etc.\n\n [p-xviii]\n\n 751 haue \u00abmercy\u00bb of me, \u00abiantail\u00bb   1494\u20135 \u2014 \u00abmerci\u00bb li a cri\u00e9:\n kny\u021dt                               \u00abGentix\u00bb hom\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\n 781 to \u00abremurie\u00bb \u00fee of \u00feis place    1515 ja par moi n\u2019i seri\u00e9s\u00a0.\u00a0.\n                                     \u00abremu\u00e9s\u00bb\n\n 817 he was \u00abencombred\u00bb with F.      1552 Mais de F. est\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\n                                     \u00abencombr\u00e9s\u00bb\n\n 922 \u00feey went forth on a \u00abpendant\u00bb   1696 Cil s\u2019entornent fuiant le\n                                     \u00abpendant\u00bb d\u2019un laris\n\n 947 wan hure spere gunne to         1712 Quant les lances lor \u00abfalent\u00bb\n \u00abfaile\u00bb\n\n 984 At \u00abavalyng\u00bb of an hulle        1734 \u00c0 \u00abl\u2019avaler\u00bb d\u2019un tertre\n\n 1008. 1012 to \u00abrescourre\u00bb \u00fee        1757 .\u00a0. les barons \u00abrescous\u00bb\u00a0.\u00a0.\n barons\n\n 1016 wel longe hadde \u00feis \u00abchas\u00bb     1764 Moult fu grans cele \u00abchace\u00bb\n ylest\n\n 1058 and o\u00fere reliques riche ynow   1806 Et les dignes reliques dont il\n wherof y have \u00abplentee\u00bb             i ad \u00abplent\u00e9\u00bb\n\n 1227 for to wyte wat \u00feay \u00abbe\u00bb and   2067 Lor \u00abcouvine\u00bb et lor \u00abestre\u00bb\n hure \u00abcovyne\u00bb yknowe                enquerre et demander.\n\n 1316 By an old forsake \u021deate of     2144 Par une gaste porte de \u00abviel\u00bb\n \u00fee \u00abolde antiquyte\u00bb                 \u00abantequit\u00e9\u00bb\n\n 1773 sittynge on a grene \u00aberber\u00bb    2562\u00a0.\u00a0. si\u00e9t sous cel \u00abarbre\u00bb\n                                     ram\u00e9.\n\n 1974 Florippe his do\u021dtre \u00fee         2712 Floripas la \u00abcourtoise\u00bb a\n \u00abcortoyse\u00bb in \u00abchambre\u00bb \u00fear         le \u00abnois\u00bb escoute Puis issi de\n she was In \u00fee \u00abpaleys\u00bb yhurde       la \u00abcambre\u00bb,\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. Entresi c\u2019au\n \u00abnoise\u00bb and \u00feyder \u00fean she gas       \u00abpalais\u00bb\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\n 2007 \u00feow ert \u00abasotid\u00bb               2733\u00a0.\u00a0. vous voi \u00abassot\u00e9\u00bb.\n\n 2538 a gret \u00abrepref\u00bb it were        3136 .\u00a0. il nous est \u00abreprouv\u00e9\u00bb\n\n 3665 brydel and \u00abpaytrel\u00bb and al    4117 Li estrier furent d\u2019or,\n \u00fee gere wi\u00fe fyn gold yharneyssed    rices fu li \u00abpoitr\u00e9s\u00bb\n were\n\n 3672 and \u00fee king him gan \u00abascrie\u00bb   4126 .\u00a0.\u00a0. si s\u2019est haut \u00abescri\u00e9s\u00bb.\n\n 3791 a gret \u00abdul\u00bb \u00feay made \u00feere     4236 .\u00a0. demainent grant \u00abdolour\u00bb\n\n 4541 with an hard \u00abcrestid\u00bb         4832 vestu ot la pel d\u2019un dur\n \u00abserpentis\u00bb fel                     \u00abserpent\u00bb \u00abcrest\u00e9\u00bb\n\n 5753 on \u00fean ston a \u00abcracchede\u00bb      5910 en \u00abdespit\u00bb de Ihesu ens es\n and in a spatte in \u00abdispit\u00bb of      fous \u00abecraca\u00bb.\n god, etc.\n\nBesides these undoubted examples of translation, we must bear in mind\nthat there occur some variations of readings, where, indeed, the author\nof \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb seems to have introduced slight incidents and\nmodifications. But examining them more closely, we shall soon become\naware that many of them also point to a French original, which we may\nsometimes identify by comparing these variations with the readings of\nthose French MSS. that are already printed. Thus, the words \u201c\u00fearto\nys stede \u00fean tye\u00fe he,\u201d l. 91, render exactly a line of the Escorial\nMS.[36]\u2014\u201cson cheval aresna \u00e0 l\u2019abricel rose\u201d\u2014which is omitted in l. 93\nof \u00abF\u00bb (\u00abi. e.\u00bb the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, as edited by MM. Kr\u0153ber and\nServois).[37] [p-xix]\n\nThe following is another example of A (= the Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb)\ndiffering from \u00abF\u00bb, but agreeing with \u00abE\u00bb:\n\n                A.                                   E.\n\n  175 Ne \u00ablyre\u00bb he no\u021dt \u00feys day til   175 ke il puisse tant \u00abvivre\u00bb que\n evene                               cis jours soit pass\u00e9s\n\n 2131 Adoun \u00feay gunne falle,         2833 Issi \u00abagenoillierent\u00bb par\n \u00abknellyng\u00bb on \u00fee erthe stille       bones volentez\n ... & \u00abkussedem\u00bb \u00abeverechone\u00bb,      ... \u00abIls baissent\u00bb les reliques\u00a0...\n etc.\n\nNotwithstanding these resemblances of \u00abA\u00bb to \u00abE\u00bb, in passages where \u00abA\u00bb\ndiffers from \u00abF\u00bb, \u00abE\u00bb cannot have been the source of \u00abA\u00bb, as there are\nmany instances where \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb show the same reading, whereas \u00abA\u00bb\ndiffers from both versions.\n\nThus, \u00abA\u00bb, l. 340 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, it is Duke Reyner who blesses his son, and\nnot Charles, as \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb (l. 357) have it.\n\nThe names of Arrenor, Gwychard, Gayot, and Angwyree, given in l. 814,\ndiffer from those which are mentioned in the corresponding passage of\n\u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb (ll. 1548\u201349).\n\nThere is no mention of Kargys being slain by Oliver (\u00abA\u00bb 880) to be\nfound in \u00abE\u00bb or \u00abF\u00bb (l. 1670\u201376).\n\nIn \u00abA\u00bb 1178, \u00abLamasour\u00bb advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners;\nin \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb (l. 1948) the same advice is given by \u00abBrulans\u00bb.\n\nThe names of \u00abLambrock\u00bb and \u00abColbrant\u00bb (\u00abA\u00bb 1616, 1618) are not found\nin \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb, 2424.\n\n\u00abA\u00bb, ll. 1347\u201348, are wanting in \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb (2174). [p-xx]\n\nInstead of a giant (\u00abA\u00bb 1700) we find a giantess mentioned in \u00abE\u00bb and\n\u00abF\u00bb (l. 2483).\n\nInstead of Roland (\u00abA\u00bb 1793) it is Naymes who speaks first in \u00abE\u00bb and\n\u00abF\u00bb, 2570.\n\nThese few instances, the number of which might easily be increased,\nwill certainly suffice to show the impossibility of regarding \u00abE\u00bb as\nthe original of \u00abA\u00bb.\n\nOnly a short passage of the Didot MS. has been hitherto printed;[38]\ntherefore the arguments drawn from a comparison of \u00abA\u00bb with that\nprinted passage cannot be considered as altogether irrefutable and\nfinal. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same family of MSS. as \u00abE\u00bb,\nwe may at once presume, that as \u00abE\u00bb cannot be taken for the original\nof \u00abA\u00bb, the possibility of the Didot MS. being the source of \u00abA\u00bb, is\nnot very strong. Besides it may be stated, that no trace of the two\nadditional lines (ll. 19 and 20[39]) which the Didot MS. inserts after\nl. 63 of \u00aba\u00bb (or \u00abF\u00bb) is found in \u00abA\u00bb, although this version gives, in\nll. 52 ss., a pretty close translation of the corresponding passage in\n\u00abF\u00bb (ll. 50 \u00abet seq.\u00bb). This may lead us to conclude that the Didot MS.\nwas not the source of \u00abA\u00bb.\n\nComparing now \u00abA\u00bb with what is known of the Hanover MS. of\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb,[40] we find \u00abA\u00bb resembling to \u00abH\u00bb in the following names:\n\u00abLucafer\u00bb (only once \u00abLukefer\u00bb in \u00abA\u00bb 2204), \u00abMaragounde\u00bb (once\n\u00abMarigounde, A\u00bb 1364), \u00abMaubyn A\u00bb = \u00abMaupyn H.\u00bb\u2014\u00abA\u00bb 1700 and 2831,\nwhich differ from \u00abF\u00bb, equally agree with \u00abH\u00bb. In the last case \u00abA\u00bb\nagrees also with \u00abE\u00bb (although differing from \u00abF\u00bb). Now as we know that\n\u00abH\u00bb together with \u00abD\u00bb and \u00abE\u00bb are derived from the same group \u00abz\u00bb,[41]\nwe may perhaps be justified in regarding a MS. of the latter group as\nthe original of \u00abA\u00bb. But a more detailed comparison of \u00abA\u00bb with \u00abH\u00bb\nbeing impossible at present, this argumentation wants confirmation.\n\nThe impossibility of regarding the Proven\u00e7al version as the source\n[p-xxi] of the Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, is proved by the fact that\nthe long additional account, the \u2018episode\u2019 as Professor Gr\u0153ber calls\nit,[42] is wanting in \u00abA\u00bb. Another proof is given by \u00abA\u00bb, ll. 5763 \u00abet\nseq.\u00bb, where \u00abA\u00bb agrees with \u00abF\u00bb, but widely differs from \u00abP\u00bb.[43]\n\nIt seems superfluous to point out the inadmissibility of regarding the\nFrench prose version as the original of \u00abA\u00bb, the first edition of the\nprose version being of a much later date than the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb.\nBut also that version from which the prose romance has been copied\nor compiled, cannot have been the original of \u00abA\u00bb. For although the\nphrase of \u00abA\u00bb, 3888\u2014\u201cA skuntede as a bore\u201d\u2014seems to contain some\nresemblance of expression with the reading of the prose \u00abFierabras\u00bb\u2014\u201cil\ncommen\u00e7a \u00e0 escumer come s\u2019il fust ung senglier eschauf\u00e9,\u201d which Caxton\ntranslates\u2014\u201che began to scumme at the mouthe lyke a bore enchaffed\u201d\u2014the\nreading of \u00abA\u00bb, ll. 1307 ss., which greatly varies from Caxton\u2019s\nversion (a translation of the French prose \u00abFierabras\u00bb), renders\ninadmissible the supposition that the original of the French prose\nversion is the source of \u00abA\u00bb.[44]\n\nHaving thus compared the Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, as far as can be done\nat present, with all existing versions of this romance, we arrive at\nthe following conclusions.\n\nThe Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb is a pretty close translation of some French\nversion, which we are at present unable to identify. Its original\nwas neither of the same family (\u00abw\u00bb) as the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, edited by\nMM. Kr\u0153ber and Servois, nor yet of that of the Escorial version.\nNevertheless, the original of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb cannot have differed\nmuch from the common original, from which these two groups of MSS. are\nderived. To this original, called \u00aby\u00bb by Gr\u0153ber, the MS., from which\n\u00abA\u00bb has been copied, appears to have been more closely related than to\nthe Proven\u00e7al version, from which it certainly is not derived. As the\nliberties which the author of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb took in translating his\noriginal, consist only in very slight modifications, we may conclude\n[p-xxii] from his closeness of translation in general, that in those\npassages of \u00abA\u00bb which exhibit significant deviations from the known\nFrench versions, these variations are not due to the composer of the\nAshmolean poem, but were already to be found in its original. Therefore\nthe Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb may be considered as representing by itself the\ntranslation of an independent French MS., which perhaps belonged, or at\nleast was nearly related, to the type \u00aby\u00bb.\n\nI now come to the consideration of the \u00abSowdan of Babylone\u00bb, which\nthe simple analysis given by Ellis,[45] shows to be an essentially\ndifferent work from the Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb. Indeed, whilst the\n\u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb represents only a portion (viz. the second part) of\nthe original \u00abFierabras\u00bb [or \u00abBalan\u00bb, as Gaston Paris has styled\nit],[46] the \u00abSowdan\u00bb approaches the original more nearly in that it\ncontains the long \u2018introductory account\u2019.[47] For this first part of\nthe \u00abSowdan\u00bb (as far as l. 970), although it cannot be considered as\nidentical with the first portion of the old \u00abBalan\u00bb romance, contains\nseveral facts, which, however abridged and modified, show a great\nresemblance with those which must have been the subject of the lost\nportion of the old original. Whereas the Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb is, on\nthe whole, a mere translation of a French original, the \u00abSowdan\u00bb must\nbe looked upon as a free reproduction of the English redactor, who,\nthough following his original as far as regards the course of events,\nmodelled the matter given there according to his own genius, and thus\ncame to compose an independent work of his own.\n\nThis point being fully treated in my \u00abDissertation\u00bb,[48] I need not\nagain enter into discussion of it here. I only mention that the\ncomposer of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb has much shortened his original, omitting all\nepisodes and secondary circumstances not necessarily connected with the\nprincipal action, so that this poem does not contain half the number\nof lines which his original had,[49] and that the proportion of the\ndiffuse Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb and the \u00abSowdan\u00bb is over five to one.[50]\n[p-xxiii]\n\nThe subject of the \u2018introductory account,\u2019 or the first part of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb, is nearly the same as that of the \u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb,\ndiffering from this poem only in the omission of a few insignificant\nincidents or minor episodes, and in greater conciseness, which latter\ncircumstances, however, enters into the general plan of the author.\n\nIndeed, the author of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb seems to have known the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb, as we see from a comparison of the two poems. Thus the\nfollowing instances show a great resemblance of expression of the two\nversions:\n\n           \u00abSowdan.\u00bb                                 \u00abDestruction.\u00bb\n\n  37 \u2018With kinges xii and             420 \u2018Ensemble ou li issirent xv\n    admyralles xiv\u2019                      roi corone Et xiv amaceours\u2019\n                                     1154 \u2018Bien i a xxx roi et xiv\n                                         admir\u00e9\u2019\n                                      689 \u2018xxx roi sont ou li et xiv\n                                         amaceours\u2019\n                                      163 \u2018Et xiv amaceours\u2019\n  77 \u2018The Romaynes robbed us          115\u201316 \u2018De cels de Romenie que\n    anone\u2019                               m\u2019ont fait desrobber. Tiel\n                                         avoir m\u2019ont robb\u00e9\u2019\n  75 \u2018to presente you\u2019                119 \u2018vous quidai presenter\u2019\n  76 \u2018a drift of wedir us droffe to   120 \u2018Uns vens nous fist \u00e0 Rome\n    Rome\u2019                                parmi le far sigler\u2019\n 110 \u2018An hundred thousande\u2019           217 \u2018Par C fois M payen\u2019\n 128 \u2018To manace with the Cristene     228 \u2018pour Fran\u00e7ois menacier\u2019\n    lore\u2019                             332 \u2018Et menace Fran\u00e7ois pour faire\n                                         les loye\u2019\n 175\u201376 \u2018Oure sheldes be not broke    546\u201347 \u2018Quant encor nen est lance\n    nothinge, Hawberkes, spere, ner      quass\u00e9e ne brusie, Ne halbers\n    poleyne, ner pole\u2019                   derompus, ne fors targe percie\u2019\n 224\u201327 \u2018Lukafere, Kinge of Baldas,   613\u201319 \u2018Lucafer de Baldas\n    The countrey hade serchid and        discent al mestre tre, Devant\n    sought, Ten thousande maidyns        l\u2019amirail vint, forment\n    fayre of face Unto the Sowdan        l\u2019a encline: Voyant tot\n    hath he broghte\u2019                     ses barnages l\u2019a l\u2019eschec\n                                         presente, Moignes, prestres\n                                         et lais, que sont enchenee,\n                                         Hermites et enfants, a tous\n                                         lor poign li\u00e9; As femmes et\n                                         pucels les os furent bende,\n                                         Totes vives presentent par\n                                         devant l\u2019admir\u00e9.\u2019\n 228 ss. \u2018The Sowdane commaunded      614 \u2018Maintenant soient tot occis\n    hem anone That thai shulde al        et descoup\u00e9. Ne voil que mi\n    be slayne\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. He saide \u201cMy         serjant en soient encombr\u00e9.\u2019\n    peple nowe ne shalle With hem\n    noughte defouled be\u201d\u2019\n 278 \u2018He clepede his engynour Sir     908 \u2018Sortibrans a mande Mabon\n    Mavone\u2019                              l\u2019engineor\u2019\n 289 \u2018Mahoundis benysone thou shalt   627 \u2018Mahon te benoie\u2019\n    haue\u2019                             925 \u2018Mahon te doint honor\u2019\n\n [p-xxiv]\n\n 286 \u2018And fille the dikes faste       934 \u2018Si emplirons les fosses\u2019\n    anoone\u2019\n 293 \u2018Men myght go even to the        918 \u2018K\u2019om poet aler al mure\u2019\n    walle\u2019                            952 \u2018K\u2019om pooit bien au mur et\n                                         venir et aler\u2019\n 307 \u2018The hethen withdrowe hem tho\u2019   979 \u2018Payen se sont retrait\u2019\n 317 \u2018His baner knowe I ful welle\u2019    997 \u2018Jeo ai bien ses armes conu et\n                                         avisee\u2019\n 331 \u2018He entred to the maistre       1011 \u2018Tantost le mestre porte\n    toure\u2019                               aurons moult bien ferme\u2019\n 332 \u2018The firste warde thus they     1057 \u2018Mais tot le premier bail ont\n    wonne\u2019                               Sarasin pople\u2019\n 346\u201350 \u2018And Estragot with him he    1090\u201394 \u2018Estragot le poursuit,\n    mette With bores hede, blake         uns geans diffaes, Teste avoit\n    and donne. For as a bore an          com senglers, si fu rois\n    hede hadde And a grete mace          coron\u00e9s. El main tient une\n    stronge as stele. He smote           mace de fin ascier tremp\u00e9, Un\n    Savaryz as he were madde\u2019            coup a Savariz desur le chef\n                                         done\u2019\n 587 \u2018Therfore Gy of Bourgoyne!      1179 \u2018Et Guion de Bourgoyne a\n    Myn owen nevewe so trewe\u2019            a lui apelle, Fils est de\n                                         sa soror et de sa parente:\n                                         Cosins, vous en irr\u00e9s .\u00a0.\u2019\n 647 \u2018He smote of the traytours      1236 \u2018Le chief al portier trenche\u2019\n    hede\u2019\n 648 \u2018And saide \u201cGode gife him       1244 \u2018\u201cDiex\u201d fist il \u201cte maldie et\n    care, Shal he never more ete         que t\u2019ont engendr\u00e9, Kar\n    brede, All traitours evel mot        traitour au darain averont mal\n    thai fare\u201d\u2019                          deh\u00e9.\u201d\u2019\n 663 \u2018Ferumbras to Seinte Petris     1260 \u2018Al moustier de saint Piere\n    wente\u2019                               est Fierenbras ales\u2019\n 727 \u2018Thre hundred thousande of      1403 \u2018iii C mil chevaliers\u2019\n    sowdeours\u2019\n 743 \u2018Sir Gye aspied his comynge,    1409 \u2018Guis parceut le baniere le\n    He knewe the baner of Fraunce,       roi de saint Dine, Encontre\n    He wente anoone ayen the Kinge,      lui chevalche, la novele ont\n    And tolde him of that                cont\u00e9 Come la fort cit\u00e9 li\n      myschaunce,                        payen ont gast\u00e9; La corone\n    Howe that the cursed sowdone,        et les clous d\u2019iloec en\n    Hath brent Rome and bore the         sont robb\u00e9 Et les altres\n      relequis awaye\u2019                    reliques\u00a0.\u00a0.\u2019\n 771 \u2018Wynde him blewe ful fayre and  1425 \u2018Li vens en fiert es voilles\n    gode\u2019                                que les a bien guies\u2019\n 778 \u2018To londe thai wente iwis\u2019      1427 \u2018il sont en terre entr\u00e9\u2019\n 783 \u2018Tithinggis were tolde to       1436 \u2018Les noveles en vindrent al\n    Lavan\u2019                               soldan diffai\u00e9\u2019\n 787 \u2018With three hundred thousand    1443 \u2018iii C mile Fran\u00e7ois\u2019\n    of bacheleris\u2019\n\nOther instances of resemblance may be found in the following passages:\n\n\u00abS\u00bb 49\u201350 = \u00abD\u00bb 94\u201399;[51] \u00abS\u00bb 103 = \u00abD\u00bb 202, 209; \u00abS\u00bb 119 = \u00abD\u00bb 385;\n\u00abS\u00bb 146 = \u00abD\u00bb 445\u201346; \u00abS\u00bb 150 = \u00abD\u00bb 503\u20134; \u00abS\u00bb 157 = \u00abD\u00bb 509; \u00abS\u00bb 300 =\n\u00abD\u00bb 967; [p-xxv] \u00abS\u00bb 303 = \u00abD\u00bb 915; \u00abS\u00bb 396 = \u00abD\u00bb 977; \u00abS\u00bb 312 = \u00abD\u00bb\n989; \u00abS\u00bb 340 = \u00abD\u00bb 1063; \u00abS\u00bb 360 = \u00abD\u00bb 1101; \u00abS\u00bb 376 = \u00abD\u00bb 1119, 1121;\n\u00abS\u00bb 377 = \u00abD\u00bb 1133; \u00abS\u00bb 380 = \u00abD\u00bb 1136; \u00abS\u00bb 699 = \u00abD\u00bb 1379; \u00abS\u00bb 723 =\n\u00abD\u00bb 1384, &c., &c.\n\nBesides, there are some names which occurring in none of the French\nversions, but in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, point to this poem as to the\noriginal of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. Thus \u00abSavaris\u00bb[52] (\u00abS\u00bb 171) seems to be\ntaken from \u00abD\u00bb 540.\n\n\u00abAstragot\u00bb or \u00abEstragot\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant by\nwhom Savaris is slain, and who is said to be the husband of Barrock,\noccurs in \u00abD\u00bb 1090.\n\nThe \u00abAscopartes\u00bb, a people subjected to the Soudan, are mentioned in\n\u00abD\u00bb 98, 426, but not in \u00abF\u00bb or \u00abP\u00bb.\n\nKing \u00abLowes\u00bb, in the context where it occurs (\u00abS\u00bb 24) is clearly taken\nfrom \u00abD\u00bb 9.\n\n\u00abIffrez\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 165, is perhaps the same as \u00abGeffroi\u00bb in \u00abD\u00bb 1139, 1367,\n1122.\n\n[\u00abMounpelers\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 3228, occurs only in \u00abD\u00bb 250, 286.]\n\n\u00abPersagyn\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1259, seems to be identical with \u00abPersagon\u00bb, \u00abD\u00bb 162.\n\nThe form \u00abLaban\u00bb is only met with in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, the French and\nthe Proven\u00e7al versions, and the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb reading \u00abBalan\u00bb.[53]\n\nThe name of the Soudan\u2019s son, \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, is explained by the form\n\u00abFierenbras\u00bb, which occurs in \u00abD\u00bb 57, 66, 71, 91, 343, 1210, 1237,\nbesides the spelling \u00abFierabras\u00bb, which is the only one used in the\nFrench, the Proven\u00e7al and Caxton\u2019s versions.\n\nAlso the phrase \u2018sowdan\u2019 seems to have been derived from the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb (l. 1436, \u2018soldan\u2019), as it does not occur in any other\nversion.\n\nThe great number of these resemblances seem evidently to point out the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb as the original of the first portion of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb; the\nfew points in which the two versions differ not being such as to offer\nconvincing arguments against this supposition. [p-xxvi]\n\nIndeed if, for instance, we find a lot of nations, the names of which\nare not in \u00abD\u00bb, mentioned by the author of the poem as belonging to\nthe Soudan\u2019s empire, this point can be considered as irrelevant, as\nfrom many other instances we know how fond many composers of medi\u00e6val\nromances were of citing geographical names, by the great number of\nwhich they believed to show their knowledge in that science.[54] Also\nthe three names of Saints (\u00abQwyntyn\u00bb, \u00abSymon\u00bb, \u00abFremond\u00bb[55]), and the\nnames of five Saracen gods and of a Saracen bishop,[56] many of which,\nmoreover, seem to be inserted only for the sake of rhyme, cannot be\nregarded as being of great consequence in establishing the source of\nthe \u00abSowdan\u00bb. Others also, as \u00abOliborn\u00bb, \u00abFocard\u00bb, \u00abHubert\u00bb, \u00abGyndard\u00bb,\n\u00abTamper\u00bb (the last occurring twice as a rhyme-word), being the names\nof insignificant characters, may be looked upon as mere expletives.\nAnother variation is \u00abIsrez\u00bb (ll. 625, 641) for \u00abTabour\u00bb (\u00abD\u00bb 1202).\n\nBesides these variations in the names contained in the two poems,\nwe find in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb some slight modifications as to the matter\nrelated; none of which, however, is of so significant a character, as\nnecessarily to point to some other original than the \u00abDestruction\u00bb,\nwhich the very striking points of resemblance above cited show almost\ndecisively to have been the original of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. The differences\nin the subject-matter may be explained by the tendency of the poet to\nfollow his original only as far as the principal events are concerned,\nbut to have his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and\nespecially to deal freely with secondary incidents.\n\nThus he may have thought the combat round Ch\u00e2teau-Miroir\u2014which,\nmoreover, is related in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb in a rather obscure and\nconfused style\u2014to be a rather episodical incident, which he had better\nleave out in his poem, as not advancing the principal course of events.\n\nA similar explanation may be given of the fact, that the account of\nLukafer\u2019s desiring the hand of Floripas is given on another occasion in\nthe \u00abSowdan\u00bb than in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb. In the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 241,\nLucafer claims that maiden immediately on arriving in the [p-xxvii]\nSoudan\u2019s camp, as a reward for his having travelled such a long way\nin Laban\u2019s service. The poet of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb thinking, perhaps, that\nthis was not a sufficient reason to justify such a claim, mentions this\nincident at another time, which he may have considered as more properly\nchosen for demanding a reward. It is on returning from a victorious\nexpedition undertaken by Lukafer that the latter in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, ll.\n224\u2013242, asks for the hand of Floripas.\n\nAs to the following or second part of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, on the whole the\nsame subject is treated of as in the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb. But there are\nmany differences between the two poems.\n\nIn the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1411 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, Roland is captured by the Saracens\nat the same time as Oliver, and both on being conducted before Laban at\nonce avow their names. In the Ashmole MS., ll. 909, &c., Oliver is led\naway to the Soudan together with Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey, and Aubray,\nwhereas Roland is among the French peers whom Charlemagne sends on a\nmission to Laban to demand the surrender of Oliver.[57]\n\nThe names of the twelve peers do not agree in both poems. In the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb we find the following list (cf. ll. 1653 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, and\nll. 1730, 880):\u2014Roland, Oliver, Duk Neymes of Bavere, Oger Danoys,\nTery Lardeneys, Folk Baliante, Aleroyse of Loreyne, Miron of Braban,\nBishop Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Bryer of Mountez,[58] Guy of\nBourgoyne.[59]\u2014Richard of Normandye, although a most important\npersonage, is not included amongst the \u00abDouzeperes\u00bb. Nor is Guenelyn\nmentioned as a peer of France. Four of these names, Folk Baliant,\nTurpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Aleroyse of Loreyne, do not occur at all in\nthe Ashmolean \u00abFerumbras\u00bb.[60]\n\nThe new game which Lucafer wants to teach Neymes, is differently\ndescribed in the two poems, there being no mention made in the Ashmol.\nMS. (ll. 2231 \u00abet seq.\u00bb) of the thread, needle, and coal, as spoken of\nin ll. 1998\u20132000 of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. [p-xxviii]\n\nIn the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 2507, Laban, being engaged with his gods, seizes\nthe image of Mahound and smashes it. This incident is omitted in \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb (ll. 3345).\n\nIn the Ashmole MS., ll. 5760 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, Ferumbras tries to persuade\nhis father to become a Christian, whilst Floripas urges Charles not\nto delay in putting him to death. In the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 3156 \u00abet seq.\u00bb,\nthere is no mention of either of them interfering either for or against\ntheir father.\n\nAshm. MS., ll. 130 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, differs greatly from the corresponding\npassage in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb (ll. 1647 \u00abet seq.\u00bb). In the latter poem the\nknights are pulled up from their dungeon with a rope, whilst in the\nformer they have their fetters taken off by means of a sledge-hammer,\nanvil, and tongs, &c.\n\nIn the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 3044, Richard of Normandy is left back as a\ngovernor of Mantrible; in the Ashmole version, l. 4881 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, Raoul\nand Howel are ordered to keep that place, whereas Richard accompanies\nCharlemagne (cf. l. 5499).\n\nIn the Ashm. MS., l. 5209, Neymes sees first Charles coming with his\nhost; in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 3083, it is Floripas who first discovers the\nbanner of France.\n\nThe prayer which Charlemagne, seeing Oliver in distress, addressed to\nChrist, in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1304 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, is not mentioned in the\nAshm. version.\n\nThe account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras differs\nconsiderably in the two versions. In the Ashmolean MS., l. 580, the\nincident of Oliver assisting Ferumbras to arm (cf. \u00abSowdan\u00bb, 1158) is\nomitted, and it is not Oliver (as in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1270) who is\ndisarmed, but Ferumbras, whom his adversary offers to accept his own\nsword back (Ashm. MS., l. 680).\n\nIn the Ashmolean version, l. 102, Ferumbras offers to fight at once\nwith twelve of Charles\u2019s knights; in the corresponding passage of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1067, he challenges only six.\n\nIn the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1512 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, Floripas advises her father not to\nslay the captive peers, but to detain them as hostages that might be\nexchanged for Ferumbras. In the Ashm. MS., l. 1178, it is not Floripas,\nbut Lamasour, who gives that advice to the amirant. [p-xxix]\n\nAs in many of the variations, mentioned just before, there are many\nomissions in the Ashmole MS., which are related in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb,\nit becomes evident that the Ashmolean version cannot have been the\noriginal from which the \u00abSowdan\u00bb was copied, which is also proved\nby several names occurring in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, but which are not to be\nfound in \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb. Thus, for instance, the names of \u00abEspiard\u00bb,\n\u00abBelmore\u00bb, \u00abFortibrance\u00bb, \u00abTamper\u00bb,[61] do not occur at all in the\nAshmolean version, whereas other names have quite a different form\nin the latter poem. For \u00abGeneryse\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1135, 1239, we find \u00abGarin\u00bb,\n\u00abA\u00bb 216, 443; \u00abBarrock\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2939, 2943, 3022 = \u00abAmyote\u00bb, \u00abA\u00bb 4663;\n\u00abAlagolofur\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2135, 2881 = \u00abAgolafre\u00bb, \u00abA\u00bb 3831, 4327; and \u00abLaban\u00bb\nis always spelt \u00abBalan\u00bb in the Ashmolean poem, &c.\n\nNow as there are some passages where the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, while it differs\nfrom the Ashm. MS., corresponds with the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, we might\nbe inclined to think that poem to be the original of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. Thus\nCharlemagne\u2019s prayer and the name of Bishop Turpin, which are omitted\nin the Ashm. MS., occur in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb. But there are\nseveral differences between the \u00abSowdan\u00bb and the French poem.\n\nIn the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1933, the French prisoners, on being brought\nbefore the Soudan, do not avow their true names as they do in the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1498.\n\nIn the French poem, l. 704, Oliver tells his adversary his name before\nthe fight begins; in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1249, he does not confess his\ntrue name until they had fought for a considerable time.\n\nIn the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1043, Oliver drinks of the bottles of balm,\nwhich is not mentioned in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1190.\n\nAgain, \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 1329 ss., where Ferumbras having disarmed\nOliver, tells him to take his sword back again, does not agree with ll.\n1279\u201382 of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nInstead of Floripas (\u00abS\u00bb 1515), \u00abBrulans\u00bb advises the Soudan not to\nslay the prisoners in \u00abF\u00bb 1949.\n\nThe French knight slain at the sally of the captives is called \u00abBryer\u00bb\nin \u00abS\u00bb 2604, but \u00abBasin\u00bb in \u00abF\u00bb 3313. [p-xxx]\n\nConcerning the sacred relics there is no mention made of the \u00abcross\u00bb\n(\u00abS\u00bb 3236) in the French poem, and the \u00absigne\u00bb, \u00abi. e.\u00bb \u2018the shroud or\nwinding-sheet of the Lord\u2019[62] (\u00abF\u00bb 6094), is omitted in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nBesides these variations of the two versions there is an incident\nof Marsedag being killed by Guy, and buried by the Saracens (\u00abS\u00bb\n2247\u20132274), which being omitted in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb proves that the\nauthor of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb cannot have followed the French poem, or at\nleast not that version which is edited by MM. Kr\u0153ber and Servois.\n\nSimilarly there is no mention made in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb of Bryer\nbeing charged to take care of the relics and of Charles\u2019s treasure (\u00abS\u00bb\n3204).\n\nThe game of blowing burning coals is related in \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1996 ss.,\nwith several details which are wanting in the French poem, l. 2907.\n\nThe names also do not always agree in both versions. Thus we find\n\u00abGeneryse\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1139, for \u00abGarin\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 438; \u00abMapyn\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2325, for\n\u00abMaubrun\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 3046; \u00abAlagolofur\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2135, for \u00abAgolafre\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 4290\nor \u00abGolafre\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 4267, 4383; \u00abBryer\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2604, for \u00abBasin\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 3313;\n\u00abMaragounde\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1563, for \u00abMarabunde\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 2196; \u00abBoloyne\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb\n3238, for \u00abSt. Denis\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 6199; \u00abBarokke\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2939, and \u00abEspiard\u00bb,\n\u00abS\u00bb 2145, are not mentioned at all in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, nor\ndoes\u00ab Belmore\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 3122, occur in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, either in the\ncorresponding passage, \u00abF\u00bb 5867, or elsewhere.\n\nOn the fact that the names of the twelve peers (see above, p. xxvii)\ndiffer in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb from those mentioned in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, too\nmuch stress need not, I think, be laid, as it might be explained by the\nsimple inadvertence of the composer. The poet in freely reproducing his\nsource, which he generally followed pretty closely as far as relates\nthe course of events, well remembered the names of the principal French\nknights; but having forgotten those of less important characters, some\nof whom do not appear again in the poem, and being obliged to fill up\ntheir number of twelve, might have placed any names which he remembered\nhaving met with somewhere [p-xxxi] as included in the list of the\ndouzeperes. By an oversight he omitted to mention Richard, whom however\nwe see appear afterwards.[63]\n\nSimilarly the names of \u00abLaban\u00bb and \u00abFerumbras\u00bb for \u00abBalan\u00bb and\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb afford no convincing proof of the impossibility of\nthe French \u00abFierabras\u00bb being the original of the second part of\nthe \u00abSowdan\u00bb, as the poet, having found those spellings in the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb, the source of the first portion of his romance, might\nsimply have retained them for the whole poem.\n\nBut reviewing all the facts of the case, and taking into account those\npassages which relate incidents omitted in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, and which\nthe author of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb therefore cannot have taken from that\npoem\u2014and further taking into account the several differences between\nthe two versions, which, it may be admitted, generally speaking, are\nonly slight ones\u2014the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, \u00abi. e.\u00bb the version edited by\nMM. Kr\u0153ber and Servois, which represents the group \u00abw\u00bb (see before, p.\nxix, footnote), cannot have been the original of the second part of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nProceeding now to a comparison of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb with the Escorial\nMS.,[64] we have not found any passage where \u00abS\u00bb differing from \u00abF\u00bb\nagrees with \u00abE\u00bb, as \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb generally have in those places the same\nreading. Therefore the Escorial MS. cannot be regarded as the original\nof the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nUnfortunately the fragment printed from the Hanover MS. is too short\nto allow of an exact comparison with that version. We only know[65]\nthat some names, the spelling of which in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb differs from\nthat in the other versions, have the same form in the Hanover MS. as\nin the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. Thus we find the following names agreeing in both\nversions: \u00abLucafer\u00bb, \u00abMaragonde\u00bb, \u00abMaupyn\u00bb. Only instead of \u00abLaban\u00bb\nwhich is used in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, we read \u00abBalan\u00bb. In the fragment printed\nby Gr\u0153ber,[66] we find the name of the Soudan\u2019s son [p-xxxii] with the\nsame spelling as in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, \u00abFier\u00bben\u00abbras\u00bb, which is nearer\nto \u00abFer\u00bbum\u00abbras\u00bb than \u00abFier\u00bba\u00abbras\u00bb.[67]\n\nThis resemblance of the names contained in the two versions might lead\nus to believe the Hanover MS. of \u00abFierabras\u00bb to be the original of\nthe second part of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, just as the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, found in\nthe same MS., is the original of the first part. But as, according to\nGaston Paris, the Hanoverian version \u201cis the same as the printed text,\ndiffering only in slight variations of readings,\u201d[68] we may suppose it\nlikely that in all passages where the \u00abSowdan\u00bb differs from the printed\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, it also differs from the Hanover MS. Nevertheless, as the\ndifferences between the \u00abSowdan\u00bb and the printed \u00abFierabras\u00bb are, on\nthe whole, not very significant; for the several instances of omission\nin the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, being easily accounted for by the general plan of the\npoet, cannot be regarded as real variations; and as some names, the\nspelling of which differs in \u00abS\u00bb and \u00abF\u00bb, are found to be identical in\n\u00abS\u00bb and \u00abH\u00bb, we might, perhaps, be entitled to think the second part of\nthe \u00abSowdan\u00bb to be founded on a MS. similar to the Hanover one.\n\nIt still remains for us to compare the \u00abSowdan\u00bb with the Proven\u00e7al\nversion.\n\nIn most cases where \u00abS\u00bb differs from \u00abF\u00bb, it also differs from \u00abP\u00bb,\ntherefore \u00abS\u00bb cannot have taken those variations of readings from the\nProven\u00e7al poem.\n\nThe account of the knights sent on a mission to Laban, in \u00abS\u00bb\n1663\u20131738, considerably differs from the corresponding passage in \u00abP\u00bb\n2211 ss.\n\nIn \u00abP\u00bb the scene of the whole poem is placed in Spain, there is no\nmention of the combat before Rome,[69] as in the first part of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nThe game of blowing a coal, \u00abS\u00bb 1996 ss., is not mentioned in the\nProven\u00e7al version.\n\nFrom these variations, taken at random out of a greater number,\n[p-xxxiii] it becomes evident that the Proven\u00e7al poem has not been the\noriginal of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nIf now we compare the \u00abSowdan\u00bb with Caxton\u2019s version, which we know to\nbe simply a translation of the French prose romance of \u00abFierabras\u00bb;[70]\nthe few following instances of differences between \u00abC\u00bb and \u00abS\u00bb will\nshow at once, that also that version from which the prose romance was\ncopied or compiled[71] cannot have been the original of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\nThere are several variations in the names contained in the two\nversions. Thus we find \u00abBallant\u00bb in \u00abC\u00bb for \u00abLaban\u00bb in \u00abS\u00bb;\n\u00abFyer\u00bba\u00abbras\u00bb in \u00abC\u00bb for \u00abFe\u00bbrum\u00abbras\u00bb in \u00abS\u00bb; \u00abGarin\u00bb, \u00abC\u00bb 55/3 =\n\u00abGeneryse\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1135; \u00abAmyotte\u00bb, \u00abC\u00bb 176/26 = \u00abBarrokk\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1135, &c.\nThe game of blowing a coal is told with more details in \u00abS\u00bb 1998, and\nsomewhat differently from \u00abC\u00bb 118/24; the incident of Laban\u2019s seizing\nthe image of Mahound and smashing it, which is related in \u00abS\u00bb 2507, is\nomitted in \u00abC\u00bb, &c.\n\nLooking back now to our investigation concerning the original of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb, we sum up what results from it, in the following \u00abresum\u00e9\u00bb:\n\nMost probably the \u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb is the original of the first\npart of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. As to the second part, we are unable to identify\nit with any of the extant versions. The French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, as edited\nby MM. Kr\u0153ber and Servois, is not the original, but the differences\nbetween the two poems are not significant; apparently a version similar\nto the Hanover MS. may be thought to be the original.\n\nThe \u00abSowdan\u00bb is no translation, but a free reproduction of its\noriginals; the author of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb following his sources only as\nfar as concerns the course of the principal events, but going his own\nindependent way in arranging the subject-matter as well as in many\nminor points.\n\nThe \u00abSowdan\u00bb differs from the poem of \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb in two principal\npoints:\n\n(1) In being an original work, not in the conception, but in the\ntreatment of the subject-matter, whereas the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb is\nlittle more than a mere translation. [p-xxxiv]\n\n(2) In representing, in its first portion, the first part of the old\n\u00abBalan\u00bb romance, whereas \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb contains only the second.\nBut as that second part of the old \u00abBalan\u00bb romance appears to be\nconsiderably modified and greatly amplified in the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb,\nso the first part of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb contains a likewise modified, but\nmuch shortened, narration of the first part of the old \u00abBalan\u00bb poem, so\nthat the \u00abSowdan\u00bb has arrived to become quite a different work from the\noriginal \u00abBalan\u00bb or \u00abFierabras\u00bb romance, and that a reconstruction of\nthe contents of that old poem would be impossible from the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\n\nLANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS.\n\nAs regards the language of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, the first point is the\ndialect. Looking at the plurals of the present indicative in \u00ab-en\u00bb\nor \u00ab-n\u00bb, we at once detect the Midland peculiarities of the poem.\nThus we find, l. 1331, \u00abgone\u00bb rhyming with \u00abone\u00bb, l. 1010, \u00abgoon\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abcamalyon\u00bb, l. 506, \u00abgone\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthan\u00bb, l. 1762, \u00ablyven\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgyfen\u00bb, l.\n1816, \u00abbyleven\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abeven\u00bb.\n\nThe verbal forms of the singular present indicative and of the second\nperson sing. preterite of weak verbs lead us to assign this poem to an\nEast-Midland writer. The 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative\nend in \u00ab-est\u00bb, \u00ab-eth\u00bb; and the 2nd person sing. preterite of weak verbs\nexhibits the inflection \u00ab-est\u00bb: l. 1202, \u00abgoist\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmoost\u00bb; 1314, 1715,\n\u00abknowest\u00bb; 1344, \u00abtrowest\u00bb; 1154, \u00abblowest\u00bb; 1153, \u00absaiest\u00bb; 2292,\n\u00abforgetist\u00bb; 560, \u00abdoist\u00bb; 1193, \u00abdoistowe\u00bb;\u20141093, \u00abgoth\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwroth\u00bb,\n1609\u00a0: \u00abloth\u00bb, 1620\u00a0: \u00abdoth\u00bb; 1728, \u00absleith\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdeth\u00bb; 561, \u00absholdest\u00bb;\n1244, \u00abshuldist\u00bb; 603, \u00abmadist\u00bb; 563, \u00abhadist\u00bb; 2219, \u00abaskapedist\u00bb,\n&c.\u2014Twice we find the 2nd person preterite without \u00ab-est\u00bb (\u00abmade\u00bb,\n\u00abwroght\u00bb); but see the note to l. 2.\n\nIf, now, we examine the phonological and inflectional peculiarities\nof the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, we find them thoroughly agreeing with those of other\nEast-Midland works,[72] which still further confirms the supposition of\nthe East-Midland origin of the poem. [p-xxxv]\n\n\u00abI\u00bb or \u00aby\u00bb, the descendants of original \u00abu\u00bb (which in Old English\n[Anglo-Saxon] had already become \u00aby\u00bb or \u00abi\u00bb in consequence of \u00abi-\u00bb\nmutation or \u00abumlaut\u00bb)\u2014are found rhyming with original \u00abi\u00bb:\u2014ll. 449,\n881, \u00abkyn\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abhim\u00bb, 2060\u00a0: \u00abwynne\u00bb; 1657, \u00abfille\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abstille\u00bb; 1973,\n\u00abfire\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdesire\u00bb, &c. It must, however, be noted that the rhyme\n\u00abking\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abinne\u00bb (l. 372) or \u00abking\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthing\u00bb (ll. 173, 236) cannot be\nregarded as an East-Midland peculiarity, because \u00abking\u00bb, \u00abdrihten\u00bb,\n\u00abchikken\u00bb, the \u00abi\u00bb of which is a modification of original \u00abu\u00bb, are\nto be met with in all Middle-English dialects, as has been shown by\nProfessor Zupitza in the \u00abAnzeiger f\u00fcr deutsches Altertum\u00bb, vol. vi. p.\n6.\n\nOld English short \u00aba\u00bb, which is liable to change into \u00abo\u00bb, appears in\nthis poem\u2014\n\n(1) always as \u00abo\u00bb, before \u00abn-\u00bb combinations (\u00abnd\u00bb, \u00abnt\u00bb, \u00abng\u00bb):\u2014531,\n\u00abstronge\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abistonge\u00bb; 3166, \u00abbronte\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abfonte\u00bb; 214, \u00abamonge\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00ablonge\u00bb, &c.\n\n(2) as \u00aba\u00bb, before the single consonants \u00abm\u00bb and \u00abn\u00bb:\u20141120, \u00abname\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abshame\u00bb, 935\u00a0: \u00absame\u00bb, 1739\u00a0: \u00abgrame\u00bb; 785, 1773, \u00abman\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abLavan\u00bb;\n3125, \u00abcame\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abLavan\u00bb (cf. 2579, \u00abLavan\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtane\u00bb); 2160, \u00abcame\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abdame\u00bb, &c.\u2014The fact that \u00abcom\u00bb (ll. 547, 1395, 3095, &c.) is used as\nwell as \u00abcam\u00bb as sing. preterite indic. need occasion no difficulty if\nwe remember that the original short \u00aba\u00bb (or \u00abo\u00bb) of \u00abcam\u00bb (or \u00abcom\u00bb)\nhad already been lengthened into \u00ab\u00f4\u00bb in the O.E. period.[73] \u00abCame\u00bb and\n\u00abcome\u00bb as pret. sing. are employed indifferently in \u00abChaucer\u00bb as well\nas in the \u00abCelestin\u00bb (ed. Horstmann, \u00abAnglia\u00bb, i. 56), which is known\nto have been composed in the East-Midland dialect.\n\n\u00abO\u00bb long, from O.E. \u00ab\u00e2\u00bb, in our poem has that broad sound which is\npeculiar to the East-Midland dialect. We find it rhyming with\u2014\n\n(1) original \u00ab\u00f4\u00bb:\u20141025, \u00abwrothe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absothe\u00bb; 801, \u00abgoo\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdoo\u00bb; 60,\n\u00abinowe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abblowe\u00bb; 325, \u00abso\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abido\u00bb, &c.\n\n(2) unchangeable \u00aba\u00bb:\u2014257, \u00abAufricanes\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abstoones\u00bb; 506, \u00abgon\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abthan\u00bb; 2049, \u00abagoon\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abLavan\u00bb, &c.\n\nAs many East-Midland works[74] the \u00abSowdan\u00bb has three forms for O.E.\n\u00fe\u00e2r:\u2014\u00abthare\u00bb, \u00abthore\u00bb, \u00abthere\u00bb, all of which are established by the\nrhyme:\u20141805, \u00abthore\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abEgremoure\u00bb (cf. 2895, \u00abEgremoure\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtresoure\u00bb,\n1003, \u00abAgremore\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmore\u00bb); 126, \u00abthore\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablore\u00bb; 430, \u00abthare\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00absware\u00bb; [p-xxxvi] 2245, \u00abthere\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abchere\u00bb, 2404\u00a0: \u00abbere\u00bb; 2604,\n\u00abthere\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwere\u00bb (w[^\u00e6]ron), 208\u00a0: \u00abwere\u00bb (werian), &c.\n\nWe likewise find \u00absore\u00bb and \u00absare\u00bb[75] (O.E. s\u00e2re):\u20141196, \u00absore\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abmore\u00bb; 166, \u00absare\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcare\u00bb; 1377, \u00absore\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthore\u00bb.\n\nThe O.E. diphthongs \u00abea\u00bb and \u00abeo\u00bb and the O.E. \u00ab\u0177\u00bb (mutated from\n\u00ab\u00eaa\u00bb or \u00ab\u00eao\u00bb) appear as \u00abe\u00bb in this poem:\u20141595, \u00abme\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absee\u00bb, 632\u00a0:\n\u00abfee\u00bb, 1339\u00a0: \u00abfree\u00bb, 405\u00a0: \u00abbe\u00bb; 1535, \u00abdepe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abslepe\u00bb; 1011, 1523,\n\u00abdere\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abhere\u00bb; 963, \u00abyere\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abvere\u00bb, 1257\u00a0: \u00abOlyvere\u00bb; 996, \u00abnere\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abwere\u00bb; 596, 1528, \u00abnede\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abspede\u00bb; 1702, \u00abeke\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abspeke\u00bb; 1726,\n\u00ableke\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abspeke\u00bb; 184, 215, 1208, \u00abshelde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abfelde\u00bb; 2530, \u00abhevene\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abelevene\u00bb, &c.\n\nA brief summary of the grammatical inflexions employed in the poem will\nalso give evidence of a great similarity with the forms used by other\nEast-Midland writers, and will serve to show that the language of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb agrees closely with that of \u00abChaucer\u00bb.\n\nIn the declension of substantives the only remnant of case-formation by\nmeans of inflexions is the ending used to form the Genitive Singular\nand the Plural.\n\nThe genitive singular of nouns ends in \u00abes\u00bb (sometimes written \u00ab-is\u00bb or\n\u00abys\u00bb) for all genders:\u2014356, \u00abdeveles\u00bb; 1209, \u00abstedes\u00bb; 849, \u00abworldis\u00bb;\n1804, \u00abworldes\u00bb; 3035, \u00abdammes\u00bb; 1641, \u00abnedes\u00bb; 1770, \u00abshippes\u00bb; 1072,\n\u00abfaderis\u00bb.\n\nSubstantives ending in \u00ab-s\u00bb in the nominative case, remain unchanged\nin the genitive case:\u20141214, 1287, \u00abFerumbras\u00bb; 2006, \u00abNaymes\u00bb; 3207,\n\u00abCharles\u00bb; 1639, 1350, \u00abFloripas\u00bb.\u2014\u00abFlorip\u00bb, l. 614, is the genitive\ncase of \u00abFloripe\u00bb or \u00abFlorip\u00bb, l. 2027, 1571.\n\nThe nominative plural of all genders is formed by \u00ab-es\u00bb (\u00ab-is\u00bb, \u00ab-ys\u00bb)\nor \u00ab-s\u00bb:\u2014919, \u00abknightes\u00bb, 1947, 2276, \u00abknightis\u00bb; 1384, \u00abhorses\u00bb, 1401,\n\u00abhorsys\u00bb; 429, 2054, \u00abgatis\u00bb; 192, \u00abwordes\u00bb; 837, \u00abswerdes\u00bb; 174,\n\u00abhedes\u00bb; 2289, \u00abladies\u00bb; 3271, \u00absoules\u00bb; 26, \u00abbokes\u00bb; 606, \u00abperes\u00bb;\n297, \u00abtours\u00bb, &c. Examples of a plural case without \u00abs\u00bb are seen in\n\u00abthinge\u00bb, l. 2, 1709:\u2014O.E. \u00ab\u00feing\u00bb; \u00abhonde\u00bb, 987, O.E. \u00abhanda\u00bb, as\nwell as \u00abhondes\u00bb, 1412, 2568; \u00abfrende\u00bb, 3212, O.E. \u00abfr\u0177nd\u00bb, as well\nas \u00abfrendes\u00bb, 1011, O.E. \u00abfr\u00eaondas\u00bb. Other plurals which are equally\neasily explained by their O.E. forms are:\u2014\u00abeyen\u00bb, 825, O.E. \u00ab\u00eaagan\u00bb;\n\u00abshoone\u00bb, 1381, O.E. \u00absc\u00eaon\u00bb; \u00abfete\u00bb, 1403, O.E. \u00abf\u00eat\u00bb, \u00abfote\u00bb, 1427,\nO.E. \u00abf\u00f4tum\u00bb, 2673, O.E. \u00abf\u00f4ta\u00bb. [p-xxxvii]\n\nTo mark the difference between the definite and indefinite forms of\nadjectives is a difficult task; as the final \u00ab-e\u00bb had in most cases\nalready become silent in the poet\u2019s dialect, it seems probable that he\nno longer observed the distinction.\n\nThe pronouns are the same as in \u00abChaucer\u00bb and in other East-Midland\npoems:\u2014\u00abI\u00bb, \u00abme\u00bb, \u00abthou\u00bb, \u00abthe\u00bb; \u00abhe\u00bb, \u00abhym\u00bb; \u00absche\u00bb, \u00abher\u00bb and \u00abhir\u00bb;\n\u00abit\u00bb and \u00abhit\u00bb (cf. note to l. 41); \u00abwe\u00bb, \u00abus\u00bb; \u00abye\u00bb, \u00abyou\u00bb. The plural\nof the personal pronoun of the 3rd person is \u00abthai\u00bb and \u00abhe\u00bb (cf.\nnote to l. 2698) for the nominative case; \u00abhem\u00bb, and in some doubtful\npassages (see note to l. 88) \u00abthaym\u00bb for the accusative case.\n\nAs in \u00abChaucer\u00bb, the pronoun of the 2nd person is often joined to the\nverb:\u2014\u00abhastow\u00bb 1680, \u00abmaistow\u00bb 1826, \u00abshaltow\u00bb 1669, \u00abwoltow\u00bb 1727,\n\u00abwiltow\u00bb 1151, \u00abartow\u00bb 1967, \u00abkanstow\u00bb 2335, &c.\n\nPossessive pronouns:\u2014\u00abmyn\u00bb and \u00abthyn\u00bb are used before vowels and before\n\u00abh\u00bb; \u00abmy\u00bb, \u00abthy\u00bb before consonants. Only once, l. 90, \u00abmy\u00bb is placed\nbefore a vowel. \u00abHis\u00bb, \u00abhire\u00bb and \u00abhere\u00bb; \u00abour\u00bb, \u00abyour\u00bb; \u00abhere\u00bb and\n(twice, 623, 1244) \u00abthair\u00bb.\n\nThe demonstrative pronouns are \u00abthis\u00bb, \u00abthese\u00bb or \u00abthes\u00bb; \u00abthat\u00bb.\n\nThe definite article \u00abthe\u00bb or \u00ab\u00fee\u00bb, is used for all cases singular\nand plural. But we find besides, the following examples of\ninflexion:\u2014\u00abtho\u00bb, 2063, O.E. \u00ab\u00fe\u00e2\u00bb, and the accusative sing. \u00ab\u00feon\u00bb,\n108. In l. 2052, \u00abtho\u00bb means \u2018them, those\u2019 = Lat. eos. \u00abTha\u00bb, l. 2639,\nseems to be a mistake of the scribe, it is perhaps miswritten for \u00ab\u00feat\u00bb\n(day), cf. l. 619.\n\n\u00abMen\u00bb, 115, 1351, and \u00abme\u00bb, 287, are used as indefinite pronouns.\n\u00abEveryche\u00bb, \u00abevery\u00bb, \u00abeverychone\u00bb occur frequently. Note also \u00abichoon\u00bb\n2774, \u00abilka\u00bb 2016; \u00abthilke\u00bb 2644, \u00abeche\u00bb 1865.\n\n\u00abThat\u00bb or \u00ab\u00feat\u00bb, \u00abwho\u00bb, \u00abwhome\u00bb are used as relative pronouns. The\ninterrogative pronouns are \u00abwho\u00bb and \u00abwhat\u00bb.\n\n\u00abVerbs.\u00bb The plural imperative ends in \u00ab-eth\u00bb or \u00ab-th\u00bb, which, however,\nwe find frequently omitted, as in l. 194, \u00abprove you\u00bb, 2078 \u00abproveth\u00bb;\n2131 \u00absende\u00bb, 167 \u00absendith\u00bb; \u00abtelle\u00bb 1977, \u00abtellyth\u00bb 1625, &c.\n\nThe \u00ab-n\u00bb of the infinitive mood is often dropped, as in \u00abChaucer\u00bb:\u2014274,\n1588, \u00absene\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbene\u00bb; 1124, \u00absee\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtre\u00bb; 658\u00a0: \u00abcite\u00bb; 600, \u00abbe\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abcite\u00bb; 1225\u00a0: \u00abcontre\u00bb; 1411, \u00abflee\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcite\u00bb; 3065, \u00abfleen\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmen\u00bb;\n1282, \u00absloo\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmo\u00bb; 792, \u00absloone\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abone\u00bb, &c.\n\nThe final -(\u00abe\u00bb)\u00abn\u00bb of past participles of strong verbs is in most\ncases [p-xxxviii] dropped, as in \u00abChaucer\u00bb:\u20143176 \u00abforlorne\u00bb: \u00abborne\u00bb,\n32 \u00abborn\u00bb, 3011 \u00abwonne\u00bb, 21 \u00abwonnen\u00bb, 2756 \u00abcomen\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnomen\u00bb, 155\n\u00abcome\u00bb, 2476 \u00abholpe\u00bb, 1362 \u00abbygote\u00bb, 1026 \u00abblowe\u00bb, &c.\n\nWeak verbs form their past participles in \u00ab-ed\u00bb, \u00ab-d\u00bb, \u00ab-et\u00bb, \u00ab-t\u00bb,\nmuch as in \u00abChaucer\u00bb:\u2014\u00ablerned\u00bb 3042, \u00abeyde\u00bb 1648, \u00abtoolde\u00bb 670, \u00abbogt\u00bb\n111, \u00abdelte\u00bb 526, \u00abdisplaied\u00bb 133.\n\nThe prefix \u00abi-\u00bb or \u00aby-\u00bb occurs sometimes, \u00abicome\u00bb 784, \u00abcome\u00bb 155,\n\u00abistonge\u00bb 533, \u00abitake\u00bb 49, \u00abtaken\u00bb 1430, &c.\n\nThe present participles end in \u00ab-inge\u00bb and \u00abande\u00bb, as is often the case\nin East-Midland works:\u20142831 \u00abprikande\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcomande\u00bb, 435 \u00abcryande\u00bb, 924\n\u00abmakande\u00bb, 3225 \u00abmornynge\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abkynge\u00bb, 2399 \u00abslepynge\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abhonde\u00bb, where\nevidently \u00abslepande\u00bb is the true reading.\n\nAs in \u00abChaucer\u00bb the 2nd person preterite of strong verbs is sometimes\nformed by \u00ab-est\u00bb or \u00ab-ist\u00bb, \u00abletist\u00bb 2167; but we find also regular\nforms, as in \u00abslough\u00bb 1259, where, however, the O.E. \u00abe\u00bb (\u00absl\u00f4ge\u00bb) is\nalready dropped.\n\nThe \u00ab-en\u00bb or \u00ab-n\u00bb of the preterite plural and of past participles is\ncommonly dropped, \u00abronnen\u00bb 3007, \u00abronne\u00bb 2959, \u00abtook\u00bb 477, \u00abtokene\u00bb\n2621, \u00abslough\u00bb 78, \u00absloughen\u00bb 401, \u00abido\u00bb 327: \u00abso\u00bb, &c.\n\nThe \u00ab-d\u00bb in the past participles and in the preterite of weak verbs is\nsometimes omitted, as often happens in East-Midland works. Thus we find\n\u00abcomforte\u00bb 2242 and \u00abcomforted\u00bb 312, \u00abcommaunde\u00bb 57 and \u00abcommaunded\u00bb\n228, \u00abgraunte\u00bb 607, \u00abliste\u00bb 1132, \u00ablist\u00bb 1966, \u00abdiscumfite\u00bb 1464, &c.\nOn the same analogy we find \u00ablight\u00bb 1125, 1189, and \u00ablighted\u00bb 3109,\n\u00abworth\u00bb 1203, and \u00abworthed\u00bb 1163.\n\nAs regards the final \u00ab-e\u00bb\u2019s, it may be remarked that the scribe has\nadded many final \u00ab-e\u00bb\u2019s, where the rules would not lead us to suspect\nthem, and has often given a final \u00ab-e\u00bb to words which in other passages\nof the poem, although similarly used, have no \u00abe\u00bb:\u2014\u00abnote\u00bb 245, 274,\n\u00abnot\u00bb 255, 313; \u00abhowe\u00bb 19, \u00abhow\u00bb 275; \u00abundere\u00bb 61, \u00abunder\u00bb 713; \u00abbute\u00bb\n247, \u00abbut\u00bb 8; \u00abcooste\u00bb 202, \u00abcoost\u00bb 3062; \u00abcrafte\u00bb 424, \u00abcraft\u00bb 2335;\n\u00abashamede\u00bb 1295, \u00abashamed\u00bb 558, &c.\n\nThis is due either to carelessness on the part of the scribe, or\nperhaps to the fact that in the speech of the copyist the final \u00abe\u00bb\u2019s\nhad already become altogether silent, so that finding many words\nending in \u00ab-e\u00bb and not knowing its meaning, he considered it as a mere\n[p-xxxix] \u201cornament in writing\u201d (Ellis, \u00abPronunciation\u00bb, i. 338), and\nsometimes added, sometimes omitted it.\n\nWith respect to the composer of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb himself, there may be some\ndoubt left whether in his speech the final \u00abe\u00bb had become altogether\nsilent, or was still pronounced occasionally. From the following\ninstances it may be concluded with certainty that the poet very\nfrequently did not sound the final \u00abe\u00bb:\u2014757 \u00abboght\u1eb9\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnoght\u00bb, 3154\n\u00abhat\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abfat\u00bb, 961 \u00abwrong\u1eb9\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdistruccion\u00bb, 556 \u00abonlac\u1eb9\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwas\u00bb; cf.\nalso 1383, 1611, 2163; 2795 \u00absp\u00e9k\u1eb9 we of R\u00edchard\u00bb, 2999 \u00abfought\u00bb, 2093,\n859 \u00abbring\u1eb9\u00bb, 9, 2547 \u00abkept\u1eb9\u00bb, 834 \u00abwent\u1eb9\u00bb, 142 \u00abcom\u1eb9\u00bb, 713 \u00abwod\u1eb9\u00bb.\n\nIn other cases there is no certainty whether the final \u00abe\u00bb is quite\nsilent or must be slightly pronounced or slurred over, so as to form\ntrisyllabic measures. It must be noted, however, that in supposing\ntrisyllable measures in all these doubtful cases, the number of this\nkind of measure will increase to a great amount in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\nTherefore I rather incline to think the final \u00abe\u00bb silent also in the\nfollowing instances:\u20142090 \u00abd\u00e9fend\u1eb9 this place\u00bb, 1201 \u00abbr\u00e9k\u1eb9 both b\u00e1ke\u00bb,\n861 \u00abc\u00f3m\u1eb9 from \u00e1l\u00bb, 2119 \u00abask\u1eb9 consaile\u00bb, 1597 \u00abw\u00f3l\u1eb9 these tra\u00edtours\u00bb,\n1783 \u00abwh\u00e9ns com\u1eb9 y\u00e9\u00bb, 2317 \u00abp\u00e1ss\u1eb9 that br\u00edgge\u00bb, 1100 \u00abr\u00f3nn\u1eb9 bytw\u00e9ne\u00bb,\n2997 \u00abf\u00f3ught so l\u00f3nge\u00bb, 175 \u00abbrok\u1eb9 nothinge\u00bb, 1658 \u00abb\u00e9dd\u1eb9 with r\u00edght\u00bb,\n713 \u00abgr\u00e9n\u1eb9 wod\u1eb9 s\u00edde\u00bb, 571 \u00abh\u00f3m\u1eb9 to R\u00f3m\u1eb9 that n\u00fdght\u00bb, 1610 \u00abthe f\u00e1ls\njailo\u00far fedd\u1eb9 yo\u00far prison\u00e9re\u00bb, 2152 \u00abf\u00e1ls trait\u00f3urs of Fr\u00e1nce\u00bb, 921\n\u00abch\u00e1rged the y\u00f3nge with \u00e1l\u00bb, 380 \u00ababo\u00fat\u1eb9 midn\u00fdghte\u00bb, 726 \u00abs\u00f3ne to h\u00edm\u00bb,\n160 \u00ab\u00fanneth not \u00f3ne\u00bb [Chaucer still pronounces \u00abunneth\u00eb\u00bb].\n\nNevertheless there seems to be some instances where the final \u00abe\u00bb is\nto be sounded, as in ll. 298, 2790, 1332, 1619, 2740, 592, 2166, 2463,\n1405, 2386, 895, 332, 91.\n\nFinal \u00aben\u00bb also seems sometimes not to constitute a separate\nsyllable:\u20141365 \u00abwa\u00edt\u1eb9\u1e47 uppon m\u00e9\u00bb, 459 \u00abbr\u00e9k\u1eb9\u1e47 our w\u00e1llis\u00bb, 45 \u00absl\u00e9p\u1eb9\u1e47\nwith \u00f3pyne \u00fd\u021de\u00bb, 485 \u00abc\u00f3m\u1eb9\u1e47 by the c\u00f3st\u00bb, 2313 \u00abd\u00edd\u1eb9\u1e47 it abo\u00fat\u00bb, &c.\n\nIn all these cases \u00abn\u00bb had very probably already fallen off in the\nspeech of the poet, as the following examples lead us to suppose:\u2014178\n\u00abwynne\u00bb: \u00abhim\u00bb, 1582 \u00abdye\u00bb: \u00abbiwry\u00bb, 2309 \u00abshewe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtrewe\u00bb, 2107\n\u00absl\u00e9pe to l\u00f3nge\u00bb, 861 \u00abc\u00f3me from \u00e1l\u00bb, &c.\n\nAs regards the final \u00abes\u00bb of nouns, the poet seems to have observed\nthe same rules as those followed by Chaucer; viz. \u00abes\u00bb is sounded when\n[p-xl] joined to monosyllabic stems; it does not increase the number\nof syllables (and therefore is often spelt-\u00abs\u00bb instead of-\u00abes\u00bb), when\nthe stem has two or more syllables:\u2014197, 277 \u00abgodd\u00ebs\u00bb, 665 \u00abnail\u00ebs\u00bb,\n445 \u00abtent\u00ebs\u00bb, 2068 \u00abtent\u00efs\u00bb, 174, 1799 \u00abhed\u00ebs\u00bb, 2032, 2868 \u00abswerd\u00ebs\u00bb,\n2327 \u00abwall\u00ebs\u00bb, 1209 \u00absted\u00ebs\u00bb, 1770 \u00abshipp\u00ebs\u00bb, 2702 \u00absomers\u00bb, 2687, 2591\n\u00abfelowes\u00bb, 2660 \u00abfelows\u00bb, 2412 \u00abmaydyns\u00bb, 647, 1597 \u00abtraytours\u00bb, 2036\n\u00aborders\u00bb, 45 \u00ablovers\u00bb, 2612, 3098 \u00abdeveles\u00bb, 1072 \u00abfaderis\u00bb, 203, 862\n\u00absowdons\u00bb, 881 \u00absarsyns\u00bb.\n\nThe final \u00abes\u00bb of adverbs seems no longer to constitute a separate\nsyllable:\u20142213 \u00abh\u00f3nged\u2019 els b\u00fd\u00bb, 2786 \u00ab\u00e9ls had\u2019 h\u00e9\u00bb, 2109 \u00ab\u00e9llis I may\ns\u00ednge\u00bb, 1525 \u00ab\u00e9lles wol\u2019 h\u00e9\u00bb, 2061 \u00abth\u00e9ns\u00bb, 1783 \u00abwhens\u00bb.\n\n\nMETRE AND VERSIFICATION.\n\nThe poem is composed in four-line stanzas. The arrangement of the rhyme\nis such that the 1st and 3rd lines rhyme together, and the 2nd and\n4th together, which gives the following rhyme-formula: \u00aba b a b\u00bb. The\nrhyme-endings employed in one stanza do not occur again in the next\nfollowing.\n\nBut it must be noticed that there seem to occur some instances of\neight-line stanzas, one of which, beginning at l. 1587, is built on the\nmodel employed by \u00abChaucer\u00bb. Others are arranged differently. Those\nbeginning at ll. 1059 and 1219 show the rhyme-formula \u00aba b a b a c a\nc\u00bb, in that of l. 1411 the 2nd and 4th lines are rhymed together, and\nthe 5th and 7th, whilst the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th, all end with the same\nrhyme. The formula for the stanzas beginning at ll. 807, 879, 1611\nis \u00aba b a b c b c b\u00bb. In the stanza of l. 939 all the pair lines are\nrhymed together, and the odd ones also, which is the only instance in\nthe poem of eight consecutive lines having only two rhyme-endings, as\ngenerally eight lines show four different rhyme-endings, and three only\nin the passages cited above. But the whole stanza of l. 939 seems not\nto be due to the author; he has very probably borrowed it from some\nother poem.[76]\n\nTurning now our attention to the fact that the lines occurring between\nthe Initials or Capital Letters, which are met with in some passages in\nthe MS., are often divisible by eight, we might feel [p-xli] inclined\nto regard this as an additional reason for considering the stanza\nemployed in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb as an eight-line one. Indeed, the portion from\nthe Initial of l. 1679 to the next one of l. 1689 might be taken for\none single stanza. The 24 lines from l. 575 (beginning with an Initial)\nto the next Initial in l. 598 might equally be considered as three\nstanzas, whilst there are 5 times 8 lines = 5 eight-line stanzas from\nthe Initial of l. 2755 to the next Initial in l. 2795.\n\nIn all these instances the supposition of eight-line stanzas would\nsuit the context, as is the case also with other passages. Thus in the\nfollowing cases it might seem as though eight lines taken together were\nmore closely connected and made better sense than four lines, \u00abe. g.\u00bb\nll. 583\u2013598, 1703\u20131710, 1679\u20131686, 939\u2013962, 1043\u20131050, 244 ss., 455\nss., 631 ss., 1059 ss.\n\nBut, on the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there are also\na great many cases where, as regards the sense, four lines can be\nconsidered as an independent whole, when, \u00abe. g.\u00bb, the speech spoken\nby a person is contained in four lines, and the words of another\nperson replying to the first follow in the next four lines. Very often\nalso these next four lines contain only a part of the second person\u2019s\nreply, so that the remainder of his reply falls into the following\nstanza. This \u2018enjambement\u2019 or continuation of the sense, and sometimes\nof the syntactical construction from one stanza to another, need not,\nof course, prevent us from admitting the supposition of eight-line\nstanzas; as, upon the whole, it is met with in all poems composed in\nstanzas, and as it is frequently used in \u00abLe Morte Arthur\u00bb (Harleian\nMS. 2252, ed. Furnivall), which is written in eight-line stanzas;\nbut as there is no instance known of an eight-line stanza containing\nfour different rhyme-endings, which at this supposition it would\nbe the case with the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, the eight-line stanzas containing\neither three rhyme-endings, as in \u00abChaucer\u00bb, or two, as in \u00abLe Morte\nArthur\u00bb, and as in some passages of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb (ll. 1691, 1695,\n1699, 1711, 1715), we find Initials placed after four lines, I believe\na stanza of four alternately rhyming lines to be the one intended\nby the composer\u2014a metre which, according to Guest, \u00abHistory of Eng.\nRhythms\u00bb, ii. 317\u2014\u2018must have been well known and familiar during the\nfifteenth century.\u2019 The few eight-line stanzas quoted above, may\n[p-xlii] then be owing either to the inadvertence of the poet, who\nsomewhat carelessly employed one of the two rhyme-endings of one stanza\na third and fourth time in the following one, or, perhaps also, he\nintentionally retained that rhyme-ending, and he inserted eight-line\nstanzas amongst those of four verses as a mere matter of variation. It\nis perhaps not impossible that the retention of this rhyme-ending was\nnot greatly felt.\n\nAs regards the rhymes themselves, they are both monosyllabic or\nmasculine rhymes, and dissyllabic or feminine ones. Frequently they are\nused alternating with each other, as in the stanzas beginning with l.\n2755.\n\nSometimes we find four feminine rhymes occurring in an unbroken\nsuccession, as in ll. 1263\u201366. But it must be noticed that the number\nof masculine rhymes is predominant. Thus the stanzas beginning with ll.\n3047, 3063, 3123, 1123, 791, 1035, 1271, 1275, 2019, 1311, 1351, 1463,\n&c., contain only masculine rhyme-endings.\n\nThe rhymes are not always full and true; there occur many imperfect\nones.\n\n(1) A word in the singular number is often rhymed with a word in the\nplural number, which therefore has an additional \u00abs\u00bb (or \u00abes\u00bb):\u2014797,\n\u00abthinge\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtidyngys\u00bb; 2647, \u00abfyght\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abknyghtes\u00bb; 2087, \u00ablight\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abknightes\u00bb; 1455, \u00abcosynes\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abkinge\u00bb; 2272, \u00ablaye\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdayes\u00bb; 2395,\n885, \u00abOgere\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abperes\u00bb; 2456, \u00aballe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwalles\u00bb; 2682, \u00abnede\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abstedes\u00bb; 944, \u00abmone\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abstoones\u00bb; cf. also 2376, \u00abwile\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbeguiled\u00bb.\nIn l. 68, \u00abpoundis\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdromonde\u00bb; the rhyme becomes perfect in reading\n\u00abpounde\u00bb, as in l. 2336, instead of \u00abpoundis\u00bb.\n\n(2) Single \u00abn\u00bb is found rhyming with \u00abn-\u00bb combinations.\n\n\u03b1. \u00abn\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnd\u00bb\u2014cf. 814, \u00abychoon\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abMahounde\u00bb; 912, \u00abpavilone\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abMahounde\u00bb; 1201, \u00abcrowne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abMahounde\u00bb. The rhyme, 162, \u00abRome\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abhoune\u00bb, may be explained in the same manner, for \u00abhoune\u00bb stands for\n\u00abhounde\u00bb, as it is spelt in ll. 237, 2377, 935, 1756.[77]\n\n\u03b2. \u00abn\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abng\u00bb\u2014cf. 2349, \u00abMapyne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abendinge\u00bb; 86, \u00abApolyne\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abtithinge\u00bb; 370, \u00abinne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abkinge\u00bb; 1455, \u00abcosynes\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abkinge\u00bb;\n3249, \u00abGenelyne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abkinge\u00bb; 3171, \u00abserpentyne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abendinge\u00bb; 959,\n\u00abdistruccion\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwronge\u00bb. [p-xliii]\n\nIn 614, \u00ablove\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abvowe\u00bb, the second rhyme \u00abvowe\u00bb does not contain the\nconsonant \u00abv\u00bb.\n\n(3) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the consonants.\n\n\u00abm\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abn\u00bb\u2014cf. 76, \u00abRome\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abone\u00bb; 1672, 364\u00a0: \u00abdone\u00bb; 2443, 366,\n\u00abcome\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdone\u00bb; 747, \u00absome\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absoudone\u00bb; 1323, \u00abcame\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthan\u00bb; 1488,\n\u00abcame\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abranne\u00bb; 2128, \u00abtyme\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abpyne\u00bb; 177, \u00abhim\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwynne\u00bb; 2375,\n\u00abhim\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtene\u00bb; 447, 859, \u00abhim\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abkyn\u00bb; 2004, \u00abhyme\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abskyne\u00bb; 2353,\n\u00abhim\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abinne\u00bb.\n\n\u00abf\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abv\u00bb\u2014cf. 341, \u00abtwelve\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abselve\u00bb; 415, \u00abwife\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abalive\u00bb; 1762,\n\u00abgyfene\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablyvene\u00bb; 1912, \u00abgife\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablyve\u00bb. But in all these cases the\nrhymes are really perfect, they seem only imperfect in consequence\nof the copyist writing indiscriminately \u00abf\u00bb and \u00abv\u00bb. Thus the rhyme\nof l. 341 reappears in l. 1867, \u00abself\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtwelf\u00bb. In l. 2336 we find\n\u00abge\u00bbf\u00abe\u00bb, which is written \u00abge\u00bbv\u00abe\u00bb in l. 198; \u00ablefe\u00bb, l. 764; \u00absafe\u00bb,\nl. 864, are spelt with \u00abv\u00bb in ll. 1340, 1529, 2808.\n\n\u00abl\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abn\u00bb\u2014cf. l. 363, \u00abconsaile\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abslayne\u00bb. Quite similar is l. 1251,\n\u00abfelde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absende\u00bb.\n\n\u00abp\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abk\u00bb\u2014l. 820, \u00abstoupe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abstroke\u00bb. A similar rhyme occurs in \u00abGuy\u00bb,\nl. 10903, \u00abscapid\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnakid\u00bb.\n\n\u00abd\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abt\u00bb\u2014l. 2868, \u00abgyrde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absterte\u00bb; 1151, \u00abplete\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdede\u00bb.\n\n\u00abd\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abp\u00bb\u2014l. 283, \u00abtyde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdepe\u00bb. But this rhyme is very probably\nowing to the scribe. For \u00abdepe\u00bb we ought to read \u00abwide\u00bb.\n\nA single consonant rhymes with a double consonant. The only certain\ninstance occurs in l. 311, \u00abtyde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abchidde\u00bb. For in ll. 312, 317,\n\u00abdele\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwelle\u00bb, we might read \u00abwele\u00bb, as this word is frequently\nspelt in the poem; cf. ll. 385, 2618, 1173, 1651, &c. For \u00abdedde\u00bb in\nl. 2980 (\u00abrede\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdedde\u00bb) we may substitute \u00abdede\u00bb, which occurs in\nl. 2510. The rhyme \u00abglad\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abhadde\u00bb, 2687, becomes perfect if we read\n\u00abgladde\u00bb, which is the usual spelling of the word in the poem; cf.\nll. 439, 570, 918, &c. Besides, I believe \u00abhadde\u00bb to be monosyllabic.\n\u00abFerre\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnere\u00bb l. 1575; in l. 117 we find \u00abfere\u00bb.\n\nThe rhyme, l. 2654, \u00absloughe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdrowe\u00bb can easily be restored in\nreading \u00abslowe\u00bb, which occurs frequently, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304,\n2208, &c. The rhyme \u00abane\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abshafe\u00bb, 555, seems to be due to some\nclerical error.\n\n(4) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the vowels.\n\n\u00aba\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abe\u00bb\u20142803, \u00abgate\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablete\u00bb; perhaps we are justified in reading\n\u00ablate\u00bb, [p-xliv] cf. \u00abHavelock\u00bb, 328; l. 2752, \u00abmade\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdede\u00bb. The\nrhymes \u00abthare\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwere\u00bb, 1383; \u00abbare\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthere\u00bb, 671; \u00abAgremare\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abthere\u00bb, 33, are really perfect ones, as we know the poet to have used\n\u00abthare\u00bb, \u00abthere\u00bb, and \u00abthore\u00bb indiscriminately; cf. ll. 208, 2604, 430,\n1805, 1003; l. 1436, \u00abladde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnede\u00bb; 2365, \u00abladde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbedde\u00bb, the\nauthor probably pronounced \u00abledde\u00bb. For \u00ablefte\u00bb, l. 2335\u00a0: \u00abcraft\u00bb,\nwe may read \u00ablafte\u00bb, as is shown by l. 424, \u00ablafte\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcrafte\u00bb. In\nll. 1781, 544, \u00abtene\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthan\u00bb, the rhyme will be improved by reading\n\u00abthen\u00bb.\n\n\u00aba\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abo\u00bb (cf. p. xxxv)\u2014504, \u00abthane\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgone\u00bb; 1143, 1079, \u00abRolande\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abhonde\u00bb; 133, \u00absowdone\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abLavan\u00bb (where we might read \u00absowdan\u00bb, as in\nl. 1491); 627, \u00absowdane\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtowne\u00bb; 2527, 1684, \u00abRoulande\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablonde\u00bb.\n\n\u00abi\u00bb(\u00aby\u00bb)\u00a0: \u00abe\u00bb. This rhyme also occurs in \u00abChaucer\u00bb; cf. Ellis,\n\u00abPron.\u00bb i. 272; see also \u00abGuy\u00bb, p. xiv.\u2014l. 21419, \u00abhim\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abhem\u00bb; 1299,\n\u00abdynte\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablente\u00bb; 523, \u00abstrike\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbreke\u00bb; 1643, \u00abmylde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abshelde\u00bb;\n1263, \u00abtogedere\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthidere\u00bb; 1277, \u00abwepenless\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abiwis\u00bb; 344,\n\u00abshitte\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmette\u00bb; 2538, \u00abhende\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwynde\u00bb (read \u00abwende\u00bb), &c.; l. 82,\n\u00abvilane\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abremedye\u00bb (read \u00abvilanye\u00bb, as in ll. 179, 2577); but 1015,\n\u00abvilane\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abme\u00bb, cf. \u00abGuy\u00bb, xi, \u03bd\u2014813, \u00absle\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcurtesye\u00bb; 895, \u00abwe\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00ablye\u00bb; cf. Ellis, \u00abPron.\u00bb, i. 271.\n\nThe monophthong \u00aby\u00bb is rhymed with a diphthong, the second part of\nwhich is \u00aby\u00bb:\u2014l. 441, \u00abSarsynes\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abRomaynes\u00bb; 2761, \u00abApolyne\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abagayne\u00bb; 2105\u00a0: \u00abslayne\u00bb; 2175\u00a0: \u00abeyne\u00bb; 2280, \u00abdye\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwaye\u00bb (cf.\n1582); 589, \u00abfyne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abBourgoyne\u00bb.\n\n\u00abo\u00bb: \u00abou\u00bb (\u00abow\u00bb).\u2014l. 1023, \u00abwrothe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absouthe\u00bb (which is written\n\u00absothe\u00bb in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719); 779, \u00abfonde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgrounde\u00bb;\n260, \u00abclarione\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absoune\u00bb; 879, \u00ablione\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcrowne\u00bb; 2780, \u00abmalison\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abtowne\u00bb, &c. Cf. also 1264, \u00abendured\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcovered\u00bb.\n\n\u00abo\u00bb: \u00abe\u00bb.\u2014463, \u00aboost\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbest\u00bb. The rhyme is restored in reading \u00abrest\u00bb\ninstead of \u00aboost\u00bb.\n\n\u00abo\u00bb: \u00abi\u00bb.\u2014l. 966, \u00absonne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbegynne\u00bb.\n\n\u00abue\u00bb: \u00abewe\u00bb.\u2014l. 2312, \u00abvertue\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abfewe\u00bb. But this rhyme cannot be\nobjected to, as \u201cfinal French \u00abu\u00bb (as in \u00abdue\u00bb) was diphthongized into\n\u00abeu\u00bb in Chaucerian English.\u201d[78]\n\nOther irregularities are:\u2014l. 112, \u00abdou\u021dte\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abrowte\u00bb; 1987, \u00abuse\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abhouse\u00bb; 1131, \u00abthou\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablough\u00bb; 1200, \u00abmoost\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgoist\u00bb; 1730,\n\u00abdethe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00absleith\u00bb; [p-xlv] 2136, \u00abpas\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgrace\u00bb; 1611, \u00abwas\u00bb\u00a0:\n\u00abmace\u00bb (in which cases \u00abe\u00bb is silent); 931, 1144, \u00abperis\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abfiers\u00bb.\n\nA line or verse generally contains four accented syllables, separated\nfrom each other by one or by two unaccented syllables, so that there\nare some instances of trisyllabic feet, as in ll. 817, 834, 2035, 2301,\n2791, 3020, 3073, 2313, &c. In ll. 692, 695, two accented syllables are\nput close together without being separated by an unaccented one, which\nis altogether wanting. In some passages we find lines of three accented\nsyllables alternating with those of four accents, as in ll. 575\u2013582,\n763\u2013770, 839\u2013846, 871\u2013878, 2287\u20132290, &c. But in most cases lines with\nfour accents follow each other in an unbroken succession, as in ll.\n1\u2013372, 995\u20131010, 1026\u20131029, 1067\u20131107, 1147\u20131154, 1731\u20131734, &c.\n\nA few instances of verses with more than four accented syllables are\nalso to be met with in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. They are either due to the author\nand therefore intended, as in l. 37, where the poet almost literally\nimitates his original,[79] or they may be considered as due to some\nclerical error, in which case the metre generally can be restored by a\nslight emendation.\n\nA verse has generally an iambic effect, that is to say, the first foot\nbegins with an unaccented syllable, which is followed by an accented\none. Frequently, however, the first accented syllable is preceded\nby two unaccented ones, as in ll. 41, 75, 127, 151, 367, 849, 1060,\n1815, 1819, 2289, 2758, &c. There are some instances of the first foot\nconsisting of a single (accented) syllable only, the unaccented one\nbeing altogether wanting, as in ll. 2120, 2288, 2374, 2394, &c.\n\n\nDATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR.\n\nGeorge Ellis attributes the present poem to the end of the fourteenth\nor beginning of the fifteenth century. \u201cI think,\u201d he says in his\n\u00abSpecimens of Early English Metrical Romances\u00bb, ed. Halliwell, p.\n380, \u201cit would not be difficult to prove from internal evidence, that\nthe present translation[80] cannot be earlier than the end of the\nfourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century.\u201d [p-xlvi]\n\nHaving seen from the summary of grammatical peculiarities that there\nis a great similarity between the language of Chaucer and that of the\ncomposer of this romance, we might be inclined to consider the latter\nas a contemporary of Chaucer. From some passages of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, which\nseem to contain allusions to Chaucerian poetry, we may conclude that\nthe poet must have known the \u00abCanterbury Tales\u00bb. Thus ll. 42\u201346:\u2014\n\n \u201cWhan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,\n  Whan ffrith and felde wexen gaye,\n  And every wight desirith his like,\n  Whan lovers slepen with opyn y\u021de,\n  As Nightingales on grene tre\u201d\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\nappear to be imitated from the \u00abPrologue of the Canterbury Tales\u00bb, ll.\n10\u201312:\u2014\n\n \u201cAnd smale fowles maken melodie,\n  That slepen al the night with open eye,\n  So priketh hem nature in her corages.\u201d\n\nFurther on we remark in ll. 939\u201340:\u2014\n\n \u201cO thow, rede Mar\u021d Armypotente,\n  That in the trende baye hase made \u00fey trone.\u201d\n\nsome traces of resemblance with the \u00abKnight\u2019s Tale\u00bb, ll. 1123\u201326:\u2014\n\n \u201cAnd downward on a hill under a bent,\n  There stood the tempul of Mar\u021d armypotent,\n  Wrought al of burned steel, of which thentre\n  Was long and streyt, and gastly for to see,\u201d\n\nwhich may still be compared with the first lines of the \u00abPrologue of\nQueen Anelida and False Arcite\u00bb:\u2014\n\n \u201cThou ferse God of armes, Mars the rede,\n  That in thy frosty contre called Trace,\n  Within thy grisly temples ful of drede,\n  Honoured art as patroun of that place.\u201d[81]\n\nNow the \u00abPrologue of the Canterbury Tales\u00bb and the \u00abKnight\u2019s Tale\u00bb,\nbeing written in couplets, or lines arranged in pairs, were certainly\ncomposed after 1385,[82] or rather after 1389.[83] From the treatment\nof [p-xlvii] the final \u00abe\u00bb\u2019s, which, contrary to Chaucer\u2019s usage, seem\nto have been silent in a great number of cases in the poet\u2019s speech, we\nmay further conclude that the \u00abSowdan\u00bb must be somewhat later than the\n\u00abCanterbury Tales\u00bb. Therefore the poet of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb cannot have been\nmerely a later contemporary of Chaucer; I rather think it to be more\nprobable that he must have lived some time after him. This would bring\nus to the beginning of the fifteenth century as the date of the romance.\n\nAs to the name and profession of the poet nothing is known, and we have\nno clue whatever from the poem.\n\nMS. OF THE SOWDAN.\n\nThe present edition of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb is printed from the unique MS. of\nthe late Sir Thomas Phillips, at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, which\nis now in the possession of the Rev. John E. A. Fenwick, Thurlestane\nHouse, Cheltenham. Sir Thomas Phillips purchased the MS. at Mr. Heber\u2019s\nsale.[84] The oldest possessor\u2019s name which we find noted, is on the\nreverse of the last leaf of the Manuscript, where is written, \u201cThis is\nJohn Eteyes (or Ebeye\u2019s) boke, witnes by John Staff\u201d\u2014in a hand \u00abcirca\ntemp.\u00bb Eliz. or Jac. I. By some notes made by former possessors on the\nfirst fly-leaf of the MS., and by the autograph names which we find\nthere, we learn that Geo. Steevens bought the MS. \u201cat Dr. Farmer\u2019s\nSale, Friday June 15, 1798, for 1: 10. 0.\u201d On May 20th, 1800, it was\n\u201cbought at the Sale of Geo. Stevens, for 3. 4. 6.\u201d by \u201cO. Grah^m\nGilchrist.\u201d\n\nA transcript of the MS. made by Geo. Stevens had been presented by\nhim to Mr. Douce. This copy was re-transcribed by Geo. Ellis, who, in\n1811, published some extracts with an analysis of the romance in the\n\u00abSpecimens of Early English Metrical Romances\u00bb.[85] The same copy has\nbeen followed by Halliwell, who in his \u00abDictionary of Arch. and Prov.\nW.\u00bb, has several quotations[86] from the present romance, which he\nstyles as \u201c\u00abMS. Douce\u00bb, 175.\u201d [p-xlviii]\n\nThe poem of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb was first printed by the Roxburghe Club in\n1854.[87] The text of the present edition differs from that of the\n\u00abeditio princeps\u00bb in so far as punctuation is introduced, which is\naltogether disregarded by the MS. and the Roxburghe Club edition. In\nsome passages words which have been written as one in the MS. are\nseparated in the text; thus \u00aba laye\u00bb, l. 2694; \u00aba ras\u00bb, l. 645, are\nprinted instead of \u00abalaye\u00bb, \u00abaras\u00bb. Sometimes also words written\nseparately in the MS. are united by a hyphen, as \u00abbe-falle\u00bb, 14;\n\u00abi-wiss\u00bb, 71; \u00abi-sought\u00bb, 725; \u00abwith-oute\u00bb, 841; \u00aba-bide\u00bb, 818;\n\u00aba-ferde\u00bb, 1337, &c. These slight deviations from the MS., which are\nalways indicated in the footnotes, seemed advisable on account of the\ngreat help they afford the reader in understanding the text. More\nimportant emendations and corrections of evident scribal blunders and\nother mistakes are given in the foot-notes, and will be found explained\nin the Notes.\n\nThe Index of Names will be useful to those who wish to compare the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb with any other version of the romance.\n\nThe Glossarial Index contains besides the obsolete terms all those\nwords the spelling or the signification of which essentially differs\nfrom that now accepted. Words which show only slight orthographical\nvariations from their modern form have not been included, as the reader\nwill have no difficulty in identifying them.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn conclusion I have the pleasant duty of acknowledging the invaluable\nassistance which Professor Zupitza at all times readily and freely gave\nme. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Furnivall and to Mr. Napier for\ntheir kind advice and suggestions, and to Mr. Herrtage for collating a\ntranscript of the poem with the MS.\n\n EMIL HAUSKNECHT.\n\n \u00abBerlin\u00bb, \u00abJanuary\u00bb, 1881.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9t.\u00bb, p. 133\u20134.\n\n[2] Gautier, \u00abEpop\u00e9es\u00bb, ii. 308.\n\n[3] Cf. the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 84; \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 102;\n\u00abSowdone\u00bb, l. 1067.\n\n[4] Thus in \u00abScarron\u00bb, Gigant, iii.\n\n[5] Pantagruel, ii. chap. 1.\n\n[6] See the most interesting account of this piece and its curious\nmanner of representation in \u00abHistoire Litt\u00e9raire de la France\u00bb, xvii.\n720\u201321.\n\n[7] Gautier, \u00abEpop\u00e9es\u00bb, ii. p. 308; and \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 99.\n\n[8] See \u00abHuon de Bourdeaux\u00bb, edd. Guessard and Grandmaison, p. xxxviii.\n\n[9] See G. Nottebohm, \u00abThematisches Verzeichniss der im Druck\nerschienenen Werke von Franz Schubert\u00bb. Wien, 1874.\u2014Op. 76.\n\n[10] Cf. besides, \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, pp. 97, 143, 155, 214, 251;\n\u00abEpop\u00e9es fran\u00e7aises\u00bb, ii. pp. 307\u20139; and the \u00abPr\u00e9face\u00bb of the French\nedition of \u00abFierabras\u00bb.\n\n[11] See also Mone, \u00abUebersicht der niederl\u00e4ndischen Volksliteratur\n\u00e4lterer Zeit\u00bb. T\u00fcbingen, 1836. p. 56.\n\n[12] Cf. Warton, \u00abHist. of Eng. Poetry\u00bb, 1824, vol. i. pp. 147\u20138.\n\n[13] It is worthy of notice that the account of the Fierabras romance\nas given by Barbour, may be considered, on the whole, as identical with\nthe subject of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb or the English \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb,\nbut not with the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, as there is no mention made of the combat\nbefore Rome, nor any trace of what makes up the first part of the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb. But the spelling \u00abLawyn\u00bb for \u00abBalan\u00bb agrees with the spelling\nof the same name in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. As to the relics mentioned in the\npassage above, they differ from all other versions.\n\n[14] In the Sowdan the Bridgeward is called \u00abAlagolofre\u00bb; cf. Index of\nNames.\n\n[15] This MS. consisting of 71 parchment leaves in 4to, with coloured\ninitials at the beginning of each rhyme-strophe, had formerly been in\nthe possession \u201cMajoris Monasterii congregationis Sancti Mauri,\u201d at\nParis. Having passed through many hands during the French Revolution,\nit finally came to the Library of Wallerstein.\n\n[16] Der Roman von Ferabras, provenzalisch. Berlin, 1829.\n\n[17] British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.\n\n[18] Cf. also the \u00abPr\u00e9face\u00bb of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, p. iv.\n\n[19] See \u00abLeben und Werke der Troubadours\u00bb, by Friedrich Diez, Zwickau,\n1829, p. 613 note, and Berliner \u00abJahrb\u00fccher f\u00fcr wissenschaftliche\nKritik\u00bb, 1831.\n\n[20] In a footnote to his \u00abHistoire de la Po\u00e9sie scandinave\u00bb, p. 183,\nwhere he says:\u2014\u201cLe roman de Ferabras, publi\u00e9 \u00e0 Berlin par M. Bekker,\nest\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. \u00e9videmment traduit du fran\u00e7ais, et en a conserv\u00e9 trop de\nformes et d\u2019expressions pour avoir la moindre valeur grammaticale.\u201d\n\n[21] \u00abFierabras chanson de geste\u00bb, edd. Kr\u0153ber and Servois, in the\ncollection of the \u00abAnciens Po\u00e8tes de la France\u00bb.\n\n[22] For a more detailed analysis, see \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9t.\u00bb, p. 251, and\ncf. the account given of the old \u00abFierabras\u00bb or \u00abBalan\u00bb romance by\nPhilippe Mousket, ed. Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, vol. I. v. ll. 4664\u20134716,\nwhich runs as follows:\u2014\n\n 4664  Puis fu Roume par force prise\n       et la gent destruite et ocise\n       et li apostoile ocis\n       Castiaus-Mireors ars et pris\n 4668  et toute la cit\u00e9 bruie.\n       li dus Garins et sa mesnie\n       entrerent en Castiel-Croisant,\n       quar Sarrasin, Turc et Persant\n 4672  amenerent trop grant compagne\n       et devers Surie et d\u2019Espagne;\n       si furent crestien dolant,\n       et manderent tot maintenant\n 4676  soucours al bon roi Charlemainne\n       ki sa fieste en France demainne,\n       et li rois en cele besogne\n       lor tramist Guion de Bourgogne,\n 4680  ki nouviaus chevaliers estoit\n       et des jovenes enfans avoit\n       devant \u00e7ou la couronne prise.\n       et soucoururent sans faintise\n 4684  lor bon roi en la tiere estrange\n       u il n\u2019orent ni lin ni lange.\n       en France estoient revenu\n       et soujourn\u00e9 et bien p\u00e9u,\n 4688  mais \u00e0 cel soucours le tramist\n       li rois, ki moult s\u2019entremist,\u2014\n       et si tramist de Normendie\n       Ricart \u00e0 la ciere hardie,\n 4692  si reprirent li Mireour:\n       et dus Garins vint \u00e0 l\u2019estour,\n       ki tint Pavie en quit\u00e9\n       s\u2019ot bien Castil-Croisant gard\u00e9,\n 4696  et Karles ot sa gent mand\u00e9e,\n       si vinrent de mainte contr\u00e9e,\n       quar il lor faisoit tant de biens,\n       qu \u2019\u00e0 ses amis ne faloit riens.\n 4700  si trest vers Rome li bons rois\n       et fist as paiens moult d\u2019anois.\n       dont se combati Oliviers\n       a Fierabras ki tant fu fiers;\n 4704  d\u2019armes l\u2019outra, si reconquist\n       les .ii. barius qu\u2019\u00e0 Rome prist,\n       si les gieta enmi le Toivre\n       por \u00e7ou que plus n\u2019en p\u00e9ust boivre;\n 4708  quar c\u2019est bausmes ki fu rem\u00e9s\n       dont Ihesu Cris fu embausm\u00e9s.\n       puis furent mort tot li paien\n       et mis en Roume crestiien,\n 4712  si ot autre apostoile fait\n       et Karles s\u2019en revint \u00e0 hait,\n       si gratia Dieu et St. Piere,\n       que recouvr\u00e9e ot sa kaiere,\n 4716  soujourner vint dont \u00e0 Parise\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\n[23] \u00abRomania\u00bb, ii. 1873, pp. 1\u201348.\n\n[24] Cf. \u00abJahrbuch f\u00fcr romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur\u00bb,\nedd. Lemcke, vol. xiii. p. 111.\n\n[25] Printed in \u00abVerhandlungen der 28sten Versammlung deutscher\nPhilologen und Schulm\u00e4nner in Leipzig\u00bb. Leipzig, 1873, p. 209 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\n[26] Corresponding to ll. 1410 \u00abet seq.\u00bb of the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb.\n\n[27] Cf. \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 8192\u20133.\n\n[28] Cf. also l. 2784 and \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 1860 and 2059.\n\n[29] See above, p. xi, footnote, and \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 251.\n\n[30] Cf. Gr\u0153ber, \u00abVerhandlungen\u00bb, pp. 217\u201318.\n\n[31] The following differences between the \u00abDestruction\u00bb and the\nnarration of Philippe Mousket are worthy of note:\u2014\n\n(i) the combat around Ch\u00e2teau-Miroir is described in a different manner\nin the two poems.\n\n(ii) the scene of action, which at the end of the \u00abDestruction\u00bb is\ntransferred to Spain, remains, according to Philippe Mousket, in the\nneighbourhood of Rome for the whole time.\n\n(iii) Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy play a most important\nactive part before Rome, according to Ph. Mousket, whereas in the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb this is not the case.\n\nNow, as to the last two items, they must have been in the original such\nas they are related by Ph. Mousket. For only thus some obscure passages\nof \u00abFierabras\u00bb, of which even the \u00abDestruction\u00bb affords no explanation,\nare cleared up. Thus, \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1049,\n\n \u201cPr\u00e8s fu du far de Rome, ses a dedens jet\u00e9s\u201d\u2014\n\nwhich is in contradiction to the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, is explained by ll.\n4705\u20136 of Mousket\u2019s account (see above). Only Mousket relates that\nFloripas has seen Guy before Rome (\u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 2240; Ashmole\n\u00abFerumbras\u00bb, l. 1413), and that Richard took part at the combat there.\nTherefore the account as given by Ph. Mousket, agreeing with what must\nhave been the contents of the old original, is based on a version older\nthan the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, which exhibits significant differences.\n\nThese differences between Mousket and the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, as well as\nthe fact that several references to preceding events contained in\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb remain unexplained by the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, were some of the\nreasons which led me in my \u00abDissertation\u00bb, pp. 41\u201349, to consider the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb as a poem written by another author than that of the\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb. In order to clear up the allusions to preceding events\ncontained in the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, the very beginning of which necessarily\nrequires some explanatory account\u2014a circumstance which also gave\nrise to the \u2018episode\u2019 of the Proven\u00e7al version\u2014the \u00abDestruction\u00bb was\ncomposed as a kind of Introduction to the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, whereby it\nhappened that some allusions remained unexplained.\n\n[32] For a description of this magnificent MS., see \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, p.\nvi, footnote.\n\n[33] Cf. Warton, \u00abHist. of Eng. Poetry\u00bb, ii. 197\u20138.\n\n[34] Edited for the E. E. T. S. in 1879, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.\n\n[35] Cf. Gautier, \u00abEpop\u00e9es Fran\u00e7aises\u00bb, i. 221.\u2014\u201cRien n\u2019est plus\nfr\u00e9quent, dans la Chanson de Roland et dans nos po\u00e8mes les plus\nanciens, que la r\u00e9p\u00e9tition double, triple et m\u00eame quelquefois\nquadruple, de certains couplets. Cette r\u00e9p\u00e9tition n\u2019a pas lieu dans les\nm\u00eames termes, ni surtout avec les m\u00eames rimes. Tout au contraire, la\nm\u00eame id\u00e9e est reproduite en vers diff\u00e9rents, munis d\u2019assonances ou de\nrimes diff\u00e9rentes.\u201d\n\n[36] The variations of this MS. are printed in the \u00abJahrbuch der roman.\nand engl. Sprachen\u00bb, vol. ix. pp. 43 ss.\n\n[37] This edition, although printed from the MS. \u00aba\u00bb, may be said to\nrepresent a group (\u00abw\u00bb) of four MSS., called \u00aba\u00bb \u00abb\u00bb \u00abc\u00bb \u00abd\u00bb (see\nabove xv). Another group (\u00abz\u00bb) is formed by the MSS. \u00abE\u00bb and \u00abD\u00bb. Both\ngroups belong to the same type \u00aby\u00bb. Cf. Gr\u0153ber, \u00abDie handschriftlichen\nGestaltungen der chanson de geste Fierabras\u00bb, Leipzig, 1869, p. 27,\nwhere we find the following stemma:\n\n         \u00aby\u00bb\n         \u2571\u2572\n        \u2571  \u2572\n       \u2571    \u2572\n      \u2571      \u2572\n    \u00abz\u00bb       \u2572\n    \u2571\u2572         \u2572\n   \u2571  \u2572         \u2572\n  \u2571    \u2572         \u2572\n \u00abE\u00bb   \u00abD\u00bb       \u00abw\u00bb\n                 \u2571\u2571\u2572\u2572\n                \u2571\u2571  \u2572\u2572\n               \u2571\u2571    \u2572\u2572\n            \u00abd\u00bb\u00aba\u00bb  \u00abb\u00bb\u00abc\u00bb\n\n[38] \u00abEpop\u00e9es Fran\u00e7aises\u00bb, ii. 307, and \u00abCat. rais. des livr. de la\nbibl. d\u2019Ambr. F. Didot\u00bb, I, 361.\n\n[39] Gr\u0153ber, \u00abHandschriftl. Gestaltungen\u00bb, p. 6.\n\n[40] \u00abJahrbuch\u00bb, xiii. p. 111, and \u00abZeitschrift f\u00fcr romanische\nPhilologie\u00bb, iv. p. 164.\n\n[41] \u201cDie Vergleichung weniger aus allen Hss. bekannten Versen macht\ngewiss, dass \u00abH\u00bb mit \u00abD\u00bb und \u00abE\u00bb aus der n\u00e4mlichen Quelle \u00abz\u00bb geflossen\nist.\u201d \u00abJahrbuch\u00bb, xiii. 113.\n\n[42] \u00abHandschriftl. Gestalt.\u00bb, p. 10.\n\n[43] See the note to l. 5763 of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, and cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\n5955.\n\n[44] The number of instances where \u00abA\u00bb varies from \u00abC\u2019s\u00bb version might\neasily be increased. Thus we find \u00abA\u00bb 340 differing from \u00abC\u00bb 52/111 and\nfrom \u00abF\u00bb 357; \u00abA\u00bb 814 differing from \u00abC\u00bb 79/3 and from \u00abF\u00bb 1548; \u00abA\u00bb\n1616 differing from \u00abC\u00bb 102/10 and from \u00abF\u00bb 2424; \u00abA\u00bb 1238 differing\nfrom \u00abC\u00bb 92/5 and from \u00abF\u00bb 2083; \u00abA\u00bb 4652 differing from \u00abC\u00bb 171/26 and\nfrom \u00abF\u00bb 4900, &c.\n\n[45] \u00abSpecimens of Early English Metrical Romances\u00bb, ed. Halliwell, p.\n379 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\n[46] \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 251; cf. also \u00abRevue critique d\u2019Histoire\net de Litt\u00e9rature\u00bb, ii. 1869, p. 121 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\n[47] Cf. Mr. Shelley\u2019s Paper in Warton, \u00abHist. of Eng. Poetry\u00bb, ii.\n197\u20138.\n\n[48] pp. 17 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\n[49] \u00abDissertation\u00bb, p. 18.\n\n[50] \u00abIntroduction to Sir Ferumbras\u00bb, p. xiv.\n\n[51] The French text will be found in the \u00abNotes\u00bb, which see.\n\n[52] For these names, the \u00abIndex of Names\u00bb may be referred to.\n\n[53] In some passages the \u00abDestruction\u00bb shows also the spelling\n\u00abBalan\u00bb, but \u00abLaban\u00bb is more common.\n\n[54] See note to l. 1000.\n\n[55] See note to l. 2842.\n\n[56] \u00abDissertation\u00bb, p. 20.\n\n[57] See note to l. 1663.\n\n[58] Cf. note to l. 1723.\n\n[59] Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Ashmol. MS., l. 259,\nreproduces\u2014from the Roxburghe Club edition, \u00abIntrod.\u00bb p. vi.\u2014the list\nof the twelve peers in the French version of the Grenville copy, 10531,\nwhich he erroneously takes for that of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\n[60] But there is one \u201cAlorys \u00fee erld of Brye,\u201d mentioned in the Ashm.\nMS., ll. 935, 2842, 4076, &c.\n\n[61] There is one \u00abTempler\u00bb mentioned in the Ashm. MS., l. 2673. But he\nis not identical with \u00abTamper\u00bb of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, ll. 2641, 2667.\n\n[62] Greek \u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd. Cf. \u00abDissertation\u00bb, pp. 45\u201346.\n\n[63] See note to l. 2535.\n\n[64] There being only a small fragment printed of the Didot MS.\n(\u00abEpop\u00e9es Fr.\u00bb ii. 307), a comparison of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb with this version\nis impossible at present. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same\ngroup as \u00abE\u00bb, what results from a comparison of \u00abS\u00bb with \u00abE\u00bb may be\nassumed for the Didot MS.\n\n[65] See \u00abZeitschrift f\u00fcr romanische Philologie\u00bb, iv. pp. 164, 170.\n\n[66] \u00abJahrbuch f\u00fcr romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur\u00bb,\nxiii. p. 111.\n\n[67] This example is not very striking, as the spelling \u00abFerumbras\u00bb may\nsimply have been retained from the first part of the poem; see above,\np. xxxi.\n\n[68] \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xiv, footnote.\n\n[69] See \u00abHandschriftliche Gestaltungen\u00bb, p. 14, and \u00abDissert.\u00bb, p. 29.\n\n[70] \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 157.\n\n[71] And to which only a few very insignificant additions were made by\nthe author; see \u00abHist. Po\u00e9t.\u00bb, p. 99, bottom.\n\n[72] See Morris\u2019s Preface to \u00abGenesis and Exodus\u00bb, Skeat\u2019s Introduction\nto \u00abHavelock the Dane\u00bb, and Mall\u2019s edition of \u00abHarrowing of Hell\u00bb\n(Breslau, 1871).\n\n[73] See Sweet, \u00abAnglia\u00bb, iii. 152.\n\n[74] Cf. Mall, \u00abHarrowing of Hell\u00bb, p. 18.\n\n[75] Cf. Schipper, \u00abAlexiuslegenden\u00bb, 98/121.\n\n[76] See note to l. 939.\n\n[77] \u201cThis elision of a final \u00abd\u00bb in such words as \u00abhond\u00bb, \u00ablond\u00bb,\n\u00absheld\u00bb, \u00abheld\u00bb, &c., is by no means uncommon in ancient poetry,\nand arises simply from pronunciation.\u201d\u2014Morris, \u00abSpecimens of Early\nEnglish\u00bb, 320/261.\n\n[78] Cf. Mr. Nicol\u2019s \u00abPaper in the Academy\u00bb of June 23, 1877, vol. xi.\np. 564, col. 1, and \u00abSeventh Annual Address of the President to the\nPhilol. Soc.\u00bb, p. 2.\n\n[79] See the note.\n\n[80] Although l. 25 says that the story of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb \u201cis written\nin Romance,\u201d this cannot induce us to consider our poem as a mere\ntranslation. It is, on the contrary, a free reproduction of a French\noriginal.\n\n[81] Cf. also Lindsay\u2019s \u00abHistory of Squyer Meldrum\u00bb, l. 390:\n\n \u201cLike Mars the God Armypotent.\u201d\n\n[82] Cf. \u00abPrioress\u2019s Tale\u00bb, ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press Series), p. xx;\nand Furnivall\u2019s \u00abTrial Forewords\u00bb, p. 111.\n\n[83] Cf. \u00abChaucer\u00bb, ed. Morris, i. 205, footnote.\n\n[84] \u00abBibliotheca Heberiana\u00bb, Part xi. p. 162. MSS. Lot 1533.\n\n[85] Ed. Halliwell, p. 379 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\n[86] For instances, see the following words:\u2014\u00abAtame\u00bb, \u00abalayned\u00bb,\n\u00abameved\u00bb, \u00abassorte\u00bb, \u00abavente\u00bb, \u00abforcer\u00bb, &c.\n\n[87] London. Printed by William Nicol, Shakspere Press, MDCCCLIV.\n\n[p-xlix]\n\n\n\n\nADDITIONS.\n\n\nSince the \u00abIntroduction\u00bb was written, I have had an opportunity of\nseeing the Hanover MS. of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb. The kind offices of\nProfessor Koner exerted on my behalf secured me the consent of the\nAdministration of the Royal Hanoverian Library to have the MS. sent to\nBerlin, and their most generous permission to consult it freely in the\nReading Room of the University Library.\n\nHaving now compared the \u00abSowdan\u00bb more closely with the Hanover MS.,\nI must state that the final result arrived at in my investigation\nconcerning the original of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb (cf. p. xxxii) is in no way\naltered.\n\nAs already stated above (p. xxxii), and as the subsequent examination\nand the passages of \u00abH\u00bb quoted below will serve to confirm, the Hanover\nversion is, generally speaking, the same as the printed version of the\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, differing only in slight variations of readings.\n\nThe names in which \u00abS\u00bb differs from \u00abF\u00bb, but agrees with \u00abH\u00bb, are\nalready spoken of on p. xxxi. But there are several others in the\nspelling of which \u00abH\u00bb agrees with \u00abF\u00bb, but differs from \u00abS\u00bb. Thus we\nfind \u00abBalans\u00bb or \u00abBalant\u00bb in \u00abH\u00bb for \u00abLaban\u00bb in \u00abS\u00bb; \u00abGuarin\u00bb, \u00abH\u00bb,\nleaf 80, back, \u00abF\u00bb 438 = \u00abGeneryse\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 1135; \u00abAgolafres\u00bb, \u00abH\u00bb, leaf\n81 = \u00abAlagolofer\u00bb, \u00abS\u00bb 2135; \u00abAmiotte\u00bb, \u00abH\u00bb leaf 83, back = \u00abBarrokk\u00bb,\n\u00abS\u00bb 2939, etc.\n\nAs to the subject-matter, there are no instances where \u00abS\u00bb, differing\nfrom \u00abF\u00bb, agrees with \u00abH\u00bb. In all points in which \u00abS\u00bb differs from \u00abF\u00bb\nwe find it also differing from \u00abH\u00bb.\n\nThus the game of blowing a burning coal, in the description of [p-l]\nwhich \u00abS\u00bb slightly differs from \u00abF\u00bb, is related in \u00abH\u00bb with nearly the\nsame words as in \u00abF\u00bb. As, besides the small fragment printed by Gr\u0153ber\nin the \u00abJahrbuch\u00bb, xiii, and some few remarks in the \u00abZeitschrift\nf\u00fcr rom. Phil.\u00bb, nothing is known of the Hanover MS., the following\npassages printed here may serve to show how little \u00abH\u00bb differs from\n\u00abF\u00bb. The game of the coal (\u00abS\u00bb 1996\u20132016, \u00abF\u00bb 2907\u20132934) is thus\ndescribed in \u00abH\u00bb, leaf 58:\u2014\n\n \u201cVeillard, dist Lucafer, vo\u00abus\u00bb ni savez juer,\n  Vo\u00abus\u00bb ne savez en F\u00abra\u00bbnce le g\u00abra\u00bbnt charboun soffler.\n  Certes, ceo dist li dus, mais n\u2019en oie soffler.\n  Et respont li payen: Mais te feray mostrer.\n  Ly payen vait le duc au g\u00abra\u00bbnt fowel mener.\n  Q\u00abua\u00bbnt Rollant l\u2019ad veu, a Berard l\u2019ad mostre\n  Ore p\u00abor\u00bbres boue jeu ver \u00abet\u00bb esgarder.\n  Dahait qui ne laira ly \u00abet\u00bb Naimes juer.\n  Lucafer se beysa pur un tison combrer,\n  Trestote le plus ardant quil i poet trover,\n  Par tiel air soffla le fu qil li fist voler.\n  Puis ad dist a Names \u2018Ore vo\u00abus\u00bb cove\u00abnt\u00bb soffler.\u2019\n  Names prist le tison qui bien se sout aider,\n  Vers le payen s\u2019en va pur le tison sofler,\n  Pur ceo le fist ly dus qa ly se volt meller,\n  Si suffla le tison qe le fist allumer,\n  Le barbe \u00abet\u00bb le menton fist au payen bruler,\n  Tres p\u00abar\u00bbmy le visaie en fist la flame virer,\n  Qe par un sule petite qe nel fist souuiler.\n  Q\u00abua\u00bbnt le voit ly payen, le sanc quida deueher.\n  Il jette a .ij. ses maines, qi le quide frapper,\n  Mais ly dus le ferry tres p\u00abar\u00bbmy le costes,\n  Qe les oilz de la teste ly fist en fu voler.\n  Puys l\u2019ad pris par le flank, s\u2019il voit en le fu ruer.\n  Lichiers, dist dus Names, Dex te poet mal doner,\n  Tu me quidoies ore come fole cy trover.\u201d\n\nThe distribution of the relics, in which \u00abS\u00bb (cf. note to l. 3238)\ndiffers from \u00abF\u00bb 6195 \u00abet seq.\u00bb is related as follows in \u00abH\u00bb, leaf 100:\u2014\n\n \u201cAu baron seint Dynis fu mult g\u00abra\u00bbnt l\u2019assemble\u00abe\u00bb\n  Au perron au londy fu la messe chante\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Illok fu la corone p\u00abar\u00bbtie \u00abet\u00bb dessevere\u00abe\u00bb,\n  L\u2019un moite fu a saint Dynis done\u00abe\u00bb\n  Et un clow ansiem\u00abent\u00bb, cest v\u00aber\u00bbite prove\u00abe\u00bb,\n  De la Corone fu un p\u00abar\u00bbtie a Ais porte\u00abe\u00bb,\n  A Compaign\u00abe\u00bb est l\u2019ensigne en l\u2019eglise honore\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Et les altres .ij. clowes a Orliens fu enveie\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Maint p\u00abre\u00bbsant fist Charls de France la loi\u00abe\u00bb\n  Des saintisme reliqes, Jh\u00abes\u00bbu de maiestes.\n  En l\u2019onur de Deu est mainte eglise fonde\u00abe\u00bb,\n  La feste de lendit fu pur iceo estore\u00abe\u00bb.\n  Jaiaz videront cens ne taille donee. [p-li]\n  Ne tardoit q\u00abue\u00bb .iiij. ans k\u2019Espaign\u00abe\u00bb fu gaste\u00abe\u00bb.\n  La fu la treison de Rollant p\u00abor\u00bbpense\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Qe Ganes le vendist a la gent diffaee,\n  Puys fu as chiuals sa chars destreine\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Pinables en fu mortz de suz Lyons en la pre\u00abe\u00bb,\n  La le vengea Terris au trenchant del espee,\n  Puys fu pendu armes par gule\u00abe\u00bb pare\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Toutz iours vegnent traitors a mal destine\u00abe\u00bb\n  Ou aloignee ou apres ia ni aueront duree.\n  Charles voit a Orliens, la chancheon est fine\u00abe\u00bb\n  Au deu vo\u00abus\u00bb commande, tote j\u2019ai ma chancon fine.\n  De cels romance est bone la fine \u00abet\u00bb l\u2019entre\u00abe\u00bb,\n  Et en mileue \u00abet\u00bb p\u00abar\u00bbtote qi b\u00abie\u00bbn l\u2019ad escoute\u00abe\u00bb\n  La beneiceon aez de Deu \u00abet\u00bb del v\u00abir\u00bbgine honore. Amen.\u201d\n\nThe miracle (\u00abF\u00bb 6101\u20136123)[88] of the glove, in which Charles had\nplaced fragments of the thorns, remaining suspended in the air for\nover an hour, the description of which is omitted in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb (cf.\n\u00abDissert.\u00bb, p. 29), is related as follows in \u00abH\u00bb, leaf 99:\u2014\n\n \u201cL\u2019emp\u00aber\u00bbers de France fist forem\u00abent\u00bb a loier\n  Il a fait un table sur .ij. trestes lever.\n  Et par de sur un paille q\u00abui\u00bb fu fait outre mer.\n  Illok fist Charlm\u0304 la corone aporter,\n  Puis ad fait l\u2019arcevesqe p\u00abar\u00bbtir \u00abet\u00bb deviser,\n  Si ad fait les reliqes m\u00abu\u00bblt b\u00abie\u00bbn envoluper,\n  Dedens son mestre coffres les a fait deffermer,\n  Et les altres reliqes qe il voudra aporter.\n  Les petites espignons qil vist esgruner,\n  De la saint corone qil fist demenbrer,\n  Trestote les acoillye n\u00abos\u00bbtre emp\u00aber\u00bber ber,\n  Et les mist en son gant qanqil pout trover.\n  Un chivaler le tent qil vist lez ly ester,\n  Mais al ne l\u2019ap\u00aber\u00bbceut my qe nele oit parler.\n  Charlemayn retiret sa mayne, si lesse le gant aler.\n  Et dex a fait le gant enmy l\u2019air arester\n  Tant q\u00abue\u00bb d .j. leue en pout home b\u00abie\u00bbn aler;\n  Kar la presse fu grant, ne l\u2019en puis remenbrer.\n  Charlemayn comande l\u2019ewe apporter.\n  De son gant ly sovengre si \u00abquant\u00bb il dust laver,\n  Mais ne seet a ky le comanda abailier,\n  Par desur la gent le vist en l\u2019air esteer,\n  L\u2019arcevesqe la monstre \u00abet\u00bb tuit l\u2019altre barne.\n  Ceo fu mult g\u00abra\u00bbnt m\u00aber\u00bbveille, ho\u00abm\u00bbe en doit b\u00abie\u00bbn p\u00abar\u00bbler,\n  Charls a pris son gant, s\u2019est assis au soper.\u201d\n\n\u00abH\u00bb, leaf 37, agrees with \u00abF\u00bb, l. 1043, in making Oliver drink of the\nbottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 1190 (cf.\np. xxix). [p-lii]\n\nSimilarly we find \u00abS\u00bb 2604 differing from \u00abH\u00bb, leaf 62, where we read\n\u00abBasyns\u00bb (= \u00abBasin\u00bb, \u00abF\u00bb 3313) instead of \u00abBryer\u00bb.\n\nAgain \u00abH\u00bb, l. 40, agreeing exactly with \u00abF\u00bb, l. 1329 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, differs\nfrom \u00abS\u00bb 1279\u201382 (cf. p. xxix).\n\nInstead of Floripas, \u00abS\u00bb 1515, it is Brulans, \u00abH\u00bb, l. 49, and \u00abF\u00bb 1949,\nwho advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners.\n\nThe names of the twelve peers are the same in \u00abH\u00bb as in \u00abF\u00bb (cf. p.\nxxvii); and the whole scene of the peers being sent one after the\nother on a mission to Laban (cf. note to l. 1665 of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb) is\ndescribed exactly alike in \u00abF\u00bb 2263\u20132282 and in \u00abH\u00bb, leaf 51, back,\nwith the only difference that the names of the peers are given in a\ndifferent order in both versions, Richard of Normandy, who is sent off\nas the sixth in \u00abF\u00bb, being the second in \u00abH\u00bb.\n\nThese variations of \u00abS\u00bb from \u00abH\u00bb clearly exemplify the impossibility of\nregarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. But as on\nthe whole these differences are not of a very significant nature, and\nas, moreover, part of these variations may perhaps be attributed to the\nfavourite habit of the author of going his own way in the arrangement\nof the subject-matter and in some minor points, whereas in the\nessential course of the events he strictly adhered to his source (see\nabove p. xxxviii, and cf. note to l. 2535); and as besides there are\nseveral names, the spelling of which differs in \u00abF\u00bb, agreeing in \u00abS\u00bb\nand \u00abH\u00bb, I think there can be no doubt that the original of the second\npart of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb was a version similar to the Hanover MS.\n\nIf now we compare the Hanover version with the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb more\nclosely than has been possible on page xx, there are some instances\nwhere \u00abA\u00bb, whilst differing from \u00abF\u00bb, agrees with \u00abH\u00bb.\n\n                 H.                                   A.\n\n lf. 27. Ha \u00abGlout\u00bb, dist            163. A \u00abglotoun\u00bb, saide \u00fee Emperer\n           Karlemaines,\n lf. 27. Que puis \u00abvivre\u00bb que cest   175. Ke \u00ablyve\u00bb he no\u021dt \u00feys day to\n           jours fu passes                  be evene\n lf. 25, bk. Ses chiuals ad reine     91. \u00dearto ys stede \u00fean tye\u00fee he\n           \u00e0 un arbre rasmee\n         Et garda les leges tote\n           contreval li pree\n\nNevertheless, the following passage in which \u00abA\u00bb agrees with \u00abF\u00bb, but\ndiffers from \u00abH\u00bb, will at once show the impossibility of regarding \u00abH\u00bb\nas the original of \u00abA\u00bb. [p-liii]\n\n                 A.                                    H.\n\n 302. \u00deanne \u00feer come bifore          lf. 28, bk. Atant se sunt drecie\n     Charloun, Gweneloun and                 Guinelons et \u00abAlores\u00bb\n     \u00abHardree\u00bb\n\nIn other instances \u00abA\u00bb is found differing from \u00abH\u00bb as well as from \u00abF\u00bb.\nThus the name of \u00abEnfachoun\u00bb, \u00abA\u00bb 4652, which is \u00abEffraons\u00bb in \u00abF\u00bb\n4900, does not occur at all in \u00abH\u00bb, which in the passage corresponding\nto \u00abF\u00bb 4900, as well as in that corresponding to \u00abF\u00bb 4913, reads\n\u00abAffricons li Geans\u00bb.\n\nAgain, in the story of Myloun, in which \u00abA\u00bb, l. 2008 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, differs\nfrom \u00abF\u00bb, we find \u00abH\u00bb disagreeing from \u00abF\u00bb, 2734 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, and from\n\u00abA\u00bb:\u2014\n\n \u201cVolez vo\u00abus\u00bb queor de feme essaier \u00abet\u00bb esprover\n  Del riche duc Milon vo\u00abus\u00bb deverez remenbrer,\n  Qe tant nori Galans qe ly fist adouber,\n  Puys ly tolly sa feile Gabaen au vis cler,\n  L\u2019enfes Marsilion en fist desherriter.\u2014\n  Qu\u00aban\u00bbt l\u2019entent Floripas, du sens quida deueer.\u201d\u2014(\u00abH\u00bb, leaf 56.)\n\nBut in most cases in which \u00abF\u00bb differs from \u00abA\u00bb, \u00abH\u00bb agrees with \u00abF\u00bb.\n\nThus we find Ferumbras challenging only \u00absix\u00bb French knights in \u00abH\u00bb,\nlf. 26, as in \u00abF\u00bb, 84, 105, instead of \u00abtwelve\u00bb in \u00abA\u00bb, l. 102.\n\nIn \u00abA\u00bb, l. 5204, Floripas, swooning away, is upheld by Oliver, whereas\nin \u00abF\u00bb, 5373, and in \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 90, it is Guy who keeps her from falling.\n\nFor \u00abHowel of saint Miloun\u00bb, \u00abA\u00bb 5574, we read \u00abHuon de saint Lis\u00bb in\n\u00abF\u00bb 5792, and \u00abHugon de saint Lis\u00bb in \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 95, bk.\n\nAs in \u00abF\u00bb 2912 it is to Berard that Roland speaks in \u00abH\u00bb, lf 57, bk.,\nand not to Olyver, as in \u00abA\u00bb 2234.\n\nThat Maubyn scales the walls by means of a ladder of leather (\u00abA\u00bb 2406)\nis not mentioned in \u00abF\u00bb 3061, nor in \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 59, bk.\n\nIn \u00abA\u00bb 1386 Floripas gives Oliver, who is wounded, a warm draught,\nwhich heals every wound; in \u00abF\u00bb 2209, as well as in \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 51, it is\nby a bit of the mandrake plant that he is healed.\n\nThe maid-attendant mentioned in \u00abA\u00bb 1238 (\u00abchamberere\u00bb) is a\nman-attendant in \u00abF\u00bb 2083 (\u00abchamberlenc\u00bb) and in \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 49, bk.\n(\u00abchamberlayn\u00bb).\n\nThere is no trace of the additional lines of \u00abA\u00bb, ll. 4867\u20134875, to be\nfound in \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 86 bk., nor in \u00abF\u00bb, 5094.\n\nAmong the relics spoken of in \u00abA\u00bb, there is nowhere a mention made\nof the \u00absigne\u00bb. In \u00abH\u00bb we find the \u00absigne\u00bb always mentioned [p-liv]\ntogether with the crown and the nails, just as in \u00abF\u00bb. In the passage\nquoted above from \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 100, and in the line which corresponds to\n\u00abF\u00bb 6094, we find \u00abensigne\u00bb instead of \u00absigne\u00bb; but \u00abensigne\u00bb certainly\nmust be looked upon as a clerical blunder. In the other passages in\nwhich we find \u201cthe winding sheet, or shroud, of the Lord\u201d mentioned in\n\u00abH\u00bb it is also called \u00absigne\u00bb:\u2014\n\n \u201cEt rendrai la corone et le \u00absigne\u00bb honore.\u201d\n     \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 42 = \u00abF\u00bb, 1498; and \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 45, bk. = \u00abF\u00bb, 1805.\n \u201cEt les saintismes clowes et le \u00absigne\u00bb honores.\u201d\u2014\u00abH\u00bb,\n     lf. 57 = \u00abF\u00bb, 2829.\n\nThat the \u00absigne\u00bb cannot be the \u201cinscription of the cross\u201d (cf.\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxx) is proved by an additional line of the Hanover\nMS., in which the Archbishop is said to have covered the heads of the\nFrench with the \u00absigne\u00bb:\u2014\n\n \u201cPuys a trait l\u2019ensigne qui bien estoit ovres\n  Engenolant l\u2019ad ly Rois tote oue lermes baises,\n  Plus flairoit ducement que basine enbasines.\n  Quant Franceis l\u2019ont veu, ele vous effraes,\n  De pite et de ioy fu chescous enplores.\n  L\u2019ercevesqe le prist, mult fu bien purpenses,\n  \u00abEt nos Franceis en a les chefs envolupes\u00bb,\n  Puis le mist sur le paille qest a or ornes,\n  Od les altres relikes dont illi out asses.\u201d\n                     \u00abH\u00bb, lf. 98, corresponding to \u00abF\u00bb, 6094 \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\nAbstaining now from citing any more passages where \u00abH\u00bb agrees with \u00abF\u00bb,\nbut differs from \u00abA\u00bb, I think the few quotations above will suffice to\nshow the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original\nof the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, notwithstanding that there are some\nresemblances of \u00abA\u00bb to \u00abH\u00bb (cf. p. xx). Therefore the result arrived\nat on p. xxi as to the original of the Ashmolean version is in no way\naltered by the detailed comparison of \u00abA\u00bb with \u00abH\u00bb.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[88] Cf. \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, 185/5988.\n\n\n\n\nSKETCH OF THE STORY.\n\n\nLaban, the Soudan of Babylon, who was residing at Agremore in Spain,\nwent to the chase in a wood near the sea (p. 2). Being tired of hunting\nhe sat down under a tree, and, perceiving a ship drawing near unto\nthe shore, he sent one of his men to hail the vessel and to inquire\nfor news. The interpreter of the vessel informs the soudan that the\nship, freighted with a rich cargo at Babylon designed as a [p-lv]\npresent to Laban, had been driven by violent storms to the shore near\nRome, where the ship had been robbed, and many of its people had been\nslain by the Romans. He solicits the Soudan to revenge this insult.\nLaban promises to make them pay dearly for it (p. 3). He convokes a\nwar-council, and assembles a hundred thousand men and seven hundred\nsail. Himself goes, with Ferumbras his son and Floripas his daughter,\nin a dromond richly adorned (p. 4). They disembark in the haven of\nRome, slay all Christians, and burn towns, abbeys, and churches. The\npope of Rome assembles his council (p. 5). Duke Savaris is to meet the\nSaracens. With ten thousand men he draws near the Soudan\u2019s pavilion\non the shore (p. 6); they slay ten thousand Saracens. The Romans,\nthough masters of the field, cautiously retire within the walls of\nthe city. Lukafer of Baldas, having scoured the country, brings ten\nthousand Christian maidens to the Soudan, who orders them to be put\nto death (p. 7). Lukafer demands Floripas for his wife, in return for\nwhich he promises her father to bring Charlemagne and his twelve peers\nto the foot of his throne. Floripas agrees to accept him when he has\nfulfilled his promise. The next morning Lukafer assaults the city,\nbut the ditches being too deep (p. 8), the Saracens are obliged to\nretire. On the following day the assault is renewed, the ditches are,\non Mavon\u2019s advice, filled with faggots. After a sharp conflict, where\nthere were ten thousand Saracens slain by the stones of the Romans,\nthe heathens are obliged to withdraw (p. 9). This second repulse makes\nthe Soudan almost mad with vexation; he chides his gods. But Lukafer\ntold him that he had learned from a spy that Savaris would, on the\nfollowing day, come out again to fight with them. He now intended, when\nSavaris was engaged in the battle, to unfold a banner made exactly like\nthat of the Romans, and to attempt, by this stratagem, to be admitted\nwithin the gates. And so it turned out: the Romans mistaking him for\nSavaris returning from his sally, he entered the main tower, and slew\nall therein. Savaris, noticing the artifice of the enemy, and seeing\nhis troop reduced to seventy-two men, turned back, but found the gate\nshut (p. 10). Estragot, a black giant of Ethiopia, slays him with his\nsteel-mace. The Pope having summoned his council, a senator suggested\nthe necessity of [p-lvi] sending messengers to Charlemagne to ask his\naid. They all assented, and three messengers (p. 11) left the city by a\npostern at midnight; they passed the enemy\u2019s camp without being noticed\nby any wight. On the next morning Laban attempted a third assault; he\ncommanded every man to throw pikes and bills over the walls to kill\nthe Romans, and ordered the ships to go up the water with their boats\nbound to the mast, that they might fight in close combat. Near the\ntower there stood a bulwark, or \u201cbastile,\u201d which was a strong defence\nto the wall. It was thrown down by stones hurled from an engine. Laban,\ngrowing proud from this event, summoned the Romans to surrender.\nInstead of an answer a Roman hurled a dart at his breast-plate, but\nhis hauberk shielded him. The Soudan, more than mad, charged Ferumbras\nto destroy them all (p. 12), and enjoined Fortibrance and Mavon to\ndirect their engines against the walls. The great glutton Estragot,\nwith his heavy mace, smote on the gates and brake them in pieces. But\nas he was entering one of the gates, they let the portcullis fall,\nwhich crushed him to the ground, where he lay crying like a devil of\nhell. The Romans rejoiced, but the Saracens grieved. They withdrew to\ntheir tents, leaving behind the corpse of Estragot, whose soul went up\nto Mahound (p. 13). The Pope called all his people to St. Peter\u2019s and\nproposed to them to attempt a sally with twenty thousand men, to attack\nthe enemy before day-break within their camp, and to leave ten thousand\nfor the defence of the city. In the morning the Pope displayed the\nbanner of Rome, and after a prayer for the preservation of the city,\nthey marched out. But Ferumbras, going his rounds (p. 14), noticed\ntheir coming, sounded the alarm, and drew up his troops. Then began a\nfierce struggle. Ferumbras slew Sir Bryer of Apulia (p. 15) and the\nworthy Hubert. Nine thousand heathens were killed and eight thousand\nRomans. Lukafer destroyed eighteen Romans; he also slew Gyndard, a\nsenator of Rome, who had killed ten Saracens. Then came the Pope with\na great escort and his banner before him. Ferumbras, supposing him to\nbe the sovereign (p. 16), burst open the thick crowd and threw him\ndown to the ground. But having opened his ventail, he saw his tonsure,\nand recognized the Pope. \u201cFie, priest,\u201d he said, \u201cwhat doest thou\nhere in the battle-field? [p-lvii] It would be a shame for me to slay\nthee. Go home and think of thy choir-service.\u201d The Pope, being glad\nto get off so easily, retired to Rome with five thousand men, fifteen\nthousand being killed. Charlemagne, having learned from the messenger\nthe great disaster which had befallen the Romans, said he would not\ndesist until he had chased the Soudan and Ferumbras out of Christendom\n(p. 17). He gave ten thousand pounds of francs to his nephew, Guy of\nBurgundy, and sent him off with orders to advance against the Soudan\nby forced marches. Himself would follow as soon as possible. In the\nmean time Laban reminded Lukafer of his vaunting promise to bring him\nCharlemagne and his twelve peers in return for his daughter Floripas.\nLukafer said he would do all he had promised. With ten thousand men he\nattacked the city on one side, the other being assaulted by Ferumbras.\nThe combat continued as long as daylight lasted. At night they retired\nto their tents (p. 18). Then treason was planned by Isres, who by\ninheritance possessed the guard of the chief gate of the town. He went\nto the Soudan and offered to betray the city on condition that his\nlife and property should be spared. The Soudan promised it. Ferumbras\nwith twenty thousand men went with Isres, but on entering the gate he\ncaused the traitor\u2019s head to be struck off by the portcullis and to be\ncarried on the point of a spear through the city. \u201cTreason,\u201d cried the\npeople (p. 19), when Ferumbras advanced into Rome. All the streets were\nsoon covered with dead men. Ferumbras went to St. Peter\u2019s, seized the\nrelics, the cross, the crown, and the nails, burned the whole city,\nand carried away all the treasures and the gold to Agremore in Spain,\nwhere the Soudan went back to stay. Three months and three days they\nspent there in great festivities, making offerings to their gods, and\nburning frankincense in their honour. They drank the blood of beasts\nand milk, and ate honey, and snakes fried with oil (p. 20). When Sir\nGuy, approaching, drew near Rome, he found the whole city in flames. He\ngrieved much that he had arrived too late, and resolved to wait there\nfor Charlemagne, and then to tell him how Laban had burnt the city,\nand had sent the relics to Agremore, his principal town in Spain. Soon\nking Charles advanced to rescue Rome with his twelve peers and three\nhundred thousand soldiers (p. 21). Roland [p-lviii] led the vanguard,\nOliver the rear, and the king was with the main body. The provisions\nwere conveyed by sea. Guy, seeing the army come, went to meet the king,\nand told him the mischief done by the Soudan, who, moreover, had made\na vow to seek Charles in France in order to afflict him with grief.\n\u201cHe will find me near,\u201d said Charles, \u201cand shall pay dearly for it.\nUnless he consents to be baptized (p. 22), he shall never see Babylon\nagain.\u201d They all took ship without delay. Propitious winds drove them\ninto the river Gase, where they landed, thirty miles from Agremore,\nand laid waste the country. Laban, hearing this news, was astonished\nat Charles\u2019s presumption (p. 23). He assembled all his barons, and\ncharged them to bring him alive that glutton that called himself king\nof France, and to slay the rest of his army. Ferumbras went forth\nwith many Saracens. He meets with Roland. They deal each other heavy\nstrokes. Oliver cuts off a quarter of Lukafer\u2019s shield. The combat\nlasted the whole day. Well fought the twelve peers (p. 24). Ferumbras\ncharges Oliver. King Charles, seeing this, rides at Ferumbras, and\nstrikes his helm with a heavy mace. Ferumbras cannot approach him on\naccount of the crowd. Charlemagne slew thirty Saracens with his sword\nMounjoy. Lukafer of Baldas encountering Charles told him that he had\npromised the Soudan to bring him Charles and the twelve peers. Charles\nstrikes him on his helmet (p. 25), but Lukafer is rescued by a great\nthrong. Roland, drawing Durnedale, cleared a space around him, and\nhammered the heads of the Saracens. So did the other peers, and thirty\nthousand Saracens were slain. At night the pagans quit the field.\nFerumbras vows never to desist until he has conquered Roland and Oliver\n(p. 26) and been crowned king at Paris. Charles went to his pavilion\nand thanked God and St. Mary of France. He praised the elder knights\nfor having won the victory, and exhorted the young ones to take example\nby them. They all make merry and go to supper. The Saracens address\na prayer to the red Mars Armipotent (p. 27), to grant the Mahometans\nthe victory over the Christians (p. 28). In order to recruit the late\nlosses in his army, the Soudan sent for his vassals, and assembled more\nthan three hundred thousand Saracens at Agremore. He addressed them\n(p. 29) in order to increase their [p-lix] ardour, ordered a solemn\nsacrifice to his gods, and charged Ferumbras to march with thirty\nthousand of his people against the Christian king (whom he wished to\nteach courtesy), and to slay all his men except Roland and Oliver (p.\n30), if they would renounce their gods. Ferumbras led out his troops;\nuntil arriving near Charles\u2019s camp, he ordered them to halt in a wood,\nand advanced with only ten of his men to the camp of Charlemagne, and\noffered to fight at once against six of his peers. If he should conquer\nthem, he would lead them away to his father\u2019s hall; but if he should\nbe conquered, he would be Charles\u2019s man. The king sent for Roland and\nordered him to undertake the combat. Roland refuses (p. 31), because\nCharles had praised the old knights: they might show their prowess\nnow. Charles, vexed, smites Roland on the mouth, so that the blood\nsprings from his nose, and he calls him a traitor. Roland draws his\nsword, but the other barons separate them and try to conciliate them.\nMeanwhile Oliver, who being sorely wounded kept his bed, on hearing of\nthis dispute, had armed himself and went to Charles. He reminds the\nking of his long services, in reward for which he demands the battle.\nCharles remonstrates with him. But Oliver insists (p. 32). He rides to\nthe forest, and finds Ferumbras alighted under a tree, to a branch of\nwhich his steed was tied. \u201cArise,\u201d he said, \u201cI am come to fight with\nthee.\u201d Ferumbras, without moving, demands his name. \u201cI am Generyse, a\nyoung knight lately dubbed.\u201d Ferumbras observes: \u201cCharles is a fool\nto send thee; go and tell him to send me Roland and Oliver and such\nfour other douzeperes. For little honour were it to me to fight with\nthee.\u201d \u201cSpare thy words,\u201d replies Oliver, \u201cand take thy arms\u201d (p. 33).\nFerumbras is wrath and seizes his helmet, which Oliver assists him\nto lace. Ferumbras thanks him, courteously bowing to him. They mount\ntheir steeds, and rushing together like fire of thunder, they have\ntheir lances broken. They draw their swords. Ferumbras smites Oliver\non his helmet so that the fire flies. Oliver strikes at the head of\nFerumbras, breaks away the circle of his helmet, and the sword glancing\noff down his back, he cuts off two bottles of balm (p. 34), which he\nthrows into the river. Ferumbras tells him that they were invaluable to\na wounded man, and that he should atone for their loss with his life.\nHe [p-lx] strikes at Oliver, who wards off the blow with his shield,\nbut his steed is killed under him. Oliver quickly starts up and tries\nto kill his adversary\u2019s horse, but Ferumbras rides off and ties it to\na hazel. \u201cYield thyself to me,\u201d says Ferumbras, \u201cbelieve on Mahound,\nand I will make thee a duke in my country, and give thee my sister\u201d\n(p. 35). \u201cEre I yield to thee,\u201d answered Oliver, \u201cthou shalt feel my\nstrokes.\u201d They fight for a considerable time; the blood runs from both\ntheir bodies. By mutual consent they stop to take breath. Ferumbras\nagain asks Oliver his name and kin. \u201cThou must be one of the twelve\npeers, as thou fightest so well.\u201d \u201cI am Oliver, cousin to Charlemagne.\u201d\n\u201cThou art welcome here,\u201d says Ferumbras; \u201cthou slewest my uncle (p.\n36); now thou shalt pay the penalty.\u201d The fight continued the whole\nday. At last Oliver, smiting Ferumbras upon the helmet, had his sword\nbroken. He ran to the steed at the tree and seized a sword that was\nhanging there, but in turning on Ferumbras, he received a blow that\nmade him kneel down (p. 37). But he returns Ferumbras a fearful stroke.\nCharles, seeing Oliver on his knees, prayed to Christ that he might\ngrant the victory over the pagan. An angel announced to him that his\nprayer was heard. Charles thanks God (p. 38). The fight begins again.\nFerumbras breaks his sword on Oliver\u2019s helmet. He runs for another and\nasks Oliver to surrender. But Oliver aims at him a blow which cuts\nhis hauberk, so that his bowels are laid bare. Ferumbras implores his\nmercy, and consents to be christened, his gods having proved false. He\nrequested him to take his hauberk (p. 39), to fetch his horse, and to\ncarry him to his own tent. But the Saracens who lay concealed in the\nwood rush out. Oliver, being surrounded, sets down Ferumbras under an\nolive-tree, and defends himself with his sword, dealing the Saracens\nmany a hard blow. Then Roland rushed into the throng of the enemy\nand slew many (p. 40). His horse being killed by arrows and darts,\nhe fights on foot, but his sword breaking, he is taken and led away.\nOliver rides to rescue him, but his horse being also killed, he is\noverpowered and bound. Both were conducted to Lukafer of Baldas (p.\n41). Charles sees them, and calls for a rescue. Many enemies were slain\nby the French barons, but the Saracens had fled with their prisoners,\nand [p-lxi] Charles is obliged to turn back. Under a holm tree they\nfind Ferumbras, whom the king is going to put to death. But on his\nrequesting to be baptized Charles took pity on him (p. 42), led him to\nhis tent, and ordered a surgeon to attend him. He soon recovered, and\nbishop Turpin baptized him by the name of Floreyn. But he continued to\nbe called Ferumbras all his life. Afterwards he was known as Floreyn\nof Rome on account of his holiness. Roland and Oliver being brought to\nthe Soudan, Laban enquires their names. They confess their names (p.\n43). The Soudan swears they shall both be executed the next morning\nbefore his dinner. But Floripas advises him to detain them as hostages,\nand to remember his son Ferumbras, for whom they might be exchanged.\nThe Soudan, finding her counsel good, orders his gaoler Bretomayn to\nimprison them, but to leave them without food (p. 44). At high tide the\nsea filled their deep cells, so that they suffered much from the salt\nwater, from their wounds, and from hunger. On the sixth day Floripas,\nwho was gathering flowers in her garden, heard them lament. Moved to\ncompassion, she asks her governess Maragound to help her in getting\nfood for the prisoners. Maragound refuses, and reminds Floripas of\nher father\u2019s command. Floripas, thinking of a trick, called to her\ngoverness to come to a window (p. 45) and see the porpoises sporting\nbeneath. As Maragound is looking out, Floripas pushes her into the\nflood. She then asks Bretomayn to let her see the prisoners. The gaoler\nthreatened to complain to her father, but Floripas, having seized his\nkey-clog, dashed out his brains. She then went to tell her father she\nhad surprised the gaoler feeding the prisoners (p. 46) and promising\nto deliver them, wherefore she had slain him. The Soudan gives the\nprisoners into her guard. She now proceeded to the prison, asked the\nprisoners what they wanted, and promised to protect them from any\nharm (p. 47). She let down a rope, and with her maidens drew up both,\nand led them to her apartments. There they ate, took a bath, and went\nto bed. The Soudan knew nothing of his prisoners being in Floripas\u2019s\nchamber. Meanwhile Charlemagne tells Guy that he must go to the Soudan\nto demand the surrender of Roland and Oliver, and of the relics of\nRome. Naymes of Bavaria represents that a messenger to the Soudan\n[p-lxii] (p. 48) would certainly be slain; and that they ought to be\nanxious not to lose any more besides Roland and Oliver. Then said the\nking: \u201cBy God, thou shalt go with Guy.\u201d Ogier the Dane remonstrates,\nbut is ordered to go too. So are Thierry of Ardane, and Folk Baliant,\nAleroys, and Miron of Brabant. Bishop Turpin kneels down to implore the\nking\u2019s mercy, but he must go too, as well as Bernard of Spruwse (p.\n49) and Brier of Mountdidier. The knights take leave and start. About\nthe same time the Soudan having assembled his council, Sortibrance and\nBrouland (p. 50) advise him to send twelve knights, and to bid Charles\nto give up Ferumbras and to withdraw from his country. The knights are\ndespatched; near Mantrible they meet with the Christian messengers.\nDuke Naymes enquires whither they intend to go (p. 51). Having heard\ntheir message, the delegates of Charlemagne cut off their heads, which\nthey take with them to present to the Soudan at Agremore. Laban was\njust dining when Naymes delivers his message: \u201cGod confound Laban and\nall his Saracens, and save Charles, who commands thee to send back his\ntwo nephews and to restore the relics\u201d (p. 52). They then produce the\nheads of the Soudan\u2019s messengers. The Soudan vowed a vow that they\nshould all ten be hanged as soon as he had finished his dinner. But\nFloripas recommended him to put off his resolution until a general\ncouncil of his barons had determined on the best way to procure the\nliberation of Ferumbras. Thereupon the Soudan gives the prisoners into\nher guard. Floripas leads the knights into her tower (p. 53), where\nthey were glad to find Roland and Oliver. They told each other how they\nhad fared. After washing, they dined off venison, bread, and wine. The\nfollowing day Floripas asks Naymes his name, and enquires after Guy of\nBurgundy, whom she had loved for a long time (p. 54), and for whom she\nwould do all she could for their benefit, and would be baptized if he\nwould agree to love her in return. Naymes tells Guy to take her for his\nwife; but Guy refuses, as he never will take a wife unless she be given\nhim by Charles. But Roland and Oliver persuade him, so that he at last\nconsents. Floripas, holding a golden cup of wine (p. 55), kissed him,\nand requested him to drink to her after the fashion of her country; she\nthen would drink to him in return. They all [p-lxiii] make merry, and\nprepare to assail the Soudan at supper on the following day. Meanwhile\nLukafer comes to the Soudan and asks leave to see the prisoners, in\norder to know how Floripas guards them. Finding the door locked (p.\n56), he burst it open with a blow of his fist, and told them he was\ncome to speak to them, and to enquire after Charlemagne. Duke Naymes\nanswers. Lukafer then asks what amusements they have after dinner.\nNaymes says: \u201cSome joust, some sing, some play at chess.\u201d \u201cI will teach\nyou a new game,\u201d says Lukafer (p. 57). With a thread he fastened a\nneedle on a pole and put a burning coal upon it. He blew it at Naymes\u2019s\nbeard and burnt it. Naymes waxed wroth, and snatching a burning brand\nfrom the fire he smites at Lukafer, and throws him into the fire, where\nhe was burnt to charcoal. Floripas applauds this, but points out their\ndanger, and advises them to arm. At supper time she goes to her father\n(p. 58). As they were sitting at table, the twelve peers rushed in\nand slew all whom they met. Laban, pursued by Oliver, jumps out of a\nwindow on to the sea-shore and escaped without injury. They killed all\nin the castle, and then drew up the bridges and shut the gates. Laban\nvowed a vow that he would hang them all and burn his daughter. He sent\nto Mantrible for troops (p. 59) and engines and besieged Agremore.\nFloripas recommends the peers to enjoy themselves. In the morning the\nSoudan attacks the castle, but is repulsed (p. 60). He accuses his gods\nof sleepiness and shakes them to rouse them out of sleep. Brouland\ntells him, as the castle is strong and well stored with provisions,\nthe peers will hold it very long; but if he would send orders to\nAlagolofer, the bridge-keeper at Mantrible, not to allow any one to\npass without leave (p. 61), they would get no assistance from Charles\nand die from hunger. Espiard, the Soudan\u2019s messenger, is despatched\nto Mantrible, and commands the giant not to suffer any one to pass\nthe bridge (p. 62). Alagolofer drew four and twenty chains across the\nbridge. Meanwhile the Soudan assaults the castle again, but the twelve\npeers slew three hundred Saracens (p. 63). Laban threatens to hang\nthem, and utters imprecations against Floripas, who returns them. He\nthen calls for Mavon, his engineer, and orders him to direct a mangonel\nagainst the walls. Mavon knocked down a piece of the battlements.\n[p-lxiv] Roland and Oliver lament; they are comforted by Floripas (p.\n64). Guy kills Marsedage, the king of Barbary, by throwing a dart at\nhim. The Saracens stop the attack to bury Marsedage, and bewail him\nseven nights and seven days. Then the Soudan more closely blockades\nthe castle (p. 65). The provisions being exhausted, Roland complains\nof Charles\u2019s forgetfulness; but Floripas cheers him up, saying she\npossessed a magic girdle, which was a talisman against hunger and\nthirst for those who wore it. They all successively put it on, and felt\nas if they had feasted (p. 66). Laban wondered at their endurance, but\nat last remembering the girdle, he induced Mapin to attempt to steal\nit at night. Mapin entered the chamber of Floripas (p. 67) through a\nchimney. He finds the girdle and puts it on, but Floripas perceives him\nand cries out. Roland hurries to her assistance, cuts off Mapin\u2019s head,\nand throws him out through the window into the sea without noticing\nthe girdle. Floripas, seeing her girdle lost, is much grieved; Roland\ncomforts her. They agree to attempt a sally to obtain food (p. 68). In\nthe morning Naymes and Ogier remain in the castle, while the others\nstart and surprise the Saracens sleeping in their huts. They slew three\nhundred, and carried off as much food as they could bear (p. 69). The\nSoudan is enraged and is going to burn his gods, but, appeased by\nhis wise men, he sacrifices again, and is assoiled by the priests.\nLaban holds council (p. 70). A new assault begins, but so many of the\nassailants were slain by the showers of stones hurled down by the peers\nthat the ditches are filled with dead bodies. The Saracens retire. But\nsoon a second attack ensues. There being no stones, Floripas gave them\nher father\u2019s silver and gold to cast amongst the assailants. The Soudan\nin alarm for his treasure gives up the assault (p. 71). He is enraged\nwith his gods, and smites Mahound so that he fell on his face; but the\npriests induce him to kneel down and ask forgiveness (p. 72). Meanwhile\nRoland exhorted Richard of Normandy to go on a message to Charles,\nthat he might come to their rescue. They all would, the following\nmorning before day-break, make an attack on the Saracens, and meanwhile\nhe should steal off in the darkness. In the morning they sally out.\nFloripas and her maidens draw up the bridges after them. Richard\nwent off towards Mantrible (p. 73). [p-lxv] The others slay many\nSaracens; but Guy, overpowered by the Babylonians, is taken prisoner.\nLaban asks his name. Guy tells him. He is to be hanged. Three hundred\nSaracens crowding near the gate of the castle, attempted to prevent\nthe other peers from entering. A fearful struggle begins (p. 74), in\nwhich Sir Bryer is killed. At last the Saracens take to flight. The\npeers retire inside the castle, taking the corpse of Bryer with them.\nFloripas enquires after Guy, and on hearing of his capture, begins to\nlament despairingly. Roland promises to rescue Guy (p. 75). On the\nfollowing morning Laban orders Sir Tamper to erect a gallows before the\ncastle, where Floripas could see it. Guy is led bound. Roland calls\nhis companions to arms. They rush forth (p. 76). Oliver cuts down Sir\nTamper, Roland kills a king of India, takes his sword and horse, and\ngives them to Guy, having unbound him. They slay many Saracens, and\nput the rest to flight. Retiring towards the castle, they see Admiral\nCostroye, and the Soudan\u2019s standard-bearer, escorting a great convoy,\ndestined for the sultan, across a field near the high road (p. 77).\nRoland calls to them to share the provisions with them. Costroye\nrefuses, and is slain by Roland. Oliver kills the standard-bearer, and\nthe convoy is conveyed into the castle (p. 78). Floripas thanks Roland\nfor bringing back Sir Guy, and proposes that he shall choose himself a\nmistress from amongst her maidens. But Roland refuses to take any that\nis not a Christian. The Soudan, on hearing such bad news, again defies\nhis gods, and threatens to throw them into the flames (p. 79). But\nbishop Cramadas kneels before him and appeases him. The Soudan makes\nan offering of a thousand besants to his gods. When Richard arrived as\nfar as Mantrible, he found the bridge barred by twenty-four chains,\nand Alagolofer standing before it. Determined not to leave his errand\nunperformed, he knelt down and commended himself to God. A hind appears\n(p. 80) and swims across the river; Richard follows her, and passing\nover in safety, hurries on to Charlemagne. Meanwhile Genelyn, the\ntraitor, had advised Charles to retire to France, because the twelve\npeers were all slain. The king believed him, and marched homeward,\nlamenting for his peers. Richard overtakes him, and is recognized by\nCharles, who asks him about the others. [p-lxvi] Richard tells the\nking how they are besieged within the castle of Agremore, and are\nwaiting for his assistance. Charles, vowing vengeance on Genelyn (p.\n81), turned and marched to Agremore. Richard informed him of the giant\nwho kept the bridge, and how he had passed the river by a miracle. He\nproposed a plan that twelve knights, disguised as merchants, with their\narms hidden under their clothes, should pay the toll, and the bridge\nbeing let down, they should blow a horn as a signal for the others to\napproach. They start and arrive at Mantrible (p. 82). Alagolofer asks\nwhither they are going. Richard says they are merchants on their way to\nthe Soudan, and they are willing to pay the toll. Alagolofer refuses\nto let them pass, and tells them about the ten knights, who had passed\nthere and done so much mischief to the Soudan; therefore he will arrest\nthem all. Sir Focard draws his sword and smites at him, Richard blows\nhis horn, and Charles advances (p. 83). Alagolofer fights them with\na great oak club. Richard seizes a bar of brass and knocks him down.\nFour men get hold of him and throw him into the river. They loosened\nthe chains; but the Saracens assembling on the walls of the city, many\nChristians were slain. Alagolofer\u2019s wife, Barrock the giantess, comes\non with her scythe and mows down all whom she meets. Charles dashes\nout her brains (p. 84), and with fifteen knights enters the outer gate\nof the town, thinking his army would follow him. But the gate was\ninstantly closed upon him, and his men came too late. Charles was in\ngreat danger; but Genelyn, seeing him shut in, exclaimed that the king\nand the twelve peers were dead, and proposed to retire, as he wished\nto be king himself. They were going to return, but Ferumbras (p. 85)\ncalls him a traitor; he rallies the French, and with his axe bursts\nopen the gate. He chased the Saracens and rescued the king. Mantrible\nis taken with all its engines and treasures. Richard found two children\nof seven months old (p. 86), and four feet high. They were sons of\nBarrock, begotten by Astragot. Charles caused them to be baptized, and\ncalled the one Roland and the other Oliver. But they soon died for\nwant of their mother\u2019s milk. The king appoints Richard governor of\nthe city, and hurries on to Agremore with his army and with Ferumbras\n(p. 87). Laban, being told by a spy [p-lxvii] that his city was taken\nand the bridge-ward killed, swears to avenge him. He calls a council,\nand charges his barons to take Charles alive that he might flay him.\nCharles approaches. Floripas first recognizes the banner of France and\ntells the others (p. 88). Roland and all his companions sally forth\nto meet Charlemagne. Laban draws up all his people in battle-order.\nThe French make a great slaughter of the Saracens. Charles encounters\nthe Soudan; he unhorses him, and would have cut off his head, but\nfor Ferumbras, who requested that his father might be baptized. The\nSaracens, seeing Laban a prisoner, fly; but the Christians pursue them.\nThree hundred escaped to Belmarine. Charles leads Laban to Agremore.\nFloripas welcomes her father (p. 89), but he is enraged at seeing her.\nShe then bids Charlemagne welcome, and presents the holy relics to him.\nCharles kisses them, and says a prayer; he then thanks Floripas for\nher assistance to his knights, and for having preserved the precious\nrelics. He orders Turpin to prepare a vessel wherein to baptize the\nSoudan, and to wash off his sin in the water (p. 90). Turpin leads\nLaban to the font, but the Soudan strikes at him, spits on the vessel,\nutters invectives against all Christians, and curses Ferumbras. Charles\ncommands Naymes to cut off his head. He is executed; his soul goes to\nhell, there to dance with devils. Floripas was baptized with all her\nmaidens, and was wedded to Guy. Charles divided Spain between Guy and\nFerumbras (p. 91), and charges Sir Bryer of Bretayne to take care of\nthe relics, and to bring all his treasure to Paris. After taking leave\nof Guy and Floripas, Charles sails to Monpilier, where he thanks God\nfor the victory (p. 92), and for the relics. He presents the cross to\nParis, the crown to St. Denis, the three nails to Boulogne. Charles\nwell remembered the treachery of Genelyn, and ordered him to be drawn\nand hanged at Montfaucon in Paris (p. 93).\n\n[p001]\n\n\n\n\n The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone\n and of Ferumbras his Sone who\n Conquerede Rome:\n\n \u00abFrom the unique MS. of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps.\u00bb\n\n\n GOD in glorye of myghteste[89] moost,          1 God has ordained all\n That al thinge made in sapience                  things wisely.\n By vertue of woorde and holy goost,\n Gyvinge to man grete excellence,               4 He has subjected the\n And alle, \u00feat is in erthe, wroght                earth to man, and man\n Subiecte to man and man\u0304 to the,                  to God.\n That he shoulde wit\u0127 herte and thought\n To loue and serve, and noo\u0273 but the:           8 The man who keeps His\n For \u021dyfe man\u0304 kepte thy co\u00abm\u00bbmaundemente          commandments and loves\n In al thinge and loued the welle                 Him well, will feel\n And hadde synnede in his entente,                His grace. But many\n Tha\u0273 shulde he fully thy grace fele;          12 who offended Him have\n But for the offences to God I-doo\u00abn\u00bb[90]         felt His vengeance. I\n Many vengeaunces haue be-falle.                  will tell you of one;\n Where-of I wole yo\u1d99 telle of oo\u0273,                it would take too long\n It were to moc\u0127 to telle of alle.             16 to tell of all. Listen\n While \u00feat Rome was in excellence                 to me, and ye shall\n Of alle Realmes in dignite,                      hear how Rome, the\n And howe it felle for his offence,               former mistress of all\n Listinythe a while and ye shal see,           20 nations, came to fall\n Howe it was wone\u0273 and brente                     by its sins, and was\n Of a Sowdo\u0273, that heathe\u0273 was,                   destroyed by a heathen\n And for synne howe it was shente;                Soudan. King Lewis has\n As Kinge Lowes witnessith \u00feat cas,            24 borne witness to\n\n[p002 LABAN, THE SOUDAN OF BABYLON, HEARS]\n\n As it is wryten in Romaunce                      that story, which,\n And founden in bokes of Antiquyte                written in Romance\n At Seinte Denyse Abbey in Fraunc[e],[91]         and found in very\n There as Cronycles remembrede be,             28 old chronicles at\n Howe Laban, the kinge of hie degre,              St Denys in France,\n And sy[rh] and Sowdo\u0273 of hie Babilo\u0273,            relates how Laban, the\n Conquerede grete parte of Christiante,           king of Babylon, who\n That was born in Askalo\u0273.                     32 was born at Ascalon,\n And in the Cite of Agremare[92]                  conquered a great part\n Vppon\u0304 the Rivere of Flagote                      of Christendom. He was\n At \u00feat tyme he soiorned the[rh]\u2020                 holding his court in\n Fulle roially, wel I wote,                    36 the city of Agremore,\n With kinges xij and Admyralles xiiij,            on the river Flagot,\n With many a Baron\u0304 & Kni\u021dtis ful boold,           with 12 kings and 14\n That roialle were and semly to sene;             admirals, and many\n Here wor\u00feynesse al may not be told.           40 worthy barons and\n Hit bifelle by-twyxte March and Maye,            [lf 1, bk] knights,\n Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,            when, in the time\n Whan\u0304 ffrit\u0127 and felde wexen gaye,                between March and\n And every wight desirith his like,            44 May,\n Whan\u0304 lovers slepen\u0304 withe opyn\u0304 y\u021de,\n As Nightyngalis on grene tre,\n And sore desire \u00feat thai cowde flye,\n That thay myghte withe here lou\u00aber\u00bbe be:      48\n This worthy Sowdon\u0304 in this seson\u0304                 he went to the chase\n Shope him to grene woode to goon\u0304,\n To chase the Bore or the Veneson\u0304,\n The Wolfe, the Bere and the Bawson.           52\n He roode tho vppon\u0304 a fforeste stronde            in a wood near the\n With grete rowte and roialte,                    sea.\n The fairest, \u00feat was in alle \u00feat londe,\n With Alauntes, Ly\u00abm\u00bbmeris and Racches free.   56\n His huntes to chace he co\u00abm\u00bbmaunde,\n Here Bugles boldely for to blowe,\n To fere the beestis in \u00feat launde.\n\n[p003 OF THE CAPTURE OF A SARACEN SHIP BY THE ROMANS.]\n\n The Sowdon\u0304 woxe wery I-nowe;                  60 Being weary with\n He rested him vndere an holme tre                hunting, he sat down\n Sittynge vppon\u0304 a grene sete                      under a holm tree,\n Seynge a Dromonde com seilyng in \u00fe^e see         and, seeing a dromond\n Anone he charged to bekyn\u0304 him w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb           sailing on the sea, he\n   honde                                       64 charged one to enquire\n To here of him tidinges newe.                    for news concerning the\n The maist\u00aber\u00bb sende a man to londe,              ship. The interpreter\n Of diuers langages was gode and trewe,           of the vessel being\n And saide \u201clorde, this Dromonde[93]           68 sent ashore, informed\n Fro Babyloyne comen\u0304 is,                          the soudan, that this\n That was wor\u00fee thousande poundis,                dromond, freighted at\n As[94] it mete with shrewes I-wis,               Babylon, with a cargo\n Charged with perle and p\u00abre\u00bbcious stones      72 of rich furs, spices,\n And riche pelure and spicerye,                   oil, brass and pearls,\n With oyle and bras qweynte for the nones         intended as a present\n To presente yow, my lorde worthy.                to the soudan, had been\n A drift of wedi[rh] vs droffe to Rome,        76 driven by stress of\n The Romaynes robbed vs anone;                    weather to Rome, where\n Of vs thai slowgh ful many one.                  they had been robbed by\n With sorwe and care we be bygone.                the Romans.\n Whereof, lorde, remedye                       80 [leaf\u00a03]\n Ye ordeyne by youre Barons boolde,               Therefore he solicited\n To wreke the of this vilane;                     that the soudan would\n Or certes oure blis is coolde.\u201d                  take revenge on those\n The Soudon hirynge this ty\u00feinge,              84 who had done such\n With egre chere he made a vowe                   villainy to him.\n To Mahounde and to Appolyne,                     The soudan, hearing\n That thai shulde by it dere I-nowe,              these tidings, made\n Er that he wente fro theyme.[95]              88 a vow to Mahound and\n \u201cWhere be ye, my kinges boolde,                  to Apolyn, that they\n My Barons and my Admyral?                        should dearly pay for\n Thes tidinges make myn herte coolde,             it.\n But I be venged, dyen I shalle.               92 \u2018Ferumbras, my son,\u2019 he\n Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere,                 said, \u2018and my daughter\n Ye muste me comforte in this case;               Floripas, ye must\n\n[p004 THE SOUDAN STARTS FROM AGREMORE]\n\n My ioye is alle in the nowe here                 be my comfort in this\n And in my Doghter Dame Florypas.              96 case.\n Sortybraunce, my Counselere,                     Order Sortibrance,\n Lete clepe him forthe to counsaile me,           my counsellor, to be\n And Oliborne, my Chauncelere                     called for, and my\n And noble Clerke of hie degre,               100 chancellor Oliborn,\n And Espiarde, my messangere,                     and Espiard my\n To goon to Assye and to Aufrike,                 messenger, that he\n To kinges, princes fer[rh] and ne[rh],           may go to Africa and\n Barons, Admyralls and Dukes frike,           104 to Asia and to all\n Comaundinge hem vppon\u0304 her legeaunce              the princes, who owe\n To come in al hast vnto me,                      me allegiance, and\n Wel Armed with shelde and launse,                command them hastily to\n To Egremoure \u00feon\u0304 riche Cite.\u201d                108 assemble with shield\n In shorte tyme this message was wroghte          and lance at Agremore.\u2019\n An hundred thouusande on a rowte                 In a short time 100,000\n That robbery was righte dere boght,              men had assembled.\n Was never none derrer without\u00aben\u00bb dou\u021dte.    112 On the advice of\n The kinge of Baldas, sir Lukafe[rh],             Lukafer,\n Of Aufryke lorde and governoure,                 king of Baldas,\n Spake to the Sowdon\u0304, that me\u00abn\u00bb myghte           the soudan also\n   here,                                          brought together 700\n And saide \u201csir, for thyn honou[rh],          116 sail and a\n Do sende for shippes both fe[rh] and             dromond for himself,\n   nere.\u201d                                         for Ferumbras of\n Carrikes, Galeis and shippes shene,              Alexandrie, for the\n vij hundred were gadered al in fere              Asiatic king of\n And a Dromonde for the Sowden\u0304 kene.          120 [leaf\u00a04] Chaunder and\n Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre                      for Floripas. There\n In the Dromonde with him was,                    were two masters in\n Of Assy the kinge of Chaunde[rh],                that vessel, and two\n And his faire dog\u0127ter Floripas.              124 idols placed on the\n Two maistres were in the Dromounde,              main top, with round\n Two goddes on hye seten\u0304 thore                    maces, therewith to\n In the maister toppe, withe macis rounde,        menace the Christians.\n To manace with the Cristen\u0304 lore.             128 The sails of red\n The sailes were of rede Sendelle,                sendal-silk were\n Embrowdred wit\u0127 riche araye,\n\n[p005 TO INVADE ROME WITH A GREAT ARMY.]\n\n With beestes and breddes every dele,             richly embroidered\n That was right curious and gaye;             132 with figures of\n The Armes displaied of Laban                     animals and birds.\n Of Asure and foure lions of goolde.              Four golden lions, the\n Of Babiloyne the riche Sowdon\u0304,                   arms of the soudan of\n Moost myghty man he was of moolde,           136 Babylon, were also\n He made a vowe to Termagaunte,                   displayed thereon.\n Whan Rome were distroied & hade                  Laban made a vow to\n   myschau\u00abn\u00bbce,                                  Termagant, to destroy\n He woolde turne ayen erraunte                    Rome, and after that\n And distroye Charles the kinge of Fraunce.   140 Charlemagne.\n Fort\u0127 thai sailed on the flode,                  Having disembarked in\n Tille thai come to the haven of Rome:            the haven of Rome,\n The wynde hem served, it was ful goode.          they slew all\n Ther londed many a grymlye gome.             144 Christians, and burned\n Thai brente and slowen, \u00feat Cristen were,        towns, abbeys and\n Town\u0304, Abbey and holy chirche.                    churches.\n The hethen hade such power there,                The Pope of Rome,\n That moche woo gan thai there wirc\u0127.         148 hearing of the heathens\n Tidinggis came to Rome anone                     laying waste the whole\n Unto the Pope, that \u00fe^t tyme was,                country,\n That the he\u00feen came to bren and slone.\n This was to hem a sory cas.                  152\n He lete cal his counsaile to-geder               assembled his council.\n To wete, what was beste to don\u0304.\n Anone as thai were come \u00feede[rh],\n He asked of hem al ful sone:                 156\n \u201cLordinges, it is vnknowne[96] to you,\n That this cursed hathen Sowdon\u0304\n Bre\u00abn\u00bbnyth and stroyeth oure pepul nowe,\n Alive he leveth vnneth not one.              160\n Seint Petir be oure governoure                   [leaf\u00a05]\n And save this worthi Cite of Rome,\n And Seinte Poule be oure gydoure\n From this cursed hethen\u0304 houne[97]!\u201d          164\n Ifre\u021d he bispake him than\u0304,                       Jeffrez, a senator\n\n[p006 SAVARIS LEADS THE CHRISTIAN TROOPS]\n\n Of Rome he was a Senatoure,                      of Rome, advised that\n And saide \u201csendit\u0127 some worthy man               worthy men should be\n To Charles kinge of hye honoure.             168 sent to Charles of\n He wolde you helpe with al his myg\u0127te,           Douce France to implore\n That noble kinge of Dowse Fraunce.\u201d              his assistance.\n \u201cCertes\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Savaris \u201c\u00feat weren no            But Duke Savariz,\n   rig\u0127te,                                        thinking this to be\n It were right a foule myschaunce,            172 a wretched piece of\n To sende to \u00feat worthy kinge.                    timidity,\n We have oure hedes yet al hole,                  as they had not tried\n Oure sheldes be not broke no-thinge,             anything for\n Hawberke, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole.      176 themselves,\n Where-of shul we playn\u0304 to him,\n That no thinge yet have assaide?\n Mec\u0127 uylanye we myght wynne,\n That for noght were so sone afrayed.         180\n Ten thousande men delyu\u00aber\u00bbe me tyte             asked for 10,000 men\n Tomorue next in-to the feelde,                   to be put under his\n And I shall prove with al my myghte              command.\n To breke there bothe spere and shelde.\u201d      184\n Vnto the Senatours it semed welle,\n His counsaile goode and honurable.\n This worthi Duke was armed in stele\n In armes goode and profitable;               188\n He bare a Chek of goulis clere,\n An Egle of goolde abrode displayed.\n With him many a bolde Bachelere\n Tho spake Savary\u021d wit\u0127 wordes on hye         192 The next morning the\n And saide \u201cmy felowes alle,                      duke addressed his men,\n This daie prove you men\u0304 worthy,\n And faire you al shal befalle.\n Thenke yat Criste is more myghty             196\n Than here fals goddis alle;\n And he shal geve vs the victorie,\n And foule shal hem this day bifalle.\u201d\n Fort\u0127 than rode \u00feat faire Ooste              200 and directed them to\n With right goode chere and randon\u0304,               the soudan\u2019s\n\n[p007 AGAINST THE SARACENS AND CONQUERS THEM.]\n\n Tille than come ful ny\u021de the cooste.             pavilion near the\n Of the Sowdons Pavylon\u0304                           shore.\n Ferumbras was of hem ware                    204 [leaf\u00a06] Ferumbras,\n And sprange out as a sparkil of glede;           that doughty\n Of Armes bright a sheelde he bare,               warrior, becoming aware\n A Doughty man\u0304 he was of dede.                    of them, led\n xv thousande came oute there                 208 15,000 men against the\n With him at \u00feat same tyde,                       Romans.\n Ayen the Romaynes for to were,\n Wit\u0127 bobaunce, booste and grete pride.\n The stoure was stronge, enduryn[g|] longe:   212\n The Romaynes hade there the feelde;\n The Sarysyns thai sloug\u0127 amonge,\n Ten thousand and mo with spere and sheelde.      10,000 and more of the\n Sauariz was wise and ware                    216 Saracens were slain,\n And drowe towards \u00feat Citee.                     and the Romans, though\n His baner displaied wit\u0127 him he bare             victorious, were led\n To releve with his meyne.                        back to Rome by the\n The Pope with his Senatours                  220 cautious Savaris.\n Thanked god \u00feat tyme of glorie,                  The Pope thanked God\n That gafe hem \u00feat day grete honours,             for the victory.\n Of hethen that dai to have the victorie.         Lukafer of Baldas\n Lukafere, kinge of Baldas,                   224 having scoured the\n The countrey hade serchid and sought,            country,\n Ten thousande maidyns faire of face              brought 10,000 maidens\n Vnto the Sowdan hath he broghte.                 to the soudan, who\n The Sowdon\u0304 co\u00abm\u00bbmanded hem anone,            228 ordered them to be\n That thai shulde al be slayn\u0304.                    slain,\n Martires thai were eu\u00aber\u00bbychon\u0304,                  saying, he would\n And therof were thai al ful fayne.               not have his people\n He saide \u201cmy peple nowe ne shalle            232 polluted by them, and\n With hem noughte defouled be,                    he would destroy every\n But I wole distroie ou\u00aber\u00bb all                   Christian seed.\n The sede over alle Cristiante.\u201d                  Lukafer said to the\n Tho spake lukefere the kinge,                236 soudan:\n That hethen\u0304 hounde Baldas,\n\n[p008 THE NEXT DAY LUKAFER ASSAULTS THE CITY,]\n\n And saide \u201cSir Sowdan\u0304, g\u00abra\u00bbunte me one          \u201cGrant me thy daughter\n   thinge,                                        and I will bring thee\n Thi doghter Dame Floripas.                       Charlemagne and all his\n The kinge of Fraunce I shal the bringe       240 twelve peers.\u201d\n And the xij dosipers alle in fere.\u201d              Laban assented; but\n The Sowdan saide in \u00feat tokenyn[g|],             Floripas said, she\n \u201cI g\u00abra\u00bbunte the here, that is so dere.\u201d         would only consent to\n Tho sayde Floripe \u201csire, noon\u0304 haste,         244 be his darling,\n He hath note done as he hath saide.\n I trowe, he speketh these wordes in waste,       [leaf\u00a07]\n He wole make bute an easy brayde.\n Whan he bryngith home Charles the kinge      248 when he had taken\n And the xij dosipers alle,                       Charles and the\n I g\u00abra\u00bbunte to be his derlynge                   douzepeers.\n What so evere therof by-falle.                   The next morning the\n Than on the morowe the Sowdan\u0304                252 soudan ordered Lukafer\n Callid to him Lukafe[rh] of Baldas,              to assault the City\n To assaile the Cite anone:                       with 30,000 men.\n \u201cAnd loke thou tary not in this cas!\n Thritty thousande of my menie,               256\n Of Gallopes, Ethiopes and Aufricanes,\n Take hem to the walles wit\u0127 the.\n Betit\u0127 down\u0304 wallis, towris and stones.\u201d\n Lukafe[rh] blewe his clarion\u0304                 260\n To Assemble the Sarasyns \u00feat tide,\n Where-of thai knewe right welle the soune,\n Thai made hem redy for to ride,\n But whan thai come to the yate,              264\n The Dikes were so develye depe,                  The Saracens, finding\n Thai helde hem selfe Chek-mate;                  the ditches too deep,\n Ouer cowde thai nothir goo nor crepe.            cannot pass, and are\n Lukafe[rh] in al the haste                   268\n Turned to the Sowdan agayn\u0304                       obliged to return.\n And saide \u201csir, it is alle in waste,\n We laboure nowe alle in vayne.\n To depe and brode the Dikes bene,            272\n The Towres so stronge be wit\u0127 alle,\n\n[p009 BUT THE HEATHENS ARE OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.]\n\n That by Mahounde I can note seen\u0304,\n How that we shulde wyne ther to the\n   walle.\u201d\n Who was woode but the Sowdon\u0304?                276\n He reneyed his goddis alle.\n He clepede his Engyno\u00abur\u00bb sir mavone,            The soudan calls for\n To counsaile he did him faste calle.             his engineer Mavon,\n He tolde him the case of \u00feat myschefe,       280\n How it stode at that ilke tyde.\n Mavon Gafe him counsel in breefe                 who advised him to fill\n To fille the Dikes \u00feat were depe.[98]            the ditch\n Every man to woode shal goon\u0304,                284\n Fagotis to hewe and faste bynde,                 with fagots.\n And fille the Dikes faste anoon\u0304\n With alle, that we may ther fynde.\n \u201cGramercy, Mavon\u0304,\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Laban than\u0304,        288 Laban thanks his wise\n \u201cMahoundis benysone thou shalt haue,             engineer.\n Of alle myn Ooste the wiseste man,               [leaf\u00a08]\n With counsaile men for to saue.\u201d\n Alle this was done the seconde daye,         292 The following day, the\n Men myght go even to the walle;                  ditch being filled with\n On every party the ooste laye,                   fagots, the city\n Thai made assaite[99] then generalle.            was assaulted from all\n The Romaynes ronnen\u0304 to the toures,           296 quarters. The Romans\n Thai were in ful grete dowte;                    ran to the towers, and\n Thai hade many sharpe shoures,                   a sharp conflict\n Thai were assailed sore a-bowte.                 ensued.\n Wifis and maidyns stones thai bare           300 Women and maidens\n To the walles than ful faste,                    carried stones which\n Thai were in grete drede and care;               the\n The men over the wallis did caste.               men threw over the\n Thai slowen many a Sarasyn\u0304,                  304 walls.\n x \u00abthousande\u00bb[100] pepul of hem\u0304 and moo.         10,000 Saracens were\n The daie passed to the fyne,                     slain and\n The hethen withdrowe hem tho.                    the heathens obliged to\n Whan these tidinges came to laban,           308 withdraw.\n\n[p010 LUKAFER ENTERS THE MAIN TOWER OF ROME.]\n\n His goddes he gan chide.                         Laban chides his gods\n He waxe both blake, pale and wan,                and nearly grows mad\n He was ny\u021de woode \u00feat same tyde.                 with vexation. But\n Tho Lukafer comfortede him welle             312 Lukafer told him that,\n And saide \u201csir, be not dismayed,                 having espied that\n For I have aspied everydele,                     Savaris would, the\n Howe thai shalle alle be betrayede.              following day, come\n Sauariz wole to morowe wit\u0127 us fighte,       316 out again to fight\n His baner knowe I ful welle;                     with them, he would\n I shal have an othere, I yo\u1d99 plighte,            have a banner made\n Like to this every dele.                         exactly like his, which\n Whan he is moste besy in bataile,            320 when Savaris was much\n Than wole I with banere displaiede               engaged in the battle,\n Ride in to Rome w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bbout faile,               he would unfold and\n Thus shal thai al be betrayede.\u201d                 enter Rome.\n The Sowdan\u0304 was glad of this tidinge,         324\n Hopinge it shulde be so;\n And even as it was in purposynge,                And so it\n Right so was it aftir I-do.                      turned out; the Romans\n Wenynge it hade be Sauarye,                  328 mistaking him for\n Relevinge fro the hethen stou[rh],               Savaris, returning from\n Wenynge doth ofte harme w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bboute lye,        his sally, he entered\n He entred to the maist\u00aber\u00bb Toure.                the main tower,\n The firste warde thus thay wo\u00abn\u00bbne           332 [leaf\u00a09]\n By this fals contrevede engyne.\n Thus was moche sorowe bygon\u0304,\n Thai sloug\u0127 all, that were ther-Inne.            and slew all therein.\n Whan\u0304 Sauariz saug\u0127 this discomfitu[rh]       336 Savaris becoming aware\n Of the Romaynes in that tyme,                    of the artifice of the\n And howe harde than\u0304 was here aventu[rh],         enemy,\n Of sorowe \u00feat myghte he ryme\n Of x thousande men\u0304 lefte no moo              340 and seeing out of\n But sexty men\u0304 and twelfe,                        10,000 Romans no more\n And whan he sawe this myschief tho,              than seventy-two left,\n He turned homewarde agayn him selue.             turned back, but found\n By than\u0304 he founde the gate shite             344 the gate shut,\n\n[p011 THE POPE DESPATCHES MESSENGERS TO CHARLEMAGNE.]\n\n With Sarisyns, that hade it wone;\n And Estragot with him he mette\n With bores hede, blake and donne.\n For as a bore an hede hadde                  348\n And a grete mace stronge as stele.\n He smote Sauaryz as he were madde,               and was slain by\n That dede to grounde he felle.                   Estragot, a black giant\n This Astrogot of Ethiop,                     352 of Ethiopia.\n He was a kinge of grete strengt\u0127;\n Ther was none suche in Europe\n So stronge and so longe in lengt\u0127.\n I trowe, he were a develes sone,             356\n Of Belsabubbis lyne,\n For ever he was thereto I-wone,\n To do Cristen\u0304 men grete pyne.\n Whan tidinggis came to the [P]ope,           360 After the death of\n That Duke Sauaryz was dede slayn\u0304,                Savaris, the Pope\n Than\u0304 to woo turned alle his hope;\n He dide calle than\u0304 to counsaile                  summoned his council\n Alle the Senatouris of Rome,                 364 again.\n What \u00feinge \u00feat myght hem most availe,\n And what were beste to done.\n Tho by-spake a worthy man of counsaile,\n An Erille of the Senatouris:                 368 An earl of the\n \u201cThe best counsaile, \u00feat I can                   senatours suggested\n                                                  the necessity of\n Sending vnto Charles the kinge[101]              dispatching messengers\n Certifiynge him by your myssangeris              to Charlemagne,\n The myschief \u00feat ye are Inne,                372 imploring him to come\n That he come with his Dosyperys                  to their deliverance.\n To reskue Cristiante fro this he\u00feen.\u201d            [leaf\u00a010]\n All thai assentede anone therto;                 They all assented.\n The l\u00abett\u00bbres were made in haste.            376 Three messengers, with\n Thre messageres we ordeyn\u0304[102] therto,           letters written in\n That went forthe at the laste.                   haste,\n\n[p012 THE SARACENS THROW DOWN A BASTILE OF ROME.]\n\n At a posterne thai wente oute                    left the city by a\n Pryvely aboute mydnyg\u0127t,                     380 postern at midnight,\n And passed through alle the route.               and passed the enemy\u2019s\n Of hem was war no wig\u0127t.                         camp without being\n BVT let we nowe the messangeris goon\u0304,            noticed by any wight.\n And speke we of Laban\u0304,                       384\n Howe he dide saile the Cite anoon\u0304,\n And co\u00abm\u00bbmaundid, \u00feat every man                  Laban commanded every\n Shulde withe Pikeys or wit\u0127 bille                man to throw pikes and\n The Wallis over throwe,                      388 bills over the walls,\n That he myght the Romaynes kille,                to kill the Romans.\n Playnly on a rowe,\n By water he ordeynede the shippes goon\u0304,          He ordered the ships\n The bootis bownden to the maste,             392 to go up the water,\n That thai myght fight with hem anoon\u0304,            with their boats bound\n Honde of honde, \u00feat was here caste.              to the mast, that they\n To the Toure a bastile stode,                    might fight in close\n An engyne was I-throwe\u2014                      396 combat.\n That was to the Cite ful goode\u2014                  Near the tower there\n And brake down\u0304 towres both hie and lowe.         stood a bastile which\n Tho sorowede alle the Citesyns                   formed a principal\n And were ful hevy than\u0304.                      400 protection to the city.\n Tho wox prowde the Sarasyns,                     It was laid low by\n And than bispake sire laban                      stones hurled from an\n And saide \u201cyolde youe here to me,                engine.\n Ye may not longe endure,                     404 Laban, growing proud,\n Or ellis shall ye al slayn\u0304 be,                   summoned the Romans to\n By mahounde I you ensure.\u201d                       surrender.\n A Romayne drife a darte him to                   Instead of an answer, a\n And smote him on the breste plate,           408 Roman hurled a dart at\n Ne hadde his hawberke lasted tho,                his breast-plate, but\n Mahounde had come to late.                       his hauberk shielded\n Tho was the Sowdon\u0304 more \u00fean\u0304 wod,                 him.\n He cried to Ferumbras,                       412 The soudan, more than\n \u201cFor Mahoundes loue, \u00feat is so good,             mad, charged Ferumbras\n Destroye vp bothe man and place.                 to destroy them all,\n\n[p013 ESTRAGOT IS CRUSHED BY A PORTCULLIS.]\n\n Spare no thinge that is alyve,\n Hows, Toure ner Walle,                       416 [leaf\u00a011]\n Beest, ner man, Childe nere Wife,\n Brenne, slo and distroye alle.\u201d\n Tho Ferumbras ordeynede anone\n To bende the Engynes to the town\u0304             420\n And bete down\u0304 bot\u0127 Toure and stoon\u0304.\n He cleped fort\u0127 Fortibraunce and Mavon\u0304           and enjoined\n And saide \u201cbe youre Engynes goode?               Fortibrance and Mavon\n Shewe forth here nowe your crafte            424 to direct their\n For Mahoundis love, \u00feat gevith man foode,        engines against the\n That ther be no Toure lafte.\u201d                    walls.\n Tho the grete gloton\u0304 Estagote[103]               The great glutton\n With his myghty mace sware                   428 Estragot, with his\n On the Gatis of Rome he smote                    heavy mace,\n And brake hem alle on thre thare.                smote on the gates\n In he entrid at the Gate                         and brake them in\n The Porte-Colis on him thai lete falle.      432 pieces.\n He wende, he hade come to late,                  But as he was\n It smote him through herte, lyuer and            entering one of the\n   galle.                                         gates, they let the\n He lai cryande at the grounde                    portcullis fall,\n Like a develle of Helle;                     436 which crushed him to\n Through the Cite wente the sowne,                the ground,\n So lowde than gan he yelle.                      where he lay crying\n Gladde were al the Romaynes,                     like a devil.\n That he was take in the trappe,              440 The Romans were glad,\n And sorye were al the Sarsyns                    but the Saracens\n Of \u00feat myschevos happe.                          grieved.\n Sory was the Soudon\u0304 than\u0304\n And Ferumbras and Lukafe[rh].                444 They withdrew to\n Thai drowe hem tille her tent\u00abes\u00bb than\u0304,          their tents, leaving\n Thai left him ligginge there.                    behind the corpse of\n Mahounde toke his soule to him                   Estragot, whose soul\n And broght it to his blis.                   448 went up to Mahound.\n He loued him wel and al his kyn,\n\n[p014 THE POPE ATTEMPTS A SALLY.]\n\n Of \u00feat myghte he not mys.\n Anone the [P]ope dide somon\u0304 alle;                The Pope called all\n The peple of the Cite came,                  452 his people to St.\n To Seinte Petris he dide hem calle,              Peter\u2019s,\n And thidere came every man.\n He saide on hie \u201cmy Children dere,               and proposed to them\n Ye wote wel, howe it is;                     456\n Ayenst the Sarisyns, \u00feat nowe be here,\n We mowe not longe endure I-wis.\n Thay brekene oure walles, oure Toures alle       [leaf\u00a012]\n With caste of his Engyne.                    460\n Therefore here amonge yo\u1d99 alle\n Ye shalle here counsaile myne.\n Thai bene withdrawe to here Oost,[104]\n And on-armede thay ben alle.                 464\n Therfore, me thenketh, is beste                  to attempt a sally\n To-morowe erly on hem to falle.                  with 20,000 men, to\n We have xxx^{ti} thousande men;                  attack the enemy\n Twenty thousande shal go wit\u0127 me,            468 before day-break\n And in this Cite leve ten                        within their camp,\n To governe the comynalte.\u201d                       and to leave 10,000\n The Senatouris assentede sone                    for the guard of the\n And saide, bet\u00aber\u00bb myghte no man seyne.      472 city. The senators\n On the morowe this was it done[105];             assented.\n God bringe hem wele home agayne.                 In the morning\n The Pope did display than                        the Pope displayed\n The hie baner of Rome,                       476 the banner of Rome,\n And he assoiled every man\u0304\n Throug\u0127 gracious god in Dome.\n He praide of helpe and socou[rh]                 and after a prayer\n Seinte Petir and Poule also                  480 for the preservation\n And oure lady, \u00feat swete floure,                 of the city,\n To saue the Cite of Rome from woo.               they marched out.\n Forth thai riden\u0304 towarde the Oost.               But Ferumbras, going\n Ferumbras romede a-boute;                    484 his rounds,\n\n[p015 FERUMBRAS DRAWS UP THE SARACEN TROOPS.]\n\n He saw the Romaynes comen\u0304 by the Cost,[106]      discovered their\n Thereof he hade grete dowte.                     coming,\n He blewe an horne, of bras it was;               sounded the alarm,\n The Sarsyns be-gon\u0304 to wake.                  488\n \u201cArise vp\u201d he saide in aras,[107]\n \u201cWe bene elles alle I-take,\n And Armes anone, every wight,\n To horse with spere and shelde!              492\n Ye may se here a ferefu[l~l] sighte\n Of oure enemyes in the felde.\n Astopars,[108] goo ye biforne vs,                and drew up his\n For ye be men of myghte;                     496 troops.\n Ethiopes, Assayne\u021d and Askalous,\n Go nexte afore my sighte.\n My Fadir and I with Babyloynes,\n Ho[109] shal kepe the rerewarde.             500\n King Lukafe[rh] with Baldeseynes,\n To venge alle, shalle have the Fowarde.\u201d         [leaf\u00a013]\n The Romaynes aspied, \u00feat thai were ware\n Of here comynge than\u0304,                        504\n And therfore hade thay moche care.\n Natheles on he\u00abm\u00bb thai gon\u0304\u2014\n Seinte Petir be here socoure!\u2014\n And laiden on side, bake and bon\u0304.            508\n There bigan a sturdy shoure                      There began a hard\n Sire [110]Ferumbras of Alisaundre oon\u0304,[111]      struggle.\n That bolde man was in dede,\n Vppon a steede Cassaundre gaye,              512\n He roode in riche Weede.\n Sire Bryer of Poyle a Romayne to fraye           Ferumbras slew Sir\n He bare through wit\u0127 a spere,                    Bryer of Apulia\n Dede to the grounde ther he lan\u0304              516\n Might he no more hem dere!\n\n[p016 A GREAT MANY ARE SLAIN ON EITHER SIDE.]\n\n That sawe Huberte, a worthy man,\n Howe Briere was I-slayn\u0304,\n Ferumbras to qwite than\u0304                      520\n To him he rode ful even\u0304.\n With a spere vppone his shelde \u00fean\u0304\n Stifly ganne he strike;\n The shelde he brake I-myddis the feelde;     524\n His Hawberke wolde not breke.\n Many goode strokes were delte.\n Ferumbras was a-greved tho,\n He smote with mayne and myg\u0127te               528 and the worthy Hubert.\n The nekke asonder, the ventayle also,\n That dede he sate vprighte.\n There was bataile harde and stronge;\n Many a steede wente ther a-straye,           532\n And leyen at the grounde I-stonge,\n That resyn never aftyr that day,\n IX thousand of the payens pride                  9000 pagans were\n That day were slayn\u0304,                         536 killed,\n And viij thousande of the Romaynes side,         and 8000 Romans.\n That in the feelde dede lay\u00abn\u00bbe.\n Lukafere, \u00feat paynym proude,                     Lukafer destroyed\n Slough Romaynes ey\u021dtene,                     540 eighteen Romans,\n Of wer[rh] moche sorowe he coude,                he also slew Gyndard,\n His strokes were over alle sene.                 a senator of Rome,\n Gyndarde, a Senatoure of Rome,                   who had slain ten\n Had slayne Sarsenys ten\u0304,                     544 [leaf\u00a014] Saracens.\n Tille he met with the cursed gome,\n Lukifere slough him than.\n Tho come the Pope with grete aray,               Then came the Pope\n His baner to-fore him wente.                 548 with a great guard\n Ferumbras than gan\u0304 to assaye,                    and his banner before\n If he myght that praye entente,                  him.\n Supposynge in this though[t]e,                   Ferumbras, supposing\n Ther was the souerayne;                      552 him to be the\n He spared him therfore rig\u0127t nog\u0127t,              sovereign,\n\n[p017 FERUMBRAS ENCOUNTERS THE POPE.]\n\n But bare him down\u0304 ther in \u00fe^e playn\u0304.             burst open the thick\n Anoon\u0304 he sterte on him all ane                   crowd and threw him\n His Ventayle for to onlace,                  556 down to the ground.\n And saugh his crown\u0304 newe shafe,                  But seeing his\n A-shamed thanne he was.                          tonsure, he was\n \u201cFye, preest, god gyfe the sorowe!               ashamed.\n What doist thou armede in the feelde,        560 \u201cFie, priest,\u201d\n That sholdest saie thi matyns on morwe,          he said, \u201cwhat\n What doist tho\u1d99 wit\u0127 spere and shelde?           doest thou in the\n I hoped, tho\u1d99 hadiste ben\u0304 an Emp\u00aber\u00bboure,        battle-field?\n Or a Cheftayne of this Ooste here,           564\n Or some worthy conqueroure.\n Go home and kepe thy Qwe[rh]!\n Shame it were to me certayne                     It would be a shame\n To sle the in this bataile,                  568 for me to slay thee.\n Therfore turne the home agayn\u0304!\u201d                  Go home and think of\n The Pope was gladde \u00fe\u00aber\u00bb-of certayne,[112]      thy choir-service!\u201d\n He wente home to Rome that nyght                 The Pope retired with\n Wit\u0127 Five thousande and no more,             572 5000 men,\n XV thousande lefte in the feelde aplight,        15,000 being killed.\n Full grete sorowe was therfore.\n NOWE telle we of the messange[rh],\n That wente to Charlemayne,                   576 Charlemagne, having\n Certyfyinge him by lettres dere,                 learned from the\n Howe the Romaynes were slayne,                   messenger the great\n And howe the Contrey brente was                  disaster which had\n Vnto the Gate of Rome,                       580 befallen the Romans,\n And howe the people song \u2018alas,\u2019\n Tille socoure from him come.\n \u201cWho\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Charles, that worthy kinge,         said, he would not\n \u201cThe Sowdon\u0304 and Ferumbras?                   584 desist until he had\n I nyl lette for no thinge,                       [leaf\u00a015] chased the\n Till I him oute of Cristendome chace.            soudan and Ferumbras\n Therefore Gy of Burgoyn\u0304,                         out of Christendom.\n Mynne owen nevewe so trewe,                  588\n\n[p018 THE SARACENS AGAIN ATTACK THE CITY.]\n\n Take a thausande pounde of Frankis fyne,         He gave 1000 pounds\n To wage wyt\u0127 the pepul newe.                     of francs to his\n Take this with the nowe at this tyme,            nephew Guy of\n And more I wole sende the,                   592 Burgundy,\n Loke that thou spare no hors ne shelde,          and sent him off with\n But \u00feat he dede be;                              orders to advance\n And faste hye the thyderwarde,                   against the soudan by\n For I drede thay haue grete nede,            596 forced marches.\n And I shalle come aftirwarde                     Himself would follow\n As faste, as I may me spede.\u201d                    as soon as possible.\n SPEKE we of Sir Laban\u0304\n And let Charles and Gy be,                   600\n Howe he ordeyned for hem than\u0304\n To Distroye Rome Citee.\n \u201cSir Lukafe[rh], thou madiste thi boost          Laban reminded\n To conque[rh] the Romaynes                   604 Lukafer of his\n And to bringe me the Ooste                       vaunting promise to\n Of the xij peris and Charlemayne.                bring him Charlemagne\n Vppon\u0304 a condicion\u0304 I graunte the                  and his douzepeers,\n My doghter, dere Dame Floripas.              608 in return for his\n Wherefore, I aske nowe of the                    daughter Floripas.\n To holde coven\u00abau\u00bbnte in this cas.\u201d\n \u201cThat I saide\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Lucafere,                  Lukafer said, he\n \u201cTo Mahounde I make a vowe                   612 would do all he had\n To done al \u00feat I hight the the[rh],              promised.\n Ye and more th\u00aba\u00bbn[113] for Florip love.\u201d\n He ordeyned assaute anone in haste               With 10,000 men he\n With x thousande men and moo;                616 attacked the city on\n And Ferumbras at that o\u00fe\u00aber\u00bb side faste          one side, the other\n Assailed hem with grete woo.                     being assaulted by\n The saute endured al \u00fe\u00aba\u00bbt daye                  Ferumbras. The combat\n From morowe, tille it was nyght,             620 continues as long as\n To throwe and shete by eu\u00aber\u00bby waye,             daylight lasts. At\n While that hem endured the light.                night they retired to\n Tho wente thai home to thai[rh] tentys,          their tents.\n\n[p019 THEY ENTER ROME BY TREASON.]\n\n Tille it were on the morowe.                 624 Isres, who possessed\n Isres in his fals ententes                       by inheritance\n Purposed treson\u0304 and sorowe.                      the guard of the\n He was chief Porter of the Town\u0304,                 [leaf\u00a016] principal\n By heritage and fee so he shulde be.         628 gate, planned treason.\n He wente to the Sowdan\u0304,                          He repaired to the\n For the riche Cite betraye woolde he,            soudan and offered to\n And saide \u201clorde, gife me grace                  betray the city on\n For my goodes and for me,                    632 condition that his\n And I wole del\u00abyu\u00bber the this place              life and property\n To haue and holde for ever in fee.               should be spared.\n The keyes of this riche Cite\n I haue in my bandon.\u201d                        636\n \u201cThat gr\u00aba\u00bbunte I\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Laban \u201cthe             The soudan promised\n To be free withoute raunson\u0304.\u201d                    it.\n Ferumbras made him yare,                         Ferumbras with 20,000\n With xx^{ti} thousand men\u0304 and moo,           640 men went with Isres.\n With this Isres for to fare,\n And to wynne the Cite soo.\n As sone as he entred was                         On entering the gate,\n The chief Gate of alle,                      644\n And alle his men in aras,[114]                   he caused the\n He lete the Portcolys falle.                     traitor\u2019s head to be\n He smote of the traitourus hede                  struck off by the\n And saide \u201cgod gife him care!                648 portcullis, and\n Shal he never more ete brede,\n All traito\u00abur\u00bbs evel mot[115] thai fare!\n If he myght leve and reigne here,\n He wolde betraye me;                         652\n For go he west, sout\u0127 or Nort\u0127,\n Traito\u00abur\u00bb shalle he never be.\u201d                  to be carried on the\n He dide lete bere his hede on a spere            point of a spear\n Throug\u0127-oute this faire Citee.               656 through the city.\n \u2018Treson, treson\u0304\u2019 thai cried there,               \u201cTreason,\u201d cried the\n Pite it was to here and see.                     people within,\n\n[p020 FERUMBRAS TAKES THE RELICS TO AGREMORE.]\n\n The people fled by every waye,\n Thai durst no-where a-bide.                  660\n The hye wey ful of dede men laye,                and all streets were\n And eke by every lanys side.                     soon covered with\n Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente,                dead men. Ferumbras\n And alle the Relekes he seased anoon\u0304,        664 went to St. Peter\u2019s,\n The Crosse, the Crown\u0304, the Nailes bente;         seized the relics,\n He toke hem with him everychone.                 the cross, the crown\n He dide dispoile al the Cite                     and the nails,\n Both of tresoure and of goolde,              668\n And after that brente he                         [leaf\u00a017] burned\n Alle \u00feat ever myght be toolde.                   the whole city, and\n And alle the tresoure wit\u0127 hem \u00feai bare          carried away all the\n To the Cite of Egremou[rh].                  672 treasures and the\n Laban the Sowdon\u0304 soiourned there[116]            gold to Agremore,\n Thre mon\u00fees and thre dayes more                  where the soudan went\n In myrt\u0127 and Ioye and grete solas.               to stay. Three months\n And to his goddes offrynge he made,          676 and three days they\n He and his sone Sir Ferumbras                    spent there in great\n Here goddis of golde dide fade,                  festivities, making\n Thai brente Franken\u0304sense,                        offerings to their\n That smoked vp so stronge,                   680 gods, and burning\n The Fume in her presence,                        frankincense in their\n It lasted alle alonge.                           honour.\n Thai blewe hornes of bras,\n Thai dronke beestes bloode.                  684 They drank the blood\n Milke and hony ther was,                         of beasts and milk,\n That was roial and goode.                        and ate honey and\n Serpentes in Oyle were fryed                     snakes fried in oil.\n To serve \u00fe^e Sowdon\u0304 with alle,               688\n \u201cAntrarian Antrarian\u201d thai lowde cryed\n That signyfied \u2018Ioye generalle.\u2019\n Thus thai lived in Ioye and blis\n Two mon\u00fees or thre.                          692\n Lete we now be alle this,\n\n[p021 GUY AND CHARLEMAGNE APPROACH.]\n\n And of Gye nowe speke we.\n NOW speke we of Sir G\u0233e\n That toward Rome hied wit\u0127 his Oost.         696\n Whan\u0304 he approched there-to so ny\u021de,              When Sir Guy drew\n That he myght se the cooste,                     near Rome, finding\n Alle on a flame \u00feat Cite was,                    the whole city in\n That thre myle al abowte,                    700 flames,\n Ther durst no man\u0304, \u00feat ther was,\n Come ny\u021de the Cite for grete dowte.\n That was a sory Cite than,\n Sir Gye was in grete care,                   704 he grieved much\n Ther was nowhere a soryer man\u0304,\n For sorowe he sighed ful sare,\n And saide \u201cwelallas\u201d[117] the while\n \u201cFor we come ar to late,                     708 that he had arrived\n For by some treson or some gyle                  too late.\n Thai entred in at some Gate.\n There is no more but for to abyde,               He resolved there to\n Tille Charles come, the kinge,               712 wait for Charlemagne\n In this mede Vnder grene wode side,              [leaf\u00a018]\n To telle him of this tithinge,                   and then to tell him,\n Howe Laban hath the Cite brente                  how Laban had burnt\n And bore the Religes[118] a-waye,            716 the city, and had\n And howe he hath hem to Spayne sente             sent the relics to\n With Shippes of grete aray,                      Agremore,\n To Egremou[rh] his chief Cite,                   his principal town in\n Ther to live and ende;                       720 Spain.\n And manassit\u0127 Charles and his baronye.\n God gife hem evelle ende!\u201d\n Kinge Charles he forgate nought                  King Charles advanced\n To come to reskowe Rome,                     724 to rescue Rome with\n Alle his Do\u021dypers were I-sought,                 his douzepeers\n Fulle sone to him thay come.\n Thre hundred thousande of Sowdeoures             and 300,000 soldiers.\n\n[p022 CHARLES HEARS OF THE MISCHIEF DONE BY THE SARACENS.]\n\n Kinge Charles with him dide lede,            728\n They were doughty in all stourys\n And worthy men of dede.\n Sir Roulande \u00feat worthy knighte,                 Roland led the\n He ladde the Fowarde,                        732 vanguard,\n And Sir Olyue[rh], that was so wighte,           Oliver the rear,\n Gouerned the Rerewarde.\n The Kinge himselfe and his Baronye,              the king was\n With Dukes And Erilles roialle,              736\n Gouerned alle the medil partye.                  with the main body.\n By co\u00abm\u00bbmaundemente generall\n He ordeynede grete plente                        The provisions\n Of Flessh and Fissh, brede and wyne,         740\n In shippes to saile by the see,                  were conveyed by sea.\n To serven him ful wel and fyne.\n Sir Gye aspied his comynge,                      Guy seeing them come,\n He knewe the baner of Fraunce,               744 went to\n He wente anoon\u0304 ayen the kinge                    meet the king, and\n And tolde him of \u00feat myschaunce,                 told him the mischief\n Howe that the cursed Sowdan\u0304                      done by the soudan,\n Hath brent Rome and bore the Relekis awaye,  748\n And how he hath slayn\u0304 alle and some,\n That he hat\u0127 founde of Cristen\u0304 faye.\n And more-over he made his a-vowe,                who moreover had made\n To seke kinge Charles in Fraunce             752 a vow to seek Charles\n And do him wo ther I-nowe.                       in France in order\n \u201cGod gif him moch myschaunce!\u201d\u2014                  to afflict him with\n \u201cA\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bb[d+] Charles \u201c\u00feat nedit\u0127 noght,         grief. [leaf\u00a019] \u201cHe\n He shal fynde me nere.                       756 will find me near,\u201d\n By god, \u00feat dere me bog\u0127t,                       said Charles, \u201cand\n He shal by it ful dere.                          shall dearly pay for\n I shalle him never leve I-wis                    it.\n Withinne walle ner wit\u0127oute,                 760\n I swere by god and seinte Denys,\n Tille I have sought him oute;                    Unless he consents to\n And but if he will Baptised be                   be baptized,\n\n[p023 HE GOES OVER TO SPAIN.]\n\n And lefe his fals laye,                      764\n Babyloyne shal he never see                      he never shall see\n For alle his grete aray.\u201d                        Babylon again.\u201d They\n Anoon to shippe every man\u0304                        all took ship without\n With vitaile and with store,                 768 delay.\n Euen towarde the proud Sawdan\u0304\n With-outen\u0304 any more.\n Wynde him blewe ful fayre and goode\n Into the Ryver of Ga\u021de,                      772 Propitious winds\n Even over the salte flode                        drove them into the\n And ouer the profounde rase.                     river Gase, where\n XXX legee\u021d from Egremou[rh]                      they landed, 30 miles\n By londe for south it is,                    776 from Agremore,\n And ther withoute any more\n To londe thai wente I-wis,\n And brente and sloughen\u0304 al \u00fe\u00aba\u00bbt thai\n   fonde,                                         and laid waste the\n And stroyed both Toure and town\u0304.             780 country.\n Thai lefte no thinge on grounde,\n That thai ne bete it down\u0304.\n Tithinggis were tolde to Laban,                  Laban, hearing this\n Howe Charles was I-come                      784 news,\n And slough bouth childe, wyfe, man\n And brente and stroyed alle and some\n With thre hundred thousand of Bacheleris,\n That were both stoute and gaye,              788\n And with him al his Dosyperis,\n Pepul of grete araye.\n \u201cAnd but ye ordeyne remedy,\n He wole you brenne and sloon\u0304,                792\n Youe and youre riche Baronye,\n He wole leve a-life neu\u00aber\u00bbe oon\u0304.\u201d\n Whan Laban herde these tidyngys,\n His herte woxe alle coolde                   796\n And saide \u201cthis is a wonder thinge!              [leaf\u00a020]\n Howe durste he be so boolde?                     was astonished at\n Litill ke\u00abn\u00bbnyth he what I may doo,              Charles\u2019s presumption.\n\n[p024 A GREAT BATTLE ENSUES.]\n\n He dredith me litil nowe.                    800\n But certes he shalle, e[rh] he goo,\n To Mahounde I make a vowe.\n Sir Lucafe[rh] and Ferumbras                     He assembled all his\n To him dide he calle                         804 barons,\n And Mavon\u0304 and Sortebras\n And his Barons alle.\n I charge you vppon\u0304 youre legeaunce,\n That ye bringe me that gloton,               808 and charged them to\n That clepeth himselfe kinge of Fraunce,          bring him alive that\n Hidere to my Pavilon\u0304.                            glutton that called\n Kepe him a-live, the remenaunte sle              himself king of\n The xij Peris ychoon\u0304!                        812 France, and to slay\n I shalle tech him curtesye,                      the remnant.\n I swere by god Mahounde.\u201d\n Ferumbras anoon\u0304 than                             Ferumbras went forth\n Arrayed him for to ride                      816 with many Saracens.\n With proude Sarasyns many a man,\n That boldely durst a-bide.\n Rowlande met with Ferumbras                      He meets with Roland.\n And gafe him such a stroke                   820\n That al astonyed \u00feerof he was,\n It made him lowe to stoupe.\n Ferombras smote him agayne                       They deal each other\n With myghte and may\u00abn\u00bb, with ire             824 heavy strokes.\n That he stenyed alle his brayne,\n Him thought, his eyen\u0304 were alle on fyre.\n With Lucafe[rh] Olive[rh] mette,                 Oliver cuts off a\n And hit him on the sheelde                   828 quarter of Lukafer\u2019s\n A stroke, that was right wel sette;              shield.\n A quarter flye in the feelde.\n Thus thai hurteled to-gedere                     The combat lasted the\n Alle the lefe longe daye,                    832 whole day.\n Nowe hider and nowe theder;\n Mony an hors wente ther astraye.                 Well fought the\n The Dosyperis thay foughten wele,                twelve peers.\n\n[p025 CHARLES ENCOUNTERS FERUMBRAS AND LUKAFER.]\n\n Duke Neymys and Oge[rh],                     836\n With goode swerdes of fyne stele\n And so dide Gye and Syr Brye[rh].\n Ferumbras was euer a-bowte                       [leaf\u00a021]\n To fyghte wit\u0127 Olyvere,                      840 Ferumbras charges\n And Olyue[rh] with-oute dowte                    Oliver.\n Leyde on with goode chere.\n Kinge Charles saugh Ferumbras,                   King Charles, seeing\n To him fast he rode                          844 this, rides on to\n And it on the helme wit\u0127 his mace,               Ferumbras,\n That stroke sadlye abode.                        and strikes his helm\n Ferumbras was woode for woo,                     with his heavy mace.\n He myght for prees come him to               848 Ferumbras cannot\n For no worldis thinge, that myght be tho.        approach him on\n Kinge Charles anoon[119] Ioye oute-drowe,        account of the crowd.\n And with his owen honde                          Charlemagne with his\n XXX^{ti} Sarseynys ther he slowe,            852 sword Mounjoy slew 30\n That laie dede vppone the sonde;                 Saracens.\n Many of hem therfore made joy Inowe.\n Sir Lucafere of Baldas,                          Lukafer of Baldas,\n He presed to Charles sone,                   856 encountering Charles,\n And saide \u201cSir, with harde grace,\n What hastowe here to done?\n I behight Laban to bringe the to him             told him that he had\n And the xij peris alle;                      860 promised the soudan\n Now shaltowe come from al thy kyn                to bring him Charles\n Into the Sowdans halle.                          and the douzepeers.\n Yelde the to me\u201d he saide,\n \u201cThy life shalle I safe.\u201d                    864\n A stroke on him than Charles layde;              Charles strikes him\n He made the Paynym to rafe.                      on his helmet,\n He smote him on the helme\n With mown-Ioye, his gode bronde.             868\n Ne hadde he be reskued than,\n He hade slayn him with his honde.\n\n[p026 THE SARACENS QUIT THE FIELD.]\n\n Than came Balde\u021dyn\u021d with thronge                 but Lukafer is\n To reskue there here lorde,                  872 rescued by a great\n And nubens with hem amonge                       throng. Roland,\n And Turkes by one accorde.                       drawing Durendale,\n Tho Roulande Durnedale oute-drowe                cleared a space\n And made Ro\u00abm\u00bbme[120] abowte.                876 around him and\n XL of hem ther he slowe,\n Tho were thai in grete dowte.\n Roulande as fiers as a lion\u0304\n With Durnedale[121] tho dinge                880 hammered the heads of\n Vppon the Sarsyns crowne,                        the Saracens.\n As harde as he myght flynge.                     [leaf\u00a022]\n Duke Neymys and Sir Olyue[rh],                   So do the other peers,\n Gy and Alloreynes of Loreyne,                884\n And alle the noble xij Peris,\n Oge[rh] and Brye[rh] of Brytayne,\n Thai foughten as feythfully in \u00feat fight,\n The feelde ful of dede men laye.             888\n XXX^{ti} thousande, I you plight,                and 30,000 Saracens\n Of Sarsenys ther were slayn\u0304.                     were slain.\n Al thinge moste haue an\u0304 ende,\n The nyghte come on ful sone,                 892 At night the Pagans\n Every wighte retourned to wende;                 quit the field.\n Ferumbras to his men gan gone\n And saide \u201coure hornes blowe we,\n This day haue we a ful ille afraye,          896\n To saie the south and not to lye,\n Oure goddis holpe vs not to daye,\n What devel \u00feat ever hem\u0304 eilith.\n This bataile was so sharpe in faye,          900\n That many a man it wailyth.\n Shalle I never in herte be glade to daye,        Ferumbras vows, never\n Till I may preve my myghte                       to desist\n With Roulande, that proude ladde,            904\n Or with Olyue[rh], that is so lighte,\n\n[p027 CHARLES PRAISES THE OLD KNIGHTS.]\n\n That evel hath vs ladde;\n And in Paris be crowned kinge                    unless he be crowned\n In despite of hem alle,                      908 king at Paris.\n I wole leve for no thinge\n What so evere byfalle.\u201d\n Kinge Charles with grete honou[rh]               Charles went to his\n Wente to his Pavilon\u0304;                        912 pavilion and\n Of the treyumple he bare the flou[rh]\n In dispite of Mahounde.\n Almyghty God and Seynte Denyse                   thanked God\n He thanked ful ofte sithe                    916\n And oure lady Marie of Paris,                    and St. Mary of\n That made hem gladde and blit\u0127.                  France.\n He recomendide the olde Knightes,                He praised the elder\n That \u00feat daye hade the victorye,             920 knights for having\n And charged the yonge with al her myghtes        won the victory and\n To haue hem in memorye;                          exhorted the young\n For worthynesse wole not be hadde,               ones\n But it be ofte soug\u0127te,                      924 [leaf\u00a023]\n Ner knig\u0127thode wole not ben hadde,\n Tille it be dere boghte.\n \u201cTherfore ye knightes, yonge of age,\n Of oolde ye may now lere,                    928\n Howe ye shalle both hurle and rage\n In felde with sheelde and spere.\n And take ensample of the xij Peris,              to take an example by\n Howe thai have proved her myght,             932 them.\n And howe thai were both wight and fiers\n To wy\u00abn\u00bbnen honourys in righte.\n These hethen houndes we shal a-tame\n By God in magiste,                           936 They make merry and\n Let us make myrt\u0127 in goddis name                 go to supper.\n And to souper nowe goo we.\u201d                      Prayer addressed\n \u201cO THOW, rede Mar\u021d Armypotente,                  to the red Mars\n That in the trende baye hase made \u00fey trone,  940 Armipotent,\n That god arte of bataile and regent\n\n[p028 SPRING IS THE TIME OF LOVE.]\n\n And rulist alle that alone,\n To whom I profre precious present,\n To the makande my moone                      944\n Wit\u0127 herte, body and alle myn entente,\n A crown\u0304 of precious stoones,\n And howe to the I gyfe\n Withouten fraude or engyne,                  948\n Vppon\u0304 thy day to make offerynge,\n And so shal I ever, while \u00feat I live;\n By righte \u00feat longith to my laye,\n In worshipe of thy reverence                 952\n On thyn owen Tewesdaye\n With myr[rh], aloes and Frankensense,\n Vppon\u0304 condicion\u0304 that thou me gr\u00aba\u00bbunte,          to grant the\n The victorye of Crystyn\u0304 Dogges,              956 Mahometans the\n And that I may some[122] hem adaunte             victory over the\n And sle hem down\u0304 as hogges,                      Christians.\n That have done me distruccion\u0304\n And grete disherytaunce                      960\n And eke slayn my men w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb wronge.\n Mahounde gyfe hem myschaunce!\u201d\n IN the semely seson of the yere,                 In the spring of the\n Of softenesse of the sonne,                  964 year\n In the prymsauns of grene vere,\n Whan floures spryngyn\u0304 and bygy\u00abn\u00bbne,             [leaf\u00a024]\n And alle the floures in the frit\u0127\n Freshly shews here kynde,                    968\n Than it is semely therwyt\u0127,                      man ought to show his\n That manhode be in mynde;                        manhood\n For corage wole a man to kit\u0127,\n If he of menske haue mynde,                  972\n And of loue to lystyn\u0304 and lithe,                 and to think of love.\n And to seke honu[rh] for \u00feat ende.               For none can be a\n For he was neu\u00aber\u00bbe gode werryou[rh],            good warrior, unless\n That cowde not loue a-ryght;                 976 he knows how to love.\n\n[p029 THE SOUDAN RALLIES HIS TROOPS.]\n\n For loue hath made many a conquerou[rh]\n And many a worthy knighte.\n This worthy Sowdan, though he he\u00feen we[rh],      The soudan was a\n He was a worthy conquerou[rh];               980 great conqueror;\n Many a contrey with shelde and spere\n He conquerede wyth grete honoure.\n And his worthy sone Ferumbras,                   Ferumbras and\n That kinge was of Alisaund[rh],              984\n And Lucafe[rh] of Baldas,                        Lukafer wrought\n That cruel kinge of Cassaund[rh],\n That wroughten wonders w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb here honde       wonders with their\n With myghte and mayne for to fyghte,         988 hands.\n And over-ride mony a manly londe,\n As men of Armes hardy and wighte.\n The Sowdan seyinge this myschief,\n How Charles hade him a-greved,               992\n That grevaunce was him no thinge\n   lese,[123]\n He was ful sore ameved.\n He sente oute his bassatoures                    The soudan sent for\n To Realmes, provynces fer[rh] and ne[rh],    996 his vassals,\n To Townes, Citeis, Castels and Tours,\n To come to him the[rh] he were,\n To Inde Maior and to Assye,\n To Ascoloyne, Venys, Frige and Ethiope,     1000\n To Nubye, Turkye and Barbarye,\n To Macedoine, Bulga[rh] and to Europe.\n Alle these people was gadred to Agremore,        and assembled more\n Thre hundred thousand of Sarsyns felle,     1004 than 300,000 Saracens\n Some bloo, some yolowe, some blake as            at Agremore.\n   more,\n Some horible and stronge as devel of\n   helle.\n He made hem drinke Wilde beestes bloode,         [leaf\u00a025]\n Of Tigre, Antilope and of Camalyon\u0304,         1008\n As is here vse to egre here mode,\n Whan \u00feai in werre to battayle goon.\n He saide to hem \u201cmy frendes de[rh],              He addressed them in\n As my trust is alle in you,                 1012 order\n\n[p030 THE SARACENS SACRIFICE TO THEIR GODS.]\n\n On these Frenche dogges, that bene here,         to increase their\n Ye moste avenge me nowe.                         ardour,\n Thai have done me vilanye,\n Mikille of my people have thay slayn\u0304.       1016\n And yet more-over thay manace me\n And drive me to my contrey agayn;\n Wherefore I wole at the bygynnynge               ordered a solemn\n To Mahounde and to my goddis alle           1020 sacrifice to his gods,\n Make a solempne offerynge;\n The better shall it vs byfalle.\n The laste tyme thai were wrothe,\n We hade not done oure dute.                 1024\n Therefore to saye the southe\u201d\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\n There were many hornys blowe,\n The preestes senden\u0304 thikke I-nowe\n Goolde, and silver thikke thai throwe,      1028\n With noyse and crye thai beestes slowe,\n And thought to spede wel I-nowe;\n And every man his vowe he made\n To venge the Sowdan\u0304 of his tene.            1032\n Here goddis of golde thai wex alle fade,\n The smoke so grete was hem bitwene.\n Whan alle was done, the Sowdan than\n Charged Ferumbras redy to be                1036 and charged Ferumbras\n On the morowe, ere day began,\n To ride oute of \u00feat Cite\n With xxx^{ti} thousande of Assiens,              to march with 30,000\n Frigys, Paens and Ascoloynes,               1040 of his people\n Turkis, Indeis and Venysyens,\n Barbarens, Ethiopes and Macidoynes,\n \u201cBringe him to me, that proude kinge;            against the Christian\n I shal him teche curtesye,                  1044 King, whom he wished\n Loke that thou leve for nothinge                 to teach courtesy,\n To sle alle his other mayne,                     [leaf\u00a026] and to slay\n Safe Rouland and Olyuere,                        all his men except\n That bene of grete renowne,                 1048 Roland and Oliver,\n\n[p031 FERUMBRAS CHALLENGES 6 CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS TO SINGLE COMBAT.]\n\n If thai wole reneye he[rh] goddis the[rh]        if they would\n And leven on myghty Mahounde.\u201d                   renounce their\n FERUMBRAS with grete araye                       gods. Ferumbras led\n Rode forthe, Mahounde him spede,            1052 out his troops;\n Tille he came ny\u021de the[rh] Charles lay           until arriving near\n By syde in a grene mede.                         Charles\u2019s camp, he\n In a woode he buskede his men                    ordered them to\n Prively that same tyde,                     1056 halt in a wood, and\n And with his felowes noon but ten                advanced with only\n To kinge Charles he gan ride                     ten of his men to the\n And said \u201csi[rh] kinge, that Arte so kene,       camp of Charlemagne,\n Upon trwes I come to speke with the,        1060\n If thou be curteis, as I wene,\n Thou wolte gr\u00aba\u00bbunte a bone to me,\n That I mig\u0127te fight vppon\u0304 this grene,            and offered him to\n With Rouland, Olyvere and Gye,              1064 fight at once against\n Duke Neymes and Oge[rh] I mene,                  Roland, Oliver, Guy,\n Ye and Duke Richarde of Normandye,               Duke Naymes, Ogier\n With al sex attones to fight.                    the Dane, and Richard\n My body I prof[rh] here to the              1068 of Normandy.\n And requyre the, kinge, tho\u1d99 do me right,\n As thou art gentille Lord and fre;\n And if I may conquere hem in fere,               If he should conquer\n To lede them home to my Faderis halle;      1072 them, he would lead\n And if thai me, I gr\u00aba\u00bbunte the here,            them away to his\n To be thy man, body and alle.\u201d                   father\u2019s hall; if he\n The kinge Answered with word\u00abis\u00bb mylde           should be conquered,\n And saide \u201cfelowe, \u00feat nedit\u0127 nought,       1076 he would be his man.\n I shalle fynde of myn\u0304 a Childe,\n That shal the fynde that thou hast\n   sought.\u201d\n The kinge lete calle Sir Roulande                The king sent for\n And saide \u201cthou most with this man fig\u0127t,   1080 Roland and ordered\n To take this bataile here on honde,              him to undertake\n Ther-to God gyfe the grace and myghte!\u201d          the combat. Roland\n Roulande answered with woordis boolde            refuses,\n And saide \u201cSir, have me excuse[d+]!\u201d        1084\n\n[p032 ROLAND REFUSES TO UNDERTAKE THE COMBAT.]\n\n He saide, certeynly he ne wolde;\n The bataile vttirly he refused.                  because Charles had\n \u201cThe laste day ye preised faste                  praised the old\n The oolde knightes of he[rh] worthynes.     1088 knights. [leaf\u00a027]\n Let hem goon fort\u0127, I haue no haste,             \u201cMay they show their\n Thai may goo shewen he[rh] prowes.\u201d              valour now.\u201d Charles,\n For that worde the kinge was wrothe              vexed, smites Roland\n And smote him on the mouthe on\u0304 hye,         1092 on the mouth, so that\n The bloode at his nose oute-goth,                the blood springs\n And saide \u201ctraito\u00abur\u00bb, thou shalte a-bye.\u201d       from his nose, and he\n \u201cA-bye\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Roulande \u201cwole I noughte,         calls him a traitor.\n And traito\u00abur\u00bb was I never none,            1096\n By \u00feat lord, \u00feat me dere hath bought!\u201d\n And braide oute Durnedale \u00fee[rh] anone.          Roland draws his\n He wolde haue smyten\u0304 the kinge the[rh],          sword, but the other\n Ne hadde the barons ronne bytwene;          1100 barons separate them\n The kinge with-drowe him for fe[rh]              and try to conciliate\n And passed home as it myght beste bene.          them.\n The Barons made hem at one\n With grete praye[rh] and instaunce,         1104\n As every wrath moste over-gone,                  Meanwhile Oliver,\n Of the more myschiefe to make voydaunce.         who, being sorely\n Olyuere herde telle of this,                     wounded, kept his\n That in his bedde laye seke sore.           1108 bed, on hearing of\n He armede him ful sone I-wisse,                  this dispute, had\n And to the kinge he wente withoute more          armed himself and\n And saide \u201cSir Kinge, a bone graunte me          went to Charles. He\n For alle the servyse, that I haue done,     1112 reminds him of his\n To fight with \u00feat kinge so free                  long services, and\n To morue day, ere it be none.\u201d                   demands the battle.\n Charles answered to Olyue[rh]:                   Charles remonstrates\n \u201cThou arte seke and woundede sore,          1116 with him.\n And thou also my cosyn\u0304 dere,\n Therfore speke thereof no more.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cSir Kinge\u201d he saide \u201cI am alle hoole,           But Oliver insists.\n I aske you this bone in goddis name.\u201d       1120\n\n[p033 OLIVER GOES TO FIGHT WITH FERUMBRAS.]\n\n \u201cCertes\u201d he saide \u201cI holde the a fole,\n But I praye, god sheelde the fro shame.\u201d         Oliver rides to the\n Forth he rideth in that Forest,                  forest, and finds\n Tille he gan Ferumbras see,                 1124 Ferumbras alighted\n Where he was lig\u0127t and toke his rest,            under a tree, to\n His stede renewed til a grene tre.               a branch of which\n \u201cSir\u201d he saide \u201creste tho\u1d99 wele!                 his steed was tied.\n Kinge Charles sente me hidu[rh].            1128 \u201cArise,\u201d he said,\n If thou be curteys knighte and lele,             \u201cI am come to fight\n Rise vp and let vs fight to-geder.\u201d              with thee.\u201d [leaf\u00a028]\n Ferumbras sate stille and lough,                 Ferumbras, without\n Him liste not to rise oute of the place.    1132 moving, demands his\n \u201cMy felowe\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd he \u201cwhat arte thou?           name.\n Telle me thy name for goddis grace.\u201d\n \u201cSir\u201d he saide \u201cGeneryse,                        \u201cI am Generys,\u201d says\n A yonge knighte late dobbet newe.\u201d          1136 Oliver, \u201ca young\n \u201cBy Mahounde\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd he \u201cthou arte not           knight lately dubbed.\u201d\n   wyse,\n For thy comyng shaltowe sore rewe.\n I holde Charles but a foole                      Ferumbras observes,\n To sende the hide[rh] to me,                1140 \u201cCharles is a fool to\n I shall the lerne a newe scole,                  send thee.\n If thoue so hardy to fighte be.\n I wende, he wolde haue sende Roulande,\n Olyue[rh] and iiij mo Dosyperys,            1144\n That hade bene myg\u0127ty men of honde\n Bataile to a-bide stronge and fiers.             Go and tell him to\n With the me liste no playe begynne,              send me Roland and\n Ride agayn\u0304 and saye him soo!                1148 Oliver, and such four\n Of the may I no worshyp\u00abe\u00bb wynne,                other douzepeers. For\n Though I sloug\u0127 the and such V mo.\u201d              little honour were it\n \u201cHowe longe\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Olyue[rh] \u201cwiltowe           to me to fight with\n   plete?                                         thee.\u201d\n Take thyn\u0304 armes and come to me,             1152 \u201cSpare thy words,\u201d\n And prove \u00feat thou saiest in dede,               says Oliver, \u201cand\n For boost thou blowest, and \u00feenkes[124]\n   me.\u201d                                           take thy arms.\u201d\n Whan Ferumbras herde him speke so wel,\n\n[p034 OLIVER LAYS HOLD OF THE BOTTLES OF BALM,]\n\n He caught his helme in grete Ir\u00abe\u00bb,         1156 Ferumbras is wrath\n That wroght was of goode fyne stele              and seizes his\n With Perlis pight, Rubeis and Saphir\u00abe\u00bb.         helmet, which Oliver\n Olyue[rh] halpe him it to onlase;                assists him to lace.\n Gilte it was alle abowte.                   1160 Ferumbras thanks him,\n Ferumbras \u00feanked him of his grace                courteously bowing to\n And curteisly to him gan lowte.                  him. They mount their\n Thai worthed vp on\u0304 here stedes,                  steeds,\n To Iuste thai made hem preest,              1164\n Of Armes to shewe he[rh] myghty dedis\n Thai layden here speres in a-reeste,             rush together like\n To-geder thai ro\u00abn\u00bbnen\u0304 as fire of                fire of thunder, and\n   thonde[rh],                                    have their lances\n That both here Launces to-braste.           1168 broken. [leaf\u00a029]\n That they seten\u0304, it was grete wonder;            They draw their\n So harde it was, \u00feat thay gan threste.           swords.\n Tho drowen\u0304 thai oute here swordes kene\n And smyten to-geder by one assente.         1172\n There thai hitten\u0304, it was wele sene;\n To sle eche other was here entente.              Ferumbras smites\n Syr Ferumbras smote Olyue[rh]                    Oliver on his\n Vppon\u0304 the helme righte on hye               1176 helmet so that the\n With his swerde of metel cle[rh],                fire flies. Oliver\n That the fyre he made oute-flye.                 strikes at the head\n Olyue[rh] him hitte agayn\u0304 vpon\u0304 the hede          of Ferumbras, breaks\n     [125]the hede than fulle sore,          1180 away the circle of\n He carfe awaye with myg\u0127t and mayne              his helmet, and the\n The cercle, that sate vppon\u0304 his crown\u0304.           sword glancing off\n The stroke glode down by his bak\u00abe\u00bb,             down his back, he\n The Arson he smot ther awaye                1184 cuts off two bottles\n And the botelle\u00abs\u00bb of bawme withoute             of balm,\n   lak\u00abe\u00bb,\n That uppone the grene ther thai laye,\n That were trussed by-hynde him faste.\n Tho Ferumbras was fu[l~l] woo;              1188\n Olyue[rh] light adown\u0304 in haste,\n The botellis he seased both two,\n\n[p035 THROWS THEM INTO THE RIVER, BUT HAS HIS HORSE KILLED.]\n\n He threwe hem into the River than                which he throws into\n As fer[rh] as he myghte throwe.             1192 the river.\n \u201cAlas\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Ferumbras \u201cwhat\n   doistowe,[126] manne?\n Thou art wode, as I trowe.\n Thai were worth an C m\u026b pounde                   Ferumbras tells\n To a man, \u00feat were wounded sore.            1196 him that they were\n Ther was no p\u00abre\u00bbcioso\u00abur\u00bb thinge vppon\u0304          invaluable to a\n   grounde,                                       wounded man, and that\n That myghte helpe a man more.                    he\n Thou shalt abye by Mahounde,\n That is a man of myght\u00abes\u00bb moost.           1200\n I shall breke both bake and crown\u0304\n And sle the, ther thou goist.\u201d                   should atone for\n Tho Olyue[rh] worth vp agayn\u0304,                    their loss with his\n His swerde he hade oute I-drawe.            1204 life. He strikes at\n Ferumbras him smote with mayne                   Oliver, who wards off\n And mente to haue him slawe.                     the blow with his\n He smote as doth the dinte of \u00feondir;            shield, but his steed\n It glased down by his sheelde               1208 is killed under him.\n And carfe his stedes neke a-sonder,              [leaf\u00a030]\n That dede he fille in the felde.\n Wightly Olyue[rh] vp-sterte                      Oliver quickly starts\n As Bacheler, doughti of dede,               1212 up and tries to kill\n With swerde in honde him for to hirte            his adversary\u2019s horse,\n Or Ferumbras goode stede.\n That Ferumbras aspied welle,\n He rode a-waye than ful faste               1216\n And tiede him to a grene hasel,                  but Ferumbras rides\n And come ayen to him in haste                    off and ties it to\n And saide \u201cnowe yelde the to me!                 a hazel. \u201cYield\n Thou maiste not longe endure;               1220 thyself to me,\u201d says\n And leve on Mahounde, \u00feat is so\n   de[rh],[127]                                   Ferumbras; \u201cbelieve\n And thy life I shalle the ensure.[128]           on Mahound, and I\n Thou shalt be a Duke in my cont[rh],             will make thee a duke\n And men haue at thyn\u0304 owen\u0304 wille.            1224 in my country and\n To my Sustir shaltowe wedded be,                 give thee my sister.\u201d\n\n[p036 THEY TAKE BREATH. OLIVER DECLARES HIS NAME.]\n\n It were pite the for to spille!\u201d\n \u201cBetter\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Olyue[rh] \u201cshul we dele,\n By God that is in magiste,                  1228 \u201cEre I yield to\n And of my strokes shaltow more fele,             thee,\u201d answered\n Er I to the shalle yelde me.\u201d                    Oliver, \u201cthou shalt\n Thai smeten togeder wit\u0127 egre mode,              feel my strokes.\u201d\n And nathir of othire dradde;                1232 They fight for a\n Thai p\u00aber\u00bbsed he[rh] hauberk\u00abes\u00bb, that           considerable time;\n   were so goode,                                 the blood ran from\n Tille both thayr bodyes bladde.                  both their bodies. By\n Thay foughten\u0304 soo longe, \u00feat by assente          mutual consent they\n Thai drewe hem a litil bysyde,              1236 stop to take breath.\n A litil while thaym to avente,\n And refresshed hem at \u00feat tyde.\n \u201cGeneris\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Ferumbras,                      Ferumbras asks Oliver\n \u201cAs thou arte here gentil knighte,          1240 again his name and\n Telle me nowe here in this place                 kin.\n Of thy kyn\u0304 and what tho\u1d99 hight;\n Me thenkith by the now evermore,\n Thou shuldist be one of the xij peris,      1244 \u201cThou must be one\n That maiste fighte with me so sore,              of the douzepeers,\n And arte so stronge, worthy and fiers.\u201d          as thou fightest so\n Olyuere answered to hym agayn\u0304:                   well.\u201d\n \u201cFor fe[rh] I leve it not ontoolde,         1248 \u201cI am Oliver, cousin\n My name is Olyuere certayn\u0304,                      to Charlemagne.\u201d\n Cousyn to kynge Charles the boolde,              [leaf\u00a031]\n To whome I shalle the sende\n Qwikke or dede this same daye,              1252\n By conqueste here in this feelde,\n And make the to renye thy laye.\u201d\n \u201cO\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Ferumbras than\u0304 to Olyue[rh],\n \u201cWelcome tho\u1d99 arte in-to this place,        1256 \u201cThou art welcome\n I have desyrede many a yere                      here,\u201d says\n To gyfe the harde grace.                         Ferumbras; \u201cthou\n Thou slough myn\u0304 uncle Sir P\u00aber\u00bbsagyne,           slewest my uncle,\n The doughty kinge of Italye,                1260\n The worthyeste kinge \u00feat lyued of men,\n\n[p037 OLIVER RECEIVES A HEAVY BLOW.]\n\n By Mahounde, thou shalt abye!\u201d                   now thou shalt pay\n Tho thai dongen\u0304 faste to-gede[rh]                the penalty!\u201d The\n While the longe day endured,                1264 fight continued the\n Nowe hithe[rh] and nowe thide[rh];               whole day.\n Fro strokes wyt\u0127 sheeld\u00abes\u00bb here bodies\n   \u00feai couered.\n And at the laste Olyue[rh] smote him so          At last Oliver,\n Vppon\u0304 the helme, \u00feat was of stele,          1268 smiting Ferumbras\n That his swerde brake in two.                    upon the helmet, has\n Tho wepen\u0304 had he nevere a dele.                  his sword broken.\n Who was woo but Olyuere than?\n He saugh noone other remedy.                1272\n He saide \u201csi[rh], as tho\u1d99 arte gentile\n   man,\n On me nowe here haue mercy.\n It were grete shame I-wis,\n And honu[rh] were it noon\u0304,                  1276\n To sle a man wepenles;\n That shame wolde neve[rh] goon\u0304.\u201d\n \u201cNay traito\u00abur\u00bb, thou getiste noon\u0304.\n Hade I here an hundred and moo!             1280\n Knele down\u0304 and yelde the here anoon\u0304,\n And eles here I woole the sloo.\u201d\n Olyue[rh] saugh, it wolde not be,\n To truste to moch in his grace.             1284\n He ranne to the stede, \u00fe\u00aba\u00bbt stode by the        He ran to the steed\n   tr\u00abe\u00bb,                                         at the tree and\n A swerde he raught in \u00feat place,                 seized a sword that\n That was trussed on Ferumbras stede,             was hanging there;\n Of fyne stele goode and stronge.            1288\n He thought he quyte[129] Ferumbras his\n   mede.\n Almoost hadde he abyde to longe;\n For in turnynge Ferumbras him smote,             [leaf\u00a032]\n That stroke he myghte welle fele,           1292 but in turning on\n It come on hym so hevy and hoote,                Ferumbras he received\n That down it made hym to knele.                  a blow that made him\n Tho was Olyue[rh] sore ashamede                  kneel down.\n And saide \u201cthou cursed Sarasyne,            1296\n\n[p038 CHARLES PRAYS TO GOD.]\n\n Thy proude pride shall be atamed,\n By God and by seinte Qwyntyne.\n Thou hast stole on me that dynte,\n I shall quyte the thyn\u0304 hire.\u201d               1300\n A stroke than Olyue[rh] him lente,               But Oliver returns\n That hym thought his eyen\u0304 we[rh] on              him fearful stroke.\n   fi[rh].\n Kinge Charles in his pavilon\u0304 was                 Charles, seeing\n And loked towarde \u00feat fyghte                1304 Oliver on his knees,\n And saugh, howe fiers Ferumbras\n Made Olyuere knele down\u0304 right.\n Wo was him tho in his herte;\n To Ih\u00abes\u00bbu Criste he made his mone;         1308 prayed to Christ\n It was a sight of peynes smerte,\n That Olyuere kneled so sone:\n \u201cO Lord, God in Trinite,\n That of myghtis tho\u1d99 arte moost,            1312\n By vertue of thy maieste\n That alle knoweste and woste,\n Lete not this hethen man\n Thy seru\u00abau\u00bbnte ouercome in fyght,          1316\n That on the bileve ne kan,\n Ih\u00abes\u00bbu, Lorde, for thy myghte!\n But gr\u00aba\u00bbunte thy man the victorye,              that he might grant\n And the Paynym\u0304 skomfited to be,             1320 the victory over the\n As thou arte Almyghty God of glorye!             Pagan.\n Nowe mekely, Lorde, I pray to the.\u201d\n To Charles anoone an Aungel came\n And broght him tidingges sone,              1324 An angel announces\n That God had herde his praie[rh] than\u0304            him, that his prayer\n And gr\u00aba\u00bbunte him his bone.                      was heard. Charles\n Tho Charles thanked God aboue[130]               thanks God.\n With herte and thought, worde and dede,     1328\n And saide \u201cblessed be tho\u1d99, lorde\n   almyghty,\u2020\n That helpiste thy seru\u00abau\u00bbnte in nede.\u201d\n These Champions to-gedir thai gone               [leaf\u00a033]\n\n[p039 FERUMBRAS BEING WOUNDED CRIES MERCY.]\n\n With strokes grete and eke sure,            1332 They begin again.\n Eche of hem donge othir on\u0304,\n Alle the while thai myghte endu[rh].\n Ferumbras brake his swerde                       Ferumbras breaks his\n On Olyueris helme on hye.                   1336 sword on Oliver\u2019s\n Tho wexe he ful sore a-ferde;                    helmet.\n He ranne for an othir redyly                     He runs for another\n And saide \u201cOlyuere, yelde the to me              and asks Oliver to\n And leve thy Cristen\u0304 laye,                  1340 surrender.\n Thou shalte have alle[131] my kingdome\n   free\n And alle aftir my daye.\u201d\n \u201cFye, Saresyne\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Olyuere than\u0304,\n \u201cTrowest thou, that I were wode,            1344\n To forsake him, \u00feat made me man\u0304\n And boght me with his hert blode.\u201d\n He raught a stroke to Ferumbras,                 But Oliver aims at\n On his helme it gan down\u0304 glyde,             1348 Ferumbras a blow\n It brast his hawberke at \u00feat ras                 which cuts his\n And carfe hym throughe-oute his syde,            hauberk, so\n His bare guttis men myg\u0127t see;                   that his bowels are\n The blode faste down\u0304 ranne.                 1352 laid bare.\n \u201cHoo, Olyvere, I yelde me to the,                Ferumbras implores\n And here I become thy man.                       his mercy, and\n I am so hurte, I may not stonde,\n I put me alle in thy grace.                 1356\n My goddis ben false by water and londe,          consents to be\n I reneye hem alle here in this place,[132]       christened, his gods\n Baptised nowe wole I be.                         having proved false.\n To Ih\u00abes\u00bbu Crist I wole me take,            1360\n That Charles the kinge shal sene,[133]\n And alle my goddes for-sake.\n Take myn hawberke and do it on the,              He requested him to\n Thou shalte haue fu[l~l] grete nede.        1364 take his hauberk, to\n\n[p040 THE SARACENS RUSH OUT OF THE WOOD.]\n\n X thousande Saresyns waiten vppon\u0304 me,\n And therfore go take my stede.                   fetch his horse,\n Lay me to-fore the, I the praye,                 and to carry him\n And lede me to thy tente.                   1368 to his own tent.\n Hye the faste forth in thy way,                  [leaf\u00a034]\n That the Saresyns the not hente.\u201d\n A-noon\u0304 it was done, as he ordeynede,\n And faste forth thai ryden.[134]            1372\n The Saresyns anone assembled,                    But the Saracens,\n For to haue with hem foghten.                    who lay concealed\n Ferumbras saug\u0127 the feelde thore                 in the wood, rush\n Of Sarsynes fully filled;                   1376 out. Oliver, being\n Of Olyvere dradde he ful sore,                   surrounded, sets\n That Saresyns shulde him haue killed.\n He praide, that he wolde let him down\u0304\n \u201cVndir yonde Olyfe tree,                    1380\n For if ye cast me down\u0304 here, with hors\n   shoon\u0304[135]\n Alle to-treden\u0304 shalle I be.\u201d                     down Ferumbras under\n He priked forth and layde him tha[rh],\u2020          an olive-tree, and\n Out of the horses trase,                    1384 defends himself with\n And with his swerde by-gan him we[rh],           his sword,\n For amonge hem alle he was.\n A Saresyn\u0304 smote him wit\u0127 a spere,\n That it brake on pecis thre;                1388\n His hauberke myg\u0127t he not de[rh],\n So stronge and welle I-wroght was he.\n He hit \u00feat Saresyns with his swerde              dealing the Saracens\n Throug\u0127 the helme in-to the brayne.         1392 many a hard blow.\n He made an other as sore aferde,\n He smote of his Arme with mayne.                 Then Roland rushed\n But than\u0304 come Roulande wit\u0127 Durnedale            into the throng of\n And made way him a-bowte.                   1396 the enemy and slew\n He slowe hem down\u0304 in the vale,                   many;\n Of him hade thai grete dowte.\n The prees of Saresyns was so stronge\n\n[p041 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE MADE CAPTIVES.]\n\n A-boute Roulande that tyde.                 1400\n Thai sloughen\u0304 his horsys with thronge,           his horse being\n And dartis throwen\u0304 on every syde.                killed by arrows and\n Whan Roulande was on his Fete,                   darts,\n Than\u0304 was he woo wit\u0127-alle.                  1404 he fights on foot,\n Many of hem he felte yete\n And dede to grounde made hem falle.\n At the last his swerde brake,\n Than\u0304 hadde he wepyn\u0304 noon\u0304,                   1408 but his sword\n As he smote a Saresyns bak\u00abe\u00bb                    breaking, [leaf\u00a035]\n A-sundre down\u0304 to the Arson\u0304.\n Tho was he caught, he myg\u0127t not flee,            he is taken\n His hondes thai bounden\u0304 faste               1412\n And lad him forth to here Cite,                  and led away.\n And in depe prison\u0304 they hem caste.\n Olyue[rh] sawe, howe he was ladde,\n A sorye man\u0304 than\u0304 was he;                    1416\n Him hadde leuer to haue bene dede\n Than suffren that myschief to be.\n Smertly aftire he pursued tho,                   Oliver rides to\n To reskue his dere brother.                 1420 rescue him,\n The prees was so grete, he myghte not so,\n It myghte be no othir,\n Be he was cow\u00fee[136] by ver[rh] force\n With LX of Astopartes.[137]                 1424\n Thai hurte him foule and sloug\u0127 his hors         but his horse being\n With gauylokes and wyth dartis.                  also killed,\n Yet on foote, ere he were foolde,\n He slough of hem fiftene.                   1428\n He was not slayn\u0304, as god woolde,                 he is overpowered\n But taken and bounded[138] w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb tene.        and bound. Both were\n Tho were taken\u0304 to Lucafe[rh],                    conducted to Lukafer\n The proude kinge of Baldas,                 1432 of Baldas.\n Both Roulande and Olyue[rh].\n\n[p042 CHARLES FINDS FERUMBRAS.]\n\n Gladde was he of that cas.\n Kinge Charles was in herte woo,\n When he saughe his neuewes so ladde,        1436 Charles sees them,\n He cried to the Frenshmen\u0304 tho:                   and calls for a\n \u201cReskue we these knyghtes at nede.\u201d              rescue. Many enemies\n The kyng\u00abe\u00bb himselfe slough many one,            were slain, but the\n So dede the Barons bolde.                   1440 Saracens had fled\n It wolde not bene, thai were agon\u0304,               with their prisoners,\n Magre who so woolde.                             and Charles is\n The Saresyns drewe hem to here Cite,             obliged to turn back.\n Kinge Charles turned agayne.                1444 Under a holm tree\n He saug\u0127 under an holme tre,                     they find Ferumbras.\n Where a knight him semed lay slayn\u0304.\n Thederward he rode wit\u0127 swerde in honde.\n Tho he saug\u0127, he was alyve;                 1448\n He lay walowynge vppon the sonde\n With blody woundes fyve.                         [leaf\u00a036]\n \u201cWhat arte thow?\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Charlemayne,\n \u201cWho hath the hurte so sore?\u201d               1452\n \u201cI am Ferumbras\u201d he saide certayn\u0304,\n \u201cThat am of hethen\u0304 lore.\u201d\n \u201cO fals Saresyn\u0304\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd the kinge,\n \u201cThou shalte have sorowe astyte;            1456 whom he is going to\n By the I haue lost my two Cosynes,               put to death.\n Thyn\u0304 hede shalle I of-smyte.\u201d\n \u201cO gentil kinge\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Ferumbrase,\n \u201cOlyuere my maister me hight                1460 But on his requesting\n To be Baptised by goddis grace,                  to be baptized,\n And to dyen\u0304 a Cristen\u0304 knight\u00abe\u00bb.\n Honu[rh] were it noon to the\n A discoumfite man\u0304 to slo,                   1464\n That is conu\u00aber\u00bbted and Baptized wolde be\n And thy man bycomen\u0304 also.\u201d\n The kinge hade pite of him than\u0304,                 Charles took pity\n He toke him to his grace                    1468 with him,\n And assyned anoon\u0304 a man\n\n[p043 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE BROUGHT TO THE SOUDAN.]\n\n To lede him to his place.                        led him to his tent,\n He sende to him his surgyne                      and ordered a surgeon\n To hele his woundes wyde.                   1472 to attend him.\n He ordeyned to him such medycyn\u0304,\n That sone myght he go and ryde.                  He soon recovered,\n The kinge commaunded bishop\u00abe\u00bb Turpyn\u0304\n To make a fonte redye,                      1476\n To Baptise Ferumbras \u00fe\u00aber\u00bbin\n In the name of god Almyg\u0127tye.\n He was Cristened in \u00feat welle,                   and bishop Turpin\n Floreyne the kinge alle him calle,          1480 baptised him, by the\n He forsoke the foule feende of helle             name of Floreyn.\n And his fals goddis alle.                        But he continued to\n Nought for than\u0304 Ferumbras                        be called Ferumbras\n Alle his life cleped was he,                1484 all his life.\n And aftirwarde in so\u00abm\u00bbme place,                 Afterwards he was\n Floreyne of Rome Cite.                           known as Floreyn of\n God for him many myracles shewe[d+],             Rome\n So holy a man he by-came,                   1488 on account of his\n That witnessit\u0127 both lerned and lewde,           holiness.\n The fame of him so ranne.\n NOWE for to telle of Roulande                    Roland and Oliver\n And of Olyuere, that worthy wos,[139]       1492 being brought to\n Howe thai were broug\u0127t to \u00fe^e Sowdan\u0304             the Soudan, Laban\n By the kinge of Boldas.                          enquires their names.\n The Sowdan\u0304 hem sore affrayned,\n What \u00feat here names were.                   1496\n Rouland saide and noght alayned:\n \u201cSyr Roulande and sire Olyuere,                  They confess their\n Nevewes to Kinge Charles of Fraunce,             names.\n That worthy kinge and Emp\u00aber\u00bboure,          1500\n That nowe are takyn by myschaunce\n To be prisoneres here in thy toure.\u201d\n \u201cA, Olyue[rh], arte thou here?\n That haste my sone distroyede,              1504\n\n[p044 ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE IMPRISONED.]\n\n And Rouland that arte his fere,\n That so ofte me hat\u0127 anoyed.\n To Mahounde I make a vowe here,                  The Soudan swears\n That to morue, ere I do ete,                1508 they shall both be\n Ye shulle be slayn\u0304 bot\u0127 qwik in fere,            executed the next\n And lives shalle ye bothe lete.\u201d                 morning before his\n Tho saide maide Florepas:                        dinner.\n \u201cMy fader so derewort\u0127 and de[rh],          1512 But Floripas advises\n Ye shulle be avysed of this cas,                 him to detain them as\n How and in what manere                           hostages, and\n My brothir, \u00feat is to prison\u0304 take,\n May be delyu\u00aber\u00bbed by hem nowe,             1516\n By cause of these two knight\u00abes\u00bb sake,\n That bene in warde here with yo\u1d99.\n Wherefore I counsaile yo\u1d99, my fader dere,\n To have mynde of Sir Ferumbras.             1520 to remember his son\n Pute hem in youre prison\u0304 here,                   Ferumbras,\n Tille ye haue better space.\n So that ye haue my brother agayn\u0304                 for whom they might\n For hem, \u00feat ye haue here;                  1524 be exchanged.\n And certeyn\u0304 elles wole he be slayn\u0304,\n That is to you so lefe and dere.\u201d\n \u201cA, Floripp, I-blessed thou bee,\n Thy counsaile is goode at nede,             1528 The Soudan finds her\n I wolde not leve my sone so free,                counsel good,\n So Mahounde moost me spede,\n For al the Realme of hethen Spayne,              [leaf\u00a038]\n That is so brode and large.                 1532\n Sone clepe forth my gaylo\u00abur\u00bb Bretomayne,        and orders his gaoler\n That he of hem hadde his charge,                 Bretomayn to imprison\n \u201cCaste hem in your prison\u0304 depe,                  them,\n Mete and drinke gyfe hem none,              1536 but to leave them\n Chayne hem faste, \u00feat thay not slepe;            without food.\n For here goode daies bene a-gone.\u201d\n Tho were thay cast in prison depe[140];\n\n[p045 FLORIPAS COMPASSIONATES THEIR SUFFERINGS.]\n\n Every tyde the see came inne.               1540 At high tide the sea\n Thay myght not see, so was it myrke,             filled their deep\n The watir wente to her chynne.                   cells. They suffered\n The salte watir hem greved sore,                 much from the salt\n Here woundis sore did smerte.               1544 water, from their\n Hungir and thurste greved heme yet more,         wounds, and from\n It wente yet more nere here herte.               hunger.\n Who maye live withoute mete?\n vj dayes hadde thay rig\u0127t none,             1548 On the sixth day,\n Ner drinke that thay myg\u0127t gete,\n Bute loked vppon the harde stone.\n So on a daye, as God it wolde,\n Floripas to hir garden\u0304 wente,               1552 Floripas, who was\n To geder Floures in morne colde.                 gathering flowers in\n Here maydyns from\u0304 hir she sente,                 her garden, heard\n For she herde grete lamentacion\u0304                  them lament.\n In the Prison\u0304, that was ther nye;           1556\n She supposed by ymagynacion\u0304,\n That it was the prisoners sory.\n She wente he[rh] ner[rh] to here more,\n Thay wailed for defaute of mete.            1560 Moved to compassion,\n She rued on hem anoon\u0304 ful sore,                  she asks her\n She thought, how she myght hem beste it\n   gete.                                          governess Maragound\n She spake to her Maistras Maragounde,            to help her in\n Howe she wolde the prisoneres fede.         1564 getting food for the\n The develle of helle hir confounde,              prisoners. Maragound\n She wolde not assente to \u00feat dede,               refuses, and reminds\n But saide \u201cDamesel, thou arte woode,             Floripas of her\n Thy Fadir did vs alle defende,              1568 father\u2019s command.\n Both mete and drinke and othere goode            [leaf\u00a039]\n That no man shulde hem thider sende.\u201d\n Floripe by-thought hir on a gyle                 Floripas, thinking of\n And cleped Maragounde anoon rig\u0127t,          1572 a trick, called to\n To the wyndowe to come a while                   her governess to come\n And se ther a wonder syght:                      to a window and\n \u201cLoke oute\u201d she saide \u201cand see a fer[rh]\n\n[p046 FLORIPAS KILLS THE GAOLER.]\n\n The Porpais pley as thay were wode.\u201d        1576 see the porpoises\n Maragounde lokede oute, Floripe come\n   ne[rh]                                         sporting beneath.\n And shofed hire oute in to the flode.            Maragound looking\n \u201cGo there\u201d she saide \u201cthe devel the spede!       out, is pushed into\n My counsail shaltowe never biwry.           1580 the flood.\n Who so wole not helpe a man\u0304 at nede,\n On evel deth mote he dye!\u201d\n She toke wit\u0127 hire maidyns two,\n To Britomayne she wente hir waye            1584 Floripas asks\n And saide to him, she moste go                   Bretomayn to let her\n To viseten\u0304 the prisoneris that daye,             see the prisoners.\n And saide \u201csir, for alle loues,\n Lete me thy prisoneres seen\u0304.                1588\n I wole the gife bot\u0127 goolde and gloues,\n And counsail shalle it been\u0304.\u201d\n Brytomayne that Iaylor kene\n Answered to hir sone agayne                 1592\n And saide \u201cDamesel, so mote I then\u0304,\n Than\u0304 were I worthy to be slayn\u0304.\n Hath not youre Fader charged me,\n To kepe hem from\u0304 every wyght?               1596\n And yet ye wole these trayto\u00abur\u00bbs see?\n I wole goo telle him Anoon\u0304 right.\u201d\n He gan to turne him anone for to go,\n To make a playnte on Floripas.              1600 The gaoler threatened\n She sued him as faste as she myghte go,          to complain to her\n For to gif him harde grace.                      father, but Floripas,\n With the keye cloge, \u00feat she caug\u0127t,             having seized his\n Wit\u0127 goode wille she maute[141] than,       1604 key-clog, dashed\n Such a stroke she hym the[rh] raught,            out his brains. She\n The brayne sterte oute of his hede \u00fean\u0304.          then went to tell\n To hire Fader forth she got\u0127                     her father, she had\n And saide \u201cSire, I telle you here,          1608 surprised [leaf\u00a040]\n I saug\u0127 a sight, that was me lot\u0127,               the gaoler feeding\n Howe the fals Iailo\u00abur\u00bb fedde your\n   prisone[rh],                                   the prisoners and\n\n[p047 THE SOUDAN GIVES THE PRISONERS INTO HER GUARD.]\n\n And how the coven\u00abau\u00bbnte made was,               promising to deliver\n Whan thai shulde delyu\u00aber\u00bbed be;            1612 them; wherefore she\n Wherefore I sloug\u0127 him wit\u0127 a mace.              had slain him.\n Dere Fadir, forgif it me!\u201d\n \u201cMy doghtir dere, that arte so free,[142]\n The warde of hem now gif I the.             1616 The Soudan gives the\n Loke, here sorowe be evere newe,                 prisoners into her\n Tille that Ferumbras delyu\u00aber\u00bbed be.\u201d            guard.\n She thanked her Fadere fele sithe\n And toke her maydyns, and forth she got\u0127,   1620 She now proceeded to\n To the prisone she hyed hire swyt\u0127.              the prison,\n The prison\u0304 dore vp she dothe\n And saide \u201csires, what be ye,\n That make here this ruly moone?             1624\n What yo\u1d99 lakkit\u0127, tellyth me;                    asked the prisoners\n For we be here nowe alle alone.\u201d                 what they wanted,\n Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere\n To Floripe, that was bothe gente and\n   fr\u00abe\u00bb,                                    1628\n And saide \u201clo, we two caytyfes here\n For defaute of mete dede moste be.\n vj dayes be comyn\u0304 and goon\u0304,\n Sith we were loked in prison\u0304 here,          1632\n That mete nor drinke hade we noon\u0304\n To comforte wit\u0127 oure hevy che[rh].\n But woolde god of myght\u00abes\u00bb moost,\n The Sowdon\u0304 wolde let vs oute goon\u0304,          1636\n We to fight wit\u0127 alle his Ooste,\n To be slayn\u0304 in feelde anoon\u0304.\n To murthir men\u0304 for defaute of mete,\n It is grete shame tille a kinge;            1640\n For every man most nedes ete,\n Or ellis may he do no thinge.\u201d\n Tho saide Floripe with wordes mylde,             and promised to\n \u201cI wolde fayne, ye were now here,           1644 protect them from any\n From harme skat\u0127[143] I wole you shelde,         harm.\n\n[p048 CHARLES DESPATCHES GUY TO THE SOUDAN.]\n\n And gife you mete with right gode\n   che[rh].\u201d\n A rope to hem she lete down\u0304 goon\u0304,                She let down a rope,\n That aboven\u0304 was teyde faste.                1648 [leaf\u00a041] and drew up\n She and hir maydyns drewe \u00feer vppon\u0304,             both, and led them to\n Tille vp thay hadde hem at the last.             her apartments.\n She led hem into here chambir dere,\n That arrayed for hem was rig\u0127t wele,        1652\n Both Roulande and Olyvere,\n And gafe hem\u0304 there a right gode mele.            There they ate,\n And whan thay hadde eten\u0304 alle her fille,\n A bat\u0127 for hem was redy there,              1656 took a bath,\n Ther-to thay went ful fayre and stille,\n And aftyr to bedde with right gode\n   che[rh].                                       and went to bed.\n Now Floripas chamber is here prisone,\n Withouten\u0304 wetinge of the Sowdon\u0304;            1660 The Soudan knew\n Thai were ful mery in that Dongeon\u0304,              nothing of his\n For of hem\u0304 wiste man\u0304 never oone.                 prisoners being in\n Now lete we hem be and mery make,                Floripas\u2019 chamber.\n Tille god sende hem gode delyueraunce.      1664\n Aftir the tyme, \u00feat thay were take,\n What did Charles, the kinge of Fraunce,\n Ther-of wole we speke nowe,\n Howe he cleped forth Sir Gy                 1668 Meanwhile Charlemagne\n And saide \u201con my message shaltowe,               tells Guy that he\n Therfore make the faste redy,                    must go to the\n To bidde the Sowden\u0304 sende me my Nevewes\n   bot\u0127                                           Soudan to demand the\n And the Releqes also of Rome;               1672 surrender of Roland\n Or I shal make him so wrot\u0127,                     and Oliver, and of\n He sha[l~l] not wete what to done.               the relics of Rome.\n And by \u00feat god, \u00feat hath me wroght,\n I shal him leve Towre ner Town\u0304.             1676\n This bargan\u0304 shal so dere be bought\n In dispite of his god Mahoun\u0304.\u201d                   Naymes of Bavaria\n DUKE Neymes of Baue[rh] vp stert than\u0304            represents that a\n And saide \u201cSir, hastowe no mynde,           1680 messenger to the\n How the cursed Sowdan\u0304 Laban                      Soudan should\n\n[p049 THE OTHERS REMONSTRATE, BUT MUST GO TOO.]\n\n Alle messengeris doth he shende?                 certainly be slain;\n Ye haue lost inowe, lese no mo                   and that they ought\n Onworthily Olyue[rh] and Roulande.\u201d         1684 to be anxious not to\n \u201cBy god, and thou shalt with him go,             lose any more besides\n For al thy grete brode londe.\u201d                   Rouland and Oliver.\n THO Ogere Danoys, \u00feat worthy man\u0304,                [leaf\u00a042] Then said\n \u201cSir\u201d he saide \u201cbe not wrot\u0127!               1688 the king, \u2018By god,\n For he sait\u0127 sout\u0127.\u201d\u2014\u201cgo tho\u1d99 than\u0304!              thou shalt go with\n By Gode thou shalte, be tho\u1d99 never so\n   loth.\u201d                                         Guy.\u2019 Ogier the Dane\n \u201cA Sire\u201d quod Bery Lardeneys,                    remonstrates, but is\n \u201cTho\u1d99 shalte hem se never more.\u201d\u2014           1692 ordered to go too. So\n \u201cGo thou forth in this same rees,                are Thierry of Ardane\n Or it shalle the repente ful sore.\u201d\n FOLK Baliante saide to the kinge,                and Folk Baliant,\n \u201cListe ye youre Barons to lese?\u201d\u2014           1696\n \u201cCertis, this is a wondir thinge!\n Go thou also, tho\u1d99 shalte not chese!\u201d\n ALEROYSE rose vp anone                           Aleroys\n And to the kinge \u00fean gan\u0304 he speke           1700\n And saide \u201cwhat thinke ye, sir, to\n   done?\u201d\u2014\n \u201cDresse the forth wit\u0127 hem\u0304 eke!\u201d\n MIRON of Brabane spake an worde                  and Miron of Brabant.\n And saide \u201cSir, thou maiste do \u00fey wille.    1704\n Knowist thou not that cruel lorde,\n How he wole thy Barons spille?\u201d\u2014\n \u201cTrusse the forth eke, sir Dasaberde,\n Or I shalle the sone make!                  1708\n For of all thinge thou arte aferde,\n Yet arte tho\u1d99 neyther hurte ner take.\u201d\n BISSHOPE Turpyn\u0304 kneled adown\u0304                     Bishop Turpin kneels\n And saide \u201clege lorde, mercy!\u201d              1712 down to implore the\n The kinge him swore by seynt Symon\u0304:              king\u2019s mercy, but he\n \u201cThou goist eke, make the in hast redye!\u201d        must go too,\n BERNARDE of Spruwse, \u00feat worthy knyg\u0127t,          as well as Bernard of\n Saide \u201csir, avyse yo\u1d99 bette,                1716 Spruwse\n Set not of youre Barons so lig\u0127t,\n\n[p050 THE SOUDAN ASSEMBLES HIS COUNCIL.]\n\n Thou maiste haue nede to hem\u0304 yette.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cThou shalte goon\u0304 eke for alle thy boost,\n Haue done and make the fast yare!           1720\n Of my nede gyfe tho\u1d99 no coost,\n Ther-of haue thou right no care!\u201d\n BRYE[RH] of Mounte\u021d, \u00feat marqwy\u021d bolde,          and Brier of\n Was not aferde to him to speke.             1724 Mountdidier.\n To the kinge sharply he tolde,\n His witte was not worth a leke:                  [leaf\u00a043]\n \u201cWoltowe for Angre thy Barons sende\n To \u00feat Tiraunte, \u00feat alle men sleit\u0127?       1728\n Or thou doist for \u00feat ende,\n To bringe thy xij peres to the det\u0127.\u201d\n The kinge was wrot\u0127 and swore in halle\n By him, \u00feat boght him wit\u0127 his blode:       1732\n \u201cOn my messange shall ye gon\u0304 alle!\n Be ye never so wrot\u0127 or wode.\u201d\n Thay toke here lefe and fort\u0127 thay yede,         The knights take\n It availed not agayne him to sayne.         1736 leave and start.\n I pray, god gif hem gode spede!\n Ful harde it was to comen\u0304 agayn\u0304.\n NOWE let hem passe in goddis name,\n And speke we of the Sowdon\u0304,                 1740 The Soudan assembled\n Howe he complayned him of his grame,             his council.\n And what that he myght beste done.\n \u201cSortybrau\u00abn\u00bbnce and Bronlande[144]\u201d seyde\n   he,                                            Sortibrance and\n \u201cOf counsail ye be fulle wyse.              1744 Brouland\n How shal I do to avenge me\n Of kinge Charles, and in what wyse?\n He brennyth my Toures and my Citees,\n And Burges he levethe me never oon\u0304.         1748\n He stroieth my men\u0304, my londe, my fees.\n Thus shalle it not longe goon\u0304.\n And yet me greveth most of alle,\n He hath made Ferumbras renay his laye.      1752\n\n[p051 HE DESPATCHES XII MESSENGERS TO CHARLES.]\n\n Therfore my counselors I calle,\n To remedy this, howe thay best maye.\n For me were lever that he were slayn\u0304,\n Thane he a Cristen\u0304 hounde shulde be,        1756\n Or wit\u0127 Wolfes be rente and slayn\u0304,\n By Mahounde myg\u0127ty of dignyte.\u201d\n To answerde Sortybraunce and Broulande           advise him\n And saide \u201cgode counsaile we shal yo\u1d99\n   gyfen\u0304,                                    1760\n If thoue wilte do aftyr coven\u00abau\u00bbnte,\n It shal yo\u1d99 profit, while yo\u1d99 lyven\u0304.\n Take xij knightis of worthy dede                 to send 12 knights,\n And sende hem to Charles on message nowe.   1764 and to bid Charles\n A-raye hem welle in roial wede,\n For th\u0233 honou[rh] and for thy prowe.             [leaf\u00a044]\n Bidde Charles sende thy sone to the              to give up Ferumbras\n And voyde thy londe in alle haste,          1768 and to withdraw from\n Or ellis thou shalt him honge on a tr\u00abe\u00bb,        his country.\n As hye, as any shippes maste.\u201d\n \u201cNowe by Mahounde\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Laban,\n \u201cThis counseil is both trewe and goode,     1772\n I shalle him leve for no man\u0304\n To parforme this, though he we[rh] woode.\u201d\n He did his lettris write in haste,\n The knight\u00abes\u00bb were called to goo\n   \u00fe\u00aber\u00bbwit\u0127,                                1776 The knights are\n That thay hy\u021de hem\u0304 to Charles faste              dispatched.\n And charke[145] hym\u0304 vppon\u0304 life and lithe.\n Fort\u0127 thai ride towarde Mantrible \u00fean\u0304,\n In a medowe, was fayre and grene,           1780 Near Mantrible\n Thai mette wit\u0127 Charles messageris ten\u0304.          they meet with the\n Duke Neymes axed hem\u0304, what thai wolde\n   mene,                                          Christian messengers.\n And saide \u201cLordynges, whens come ye?             Duke Naymes inquires\n And whider ye are mente, telle vs this\n   tyde.\u201d                                    1784 whither they intend\n \u201cFrom\u0304 the worthy Sowdon\u0304\u201d than\u0304 saide he,          to go.\n \u201cTo Charles on message shalle we ride,\n\n[p052 THE PEERS KILL THE SOUDAN\u2019S MESSENGERS.]\n\n Euel tithyngg\u00abes\u00bb we shalle him telle,\n Fro Laban, that is lorde of Spayne.         1788\n Farewele, felowes, we may not dwelle.\u201d\n \u201cA-byde\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Gy \u201cand turne agayne,            Having heard their\n We wole speke with yo\u1d99, er ye goon\u0304,              message,\n For we be messengeris of his.               1792\n Ye shal aby everichone,\n So God brynge me to blis.\u201d\n Anoon\u0304 here swerdes oute thay brayde\n And smoten\u0304 down\u0304 right al a-boute.           1796\n Tille the hethen\u0304 were down\u0304 layde,\n Thai reseyued many a sore cloute.\n Thai smyten\u0304 of here hedes alle,                  the delegates of\n Eche man\u0304 toke one in his lappe.             1800 Charles cut off their\n Fal what so euer byfalle,                        heads, which they\n To the Soudon\u0304 wole they trappe.                  take with them to\n Tille thai come to Egremoure,                    present to the Soudan\n Thai stynte for no worldes thinge;          1804 at Agremore.\n Anone thai fonde the Sawdan\u0304 thore,\n At his mete proudely sittynge,                   [leaf\u00a045] The Soudan\n And \u00feat maide fai[rh] Dame Floripas              was just dining.\n And xiiij princes of grete price            1808\n And kinge Lukafe[rh] of Baldas,\n Thas was both bolde, hardy and wyse.\n Doughty Duke Neymes of Baue[rh]                  Naymes delivers\n To the Sowdone his message tolde            1812 his message: \u2018God\n And saide \u201cgod, \u00feat made heven\u0304 so cle[rh],       confound Laban and\n He saue kinge Charles so bolde                   all his Saracens, and\n And confounde Laban\u0304 and all his men\u0304,             save Charles,\n That on Mahounde byleved[146]               1816\n And gife hem evel endinge! amen\u0304.\n To morue, longe er it be even\u0304,                   who commands thee\n He co\u00abm\u00bbmaundith the vppon\u0304 thy life              to send back his\n His Nevewes home to him sende,              1820 two nephews and to\n And the Religes[147] of Rome withoute\n   strife;                                        restore the relics.\u2019\n\n[p053 THE PEERS ARE IMPRISONED IN FLORIPAS\u2019 TOWER.]\n\n And ellis getist thou an evel ende!\n xij lurdeynes mette vs on the waye;\n Thai saide, thay come streight fro the.     1824\n Thai made it bot\u0127 stoute and gay;\n Here hed\u00abis\u00bb here maistowe see.                  They then produce the\n Thai saide, thai wolde to Charles goon\u0304,          heads of the Soudan\u2019s\n Evel tidingg\u00abes\u00bb him to telle.              1828 messengers.\n Loo here here heddis eu\u00aber\u00bbychone,\n Here soulis bene in helle.\u201d\n \u201cO\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Lavane \u201cwhat may this be,\n To suff[rh] this amonge my knight\u00abes\u00bb\n   alle?                                     1832\n To be rebuked thus here of the                   The Soudan vowed\n At mete in myn owen\u0304 halle!                       a vow that they\n To Mahounde myghty I make a vowe,                should all ten be\n Ye shall be hanged alle ten,                1836 hanged as soon as\n Anoon as I have eten\u0304 I-nowe,                     he had finished\n In presence of alle my men\u0304.\u201d                     his dinner. But\n Maide Floripas answered tho                      Floripas recommended\n And saide \u201cmy derworth Fadir de[rh]!        1840 him to put off his\n By my counsaile ye shal not so,                  resolution, until\n Tille ye haue your Barons alle in fe[rh],        a general council\n That thai may se what is the best,               of his barons had\n For to delyu\u00aber\u00bbe my brother Sir\n   Ferumbras.                                1844 determined on the\n And aftirward, if \u00feat ye liste,                  best way of the\n Ye may gife hem ful evel grace.\u201d                 liberation of\n \u201cGramercy, doghter, thou saieste welle,          Ferumbras. [leaf\u00a046]\n Take hem alle into thy warde.               1848 The Soudan gives them\n Do feter hem faste in Iren\u0304 and stele             into her guard.\n And set hem in stray\u021dte garde.\n Thus was I neuer rebukede er nowe;\n Mahounde myghty gyfe hem\u0304 sorowe!            1852\n Thay shalle be flayn and honged on a bowe,\n Longe ere tyme[148] to morowe.\u201d                  Floripas leads the\n Florip\u0304 toke these messangeris                    knights into her\n And ladde hem vp in-to here tou[rh],        1856 tower, where\n\n[p054 FLORIPAS ENQUIRES AFTER GUY.]\n\n There thai founde two of here feris.             they were glad to\n Thay thanked thereof god of honoure.             find Roland and\n Tho sayde Duke Neymys of Baue[rh]:               Oliver.\n \u201cGladde men we be nowe here,                1860\n To fynde Roulande and Olyue[rh]\n In helthe of bodye and of goode che[rh].\u201d\n Thai kissed eche other with herte gladde\n And thanked god of his grace;               1864\n And eche toolde othir, howe thay sped\n   hadde,                                         They told each other\n And howe thay come in-to that place              how they had fared.\n By helpe of mayde Florip\u0304 hire self,\n \u201cGod kepe hir in honoure!                   1868\n For thus hath she brought vs hider alle\n   twelfe,\n To dwelle in hir owen\u0304 boure.\u201d\n Tho thay wessh and wente to mete,                After washing,\n And were served welle and fyne              1872\n Of suche goode, as she myght gete,\n Of Venyson\u0304, brede and gode wyne.\n There thai were gladde and wel at ease;          they dined off\n The Soudon\u0304 ne wist it noght.                1876 venison, bread and\n Aftyr thay slepe and toke her ese,               wine, and then\n Of no man than\u0304 thay ne roght.                    went to sleep. The\n On the morowe Florip\u0304, that mayde fre,            following day,\n To Duke Neymes spake in game:               1880 Floripas asks Naymes\n \u201cSir gentil knig\u0127t,\u201d tho saide she,              his name,\n \u201cTelle me, what is your name.\u201d\n \u201cWhi axe ye, my lady dere,\n My name here to knowe alle?\u201d                1884\n \u201cFor he[149] spake with so bolde chere\n To my Fadir yestirdaye in his halle.\n Be not ye the Duke of Burgoyne, sir G\u0233,          and enquires after\n Nevewe unto the king\u00abe\u00bb Charles so fre?\u201d    1888 [leaf\u00a047] Guy of\n \u201cNoe, certes, lady, it is not I,                 Burgundy, whom she\n It is yondir knight, \u00feat ye may see.\u201d            had loved for a long\n \u201cA, him have I loved many a day;                 time, and for\n\n[p055 GUY CONSENTS TO TAKE HER FOR HIS WIFE.]\n\n And yet knowe I him noght.                  1892 whom she would do all\n For his loue I do alle that I maye,              she could for their\n To chere yo\u1d99 wit\u0127 dede and thought.              benefit, and would be\n For his love wille I cristenede be               baptised,\n And lefe Mahoundes laye.                    1896\n Spekith to him nowe for me,\n As I yo\u1d99 truste maye;\n And but he wole gr\u00aba\u00bbunte me his loue,           if he would agree to\n Of yo\u1d99 askape shalle none here.             1900 love her in return.\n By him, \u00feat is almyghty aboue,\n Ye shalle abye it ellis ful dere.\u201d\n Tho wente Duke Neymes to Sir Gye\n And saide \u201cThis ladye lovet\u0127 the,           1904 Naymes tells Guy\n For thy loue she maket\u0127 us alle merye,\n And Baptizede wole she be.\n Ye shalle hir take to your wedded wife,          to take her for his\n For alle vs she may saue.\u201d                  1908 wife,\n \u201cBy God\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Gye \u201c\u00feat gafe me life,           But Guy refuses,\n Hire wole I never haue,\n Wyle I neuer take hire ner no woman\u0304,             as he never will take\n But Charles the kinge hir me gife.          1912 a wife, unless she be\n I hight him, as I was trewe man\u0304,\n To holden\u0304 it, while I lyve.\u201d                     given him by Charles.\n Tho spake Roulande and Olyue[rh],                Rouland and Oliver\n Certyfyinge him of he[rh] myschefe,         1916 persuaded him,\n Tellinge him of the parelles, \u00fe\u00aba\u00bbt \u00feay in\n   we[rh],\n For to take this lady to his wedded wife.\n \u201cBut tho\u1d99 helpe in this nede,\n We be here in grete doute.                  1920\n Almyghty god shalle quyte thy mede,\n Elles come we nevere he\u00abn\u00bbnys oute.\u201d\n Thus thay treted him to and fro;\n At the laste he sayde, he wolde.            1924 so that he at last\n Floripas thay cleped fort\u0127 tho;                  consented.\n And brought fourth a Cuppe of golde,             Floripas, holding a\n Ful of noble myghty wyne,                        golden cup of wine,\n\n[p056 LUKAFER VISITS THE PRISONERS.]\n\n And saide \u201cmy loue and my lorde,            1928 [leaf\u00a048]\n Myn herte, my body, my goode is thyn\u0304,\u201d\n And kissed him wit\u0127 that worde,                  kissed him, and\n And \u201csir\u201d she saide \u201cdrinke to me,               requested him to\n As the Gyse is of my londe;                 1932 drink to her after\n And I shalle drinke agayn\u0304 to the,                the fashion of her\n As to my worthy hosbonde.\u201d                       country. She also\n Thay clipped and kissed bot\u0127 in fere             drinks to him. They\n And made grete Joye and game,               1936 all make merry.\n And so did alle, that were the[rh],\n Thai made ful mery alle in same.\n Tho spake Floripas to the Barons boolde\n And saide \u201cI haue armu[rh] I-nowe;          1940\n Therfore I tel yo\u1d99, what I wolde,\n And \u00feat ye dide for your prowe.\n To morue, whan\u0304 my Fadir is at his\n   soupe[rh],                                     For the following day\n Ye shalle come in alle attonys;             1944\n Loke ye spare for no fere,\n Sle down\u0304 and breke bot\u0127 bake and bones;\n Kithe yo\u1d99 knightis of hardynesse!\n Ther is none helpe, but in this wyse,       1948\n Then moste ye shewen\u0304 youre prowes,\n And wynne this Castel in this guyse.\u201d\n Thai sayden alle, it was welle saide,\n And gladde thay were of this counsaile.     1952\n Here armu[rh] was fort\u0127 layde,                   they all prepare to\n At souper the Sowdon\u0304 to assaile.                 assail the Soudan at\n Kinge Lucafere prayde the Sawdon\u0304,                supper. Lukafer comes\n That he wolde gif him lysence,              1956 to the Soudan and\n To the prisoners for to goon\u0304,                    asks leave to see the\n To see the maner of her presence.                prisoners, in order\n He gafe him lefe, and forth he wente             to know the manner of\n Vp vnto Floripas Toure.                     1960 their detention.\n To asspie the maner was his enten[t|],\n Hem\u0304 to accuse agayne honoure.                    Finding the door\n Whan\u0304 he come, he founde the dore fast\n   I-stoke,                                       locked, he burst it\n\n[p057 HE TEACHES THEM A NEW GAME.]\n\n He smote there-on with his fist,            1964 open with a blow of\n That the bar[rh] began\u0304 to broke.                 his fist.\n To make debate, wel him list.\n \u201cWho artowe\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Floripas[150]\n \u201c\u00de\u00aba\u00bbt maketh he[rh] suc\u0127 araye\u2020?\u201d          1968\n \u201cI am kinge Lucafere of Baldas,                  [leaf\u00a049]\n The Sowdon\u0304 sente me hidir in faye;\n To seen\u0304 his prisoneris is my desire\n And speke with hem everychon\u0304,               1972 He told them that he\n To talke with hem by the fire                    was come to speak to\n And speke of dedis of Armes amonge.\u201d             them,\n Tho saide Duke Neymes \u201cwelcome be ye\n To us prisoners here!                       1976\n What is your wille, nowe telle ye;\n For we be men\u0304 of feble chere.\u201d\n \u201cI woolde wete of Charles the kinge,             and to enquire after\n What man\u0304 he is in his contre,               1980 Charlemagne.\n And what meyne he hat\u0127, and of what thinge\n He rekyneth moost his dignyte.\u201d\n Duke Neymes saide \u201can Emp\u00aber\u00bboure                Duke Naymes answers.\n And kinge he is of many a londe,            1984\n Of Citeis, Castels, and many a Toure,\n Dukes, Erles, Barons bowynge to his\n   honde.\u201d\n \u201cBut saye me, felowe, what is your vse,\n To do in cont[rh] aftyr the none.           1988 He then asks what\n And what is the custome of your hous,            amusements they have\n Tille men\u0304 to souper shalle gone?\u201d                after dinner. Naymes\n \u201cSir, so\u00abm\u00bbme men\u0304 iouste[151] wit\u0127\n   spe[rh] and shelde,                            says, \u2018Some joust,\n And so\u00abm\u00bbme men\u0304 Carol and singe gode\n   songes,                                   1992 some sing, some play\n Some shote with dartis in the feelde,            at chess.\u2019\n And so\u00abm\u00bbme play at Chesse amonge.\u201d\n \u201cYe bene but foulis of gode dissporte;           \u2018I will teach you\n I wole yo\u1d99 tech a newe play.                1996 a new game,\u2019 says\n Sitte down\u0304 here by one assorte,                  Lukafer.\n\n[p058 LUKAFER IS ROASTED TO CHARCOAL.]\n\n And bett\u00aber\u00bb myrthe never ye saye.\u201d\n He teyde a tredde on a pole                      With a thread he\n With an nedil ther-on I-fest,               2000 fastened a needle\n And ther vppon\u0304 a qwi[k|] cole.                   on a pole and put a\n He bade every man blowe his blast.               burning coal upon it.\n Duke Neymes hade a long berde,                   He blew it at\n Kinge Lucafe[rh] blewe even\u0304 to hym\u0304,         2004 Naymes\u2019s beard and\n That game hade he never before lered.            burnt it. Naymes\n He brent the he[rh] of Neymes berde to the\n   skyne.                                         waxed wroth, and\n Duke Neymes than\u0304 gan wex wrot\u0127,                  snatching a burning\n For he hade brente his berde so white       2008 [leaf\u00a050] brand from\n To the Chymneye forth he goth                    the fire he smites at\n And caught a bronde him wit\u0127 to smyte.           Lukafer and throws\n Wit\u0127 a goode wille he him smote,                 him into the fire,\n That both his eyen\u0304 bresten\u0304 oute.            2012\n He caste him in the fire al hote;\n For sothe he hadde a rig\u0127t gode cloute.\n And with a fyre forke he helde him doune,\n Tille he were rosted to colis ilkadele.     2016 where he was roasted\n His soule hade his god Mahoun\u0304.                   to charcoal. Floripas\n Florip\u0304 bade him\u0304 warme him wele.                  applauds this,\n \u201cSires\u201d tho saide Floripas,\n \u201cEntendith nowe al to me!                   2020\n This Lucafe[rh] of Baldas\n Was a lorde of grete mayne.\n My Fadir hade him eu\u00aber\u00bb yn che[rh]\n I telle you for sothe everydele,            2024\n He wolde anoon\u0304 aftyr him enque[rh],              but points out their\n And therefore loke, ye arme you we[l~l]!\u201d        danger, and advises\n Florip wente in, as the maner was,               them to arm. At\n To here Fadir at soup\u00aber\u00bb tyme.             2028 supper time she goes\n No man spake worde of kinge Baldas,              to her father.\n Ner no man knewe of his sharp pyne.\n The xij peris armed hem wel and fyne\n With swerdes drawe and eg[rh] chere.        2032\n While thay mery[152] drinkyn[g|] the wyne\n\n[p059 THE PEERS TURN THE SARACENS OUT OF THE CASTLE.]\n\n And sittinge alle at here soupe[rh].             As they were sitting\n Thai reheted the Sowdon\u0304 and his Barons\n   alle                                           at table, the twelve\n And maden\u0304 orders wondir fast,               2036 peers rushed in and\n Thai slowe down\u0304 alle, \u00feat were in the\n   halle,                                         slew all whom they\n And made hem wondirly sore a-gast.               met.\n Olyvere egerly sued Laban\u0304                        Laban, pursued by\n With swerd I-drawe in his honde.            2040 Oliver, jumps out of\n Oute at the wyndowe lepte he \u00fean\u0304                 a window on to the\n Vppon\u0304 the salte see stronde,[153]                sea-shore and escaped\n And he skaped away from\u0304 hime,\n But woo was he \u00feerfore,                     2044\n That he went awaye wit\u0127 lym\u0304                      without injury.\n To worche hem sorowe more.\n Roulande than\u0304 came rennynge\n And axed, where was Laban.                  2048\n Olyuere answerede moornynge                      [leaf\u00a051]\n And saide, howe he was agoon\u0304.\n Tho thai voided the Court\u00abes\u00bb at the last        They killed all in\n And slowen\u0304 tho, that wolde a-byde,          2052 the castle, and then\n And drewe the brigge and teyed it fast,          drew up the bridges\n And shitte the gatis, that were so wyde.         and shut the gates.\n Laban, that by the ebbe escapede,\n Of harde, er he come to londe,              2056\n He alle astonyed and a-mapide,[154]\n For sorowe he wronge bot\u0127 his honde\n And made a vowe to Mahounde of myght,            Laban vowed a vow\n He wolde that Cite wynne                    2060\n And never go thens by day nor nyght,\n For foo, for frende, ner for kynne.\n \u201cAnd tho traytouris will I do honge,\n On a Galowes hye with-oute the gate;        2064 that he would hang\n And my Doghter, \u00feat hore stronge,                them all and burn his\n I-brente shal be there-ate.\u201d                     daughter. He sent to\n To mauntryble he gan sende anoon\u0304                 Mantrible for troops\n Aftir men and tentis goode,                 2068 and\n\n[p060 THE SOUDAN BESIEGES THE CASTLE.]\n\n And Engynes to throwe wit\u0127 stoon\u0304                 engines,\n And goode armu[rh] many foolde.\n The sege he did leyen a-bowte                    and besieged Agremore.\n On every side of that Cite.                 2072\n To wallis with Engynes thai gan rowte,\n To breke the Toures so fre.\n Tho saide Florip\u0304, \u201clordingg\u00abes\u00bb goode,           Floripas recommends\n Ye bene biseged in this toure,              2076 the peers\n As ye bene wight of mayne and moode,\n Proveth here to saue youre honou[rh].\n The toure is stronge, drede yo\u1d99 nought,\n And vitayle we have plente.                 2080\n Charles wole not leve yo\u1d99 vnsoug\u0127t;\n Truste ye welle alle to me.\n Therefore go we soupe and make merye,            to enjoy themselves.\n And takith ye alle your ease;               2084\n And xxx^{ti} maydens lo here of\n   Assyne,[155]\n The fayrest of hem ye chese.\n Take your sporte, and kith yo\u1d99 knyght\u00abes\u00bb,\n Whan ye shalle haue to done;                2088\n For to morowe, when the day is light,            [leaf\u00a052]\n Ye mooste to the wallis goon\u0304\n And defende this place wit\u0127 caste of\n   stoon\u0304\n And with shotte of quarelles and darte.     2092\n My maydyns and I sha[l~l] bringe goode\n   wone,\n So eu\u00aber\u00bbyche of us shalle bere hir\n   parte.\u201d\n On morowe the Sowdon\u0304 made assaute                In the morning the\n To hem, that were wit\u0127-Inne,                2096 soudan attacks the\n And certes in hem was no defaute,                castle,\n For of hem\u0304 myght thay nought wynne.\n Here shotte, here cast was so harde,\n Thay durste not ny\u021dhe the walle.            2100\n Thay drowen\u0304 hem bakwarde,                        but is repulsed.\n Thay were beten\u0304 over alle.\n King Laban\u0304 turnede to his tent\u00abes\u00bb\n   agayn\u0304,\n\n[p061 HE ASKS BROULAND\u2019S ADVICE.]\n\n He was nere wode for tene,                  2104\n He cryede to Mahounde and Apolyne                He accuses his gods\n And to Termagaunte, \u00feat was so kene,             of sleepiness, and\n And saide \u201cye goddes, ye slepe to longe,         shakes them to wake\n Awake and helpe me nowe,                    2108 up.\n Or ellis I may singe of sorowe a songe,\n And of mournynge right I-nowe.\n Wete ye not wele, that my tresoure\n Is alle wit\u0127-inne the walle?                2112\n Helpe me nowe, I saye therfore,\n Or ellis I forsake yo\u1d99 alle.\u201d\n He made grete lamentacion\u0304,\n His goddis byganne to shake.                2116\n Yet that comfortede his meditacion\u0304,\n Supposinge thay didde awake.\n He cleped Brenlande to aske counsaile,\n What was beste to done,                     2120\n And what thinge myght him\u0304 moste avayle,\n To wynne the Cite sone.\n \u201cThou wotist welle, \u00feat alle my tresou[rh]\n Is there in here kepinge,                   2124\n And my doughter, \u00feat stronge hore,\n God yif her evelle endyn[g|]!\u201d\n \u201cSir\u201d he saide \u201cye knowe welle,                  [leaf\u00a053] Brouland\n That Toure is wondir stronge.               2128 tells him, as the\n While \u00feay haue vitayle to mele,                  castle is strong and\n Kepen\u0304 it thay wole fulle longe.                  well stored with\n Sende to Mauntreble, you[rh] cheif Cite,         provisions, the peers\n That is the keye of this londe,             2132 will hold it very\n That non\u0304 passe, where it so be,                  long;\n With-oute youre speciall sonde,                  but if he would send\n To Alagolofu[rh], \u00feat geaunte stronge,           orders to Alagolafre,\n That is wardeyne of \u00feat pas,                2136 the bridge-keeper at\n That no man passe that brigge alonge,            Mantrible, not to\n But he have special grace.                       allow any one to pass\n So shalle not Charles wit\u0127 his meyne             without leave,\n\n[p062 ESPIARD IS DESPATCHED TO MANTRIBLE.]\n\n Reskowe than\u0304 Agramoure.                     2140 they would get no\n Than\u0304 thay shalle enfamyched be,                  assistance from\n That shalle hem rewe ful sore.\u201d\u2014                 Charles, and die from\n \u201cMahoundis blessynge have tho\u1d99 and myne,         hunger.\n Sortybraunce, for thy rede.\u201d\u2014               2144\n \u201cEspyarde, messange[rh] myne,                    Espiard is despatched\n In haste thou most the spede                     to Mantrible,\n To my Cite Mavntreble,\n To do my message there,                     2148\n To Alogolof[rh], \u00feat giaunte orrible.\n Bydde him his charge wele lere,\n And tel him, howe that the last daye\n Ten fals trayto\u00abur\u00bbs of Fraunce             2152\n Passed by that same waye\n By his defaute wit\u0127 myschaunce,\n Charginge him vppon\u0304 his hede to lese,\n That no man by the brigge,[156]             2156\n Be it rayne, snowe or freze,\n But he his heede down\u0304 ligge.\u201d\n Espiarde spedde him in his waye,\n Tille he to Mauntrible came,                2160\n To seke the geaunte, ther he laye\n On the banke bysyde the Dame,\n And saide \u201cthe worthy Sowdon\u0304,\n That of alle Spayn\u0304 is lorde and si[rh],     2164\n Vppon\u0304 thy life co\u00abm\u00bbmaundeth the anoon\u0304,          and commands the giant\n To deserue bett\u00aber\u00bb thyn hire.\n The laste day tho\u1d99 letist here passe\n Ten trattoures of douse Fraunce.            2168\n God giffe the evel grace,\n And hem\u0304 also moche myschaunce!\n He charged the vppon\u0304 life and det\u0127,\n To kepe this place sikerlye;                2172\n While in thy body lastet\u0127 the bret\u0127,             not to suffer any one\n Lette noon\u0304 enemye passe the[rh]-bye.\u201d            to pass the bridge.\n\n[p063 ALAGOLAFRE BARRICADES THE BRIDGE.]\n\n Alagolofur rolled his yen\u0304\n And smote with his axe on\u0304 the stone         2176\n And swore by Termag\u00aba\u00bbunte and Apolyne,\n That ther-by shulde passe\u00abn\u00bb never one,\n But if he smote of his hede,\n And brought it to his lorde Laban\u0304,          2180\n He wolde never ete no brede,\n Nere never loke more on man\u0304.\n xxiiij^{ti} Cheynes he didde ou\u00aber\u00bb-drawe,       Alagolafre drew 24\n That noo man passe myg\u0127t,                   2184 chains across the\n Neyther for loue nere for awe,                   bridge.\n No tyme by daye, nere by nyghte.\n \u201cGo, telle my lorde, I shalle it kepe;\n On payne of my grete heede                  2188\n Shalle ther no man\u0304 goo ner crepe,\n But he be take or dede.\u201d\n This geaunte hade a body longe\n And hede, like an libarde.                  2192\n Ther-to he was devely stronge,\n His skynne was blake and harde.\n Of Ethiope he was bore,\n Of the kinde of Ascopartes.                 2196\n He hade tuskes, like a bore,\n An hede, like a liberde.\n Laban nolde not forgete                          The soudan assaults\n The saute to renewe,[157]                   2200 the castle again,\n To wynne the Toure, he wolde not lete.\n Here trumpes lowde thay blewe.\n Every man wente to the walle,\n With pikeys or wit\u0127 bowe.                   2204 [leaf\u00a055]\n Thai made assaute generalle,\n The walles downe to throwe.\n But thay wit\u0127-inne bare hem\u0304 soo,                 but the 12 peers slay\n Thay slowe of the Saresyns iij hundre[d+].  2208 300 Saracens.\n Thay wroghten\u0304 hem both care and woo,\n\n[p064 MAVON BATTERS THE CASTLE.]\n\n Vppon\u0304 her fightinge thay wondride.\n Tho cryed Laban\u0304 to hem on hye,\n \u201cTrayto\u00abu\u00bbrs, yelde yo\u1d99 to me,              2212 Laban threatens to\n Ye shall be hongede els by and bye               hang them, and utters\n Vppon\u0304 an hye Galowe tree.\u201d                       imprecations\n Tho spake Florip\u0304 to the Sowdon\u0304\n And sayde \u201cthou fals tyraunte,              2216\n Were Charles come, thy pride we[rh] done\n Nowe, cursede myscreaunte.                       against Floripas, who\n Alas! that thou ascapediste soo                  returns them.\n By the wyndowe vppon\u0304 the stronde.           2220\n That thy ne[k|] hade broke a-twoo!\n God sende the shame and shonde!\u201d\u2014\n \u201cA! stronge hore, god gife the sorowe!\n Tho[u] venemouse serpente.                  2224\n Withe wilde horses[158] tho\u1d99 shalt be\n   drawe to morowe,\n And on this hille be brente,\n That al men may be wa[rh] by the,\n That cursed bene of kynde.                  2228\n And thy love shalle honged be,\n His hondes bou\u00abn\u00bbde him byhynde.\u201d\n He called forth Mavon\u0304, his Engynou[rh],          The soudan calls for\n And saide \u201cI charge the,                    2232 Mavon, his engineer,\n To throwe a magnelle to yon tou[rh],             and orders him to\n And breke it downe on thre.\u201d                     direct a mangonel\n Mavon set vp his engyne                          against the walls.\n With a stoon\u0304 of .vj. C wig\u0127t,               2236 Mavon knocked down\n That wente as even\u0304 as eny lyne,                  a piece of the\n And smote a cornell down\u0304 right.                  battlements.\n Woo was Roulande and Olyue[rh],\n That \u00feat myschief was be-falle,             2240\n And so were alle the xij peres;                  Roland and Oliver\n But Florip\u0304 than\u0304 comforte hem alle:               lament; they are\n \u201cSires\u201d she saide \u201cbeit\u0127 of goode chere!         comforted by Floripas.\n This Toure is stronge I-nowe.               2244\n\n[p065 MARSEDAGE IS KILLED AND BURIED.]\n\n He may cast twies or thries or he hit ayen\n   \u00fe\u00aber\u00bb,[159]                                    [leaf\u00a056]\n For sothe I telle it yo\u1d99.\u201d\n Marsedage, the roialle kinge,\n Rode in riche weede,                        2248\n Fro Barbary co\u00abm\u00bbmyng,\n Vppon\u0304 a sturdy stede,\n Cryinge to hem vppon\u0304 the walle:\n \u201cTrayto\u00abu\u00bbris, yelde yo\u1d99 here!              2252\n Brenne you alle ellis I shalle,\n By myghty god Iubyte[rh].\u201d\n Gy aspied, that he came ne[rh],                  Guy kills Marsedage\n A darte to hime he threwe ful even\u0304,         2256 the king of Barbary,\n He smote him throwe herte & liver in\n   fe[rh].                                        by throwing a dart at\n Dame Florip\u00abe\u00bb lough wit\u0127 loude steven\u0304           him.\n And saide \u201cSir Gye, my loue so free,\n Thou kanste welle hit the prikke.           2260\n He shall make no booste in his contre;\n God giffe him sorowe thikke!\u201d\n Whan\u0304 Laban\u0304 herde of this myschie[f|],\n A sory man\u0304 was he.                          2264\n He trumped, his mene to relefe;                  They stop the attack\n For to cease that tyme mente he.\n Mersadage, kinge of Barbarye,\n He did carye to his tente,                  2268\n And beryed him by right of Sarsenye              to bury Marsedage,\n With brennynge fire and riche oynemente,\n And songe the Dirige of Alkaron\u0304,\n That bibill is of here laye,                2272\n And wayled his deth everychon\u0304,                   and bewail him 7 days\n vij nyghtis and vij dayes.                       and nights.\n Anoon\u0304 the Sowdon\u0304, south to say,                  Then the soudan more\n Sente iij hundrid of knightis,              2276 closely blockades the\n To kepe the brigge and the waye                  castle.\n Oute of that Castil rightis,\n That noon\u0304 of hem shulde issue oute,\n\n[p066 FLORIPAS PRODUCES A MAGIC GIRDLE.]\n\n To feche vitayle by no waye.                2280\n He charged hem to wacche wel a[l~l]\n   abowte,\n That thay for-fameli[d+] myght dye.\n Thus thay kepte the place vij dayes,             [leaf\u00a057]\n Tille alle hire vitaile was ny\u021de spente.    2284 The provisions being\n The yates thai pas the streyte weyes.            exhausted,\n Tho helde thai hem with-in I-shente.\n Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere\n Woordes lamentable,                         2288\n Whan\u0304 he saug\u0127 the ladies so whi\u021dte of\n   le[rh],\n Faile brede on here table,\n And saide \u201cCharles, tho\u1d99 curteys kinge,          Roland complains\n Why forgetist tho\u1d99 vs so longe?             2292 of Charles\u2019s\n This is to me a wondir thinge;                   forgetfulness;\n Me thinkit\u0127, thou doiste vs grete wronge,\n To let vs dye for faute of mete,\n Closed thus in a dongeon\u0304.                   2296\n To morowe wol we asaye what we kon\u0304 gete,\n By god, that berithe the crown\u0304.\u201d\n Tho saide Floripas \u201csires, drede noghte          but Floripas cheers\n For noon\u0304 houng[rh] that may befalle.        2300 him up,\n I knowe a medycyne in my thoughte\n To comforte yo\u1d99 wit\u0127 alle.\n I have a girdil in my Force[rh],                 saying she possessed\n Who so girde hem\u0304 ther-with aboute,          2304 a magic girdle which\n Hunger ner thirste shal him neu\u00aber\u00bb dere,        was a talisman\n Though he were vij yere wit\u0127-oute.\u201d              against hunger and\n \u201cO\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Sir Gy \u201cmy loue so trewe,             thirst for those who\n I-blessed mote ye be!                       2308 wore it.\n I pray yo\u1d99, that ye wole us alle hit\n   shewe,\n That we may haue oure saule.\u201d\n She yede and set it fort\u0127 anoon\u0304,\n Thai proved alle the vertue,                2312 They all successively\n And diden it aboute hem\u0304 eu\u00aber\u00bbychon\u0304.             put it on and felt as\n It comforted alle both moo and fewe,             if they had feasted.\n As thai hade bene at a feste.\n\n[p067 MAPYN ENTERS FLORIPAS\u2019 CHAMBER.]\n\n So were thay alle wele at ease,             2316\n Thus were thai refresshed bot\u0127 moost &\n   lest\n And weren bifore in grete disese.\n Laban\u0304 wondred, how thai myght endu[rh]\n Wit\u0127-outen\u0304 vitaile so longe.                2320 Laban wondered at\n He reme\u00abm\u00bbbred him on Floripas senctu[rh],       their endurance, but\n And of the vertue so stronge.                    at last remembering\n Tho wiste he welle, that throg\u0127 famyne           the girdle, [leaf\u00a058]\n Might he hem\u0304 never wynne.                   2324\n He cleped to him fals Mapyne,                    he induced Mapyne\n For he coude many a fals gynne:\n He coude scale Castel and Toure\n And over the walles wende.                  2328\n \u201cMapyne\u201d he saide \u201cfor myn\u0304 honoure,\n Thou mooste haue this in mynde:\n That hore, my doght\u00aber\u00bb, a girdil hat\u0127\n   she,\n From\u0304 hounger it savyth hem\u0304 alle,            2332\n That wonnen may thay never be,\n That foule mote hir bifalle!\n Kanstowe gete me that gyrdill by craft,          to attempt to steal\n A thousande pounde than\u0304 shal I gefe the;    2336 it at night.\n So that it be there not lefte,[160]\n But bringe it hithi[rh] to me.\n Tho\u1d99 kanste see by nyghte as welle\n As any man doth by daye.                    2340\n Whan thay bene in here beddes ful\n   sti[l~l],\n Than go forth thider right in thy waye.\n Thou shalt it in here Chamber fynde,\n Thou maist be thereofe sure.\u201d               2344\n \u201cSir, there-to I wole me bynde,\n If my life may endure.\u201d\n Fort\u0127 wente this fals Mapyne\n By nyght into the Tou[rh]\u2014                  2348 Mapyne entered the\n God gife him evel endinge!\u2014                      chamber of Floripas\n Euen in to Floripas bou[rh].                     through\n\n[p068 MAPYN WITH THE GIRDLE IS THROWN INTO THE SEA.]\n\n By a Chemney he wente inne;\n Fulle stilly there he soughte it.           2352 a chimney;\n He it founde and girde it aboute him,\n And aftyr ful dere he bog\u0127t it;                  he finds the girdle\n For by the light of a lampe the[rh]              and puts it on,\n Floripas gan\u0304 him aspye,                     2356 but Floripas\n Alle a-frayed oute of hir slepe for fere,        perceives him\n But lowde than gan she crye                      and cries out.\n And saide \u201ca thefe is in my boure,\n Robbe me he wole or sloo.\u201d                  2360\n Ther-with come Rouland fro his tou[rh]           Roland hurries to her\n To wete of hir woo.                              assistance, [leaf\u00a059]\n He founde Mapyne bysyde hir bedde,\n Stondinge amased for drede,                 2364\n To the wyndowe he him ladde,[161]\n And there he smote of his hedde,                 cuts off Mapine\u2019s\n And caste him oute in-to the see.                head, and throws\n Of the gyrdille was he not wa[rh];          2368 him out through\n But whan\u0304 he wist, the girdel hade he,            the window without\n Tho hadde he sorowe and care.                    noticing the girdle.\n Florip\u00abe\u00bb to the Cheste wente                    Floripas, seeing her\n And aspyed, hire gyrdel was goon\u0304,           2372 girdle lost, is much\n \u201cAlas!\u201d she saide, \u201calle is it shente!           grieved;\n Sir, what haue ye done?\n He hath my girdel aboute hym\u0304.\n Alas! \u00feat harde while!                      2376\n A rebelle hounde dot\u0127 ofte grete tene;\n Howe be we alle begilede.\u201d\n Tho spake Roulande wit\u0127 che[rh] boolde,\n \u201cDameselle! beyt\u0127 noughte aferde!           2380 Roland comforts her.\n If any vitaile be aboute this hoolde,\n We wole hem wynne withe dinte of swerde\n To morowe wole wee oute-goon\u0304                     They agree to attempt\n And assaye, howe it wole it be.             2384 a sally to obtain\n I make a vowe to god alone,                      food.\n\n[p069 THE PEERS, SURPRISING THE SARACENS, OBTAIN PROVISIONS.]\n\n Assaile hem wole we!\n And if thay haue any mete,\n Parte withe hem\u0304 wole we.                    2388\n Or elles strokes thay shal gete\n By God and seynte Mary myn\u0304\n   avou[rh]!\u201d[162]\n In the morne, er the larke songe,                In the morning\n Thai ordeynede hem to ride                  2392\n To the Saresyns, \u00feat hade so longe\n Leyen hem besyde.\n Duke Neymes and Oge[rh]                          Naymes and Ogier\n Were ordeynede to kepe the place.           2396 remain in the castle,\n The x othir of the xij peres                     the others start\n Wente oute to assaye here grace.\n Thay founden\u0304 hem in logges slepynge,             and surprise the\n Of hem hade thay no thought.                2400 Saracens still\n Thai slowen\u0304 down\u0304 \u00feat came to honde,              sleeping in their\n Mahounde availed hem noghte.                     huts. [leaf\u00a060]\n In shorte tyme the ende was made,\n Thay ten slough iij hundred the[rh].        2404 They slew 300 and\n Tho founde thai vitaile, thay were glad,         carried off as much\n As moche as thay myghte home be[rh].             food as they could\n Duke Neymes and Oge[rh], that kept the\n   tou[rh],                                       bear.\n Say hem wit\u0127 here praye.                    2408\n Thai thanked god hye of honoure,\n That thai spedde so \u00feat day.\n Thay avaled the brigge and lete him yn,\n Florip\u0304 and here maydyns were gladde,        2412\n And so were thay, that were with-yn;\n For alle grete hounger thay hadde.\n Thai eten\u0304 and dronken right I-nowe\n And made myrt\u0127 ever amonge.                 2416\n But of the Sowdon\u0304 laban speke we nowe,\n Howe of sorowe was his songe.\n WHAN tidyngges came to him,\n That his men\u0304 were slayn\u0304,                    2420\n And howe thai hade stuffed hem\u0304 also[163]\n\n[p070 THE SOUDAN IS ENRAGED WITH HIS GODS.]\n\n With vitaile in agayne,\n For sorowe he woxe nere wode.                    The soudan is enraged,\n He cleped Brenlande and Sortybraunce.       2424\n And tolde hem\u0304 wit\u0127 angry mode\n Of his harde myschaunce.\n \u201cRemedye ordeyne me,\n Ye be chief of my counsaile;                2428\n That I of hem may vengede be,\n It shalle you bouth availe.\n O ye goddes, ye faile at nede,\n That I have honoured so longe,              2432\n I shalle yo\u1d99 bren\u0304, so mote[164] I spede,         and is going to burn\n In a fayre fyre ful stronge;                     his gods,\n Shalle I neuer more on yo\u1d99 bileve,\n But renaye yo\u1d99 playnly alle.                2436\n Ye shalle be brente this day er eve,\n That foule mote yo\u1d99 befalle!\u201d\n The fire was made, the goddes were broght\n To have be caste the[rh]-inne.              2440 [leaf\u00a061]\n Tho alle his counsaile him by-sought,            but, appeased by his\n He shulde of \u00feat erroure blynne,                 wise men,\n And saide \u201cSir, what wole ye done?\n Wole ye your goddis for-sake?               2444\n Vengeaunce shalle than\u0304 on yo\u1d99 come,\n With sorowe, woo and wrake!\n Ye moste make offrynge for youre offence,\n For drede of grete vengeaunce,              2448\n With oyle, mylke and ffranken\u0304cense\n By youre prestis ordynaunce.\u201d\n Tho he dide bere hem in ayen\u0304,                    he sacrifices again,\n And to hem made dewe offerynge.             2452\n The prestis assoyled him of \u00feat synne,           and is assoiled by\n Ful lowly for him prayinge.                      the priests.\n Tho he cleped his counselers\n Brulande and Sortybraunce,                  2456 Laban holds council.\n\n[p071 THE PEERS THROW LABAN\u2019S GOLD AT THE ASSAILANTS.]\n\n Axynge, howe he myght destroy\u00abe\u00bb the xij\n   peres,\n That Mahounde gife hem myschaunce.\n Thay cowde no more ther-on\u0304,\n But late saile ayen\u0304 the toure.              2460\n Wit\u0127 xx^{ti} thousande thai gan\u0304 gon\u0304,\n And bigo\u00abn\u00bbne a newe shoure                      A new assault begins,\n To breke down\u0304 the Walles,\n With mattok\u00abes\u00bb and wit\u0127 pike,              2464 but the ditches\n Tille iiij hundred of hem alle                   are filled with\n Lay slayne in the dike.                          assailants, who were\n So stronge was the cast of stoone.               slain by the showers\n The Saresyns drewe hem\u0304 abakke,              2468 of stones hurled down\n Tille it was at hye none;                        by the peers. The\n Tho go\u00abn\u00bbne thay ayen\u0304 to shake.                  Saracens retire. A\n Tho fayled hem cast, \u00feat were\n   w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb-inne;                                 second attack ensues.\n Tho cowde thai no rede,                     2472 There being no stones,\n For stoone was ther noone to wy\u00abn\u00bbne.\n Tho were thay in grete drede.\n Than saide Florip, \u201cbeit\u0127 not dismayde!\n Ye shalle be holpe anoon\u0304.                   2476 Floripas gave\n Here is syluer vessel and now,\u201d[165] she\n   sayde,                                         them her father\u2019s\n \u201cThat shulle ye prove goode woon\u0304.\u201d               silver and gold to\n She set it forth, thay caste oute faste          cast amongst the\n Alle that came to honde.                    2480 assailants. [leaf\u00a062]\n Off siluer and goolde vessel thay made\n   waste\n That wast[166] down\u0304 vppon\u0304 the sonde.\n Whan\u0304 thai saug\u0127 that roial sight,\n Thai leften alle here dede;                 2484\n And for the tresoure thay do fight,\n Who so myghte it awey lede.                      The soudan in alarm\n Tho the Sowdon\u0304 wexe nere wode,                   for his treasure\n Seinge this tresoure thus dispoyle[d+],     2488 gives up the assault.\n That was to him so dere and goode\n Laye in the dike thus defoule[d+].\n He bade that thai shulde leue\n\n[p072 THE SOUDAN ASKS HIS GODS\u2019 FORGIVENESS.]\n\n And turne hem\u0304 agayne in haste.              2492\n He wente home tille his tente than\n With grete sorowe and mournyn[g|] mode.\n To-fore his goddis whan\u0304 he came,\n He cryed, as he were wode:                  2496\n \u201cO fals goddis, that y^e bet\u0127,                   He is enraged with\n I have trustid to longe youre mode.              his gods,\n We[167] were leve[rh] to suff[rh] dede,\n Than\u0304 lif this life here lenger nowe.        2500\n I haue almoste loste the bret\u0127,\n xij fals trayto\u00aburs\u00bb me overe-lede,\n And stroyen alle \u00feat I haue.\n Ye fals goddis, the devel youe spede!       2504\n Ye make me nowe for to rave;\n Ye do fayle me at my nede.\u201d\n In Ire he smote Mahounde,                        and smites Mahound so\n That was of goolde fulle rede,              2508 that he fell on his\n That he fille down\u0304 to the grounde,               face;\n As he hade bene dede.\n Alle here bisshopes cryden\u0304 oute\n And saide \u201cMahounde, thyn\u0304 ore!\u201d             2512\n And down\u0304 to the erthe wele lowe thay\n   loute,\n Howlynge and wepynge sore,\n And saide \u201cSire Sowdon\u0304, what haue ye\n   done?\n Vengeaunce shalle on the falle,             2516\n But tho\u1d99 repente the here anone.\u201d\n \u201cYe\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd he \u201cI shrewe yo\u1d99 alle!\u201d              but the priests\n Thai made a fyre of fran[k|]encense              induce him\n And blewen\u0304 hornes of bras,                  2520\n And casten in milke hony for the offence,        [leaf\u00a063]\n To-fore Mahoundes face.\n Thay counsailed Laban to knele a down\u0304            to kneel down and ask\n And aske forgevenes in that place.          2524 forgiveness.\n And so he didde and hade pardon\u0304\n Throgh prayere and specialle grace.\n\n[p073 RICHARD STARTS ON MESSAGE TO CHARLES.]\n\n Then[168] this was done, \u00fean\u0304 sayde\n   Roulande                                       Meanwhile Roland\n To his Felowes xj:                          2528 exhorted Richard of\n \u201cHere may we not longe holde londe,              Normandy to go on\n By God that is in heven\u0304.                         message to Charles,\n Therefore sende we to Charles, the kinge,        that he might come\n That he wolde reskowe vs sone;              2532 to their rescue.\n And certyfye him o[f|] oure stray\u021dte\n   beinge,                                        They all would the\n If ye thinke, it be to done.                     following morning,\n Richard of Normandye, ye most goon\u0304,              before day break,\n I holde yo\u1d99 both wyse and hende.            2536 make an attack on\n And we shalle tomorowe, as stil as stoon\u0304,        the Saracens, and\n The Saresyns a-wake, er ye wynde.[169]             meanwhile he should\n And while we be mooste bysy in oure werke,       steal off in the\n And medel wit\u0127 hem alle in fere,            2540 darkness. In the\n Stele ye a-waye in the derke!                    morning\n And spede you faste, ye were there!\u201d\n On the morowe afti[rh] the daye\n Thay were armede ful ryghte,                2544\n Thai rode fort\u0127 stilly in here way,              they sally out.\n God gouerne hem, mooste of myght!\n Florip\u00abe\u00bb and here maydyns kept the\n   tou[rh]                                        Floripas and her\n And woonde vp the brigges on hye,           2548 maidens draw up the\n And prayde god, to kepe here paramou[rh],        bridges after them.\n The Duke of Burgoyne, \u00abSir\u00bb G\u0233e.\n She preyde to Rouland, er he wente,\n To take goode hede of him\u0304,                  2552\n That he were ney\u00feer take nere shente,\n As he wolde her loue wynne.\n On thay set with herte stronge\n And alle hem\u0304 sore afrayed.                  2556\n Richard the whiles away he wronge,\n Thile[170] thai were alle dismayede.             Richard went off\n Towarde the Mountrible he hyed him faste,        towards Mantrible.\n To passe, if that he myghte.                2560 [leaf\u00a064]\n Thedir he came at the laste.\n\n[p074 GUY IS MADE PRISONER.]\n\n God kepe him for his moc\u0127 myght!\n His xij[171] felowes besyed hem\u0304 soo              The others slay many\n That many of hem\u0304 thay sloughe.[172]         2564 Saracens;\n Gye slowe the kinge of Babyloyne tho;\n The Babyloynes of his hors him drowe,            but Guy, overpowered\n And with force him drowe there                   by the Babylonians,\n And bounde his hondes ful fast.             2568 is taken prisoner.\n A newe game thai gan\u0304 him lere,\n For in depe prison\u0304 thay him caste.\n But Laban\u0304 wolde him first se,\n To wete what he was.                        2572\n \u201cTelle me thy name nowe\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd he,              Laban asks his name.\n \u201cThy songe shalle be \u2018alas.\u2019\u201d\u2014\n \u201cSire\u201d he saide \u201cmy name is Gye,                 Guy tells him.\n I wole it never forsake.                    2576\n It were to me grete vilanye\n An\u0304 othir name to take.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cO fals trayto\u00abur\u00bb\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Laban\u0304,\n \u201cMy doghtir, \u00feat stronge hore,              2580\n Hath me for-sake and the hath tan\u0304,\n Tho\u1d99 shalte be honged therfore.\u201d                 He is to be hanged.\n Roulande made grete moone,\n It wolde noon\u0304 other be.                     2584\n Homwarde thai gan\u0304 goon\u0304,\n .iij.c Saresyns ther saye he,                    300 Saracens crowding\n That kepte the pace at the brigge-ende,          near the gate of the\n Armed wel in goode araye,                   2588 castle, attempted to\n That thai sholde not in wende,                   prevent the other\n But be take or slayn\u0304 \u00feat daye.                   peers from entering.\n Roulande to his felowes saide:\n \u201cBeth alle of right gode chere!             2592\n And we shal make hem alle afrayde,\n E[rh] we go to oure soupere.\u201d\n There byganne a bykeringe bolde                  A fearful struggle\n Of x Bachelers that tyde,                   2596 begins.\n\n[p075 BRYER IS SLAIN.]\n\n Agayne iijc men\u0304 I-tolde,\n That durste righte wel a-byde.\n Tho was Durnedale set a werke,                   [leaf\u00a065]\n XL of hethen he sloughe,                    2600\n He spared ne\u00fee[rh] lewde ner clerke,\n And Floripas the[rh]-of loughe.\n The shotte, the caste was so stronge,\n Syr Bryer was slayn\u0304 there                   2604 Sir Bryer is killed.\n With dartes, gauylokes and speres longe,\n xx^{ti} on hym there were.\n Roulande was woo and Olyue[rh],\n Thay sloughen\u0304 alle that thai mette.         2608\n Tho fledde the Turkes alle for fe[rh],           At last the Saracens\n Thay durste no longer lette                      take to flight.\n And saide, thai we[rh] no men,\n But develis abroken\u0304 oute of helle,          2612\n \u201c.iij. hundred of vs agayn\u0304 hem ten\u0304.\n Oure lorde Mahounde hem qwelle!\n XL of vs here be ascaped,\n And hardde we be bistadde.\u201d\u2014                2616\n \u201cWho so wole of hem\u0304 more be iaped,\n I holde him worsse than madde.\u201d\n Tho Roulande and Olyue[rh]                       The peers retire\n Maden\u0304 grete woo and sorowe,                 2620 inside the castle,\n And token\u0304 the corps of Sir Bryere                taking the corpse of\n And beryed it on the morowe.                     Bryer with them.\n Florip\u00abe\u00bb asked Roulande anoone                  Floripas enquires\n \u201cWhere is my loue Sir Gye?\u201d\u2014                2624 after Guy,\n \u201cDamesel\u201d he saide \u201che is goon\u0304,\n And therfore woo am I.\u201d\u2014                         and on hearing of his\n \u201cAlas\u201d she saide \u201cthan am I dede,                capture, begins to\n Nowe Gye my lorde is slayn\u0304,                 2628 lament despairingly.\n Shall I neuer more ete brede\n Tille that I may se him\u0304 agayn\u0304.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cBe stille\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Roulande \u201cand haue no\n   ca[rh],                                        Roland promises to\n We shal hym\u0304 haue ful wele.                  2632 rescue Guy.\n\n[p076 GUY IS GOING TO BE HANGED,]\n\n Tomorowe wele we thiderward fa[rh]\n With spere and shelde of stele.\n But we bringe him to this Tou[rh]\u2014\n Leeve me elles no more\u2014                     2636\n With victorye and grete honou[rh],\n Or thay shalle abye it ful sore.\u201d                [leaf\u00a066]\n On the morowe, whan tha daye was clere,\n Laban ordeynede Gye honged to be.           2640 On the following\n He cleped forth Sir Tampere                      morning Laban orders\n And badde him do make a Galowe tr\u00abe\u00bb,            Sir Tamper to erect\n \u201cAnd set it even\u0304 by-fore the tou[rh],            a gallows before\n That \u00feilke hore may him see;                2644 the castle, where\n For by lord Mahounde of honou[rh],               Floripas could see it.\n This traito\u00abu\u00bbr there shalle honged be.\n Take withe the .iij. hundred knig\u0127tes\n Of Ethiopis, Indens and Ascopartes,         2648\n That bene boolde and hardy to fight\n With Wifles, Fauchons, Gauylokes[173] and\n   Dartes;\n Leste \u00feat lurdeynes come skulkynge oute,\n For ever thay haue bene shrewes.            2652\n Loke ech\u00abe\u00bb of hem\u0304 haue suc\u0127 a cloute,\n That thay neuer ete moo Sewes.\u201d\n Forth thay wente with Sir Gye,                   Guy is led bound.\n That bounde was as a thefe faste,           2656\n Tille thay come the tow[rh] ful nye;\n Thai rered the Galowes in haste.\n Roulande perceyued here doynge\n And saide \u201cfelows, let armes[174]!          2660 Roland calls his\n I am ful gladde of here comynge,                 companions to arms.\n Hem shall not helpe her charmes.\u201d\n Oute thai riden a wele gode spede,               They rush forth.\n Thai ix towarde hem alle.                   2664\n Florip wit\u0127 here maydyns toke gode hede,\n Biholdinge over the tou[rh] walle.\n Thai met first wit\u0127 Sir Tampe[rh],\n\n[p077 BUT IS RESCUED BY ROLAND AND OLIVER.]\n\n God gife him evelle fyne!                   2668\n Such a stroke lente hym Olyue[rh],               Oliver cuts down Sir\n He clefe him down\u0304 to the skyne.                  Tamper; Roland kills\n Rouland bare the kinge of Ynde                   a king of India,\n Ther with his spere frome his stede.        2672\n .iiij. fote it passed his bak byhynde,\n His herte blode \u00fee[rh] didde he blede.\n He caught the stede, he was ful goode,\n And the swerde, \u00feat the kinge hadde,        2676 takes his sword and\n And rode to Gye, there he stode,                 horse, [leaf\u00a067] and\n And onbounde hym\u0304 and bade him be gladde.         gives them to Guy,\n And girde him wit\u0127 that goode swerde,            having unbound him.\n And lepen vppon\u0304 here stedes.                2680\n \u201cBe thou\u201d he saide \u201crighte noug\u0127t a-ferde,\n But helpe vs wightly at this nede.\u201d              They slay many\n An hundred of hem sone thay slowe                Saracens, and put the\n Of the beste of hem alle;                   2684 rest to flight.\n The remen\u00abau\u00bbnte a-way fast thay flowe,\n That foule motte hem byfalle!\n Rouland and his Felowes were glad\n That Gye was safe in dede.                  2688\n Thay thanked god, that thay[175] him hadde\n Gyfen thay\u00abe\u00bb\u2020 suc\u0127 grace to spede.\n As thay wente towarde the Tou[rh],               Retiring towards the\n A litil bysyde the hye waye,                2692 castle,\n Thai saugh comynge with grete vigou[rh]          they see admiral\n An hundred vppon\u0304 a laye.[176]                    Costroye and\n Costroye ther was, the Admyra[l~l],              the soudan\u2019s\n With vitaile grete plente,                  2696 standard-bearer\n And the stondarte of the Sowdon\u0304 Roial.           escorting a great\n Towarde Mauntrible riden\u0304 he,                     convoy, destined for\n .iiij. Chariotes I-charged wit\u0127 flessh and\n   brede,                                         the sultan, across a\n And two othe[rh] with wyne,                 2700 field near the high\n Of divers colouris, yolowe, white and rede,      road.\n And iiij Somers of spicery fyne.\n\n[p078 THE PEERS LAY HOLD OF A CONVOY.]\n\n Tho saide Roulande to Olyue[rh]:\n \u201cWith these meyne moste we shifte,          2704\n To haue parte of here vitailes he[rh],\n For therof us nedith by my thrifte.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cHowe, sires\u201d he saide \u201cgod you see!             Roland calls to them\n We pray youe for youre curtesye,            2708\n Parte of your Vitaile gr\u00aba\u00bbunte me,              to share the\n For we may nother borowe ner bye.\u201d               provisions with them.\n Tho spake Cosdroye, that Admyral,\n \u201cYe gete none here for nog\u0127t.               2712 Costroye refuses,\n Yf ye oght chalenge in specia[l~l],\n It most be dere I-boght.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cO gentil knightes\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Olyuere,\n \u201cHe is no felowe, \u00feat wole haue alle.\u201d      2716\n \u201cGo fort\u0127\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd the stondart, \u201ctho\u1d99\n   getist noon here,\n Thy parte shalle be fulle smalle.\u201d\u2014\n \u201cForsoth\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Roulande \u201cand shift we\n   wole,                                          [leaf\u00a068]\n Gete the better, who gete maye!             2720\n To parte with the nedy it is gode skille,\n And so shalle ye by my faye.\u201d\n He rode to the Admyral wit\u0127 his swerde           and is slain by\n And gafe him suche a cloute,                2724 Roland.\n No wonder thog\u0127 he were aferde,\n Both his ey\u021den\u0304 braste oute.\n Olyuere met withe the proude stondarde,\n He smote him throug\u0127 the herte.             2728 Oliver kills the\n That hade he for his rewarde;                    standard-bearer.\n That wounde gan\u0304 sore smerte.\n Thai were slayn\u0304, that wolde fight\n Er durste bikure abyde.                     2732\n Thai forsoke her parte anoon\u0304 rig\u0127t,\n It lefte alle on\u0304 that on\u0304 side.\n Forth thai drewen\u0304 \u00feat vitaile                    The convoy is\n Streight in-to the Toure.                   2736 conveyed into the\n There was no man\u0304 durst hem assayle               castle.\n For drede of here vigou[rh].\n\n[p079 THE SOUDAN DEFIES HIS GODS.]\n\n Florip\u00abe\u00bb hem resceyved w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb honou[rh]\n And thanked Roulande fele sythe,            2740 Floripas thanks\n That she saug\u0127 Gye hir paramou[rh],              Roland for bringing\n That wolde she him qwite and kith\u00abe\u00bb.            back Sir Guy,\n Thai eten\u0304 and dronken and made hem gladde,\n Hem neded ther aftyr fulle sore             2744\n Of suche, as god hem sente hade,\n I-nowe for iiij moon\u00fees and more.                and proposes that he\n Florip saide to Roulande than,                   shall choose himself\n \u201cYe moste chese you a love[177]             2748 a mistress from\n Of alle my maydyns, white as swan\u0304.\u201d\u2014             amongst her maidens.\n Q\u00abuo\u00bbd Rouland \u201c\u00feat were myscheve;               But Roland refuses to\n Oure lay wole not, \u00feat we w\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb youe\n   dele,                                          take any that is no\n Tille that ye Cristyn\u0304 be made;              2752 Christian.\n Ner of your play we wole not fele,\n For than\u0304 were we cursed in dede.\u201d\n NOWE shall ye here of Laban\u0304.                     The soudan, on\n Whan tidyngg\u00abes\u00bb to him we[rh] comen\u0304,       2756 hearing such bad news,\n Tho was he a fulle sory man\u0304.\n Whan he herde, howe his vitaile were\n   nomen\u0304,\n And howe his men were slayne,\n And Gye was go safe hem\u0304 froo,               2760 [leaf\u00a069]\n He defyed Mahounde and Apolyne,                  again defies his gods,\n Iubiter, Ascarot and Alcaron\u0304 also.\n He co\u00abm\u00bbmaundede a fire to be dig\u0127t              and threatens to\n With picche and Brymston\u0304 to bren\u0304.           2764 throw them into the\n He made a vowe with alle his myg\u0127t,              flames.\n \u201cThai shal be caste ther-Inne!\u201d\n The prestes of he[rh] lawe ther-on\u0304,\n Thai criden\u0304 oute for drede                  2768\n And saide \u201calas, what wole ye done?\n The worse than moste ye spede!\u201d\n The Sowdon\u0304 made a grete othe\n And swore by his hye trone,                 2772\n That though hem were never so lot\u0127,\n\n[p080 RICHARD ARRIVES AT MANTRIBLE.]\n\n Thai sholde be brente Ichon\u0304.\n Tho came the bisshop\u00abe\u00bb Cramadas                 But bishop Cramadas\n And kneled bifore the Sowdon\u0304,               2776 kneels before him and\n And charged him by the hye name Sathanas,        appeases him.\n To saven his goddes ychon\u0304:\n \u201cFor if ye brenne youre goddes he[rh],\n Ye wynnyn\u0304 her malison\u0304,                      2780\n Than wole no man do yo\u1d99 che[rh],\n In feelde, Cite, ne[rh] in town\u0304.\u201d\n The Sowdon\u0304 was astonyed \u00fean\n And gan him sore repente                    2784\n Of the foly, that he bygan\u0304,\n And els hade he be shente.\n A thousande of Besaunt\u00abes\u00bb he offred \u00feaym\n   to,                                            The soudan makes an\n By counsail of sir Cramadas,                2788 offering of 1000\n To please wit\u0127 his goddys tho,                   besants to his gods.\n For fere of harde grace.\n The Sowdone co\u00abm\u00bbmaunded eu\u00aber\u00bby daye\n To assaile the tou[rh] wit\u0127 caste.          2792\n But thay with-in gafe no\u00abt\u00bb an Eye,\n For thai wroghte in wast.                        When Richard arrived\n NOWE speke we of Richarde of Normandy,           as far as Mantrible,\n That on message was sente,                  2796 he found the bridge\n Howe he spede and his meyne.                     barred by 24 chains,\n Whan he to Mauntrible wente,                     and Alagolafre\n He founde the brigge Ichayned sore;              standing before it.\n xxiiij^{ti} were ouere-drawen\u0304.              2800 [leaf\u00a070]\n Alagolofure stode there byfore,\n That many a man hade slawene.\n Whan Richard saug\u0127, ther was no gate,            Determined not to\n But by flagot the flode,                    2804 leave his errand\n His message wolde he not lete;                   unperformed, he knelt\n His hors was bot\u0127 bigge and goode.               down and commended\n He kneled, bisechinge god of his grace,          himself to God. A\n To save him fro myschiefe.                  2808 hind appears\n A white hende he saug\u0127 anoon\u0304 in \u00fe\u00aba\u00bbt\n   place,\n\n[p081 RICHARD CROSSES THE RIVER AND OVERTAKES CHARLES.]\n\n That swam\u0304 ove[rh] the cliffe.                    and swims across.\n He blessed him in godis name                     Richard follows her,\n And folowed the same waye                   2812 and, passing over in\n The gentil hende, \u00feat was so tame,               safety,\n That on\u0304 \u00feat othir side gan playe.\n He thanked god fele syth\u00abe\u00bb,\n That him hade sente comforte.               2816\n He hied him in his message swi\u00fee,                hurries on to\n To speke wit\u0127 Charles his lorde.                 Charlemagne.\n But I shalle yo\u1d99 telle of a trayto\u00abur\u00bb,\n That his name was called Genelyne,          2820\n He counseiled Charles for his honou[rh]          Meanwhile Genelyn,\n To turne homewarde ageyn\u0304.                        the traitor, had\n He saide \u201cthe xij peres bene alle dede,          advised Charles to\n And ye spende your goode in vayne,          2824 retire to France,\n And therfore dot\u0127 nowe by my rede,               because the 12 peers\n Ye shalle see hem no more certeyn\u0304.\u201d              were all slain. The\n The kinge bileved \u00feat he saide,                  king believed him,\n And homwarde gan he fare.                   2828 and marched homeward,\n He of his xij Dosiperes was sore dismayed,       lamenting for his\n His herte woxe right fulle of ca[rh].            peers. Richard\n Rycharde of Normandy came prikande               overtakes him, and is\n And hertly to ride begane.                  2832 recognised by Charles,\n Kinge Charles aspyed him comande;\n He c\u00abom\u00bbmaunded to abide eu\u00aber\u00bby man\u0304.            who asks him about\n \u201cWhat tidingg\u00abes\u00bb?\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd the kinge to\n   Richarde,                                      the others. Richard\n \u201cHowe fare my felowes alle?\u201d                2836 tells the king, how\n \u201cMy lorde\u201d he saide \u201cgod wote, ful harde,        they are besieged\n For thai be byseged with-in ston-walle,          within the castle,\n Abydynge youre helpe and you[rh]\n   socou[rh],                                     and are waiting for\n As men \u00feat haue grete nede.                 2840 his assistance.\n For Ih\u00abes\u00bbues loue, kinge of honou[rh],\n Thiderward ye yo\u1d99 spede!\u201d                        Charles, vowing\n \u201cO Genelyne\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd the kinge,                   vengeance on\n \u201cNowe knowe I thy treson\u0304,                   2844 [leaf\u00a071] Genelyn,\n I shalle the qwite, be seynte Fremounde,\n\n[p082 CHARLES MARCHES TO AGREMORE.]\n\n Whan\u0304 this viage is don\u0304.\u201d\n The kinge turned him ageyn\u0304,                      turned and marched to\n And alle his Ooste him wit\u0127,                2848 Agremore.\n Towarde Mountrible certeyne.\n And[178] gr\u00aba\u00bbunte him gree and grith!\n Richarde him tolde of that place,\n Howe stronge it was I-holde                 2852 Richard informed him\n With a geaunte foule of face,                    of the giant, who\n The brigge hath chayned many folde;              kept the bridge,\n The River was both depe and brode,\n Ther myght no man\u0304 over-ryde.                2856 and how he had passed\n \u201cThe last tyme that I over-rode,                 the river by a\n By myracle I passed \u00feat tide.                    miracle.\n Therfore sir, I shal yo\u1d99 telle,\n Howe ye mote governe yo\u1d99 here.              2860\n In yonde wode ye moste dwelle                    He proposed a plan,\n Priuely in this mane[rh],                        that 12 knights\n And xij of vs shalle vs araye                    disguised as\n In gyse of stronge marchauntes,             2864 merchants, with\n And fille oure somers withe fog and haye,\n To passe the brigge Currauntes.\n We shalle be armed vnder the cote                their arms hidden\n With goode swerdes wele I-gyrde,            2868 under their clothes,\n We moste paye tribute, wele I wote,              should pay the toll,\n And elles over we may not sterte.                and the bridge being\n But whan\u0304 the chaynes be lete down\u0304                let down,\n Ouer ther for to passe,                     2872\n Than wole I, \u00feat ye come on\u0304,\n In haste to that same place.\n Whan\u0304 I see tyme for to come,\n Than\u0304 shalle I my horne blowe.               2876 should blow a horn\n Loke, ye be redy alle and some,                  as a signal for the\n For that sha[l~l] ye welle knowe.\u201d               others to approach.\n Forth thay wente in \u00feat araye                    They start and arrive\n To Mountrible, that Cite.                   2880 at Mantrible.\n\n[p083 THE BRIDGEWARD OF MANTRIBLE REFUSES TO LET THEM PASS.]\n\n Alagolofu[rh] to hem\u0304 gan seye,                   Alagolafre asks\n \u201cFelawes, wheder wole ye?\u201d                       whither they are\n Richarde spake to the geaunte                    going.\n And saide \u201ctowarde the Sowdon\u0304,              2884 Richard says, they\n With dyu[e]rs chaffe[rh] as trewe\n   marchaunte,                                    are merchants on\n We purpose for to goon\u0304,                          their way to the\n To shewen him of pellu[rh] and\n   Gryse,[179]                                    Soudan,\n Orfrays of Perse Imperyalle,                2888 [leaf\u00a072]\n We wole the yefe tribute of assaye               and they are willing\n To passe by lycence in especya[l~l].\u201d            to pay the toll.\n \u201cLicence gete ye noon\u0304 of me,[180]                Alagolafre refuses to\n I am charged that noone sha[l~l] passe,     2892 let them pass, and\n For x lurdeyns of Fraunce were he[rh];           tells them about the\n God yefe hem evell grace!                        10 knights, who had\n Thay passed this way to Egramou[rh];             passed there and done\n Thay haue done the Sowdon\u0304 grete tene,       2896 so much mischief to\n Thay have wonne his toure and his\n   tresou[rh],                                    the Soudan;\n And yet holde thai it, I wene.\n Wherfo[rh], felawes, I arest yo\u1d99 alle,           therefore he will\n Tille I knowe, what \u00feat ye bene.\u201d           2900 arrest them all.\n Sire Focarde brayde oute his swerde\n   wit\u0127-alle,                                     Sir Focard draws his\n Wel sore he gan to tene                          sword and\n And saide \u201cfye on\u0304 the Sarasyne!\n For alle thy grete harde hede               2904\n Shaltow never drinke wat\u00aber\u00bb ner wyne,\n By god! thou shalte be dede.\u201d\n He smote at him wit\u0127 egre chere                  smites at him.\n But he gafe thereof right nought.           2908\n \u201cAlas\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Richard \u201cthou combrest vs\n   he[rh],\n By god, that me de[rh] hat\u0127 boghte.\u201d\n The cheynes yet we[rh] alle faste,\n The geaunte wexe nere wode,                 2912\n Richard blewe his horne in haste,                Richard blows his\n That was both shrille and goode.                 horn, and Charles\n Kinge Charles hied him anoon\u0304                     advances.\n\n[p084 ALAGOLAFRE AND BARROCK ARE SLAIN.]\n\n Towarde the brigge so longe;                2916\n The Geaunte faught with hem\u0304 alone,\n He was so harde and stronge.\n With a Clo[g|] of an\u0304 Oke he faug\u0127t,              Alagolafre fights\n That was wele bound with stele.             2920 them with a great oak\n He slough al \u00feat eve[rh] he raug\u0127t,              club.\n So stronge was his dinte to dele.                Richard seizes a bar\n Richard raught him wit\u0127 a bar[rh] of bras,       of brass and knocks\n That he caught at the gate.                 2924 him down.\n He brake his legges, he cryed \u201calas\u201d\n And felle alle che[k|]-mate.\n Loude than\u0304 gan\u0304 he to yelle;\n Thay herde him yelle throug\u0127 \u00feat Cite,      2928\n Like the grete develle of helle,\n And saide \u201cMahounde, nowe helpe me!\u201d             [leaf\u00a073]\n iiij men him caught the[rh],                     4 men get hold of him\n So hevy he was and longe,                   2932 and throw him into\n And cast him ouer in-to the rive[rh].            the river.\n Chese he, whither[181] he wolde swy\u00abm\u00bbme\n   or gon[g|]!                                    They loosened the\n Anoon\u0304 thay brast the Chaynes alle,               chains;\n That ouer the brigge were I-drawe.          2936\n The Saresyns ronnen\u0304 to the walle,                but, the Saracens\n Many Cristen\u0304 men were the[rh] I-slawe.           assembling on the\n Than came forth Dam barro[k|], the bolde,        walls of the city,\n With a sith\u00abe\u00bb large and kene,              2940 many Christians were\n And mewe a-down\u0304 as \u00feikke as shepe in             slain. Alagolafre\u2019s\n   folde,                                         wife, Barrock the\n That came byforne hir by-dene.                   giantess, comes on\n This Barro[k|] was a geaunesse,                  with her scythe and\n And wife she was to Astragote,              2944 mows down all whom\n She did the Cristen\u0304 grete distresse,             she meets.\n She felled downe alle \u00feat she smote.\n There durst no man hire sithe abyde,\n She grenned like a develle of helle.        2948\n Kinge Charles with a quarel \u00feat tide             Charles dashes out\n Smote hir, that she lowde gan\u0304 yelle,             her brains,\n\n[p085 CHARLES IS SHUT IN IN THE TOWN.]\n\n Euer[182] the founte throug\u0127-oute the\n   brayn\u0304;\n That cursede fende fille down\u0304 dede.         2952\n Many a man hade she there slayn\u0304,\n Might she never aftyr ete more brede!\n Charles entred in the firste warde               and with 15 knights\n With xv knightis and no moo;                2956 enters the outer gate\n Of hym his oste toke no garde,                   of the town,\n He wende his oste hade entred also.              thinking his army\n The Sarysyns ronne to the gate,                  would follow him.\n And shet it wonder faste.                   2960 But the gate was\n Charles men\u0304 come to late;                        instantly closed upon\n Tho was Charles sore agaste.                     him, and his men came\n Betwene two wardes he was shit,                  too late.\n Defende he him if he can\u0304!                   2964\n The Sarysyns with him thay mette,                Charles was in great\n Grete parel was he in than\u0304.                      danger;\n Tho Genelyne saie, the kinge was inne            but Genelyn, seeing\n And the yates faste I-stoke,                2968 him shut in,\n Ther myght no man\u0304 to him wynne,\n So was he faste wit\u0127-inne I-loke,\n To his frendes he gan speke\n And saide \u201cthe kinge is dede,               2973 [leaf\u00a074] exclaimed\n And alle xij peres eke.                          that the king and\n On peyne\u201d said he \u201cto lese my\u00abn\u00bb hede,           the 12 peers were\n Let vs hye to Fraunce warde!                     dead, and proposed to\n For I wele be crownede kinge,               2976 retire, as he wished\n I shalle yo\u1d99 alle wele rewarde,                  to be king himself.\n For I wole spare for no thinge.\u201d\n Anoon\u0304 thay assented to Genelyne,\n Thay saugh, ther was no bett\u00aber\u00bb rede.      2980\n The Frenssh men\u0304 drewe hem\u0304 al ayene,              They are going to\n Thay wende the kinge hade bene dedde.            return,\n Tho Ferumbras wit\u0127 his meyne than\u0304                but Ferumbras\n Came for to seke the kinge,                 2984\n And saugh hem turne eu\u00aber\u00bby man\u0304;\n\n[p086 CHARLES IS RESCUED BY FERUMBRAS.]\n\n Him thought, it was a wondir thin[g|].\n \u201cWhere is the kinge?\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Ferumbras.\n Q\u00abuo\u00bbd Genelyne \u201cwith-in the walle,         2988\n Shaltowe neue[rh] more seen\u0304 his face!\u201d\n \u201cGod gyf the an\u0304 yvel falle!\n Turne agayne, tho\u1d99 traytoure!                    calls him a traitour,\n And helpe to reskowe thy lorde.             2992\n And ye, sires, alle for you[rh]\n   honou[rh]!\u201d                                    rallies the French,\n Thay turned agayne with that worde.\n Ferumbras with axe in honde,                     and with his axe\n Myghtyly brake up the gate,                 2996 bursts open the gate.\n Ther myght laste him noon\u0304 yron\u0304 bonde,\n He hade ne[rh]-honde I-come to late.\n The kinge hadde fought so longe wit\u0127-ynne,\n That onnethe myght he no more.              3000\n Many ther were abouten\u0304 him,\n His men\u0304 were wounded ful sore.\n Ferumbras came with gode spede,\n He made the Sarasyns to fle.                3004 He chased the\n He reskowed the kinge at his nede,               Saracens and rescued\n XL Sarasyns sone killed he.                      the king.\n Thai ronnen a-weye by every side,\n Thai durste nowhe[rh] rowte.                3008\n In shorte tyme was falled her pride,\n Thay caught many a sore cloute.\n That Cite was wo\u00abn\u00bbne that same daye,            Mantrible is taken,\n And every tou[rh] ther-ynne                 3012\n Of Mountreble, \u00feat was so gaye,\n For alle he[rh] soubtile gynne,                  [leaf\u00a075]\n Fulle of tresou[rh] and richesse,                with all its engines\n Of Siluer and goolde and per[rh],           3016 and treasures.\n And clothes of goolde, wroght of\n   Saresynes,\n Of riche aray and roialte.                       Richard found 2\n Richarde, Duke of Normandy,                      children of 7 months\n Founde ij Children of .vij. mon\u00fees\n   oolde,[183]                               3020 old and\n\n[p087 HE HURRIES ON TO AGREMORE.]\n\n xiiij fote longe we[rh] thay,                    4 feet high.\n Thay we[rh] Barrakes so\u00abn\u00bbnes so boolde;         They were sons of\n Bygote thay we[rh] of Astragot.                  Barrock, begotten by\n Grete joye the kinge of he\u00abm\u00bb hade.         3024 Astragot.\n Hethen\u0304 thay we[rh] bot\u0127, wele I wote,\n Therfore hem\u0304 to be cristenede he bade.           Charles caused them\n He called \u00feat one of hem Roulande,               to be baptized, and\n And that other he cleped Olyue[rh]:         3028 called the one Roland\n \u201cFor thai shalle be myghty men of honde.\u201d        and the other Oliver.\n To kepen\u0304 hem, he was fulle chere.\n Thay myght not leve, her Dam was dede;           But they soon died\n Thai coude not kepe hem fort\u0127.              3032\n Thai wolde ney\u00feer ete butt\u00aber\u00bb nere brede,\n Ner no men\u0304[184] was to hem worthe.\n He[rh] Da\u00abm\u00bbmes mylke they lakked the[rh],       for want of their\n Thay deyden for defaute of here dam.        3036 mother\u2019s milk.\n Kinge Charles made hevy che[rh],\n And a sory man\u0304 was than.\n The kinge lete ordeyne anoon\u0304,\n The Cite to be gouerne[d+]                  3040\n Of the worthyest of hem\u0304 ychon\u0304,\n That weren of wer[rh] best lerne[d+].\n Duke Richarde of Normandy,                       The king appoints\n He was made chief gou\u00aber\u00bbnou[rh];           3044 Richard governor of\n And ij C with him in hys company                 the city,\n To kepe the brigge and tou[rh].\n Fort\u0127 he rode to laban\u0304 than\u0304,                     and hurries on\n With his Ooste and Si[rh] Ferumbras.        3048 to Agremore with\n A spye to the Sowdon\u0304 fast ran                    his army and with\n And tolde him al that cas,                       Ferumbras.\n How Charles was come with his ost,\n And Mountrible hade he wonne,               3052\n \u201cAlagolofur slayn\u0304 is for alle his bost,\n This game was evel begon\u0304.\u201d\n Whane laban herde of his comynge,\n\n[p088 FLORIPAS RECOGNISES THE FRENCH BANNER.]\n\n Him thought his herte gan breke.            3056\n \u201cShalle I never be withoute moornynge,           [leaf\u00a076]\n Tille I of him be wreke.\u201d\n He co\u00abm\u00bbmaunded to blowe his Claryons\n To assemble alle his Ooste.                 3060\n His counsaile to him he lete calle\n And tolde, how kinge Charles was in \u00feat\n   coost,                                         Laban, being told by\n Hadde wonne Mountrible and slayn\u0304 his men         a spy that his city\n \u201cAnd dishiryt\u0127 to disheryte me,             3064 was taken and the\n And proudely manessith me to fleen\u0304,              bridge-ward killed,\n Or drive me oute of this contr\u00abe\u00bb.\n Me mervaylythe moch of his pride.\n By Mahounde, moost of myg\u0127t!                3068\n Ye and my sone withe him doth ride,\n To the develle I hem bedig\u0127t.\n But I be venget of hem both                      swears to avenge him.\n And honge hem\u0304 on a tree,                    3072\n To myghty Mahounde I make myne othe,\n Shalle I never Joyfulle be.\n Therfore I charge yo\u1d99 in alle wyse               He calls a council,\n That thay be taken or slayn\u0304.                3076 and charges his\n Thane shalle I py\u00abn\u00bbne heme at my gyse           barons to take\n And don\u0304 hem alle qwike be flayn\u0304.\u201d                Charles alive that\n On the morowe, whan it was day,                  he might flay him.\n Kinge Charles was in the felde,             3080 Charles approaches.\n Byfore Agremou[rh] in riche aray\n On stede wit\u0127 spe[rh] and sheelde.\n Floripe lay on the tou[rh] on\u0304 hye                Floripas first\n And knewe the bane[rh] of Fraunce.          3084 recognises the banner\n To Roulande she gan faste crye                   of France\n Tidynges of goode chaunce:\n \u201cKinge Charles is comen and Ferumbras,           and tells the others.\n Here baners bot\u0127 I do see,                  3088\n With alle her oste yonde[rh] in \u00feat place;\n Welcome to vs thay alle be.\u201d\n Roulande and Olyuere\n\n[p089 CHARLES DISMOUNTS LABAN AND LEADS HIM TO AGREMORE.]\n\n Arayed hem for to ride;                     3092 Roland and all his\n And here felawes alle in fe[rh],                 companions sally\n To Charles thay gon\u0304 that tyde.                   forth to meet\n Laban come forth with his mayne,                 Charlemagne. Laban\n Saresyns, that were ful felle,              3096 draws up all his\n Turkes, Indens, and Arabye                       people\n Ye and of the Ethiopes like the develes of\n   helle.\n There were stronge wardes sette                  [leaf\u00a077]\n By ordynaunce of dyuers batayle.            3100 in battle-order.\n Whan thay to geder were met,\n Eythir othir sore gan\u0304 assayle.\n Ther were Saresyns al to-hewe;                   The French make a\n Roulande sloughe many one.                  3104 great slaughter of\n Thay lay so thikke dede on rewe,                 the Saracens.\n That onne\u00fee myghte men ride or goon\u0304.\n Kinge Charles met with Laban\u0304                     Charles encounters\n And bare him down\u0304 of his stede,             3108 the Soudan, unhorses\n He lighted down\u0304 and ceased him than\u0304,             him,\n He thought to qwite him his mede.\n He brayde oute Mown\u0304joye wyt\u0127 gode wille\n And wolde have smeten of his hede,          3112 and would have cut\n Ferumbras prayde him to abyde stille,\n To crysten\u0304 him, er he we[rh] dede.               off his head, but\n The Saresyns saughe Laban take,                  for Ferumbras, who\n Thay fledden\u0304 away fulle faste.              3116 requested that\n Lenger durste thay no maistryes make,            his father might\n Thai were so sore agaste.                        be baptized. The\n The Cristen\u0304 hem chased to and fro,               Saracens, seeing\n As a grehounde doth the hare.               3120 Laban a prisoner,\n .iij. c. ascaped with moche woo,                 fly; but the\n To Belmore gan thay fa[rh].                      Christians pursue\n Kinge Charles ladde Laban\u0304                        them. 300 escaped to\n In-to Agremou[rh] Cite.                     3124 Belmarine. Charles\n And whan\u0304 \u00feat he the[rh] came                     leads Laban to\n A ful sory man was he.                           Agremore. Floripas\n His doghter welcomed him                         welcomes her father,\n\n[p090 FLORIPAS BRINGS OUT THE SACRED RELICS.]\n\n W\u00abi\u00bbt\u00abh\u00bb right gode che[rh].[185]           3128\n He loked on hir al grymme,                       but he is enraged at\n As he wode wroth we[rh],                         seeing her.\n And saide \u201cfye on the, stronge hore,\n Mahounde confounde the!\u201d                    3132\n Charles saide \u201chere-of no more,\n But let us nowe mery be!\u201d\u2014\n \u201cSir\u201d she saide thanne,                          She then bids\n \u201cWelcome ye be into this tou[rh]!           3136 Charlemagne welcome,\n Here I presente to you, as I can,                and presents the holy\n Relikes of grete honou[rh],                      relics to him.\n That were at Rome I-wonnen\u0304\n And broght into this halle.                 3140\n That game was evel bygo\u00abn\u00bbnen\u0304,\n It sithen rewed us alle.\u201d                        [leaf\u00a078]\n Kinge Charles kneled adown\u0304\n To kisse the Relikes so goode,              3144 Charles kisses them,\n And badde the[rh] an\u0304 oryson\u0304                      and says a prayer;\n To that lorde, \u00feat deyde on\u0304 rode.                he then thanks\n And \u00feanked Floripe wit\u0127 al his herte,            Floripas for her\n That she hade saued his meyne               3148 assistance to his\n And holpe hem oute of peynes smerte              knights, and for\n And kepte the Relekes so fre.                    having preserved the\n Kinge Charles did calle bisshop\u00abe\u00bb Turpyn\u0304        precious relics. He\n And bade him ordeyne a grete fat,           3152 orders Turpin to\n To baptyse the Sowdon\u0304 yne;                       prepare a vessel,\n \u201cAnd loke what he shalle hat.                    wherein to baptize\n Unarme him faste and bringe him ne[rh],          the Soudan\n I shal his godfader be.                     3156\n Fille it fulle of wate[rh] cle[rh],\n For Baptysed shalle he be.\n Make him naked as a Childe,\n He moste plunge ther-inne.                  3160\n For now most he be meke and mylde,               and to wash off his\n And I-wassh awaye his synne.\u201d                    sin in the water.\n\n[p091 LABAN IS SLAIN, AND FLORIPAS WEDDED TO GUY.]\n\n Turpyn toke him by the honde                     Turpin leads Laban to\n And ladde him to the fonte.                 3164 the font,\n He smote the bisshope wit\u0127 a bronde              but the Soudan\n And gaf him an evel bronte.                      strikes at him,\n He spitted in the water cle[rh]                  spits on the vessel,\n And cryed oute on hem alle,                 3168 utters invectives\n And defied alle \u00feat cristen\u0304 we[rh].              against all\n That foule mote him by-falle!                    Christians,\n \u201cYe and tho\u1d99, hore serpentyne,\n And that fals cursed Ferumbras,             3172 and curses Ferumbras.\n Mahounde gyfe hem bot\u0127 evel endyn[g|],\n And almyghty Sathanas!\n By you came all my sorowe,\n And al my tresure for-lorne.                3176\n Honged be ye both er tomorowe!\n In cursed tyme were ye born\u0304.\u201d\n Ferumbras saide to the kinge,\n \u201cSir, ye see, it wole not be,               3180\n Lete him take his endynge,\n For he loueth not Cristyante.\u201d\n \u201cDuke Neymes\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd Charles tho,                Charles commands\n \u201cLoke \u00feat execucion\u0304 be don\u0304,                 3184 Naymes to cut off his\n Smyte of his hedde! god gyfe him woo!            head. [leaf\u00a079]\n And goo we to mete anoone.\u201d\n It was done as the kinge co\u00abm\u00bbmaunde,            He is executed; his\n His soule was fet to helle,                 3188 soul goes to hell,\n To daunse in \u00feat sory lande                      there to dance with\n With develes, \u00feat we[rh] ful felle.              devils.\n Dame Florip was Baptysed than\u0304\n And here maydyns alle,                      3192 Floripas was baptized\n And to Sir Gye I-maryed.                         with all her maidens,\n The Barons honoured hir alle.                    and wedded to Guy.\n Alle the londe of Spayne                         Charles divided Spain\n Kinge Charles gyfe hem\u0304 two,                 3196 between Guy and\n To departe bitwyxt hem twayne,                   Ferumbras,\n Ferumbras and G\u0233 also.\n\n[p092 CHARLES RETURNS TO FRANCE.]\n\n And so thay livede in ioye and game,\n And brethern\u0304 both thay we[rh],              3200\n In pees and wer[rh] both I-same,\n The[rh] durste no man\u0304 hem de[rh].\n Kinge Charles turned home agayn\u0304\n Towarde his contr\u00abe\u00bb,                       3204\n He charged Sir Brye[rh] of Bretayne              and charges Sir Bryer\n His tresoure[rh] for to be:                      of Bretayne to take\n To kepe the Relikes of grete pris                care of the relics,\n And his other tresou[rh],                   3208 and to bring all his\n And bringe hem safe to Parys,                    treasure to Paris.\n There to a-bide in store.\n He saide \u201cfarewell, Sir Ferumbras,\n Ye and Gye, my dere frende!                 3212 After taking leave of\n And thy wyf Dame Floripas!                       Guy and Floripas,\n For to Fraunce nowe wole I wende.\n Be ye togeder as breth[e]rn\u0304 bot\u0127!\n No man\u0304 ye nedit\u0127 to drede,                  3216\n Be ye nevere to-gedere wrot\u0127,\n But eyther helpe othir at his nede.\n Vysityth me, whan\u0304 ye haue space;\n In-to Fraunce makit\u0127 your disporte,         3220\n God wole you sende the bett\u00aber\u00bb grace,\n In age to do me comforte.\u201d\n Thai toke leve of the kinge,\n With ful hevy che[rh],                      3224\n And turned agayn\u0304 bot\u0127 mornynge,\n With wepynge water cle[rh].\n Kinge Charles with the victory                   he sails to Mounpeler,\n Sailed to Mou\u00abn\u00bbpeleres,                    3228\n And thanked almyghty god in glorye,              [leaf\u00a080] where he\n That he hade saued his Dosiperes,                thanks God for the\n And fende him of the Saresynes                   victory,\n The hyer honde to have,                     3232\n For alle here strenghe[186] and he[rh]\n   Engynes\n\n[p093 GENELYN IS HANGED AT PARIS.]\n\n The Relikes of Rome to saue.                     and for the relics.\n At oure lady of Parys                            He presents the\n He offred the Crosse so fre;                3236 cross to Paris, the\n The Crown\u0304 he offred at seynte Denyse,            Crown to St. Denis,\n At Boloyne the nayles thr\u00abe\u00bb.                    the three nails to\n Alle his Barons of him we[rh] gladd,             Boulogne.\n Thai gafe him grete presente.               3240\n For he so wele hade I-spedde,\n Thay did him grete reuerence.                    Charles well\n The kinge hade wel in mynde                      remembered the\n The tresone of Genelyne,                    3244 treachery of Genelyn,\n Anoon\u0304 for him he dide sende\n To yefe him an evel fyne:\n \u201cThou traito\u00abur\u00bb unkynde\u201d q\u00abuo\u00bbd the\n   kynge,\n \u201cRemembrist tho\u1d99 not how ofte               3248\n Thou hast me betrayed, \u00fe\u00abo\u00bbu fals\n   Genelyne?\n Therfore thoue shalt be honged on lofte!\u2014\n Loke that the execucion\u0304 be don\u0304,\n That throgh Parys he be drawe,              3252 and ordered him to be\n And honged on hye on mou\u00abn\u00bbt Fawcon\u0304,             drawn and hanged at\n As longeth to traytoures by lawe;                Montfaucon in Paris.\n That alle men shall take hede,\n What deth trayto\u00abur\u00bbys sha[l~l] fele,       3256\n That assente to such falshede,\n Howe the wynde here bodyes shal kele.\u201d           Thus Charles\n Thus Charles conquered Laban\u0304,                    conquered the Soudan\n The Sowdon\u0304 of Babyloyne,                    3260 of Babylone.\n That riche Rome stroyed and wan\u0304\n And alle the brode londe of Spayn\u0304.\n [187] . . . . . .[an]d of his Barons\n . . . . . . .[hi]s pride                    3264\n . . . . . . . .eligons\n . . . . . . . .\u00feat tyde\n . . . . . . .on Charles soule\n . . . . . . .s also                         3268\n\n[p094 CONCLUSION.]\n\n . . . . . . .Peter and Poule\n God lete hem never wete of woo!                  [leaf\u00a081]\n But brynge here soules to goode reste!\n That were so worthy in dede.                3272\n And gyf vs ioye of the beste,                    God give joy to all\n That of here gestes rede!                        who read this romance.\n\nHere endithe the Romaunce of the Sowdon of Babyloyne and of Ferumbras\nhis sone who conquerede Rome, And Kynge Charles off Fraunce withe xij.\nDosyperes toke the Sowdon in the feelde And smote of his heede.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[89] \u00abRead\u00bb: myghtes\n\n[90] \u00abMS.\u00bb d\u014d\u014d\n\n[91] \u00ableaf worn.\u00bb\n\n[92]\u2013\u2020 \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[93] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[94] \u00abor\u00bb Ar\n\n[95] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[96] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[97] \u00ablooks like\u00bb hound.\n\n[98] \u00abRead\u00bb \u2018wide\u2019\n\n[99] \u00absic.\u00bb? assaute.\n\n[100] \u00abMS.\u00bb M^l\n\n[101] \u00abThis line in a much later hand.\u00bb\n\n[102] \u00abRead\u00bb: were ordeyned\n\n[103] Estragote\n\n[104] \u00abRead\u00bb: reste\n\n[105] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[106] \u00abMS.\u00bb Oost \u00abcorrected to\u00bb Cost.\n\n[107] \u00abRead\u00bb: a ras.\n\n[108] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[109] \u00abRead\u00bb: We\n\n[110] \u00abMS.\u00bb Berumbras.\n\n[111] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[112] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018without faile.\u2019\n\n[113] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[114] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018a ras.\u2019\n\n[115] \u00abMS.\u00bb met.\n\n[116] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[117] \u00abMS. is rubbed, but it looks more like\u00bb welawai.\n\n[118] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018reliqes.\u2019\n\n[119] \u00abA modern hand has written in the margin\u00bb \u201cMount.\u201d\n\n[120] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[121] \u00abInsert\u00bb: \u2018gan.\u2019\n\n[122] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018sone.\u2019\n\n[123] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018lefe.\u2019\n\n[124] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018as thenketh.\u2019\n\n[125] \u00abBlank in MS. See the note.\u00bb\n\n[126] \u00abMS.\u00bb deistowe.\n\n[127] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018free.\u2019\n\n[128] \u00abMS.\u00bb ensuce.\n\n[129] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[130]\u2013\u2020 \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[131] \u00abProbably an error for\u00bb \u2018half.\u2019\n\n[132] \u00abIn the margin the Scribe adds\u00bb:\u2014\u2018The merci Ladi helpe.\u2019\n\n[133] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[134] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018soghten.\u2019\n\n[135]\u2013\u2020: \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[136] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018caughte.\u2019\n\n[137] As\u00abc\u00bbopartes.\n\n[138] \u00abMiswritten for\u00bb \u2018bounde\u00abn\u00bb.\u2019\n\n[139] \u2018was.\u2019\n\n[140] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018dirke.\u2019\n\n[141] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018mente.\u2019\n\n[142] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018trew.\u2019\n\n[143] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018harme & skathe.\u2019\n\n[144] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[145] \u00abSic in MS. Query\u00bb\u2014\u2018char\u00abg\u00bbe.\u2019\n\n[146] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018byleven.\u2019\n\n[147] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018reliqes.\u2019\n\n[148] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018I dyne.\u2019 \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[149] \u00abSic in MS. Read\u00bb: \u2018ye.\u2019\n\n[150]\u2013\u2020 \u00abThese two lines are written as one in the MS.\u00bb\n\n[151] MS. i^ouste.\n\n[152] \u00abMiswritten for\u00bb \u2018were\u2019?\n\n[153] \u00abMS.\u00bb strowde.\n\n[154] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018a-\u00abw\u00bbapide.\u2019\n\n[155] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018Assye.\u2019\n\n[156] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[157] \u00abThese two lines are written as one in the MS.\u00bb\n\n[158] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[159] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[160] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018lafte.\u2019\n\n[161] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[162] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[163] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[164] \u00abMS.\u00bb mete.\n\n[165]? I now.\n\n[166] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018went.\u2019\n\n[167]? Me.\n\n[168]? \u2018When.\u2019\n\n[169] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018wende.\u2019\n\n[170]? \u2018while.\u2019\n\n[171]? xj.\n\n[172] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[173] \u00abMS.\u00bb Gamylokes.\n\n[174] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018as armes.\u2019\n\n[175]-\u2020 \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[176] \u00abMS.\u00bb \u2018alaye.\u2019 \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[177] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018leve.\u2019\n\n[178] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018God.\u2019\n\n[179] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018gray.\u2019\n\n[180] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[181]? \u2018whether.\u2019\n\n[182] \u00abRead\u00bb \u2018over.\u2019\n\n[183] \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n[184] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018mete.\u2019\n\n[185] \u00abThese two lines are written as one in the MS.\u00bb\n\n[186] \u00abRead\u00bb: \u2018streng\u00abt\u00bbhe\u2019\n\n[187] \u00abA corner of the leaf torn off.\u00bb\n\n[p095]\n\n\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n\nPage 1, line 1. \u00abmyghteste\u00bb, evidently an error of the scribe for\n\u00abmyghtes\u00bb, cf. ll. 1635, 1312, 3068, 2546, 1200, 2059; and \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, l. 2719.\n\n \u201cNov help hem \u00fee he\u021d kyng of hevene,\n             \u00deat art of mi\u021dtes most.\u201d\n\n\u00abGod in glorie\u00bb occurs again in l. 3229; cf. the French expression\n\u00abDamedeu de glore\u00bb; \u00abFierabras\u00bb 2332.\n\np. 1, l. 2. \u00abmade\u00bb and \u00abwroght\u00bb in l. 5 are the 2nd person sing.\npreterite, which in all other instances in this poem ends in \u00ab-est\u00bb.\nBut perhaps we might suppose a change of person here, and regard \u00abmade\u00bb\nand \u00abwroght\u00bb as the third person. For examples of the change of person\nsee \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 2719, 4393, and \u00abGuy of Warwick\u00bb, ed. Zupitza,\nl. 2324.\n\np. 1, l. 7. \u00abshulde to love\u00bb; \u00abto\u00bb before an infinitive, governed by an\nauxiliary verb, is pretty common in Middle English works. See Zupitza\u2019s\nnote to Guy, 1925.\n\np. 1, l. 9. \u00ab\u021dyfe.\u00bb This is the only instance of \u00ab\u021d\u00bb being written in\nthe present poem at the beginning of a word. \u00ab\u021dife\u00bb is written \u00abif\u00bb in\nall other passages of the poem, cf. ll. 550, 651, 763, and 1061, etc.\nAs to the pronunciation of \u00ab\u021d\u00bb in the middle of a word, it is doubtful,\nwhether it had still preserved its ancient guttural sound, or not, as\nthe same words are written sometimes with it and sometimes without\nit, and are often made to rhyme with words in which \u00ab\u021d\u00bb or \u00abgh\u00bb would\nbe etymologically incorrect; e. g. \u00abnye\u00bb, which is spelt \u00abny\u021de\u00bb in l.\n2284, rhymes with \u00abGye\u00bb, in l. 2657. We even find \u00abwhi\u021dte\u00bb, in l. 2289,\ninstead of \u00abwhite\u00bb (l. 2008: \u00absmyte\u00bb). At the end of a word \u00ab\u021d\u00bb has the\nsound of \u00abs\u00bb.\n\np. 1, l. 13. \u00abidoone.\u00bb The prefix \u00abi-\u00bb, O.E. \u00abge-\u00bb, sometimes occurs in\nthis poem, but more frequently it is not written; see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb,\np. xxxviii.\n\np. 1, l. 14. cf. l. 2516.\u2014ll. 1\u201314 may be said to contain the moral\nof the whole poem, which we know the romance writers to be very fond\nof placing at the beginning of their works. \u201cLa moralit\u00e9 de tout un\npo\u00e8me,\u201d says L\u00e9on Gautier, in his \u00abEpop\u00e9es Fran\u00e7aises\u00bb, I. 233, \u201cest\nquelquefois exprim\u00e9e dans ses premiers vers.\u201d [p096]\n\np. 1, l. 16. \u00abmoch\u00bb = \u00abmuch\u00bb (as in l. 754) is the usual spelling in\nthis poem. We likewise find \u00abmeche\u00bb, l. 179, and \u00abmikille\u00bb, l. 1016.\n\np. 1, l. 19, \u00abhis\u00bb refers to \u00abRome\u00bb.\n\np. 1, l. 22. Laban, the father of Ferumbras, is styled \u00absowdan\u00bb only in\nthis poem, and once in the \u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb, l. 1436:\n\n \u201cLes noveles en vindrent al \u00absoldan\u00bb diffai\u00e9.\u201d\n\nThe French, the Proven\u00e7al and the English version of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb\nall agree to call him \u00abamyral\u00bb or \u00abamirans\u00bb.\n\np. 1, l. 24. The mention of King Louis and of the abbey of St. Denis\n(l. 27) seems to be an imitation of the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 7 \u00abet seq.\u00bb:\n\n \u201cLe chanchon est perdue et le rime fausee,\n  Mais . . li \u00abrois Louis\u00bb, dont l\u2019alme est trespassee\n  \u2014Ke li fache pardon la verge honoree\u2014\n  Par lui et par Gautier est l\u2019estoire aunee\n  Et le chanchon drescie, esprise et alumee\n  A \u00absaint Dynis\u00bb de France premierement trovee.\u201d\n\nSt. Denis also occurs in the beginning of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 4:\n\n \u201cA \u00abSaint Denis\u00bb en France fu li raules trouv\u00e9s.\u201d\n\nCf. besides note to l. 26. \u00abwitnessith\u00bb = attests, testifies; cf.\nStratmann, p. 645. It occurs again in l. 1489.\n\np. 2, l. 25. \u00abRomaunce\u00bb, the French or \u00abRomance\u00bb language. We often\nfind the authors of romances, both of translations and of imitations\nfrom the French, referring to the original; cf. \u00abSyr Eglamour of\nArtoys\u00bb, sign. E i:\n\n \u201cHis own mother there he wedde,\n  In Romaunce as we rede.\u201d\n\nAgain, fol. ult.:\n\n \u201cIn Romaunce this cronycle is.\u201d\n\n [Quoted by Warton, \u00abHistory of English Poetry\u00bb, II. 146, footnote.]\n\np. 2, l. 26. \u00abbokes of antiquyte\u00bb. This is to be regarded as one of\nthose frequent assertions of the authors of these poems, who in order\nto give more credit to their tales, thought it necessary to affirm\ntheir antiquity and celebrity in old times. Cf. Gautier, \u00abEpop. Fr.\u00bb,\nII. 87: \u201cIl fut de bon ton d\u2019annoncer, au commencement de chaque\npo\u00e8me, qu\u2019on avait trouv\u00e9 la mati\u00e8re de ce po\u00e8me dans quelque vieux\nmanuscrit latin, dans quelque vieille chronique d\u2019abbaye, surtout dans\nles manuscrits et dans les chroniques de Saint-Denis. On se donnait\npar l\u00e0 un beau vernis de v\u00e9racit\u00e9 historique. Plus les trouv\u00e8rent\najoutaient aux chansons primitives d\u2019affabulations ridicules, plus ils\ns\u2019\u00e9criaient: \u2018Nous avons trouv\u00e9 tout cela dans un vieux livre.\u2019\u201d\n\np. 2, l. 27. \u00abSeinte Denyse\u00bb is the genitive depending on \u00ababbey\u00bb.\n\np. 2, l. 28. \u00abthere as\u00bb = where, or where that. See Koch, \u00abEnglische\nGrammatik\u00bb, II. \u00a7 511.\n\np. 2, l. 29. \u00abLaban.\u00bb So the father of Ferumbras is called in the\n\u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb, where only in six passages (ll. 891, 899, 1116,\n1194, 1174, 981) we find the form \u00abBalan\u00bb, which is the only one used\nin the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, in the Proven\u00e7al version, and in the English\n[p097] \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb.\u2014\u00abof hie degre\u00bb; this kind of expletive occurs\nagain in l. 100: \u00abclerk of hie degre\u00bb; cf. also l. 168: \u00abking of hie\nhonour\u00bb.\n\np. 2, l. 31. \u00abCristiante\u00bb = the company of Christians, the countries\ninhabited by Christians, cf. ll. 235, 374. It signifies \u201cthe religion\ntaught by Christ\u201d in l. 3182. \u00abCristiante\u00bb and \u00abChristendom\u00bb are used\npromiscuously in Middle English writers.\n\np. 2, l. 33. \u00abAgremare\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthere\u00bb. The rhyme becomes perfect by reading\n\u00abAgremore\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthore\u00bb, which we find in l. 1805; cf. also l. 1003\n\u00abAgremore\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmore\u00bb (\u00abi. e.\u00bb negro), and ll. 672, 775, 2140, 2895.\n\np. 2, l. 34. \u00abFlagot.\u00bb See \u00abIndex of Names\u00bb, s. v. Flagot, and cf. note\nto l. 1723.\n\np. 2, l. 37. This line is too long, nevertheless it seems to be\ncorrect as it stands, clearly imitated from several passages of the\n\u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb.\n\n  l. 420. \u201cEnsamble ou li issirent xv roi corone. Et xiiii amaceours . .\u201d\n l. 1155. \u201cBien i ad xxx rois et xiiii amaceours.\u201d\n  l. 689. \u201cxxx roi sont ou li et xiiii amaceours.\u201d\n  l. 163. \u201cEt xiiii amaceours.\u201d\n\np. 2, l. 41. \u00abhit\u00bb instead of \u00abit\u00bb is found again in l. 2309; in all\nthe other instances \u00abit\u00bb is spelt as in modern English.\n\np. 2, l. 42. \u00abpryke\u00bb, to spur a horse, to excite, to spur or to\nstimulate. It is O.E. \u00abprician\u00bb, which occurs in \u00c6lfric\u2019s Grammar,\ned. Zupitza, p. 174 (\u00abpungo\u00bb = \u00abic pricige\u00bb). This and the following\nline are imitated from Chaucer; cf. C.T. Prologue, ll. 10, 11, and see\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xlvi. \u00abKynde\u00bb = naturalis, ingenuus; \u00abkynde wit\u00bb =\ncommon sense. \u00abKynde\u00bb is O.E. \u00abcynde\u00bb (Modern English \u00abkind\u00bb).\n\np. 2, l. 73. \u00abfrith\u00bb means \u201cforest,\u201d or more correctly \u201cenclosed wood.\u201d\nThe original sense of \u00abforest\u00bb is \u201cunenclosed wood\u201d (see Diez, \u00abEtymol.\nW\u00f6rterbuch\u00bb, I. 185). Stratmann, \u00abDict.\u00bb p. 228, \u00abs. v.\u00bb fri\u00f0, seems\nto be right in connecting \u00abfrith\u00bb with O.E. \u00abfri\u00f0\u00bb, \u00abfreo\u00f0o\u00bb = pax,\ntutela, saeptum. Morris, \u00abAllit. Poems\u00bb, Glossary, derives it from the\nGaelic \u00abfrith\u00bb. \u201c\u00abfrith\u00bb is still used in Provincial English, meaning\nunused pasture-land, brushwood\u201d (Halliwell).\n\np. 2, l. 45. \u00aby\u021de\u00bb (O.E. \u00eaagum)\u00a0: \u00abflye\u00bb (O.E. fl\u00eaogan). With regard to\nthe power of \u00ab\u021d\u00bb, see the note to l. 9, and cf. the spelling \u00abeyen\u00bb in\nll. 826, 1302, 2012.\n\np. 2, l. 46. \u00abtre\u00bb may be singular (O.E. \u00abtr\u00eaowe\u00bb) as well as plural\n(O.E. \u00abtr\u00eaowum\u00bb).\n\np. 2, l. 49. The following lines (49\u201353) correspond with ll. 94\u2013100 of\nthe \u00abDestruction\u00bb, which run as follows:\n\n \u201cLi admirals d\u2019Espaigne s\u2019est ales desporter\n  As puis sur Aigremore, avec li. M. Escler;\n  La fist ses ours salvages a ses hommes berser.\n  La veissies meint viautre, maint brachet descoupler,\n  Payens et Ascopars as espees jouer,\n  Coure par le marine et chacier maint sengler,\n  Maint ostour veisies et maint falcon voler.\u201d\n\n[p098]\n\np. 2, l. 50. \u00abshope\u00bb, literally \u201cshaped:\u201d \u00abhe shope him\u00bb, \u201che got\nhimself ready, he planned, devised, intended.\u201d The phrase is of\nfrequent occurrence in Chaucer.\n\np. 2, l. 52. \u00abbawson\u00bb, badger. For the use of badgers, see Skeat\u2019s note\nto \u00abSpecimens of English Literature\u00bb, p. 383.\n\np. 2, l. 56. \u00abAlaunts\u00bb, a kind of large dogs of great strength and\ncourage, used for hunting the wolf, the bear, the boar, &c. Cf.\n\n \u201cAboute his chare wente white alauntz\n  Twenty and mo, as grete as any stere,\n  To hunte at the lyoun or at the bere.\u201d\n                              \u00abChaucer\u00bb, ed. Morris, II. 66/1290.\n\nAccording to Diez (\u00abEtymol. W\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, I. 12, \u00abs. v.\u00bb \u201calano\u201d)\n\u00abalaunts\u00bb means \u201cAlbanian dogs.\u201d \u00abLymmeris\u00bb, \u201cblood-hounds.\u201d Halliwell\nquotes the following passage: \u201cA dogge engendred betwene an hounde\nand a mastyve, called a lymmer or a mongrell.\u201d \u00abLymmer\u00bb is the French\n\u00ablimier\u00bb, O.Fr. \u00abliemier\u00bb, which etymologically means a dog that a\ncourser leads by a lime, \u00abi. e.\u00bb a thong or leash. \u00abLime\u00bb is the same\nword as French \u00ablien\u00bb, a leash; Latin \u00abligamen\u00bb. \u00abLymmer\u00bb is preserved\nin Modern English \u00ablimer\u00bb, a \u201clime-hound.\u201d\n\np. 2, l. 56. \u00abRache\u00bb and \u00abbrache\u00bb are both retained in the modern\nspeech; \u00abrache\u00bb seems to be particularly used in Scotland. \u201c\u00abBrache\u00bb\nis said to signify originally a bitch hound\u2014the feminine of \u00abrache\u00bb,\na foot-scenting dog\u201d (Morris, \u00abGawayne\u00bb, Gloss. p. 89). \u00abRache\u00bb is,\naccording to Stratmann, O.Icel. \u00abrakki\u00bb; \u00abbrache\u00bb is O.Fr. \u00abbraque\u00bb,\nM.H.Ger. \u00abbraccho\u00bb. Cf. also Halliwell\u2019s Dict. \u00abs. v.\u00bb \u201cbrach.\u201d The\nFrench \u00abracaille\u00bb is etymologically connected with \u00abrache\u00bb; see Diez,\n\u00abEtym. W\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, II. 407.\n\np. 2, l. 57. \u00abcommaunde\u00bb for \u00abcommaunded\u00bb (l. 228), formed on the\nsame analogy as \u00abcomforte\u00bb (l. 2242) for \u00abcomforted\u00bb (ll. 312, 2117),\n\u00abali\u021dt\u00bb for \u00abalighted\u00bb; \u00abgerde\u00bb for \u00abgirded\u00bb; \u00abgraunte\u00bb (l. 607) for\n\u00abgraunted\u00bb, etc.\n\np. 2, l. 59. \u00abfere\u00bb, O.E. \u00abf[^\u00e6]ran\u00bb (Mod. Eng. \u00abfear\u00bb), is an active\nverb, meaning \u201cto frighten, to terrify.\u201d It is still found in this\nsense in Shakespeare.\u2014\u00ablaunde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcommaunde\u00bb. The very same rhyme\noccurs again in l. 3189, where \u00ablaunde\u00bb is spelt \u00ablande\u00bb. The rhyme\nneed not cause any difficulty, cf. Guy, p. xi. \u03ba. Or must \u00ablaunde\u00bb be\ntaken here for \u00ablande\u00bb = saltus? Cf. Morris, Gloss. to \u00abAllit. Poems\u00bb,\n\u00abs. v.\u00bb launde.\n\np. 3, l. 62. \u00abset\u00bb, means \u201cseat, sedes\u201d; O.Icel. \u00abset\u00bb, O.H.G. \u00absez\u00bb,\nM.H.G. \u00absitz\u00bb. This stanza as it stands seems to be incorrect, there\nbeing no rhyme to \u00absete\u00bb; possibly a line has been lost after l. 63.\n\np. 3, l. 67. The subject of the sentence is wanting. For more instances\nsee Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 10. It is to be observed that for the\nmost part the subject wanting is of the same person as the object of\nthe preceding sentence.\u2014\u00abhe was god and trew of divers langages\u00bb = \u201che\nwell knew, understood them perfectly.\u201d\n\np. 3, l. 68. \u00abdromonde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abpoundis\u00bb. Read \u00abdromounde\u00bb (which occurs l.\n125): \u00abpounde\u00bb (see l. 2336). [p099]\n\np. 3, l. 69. We find \u00abfro\u00bb and \u00abfrom\u00bb in this poem. Both belong to\nthe Midland dialect. \u00abFro\u00bb is confirmed by the rhyme \u00abfro\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abso\u00bb\n(l. 2760). It is derived from the Scandinavian \u00abfra\u00bb; Mod. Eng. has\nretained it in \u201cfroward,\u201d and in the phrase \u201cto and fro.\u201d The same word\nenters as a prefix into composition in O.E. compounds, as \u00abfr-ettan\u00bb,\netc. \u00abBabyloyne\u00bb, the author pronounced \u00abBabyloyne\u00bb as well as\n\u00abBabylone\u00bb (either rhyming, cf. ll. 30, 3260).\n\np. 3, l. 74. \u00abqweynte\u00bb, \u201cfamous, excellent,\u201d cf. Skeat, \u00abEtymol. Dict.\u00bb\np. 482, \u00abs. v.\u00bb quaint. \u00abfor the nones\u00bb, \u201cfor the nonce, for the\noccasion.\u201d Cf. Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 612; it is often used as a kind\nof expletive.\n\np. 3, l. 75. \u00abto presente you.\u00bb The \u00abDestruction de Rome\u00bb has: \u201cvous\nquidai presenter.\u201d\n\np. 3, l. 76. French: \u201cUns vens nous fist \u00e0 Rome parmi le far sigler.\u201d\n\u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 120.\n\np. 3, l. 77. Cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 115\u201316. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxiii.\n\np. 3, l. 78. About the rhyme \u00abRome\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abone\u00bb, see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p.\nxliii.\n\np. 3, l. 79. \u00abbygone\u00bb, \u201cafflicted, pressed hard;\u201d literally it means,\n\u201coverrun, covered.\u201d Cf. Shakespeare, \u00abJulius Caesar\u00bb:\n\n                     \u201cEven such a one,\n So pale, so spiritless, and woe-begone.\u201d\n\np. 3, l. 82. \u00abvilane\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abremedye\u00bb. Read \u00abvilanye\u00bb, as in l. 2577,\nwhere it rhymes with Gye, see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliv, and Ellis,\n\u00abPronunciation\u00bb, I. 271.\n\np. 3, l. 83. \u00abcolde\u00bb, used here and in l. 91 in nearly the same sense\nas in the expressions collected by Zupitza, in his note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 1149.\n\np. 3, l. 84. \u00abtithynge.\u00bb So with \u00abth\u00bb in ll. 1787, 714, 783; in ll.\n65, 91, 149, 324, etc., we read \u00abtidinge\u00bb. There are several instances\nwhere \u00abd\u00bb and \u00abth\u00bb in the middle of a word seem to be promiscuously\nused in this poem; as \u00abhithire\u00bb l. 1265, \u00abhider\u00bb 1869 (cf. also\n\u00abdogdir\u00bb 2580, and \u00abdoghter\u00bb 96, 124, etc.).\n\np. 3, l. 86. Mahounde, Appolyn and Termagant are the principal deities\n(cf. ll. 2105, 2177, 2761) of the Mahometans, who were considered\nas pagans = \u00abpayens\u00bb (ll. 535, 1040) or \u00abpaynym\u00bb (ll. 539, 866,\netc.). Other idols of the Saracens are mentioned in ll. 2761\u20132 of\nthe \u00abSowdone\u00bb. Compare also Gautier\u2019s note to l. 8, of his \u00abEdition\ncritique de la Chanson de Roland\u00bb, and Skeat, \u00abPrioress\u2019s Tale\u00bb\n(Clarendon P.S.), 161/2000.\n\np. 3, l. 88. \u00abtheyme\u00bb instead of \u00abhem\u00bb occurs only three times in the\npoem (ll. 88, 1237, 2787). There must be some corruption here, as there\nis no rhyme to \u00abtheym\u00bb. The last stanza ends at l. 87, and the next one\nbegins at l. 89. As far as the sense is concerned we could easily do\nwithout this line; it ought perhaps to be regarded as spurious.\n\np. 3, l. 93. \u00abFerumbras\u00bb is spelt differently in the different versions\nof the romance. In the \u00abSowdan\u00bb we always find \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, in the\nAshmole MS. \u00abFerumbras\u00bb and \u00abFyrumbras\u00bb. He is called \u00abFierabras\u00bb\nin the French [p100] \u00abFerabras\u00bb in the Proven\u00e7al version; the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb has \u00abFierabras\u00bb, but more frequently \u00abFierenbras\u00bb. In\nCaxton\u2019s \u00abLife of Charles the Great\u00bb his name is \u00abFyerabras\u00bb, Skelton\nhas \u00abPherumbras\u00bb, Lyndsay \u00abPharambras\u00bb, and in Barbour\u2019s \u00abBruce\u00bb we\nread \u00abFerambrace\u00bb; see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, pp. xxv and xxxii.\n\np. 4, l. 99. \u00abOliborn.\u00bb This name does not occur in any other version\nof this poem. The same is the case with regard to \u00abEspiard\u00bb, l. 103.\nNone of the French versions gives any name to the Soudan\u2019s messenger.\nIn the Ashmole MS. l. 3823, the messenger is called \u00abMalyngryas\u00bb.\n\np. 4, l. 102. \u00abAssye\u00bb = Asia. This name does not occur in the other\nversions of the poem; cf. note to l. 1000.\n\np. 4, l. 103. Cf. the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 202:\n\n \u201cPar tote la terre sont li baron mande\u201d\n\n\u00abferre and nere\u00bb, cf. ll. 117, 996, and the note to l. 528 of \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb.\n\np. 4, l. 104. \u00abfrike\u00bb, \u201cquick, bold,\u201d O.E. \u00abfrec\u00bb. See Stratmann,\n\u00abDictionary\u00bb, p. 225.\n\np. 4, l. 108. \u00ab\u00deon.\u00bb Compare \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxvii.\n\np. 4, l. 109. The passage is not clear. Perhaps there is some\ncorruption here and we ought to read: \u00abanon rowte\u00bb, \u201cassembled quickly,\nimmediately\u201d; \u00abrowte\u00bb would then be the preterite formed on the analogy\nof \u00ablighte\u00bb, \u00abgraunte\u00bb, \u00abcommaunde\u00bb, etc. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p.\nxxxviii.\n\np. 4, l. 110. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 217:\n\n \u201cPar C fois M payen.\u201d\n\np. 4, l. 112. \u00abdou\u021dte\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abroute\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliv, and note\nto l. 9.\n\np. 4, l. 113. \u00abLucafer\u00bb is the name of the Saracen King in all the\nversions of this romance but in the French one, where with the single\nexception of one passage (l. 2242 \u00abLucafer\u00bb), he is always called\n\u00abLucifer\u00bb, cf. \u00abIntrod.\u00bb p. xx.\n\np. 4, l. 114. \u00ablorde and governoure.\u00bb This repetition of the same idea\nby two synonymous words, the one of English and the other of French\norigin, is very common in M.E. writers. Thus we read in this poem, l.\n2164 \u00ablorde and sire\u00bb, l. 225 \u00abserchid and sought\u00bb, ll. 3199, 1936\n\u00abjoye and game\u00bb, l. 742 \u00abwel and fine\u00bb.\n\np. 4, l. 118. A \u00abcarrik\u00bb was a kind of large ship, called \u00abcaraca\u00bb in\nItalian, \u00abcarraca\u00bb in Spanish and Portuguese, \u00abcarraque\u00bb in French,\n\u00abkraecke\u00bb in Dutch. The etymology is not clear. See Diez, \u00abEtymol.\nW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, I. 112. Halliwell has \u2018\u00abcarrack\u00bb, a Spanish galleon.\nSometimes English vessels of great value and size were so called.\u2019\n\np. 4, l. 119. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 385:\n\n \u201cPar vii fois sont C mil, si l\u2019estoire ne ment.\u201d\n\np. 4, l. 124. \u00abhis faire daughter Floripas.\u00bb Floripas is described as\nfollows in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 252\u2013262:\n\n \u201cAitant es vous la bele ou il n\u2019out qu\u2019enseignier\n  Vestue d\u2019un diapre, onke ne vi tant chier,                      [p101]\n  Ses crins sur ses epaules plus lusoient d\u2019or mier,\n  Sa char out bele et blanke plus que noifs en fevrier,\n  Les oes avoit plus noirs que falcon montenier,\n  Et le colour vermaile con rose de rosier,\n  La bouche bien seant et douce pour baisier,\n  Et les levres vermailes come flour de peskier;\n  Les mameles out dures com pomme de pomnier,\n  Plus sont blanches que noifs que chiet apres fevrier;\n  Nuls hom ne porroit ja sa grant bealte preisier.\u201d\n\nCompare also the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 2007, \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\np. 4, l. 128. This line is clearly imitated from the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll.\n331\u20132:\n\n \u201cEn sa main .i. baston que contremont bailie,\n  Et manace Fran\u00e7ois pour faire les loye.\u201d\n\nCf. \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxiii.\n\np. 5, l. 131. \u00abbreddes\u00bb, \u201cbirds\u201d; \u00abl\u00bb and \u00abr\u00bb very often change their\nplace in a word. Thus we find \u00abworlde\u00bb and \u00abwrolde\u00bb, \u00abcrafti\u00bb and\n\u00abcarfti\u00bb, etc.\n\np. 5, l. 132. \u00absowdon\u00bb and \u00absowdan\u00bb are used promiscuously in the\nrhymes.\n\np. 5, l. 146. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 445\u20136:\n\n \u201cN\u2019i remeigne chastels, dongeons ne fermete\n  Moustiers ne abbeie que ne soit embrase.\u201d\n\np. 5, l. 150. Compare the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 503\u20134:\n\n \u201cL\u2019apostoile de Rome ad la novele oie\n  Ke payen sont venu els plains de Romanie.\u201d\n\np. 5, l. 157. \u00abunknowne\u00bb makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read\n\u00abyknowne\u00bb or \u00abnot unknowne\u00bb. In the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 509\u2013513\u2014\n\n \u201cSeignours, ke le feromes, franke gent segnorie?\n  Li admirals d\u2019Espaigne a no terre seisie;\n  Il en ont ja gastee une moult grant partie:\n  Au bref terme serra ceste terre exillie;\n  Qui bon consail saura vienge avant si nous die.\u201d\n\np. 5, l. 160. \u00abunneth\u00bb, O.E. \u00abun\u00eaa\u00f0e\u00bb, \u201cuneasily, scarcely.\u201d Chaucer\nhas \u00abunneth\u00eb\u00bb, the final \u00abe\u00bb being almost always sounded. See\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxix.\n\np. 5, l. 163. \u00abgydoure\u00bb evidently means \u201cguide, conductor, commander.\u201d\n\np. 5, l. 164. \u00abhoune\u00bb = hounde. On the elition of final \u00abd\u00bb, see Skeat,\n\u00abSpecimens of Early English\u00bb, 320/261, and \u00abPreface to Havelok\u00bb, p.\nxxxvii.\n\np. 5, l. 165. \u00abIfre\u021d.\u00bb There is no person of this name in any other\nversion. Perhaps this Ifres may be identical with Jeffroi, mentioned as\na senator of Rome in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb (ll. 1122, 1139, 1367).\n\np. 6, l. 170. About the phrase \u201cdouce France\u201d compare L\u00e9on Gautier\u2019s\nnote to l. 15 of his \u00abEdition critique de la Chanson de Roland\u00bb.\n\np. 6, l. 171. \u00abSavaris.\u00bb The author has found this name in the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 540.\n\np. 6, l. 173. \u00abKinge\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abthinge\u00bb. In my dissertation on the language\nand the sources of the Sowdan of Babylon, p. 4, bottom, I have shown\n[p102] that \u00abi\u00bb or \u00aby\u00bb, which corresponds to O.E. \u00aby\u00bb, the \u00abumlaut\u00bb\nof \u00abu\u00bb, rhymed with original \u00abi\u00bb in this poem, which proves that the\nauthor wrote in the East Midland dialect. But among the examples\ncollected there (p. 5), I ought not to have cited \u00abkinge\u00bb, because this\nword is not peculiar to the East Midland speech, but occurs with the\nsame form in all dialects. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxv.\n\np. 6, ll. 175\u20136 are imitated from the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 546\u20137. See\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxiii.\n\np. 6, l. 176. \u00abner\u00bb, the common form for \u00abnor\u00bb (267, 1633) in this\npoem. \u201c\u00abPolaynes\u00bb are knee-pieces in a suit of armour. This term for\ngenouilleres is found in the household book of Edward I.\u201d (Morris,\n\u00abGlossary on Sir Gawayne\u00bb, \u00abs. v.\u00bb polaynes).\n\np. 6, l. 181. \u00abtyte\u00bb, \u201csoon, quick.\u201d The editor of the Roxburghe Club\nedition of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb curiously confounds \u00abtyte\u00bb with \u00abtightly\u00bb =\n\u201cadroitly,\u201d occurring in Shakespeare, \u00abMerry Wives\u00bb, I. 3. \u00abTyte\u00bb is\nderived from O.Icel. \u00abt\u00ee\u00f0r\u00bb, \u201ccreber,\u201d the neuter of which \u00abt\u00eett\u00bb, used\nadverbially means \u201ccrebro, celeriter.\u201d See Stratmann, p. 561, \u00abs. v.\u00bb\n\u00abt\u00eed\u00bb.\n\np. 6, l. 189. \u00abChek\u00bb = \u201ccotton, linen or woollen cloths, woven or\nprinted in checkers.\u201d (Latham, \u00abDictionary\u00bb, 1876.)\n\np. 6, l. 191. A line seems to be wanting here. There is no rhyme to\n\u00abdisplayed\u00bb.\n\np, 6, l. 201. \u00abrandon\u00bb, \u201crapidity, force.\u201d About the etymology see\nDiez, \u00abEtym. W\u00f6rterbuch\u00bb, I. 342, and Skeat, \u00abEtym. Dict.\u00bb\n\np. 7, l. 202. \u00abthan\u00bb seems to be an error for \u00abthay\u00bb.\n\np. 7, l. 214. \u00abSarysyns.\u00bb There are several spellings of the name of\nthis people in the poem: \u00abSarsyns\u00bb, \u00abSarsenys\u00bb, \u00abSarisyns\u00bb, \u00abSarasyns\u00bb.\n\np. 7, l. 222. \u00abthat day\u00bb occurs again in l. 223. The author probably\nonly wrote it once; the repetition is most likely due to the scribe.\n\np. 7, l. 224. The following lines are imitated from the \u00abDestruction\u00bb,\nll. 613\u2013619; see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxiii.\n\np. 7, l. 228. The French text (\u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 624) has:\n\n \u201cMaintenant soient tot occis et descoupe.\n  Ne voil que mi serjant en soient encombre.\u201d\n\np. 8, l. 247. The original meaning of \u00abbrayde\u00bb is \u201cstart, blow,\u201d but\nthis makes no sense here, nor can it mean \u201ca boast,\u201d as the editor of\nthe Roxburghe Club edition explains it. But Mid. Eng. \u00abbrayde\u00bb, as\nwell as O.E. \u00abbr\u00e6gd\u00bb or \u00abbregd\u00bb, often signifies \u201cdeceit, craft, a\ncunning trick, a fraudulous contrivance, a stratagem or artifice.\u201d See\nM\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb and Halliwell\u2019s \u00abDict.\u00bb This, I think, is also the\nmeaning of \u00abbrayde\u00bb in l. 247. Floripas has been engaged to Lukafer who\nhad promised the Soudan, her father, to bring the emperor Charlemagne\nand all his twelve peers to the foot of his throne, in return for\nthe hand of his daughter. Floripas, not at all enamoured of the king\nof Baldas, but obeying the will of her father, said she would only\nagree to [p103] accept him when he had fulfilled these conditions.\nBut she does not believe that Laban thinks of ever fulfilling them,\nshe is persuaded that those words, those promises made by Laban, are\nonly a \u00abbrayde\u00bb, i. e. a stratagem or artifice devised by him in the\nhope of winning her hand before the performance of his promise. This\nsignification of \u00abbraide\u00bb has been retained in the Mod. Eng. adjective\n\u00abbraid\u00bb, \u201ccrafty, deceitful.\u201d\n\np. 8, l. 257. The \u00abEthiopes\u00bb, \u201cEthiopians,\u201d are not mentioned in the\nother versions of this romance. On the rhyme \u00abAufricanes\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abstones\u00bb\ncf. \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxv.\n\np. 9, l. 278. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 908:\n\n \u201cSortibrans a mande Mabon l\u2019engineor.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 283. \u00abdepe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abtyde\u00bb. The rhyme becomes perfect if we read\n\u00abwide\u00bb instead of \u00abdepe\u00bb.\n\np. 9, l. 286. French text gives, l. 934:\n\n \u201cSi emplirons les foss\u00e9s.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 289. Cf. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 627. \u201cMahon te benoie,\u201d and l. 925,\n\u201cMahon te doint honour.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 293. \u00abMen myght go even to the walle\u00bb, compare the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 918:\n\n \u201cK\u2019om poet aler al mure.\u201d\n\nand l. 958:\n\n \u201cK\u2019om pooit bien au mur et venir et aler.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 295. \u00abassaile\u00bb, evidently a mistake. Read \u00abassaute\u00bb, as in l.\n2205.\n\np. 9, l. 298. \u00abshour\u00bb, \u201cfight, attack.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb,\nl. 9206. \u00absharpe shoures\u00bb, as in the \u00abDestruction of Troy\u00bb, l. 5804,\n\u201csharp was the shoure.\u201d Cf. also l. 950 of this poem, \u201cbataile was\nsharpe.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 300. \u00abstones thai bare\u00bb, etc. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 967:\n\n \u201cCes dedens ou grans pieres firent grant lapide.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 303. French text gives (l. 975):\n\n \u201cMaintes pieres del mur ont contreval rue.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 306. In the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 977:\n\n \u201cL\u2019asalt dureit cel jour jusque a la nutee.\u201d\n\np. 9, l. 307. French: \u201cPayen se sont retrait.\u201d \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 979.\n\np. 10, l. 311. For \u00abtyde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abchidde\u00bb see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliii.\n\np. 10, l. 312.\n\n \u201cLucafer li traitre traison ad pense,\n  Qu\u2019il se contrefera les armes del cite;\n  Et tote si pense sont a Labam demonstre.\n  \u2018Sire admirail d\u2019Espaigne,\u2019 ceo dist li diffaies,\n  \u2018La cite est moult fors, et Fran\u00e7ois sont doute;\n  Ils defendront le mur, ja mais n\u2019iert entre,\n  Que par une voidie que jeo ai porpense.\n  Il ad dedens un conte de mult grant crualte,\n  Savaris ad a non, est de grant parente;\n  Chescon jour il s\u2019en ist, s\u2019est oue nous melle,\n  De la gent dieffae, mainte teste a coupe.\u201d\u2014\u00abDestr.\u00bb, ll. 986\u201396.\n\n[p104]\n\np. 10, l. 317. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 997.\n\n \u201cJ\u2019ai bien conu ses armes et les ai avise.\u201d\n\np. 10, l. 331. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 1011:\n\n \u201cTantost le mestre porte aurons moult bien ferme.\u201d\n\np. 10, l. 332. \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 1057:\n\n \u201cMais tot le premier bail ont Sarrasin poeple.\u201d\n\np. 10, l. 336. \u00abdiscumfiture\u00bb, \u201cdefeat.\u201d See below, note to l. 1320.\n\np. 10, l. 339. \u00abryme\u00bb, \u201cto speak loudly, to cry.\u201d O.E. \u00abhr\u00eaman\u00bb or\n\u00abhr\u0177man\u00bb. See Stratmann, p. 322.\n\np. 10, l. 340. French text (l. 1063):\n\n \u201cDe V. M. ne remendrent que iiiC sans fausser.\u201d\n\nSee note to l. 67.\n\np. 10, l. 341. \u00abtwelfe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abselve\u00bb; \u00abf\u00bb and \u00abv\u00bb very often stand for one\nanother, see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb on p. xliii.\n\np. 10, l. 344. \u00abshite\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmette\u00bb. See Ellis, \u00abPronunc.\u00bb, I. 272, and\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, on p. xliv. Cf. also ll. 2054, 2963, 2960. \u00abby than\u00bb =\nthen; see M\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb p. 217(2).\n\np. 11, l. 346. \u00abEstragot\u00bb or \u00abAstragot\u00bb. This name is not to be found\nin the other versions, it only occurs in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb and in the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb; cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1090\u20134:\n\n \u201cEstragot le poursuit uns geans diffaies\n\n  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .\n\n  Teste avoit com senglers, si fu rois corones.\n  El main tient .i. mace de fin ascier trempe,\n  Un coup a Savaris desur le chef done.\u201d\n\np. 11, l. 360. French text reads:\n\n \u201cEt la novele en ont l\u2019apostoile cont\u00e9.\u201d\u2014\u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1101.\n\np. 11, l. 363. \u00abconsaile\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abslayne\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliii.\n\np. 11, l. 364. See above, l. 78.\n\np. 11, l. 368. \u00aberille\u00bb is not derived from the Erse, as the editor of\nthe Roxburghe Club edition supposes. It is simply another spelling for\n\u00aberle\u00bb, which occurs in l. 1986. O.E. \u00abeorl\u00bb, Mod. Eng. \u00abearl\u00bb.\n\np. 11, l. 369. There must be a gap of some lines here; between this\nand the following line a space has been left of about the width of one\nline; l. 370 is written in a much later hand.\n\np. 11, l. 376. \u00ablettres\u00bb translates the French \u201cli brief\u201d (\u00abDestr.\u00bb l.\n1121), \u00abin haste\u00bb = French \u201cisnelement\u201d (\u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1119).\n\np. 11, l. 377. \u00abwe ordeyne\u00bb makes no sense. Read \u00abwere ordeyned\u00bb, as in\nl. 2396. Cf. the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 1133:\n\n \u201cTot troi sont coiement de la cite hast\u00e9s.\u201d\n\np. 12, l. 379. \u00abat a posterne.\u00bb On the posterns compare Skeat, \u00abSpec.\nof Eng. Literature\u00bb, 359, 165.\n\np. 12, l. 380. \u00ababoute mydnyghte.\u00bb French: \u201cTote la nuit alerent ou la\nlune clart\u00e9.\u201d \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1136. [p105]\n\np. 12, l. 394. \u00abhonde of honde\u00bb, \u201chand to hand.\u201d\u2014In the Glossary of the\nRoxburghe Club ed. we read: \u201cCast. Wherewithal to throw.\u201d This is the\nsense of \u00abcast\u00bb in l. 2471; but it occurs with two other meanings. In\nl. 394 \u00abcast\u00bb signifies \u201cdevice, plot, intention,\u201d as often elsewhere.\nIn ll. 460, 2091, 2099, 2467, 2603, 2792, it means \u201cthe act of\nthrowing, the throw.\u201d\n\np. 12, l. 400. \u00abhevy\u00bb, \u201cafflicted, sorrowful.\u201d So in ll. 3037, 3224.\n\np. 13, l. 427. \u00abEstagote\u00bb, miswritten for \u00abEstragote\u00bb, cf. ll. 346,\n352, and \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1090. \u00abbrake on three\u00bb, cf. ll. 2234, 1388, 1269.\n\np. 13, l. 441. \u00abSarsyns\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abRomaynes\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliv.\n\np. 14, l. 464. \u00aboost\u00bb does not rhyme with \u00abbeste\u00bb. Both the sense and\nthe rhyme will be improved if we read \u00abrest\u00bb for \u00aboost\u00bb.\n\np. 14, l. 473. As it stands, the line makes no sense. \u00abThis\u00bb is written\nindistinctly in the MS., so that we may read either \u00abthis\u00bb or \u00abthus\u00bb;\nthe sense requires the latter, which I think is the true reading. Or\nelse we may keep \u00abthis\u00bb and write \u00abidone\u00bb instead of \u00abit done\u00bb.\n\np. 15, l. 488. \u00abaras.\u00bb Read \u00aba ras\u00bb, and see note to l. 1349.\n\np. 15, l. 491. \u00aband armes\u00bb makes no sense, as we are hardly entitled to\ntake \u00abarmes\u00bb for the 2nd person plural imperative; which in this poem\nalways ends in \u00ab-eth\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxvii. I think we must\nchange \u00aband\u00bb into \u00abas\u00bb. For the explanation of the phrase \u201cas armes,\u201d\nsee note on l. 2660.\n\np. 15, l. 495. The \u00abAscopars\u00bb or \u00abAscopartes\u00bb are mentioned in the\n\u00abDestruction\u00bb as the subjects of the Soudan. The name of this people is\nnot to be found in any other version. \u00abAstopars\u00bb is merely a clerical\nerror for \u00abAscopars\u00bb, which may be easily accounted for by remembering\nthat in the MSS. the characters \u00abc\u00bb and \u00abt\u00bb are very often formed\nalmost alike. The true spelling \u00abAscopars\u00bb is found in ll. 2196, 2648;\ncf. also the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 98, 426. Nothing is known of the origin\nand the home of the Ascoparts. That they must have been men of great\nbodily strength follows from l. 496, \u201cfor ye be men of mighte,\u201d and l.\n2645, \u201cthat bene boolde and hardy to fighte.\u201d Compare also what is said\nabout them by Donne, in his first satire:\n\n \u201cThose Askaparts, men big enough to throw\n  Charing-cross for a bar.\u201d\n\nIt is worthy while to note that a giant, called Askapard, occurs in\nthe romance of Sir Bevis of Hamptoun. See Ellis, \u00abMetr. Romances\u00bb, ed.\nHalliwell, p. 263.\n\np. 15, l. 500. \u00abHo\u00bb is evidently a mistake for \u00abwe\u00bb. \u00abrere-warde\u00bb,\n\u201crear-guard;\u201d the van is called \u00abfowarde\u00bb, ll. 502, 732, the main body\n\u00abthe medyl partye\u00bb, l. 735.\n\np. 15, l. 504. \u00abthan\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgon\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxv.\n\np. 15, l. 510. \u00aboon\u00bb makes no sense. I suspect the reading of this\nand the following stanza is quite corrupt. If ll. 510 and 511 should\nbelong to different stanzas, the \u00abenjambement\u00bb, or continuation of the\n[p106] sense from one stanza to another, would be unusually strong.\nI am therefore inclined to think that originally a stanza began at l.\n510, and that there is a line wanting after l. 509, which contained\nthe rhyme to \u00abbon\u00bb (l. 508). The scribe noticing the absence of rhyme\ntried to restore it himself. Adding \u00aboon\u00bb to l. 510, he made it rhyme\nwith \u00abbon\u00bb (l. 508). Having thus destroyed the rhyme of ll. 510 and 512\n(\u00abAlisaundre\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abCassaundre\u00bb, as in l. 984), he added \u00abgaye\u00bb to l. 512,\nwhich now rhymed to l. 514, where he still added \u00abto fraye\u00bb. In order\nto get a rhyme to l. 518, he changed in l. 516 the original \u00ablaye\u00bb\n(: \u00abRomayne\u00bb) into \u00ablan\u00bb (\u201che ceased, stopped\u201d), and wrote \u201c\u00abto\u00bb\u201d\n\u00abthe grounde\u00bb instead of \u201c\u00abon\u00bb\u201d (cf. l. 1186) or \u201c\u00abat\u00bb\u201d (cf. ll. 533,\n435) \u00abthe grounde\u00bb, connecting thus these words with l. 515, whereas\noriginally they belonged to \u00abthere he laye\u00bb, or\u2014as \u00abthere\u00bb also may\nhave been added by the scribe\u2014to \u00abhe laye\u00bb. If now we read \u00abwith mayne\u00bb\ninstead of \u00abful evene\u00bb, in l. 521, we get a perfect rhyme to l. 519; l.\n520 having lost its rhyming line, he made it rhyme, by adding \u00abthan\u00bb to\nl. 522, which originally rhymed to l. 524. Now to get a rhyme to l. 524\nhe composed and inserted himself l. 526. Therefore I think the original\nreading of these two stanzas ran as follows:\n\n Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre                  510\n   That bolde man was in dede,\n Uppon a steede Cassaundre\n   He roode in riche weede.\n Sir Bryer of Poyle a Romayne                 514\n   He bare through with a spere;\n Dede on the ground [there] he laye,\n   Might he no more hem dere.\n That saw Huberte, a worthy man,              518\n   Howe Briere was islayne,\n Ferumbras to quite than\n   To him he rode with mayne.\n With a spere uppone his shelde               522\n   Stiffly gan he strike;\n The shelde he brake imiddis the feelde,\n   His hawberke wolde not breke.\n Ferumbras was agreved tho, &c.               526\n\nOn the rhyme \u00abRomayne\u00bb\u00a0: \u00ablaye\u00bb (l. 514) cf. ll. 536, 890.\n\np. 15, l. 514. \u00abBryer of Poyle\u00bb does not occur in any of the other\nversions.\n\np. 15, l. 516. \u00ablan\u00bb, preterite of \u00ablin\u00bb, \u201cto cease;\u201d more common in\nthe compound \u00abblin\u00bb, contracted from * \u00abbe-lin\u00bb.\n\np. 15, l. 517. \u00abmight he no more hem dere.\u00bb On the order of words, cf.\nll. 2954, 649, 2435.\n\np. 16, l. 520. \u00abqwite\u00bb, \u201cto requite, reward, retaliate, pay off.\u201d See\nbelow note to l. 780.\n\np. 16, l. 531. On \u00abstronge\u00bb (O.E. strang)\u00a0: \u00abistonge\u00bb (O.E. gestungen),\nsee \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxv.\n\np. 16, l. 532. \u00abastraye\u00bb, \u201cout of the right way or proper place,\nrunning [p107] about without guidance.\u201d O.French \u00abestraier\u00bb, which is\nderived from Latin \u00abex strada\u00bb, see Diez, \u00abEtym. W\u00f6rterb.\u00bb I. 402; II.\n296.\n\np. 16, l. 541. \u00abwerre\u00bb, \u201cwar,\u201d seems to owe its origin to the French\n\u00abguerre\u00bb, as it is not found in O.E. It appears for the first time\nin the \u00abSaxon Chronicle\u00bb,\u2014\u00abhe coude\u00bb, \u201che knew, had endured.\u201d See\nM\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abGrammatik\u00bb, II. 262.\n\np. 17, l. 555. It is evident that \u00aball ane\u00bb must be a corruption.\nPerhaps the conjecture of the editor of the Roxb. Club edition,\nsupposing \u00aball rafe\u00bb to be the true reading, may be right. But he is\ncertainly wrong to identify this \u00abrafe\u00bb with the \u00abrafe\u00bb in l. 866,\nwhich, being the infinitive mood of a verb, cannot be taken for an\nadjective or adverb, which the sense seems to require in l. 555.\nHalliwell, \u00abs. v.\u00bb Raff, gives: \u201cin raff = speedily.\u201d There is a Danish\nadjective, \u00abrap\u00bb, \u201cbrisk, quick.\u201d Cf. Skeat, \u00abEtym. Dict.\u00bb s. v.\n\u00abraffle\u00bb and \u00abrap\u00bb.\n\np. 17, l. 570. \u00abcertaine\u00bb spoils the rhyme. The rhyme becomes perfect\nif we read \u00abwithout faile\u00bb, as in l. 322.\n\np. 17, l. 573. \u00abaplight\u00bb, \u201con plight, on my word.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note\nto \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 8541. It is often used as an expletive.\n\np. 17, l. 580. \u00abwho the sowdan\u00bb, etc. = who is the Sowdan. The verb of\nthe sentence is wanting; cf. note to l. 2156.\n\np. 17, l. 587. French text gives:\n\n \u201cEt Guion de Bourgoyne ad a lui appel\u00e9\n  Fils est de sa soror et de sa parent\u00e9\n  Cosins, vous en irr\u00e9s. . .\u201d\n                               \u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 1179, \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\np. 18, l. 613. \u00abhight\u00bb = (1) \u201cwas called,\u201d (2) \u201cpromised,\u201d (3) \u201ccalled\u201d\n(partic. past). It is the preterite tense of \u00abhaten\u00bb, \u00abhoten\u00bb, or \u00abhat\u00bb\n(l. 3154). Cf. Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 169.\n\np. 18, l. 614. \u00abthan\u00bb seems to be a corruption, and I think must be\nleft out. \u00abFlorip\u00bb is the genitive of \u00abFlorip\u00bb, which occurs as a\nnominative in ll. 2075, 1527. There is another nominative \u00abFloripas\u00bb\nwhich forms the genitive \u00abFloripas\u00bb, ll. 1659, 2350.\n\np. 19, l. 625. \u00abIsres\u00bb, the name of the \u201cchief porter of the town,\u201d who\nbetrayed the city, only occurs in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb; in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb\nthe same treachery is committed by \u00abTabour\u00bb, \u00abD.\u00bb 1203.\n\n \u201cUns traitre del cit que del porte out les cles.\u201d\n\np. 19, l. 636. \u00abbandon\u00bb, literally \u201cproclamation,\u201d means \u201cpower,\ndisposal.\u201d See Skeat, \u00abEtym. Dict.\u00bb s. v. \u00ababandon\u00bb.\n\np. 19, l. 647. French:\n\n \u201cLe chief al portier trenche,\u201d \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1236.\n\np. 19, l. 648. In the \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1244\u20135:\n\n \u201cDieux\u201d fist il \u201cte maldie, et que t\u2019ont engendre,\n  Kar traitour au darain averont mal dehe.\u201d\n\np. 19, l. 650. \u00abmet\u00bb, a mistake for \u00abmot\u00bb, which we find in ll. 1582,\n2334, 3170. [p108]\n\np. 20, l. 663. Cf. the \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 1260:\n\n \u201cAl moustier de saint Piere est Fierenbras al\u00e9s.\u201d\n\np. 20, l. 665. \u00abthe crosse, the crown, the nailes bente.\u00bb The relics\nmentioned in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb are the crown of thorns, the cross, the\nnails, and the \u201csigne,\u201d which, as I have shown in my \u00abDissertation\u00bb\n(pp. 45, 46), does not mean \u201cinscription of the cross,\u201d but is the\nGreek \u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd, and signifies \u201cthe shroud, or winding-sheet, of the Lord,\nsuaire, sudatorium.\u201d In the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, as well as in \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, no mention is made of the cross.\n\np. 20, l. 673. \u00abthare\u00bb instead of \u00abthere\u00bb would improve the rhyme. See\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxv.\n\np. 20, l. 678. \u00abfade\u00bb, O.E. fadian, \u201cdispose, suit.\u201d \u00abStratmann\u00bb, p.\n187.\n\np. 20, l. 679. \u00abfrankencense\u00bb = \u201cpure incense.\u201d Compare Skeat, \u00abEtym.\nDict.\u00bb\n\np. 20, l. 686. \u00abroial\u00bb, \u201cexcellent.\u201d Cf. \u201croial spicerye,\u201d \u00abChaucer\u00bb,\ned. Morris, III. 135/142.\n\np. 21, l. 699. \u00abAlle on a flame that cite was\u00bb; cf. the French:\n\n \u201cKant il vindrent a Rome si virent luy porte oueree\n  La flambe en la cite moult granment alumee.\n  Pour grant chalour qu\u2019i fu n\u2019i povoient entrer.\u201d\n                                               (\u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 1378\u201380.)\n\np. 21, l. 723. The \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 1384\u20131408, has:\n\n \u201cSi dirrai de Charlon, le fort roi corone.\n  De par totes ses terres avoit ses gens mande,\n  N\u2019i remest dus ne quiens ne baron el regne,\n  Qu\u2019il assemble ne soient a Paris la cite.\n  Quant il i furent tous venu et ajouste,\n  L\u2019emperere de France en halt en ad parle:\n  \u2018Seignours, or escoutes, si vous dirrai verte,\n  Li admirails d\u2019Espaigne a no pais gaste\n  Et oue lui CM sarrazin diffaie.\n  Il ont ensegie Rome, m\u2019admirable cite,\n  Tot le pais entour ont il pour voir robbe;\n  Si jeo ne les soccour tot l\u2019auront il gaste.\u2019\n  \u2018Sire,\u2019 firent li princes, \u2018a vostre volonte:\n  Nous ne vous failliromes tant que poons durer.\u2019\n  Adonc en ad li rois grant joie demene.\n  Quant si gent furent prest a complir son pense,\n  Adonc s\u2019en est li rois eralment aprestes\n  Et si firent li contes de France le regne.\n  Quant sont appareillie si sont enchemine:\n  iii C mil chevaliers ad li rois el barne\n  Oliviers porte sa baneer que ben leu ad guie,\n  Rollans fu en arriere, li vassals adures.\n  De soccoure Guion s\u2019en est li rois hastes.\n  Tant ont il nuit et jor chivalche et erre.\n  Qu\u2019il sont en Romenie, n\u2019i ont reine tire.\u201d\n\np. 22, l. 744. \u00abHe knewe the baner of France.\u00bb The French text has:\n[p109]\n\n \u201cGuis parceut le baniere le roi de saint Dine,\n  Encontre lui chevalche, la novele ont conte,\n  Come la forte cite li payen ont gaste:\n  La corone et les clous d\u2019iloec en sont robbe\n  Et les altres reliques. . .\u201d\n\np. 23, l. 766. \u00abfor\u00bb, \u201cnotwithstanding, in spite of.\u201d So also in l.\n2904.\n\np. 23, l. 771. \u00abDestr.\u00bb, l. 1425:\n\n \u201cLi vens en fiert es voiles que les a ben guies.\u201d\n\np. 23, l. 776. \u00abfor south\u00bb, \u201cforsooth,\u201d cf. ll. 2014, 897, 2024, 1025,\n2246.\n\np. 23, l. 778. French: \u201cil sont en terre entre.\u201d\n\np. 23, l. 779. \u00abfonde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgrounde\u00bb. \u00abfonde\u00bb is spelt \u00abfounde\u00bb in ll.\n1857, 3020, 344, 2353, 2363.\n\np. 23, l. 780. \u00abstroyeth\u00bb = \u201cdestroyeth.\u201d \u201cCompounds of Romance origin,\nthe first part of which is a preposition, or words derived from such,\noften mutilate, or even entirely drop the preposition\u201d (Zupitza\u2019s note\nto \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 576). Thus we have \u00absail\u00bb, l. 385, = \u201cassail;\u201d \u00ablongeth\u00bb,\nl. 3254, = \u201cbelongeth;\u201d \u00abskomfited\u00bb, l. 1320, = \u201cdiskomfited,\u201d ll.\n336, 1464; \u00abquite\u00bb, l. 520, = \u201crequite;\u201d \u00abperceived\u00bb, l. 2659, =\n\u201caperceived;\u201d \u00absaut\u00bb, ll. 619, 2200, = \u201cassaut,\u201d l. 615; \u00abginne\u00bb, l.\n2326, = \u201cenginne,\u201d l. 333; \u00abplayne\u00bb, l. 177, = \u201ccomplayn;\u201d \u00abskaped\u00bb, l.\n2049, = \u201caskaped,\u201d l. 2218.\n\np. 23, l. 787. French: \u201ciiiC mile Fran\u00e7ois.\u201d\n\np. 24, l. 812. \u00abychoon\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abMahounde\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xlii.\n\np. 24, l. 820. \u00abstroke\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abstoupe\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliii.\n\np. 24, l. 820. \u00abstenyed\u00bb, \u201cstunned,\u201d not from O.Fr. \u00abestaindre\u00bb, as\nthe editor of the Roxb. Club ed. suggests, but from O.E. \u00abstunian\u00bb,\n\u201cpercellere, stupefacere.\u201d See \u00abStratmann\u00bb, p. 540.\n\np. 24, l. 835. Observe the subject expressed twice; cf. ll. 723, 1031,\n1682, 1814, 2331.\n\np. 25, l. 836. \u00abNeymes.\u00bb This celebrated hero has been especially\nfamous by the advices and counsels of which even in matters of greatest\ndifficulty he was never at a loss. \u201cTel conseiller n\u2019orent onques li\nFranc,\u201d \u00abi. e.\u00bb the French had never such a counsellor. This passage\nof the romance of \u00abAspremont\u00bb may be looked upon as containing the\nportrait of Neymes as we find him described in all poems. The story of\nhis birth and youth is in the romance of \u00abAubri le Bourgoing\u00bb. He was\nthe son of Gasselin, king of Bavaria. Cassile, an usurper, is about to\nseize the throne and to kill the young Neymes, when Charlemagne comes\nto his help and re-establishes the legitimate inheritor.\n\np. 25, l. 836. \u00abOgier Danoys\u00bb (cf. l. 1687) is one of the twelve\npeers in this poem. His life is contained in the French poem of the\n\u201c\u00abChevallerie Ogier\u00bb\u201d by Raimbert de Paris. According to that romance\nOgier had been delivered in his youth to Charlemagne as [p110] a\npledge to secure the discharge of the tribute which his father\nGeffroi, king of Denmark, was bound to pay to the emperor. The French\nambassadors having once been insulted by Geffroy, Charlemagne swears to\nmake Ogier pay with his life the offence done by his father, and Ogier\nis going to be executed when the emperor, following the urgent requests\nof messengers arrived from Rome, suddenly starts to deliver this city\nfrom the Saracens. On this expedition the French army is hard pressed\nby the enemy, but Ogier by his eminent prowess and valour enables\nCharles to enter Rome. He now is pardoned and becomes the favourite of\nthe emperor. Several years afterwards Ogier\u2019s son Baudouinet is slain\nby Charlot, the son of Charlemagne, as they were quarrelling about a\nparty of chess. Ogier, in order to revenge his son, goes as far as to\nattack Charlemagne himself, but on the point of being taken a prisoner,\nhe escapes and flees to Didier, king of Lombardy. Charles makes war\non Didier, and after a long struggle Ogier is taken and imprisoned at\nReims, where he is going to be starved, when a sudden invasion of the\nSaracens obliges Charlemagne again to have recourse to the courage and\nvalour of the Dane. Ogier delivers France by slaying the giant Br\u00e9hus.\nTo reward him for the service done to his country, Charles gives him\nthe county of Hainaut, where afterwards, as the poem tells us, he died\nin the renown of holiness.\n\np. 25, l. 845. \u00abit\u00bb = \u201chit.\u201d Cf. note to l. 41.\n\np. 25, l. 847\u201350. These four lines seem to be incorrect. As they stand,\nthe three first lines are rhymed together, and there is no rhyme to the\nfourth. The diction of the whole passage, which cannot be said to be\nungrammatical, is nevertheless wanting in precision and exactness.\n\np. 25, l. 866. \u00abrafe\u00bb = rave.\n\np. 25, l. 868. \u00abMoun-joye\u00bb is the name of Charlemagne\u2019s sword in this\npoem (cf. ll. 3111, 850), whereas, according to all other romances, the\nemperor\u2019s sword was called \u00abJoyeuse\u00bb. \u00abMounjoie\u00bb or \u00abMontjoie\u00bb was the\nname of the French standard; it was likewise used as the battle-cry of\nthe French, cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1703, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 2285,\n2652, 4577, 4727. The sword \u00abJoyeuse\u00bb had been forged by the celebrated\nWeland or Galand, as we read in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 635:\n\n \u201cEt \u00abGalans\u00bb fist Floberge \u00e0 l\u2019acier atremp\u00e9,\n  Hauteclere et \u00abJoiouse\u00bb, o\u00f9 moult ot dignit\u00e9;\n  Cele tint Karlemaines longuement en cert\u00e9.\u201d\n\nCompare Gaston Paris, \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 374.\n\np. 26, l. 875. \u00abDurnedale.\u00bb This renowned sword was forged by the\nfamous Galand or Weland. The French \u00abFierabras\u00bb (l. 645) is the\nonly romance which attributes it to Munifican. It had been given by\nCharlemagne to Roland as the best of his warriors. As to the exploits\nachieved with it, Roland enumerates them himself in that celebrated\npassage, where in his death-hour he tries to break [p111] Durnedale\nto prevent it from falling into the hands of the Saracens (\u00abChanson\nde Roland\u00bb, ll. 2316\u20132337). The steel blade of this sword has been\nhighly praised for its extraordinary hardness. It had been tried\nby Charlemagne himself on that \u201cperron,\u201d or steel block before the\nemperor\u2019s palace in Aix-la-Chapelle (see \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 370).\nDurnedale proved good as well as Almace, the sword of Turpin. But\nCourtain, Ogier\u2019s sword, was then shortened by half a foot. According\nto l. 1407 of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, Durnedale broke; but this incident has been\nmentioned nowhere else. Cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 997, and \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\nl. 1740.\n\np. 26, l. 876. \u00abromme\u00bb, spelt also \u00abrome\u00bb, \u00abrowme\u00bb, \u00abroum\u00bb, is Mod. E.\n\u00abroom\u00bb, O.E. \u00abr\u00fbm\u00bb, \u201cspatium.\u201d\n\np. 26, l. 880. \u00abdinge\u00bb; read \u00abgan dinge\u00bb. \u00abDinge\u00bb is the infinitive\nmood, but the sense requires a preterite tense. The preterite of\n\u00abdinge\u00bb is \u00abdong\u00bb, \u00abdongen\u00bb, which occurs in l. 1263. But as \u00abdinge\u00bb\ncannot be altered here, on account of the rhyme, the passage is easily\ncorrected by adding \u00abgan\u00bb = \u201che began to strike, he struck.\u201d\n\np. 26, l. 884. \u00abAlloreynes of Loreynes\u00bb and \u00abAleroyse\u00bb (l. 1699) are\nprobably identical. Then \u00abAllorey\u00bbn\u00abes\u00bb would be an error of the\nscribe, who having already the following \u00abLorey\u00bbn\u00abes\u00bb in his mind wrote\n\u00abAllorey\u00bbn\u00abes\u00bb instead of \u00abAlleroyse\u00bb.\n\np. 26, l. 900. \u00abin fay\u00bb = \u201ctruly,\u201d \u00abfay\u00bb= \u201cfaith, truth.\u201d O.Fr. \u00abfei\u00bb\nor \u00abfeid\u00bb, Lat. \u00abfides\u00bb.\n\np. 26, l. 904\u20135. Cf. \u00abChanson de Roland\u00bb, ll. 1903\u20134:\n\n \u201cRollanz est proz e Oliviers est sages,\n  Ambedui unt merveillus vasselage.\u201d\n\np. 27, l. 913. I cannot tell what \u00abtreyumple\u00bb means, or whether it be a\ncorruption.\n\np. 27, l. 939. This kind of prayer or apostrophe addressed to the\nGod of War is certainly taken from another English work, which I am\nunable to trace, but which must have been much known at the time of\nour author, as we find it referred to in different authors. That it\nhas been taken from another poem is proved by some phrases of this\nprayer which are somewhat obscure or rather unintelligible here, and\nwhich we certainly should be able to explain if we knew the original\ncontext in which they occurred. Then the form \u00abhase\u00bb (l. 940) is\nsomewhat suspicious, as it is the only instance of the 2nd person\nsingular present dropping the \u00abt\u00bb, which it has always in this poem.\nThe arrangement, too, of the following stanzas differs from that\ngenerally observed in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. If we consider our poem as composed\nin eight-line stanzas (but see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xl) we mostly find\nthe 1st and 3rd lines rhyming together, then the 2nd and 4th, the\n5th and 7th, and finally the 6th and 8th, so that \u00abfour\u00bb different\nrhyme-endings are necessary to one stanza. If now we consider the\nstanza from l. 939 to 946, we only have two rhyme-endings, all the\npair lines rhyming together, and all the odd ones [p112] together. In\nll. 947 to 950 the 1st and 4th rhyme together, whilst the 2nd and 3rd\nare paired off together.\u2014ll. 939\u2013941 we find alluded to in \u00abChaucer\u00bb,\nsee \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xlvi, and the \u00abPrioress\u2019s Tale\u00bb, ed. Skeat\n(Clarendon Press), p. xvii. Compare also Lindsay, \u00abThe Historie of\nSquyer Meldrum\u00bb, l. 390:\n\n \u201cLike Mars, the God Armipotent.\u201d\n\np. 27, l. 939. \u00abrede Mars.\u00bb \u201cBocaccio uses the same epithet in the\nopening of his Teseide: \u2018O rubiconde Marte.\u2019 \u00abRede\u00bb refers to the\ncolour of the planet.\u201d Morris, note to \u00abKnight\u2019s Tale\u00bb, l. 889.\n\np. 27, l. 940. \u00abBaye\u00bb never means \u201csword,\u201d as the editor of the\nRoxburghe Club ed. renders it, nor does this translation make any\nsense here at all; \u00abbaye\u00bb signifies \u201ca wide, open room or space in a\nbuilding.\u201d See M\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abW\u00f6rterbuch\u00bb, p. 164. Morris, in the Glossary\nto the \u00abAlliterative Poems\u00bb, has \u201cbay = recess. The original meaning\nseems to be \u00abopening of any kind\u00bb. Cf. bay, space in a building between\ntwo main beams.\u201d Halliwell, \u00abs. v.\u00bb bay, has: \u201cA principal compartment\nor division in the architectural arrangement of a building.\u201d It appears\nto be etymologically the same word as Ital. \u00abbaja\u00bb, French \u00abbaie\u00bb,\n\u201cbay, gulf, harbour,\u201d the French \u00abbaie\u00bb being equally used for \u201copening\nof any kind.\u201d The Catalan form for \u00abbaie\u00bb is \u00abbadia\u00bb, which corresponds\nto the verb \u00abbadar\u00bb, meaning \u201cto open.\u201d See Diez, \u00abEtym. W\u00f6rterb.\u00bb I.\n46. \u00abBay\u00bb is retained in the Mod. E. compound \u201c\u00abbay-window\u00bb.\u201d Cf. also\nthe French \u201c\u00abla b\u00e9e d\u2019une fenestre\u00bb,\u201d cited by Carpentier-Ducange, \u00abs.\nv.\u00bb beare. With regard to the signification of \u00abtrende\u00bb, the editor of\nthe Roxb. Club ed. wrongly guessed again in explaining it as \u201cdrawn\u201d or\n\u201ctrenchant, cutting.\u201d \u00abTrende\u00bb means \u201cturned, bent, vaulted in the form\nof an arch.\u201d See \u00abHalliwell\u00bb, p. 887, and \u00abStratmann\u00bb, p. 572, \u00abs. v.\u00bb\ntrenden (= \u201cvolvere\u201d). But I am at a loss how to explain why Mars is\nsaid to have put up his throne in an arched recess, or compartment, of\na building.\n\np. 28, l. 957. \u00absome\u00bb, a clerical error for \u00absone\u00bb.\n\np. 28, l. 965. \u00abprymsauns of grene vere\u00bb = \u201cthe earliest days of green\nspring\u201d (Glossary to the Roxb. Club ed.). This may be the sense; but\nwhat is the literal meaning of \u00abprymsauns\u00bb? If we had \u00abprymtauns\u00bb,\nor \u00abprymtaunce\u00bb, we might be inclined to take it for a corruption of\nFrench \u00abprintemps\u00bb, as we find \u00abpastaunce\u00bb or \u00abpastance\u00bb corrupted\nfrom \u00abpasse-temps\u00bb. (See Skeat, \u00abSpec. of Eng. Literature\u00bb, 460/149\nand 427/1096.) Cf. also the \u00abRomaunt of the Rose\u00bb, ll. 3373\u201374: \u201c\u00abAt\nprime temps\u00bb, Love to manace, Ful ofte I have been in this caas.\u201d Or\nis \u00abprymtauns\u00bb perhaps a clerical error for \u00abentrauns\u00bb or \u00abentraunce\u00bb?\nThis would then make us think of such passages as the following one:\n\n \u201cChe fu ou mois de mai, \u00e0 l\u2019\u00abentree\u00bb d\u2019est\u00e9,\n  Que florissent cil bos et verdissent cil pr\u00e9.\u201d\n                                         \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 5094\u20135.\n\np. 28, l. 966. \u00abspryngyn\u00bb, the only instance of the 3rd person present\nplural ending in \u00ab-yn\u00bb (for the common \u00ab-en\u00bb). This perhaps is due to\n[p113] the scribe thinking already of the following \u00abyn\u00bb in beg\u00abynne\u00bb.\nBut it must be stated that the whole passage is rather obscure. Neither\nthe meaning of \u00abspringyn and begynne\u00bb nor the connection of l. 966 with\nthe following lines is very clear. \u00abFloures\u00bb occurring twice looks also\nsomewhat suspicious. Moreover, these two stanzas do not well suit the\ncontext and might easily be done without; they are evidently borrowed\nfrom some other poem. Observe besides the alliteration in \u00abf\u00bbloures,\n\u00abf\u00bbrithe, \u00abf\u00bbreshly.\n\np. 28, l. 973. \u00ablithe\u00bb, \u201cto hear.\u201d O.Icel. \u00abhl\u0177\u00f0a\u00bb, \u201causcultare.\u201d\n\u00abStratmann\u00bb, s. v. \u00abhl\u00ee\u00feen\u00bb, p. 315.\n\np. 29, l. 993. \u00ablese\u00bb miswritten for \u00ablefe\u00bb, which sense and rhyme\nrequire, and which occurs in ll. 832, 1526.\n\np. 29, l. 995. \u00abbassatours\u00bb (?) = \u201cvavassours, vavasors.\u201d\n\np. 29, l. 999. \u00abInde Major.\u00bb The meaning of \u00abMajor\u00bb is not clear. Cf.\nbesides \u00abChanson de Roland\u00bb, ed. Gautier, \u00abGlossarial Index\u00bb, s. v.\n\u00abMajor\u00bb. Compare also \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 690: \u00abterre Majour\u00bb.\n\np. 29, l. 1000. The great number of geographical names contained in\nthese two lines is probably due to the favourite habit of medi\u00e6val\nromance writers, who thought that they showed their geographical\nknowledge by introducing long strings of names. Thus we find in \u00abWeb.\nRom.\u00bb II. l. 632 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, the names of sixteen towns mentioned in\nfourteen lines, all of which are said to have been visited by Richard\nthe Lion-hearted. Again in the same poem, ll. 3679, \u00abet seq.\u00bb, we find\nthe names of thirteen countries occurring in ten lines. Cf. also \u00abKing\nAlis.\u00bb, \u00abWeb. Rom.\u00bb I. ll. 1440 and 1692. Often, too, geographical\nnames seem to be inserted on account of the rhyme, as \u00abChaunder\u00bb in l.\n123, and \u00abEurope\u00bb in l. 1001.\n\np. 29, l. 1008. \u00abCamalyon\u00bb, \u201cmeaning, probably, the camelopardalis. The\nblood of a cameleon would go a very little way towards satisfying a\nthirsty Saracen\u201d (Ellis, \u00abMetr. R.\u00bb 387). Perhaps also the poet did not\nknow much of either of these two kinds of animals, and all he wished\nwas to cite an animal with some outlandish name.\n\np. 30, l. 1025. \u00absouthe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwrothe\u00bb. The spelling \u00absothe\u00bb occurs in ll.\n2014, 2024, 2246, 2719. There must be a lacuna of one or more lines\nhere. The rhyme-word to \u00abdute\u00bb (l. 1024) is wanting; the context also\nevidently shows that ll. 1025 and 1026, as they stand together, make no\nsense. It is worth while to add that the next five lines, contrary to\nthe common usage of our poem, are all rhymed together.\n\np. 30, l. 1040. Observe \u00abPaens\u00bb, i. e. \u201cpagans,\u201d used as a proper name\nhere; cf. the \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 98, and \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 5673.\n\np. 31, l. 1051. For a description of Ferumbras, compare \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\nll. 578 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, and ll. 611 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 550.\n\np. 31, l. 1060. \u00abtrwes\u00bb = trues, truce.\n\np. 31, l. 1067. \u00absex.\u00bb So in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 84:\n\n \u201cJa n\u2019en refuserai, par Mahom, jusqu\u2019\u00e0 vi.\u201d\n\n[p114]\n\nIn the English \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, l. 102, we read:\n\n \u201cAnd \u00feo\u021d \u00feer come \u00abtwelue\u00bb, \u00fee beste of \u00fey fered,\n  I will ku\u00fee on hem my mi\u021dt, & dyngen hem al to douste.\u201d\n\np. 31, l. 1071. \u00abin fere\u00bb = \u201ctogether.\u201d \u00abfere\u00bb, literally \u201cone who\nfares with one,\u201d means \u201ca travelling companion, a comrade, a mate; a\ncompany.\u201d O.E. \u00ab(ge-)fera\u00bb.\n\np. 31, l. 1074. \u00abman\u00bb = \u201cbondman, subject, vassal.\u201d So in ll. 1354 1466.\n\np. 31, l. 1077. \u00abchilde\u00bb, \u201cyoung knight, young man.\u201d See Skeat\u2019s note\nto Sir Thopas (Clarendon Press), 162/2020.\n\np. 31, l. 1084. Cf. the French text:\n\n \u201cSire, ce dist Rollans, chertes, tort en aves,\n  Car, par icel seigneur Ki Dix est appel\u00e9s,\n  Je vauroie moult miex que fuissi\u00e9s desmenbr\u00e9s\n  Ke jou en baillasse armes ne ne fuisse adob\u00e9s.\n  Hier quant paien nous vindrent \u00e0 l\u2019issue des gu\u00e9s\n  L. mile furent, \u00e0 vers helmes jesm\u00e9s,\n  Grans caus en soustenimes sur les escus band\u00e9s;\n  Oliviers mes compaigns i fu le jour navr\u00e9s.\n  Tout fuissons desconfit, c\u2019est fines verit\u00e9s,\n  Quant vous nous secourustes e vos riches barn\u00e9s,\n  Et paien s\u2019en tournerent les frains abandonn\u00e9s.\n  Quant fumes repairi\u00e9 as loges et as tr\u00e9s,\n  Puis te vantas le soir, quant tu fus enivr\u00e9s,\n  Que li viel chevalier c\u2019avoies amen\u00e9\n  L\u2019avoient moult miex fait que li joule d\u2019ass\u00e9s,\n  Ass\u00e9s en fui le soir laidement rampon\u00e9s.\u201d\n                                         (ll. 144\u2013161.)\n\nCompare also \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 144\u2013163\n\np. 32, l. 1088. \u00abof\u00bb = \u201con account of.\u201d\n\np. 32, l. 1092. According to most of the old romances Roland was\ninvulnerable. He never lost any blood by a wound but on the occasion\nwhen he was beaten by Charlemagne\n\n \u201cFor trois goutes sans plus, quant Charles par irour\n  Le feri de son gant que le virent plousour.\u201d\n\nSee \u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 264.\n\nThe French text (ll. 166\u2013170) runs as follows:\n\n \u201cKarles trait son gant destre, qui fu \u00e0 or par\u00e9s\n  Fiert le comte Rollant en travers sur le n\u00e9s;\n  Apr\u00e8s le caup en est li sans vermaus vol\u00e9s.\n  Rollans jete le main au branc qui est letr\u00e9s;\n  Ja en ferist son oncle se il n\u2019en fust ost\u00e9s.\u201d\n\np. 32, l. 1094. \u00ababye\u00bb, \u201cto pay for, suffer for.\u201d In Mod. Eng. \u00ababye\u00bb\nis corrupted into \u00ababide\u00bb. See Morris, Gloss. to \u00abChaucer\u00bb (Clarend.\nPress), \u00abs. v.\u00bb aboughte.\n\np. 32, l. 1096. Double negatives like \u00abnever none\u00bb are pretty common\nin medi\u00e6val writers. Cf. in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, ll. 1876, 2181, 2199, 2279,\n2305. [p115]\n\np. 32, l. 1103. \u00abat one\u00bb, \u201cof one mind, agreement.\u201d Cf. \u00abKing Horn\u00bb,\ned. Lumby, l. 925:\n\n \u201cAt on he was wi\u00fe \u00fee king.\u201d\n\nHence Mod. Eng. \u00abatone\u00bb, \u201cto set at one, to reconcile.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s\nnote to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 5308.\n\np. 32, l. 1106. \u00abto make voydaunce\u00bb, the same as to \u00abvoide\u00bb, l. 1768 =\n\u201cto quit, to depart from, to get rid of.\u201d\n\np. 32, l. 1110. \u00abwithoute more\u00bb = \u201cwithout delay, immediately.\u201d \u00abmore\u00bb\nis O.E. \u00abm\u00e2ra\u00bb, comparative to \u00abmicel\u00bb; it is not the Latin \u00abmore\u00bb. See\nZupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 719.\n\np. 33, l. 1126. \u00abrenewed\u00bb, \u201ctied.\u201d Fr. \u00abrenouer\u00bb, from \u00abn\u0153ud\u00bb = Lat.\n\u00abnodius\u00bb. It is to be distinguished from \u00abrenewed\u00bb = \u201crenovated,\u201d which\noccurs in l. 2200.\n\np. 32, l. 1128. \u00abhidur\u00bb is spelt \u00abhider\u00bb in ll. 810, 833, etc.\n\np. 32, l. 1135. \u00abGeneryse.\u00bb In the other versions Olyver calls himself\n\u00abGarin\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb on p. xxxiii.\n\np. 32, l. 1141. \u00ablerne\u00bb, \u201cto teach.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l.\n6352. \u00abscole\u00bb, O.E. \u00absc\u00f4l\u00bb, Mod. Eng. \u00abschool\u00bb, means here \u201cstyle, or\nmanner of fighting.\u201d It must not be confounded with \u00abschole\u00bb, O.E.\n\u00abscolu\u00bb, \u201ctroop, band,\u201d Mod. Eng. \u00abshoal\u00bb. Cf. also \u00abThe Song of\nRoland\u00bb, 129/786.\n\np. 33, l. 1145. \u00abmyghty men of honde.\u00bb So in l. 3029. The same phrase\noccurs in M.H.G. \u201cein helt \u00abze s\u00eenen handen\u00bb,\u201d which is explained as\nmeaning, \u201ca hero [or one who becomes a hero] by the strength of his\nhands or arms.\u201d See J\u00e4nicke\u2019s note to \u00abBiterolf\u00bb, 5078, and Grimm\u2019s\n\u00abGrammatik\u00bb, IV. 727 note. The expression seems to be originally\nFrench; cf. M\u00e9on, \u00abFabliaux\u00bb, III. 478: \u201cchevaliers \u00abde sa main\u00bb\u201d;\n\u00abRenard\u00bb, ed. Martin, l. 21409: \u201cproedom \u00abde sa main\u00bb.\u201d Cf. also \u00abRoman\ndes Eles\u00bb, ed. Scheler, l. 433, where \u00abmain\u00bb is wrongly explained by\nthe editor.\n\np. 33, l. 1151. \u00abplete\u00bb, \u201cplead.\u201d The rhyme leads us to suppose that\nthe author pronounced \u00abple\u00bbd\u00abe\u00bb, which indeed is the more common form.\n\np. 33, l. 1154. \u00aband\u00bb makes no sense here. \u00abthenkes\u00bb must also be\nincorrect, the 3rd person present singular always terminating in \u00ab-eth\u00bb\nin this poem, and not in \u00ab-es\u00bb. Read \u00abas thenketh me\u00bb; \u00abthenketh me\u00bb\noccurs in l. 465.\n\np. 34, l. 1158. \u00abpight\u00bb, \u201cpitched, fixed.\u201d The infinitive mood is\n\u00abpicchen\u00bb; cf. O.Dutch \u00abpicken\u00bb, O.Icel. \u00abpikka\u00bb, \u201cpungere, pangere.\u201d\n\np. 34, l. 1159. In the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 606 \u00abet seq.\u00bb, Oliver\nalso assists the Saracen to put on his gear. This point is not\nmentioned in the Ashmolean version, see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxviii.\n\np. 34, l. 1163. \u00abworthed up\u00bb, \u201cbecame up, got up, mounted.\u201d It is the\npast tense of the verb \u00abworthen\u00bb, O.E. \u00abweor\u00f0an\u00bb, \u201cto become.\u201d Another\npast tense of this verb is \u00abworth\u00bb, l. 1204.\n\np. 34, l. 1164. \u00abareest\u00bb, or \u00abarest\u00bb = \u201ca rest, or support for the\nspear when [p116] couched for the attack\u201d (Morris). Originally =\n\u201cstoppage, waiting, readiness.\u201d Cf. M\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abW\u00f6rterbuch\u00bb, p. 107.\n\np. 34, l. 1167. \u00abas fire of thonder\u00bb, cf. \u00abdinte of thondir\u00bb in l. 1207.\n\np. 34, l. 1168. \u00abto-braste\u00bb, \u201cburst in pieces.\u201d The prefix \u00abto-\u00bb,\nanswering to Germ. \u00abzer-\u00bb, has the force of \u201cin twain, asunder.\u201d\n\np. 34, l. 1170. \u00abthreste\u00bb, O.E. \u00ab\u00fer[^\u00e6]stan\u00bb, \u201cpremere, trudere.\u201d The\nauthor probably pronounced \u00abthraste\u00bb, which will improve the rhyme.\n\np. 34, ll. 1179\u201380. \u00abupon the hede\u00bb (blank in MS) \u00abthe hede\u00bb. This is\nevidently a mistake of the scribe; \u00absore\u00bb, l. 1180, too, which does not\nrhyme with \u00abcrowne\u00bb, is probably miswritten for \u00absone\u00bb. The rhyme as\nwell as the context shows that the true reading is:\n\n     \u201cOlyver him hitte again\n Upon the hede than fulle sone\n     He carfe awaye with myght and mayne\n The cercle that sate uppon his crowne.\u201d\n\np. 34, l. 1182. About the \u00abcercle\u00bb, see Demay, \u00abLe Costume de guerre\u00bb,\np. 132. \u201cNon seulement le c\u00f4ne du heaume (helme) est bord\u00e9 par ce\ncercle, mais il est parfois renforc\u00e9 dans toute sa hauteur par deux\nar\u00eates plac\u00e9es l\u2019une devant, l\u2019autre derri\u00e8re, ou par quatre bandes de\nm\u00e9tal ornement\u00e9es (de verroteries), venant aboutir et se croiser \u00e0 son\nsommet.\u201d\u2014\u00abcrowne\u00bb means the \u201ctonsure of the head,\u201d then topically \u201cthe\nskull or head.\u201d\n\np. 34, l. 1185. \u00abthe botteles of bawme\u00bb are not mentioned anywhere else\nin the \u00abSowdan\u00bb; the other versions tell us that the balm contained in\nthose vessels was the same as that with which Christ was anointed. Cf.\n\u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 510\u2013517; and see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. vi and xxix.\n\np. 34, l. 1191. \u00abthe river.\u00bb According to the oldest version of the\npoem the whole combat took place on the shore of the Tiber, near Rome.\nSee \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, pp. xi and xxxii. Cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1049:\n\n \u201cPres fu du far de Rome, ses a dedes jet\u00e9s,\u201d\n\nand \u00abPhilippe Mousket\u00bb, I. 4705\u20136:\n\n \u201cLes .ii. barius qu\u2019\u00e0 Rome prist,\n  Si les gieta enmi le Toivre.\u201d\n\nIn the \u00abSowdan\u00bb as well as in the \u00abAshmole\u00bb MS. there is no mention\nof Oliver\u2019s drinking of the balm before throwing it into the water,\nwhich both the Proven\u00e7al and the French versions tell us he did. Cf.\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 1031\u20131048, and the Proven\u00e7al version, ll. 1335, \u00abet\nseq.\u00bb\n\np. 35, l. 1210. \u00abfille\u00bb, \u201cfel.\u201d\n\np. 35, ll. 1221. \u00abdere\u00bb spoils the rhyme. Read \u201c\u00abfree\u00bb.\u201d\n\np. 36, l. 1250. \u00abCousyn to King Charles\u00bb, cf. l. 1117. In ll. 1499\nand 1671 Oliver is said to be nephew to Charlemagne. He was the son\nof Renier de Gennes, who according to \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 652: \u201cY am\nCharlis emys sone\u201d\u2014was the uncle of Charlemagne. In the poem \u00abGirar\nde Viane\u00bb we find Oliver among the enemies of the [p117] Emperor\nand fighting with Roland in close combat; they are at length stopped\nby divine interposition. Then began a close friendship which lasted\ntill their death at Roncesvaux. Oliver\u2019s sister Aude was betrothed to\nRoland. See, besides, \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354.\n\np. 36, l. 1258. \u00abharde grace\u00bb, \u201cmisfortune,\u201d cf. l. 2790.\n\np. 36, l. 1259. \u00abPersagyn.\u00bb This name does not occur in any other\nversion again, except in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, where one Persagon appears\nin the list of the Saracen barons. But it is not stated there that he\nis uncle to Ferumbras; cf. besides \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 2614, 2784.\n\np. 37, l. 1263. Observe the four consecutive feminine rhymes.\n\np. 37, l. 1277. The scene as related here widely differs from that\ndescribed in the Ashmolean version. In the \u00abSowdone\u00bb, Oliver gets hold\nof the sword which is \u201ctrussed on Ferumbras\u2019s stede.\u201d In the Ashmolean\npoem it is not Oliver who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, and Oliver\nallows him to pick up his weapon again. This in itself furnishes us\nan argument for conjecturing that the author of the \u00abSowdon\u00bb did not\nfollow, or even know of, the Ashmolean version. In the French poem,\nas well as in the Proven\u00e7al, it is likewise Oliver who is disarmed.\nIf in those poems we find mentioned besides that Ferumbras offered\nhis enemy to take up his sword again\u2014an incident not related in the\n\u00abSowdan\u00bb\u2014we do not consider this to disprove our supposition that the\nFrench version was the source of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, as we may consider our\nauthor in this case simply to have adhered to his favourite practice\nof shortening his original as much as possible, so far as no essential\npoint is concerned. Cf. the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 1289\u20131346.\n\np. 37, l. 1286. \u00absaught\u00bb is a misprint for \u00abraught\u00bb.\n\np. 37, l. 1289. \u00abHe thought he quyte.\u00bb \u00abquyte\u00bb may be explained as\nstanding for \u00abquyted\u00bb, or else \u00abhe\u00bb must be changed into \u00abto\u00bb: \u00abHe\nthought to quyte\u00bb, the latter reading is perhaps preferable. We find in\nl. 3110 a passage agreeing almost exactly with this.\n\np. 38, l. 1298. \u00abQwyntyn.\u00bb The name of this Saint does not occur in any\nother version of our romance.\n\np. 38, l. 1308. There is no mention made of this prayer in the\nAshmolean version, the \u00abSowdan\u00bb here (ll. 1308\u20131340) agrees again with\nthe French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 1164\u20131244 (and with the Proven\u00e7al poem,\nl. 1493, \u00abet seq.\u00bb), with the only difference, that the prayer which\nCharlemagne addressed to God, in order to bestow the victory upon the\nChristian hero, is much longer in \u00abF\u00bb; and is stuffed with so many\ndetails of the Scripture, that in some way it may be regarded as a\nsuccinct account of the whole life of the Lord.\n\np. 38, l. 1320. \u00abskomfited\u00bb = \u00abdiscomfited\u00bb, l. 1464. It is formed by\nthe same analogy as stroyeth = destroyeth. See note to l. 780. The\nsubstantive \u00abdiscumfiture\u00bb, O.Fr. \u00abdesconfiture\u00bb, occurs in l. 336; the\nsame [p118] word, without prefix, is found in M.H.G., cf. \u00abKudrun\u00bb,\ned. Martin, 646, 2:\n\n \u201cd\u00f4 si h\u00eaten gerne die porten zuo get\u00e2n\n  d\u00f4 muosten si daz lernen durch \u00abschumphentiuren\u00bb verl\u00e2n.\u201d\n\nThe Italian noun is \u00absconfitta\u00bb, and the verb \u00absconfiggere\u00bb.\n\np. 38, l. 1327. \u00abGod aboue\u00bb does not rhyme with \u00ablord almighty\u00bb. The\nrhyme is easily restored if we read \u00abof might\u00bb (cf. l. 2059) for\n\u00ababoue\u00bb, and if we change \u00abalmighty\u00bb into \u00abalmighte\u00bb, so that we have:\n\n l. 1327. \u201cTho Charles thanked God of myghte.\u201d\n\n l. 1329. \u201cAnd saide, \u2018blessed be thou, lord almyghte.\u2019\u201d\n\nThe adjective \u00abalmi\u021dt\u00bb is of frequent occurrence in Mid. Eng. writers.\nSo in \u00abAllit. Poems\u00bb, I. 497: \u201cin sothful gospel of god almy\u021dt;\u201d \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, l. 3580, \u201cGod almy\u021dte: si\u021dte;\u201d \u00abibid.\u00bb l. 3815, \u201cgod\nalmy\u021dt: wy\u021dt.\u201d\n\np. 39, l. 1349. \u00abcas\u00bb is an erratum for \u00abras\u00bb.\u2014\u201cRas, shave.\u201d \u201cRees\n1693, evening.\u201d These explanations given by the editor of the Roxb.\nClub ed. are wrong. \u00abRas\u00bb and \u00abrees\u00bb being both derived from O.E.\n\u00abr[^\u00e6]s\u00bb, \u201cimpetus cursus,\u201d are indiscriminately used in three\nmeanings: (1) \u201conset, assault;\u201d (2) \u201ccourse, run, rush, haste, hurry;\u201d\n(3) \u201cspace, time, occasion.\u201d The last signification is well shewn by\nthe following passages:\n\n \u201cHit laste\u00fe but a lutel rees.\u201d\n                  (\u00abCl. Maydenhod\u00bb, l. 26.)\n \u201c\u00deat ys to seye upon a rees,\n  Stynkyng Saxone, be on pees.\u201d\n                  (\u00abArthur\u00bb, ed. Furnivall, l. 525.)\n\nIn the \u00abSowdan\u00bb \u00abras\u00bb or \u00abrees\u00bb means (1) \u201ctime, instant, occasion,\u201d\nll. 1349, 1693; (2) \u201crush, hurry, haste,\u201d ll. 645, 489. \u00abrase\u00bb, l.\n774 = \u201ccurrent in the sea,\u201d the same word as the preceding \u00abras\u00bb and\n\u00abrees\u00bb, meaning properly, \u201ca narrow rush, or violent current of water.\u201d\nSee Morris, \u00abChaucer\u2019s Prologue\u00bb (Clarendon Press), s. v. \u00abreyse\u00bb. Cf.\nthe French expressions, \u201craz de mer,\u201d \u201craz de courent,\u201d \u201craz de mar\u00e9e.\u201d\n\np. 39, l. 1361. \u00absene\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abbe\u00bb. Read \u00abse\u00bb as in ll. 1124, 658, 1826.\n\np. 40, l. 1372. \u00abryden\u00bb, which does not rhyme with \u00abfoghten\u00bb, is\nevidently a clerical error. I suppose \u00absoghten\u00bb to be the true\nreading. For examples of \u00absoght\u00bb = \u201ccame, went, moved,\u201d see Zupitza\u2019s\nnote to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 7151, and Skeat\u2019s Glossary to \u00abSpecimens\u00bb, s.\nv. \u00absocht\u00bb.\u2014There is still another corruption in this passage, as\n\u00abassembled\u00bb does not rhyme with \u00abordeyned\u00bb.\n\np. 40, l. 1380. Note the transition from the indirect to the direct\nspeech.\n\np. 40, l. 1381. As it stands, the line is too long and spoils the\nrhythm. The words \u201cif ye cast me downe\u201d can be dispensed with.\n\np. 40, l. 1383. \u00abthare\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwere\u00bb (O.E. werian). The rhyme is easily\nrestored by reading \u00abthere\u00bb instead of \u00abthare\u00bb, cf. ll. 2604, 2404,\n2245, etc. and see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxv. [p119]\n\np. 41, ll. 1419\u201322. Observe the weak rhymes alternating with the strong\nones.\n\np. 41, l. 1420. \u00abbrother\u00bb means \u201cbrother-in-law.\u201d Oliver\u2019s sister Aude\nwas Roland\u2019s intended bride. Perhaps also \u00abbrother\u00bb may be taken here\nin sense of \u201cbrother in arms,\u201d as in most romances we find Roland and\nOliver mentioned as a couple of true friends united by the most tender\nties of comradeship. Besides, Oliver was highly indebted to Roland, who\nhad rescued him when he had been made a prisoner after his duel with\nFerragus.\n\np. 41, l. 1423. \u00abcowthe\u00bb miswritten for \u00abcaughte\u00bb, which we read in ll.\n1411, 1603.\n\np. 41, l. 1424. \u00abAscopartes\u00bb is the correct form. See note on l. 495.\n\np. 51, l. 1427. \u00abfoolde\u00bb cannot be \u201cearth\u201d here, for which the editor\nof the Roxburghe Club ed. takes it. \u00abFoolde\u00bb is the participle past of\n\u00abfealden\u00bb, \u201cto fold, plicare.\u201d It means, \u201cfolded, bent down, fallen.\u201d\nThis seems also to be the sense of \u00abfolde\u00bb in the following passages:\n\n\u00abLa\u021damon\u00bb, 23983\u20134:\n\n \u201c\u00dea feol Frolle\n  folde to grunde.\u201d\n\n\u00abIbid.\u00bb ll. 27054\u20136:\n\n \u201cRomanisce veollen\n  fiftene hundred\n  folden to grunden.\u201d\n\n\u00abIbid.\u00bb ll. 20057\u201360:\n\n \u201che \u00feohte to quellen\n  \u00dee king on his \u00feeode\n  & his folc valden\n  volden to grunde.\u201d\n\nCf. \u00abStratmann\u00bb, p. 194.\n\np. 41, l. 1433. Roland and Olyver are taken prisoners. This incident is\ndifferently related in the other poems. There Roland is not taken at\nall, but sent afterwards among the messengers to the Soudan\u2019s court.\nTogether with Oliver four knights are taken, viz. Gwylmer, Berard,\nGeoffrey and Aubry, who all are carried away by the flying Saracens in\nspite of the efforts of Roland and Ogier.\n\np. 42, l. 1451. \u00abwhat\u00bb = \u201cwho.\u201d See Koch, \u00abEng. Gr.\u00bb II. \u00a7 339, and\nSkeat\u2019s note to \u00abPiers the Plowman\u00bb (Clarendon Press), 113/19. So in\nll. 1133, 1623.\n\np. 42, l. 1456. \u00abastyte\u00bb has nothing to do with the Latin \u00abastutus\u00bb\nwith which the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. apparently confounds it\nin explaining it as \u201ccunningly devised.\u201d \u00abAstyte\u00bb means \u201cat once,\nimmediately, suddenly\u201d; see Morris, Glossary to \u00abAllit. Poems\u00bb. It is a\ncompound of the simple word \u00abtyte\u00bb, \u201csoon, quickly,\u201d which see above,\nl. 181.\n\np. 43, l. 1475. \u00abTurpyn.\u00bb The name of the archbishop is not mentioned\nin the Ashmolean version. The French text, ll. 1836\u201340, runs as\nfollows: [p120]\n\n \u201cKarles, nostre empereres, en est en pi\u00e9s lev\u00e9s,\n  Il apela Milon et Turpin l\u2019alos\u00e9s,\n  Deus rices arcevesques de moult grant saintet\u00e9:\n  Faites moi tost uns fons beneir et sacrer;\n  Je woel que cis rois soit bauptizi\u00e9s et lev\u00e9s.\u201d\n\nCf. also the Proven\u00e7al poem, l. 1899, \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\np. 43, l. 1483. \u00abnought for thane\u00bb = \u201cnevertheless,\u201d cf. Koch, \u00abEng.\nGr.\u00bb II. p. 473.\n\np. 43, l. 1486. \u00abRome\u00bb is a corruption of \u00abRoye\u00bb, as follows from the\nFrench \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1851:\n\n \u201cC\u2019est sains Florans de Roie, ce dist l\u2019auctorit\u00e9s.\u201d\n\nCf. the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, l. 1087, and Gr\u0153ber, \u00abZeitschrift f\u00fcr\nromanische Philologie\u00bb, IV. p. 167.\n\np. 43, l. 1495. \u00abaffrayned\u00bb, which must not be confounded with\n\u00abaffrayed\u00bb, as the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. does, means\n\u201casked, inquired.\u201d It is the compound of \u00abfreynen\u00bb or \u00abfraynen\u00bb, O.E.\n\u00abfrignan\u00bb, \u201cto ask.\u201d Goth. \u00abfraihnan\u00bb. Germ. \u00abfragen\u00bb.\n\np. 43, l. 1497. \u00aballayned\u00bb, \u201cconcealed.\u201d The simple verb \u00ablayne\u00bb (from\nIcel. \u00ableyna\u00bb, cf. Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 2994) is still retained\nin the Scottish dialect, with the sense of \u201cto hide.\u201d Cf. also Morris,\n\u00abAllit. Poems\u00bb, Gloss. s. v. \u00ablayned\u00bb.\n\np. 43, l. 1498. In the other poems the prisoners do not tell their true\nnames; see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, pp. xxvii and xxix; and cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb,\nl. 1167.\n\np. 43, l. 1499. Roland is nephew to Charlemagne on his mother\u2019s side.\nSee note to l. 1888, and cf. the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, l. 2066. For\nOliver, see above, note to l. 1250.\n\np. 44, l. 1515. In the \u00abSowdan\u00bb Floripas herself advises Laban not to\nslay his captives, but to imprison them. In the other versions it is\none of the barons who gives the same advice. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p.\nxxviii.\n\np. 44, l. 1539. \u00abdepe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abmyrke\u00bb. The rhyme will be restored by reading\n\u00abdirke\u00bb or \u00abderke\u00bb instead of \u00abdepe\u00bb. \u00abderke\u00bb occurs in l. 2541.\n\np. 45, l. 1604. \u00abmaute.\u00bb \u201cIn Old French \u00abmaut\u00e9\u00bb is malice.\u201d Gloss.\nto Roxburghe Club ed. I do not know whether \u00abmaut\u00e9\u00bb exists in O.Fr.,\nbut even if it did, it would make no sense here. I feel sure \u00abmaute\u00bb\nis a corruption of \u00abmynte\u00bb or \u00abmente\u00bb (cf. l. 1784), the preterite of\n\u00abminten\u00bb or \u00abmenten\u00bb = \u201cto aim a blow, to strike,\u201d from O.E. \u00abmyntan\u00bb,\n\u201cto intend, to purpose.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 6579, and\nMorris, \u00abAllit. Poems\u00bb, s. v. \u00abmynte\u00bb. Cf. also \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l.\n5587:\n\n \u201c\u00dean Charlis a strok till hym gan mynte;\n  Ac hym faylede of ys dynte,\n     for \u00feat swerd hym glente. . .\u201d\n\np. 47, l. 1615. \u00abtrew\u00bb instead of \u00abfree\u00bb will restore the rhyme. The\nsame rhyme \u00abtrewe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abnewe\u00bb occurs in ll. 67, 588.\n\np. 47, l. 1619. \u00abfele sithe\u00bb, \u201cmany a time, often.\u201d So in ll. 2740,\n2815. Cf. \u00abofte sithe\u00bb, l. 916. [p121]\n\np. 47, l. 1624. \u00abruly\u00bb, O.E. hr\u00eaowl\u00eec = \u201crueful, sorrowful, mournful,\npiteous.\u201d\n\np. 47, l. 1645. \u00abharme skathe\u00bb makes no sense. Read \u00abharme & skathe\u00bb,\nwhich occurs in \u00abGen. and Exod.\u00bb l. 2314:\n\n \u201c\u00f0is sonde hem overtake\u00f0 ra\u00f0e\n  And bicalle\u00f0 of harme and sca\u00f0e.\u201d\n\np. 48, l. 1665. In the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb (as well as in the Ashmolean\nversion) it is Roland whom Charlemagne addresses first (see above,\nnote to l. 1433); he tells him that he must go on a mission to demand\nthe surrender of Oliver and his companions. Upon which Naymes and the\nother twelve peers remonstrate, but are all sent to Laban one after the\nother, just as in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb. In the Proven\u00e7al poem it is only Guy\nwho protests. Cf. ll. 2263\u20132282 of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb:\n\n \u201cRollant regarda tost, si l\u2019a araisonn\u00e9:\n  Biaus n\u00e9s, ce dist li rois, trop sui por vous ir\u00e9s;\n  Vous movr\u00e9s le matin, \u00e0 Aigremore ir\u00e9s;\n  Si dir\u00e9s l\u2019amirant, gard\u00e9s ne li cel\u00e9s,\n  Rende moi la courone dont Dix fu couron\u00e9s\n  Et les autres reliques dont je sui moult pen\u00e9s;\n  Et en apr\u00e8s demant mes chevalier menbr\u00e9s;\n  Et se il ne le fait si que deviser\u00e9s,\n  Dites jel ferai pendre par la goule \u00e0 un trefs,\n  En destre le menrai com .i. larron prov\u00e9,\n  Ne troverai putel o\u00f9 il ne soit pass\u00e9.\u201d etc.\n\np. 48, l. 1668. Cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 2309\u20132321, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l.\n1486\u20131493.\n\np. 49, l. 1683. \u00ablese\u00bb, \u201close.\u201d So in l. 2655 and 1696, where it rhymes\nwith \u00abchese\u00bb, which occurs again in ll. 2748, 2934.\n\np. 49, l. 1687. French text gives (ll. 2297, \u00abet seq.\u00bb):\n\n \u201cOgiers li boins Danois s\u2019en est lev\u00e9s en pi\u00e9s:\n  Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu, oi\u00e9s:\n  Bien sai se il i vont ja n\u2019en revenra pi\u00e9s.\n  Avoec ir\u00e9s, dist Karles, par les ex de mon cief:\n  Or i ser\u00e9s vous .v. qui porter\u00e9s mes bri\u00e9s.\u201d\n\np. 49, l. 1691. \u00abBery\u00bb must be miswritten for \u00abTerry\u00bb, as we find\nTerris d\u2019Ardane in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 2290, and Terry of Ardane\nin \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 1469. According to l. 3187 of \u00abSir Ferumbras\u00bb,\nThierry is the father of Berard (Bryer) of Mountdidier. Cf. the French\ntext, ll. 2290\u201396 and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 1468\u20131473.\n\np. 49, l. 1693. \u00abrees\u00bb, \u201ctime, occasion.\u201d See note to l. 1349.\n\np. 49, l. 1695. Folk Baliant is not mentioned in any other poem of our\nromance. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxvii.\n\np. 49, l. 1698. \u00abchese\u00bb, O.E. \u00abc\u00eaosan\u00bb, Mod. E. \u00abchoose\u00bb. It here means\n\u201cto be free to choose\u201d:\u2014\u201cYou shall not be free to choose,\u201d \u201cyou shall\nhave no choice,\u201d \u201cyou shall do what you are ordered.\u201d See M\u00e4tzner\u2019s\nremark [in his \u00abW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, p. 562, s. v. \u00abcheosen\u00bb] to Halliwell,\n\u00abDict.\u00bb p. 250. [p122]\n\np. 49, l. 1699. \u00abAleroyse.\u00bb See note to l. 884.\n\np. 49, l. 1711. \u00abTurpyn.\u00bb There was a real bishop of this name, who,\naccording to the \u00abGallia Christiana\u00bb, held the see of Reims from\nA.D. 753 to 794. As we find him described in the romances, Turpin\nwas the very type of a knight-bishop. In the poem of \u00abAspremont\u00bb, he\nbears before the Christian army the wood of the true cross which in\nhis hands beams with brightness like the sun. In the romance of the\n\u00abEnfances Ogier\u00bb it was he, into whose custody Ogier was given, when\nhe had been made a prisoner after his revolt, in company with the king\nof Lombardy, against Charlemagne (see above, note to l. 856), and\nwho, notwithstanding the order of Charles to have Ogier starved to\ndeath, kept the Dane alive, who afterwards, when the Saracens invaded\nFrance, proved a great help to the Christian arms. As we read in the\n\u00abChanson de Roland\u00bb, ll. 2242ss, Turpin met his death at Roncesvaux,\nbut according to the \u00abChronicle of Turpin\u00bb, he survived the disaster of\nRoncesvaux, and was saying mass for the dead, when he saw the angels\ncarrying the soul of Roland up to heaven. But from Gaston Paris\u2019s Essay\n\u00abDe Pseudo-Turpino\u00bb we know this chronicle to be an apocryphical book\nwritten by two monks of the eleventh and twelfth century.\n\np. 49, l. 1717. \u00abset not of youre barons so light\u00bb = \u201cdo not count,\nconsider them so little.\u201d Cf. \u201cto take one so lighte,\u201d in \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, ll. 114, 156.\n\np. 50, l. 1721. \u00abgyfe no coost\u00bb has the same meaning as \u00abgive no tale\u00bb\n= \u201cmake no account, do not mind.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 8143.\nCf. also \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 2793, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 5847, 101, 4975;\nand also ll. 173, 1578.\n\np. 50, l. 1723. Bryer of Mounte\u021d or Berard de Montdidier was celebrated\nfor his gallantries and attentions to the ladies:\n\n \u201cD\u2019ardimen vail Rotlan et Olivier\n  E de domnei Berart de Mondesdier.\u201d\n\n\u00abi. e.\u00bb\u2014\u201cIn prowess I am equal to Rolland and to Oliver, in matters\nof love to Berart of M.\u201d says the troubadour Peire Vidal in his poem\n\u00abDragoman seiner\u00bb; cf. also \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 2125\u20137:\n\n \u201cJe ne sai cui vous estes, car ne vous puis viser,\n  Mais je cuit c\u2019as pucieles siv\u00e9s moult bien juer,\n  En cambre sous cortine baisier et acoler.\u201d\n\nSee, besides, \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354. This Bryer\nof Mountes must be the same as the one slain in a sally of the twelve\npeers, ll. 2604, 2622, because, according to l. 1723, it was he who\nwas among the peers sent on a mission to the Soudan. There is one\nBryer of Brytaine occurring in l. 886, whom one might be inclined\nto think identical with Bryer of Mountes, as in l. 886 he is cited\ntogether with the other peers. But since we find him again as the\ntreasurer of Charlemagne (l. 3205), this is impossible, unless we\nsuppose the mention of Bryer in l. 3205 to be owing to the [p123]\nabsent-mindedness of the author, who may be accused of a similar\ninadvertency with regard to Rychard of Normandy; cf. note to l. 2797,\nand Index of Names, \u00abs. v.\u00bb Flagot.\n\np. 50, l. 1743. \u00abBronland.\u00bb The true reading is \u00abBro\u00bbu\u00abland\u00bb, as shewn\nby \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 1549, 5174, &c.; \u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 1240\u2013159, 441,\nand \u00abSowdan\u00bb, ll. 1759, 2456. The Ashmole MS. has \u00abBruyllant\u00bb.\n\np. 51, l. 1751. \u00abthane\u00bb = \u201cthane that.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb,\n992, p. 363.\n\np. 51, l. 1778. \u00abcharke\u00bb hardly makes sense here. It is perhaps a\nclerical error for \u00abcharge\u00bb, \u201cto command, to order.\u201d The sense would\nthen be, \u201cand to tell him the Soudan\u2019s strict orders which by peril of\ndeath (= \u00abupon life and lithe\u00bb) Laban recommended him to obey.\u201d\n\np. 51, l. 1779. \u00ab\u00feen\u00bb instead of \u00ab\u00fean\u00bb would improve the rhyme.\n\np. 52, l. 1788. \u00ablorde of Spayne.\u00bb Cf. the French expression, \u201camirans\nd\u2019Espaigne,\u201d which we find so often used in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb.\n\np. 52, l. 1802. \u00abtrappe\u00bb is Mod. Eng. \u00abtrape\u00bb, which is used in the\nsense of \u201cto traipse, to walk sluttishly.\u201d Halliwell has \u201ctrapes = to\nwander about.\u201d\n\np. 52, l. 1816. \u00abbyleved.\u00bb Rhyme and sense will be improved by reading\n\u00abbyleven\u00bb.\n\np. 53, l. 1854. \u00abtyme\u00bb makes no sense here. Perhaps we ought to read \u00abI\ndyne\u00bb; cf. ll. 1508, 1114, 1837, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 5621:\n\n \u201cO\u00feer elles \u00feoo shalt \u00feyn hefd forgon,\n  To morwen, or y wil dyne.\u201d\n\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1914:\n\n \u201cJa mais ne mengerai si sera desmembr\u00e9s.\u201d\n\nSee also \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 3695.\n\np. 54, l. 1888. \u00abSyr Gy, nevew unto the king Charles.\u00bb Cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\nll. 3406\u20138:\n\n \u201cOn m\u2019apele Guion, de Borgoigne fui n\u00e9s,\n  Et fils d\u2019une des filles au duc Millon d\u2019Aingler,\n  Cousin germain Rollant, qui tant fait \u00e0 douter.\u201d\n\nDuke Milon d\u2019Anglers was brother-in-law to Charlemagne, whose sister\nBerte was Milon\u2019s wife and mother to Roland. Cf. Philippe Mousket, l.\n2706\u20138:\n\n \u201cS\u2019ot Charles une autre sereur,\n  Bertain: cele prist \u00e0 seigneur\n  Milon d\u2019Anglers, s\u2019en ot Rollant.\u201d\n\nIf, therefore, in the passage quoted above from \u00abFierabras\u00bb, Guy is\nsaid to be the grandson of Milon, he must have been the grand-nephew of\nCharlemagne, and nephew to Rollant. As we learn from the French poem of\n\u00abGuy de Bourgoyne\u00bb, Guy\u2019s father was Samson of Burgundy. Cf. besides,\n\u00abHistoire Po\u00e9tique\u00bb, p. 407, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 1922, 2091, 1410,\netc.\n\np. 55, l. 1892. \u00abAnd yet knowe I him noght.\u00bb Floripas has already\nonce [p124] seen Guy when he was defeating Lukafer before Rome; cf.\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 2237\u20132245:\n\n \u201c.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enam\u00e9\n  Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel arm\u00e9;\n  Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l\u2019adur\u00e9.\n  D\u00e8s que je fui \u00e0 Romme, m\u2019a tout mon cuer embl\u00e9;\n  Quant l\u2019amirans mes peres fist gaster la cit\u00e9,\n  Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pr\u00e9,\n  Et lui et le ceval, d\u2019un fort espiel quarr\u00e9.\n  Se cis n\u2019est mes maris, je n\u2019arai homme n\u00e9;\n  Pour lui voel je croire ou roi de sainte ma\u00efst\u00e9.\u201d\n\nSee also \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 2073\u20132087. Our line does not necessarily\nimply a contradiction to the French text, as on the former occasion she\nprobably saw the duel from a great distance, when the latter\u2019s features\nwere hidden by his helmet. That she really did not recognize him\nfollows from the following passage of \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 2800, \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\n \u201cJe aim en douce France .i. leger baceler.\u201d\n  \u2014\u201cDame, comment a nom?\u201d ce dist Rollans li her\n  Et respont la puciele: \u201cja le m\u2019orr\u00e9s nommer;\n  Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel arm\u00e9.\u201d\n  \u2014\u201cPar mon cief\u201d dist Rollans \u201c\u00e0 vos ex le v\u00e9\u00e9s\n  N\u2019a pas entre vous deus iiii pi\u00e9s mesur\u00e9s.\u201d\n\nBesides there are numerous instances to be met with in medi\u00e6val poetry\nof persons enamoured of some one they had never seen:\n\n \u201cAns no la vi et am la fort\u201d\n\nsays Guilhelm de Poitiers in speaking of his lady (Mahn, \u00abWerke der\nTroubadours\u00bb, p. 3). Cf. also \u00abRits. Rom.\u00bb II. 19, and \u00abWeb. Rom.\u00bb II.\n131.\n\np. 55, l. 1927. \u00abmyghty\u00bb seems to mean \u201cexcellent, delicious,\u201d rather\nthan \u201cheavy.\u201d\n\np. 57, l. 1974. \u00abamonge\u00bb, \u201cevery now and then, from time to time,\noccasionally.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 2301. It is often used as a\nkind of expletive.\n\np. 57, l. 1995. \u00abfoulis\u00bb, \u201cfools, foolish.\u201d Cf. the French text:\n\n \u201cPar Mahoun, dist li rois, trestout sont \u00abfol\u00bb prov\u00e9.\u201d\n\np. 57, l. 1996. There is no mention made of this game in the Proven\u00e7al\npoem. It is described here even more explicitly than in the French\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 2907\u20132932. Cf. also \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 2230\u20132251.\n\np. 57, l. 1997. \u00abassorte\u00bb = \u201cassembly, company;\u201d by one assorte = \u201cin\none company\u201d (Halliwell). It seems to be connected with \u00absort\u00bb = \u201cset,\nassemblage,\u201d see Skeat, \u00abSpecimens of E. E.\u00bb, 425/999\n\np. 58, l. 2000. \u00abi-fest\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abblast\u00bb. Perhaps we ought to read \u00abi-fast\u00bb.\n\np. 59, l. 2036. \u00abmaden orders.\u00bb I do not know the exact meaning of this\nexpression. Perhaps it may be taken with the same sense as the Mod. H.\nGerm. phrase = \u201cordnung schaffen,\u201d which literally means [p125] \u201cto\nset in order, to put matters straight,\u201d but is often used in the sense\nof \u201cto clear away,\u201d or, \u201cto remove or despatch.\u201d\n\np. 59, l. 2045. \u00abthat he wente awaye with lym\u00bb = \u201cthat he had escaped\nwith (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound.\u201d \u00ablyme\u00bb, O.E.\n\u00ablim\u00bb, Mod. Eng. \u00ablimb\u00bb.\n\np. 59, l. 2052. \u00abtho\u00bb = O.E. \u00ab\u00de\u00e2\u00bb, \u201cthose, them,\u201d it is used as a\ndefinite article in l. 2063.\n\np. 59, l. 2057. \u00abamapide\u00bb, miswritten for \u00abawapide\u00bb (Herrtage),\n\u201castounded, bewildered.\u201d Cf. Stratmann, p. 10.\u2014M\u00e4tzner, \u00abW\u00f6rterbuch\u00bb,\np. 150, connects it with Goth. \u00abafhvapjan\u00bb, \u201cto suffocate.\u201d We find \u00abm\u00bb\nwritten for \u00abw\u00bb several times in our poem; thus we read \u00abga\u00bbm\u00abylokes\u00bb\nfor \u00abga\u00bbw\u00abylokes\u00bb in l. 2650, and \u00abro\u00bbm\u00abme\u00bb for \u00abro\u00bbw\u00abme\u00bb in l. 876.\n\np. 60, l. 2085. \u00abAssyne.\u00bb The rhyme shows that \u00abAssye\u00bb is the true\nreading. \u00abAssye\u00bb occurs in ll. 102, 123.\n\np. 60, l. 2093. \u00abwone\u00bb, \u201cheap, plenty.\u201d O.Icel. \u00abw\u00e2n\u00bb. See Zupitza\u2019s\nnote to \u00abGuy\u00bb, p. 444.\n\np. 61, l. 2119. \u00abBrenlande.\u00bb It ought to be \u00abBreuland\u00bb or \u00abBrouland\u00bb;\nsee above note to l. 1743.\n\np. 61, l. 2120. The first foot in the line consists of the single word\n\u00abwhat\u00bb. Thus in ll. 2288, 2374, 2394, etc.\n\np. 62, l. 2145. \u00abEspyarde.\u00bb This name only occurs in this poem. In \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, l. 3824, the messenger sent to the bridge-keeper is called\nMalyngryas. There is no name mentioned in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l.\n4265.\n\np. 62, l. 2156. \u00abThat no man by the brigge.\u00bb There is no verb in the\nsentence. Perhaps we ought to read \u00abthat no man passe by the brigge\u00bb,\nor, \u00abthat no man passe the brigge\u00bb.\n\np. 63, l. 2191. Cf. the description of the giant in \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll.\n4740\u20134755, and \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 4435\u20134441.\n\np. 63, l. 2199. \u00abnolde not.\u00bb See note to l. 1096.\n\np. 64, l. 2225. The line is too long. \u00abWilde\u00bb can be dispensed with,\nand instead of \u00abhorses\u00bb we may read \u00abhors\u00bb; cf. Skeat, Gloss. to\n\u00abPrioress\u2019s Tale\u00bb (Clarendon Press), \u00abs. v.\u00bb hors.\n\np. 64, l. 2233. \u00aba magnelle\u00bb, \u201ca mangonel,\u201d an ancient military engine\nused for battering down walls (Halliwell). \u00abMagnelle\u00bb is the O.Fr.\n\u00abMangonel\u00bb, or \u00abMangoneau\u00bb, the Italian \u00abmanganello\u00bb (= \u201carbalist,\ncross-bow\u201d). The latter is the diminutive form of \u00abmangano\u00bb, \u201ca sling;\u201d\nGreek, \u03bc\u03b1\u03b3\u03b3\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd. See Diez, \u00abEtym. W\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, I. 261.\n\np. 64, l. 2238. \u00abCornel\u00bb or \u00abcarnel\u00bb, Fr. \u00abcarnel\u00bb, Mod.Fr. \u00abcr\u00e9neau\u00bb,\n\u201cbattlement, pinnacle.\u201d Literally it means, \u201ca piece carved out,\u201d \u00abi.\ne.\u00bb of the wall on the top of a building; the French verb \u00abcarneler\u00bb\nor \u00abcreneler\u00bb signifying, \u201cto carve out, to jag, to notch.\u201d \u00abCarnel\u00bb\nis derived from Latin \u00abcrena\u00bb (See Diez, \u00abGramm.\u00bb, I. 14), which\nmeans \u201ca notch, a cut, an incision\u201d (Diez, \u00abEtym. W\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, II.\n266). Thus \u00abcarnel\u00bb came to denote a battlement or indented parapet;\nor more [p126] exactly it was applied to those parts of the wall\nprojecting upwards between the openings or embrasures. It was one of\nthese projecting portions that was here knocked down. Cf. also \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, l. 3314.\n\np. 65, l. 2245. The line is too long. Perhaps \u00abor he hit\u00bb may be\ndispensed with.\n\np. 65, l. 2247. The episode of Marsedag being slain by Guy is not found\nin any other poem of this romance.\n\np. 65, l. 2271. \u00abAlkaron\u00bb, \u201cthe Koran,\u201d \u00abal\u00bb is the Arabic article.\nThere is a god named Alcaron occurring in l. 2762.\n\np. 66, l. 2282. \u00abdye\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwaye\u00bb. See l. 441. \u00abforfamelid\u00bb = \u201cfamished,\nstarved to death.\u201d I am not aware of any other instance of this\nword. Halliwell has \u201cfamele = to be famished.\u201d The prefix \u00abfor-\u00bb has\nintensive or augmentative power; it is particularly used in past\nparticiples. See M\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abGrammatik\u00bb, I^2. 542.\n\np. 66, l. 2290. \u00abfaile\u00bb is the infinitive mood = \u201cto be wanting, to\nbecome deficient.\u201d \u201cRoland seeing the ladies white and pale (with\nhunger) and (seeing) the bread wanting on their table spoke some words\nof lamentation,\u201d etc.\n\np. 66, l. 2303. \u00abforcere\u00bb, \u201cchest, coffer.\u201d For the etymology see Diez,\n\u00abW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, II. 31, \u00abs. v.\u00bb forziere.\n\np. 66, l. 2309. As it stands the line is too long. As \u00abyou\u00bb and \u00abthat\u00bb\nmay be dispensed with, we ought perhaps to read, \u00abI pray ye wole us\nalle it shewe\u00bb.\n\np. 66, l. 2310. \u00absaule\u00bb, \u201cfill, hunger satisfied to repletion.\u201d The\nrhyme shows that the last syllable is accentuated. Therefore it cannot\nbe derived from the French \u00abso\u00fbl\u00bb (Gloss. to Roxb. Club ed.), but from\n\u00abso\u00fbl\u00e9e\u00bb.\n\np. 66, l. 2311. \u00abyede\u00bb = \u201cwent.\u201d Not from O.E. \u00abeode\u00bb, but from\n\u00abge-eode\u00bb. See Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 60, and Skeat, \u00abPiers the\nPlowman\u00bb (Clarendon Press), 94/40.\n\np. 66, l. 2312. \u00abvertue\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abfewe\u00bb; the rhyme is perfect, see the\nAbstract of Mr. Nicol\u2019s paper in the \u00abAcademy\u00bb of June 23, 1877 (vol.\nxi. p. 564, col. 1).\n\np. 66, l. 2313. We must scan this line thus:\n\n And d\u00edd\u1eb9\u1e47 it abo\u00fat\u1eb9 hem \u00e9verych\u00f3n.\n\n [Illustration: poetry scansion markup]\n\n\u00ab-en\u00bb in \u00abdiden\u00bb is mute; see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxix.\n\np. 67, l. 2326. \u00abginne\u00bb = \u201cengin, contrivance, trick.\u201d See note to l.\n780.\n\np. 67, l. 2337. \u00ablefte.\u00bb The rhyme shows that the author pronounced\n\u00ablafte\u00bb, which we find in l. 426.\n\np 68, l. 2351. Cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 3046\u20133097. In the Proven\u00e7al poem\nMaubyn or Malpi, as he is called in Proven\u00e7al, enters the room by means\nof a charm which makes the door open itself: [p127]\n\n \u201cVengutz es al fossat, pres de la tor cayrada.\n  Tantost intret dedins cuendamens a celada,\n  Venc a l\u2019us de la cambra: si la trobet tancada.\n  Et \u00aba dit son conjur\u00bb: tota s\u2019es desfermada.\u201d\n                                             ll. 2757\u201360.\n\np. 68, l. 2365. The rhyme is restored if we read \u00abledde\u00bb instead of\n\u00abladde\u00bb. See l. 1651.\n\np. 69, l. 2390. \u00abBy God and seynte Mary, myn avour.\u00bb I think the words\n\u00abmyn avoure\u00bb are due to the scribe, not to the author, as they spoil\nthe rhythm. So we get \u00abMary\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abwe\u00bb. This rhyme, although not perfect,\nis of no rare occurrence in Mid. Eng. works, see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb,\np. xliv. As to the spelling of \u00abavour\u00bb I am not aware of any other\ninstance of this form of the word. There is a form \u00abavyowre\u00bb cited\nby Halliwell. Besides, \u00abavoury\u00bb and \u00abavowery\u00bb, which he quotes under\ndifferent heads, are perhaps only different spellings of the same word.\n\np. 69, l. 2399. \u00abslepinge\u00bb must be altered into \u00abslepande\u00bb in order\nto restore the rhyme. The author employed \u00ab-and\u00bb and \u00ab-ynge\u00bb as\nterminations of the present participle. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxviii.\n\np. 69, l. 2421. \u00abalso\u00bb belongs to l. 2422.\n\np. 70, l. 2433. \u00abso mete I spede\u00bb, \u201cas I may succeed.\u201d See Zupitza\u2019s\nnote to \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 615.\n\np. 71, l. 2477. \u00aband now\u00bb is perhaps miswritten for \u00abinow\u00bb; cf. the\nFrench text, l. 3803:\n\n \u201c\u00abTant\u00bb y a plates d\u2019or, nus nes porroit nombrer.\u201d\n\np. 71, l. 2482. \u00abwast\u00bb gives no sense. Perhaps we ought to read \u00abwent\u00bb.\n\np. 72, ll. 2491\u20132502. The arrangement of the stanzas seems, as regards\nthe rhymes, to be incorrect.\n\np. 72, l. 2507. In the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb this episode of the Soudan\nbreaking the image of Mahound is omitted. In the French text he only\nthreatens to make him cry, as soon as he gets hold of him, but he is\nrebuked by Sorbrance telling him that Mahomet being over-tired with\nguarding the treasure has only fallen asleep. Cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll.\n3820\u20133829.\n\np. 72, l. 2512. \u00abore\u00bb, O.E. \u00ab\u00e2r\u00bb, \u201cmercy, favour.\u201d \u00abThyn ore\u00bb = \u201cgrant\nus thy favour,\u201d \u201chave mercy upon us,\u201d or, \u201cwith thy favour.\u201d\n\np. 73, l. 2535. Richard of Normandy appearing here as in the French\n\u00abFierabras\u00bb, among the twelve peers besieged by the Soudan, without\nhaving been mentioned before in the number of the knights sent on a\nmission by Charles, furnishes us with an argument in support of our\nsupposition that the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb was the source of our poem. See\n\u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxx, and of \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 3957\u20133994, and \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, l. 4921.\n\np. 73, l. 2538. \u00abwynde\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abhende\u00bb; \u00abwende\u00bb which occurs in l. 2328\nwould improve the rhyme. [p128]\n\np. 73, l. 2549. \u00abparamour\u00bb = \u201cobject of chivalrous affection and\ndevotion.\u201d\n\np. 73, l. 2557. \u00abwronge\u00bb, preterite of \u00abwringe\u00bb, \u201cto press well out,\nforce one\u2019s way.\u201d\n\np. 73, l. 2558. Does \u00abthile\u00bb stand for \u00abwhile\u00bb, as \u00abthen\u00bb, l. 2527,\nseems to be miswritten for \u00abwhen\u00bb? Or is \u00abthile\u00bb = the while?\n\np. 74, l. 2564. \u00absloughe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abdrowe\u00bb. Read \u00abslowe\u00bb, as in ll. 2401,\n2683, 304, 2208, etc.\n\np. 75, l. 2597. \u00abitolde\u00bb, \u201cin number,\u201d see Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb,\n1770.\n\np. 75, l. 2614. \u00abquell\u00bb = \u201c\u00abkill\u00bb,\u201d which occurs in l. 3006.\n\np. 75, l. 2616. \u00abbistadde\u00bb, \u201chard bestead, greatly imperilled.\u201d\n\np. 75, l. 2617. \u00abjaped\u00bb, \u201cmocked, tricked, laughed at.\u201d Connected with\nIcel. \u00abgabba\u00bb, \u201cto mock.\u201d\n\np. 76, l. 2639. \u00abtha\u00bb. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxxvii.\n\np. 76, l. 2651. \u00ablurdeyn\u00bb, Mod. Eng. \u00ablurdan\u00bb, which is said to be the\nFr. \u00ablourdin\u00bb (diminutive of \u00ablourd\u00bb). Regarding it as a corruption of\n\u201clord Dane\u201d is a mere joke:\n\n \u201cIn every house lord Dane did then rule all,\n  Whence laysie lozels lurdanes now we call.\u201d\n                               \u00abMirrour for Magistrates\u00bb, p. 588.\n\np. 76, l. 2654. \u00absewes.\u00bb See Skeat, \u00abPrioress\u2019s Tale\u00bb, p. 286.\n\np. 76, l. 2660. \u00ablet armes\u00bb makes no sense. Read \u00abas armes\u00bb\u2014\u00abAs armes\u00bb\n= Fr. \u00abaux armes\u00bb, \u201cto arms,\u201d is of pretty frequent occurrence in Mid.\nEng. poems; see M\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb, p. 112. Cf. also \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb,\nl. 2933:\n\n \u201cAs armes,\u201d \u00feanne cride Rolond,\n    \u201cAs armes everychone!\u201d\n\nCf. \u00abibidem\u00bb, l. 4125. So we read in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 1460.\n\n \u201cOre as armes, seignours, franc chevalier membr\u00e9.\u201d\n\nPerhaps we ought to read \u00abas armes\u00bb also in l. 491, where the reading\n\u00aband armes\u00bb is somewhat suspicious, since \u00abarmes\u00bb, if we regard \u00aband\narmes\u00bb to be the true reading, would be the only instance of the\nimperative plural ending in \u00ab-es\u00bb (instead of \u00ab-eth\u00bb) in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb.\n\np. 77, l. 2689. \u00abThay thanked God that thay him hadde Gyfe thaye suche\ngrace to spede.\u00bb These lines are corrupt. I propose to read:\n\n \u201cThay thanked God that hem hadde\n    Gyfen suche grace to spede.\u201d\n\np. 77, l. 2694. \u00abalaye\u00bb, written as one word in the MS., must be\ndivided into two, \u00aba\u00bb being the indefinite article, and \u00ablaye\u00bb meaning\n\u201cunploughed ground, field, pasture, meadow.\u201d Mod. Eng. \u00abley\u00bb, \u00ablea\u00bb,\n\u00ablay\u00bb. See \u00abStratmann\u00bb, s. v. \u00able\u021de\u00bb, p. 356.\n\np. 77, l. 2698. \u00abhe\u00bb, \u201cthey.\u201d This is the only instance of \u00abhe\u00bb instead\nof the common \u00abthay\u00bb. But \u00abhe\u00bb, which is further confirmed by the\nrhyme, must certainly be attributed to the author; \u00abthay\u00bb occurs only\nonce [p129] (l. 3021) as a rhyme, but the rhyme is not a good one, and\nthere also it would be preferable to read \u00abhe\u00bb.\n\np. 78, l. 2706. \u00abby my thrifte\u00bb, the same as \u201cso mote y thryve,\u201d or,\n\u201cso mote y spede\u201d = \u201cas (verily as) I may thrive,\u201d \u201cin truth.\u201d\n\np. 78, l. 2707. \u00absee\u00bb; cf. Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 163.\n\np. 78, l. 2719. \u00abwole\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abskille\u00bb. The rhyme shows that \u00abwole\u00bb cannot\nbe due to the author; we must read \u00abwille\u00bb (or \u00abwelle\u00bb which occurs l.\n2633).\n\np. 78, l. 2732. \u00abbikure\u00bb or \u00abbykeringe\u00bb, l. 2559 = \u201cfight, battle,\nskirmish.\u201d \u00abEr durste bikure abide.\u00bb The subject is wanting, see note\nto l. 67. Or is there any corruption in this line? Perhaps we ought to\nread: \u201cLenger durste [thay] no bikure abyde.\u201d Cf. ll. 3117, 2610, 2947.\n\np. 79, l. 2748. \u00ablove.\u00bb The rhyme requires \u00ableef\u00bb or \u00ableeve\u00bb. \u00ableef\u00bb,\nO.E. \u00ableof\u00bb, means \u201cdear, beloved.\u201d For examples of \u00ableef\u00bb being used\nas a substantive, see Stratmann, p. 359.\n\np. 80, l. 2793. \u00abeye\u00bb, \u201cegg.\u201d See Koch, \u00abEng. Gr.\u00bb II. \u00a7 582, and\ncompare the French phrase \u201cvaloir un \u0153uf pel\u00e9.\u201d\n\np. 80, l. 2797. \u00aband his meyne.\u00bb This must be a mistake of the author\nhimself. According to l. 2557, Richard had ventured alone on a mission\nto Charlemagne. There is no mention whatever made afterwards that he\nwas joined by any one; the other poems likewise state that Richard was\nwithout any companion.\n\np. 80, l. 2805. \u00ablete\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abgate\u00bb. The rhyme requires \u00ablate\u00bb.\n\np. 81, l. 2810. \u00abcliffe.\u00bb Here the author of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb goes so far\nin shortening his original as to be wholly unintelligible. Indeed, any\nreader, not comparing these lines with corresponding passages in the\nFrench poem, will be left without any clue to what \u00abcliff\u00bb is here\nintended to mean. From the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb we know that the water of\nthe river was very deep and broad, and that the banks were exceedingly\nsteep and almost inaccessible. Cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 4349:\n\n \u201cEt voit l\u2019augue bruiant, le flot parfont et l\u00e9.\u201d\n\nl. 4358: \u201cLa rive en est moult haute, bien fait \u00e0 redouter.\u201d Cf. also\nthe Proven\u00e7al poem, ll. 3733, \u00abet seq.\u00bb:\n\n \u201cRichart regarda l\u2019aygua, que fe mot a duptar,\n  E fo grans e preonda, que no y auza intrar,\n  E la riba fou \u00abauta de C pes\u00bb ses gaber.\u201d\n\nNow it was by means of a twofold myracle that the Christian knight was\nenabled to cross the river:\n\n(1) The waters suddenly increased and rose so as to reach the very top\nof the banks; cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 4365\u201369:\n\n \u201cOr oi\u00e9s quel vertu Diex i vaut demonstrer\n  Por le roi Karlemaine, qui tant fait \u00e0 douter.\n  An\u00e7ois que on \u00ebust une liu\u00e9e al\u00e9,\n  Ve\u00efssi\u00e9s si Flagot engroissier et enfler,\n  Que par \u00abdesous la rive commence \u00e0 seronder\u00bb.\u201d\n\nProven\u00e7al, ll. 3741\u201345: [p130]\n\n \u201cAra podetz auzir, si m voletz escoutar:\n  Tan bela meravilha li volc dieus demostrar\n  Per lo bon rey de Fransa que el volc tant amar;\n  Ans un trag de balesta pogues lunhs hom anar,\n  Pogratz vezer Flagot \u00absus la riba montar\u00bb.\u201d\n\n(2) A deer appears and shows Richard the way across the river to the\ntop of the opposite bank.\n\n \u201cAtant es vous .i. cerf, que Diex i fist aler,\n  Et fu blans comme nois, biaus fu \u00e0 resgarder.\n  Devant le ber Richart se prent \u00e0 demostrer,\n  Devant lui est tantost ens en Flagot entr\u00e9s.\n  Li dus voit Sarrazins apr\u00e8s lui arout\u00e9s,\n  S\u2019il ot paour de mort ne fait \u00e0 demander.\n  Apr\u00e8s le blance bisse commencha \u00e0 errer\n  Tout ainsi com ele vait, lait le ceval aler;\n  Et li ciers vait devant, qui bien s\u2019i sot garder,\n  D\u2019autre part \u00e0 la rive se prent \u00e0 ariver.\u201d\n\nCf. also the Proven\u00e7al version, ll. 3751\u201354:\n\n \u201cApres la blanca bestia laycha \u2019l destrier anar.\n  E lo cer vay denan, que l saup mot ben guizar,\n  De l\u2019autra part de l\u2019aygua l\u2019a fayt ben aribar,\n  \u00abE dieus a fayt Flagot en son estat tornar\u00bb.\u201d\n\nThis bank which formerly was steep and inaccessible, but is now covered\nwith water, is called \u00abcliff\u00bb by our poet. In the Ashmolean poem the\nfirst miracle is not mentioned; cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 3943, \u00abet seq.\u00bb\n\np. 81, l. 2811. \u00abhe blessed him in Godis name.\u00bb The phrase occurs also\nin \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 3961, but is not to be found in the French\ntext. Mr. John Shelley (in his paper printed in the \u00abAnnual Report and\nTransactions\u00bb of the Plymouth Institution, IV. i. 71) took this phrase\nas a proof that the original of the \u00abSowdan\u00bb could not have been the\nFrench poem. But it must be stated that as in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb, l. 2807, so\nin the French version Richard is said to have addressed a prayer to God:\n\n \u201cEscortrement commence Jhesu \u00e0 reclamer:\n  Glorieus sire pere, qui te laissas pener\n  En la crois beneoite pour ton pule sauver,\n  Garisi\u00e9s hui mon cors de mort et d\u2019afoler,\n  Que je puisse Karlon mon message conter.\u201d\n                                 \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 4360\u201364.\n\nIf now we consider that some lines back (l. 4093) the French poem\nexpressively states that Richard seeing himself hard pressed by the\nSaracens, signed himself with the sign of the cross\u2014\n\n \u201cLors a lev\u00e9 sa main, de Jhesu s\u2019est signi\u00e9s\u201d\n\nan incident which at that moment is omitted in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb\u2014we think\nourselves entitled to regard this proof as not very convincing.\n\np. 81, l. 2820. \u00abGanelon\u00bb, one of Charlemagne\u2019s officers, who by his\ntreachery was the cause of the defeat of Roncesvaux, the death of\nRoland, etc., for which he was torn to death by horses. For [p131]\nseveral centuries his name was a synonymous word with traitor.\n\u00abGanelo\u00bb = Germ. \u00abWenhilo\u00bb.\n\np. 81, l. 2845. \u00abFremounde\u00bb cannot be the true reading, as it does\nnot rhyme with \u00abkinge\u00bb. Besides \u00abFremounde\u00bb does not occur again in\nthe poem. Perhaps we ought to read \u00abQwyntyne\u00bb, as in l. 1298. In the\ncorresponding passage of the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb (l. 4625) it is to St.\nDenis that Charles swears; cf. also \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 4289.\n\np. 82, l. 2850. \u00abAnd\u00bb makes no sense. Read \u201c\u00abGod\u00bb.\u201d\n\np. 83, l. 2887. \u00abgryse\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abassaye\u00bb. We get a perfect rhyme if we read\n\u00abgray\u00bb instead of \u00abgryse\u00bb. Halliwell, \u00abs. v.\u00bb \u201cgray,\u201d has: \u201cthe skin or\nfur of a badger.\u201d\n\np. 83, l. 2891. As it stands, the line does not rhyme with l. 2893. The\nrhyme will be restored if we read:\n\n \u201c\u00abLycence gete ye noone nere\u00bb,\u201d or perhaps\n \u201c\u00abLycence gete ye of me nere\u00bb,\u201d\n\n\u00abnere\u00bb meaning \u00abne\u2019er\u00bb, \u00abnever\u00bb, as in \u00abGuy\u00bb, 10550 and 10716.\n\np. 84, l. 2939. The name of the giantess is \u00abAmiette\u00bb or \u00abAmiote\u00bb in\nthe other poems.\n\np. 84, l. 2941. This line is too long; \u00abas \u00feikke\u00bb may be omitted.\n\np. 84, l. 2942. \u00abbydene\u00bb, \u201cimmediately, all at once.\u201d On the etymology\nsee Zupitza\u2019s note to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 2408.\n\np. 85, l. 2981. \u00abayene\u00bb means \u201cback.\u201d So in \u00abGenesis and Exodus\u00bb, l.\n1097:\n\n \u201cAnd bodem hem and tagten wel\n  \u00f0at here non wente agen.\u201d\n\nAgain, l. 3267:\n\n \u201c\u00f0o quo\u00f0en he \u2018wende agen,\n  An israel folc lete we ben.\u2019\u201d\n\np. 86, l. 3020. As it stands, this line does not scan well. Perhaps\nwe may read \u00abmonth\u00bb instead of \u00abmonthes\u00bb, and \u00abchildre\u00bb instead of\n\u00abchildren\u00bb, and scan the line thus:\n\n Fo\u00fand two ch\u00edldr\u1eb9 of s\u00e9ven month o\u00f3lde.\n\n [Illustration: poetry scansion markup]\n\np. 87, l. 3021. \u00abthay\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abNormandy\u00bb. The rhyme, though imperfect,\ncannot be objected to; but as the rhyme \u00abe\u00bb\u00a0: \u00aby\u00bb (\u00abi\u00bb) is frequently\nemployed by our author (see \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xliv), and was of rather\ncommon use about that period (see Ellis, \u00abPronunciation\u00bb, I. 271), we\nmight incline to the supposition that \u00abhe\u00bb is the true reading. Cf.\nbesides l. 2698.\n\np. 87, l. 3034. \u00abmene\u00bb makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read:\n\u00abmete\u00bb, \u201cfood.\u201d\n\np. 87, l. 3044. In the French poem, l. 5108, Hoel and Riol are\nappointed governors of Mantrible, whereas Richard goes on with Charles\nand commands one of the divisions of his army (l. 5577). Cf. \u00abSyr\nFerumbras\u00bb, l. 5643.\n\np. 88, l. 3062. \u00abcoost\u00bb, \u201ccountry, region.\u201d See M\u00e4tzner\u2019s \u00abW\u00f6rterb.\u00bb,\n487.\n\np. 88, l. 3084. In the \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 5374, it is Naymes who first\nrecognizes the banner of France; cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 5209. [p132]\n\np. 89, l. 3098. \u00abof the Ethiopes\u00bb = \u201csome of the Ethiopians.\u201d This may\nbe regarded as an example of the partitive use of \u00abof\u00bb. Cf. Zupitza\u2019s\nnote to \u00abGuy\u00bb, 1961.\n\np. 89, l. 3103. \u00abalto hewe\u00bb must be more correctly written \u00abal\nto-hewe\u00bb;\u2014\u00abto-\u00bb, as a mere prefix (signifying \u201cin twain, asunder,\napart\u201d = Germ. \u00abzer\u00bb) belongs essentially to the verb; the intensive\nadverb \u00abal\u00bb (= \u201cutterly, omnino,\u201d) used before verbs beginning not only\nwith \u00abto-\u00bb, but also before other prefixes, still further strengthens,\nand belongs to, the whole expression. So \u00abal to-treden\u00bb, l. 1382,\n\u00abto-braste\u00bb, l. 1168.\n\np. 89, l. 3122. \u00abBelmore.\u00bb Perhaps identical with Belmarine.\n\np. 90, l. 3130. \u00abwode-wroth\u00bb, \u201cmadly angry.\u201d Cf. Skeat, \u00abSpecimens of\nEarly Eng. Lit.\u00bb, 80/37.\n\np. 90, l. 3141. \u00abgame\u00bb, \u201csport, joke, affair.\u201d\n\np. 90, l. 3154. \u00abhat\u00bb, \u201cbe called.\u201d See note, l. 613.\n\np. 91, l. 3164. \u00abbronde\u00bb, \u201csword.\u201d In the next line \u00abbronte\u00bb means\n\u201cblow, stroke.\u201d\n\np. 91, l. 3189. \u00ablande\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abcommaunde\u00bb. See note, l. 59.\n\np. 91, l. 3191. The rhyme is spoiled. Perhaps \u00abthan\u00bb must be transposed\nso that we get the rhyme \u00abbaptysed\u00bb\u00a0: \u00abimaryed\u00bb.\n\np. 92, l. 3210. \u00abthere to abide in store\u00bb = \u201cto be kept in store\u201d; cf.\nSkelton, ed. Dyce, I. 162, 221.\n\np. 92, l. 3227. \u00abvictory\u00bb = \u201cbooty, spoils of victory, trophy.\u201d\n\np. 92, l. 3232. \u00abthe hyer honde to have\u00bb = \u201cto have conquered or\nvanquished.\u201d The same phrase is found in M. H. G.; cf. Hartmann\u2019s\n\u00abIwein\u00bb, ed. Lachmann, l. 1537\u20138:\n\n \u201cVrou Minne nam die obern hant,\n  daz s\u00ee in vienc unde bant.\u201d\n\np. 93, l. 3236. In the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 6082, \u00abet seq.\u00bb, and in\nthe Proven\u00e7al poem, l. 5067, \u00abet seq.\u00bb, the relics are distributed\nas follows: Part of the crown and one nail to St. Denis, and \u201c\u00abli\nsignes\u00bb,\u201d the winding-sheet of the Lord, to Compi\u00e8gne. There is no\nmention made of the cross in the French poem (see note to l. 665); cf.\nIntrod. pp. l and liv.\n\np. 93, l. 3253. According to the \u00abChanson de Roland\u00bb, Ganelon has been\ndrawn and quartered in a field near Aix-la-Chapelle.\n\np. 94, l. 3254. \u00abBy lawe\u00bb, cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 307: \u201cAs for\ntraytours \u021daf \u00fee lawe.\u201d On this law compare L\u00e9on Gautier\u2019s note to l.\n3736 of the \u00abChanson de Roland\u00bb.\n\np. 95, l. 3274. The French poem ends with the assertion of the poet (or\nthe scribe) that whoever has well listened to this romance will find\nevery part of it good and excellent, the opening, the middle, and the\nend:\n\n \u201cDe cest roumant est boine et la fin et l\u2019entree,\n  Et enmi et partout, qui bien l\u2019a escout\u00e9e.\u201d\n\n[p133]\n\n\n\n\nGLOSSARY.\n\n O.E. = Old English or Anglo Saxon.                  O.Fr. = Old French.\n                     32/1094 = page 32, line 1094.\n\n\n Abye, 32/1094, \u00abvb.\u00bb to pay for, expiate. O.E. \u00e2bycgan.\n\n adaunte, 28/957, \u00abvb.\u00bb to subdue. Fr. danter, donter, dompter.\n\n aferde, 39/1337, \u00abpp.\u00bb afraid. O.E. \u00e2f[^\u00e6]rde.\n\n affrayned, 43/1495, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb asked. O.E. frignan.\n\n afraye, 26/896, \u00absb.\u00bb disturbance, fight.\n\n agreved, 29/992, \u00abpp.\u00bb aggrieved. Fr. aggrever.\n\n alayned, 43/1497, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb concealed, dissembled. Icel. leyna.\n\n alle and some, 22/749, altogether, every one.\n\n almiht, 38/1329, \u00abadj.\u00bb \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n ameved, 29/994, \u00abpp.\u00bb moved.\n\n amonge, 57/1994, \u00abadv.\u00bb in the mean time, now and then, sometimes.\n \u00abSee note to\u00bb l. 1974.\n\n aplight, 17/573, \u00abadv.\u00bb certainly, indeed. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n areeste, 34/1166, \u00absb.\u00bb rest, support. O.Fr. arrest.\n\n arson, 41/1410, \u00absb.\u00bb pommel. Fr. ar\u00e7on.\n\n aspied, 10/314, \u00abpp.\u00bb espied. Fr. espier.\n\n assaye, 83/2889, \u00absb.\u00bb value. Fr. essai.\n\n assorte, 57/1997, \u00absb.\u00bb assembly, company. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n assoyled, 70/2455, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb absolved.\n\n astraye, 16/532, \u00abadv.\u00bb out of the right way, roving about without\n guidance.\n\n astyte, 42/1456, \u00abadv.\u00bb immediately.\n\n asure, 5/134, \u00absb.\u00bb azure.\n\n atame, 27/935, \u00abvb.\u00bb to tame, subdue. O.E. \u00e2tamian.\n\n atone, 32/1103, agree.\n\n attones, 31/1067, at once.\n\n avente, 36/1237, \u00abvb.\u00bb to take breath. Fr. venter.\n\n avoure, 69/2390, \u00absb.\u00bb protection, protectress.\n\n avyse, 49/1716, \u00abvb.\u00bb to consider, advise with one\u2019s self. Fr. aviser.\n\n awapide, 59/2057, \u00abpp.\u00bb astounded, bewildered. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n ayene, 85/2981, \u00abadv.\u00bb back.\n\n Bandon, 19/636, \u00absb.\u00bb disposal.\n\n bassatours (?), 29/995, \u00absb.\u00bb vavassors.\n\n bawson, 2/52, \u00absb.\u00bb badger.\n\n baye, 27/940, \u00absb.\u00bb recess, niche. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n beckyn, 3/64, \u00abvb.\u00bb beckon. O.E. b\u00eaacnian.\n\n bedight, 88/3070, \u00abvb.\u00bb to dispose, to surrender, to send forth.\n\n behight, 25/859, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb promised. O.E. heht.\n\n bende, 13/420, \u00abvb.\u00bb to direct.\n\n bente, 20/665, \u00abadj.\u00bb bent, crooked.\n\n benysone, 9/289, \u00absb.\u00bb blessing. Fr. benoison.\n\n bette, 49/1716, \u00abadv.\u00bb better.\n\n bikure, 78/2732, \u00absb.\u00bb skirmish.\n\n bispake, 5/165, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb spoke with.\n\n bistadde, 75/2616, \u00abpp.\u00bb placed in peril, hardly bestead. Cf. O.E.\n st\u00e6\u00f0\u00f0an. Dan. bestede.\n\n biwry, 46/1580, \u00abvb.\u00bb betray. O.E. biwr\u00eagan.\n\n bloo, 29/1005, \u00abadj.\u00bb blue. Icel. bl\u00e2r.\n\n blynne, 70/2442, \u00abvb.\u00bb to cease, stop. O.E. belinnan.\n\n bobaunce, 7/211, \u00absb.\u00bb boasting.\n\n boure, 54/1870, \u00absb.\u00bb a lady\u2019s apartment, boudoir. O.E. b\u00fbr.\n\n bowe, 53/1853, \u00absb.\u00bb bough, branch. O.E. b\u00f4g.\n\n braide, 32/1098, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb drew. O.E. br\u00e6gd.\n\n brayde, 8/247, \u00absb.\u00bb craft, deceit, artifice. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n breddes, 5/131, \u00absb.\u00bb birds. O.E. bridas.\n\n broke, 57/1965, \u00abvb.\u00bb to break.\n\n bronte, 91/3166, \u00absb.\u00bb blow.\n\n buskede, 31/1055, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb prepared, arrayed. Icel. b\u00fbask.\n\n by, 3/87, \u00abvb.\u00bb buy, pay. O.E. bycgan.\n\n bydene, 84/2942, immediately. \u00abOriginally\u00bb mid ene. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n bygone, 3/79, \u00abpp.\u00bb afflicted. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n bykeringe, 74/2595, \u00absb.\u00bb skirmish.\n\n by than, 10/344. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n Camalyon, 29/1008, \u00absb.\u00bb camel-leopard. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n carrikes, 4/118, a kind of large ship. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n caste, 12/394, \u00absb.\u00bb plan, stratagem; 60/2091, the throwing; 71/2471,\n missile. \u00abSee note to\u00bb l. 394.\n\n ceased, 89/3109, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb seized.\n\n chaffer, 83/2885, \u00absb.\u00bb merchandise. O.E. c\u00eaap, faru.\n\n charke, 51/1778, \u00abvb.\u00bb to creak, crack. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n chek, 8/189, \u00absb.\u00bb a checkered cloth.\n\n chere, 6/201, \u00absb.\u00bb demeanour, behaviour, humour.\n\n chere, 80/2781, \u00absb.\u00bb friendliness, willingness.\n\n chere, 87/3030, \u00abadj.\u00bb pleased, merry.\n\n chese, 49/1698, \u00abvb.\u00bb to be free to choose. O.E. c\u00eaosan.\n\n clepeth, 24/809, \u00abpr. s.\u00bb calls.\n\n clipped, 56/1935, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb embraced, hugged. O.E. clyppan.\n\n clog, 46/1603, \u00absb.\u00bb \u201ctruncus,\u201d block.\n\n cloute, 58/2014, \u00absb.\u00bb blow.\n\n combrest, 83/2909, \u00abpr. s.\u00bb encumberest. Fr. combrer.\n\n coost, 50/1721, \u00absb.\u00bb regard, account. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n cornell, 64/2238, \u00absb.\u00bb shaft of a pinnacle or battlement. O.Fr.\n carnell. \u00abSee note to\u00bb l. 2238, and compare Du Cange, \u00abs. v.\u00bb\n quarnellus: \u201cpinna muri per quam milites jaculantur.\u201d\n\n coude, 16/541, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb knew.\n\n counsail, 46/1590, secret.\n\n Defouled, 7/233, \u00abpp.\u00bb polluted. Cf. O.E. f\u0177lan, f\u00fblian.\n\n delte, 16/526, \u00abpp.\u00bb dealt.\n\n dere, 92/3202, \u00abvb.\u00bb to harm, injure. O.E. derian.\n\n derke, 73/2541, \u00abadj.\u00bb dark.\n\n dewe, 70/2452, \u00abadj.\u00bb due.\n\n dight, 79/2763, \u00abpp.\u00bb dressed, prepared. O.E. dihtan.\n\n dinge, 26/880, \u00abvb.\u00bb to dash, beat. Cf. Icel. dengja.\n\n dirke, 44/1539. \u00abSee note.\u00bb\n\n dobbet, 33/1136, \u00abpp.\u00bb dubbed. O.E. dubban. Fr. dober.\n\n dome, 14/478, \u00absb.\u00bb glory.\n\n don, 88/3078, \u00abvb.\u00bb cause, order O.E. d\u00f4n.\n\n donne, 11/347, \u00abadj.\u00bb dun.\n\n dowte, 9/297, \u00absb.\u00bb fear.\n\n dradde, 36/1232, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb feared. Cf. O.E. on-dr[^\u00e6]dan.\n\n dresse, 49/1702, \u00abvb.\u00bb to direct one\u2019s self, go, start. Fr. dresser.\n\n dromonde, 3/63, \u00absb.\u00bb vessel of war.\n\n dute, 30/1024, \u00absb.\u00bb duty. Deriv. of due, dewe. Fr. deu.\n\n Egre, 29/1009, \u00abvb.\u00bb to excite, to urge.\n\n eke, 20/662, \u00abadv.\u00bb also. O.E. \u00eaac.\n\n engyn, 28/948, \u00absb.\u00bb a skilful contrivance. Fr. engin.\n\n ensample, 27/931, \u00absb.\u00bb example.\n\n entente, 16/550, \u00abvb.\u00bb to turn one\u2019s attention to, to try to get, to\n attempt.\n\n entente, 28/945, \u00absb.\u00bb meaning, will, mind.\n\n erille, 11/368, \u00absb.\u00bb earl.\n\n erraunte, 5/139, quick, immediately.\n\n eye, 80/2793, \u00absb.\u00bb egg. O.E. \u00e6g.\n\n Fade, 20/678, \u00abvb.\u00bb to dispose, to arrange, to set up (?).\n\n fade, 30/1033, \u00abadj.\u00bb weak, faint.\n\n faste, 32/1086, \u00abadv.\u00bb much, greatly.\n\n fat, 90/3152, \u00absb.\u00bb Vat, tub. O.E. f\u00e6t.\n\n fauchon, 76/2650, \u00absb.\u00bb a sword or falchion.\n\n faye, 26/900, \u00abvb.\u00bb truth, faith.\n\n fele, 47/1619, \u00abadj.\u00bb many.\n\n felle, 29/1004, \u00abadj.\u00bb fierce, furious.\n\n felte, 41/1405, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb made fall, killed.\n\n fende, 92/3231, \u00abpp.\u00bb defended, protected, granted.\n\n fere, 36/1248, \u00absb.\u00bb fear. O.E. f[^\u00e6]r.\n\n fere, 44/1505, \u00absb.\u00bb companion. In fere, 31/1071, together.\n\n fere, 2/59, \u00abvb.\u00bb to terrify.\n\n ferre, 4/103, \u00abadv.\u00bb far.\n\n fet, 91/3188, \u00abpp.\u00bb fetched.\n\n fille, 35/1210, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb fell.\n\n fleen, 88/3065, to flay. O.E. fl\u00eaan.\n\n folde, 71/1427, \u00abpp.\u00bb felled, knocked down.\n\n forcere, 66/2303, \u00absb.\u00bb chest, coffer. O.Fr. forcier.\n\n for-famelid, 66/2282, \u00abpp.\u00bb entirely famished.\n\n foule, 77/2686, \u00abvb.\u00bb foul luck, mischance.\n\n fowarde, 15/502, 22/732, \u00absb.\u00bb vanguard.\n\n frankensense, 20/679, \u00absb.\u00bb an odorous resin, pure incense.\n\n fraye, 15/514, \u00abvb.\u00bb to frighten, attack.\n\n frike, 4/104, \u00abadj.\u00bb quick, bold, active.\n\n frith, 2/43, \u00absb.\u00bb enclosed wood.\n\n froo, 79/760, \u00abprep.\u00bb from.\n\n fyne, 9/306, \u00absb.\u00bb end.\n\n Game, 90/3141, \u00absb.\u00bb affair; 92/3199, pleasure. O.E. gamen.\n\n gan, 16/549, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb began.\n\n gavylok, 41/1426, \u00absb.\u00bb a spear or javelin. O.E. gafoluc.\n\n geaunesse, 84/2943 (?), \u00absb.\u00bb giantess.\n\n geder, 45/1553, \u00abvb.\u00bb to gather. O.E. g\u00e6drian.\n\n glased, 35/1208, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb glided. O.Fr. glacier. See Zupitza\u2019s note to\n \u00abGuy\u00bb, l. 5067.\n\n glede, 7/205, \u00absb.\u00bb a glowing coal, ember. O.E. gl\u00ead.\n\n god, 3/67, \u00abadj.\u00bb versed in, master of.\n\n gome, 5/144, \u00absb.\u00bb man. O.E. guma.\n\n gonge, 84/2934, \u00abvb.\u00bb to go. O.E. gongan.\n\n goulis, 6/189, \u00absb.\u00bb gules, a red colour. Fr. geules.\n\n gray, 83/2887, \u00absb.\u00bb the fur of a gray, or badger. O.E. gr[^\u00e6]g.\n\n gree, 82/2850, \u00absb.\u00bb grace, favour. Fr. gr\u00e9. Lat. gratum.\n\n grenned, 84/2948, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb grinned, roared. O.E. grennian.\n\n grevaunce, 29/993, \u00absb.\u00bb grievance.\n\n greved, 45/1543, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb grieved, molested, troubled.\n\n grith, 82/2850, \u00absb.\u00bb peace, agreement. O.E. gri\u00f0.\n\n gryse, 83/2887, \u00absb.\u00bb a kind of fur. Fr. gris.\n\n guttis, 39/1351, \u00absb.\u00bb guts. O.E. gut.\n\n gydoure, 5/163, \u00absb.\u00bb leader, guide.\n\n gynne, 67/2326, \u00absb.\u00bb enginne, contrivance.\n\n Harde, 59/2056, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb heard.\n\n hat, 90/3154, \u00abvb.\u00bb to be called. O.E. h\u00e2tan.\n\n he, 77/2698, \u00abpron. nominat.\u00bb thay. O.E. h\u00ee.\n\n heede, 62/2158, \u00absb.\u00bb head. O.E. h\u00eaafod.\n\n hende, 73/2536, \u00abadj.\u00bb gentle, polite. O.E. hendig.\n\n hennys, 55/1922, \u00abadv.\u00bb hence. O.E. heonan.\n\n hente, 40/1370, \u00abvb.\u00bb hold, take. O.E. hentan.\n\n hie, 14/455, \u00absb.\u00bb haste.\n\n hight, 18/613, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb promised; 36/1242, art called. O.E. heht.\n\n honde of honde, 12/394, in close fight.\n\n hoole, 32/1119, \u00abadj.\u00bb whole, sound. O.E. h\u00e2l.\n\n hurle, 27/929, \u00abvb.\u00bb to jostle, to strike. A contraction of \u00abhurtle\u00bb.\n\n hurteled, 24/831, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb clashed against, jostled. Frequentative of\n \u00abhurt\u00bb. Fr. hurter, heurter.\n\n hye, 32/1092, \u00absb.\u00bb haste.\n\n I-fast, 58/2000, fixed.\n\n ilkadele, 58/2016, every part. O.E. [^\u00e6]lc, d[^\u00e6]l.\n\n ilke, 9/281, \u00abadj.\u00bb same. O.E. ylca.\n\n inowe, 25/854, \u00abadv.\u00bb enough. O.E. gen\u00f4h.\n\n ishente, 66/2286, \u00abpp.\u00bb destroyed. O.E. ge-scended.\n\n istoke, 56/1963, \u00abpp.\u00bb shut up, fastened. From steken. O.L.G. stecan.\n\n istonge, 16/533, \u00abpp.\u00bb stung, pierced. O.E. stungen.\n\n it, 25/845, \u00abvb.\u00bb to hit. Icel. hitta.\n\n iwis, 3/71, \u00abadv.\u00bb certainly, indeed. O.E. gewiss.\n\n iwone, 11/358, \u00abadj.\u00bb accustomed.\n\n Japed, 75/2617, \u00abpp.\u00bb mocked, laughed at. O.Icel. gabba.\n\n jouste, 57/1991, \u00abvb.\u00bb to joust, fight. Fr. jouster.\n\n Kele, 93/3258, \u00abvb.\u00bb to keel, cool. O.E. c\u00ealan.\n\n kind, 63/2196, \u00absb.\u00bb race, family.\n\n kithe, 28/971, \u00abvb.\u00bb to show, manifest. O.E. c\u0177\u00f0an.\n\n kon, 66/2297, \u00abprs. pl.\u00bb can.\n\n kynde, 28/968, \u00absb.\u00bb nature, temper.\n\n kynde, 2/42, \u00abadj.\u00bb natural, inborn.\n\n Lan, 15/516, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb ceased, stopped. O.E. lan.\n\n late, 71/2460, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb let, caused, ordered. O.E. l\u00eat, l[^\u00e6]ton.\n\n launde, 2/59, \u00absb.\u00bb park, lawn.\n\n laye, 77/2694, \u00absb.\u00bb lea, field. O.E. l\u00eaah. Cf. Water-\u00abloo\u00bb.\n\n laye, 28/951, \u00absb.\u00bb law. O.E. lagu.\n\n layne, 16/538, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb lay. O.E. l[^\u00e6]gon.\n\n lefe, 23/763, \u00abvb.\u00bb leave, abandon, forsake. O.E. l[^\u00e6]fan.\n\n lefe-long, 24/832, \u00abadj.\u00bb long, tedious.\n\n legee\u021d, 23/775, leagues. Fr. lieue. O.Fr. legue. Lat. leuca.\n\n leke, 50/1726, \u00absb.\u00bb leek. O.E. l\u00eaac.\n\n lele, 33/1129, \u00abadj.\u00bb leal, loyal. Fr. leal.\n\n lenger, 72/2500, \u00abcompar.\u00bb longer.\n\n lere, 66/2289, \u00absb.\u00bb countenance, complexion. O.E. hl\u00eaor.\n\n lere, 74/2569, \u00abvb.\u00bb to teach.\n\n lered, 58/2005, \u00abpp.\u00bb learned.\n\n lerne, 33/1141, \u00abvb.\u00bb to teach.\n\n lese, 49/1683, \u00abvb.\u00bb to loose. O.E. l\u00eaosan.\n\n lette, 17/585, \u00abvb.\u00bb leave off; 74/2610, to put a stop to, hinder,\n tarry. O.E. lettan.\n\n leve, 23/794, \u00abvb.\u00bb leave. O.E. l[^\u00e6]fan; 30/1045, omit, neglect.\n\n leve, 19/651, \u00abvb.\u00bb live, remain. O.E. gel\u0177fan.\n\n leven, 31/1050, \u00abvb.\u00bb believe. O.E. l\u00eafan.\n\n lewde, 75/2601, \u00absb.\u00bb laymen, unlearned. O.E. l[^\u00e6]wed.\n\n light, 26/905, \u00abadj.\u00bb active, nimble.\n\n light, 33/1125, \u00abpp.\u00bb alighted. O.E. l\u00eehtan.\n\n lithe, 81/1778, \u00absb.\u00bb limb, member. O.E. li\u00f0.\n\n logges, 69/2399, \u00absb.\u00bb huts. Fr. loge.\n\n longith, 28/951, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb belongeth, becomes.\n\n loute, 72/2513, \u00abvb.\u00bb to stoop, bow down. O.E. l\u00fbtan.\n\n lowly, 70/2454, \u00abadv.\u00bb low, not loud.\n\n lurdeynes, 76/2651, \u00absb.\u00bb lurdan, lout. Fr. lourdin.\n\n lym, 59/2045, \u00absb.\u00bb limb.\n\n lyued, 66/1261, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb lived.\n\n Magre, 42/1442, \u00abprep.\u00bb in spite of.\n\n maistryes, 89/3117, \u00absb. pl.\u00bb mastery, proof of skill, combat.\n\n manly, 29/989, \u00abadj.\u00bb brave.\n\n mayne, 16/528, \u00absb.\u00bb main, strength.\n\n me, 9/287, \u00absb.\u00bb men, people, one.\n\n meche, 6/179, \u00abadj.\u00bb much. O.E. mycel.\n\n mede, 31/1054, \u00absb.\u00bb meadow. O.E. m[^\u00e6]d.\n\n mede, 37/1289, \u00absb.\u00bb meed, pay. O.E. m\u00ead.\n\n medel, 73/2540, \u00abvb.\u00bb meddle. O.Fr. mesler, mestler.\n\n men, 4/115, \u00absb.\u00bb men, people, one.\n\n menske, 28/972, \u00absb.\u00bb manliness, honour. O.E. mennisc.\n\n mente, 51/1784, \u00abvb.\u00bb to aim at, to intend to go. O.E. myntan. \u00abSee\n note to\u00bb l. 1604.\n\n mervaylyth, 88/3066, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb marvels, wonders. Cf. Fr. merveille.\n\n mete, 47/1633, \u00absb.\u00bb food, repast.\n\n meyne, 7/219, \u00absb.\u00bb host, company, retinue. O.Fr. maisniee.\n\n mikille, 30/1016, \u00abadj.\u00bb many. O.E. mycel.\n\n moche, 15/505, \u00abadj.\u00bb much.\n\n mode, 29/1009, \u00absb.\u00bb mind, temper, courage. O.E. m\u00f4d.\n\n moolde, 5/136, \u00absb.\u00bb earth, worth. O.E. molde.\n\n moone, 28/944, \u00absb.\u00bb moan, complaint. Cf. O.E. m[^\u00e6]nan.\n\n more, 23/777, delay. \u00abSee note to\u00bb l. 1110.\n\n more, 29/1005, \u00absb.\u00bb moor, Maurian.\n\n mot, 19/650, \u00abvb.\u00bb may.\n\n myghty, 56/1927, \u00abadj.\u00bb \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n myrke, 45/1541, \u00abadj.\u00bb dark. O.E. myrce.\n\n Natheless, 15/506, \u00abadv.\u00bb nevertheless.\n\n nather, 36/1232, \u00abadj.\u00bb nother.\n\n ner, 13/416, \u00abconj.\u00bb nor.\n\n nere, 22/756, \u00abadv.\u00bb near.\n\n nerehond, 86/2998, \u00abadv.\u00bb almost.\n\n noght, 43/1497, \u00abadv.\u00bb not.\n\n noght, 78/2712, \u00absb.\u00bb nothing.\n\n none, 32/1114, \u00absb.\u00bb noon.\n\n nones, 3/74, \u00absb.\u00bb nonce, occasion.\n\n nothinge, 6/175, not at all.\n\n nothir, 8/267, \u00abconj.\u00bb neither.\n\n nought for than, 43/1483, nevertheless.\n\n nyl, 17/585, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb will not. O.E. nyle.\n\n Of, 32/1088, \u00abprp.\u00bb on account of.\n\n oght, 78/2713, \u00absb.\u00bb aught.\n\n onarmede, 14/464, unarmed.\n\n onne\u00fee, 89/3105, \u00abadv.\u00bb scarcely.\n\n onworthily, 49/1634, \u00abadv.\u00bb unusefully.\n\n orders, 59/2036. \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n ore, 72/2512, \u00absb.\u00bb mercy, favour. O.E. \u00e2r.\n\n orfrays, 83/2888, \u00absb.\u00bb gold embroidery. Lat. Aurifrisum.\n\n overlede, 72/2502, \u00abvb.\u00bb to domineer over, to oppress.\n\n Parelles, 55/1917, \u00absb. pl.\u00bb perils. Fr. p\u00e9ril.\n\n paynym, 16/539, \u00absb.\u00bb pagan.\n\n pellure, 83/2887, \u00absb.\u00bb fur. O.Fr. pelure.\n\n pight, 34/1158, \u00abpp.\u00bb pitched, fixed.\n\n pinne, 88/3077, \u00abvb.\u00bb to torment. O.E. p\u00eenan.\n\n playn, 6/177, \u00abvb.\u00bb to complain.\n\n plete, 33/1151, \u00abvb.\u00bb plead, prattle. From Fr. plet, plaid.\n\n plight, 26/889, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb promise, assure.\n\n poleyne, 6/176, \u00absb.\u00bb pully-pieces, knee-armour.\n\n praye, 16/550, \u00absb.\u00bb press, crowd.\n\n prees, 40/1399, \u00absb.\u00bb crowd, struggle. Fr. presse.\n\n preest, 34/1169, \u00abadj.\u00bb ready. Fr. prest.\n\n prik, 81/2831, \u00abvb.\u00bb to spur a horse, to ride.\n\n prikke, 65/2260, \u00absb.\u00bb a piece of wood in the centre of the target.\n See Halliwell\u2019s \u00abDiction.\u00bb \u00abs. v.\u00bb preke.\n\n prove, 6/183, \u00abvb.\u00bb to try.\n\n prowe, 51/1766, \u00absb.\u00bb profit, advantage, honour. Fr. prou.\n\n prymsauns, 28/965 (?). \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n Quod, 32/1095, \u00abprt. s.\u00bb quoth.\n\n qwelle, 75/2614, \u00abvb.\u00bb to kill. O.E. cwellan.\n\n qwere, 17/566, \u00absb.\u00bb quire, choir-service.\n\n qweynte, 3/74, \u00abadj.\u00bb excellent, elegant. O.Fr. coint. Lat. cognitus.\n\n qwike, 58/2001, \u00abadj.\u00bb alive, burning. O.E. cwic.\n\n qwite, 16/520, \u00abvb.\u00bb to requite, to reward.\n\n Racches, 2/56, \u00absb.\u00bb setting dogs, pointers.\n\n rafe, 25/866, \u00abvb.\u00bb to rave. O.Fr. raver. Span. rabiar. Lat. rabiare.\n\n ras, 39/1349, \u00absb.\u00bb instant, occasion. \u00abSee the note.\u00bb 19/645, hurry,\n haste.\n\n rase, 23/774, \u00absb.\u00bb rush, channel of the sea.\n\n raught, 46/1605, \u00abprt. s.\u00bb reached, aimed at, struck. O.E. r[^\u00e6]hte.\n\n rede, 85/2980, \u00absb.\u00bb counsel, advice. O.E. r[^\u00e6]d.\n\n rees, 49/1693, \u00absb.\u00bb time, occasion.\n\n rehete, 59/2035, \u00abvb.\u00bb to cheer.\n\n rekyneth, 57/1982, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb reckons, deduces.\n\n releve, 7/219, \u00abvb.\u00bb to rally.\n\n renew, 33/1126, \u00abvb.\u00bb to tie. Fr. renouer.\n\n renew, 63/2200, \u00abvb.\u00bb to renovate, to recommence. Renew.\n\n resyn, 16/534, \u00abprs. pl.\u00bb rise.\n\n rew, 89/3105, \u00absb.\u00bb row, order. O.E. r[^\u00e6]w.\n\n roght, 54/1878, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb recked, cared. O.E. r\u00f4hton.\n\n roial, 20/686, 51/1765, \u00abadj.\u00bb exquisite, distinguished; 71/2483,\n delightful. Cf. l. 2247.\n\n rome, 14/484, \u00abvb.\u00bb to walk about. See Stratmann, \u00abs. v.\u00bb r\u00e2men, p.\n 452.\n\n romme, 26/876, \u00absb.\u00bb room, space. O.E. r\u00fbm.\n\n rowte, 2/54, \u00absb.\u00bb company, host.\n\n rowte, 60/2073, \u00abvb.\u00bb to assemble in a company, to throng, to rally.\n\n ruly, 47/1624, \u00abadj.\u00bb rueful. O.E. hr\u00eaowl\u00eec.\n\n ryme, 10/339, \u00abvb.\u00bb to cry out, to moan.\n\n Saile, 12/385, \u00abvb.\u00bb to assail.\n\n same, all in s., 56/1938, altogether.\n\n sare, 21/706, \u00abadv.\u00bb sorely, sadly.\n\n saule, 66/2310. \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n saute, 18/619, \u00absb.\u00bb assault.\n\n saye, 58/1998, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb saw. O.E. s[^\u00e6]gon.\n\n scole, 33/1141, \u00abvb.\u00bb style, manner.\n\n sede, 7/235, \u00absb.\u00bb seed.\n\n seke, 32/1116, \u00abadj.\u00bb sick.\n\n semely, 2/39, \u00abadj.\u00bb seemly, comely, beautiful.\n\n sendelle, 4/129, \u00absb.\u00bb a kind of rich thin silk.\n\n set, 49/1717, \u00abvb.\u00bb to consider, estimate.\n\n sete, 3/62, \u00absb.\u00bb a seat.\n\n sewes, 76/2654, \u00absb.\u00bb juices, delicacies. O.E. seaw.\n\n seyne, 14/472, \u00abvb.\u00bb to speak.\n\n shente, 1/23, \u00abpp.\u00bb destroyed.\n\n shifte, 78/2704, \u00abvb.\u00bb to divide, to share. O.E. sciftan.\n\n shonde, 64/2222, \u00absb.\u00bb disgrace, ignominy. O.E. sceand.\n\n shoon, 40/1381, \u00absb.\u00bb shoes. O.E. sc\u00eaon, sc\u00eaos.\n\n shope him, 2/50, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb got himself ready to, arrayed himself.\n\n shoure, 15/509, \u00absb.\u00bb fight.\n\n shrew, 72/2518, \u00abvb.\u00bb to curse.\n\n shrewes, 76/2652, \u00absb.\u00bb wicked beings.\n\n sikerlye, 62/2172, \u00abadv.\u00bb surely.\n\n sith, 47/1632, \u00abconj.\u00bb since.\n\n sithe, 47/1619, \u00absb. pl.\u00bb times. O.E. s\u00ee\u00f0.\n\n skaped, 59/2043, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb escaped.\n\n skath, 47/1645, \u00absb.\u00bb loss, damage, ruin. Cf. O.E. scea\u00f0an.\n\n skomfited, 38/1320, \u00abpp.\u00bb discomfited. O.Fr. desconfire.\n\n skulkyng, 76/2651, \u00abprs. p.\u00bb lurking, breaking forth from a hiding\n place.\n\n smerte, 38/1309, \u00abadj.\u00bb smart, pungent.\n\n smertly, 41/1419, \u00abadv.\u00bb smartly, at once.\n\n socoure, 15/507, \u00absb.\u00bb succour, assistant.\n\n soghten, 40/1372, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb moved on, rode. \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n solas, 20/675, \u00absb.\u00bb relief, recreation, pleasure. O.Fr. solaz. Lat.\n solatium.\n\n somer, 77/2702, \u00absb.\u00bb a sumpter horse. Fr. sommier. Cf. Diez, \u00abEtym.\n Dict.\u00bb I., p. 364, \u00abs. v.\u00bb salma.\n\n sonde, 61/2134, \u00absb.\u00bb message, order.\n\n sore, 2/47, \u00abadv.\u00bb very much, eagerly.\n\n sore, 33/1138, \u00abadv.\u00bb sadly.\n\n sowdeoures, 21/727, \u00absb.\u00bb soldiers, hirelings. Lat. solidarius. Cf.\n Fr. soudard, soudoy\u00e9.\n\n spede, 70/2433, \u00abvb.\u00bb thrive.\n\n spille, 36/1226, \u00abvb.\u00bb to destroy. O.E. spillan.\n\n stenyed, 24/825, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb shook, astounded.\n\n steven, 65/2258, \u00absb.\u00bb voice. O.E. stefn.\n\n stondart, 78/2717, \u00absb.\u00bb standard-bearer. Fr. \u00e9tendard.\n\n store, 23/768, \u00absb.\u00bb provision.\n\n store, 92/3210, \u00absb.\u00bb stock, preservation, keeping.\n\n stoure, 7/212, \u00absb.\u00bb battle, tumult.\n\n stoute, 53/1825, \u00abadj.\u00bb proud, boasting.\n\n stronde, 2/53, \u00absb.\u00bb strand, shore.\n\n stroyeth, 5/159, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb destroyeth.\n\n stynte, 52/1804, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb stopped.\n\n sue, 46/1601, \u00abvb.\u00bb to follow. Fr. suivre.\n\n sware, 13/428, \u00abadj.\u00bb heavy.\n\n swyth, 47/1621, \u00abadv.\u00bb quick, fast. O.E. sw\u00ee\u00f0e.\n\n Tan, 74/2581, \u00abpp.\u00bb taken.\n\n tene, 30/1032, \u00absb.\u00bb grief, anger, insult, injury. O.E. t\u00eaona.\n\n tene, 83/2902, \u00abvb.\u00bb to vex, to wax wroth. O.E. t\u0177nan.\n\n teyde, 48/1648, \u00abpp.\u00bb tied.\n\n tha, 76/2639. \u00abSee the note.\u00bb\n\n thane, 51/1756, than that.\n\n then, 46/1593, \u00abvb.\u00bb to prosper. O.E. \u00de\u00eaon.\n\n thikke, 30/1027, \u00abadj.\u00bb numerous, plentiful, plenty.\n\n threste, 34/1170, \u00abvb.\u00bb to thrust, shake, totter.\n\n thrifte, 78/2706, \u00absb.\u00bb thriving, prosperity, success. O.Icel. \u00derift.\n\n tho, 59/2052, \u00abpron.\u00bb those, them.\n\n tho, 59/2063, \u00abart.\u00bb the, those.\n\n tho, 2/53, \u00abadv.\u00bb then. O.E. \u00f0\u00e2.\n\n thronge, 41/1401, \u00absb.\u00bb thrusts, throwing of arrows.\n\n tobraste, 34/1168, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb burst, or broke in pieces. O.E. (t\u00f4b\u00e6rst)\n t\u00f4burston.\n\n tohewe, 89/3103, \u00abpp.\u00bb hewn to pieces. O.E. t\u00f4-h\u00eaawen.\n\n tokenyng, 8/242, \u00absb.\u00bb news, intelligence.\n\n totreden, 40/1382, \u00abpp.\u00bb crushed, trodden down.\n\n trappe, 52/1802, \u00abvb.\u00bb to go. Cf. Ger. trippeln, E. trip, O.Fr. treper.\n\n tredde, 58/1999, \u00absb.\u00bb thread. O.E. \u00der[^\u00e6]d.\n\n trende, 27/940, \u00abpp.\u00bb turned, vaulted.\n\n treted, 55/1923, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb treated, pressed. Fr. traiter.\n\n trewe, 3/67, \u00abadj.\u00bb a thorough master of, a trustworthy interpreter of.\n\n treyumple, 27/913 (?)\n\n trowe, 8/246, \u00abvb.\u00bb to believe.\n\n trusse, 49/1707, \u00abvb.\u00bb to pack off, to be off.\n\n trwes, 31/1060, \u00absb.\u00bb truce.\n\n tyte, 6/181, \u00abadj.\u00bb soon, quickly, fast.\n\n Unneth, 5/160, \u00abadv.\u00bb scarcely.\n\n Vere, 28/965, \u00absb.\u00bb spring.\n\n vertue, 66/2312, \u00absb.\u00bb magic, power.\n\n viage, 82/2846, \u00absb.\u00bb voyage, journey.\n\n victory, 92/3227, \u00absb.\u00bb booty.\n\n voydance, 32/1106, \u00absb.\u00bb relinquishment, deliverance.\n\n voyde, 51/1768, \u00abvb.\u00bb to give up, abandon, leave.\n\n Wage, 18/590, \u00abvb.\u00bb to hire, pay.\n\n ware, 7/204, \u00abadj.\u00bb aware.\n\n waste, 8/246, in = in vain.\n\n wende, 92/3214, \u00abvb.\u00bb to turn, go. O.E. wendan.\n\n wende, 85/2958, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb thought, O.E. w\u00eande.\n\n wene, 31/1061, \u00abvb.\u00bb to think.\n\n were, 7/210, \u00abvb.\u00bb to defend, to protect, to fight. O.E. werian.\n\n werre, 16/541, \u00absb.\u00bb war.\n\n wery, 3/60, \u00abadj.\u00bb weary, fatigued.\n\n wessh, 54/1871, \u00abpt. pl.\u00bb washed.\n\n wete, 94/3270, \u00abvb.\u00bb to know.\n\n what, 47/1623, \u00abpron.\u00bb = who.\n\n wifle, 76/2650, \u00absb.\u00bb a kind of axe. O.E. w\u00edfel, \u201cbipennis.\u201d\n\n wight, 27/933, \u00abadj.\u00bb nimble, active. Sw. \u00abvig\u00bb, active.\n\n wirch, 5/148, \u00abvb.\u00bb to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan.\n\n wiste, 48/1662, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb knew.\n\n wode, 9/276, \u00abadj.\u00bb mad, furious.\n\n wode-wroth, 90/3130, \u00abadj.\u00bb madly angry. O.E. w\u00f4d and wr\u00e2\u00f0.\n\n wone, 60/2093, \u00absb.\u00bb lot, quantity. Icel. w\u00e2n.\n\n worche, 59/2046, \u00abvb.\u00bb to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan.\n\n worthed up, 34/1163, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb got up, mounted.\n\n wote, 2/36, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb know. O.E. w\u00e2t.\n\n wotist, 61/2123, \u00abprs. s.\u00bb knowest. O.E. w\u00e2st.\n\n wrake, 70/2446, \u00absb.\u00bb persecution, mischief, destruction. O.E. wracu.\n\n wreke, 88/3058, \u00abpp.\u00bb wreaked, revenged.\n\n wrong, 73/2557, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb pressed, forced his way, hurried off. O.E.\n wringan.\n\n wyne, 9/275, \u00abvb.\u00bb get, attain. O.E. winnan.\n\n Yare, 19/639, \u00abadj.\u00bb ready. O.E. gearu.\n\n yates, 66/2285, \u00absb.\u00bb gates. O.E. gatu.\n\n yede, 66/2311, \u00abpt. s.\u00bb went. O.E. ge-eode.\n\n yolde, 12/403, \u00abvb.\u00bb yield. O.E. gieldan, \u00abpp.\u00bb golden.\n\n yolowe, 29/1005, \u00abadj.\u00bb yellow. O.E. geolo.\n\n \u00deilke, 76/2644, \u00abpron.\u00bb such, yon. O.E. \u00feylc.\n\n \u00feon, 4/108, \u00abart.\u00bb the. O.E. \u00feone.\n\n[p141]\n\n\n\n\nINDEX OF NAMES.\n\n\n AGREMARE, Agremour or Egremour, a town in Spain situated on the\n river Flagot. The soudan is holding his court there (l. 33), when\n he hears of the injuries done to his subjects by the Romans. Having\n destroyed Rome, he returns to Agremor (l. 672) [not to Morimonde, as\n in the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, l. 1351, and in \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 27]. At Agremor\n the twelve peers are imprisoned and besieged. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb reads\n \u00abEgremoygne\u00bb, \u00abEgremoun\u00bb, \u00abAgremoun\u00bb.\n\n ALAGOLOFUR, a Saracen giant, warden of the bridge of Mantrible; ll.\n 2135, 2881, 2149, 2175, 2801, 3053. In \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 3831, etc.,\n he is called Agolafre. In the French poem of \u00abFierabras\u00bb we find\n Agolafre and Golafre.\n\n ALCARON, l. 2762, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 2271.\n\n ALEROYSE, l. 1699, one of the twelve peers; cf. note to l. 884.\n\n ALISAUNDRE. Ferumbras is called King of Alisaundre, ll. 510, 984.\n Cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb 71, 1237, 1315. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 50, 66, 538, etc. Ashmole\n \u00abFerumbras\u00bb, 53, 88, etc.\n\n APPOLYN, one of the Mahometan deities. See note to l. 86.\n\n ARABYE, l. 3097. Cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb 75; \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 3160, 4096.\n\n ASCALON. Laban\u2019s birthplace, l. 100, and subject to him. This name\n does not occur in any other version.\n\n ASCAROT, l. 2762, a Mahometan god. Occurring in none of the other\n versions.\n\n ASCOPARS, see note to l. 495.\n\n ASKALOUS, l. 497.\n\n ASSAYNES, l. 497.\n\n ASSIENS, ll. 1039, 2085. In this poem only the last three nations are\n mentioned as being included among Laban\u2019s subjects.\n\n ASSYE, l. 102, 123, 1000. See note to l. 1000.\n\n ASTRAGOT, \u00abor\u00bb ESTRAGOT, a Saracen giant who kills Sabaris, ll. 346,\n 352. He is slain by the portcullis let down by the Romans, l. 432. He\n was husband to Barrock, the giantess of the bridge of Mantrible, ll.\n 2944, 3022. Cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb 1090. Not in \u00abFierabras\u00bb nor in the Ashmolean\n version. See note to l. 346.\n\n AUFRIKE, ll. 102, 114. Aufricanes, l. 257, part of the soudan\u2019s\n dominions. Cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 5465, \u00abDestr.\u00bb 76, \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\n 4913.\n\n BABILON, see note to l. 69; cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb 78, 204, 85; \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 51;\n \u00abSyr Fer.\u00bb 53.\n\n BALDESEYNES, 501, 871. Occurring in no other version; cf. besides\n Martin\u2019s note to Kudrun, 161, 2, and perhaps \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 2873, 4721\n Balegu\u00e9 = Balaguer (Ballegarium, Valaguaria) near Lerida in Spain.\n\n BARBARYE, l. 1001, mentioned only in this poem.\n\n BARROK, ll. 2939, 2950, 3022, a giantess, wife to Astragot, slain by\n Charles. See note to l. 2939.\n\n BELMORE, does not occur in the other versions; see note to l. 3122.\n\n BELSABUB, l. 357, occurs only in this poem.\n\n BERNARD OF SPRUWSE (? Prussia); 1715, one of the twelve knights. See\n \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, p. xxvii.\n\n BOLOYNE, 3238. Charles presents the nails to that place. See note to\n l. 3236, and cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 6199.\n\n BRETOMAYN, Laban\u2019s gaoler at Agremor, ll. 1533, 1591, slain by\n Floripas, l. 1606. This name is spelt \u2018Brutamont\u2019 in \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\n \u2018Brytamoun\u2019 in \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb. It is not to be met with in the\n \u00abDestruction\u00bb.\n\n BROULAND, chief counsellor to Laban. See note on l. 1743.\n\n BRYER OF BRYTAYN,\u2014of Mountez; see note to l. 1723.\n\n BRYER OF POYLE, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras; see note to l. 514.\n\n BULGARE, l. 1002. Occurring in no other poem.\n\n CASSAUNDRE, ll. 986, 512, town belonging to Lukafer. This name is not\n found in the other versions.\n\n CHARLES, Charlemayne, the French king.\n\n CHAUNDER, l. 123, a town in Asia; only mentioned here. See note to l.\n 1000.\n\n COSDROYE escorts a convoy destined for the soudan; he is slain by\n Roland; cf. note to l. 2695.\n\n CRAMADAS, a Saracen bishop, ll. 2775, 2788. Not found in the other\n versions.\n\n CURRAUNTES, the bridge near Mantrible, l. 2866. This name occurs only\n in this poem.\n\n DASABERDE, l. 1707, (?) mentioned only here.\n\n DENYS, ll. 27, 61, etc. Occurring in all versions.\n\n DURNEDALE, Roland\u2019s sword; see note to l. 875.\n\n ESPIARD, l. 111, Laban\u2019s messenger; cf. note to l. 2145.\n\n ETHIOPES, subject to Laban. See note to l. 257.\n\n EUROPE, l. 1002. Mentioned only in this poem.\n\n FERUMBRAS, see note to l. 93.\n\n FLAGOT, the river on which the city of Mantrible with its famous\n bridge is situated, cf. ll. 2559, 2798, 2855, etc., and \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\n ll. 7348, 4886, etc. When the twelve peers besieged in Agremar send\n Richard of Normandy to Charlemagne to ask his aid, Richard is said to\n have started in the direction of Mantrible, l. 2559; but finding the\n bridge blocked up and guarded, l. 2799, he is obliged to swim across\n the water, \u2018Flagot the flode,\u2019 l. 2804. Charlemagne being informed\n of the distress of his peers, starts towards Mantrible, l. 2849, and\n having first taken it and left Richard there with two hundred knights,\n l. 3044, he continues his march against the soudan at Agremar, l.\n 3047. Whence it is clear that Agremar cannot be situated on the\n river Flagot, as is stated in l. 34; a mistake evidently owing to an\n oversight on the part of the poet. Cf. besides, note to l. 1723.\n\n FLOREYN OF ROME, name given to Ferumbras after his baptism; see note\n to l. 1486.\n\n FLORIP, Florypas; see note to l. 614. In the Ashmolean versions we\n find \u00abFloryppe\u00bb, a spelling which does not occur in any of the French\n poems. But once we find \u00abFloripes\u00bb in \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 2035.\n\n FOCARD, l. 2900, one of the Christian knights who struck at the\n bridge-keeper of Mantrible when he refused to let them pass. The name\n occurs only in this poem.\n\n FOLK BALIANT, l. 1695, one of the twelve peers. Only found in this\n poem.\n\n FORTIBRAUNCE, l. 422, one of the soudan\u2019s engineers. Only occurring in\n this poem.\n\n FRAUNCE. Charles is called king of dowse Fraunce, cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb,\n 2103; \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, 1269. This phrase does not occur in the\n \u00abDestruction\u00bb.\n\n FREMOUNDE, a saint; see note to l. 2845.\n\n FRIGE, l. 1000; Frigys, l. 1040. Part of the soudan\u2019s dominions, not\n mentioned in the other versions.\n\n GALLOPES, l. 251, mentioned only in this poem.\n\n GA\u021cE, a town in Spain, where Charlemagne lands his troops. The name is\n found only in this poem (in rhyme), l. 772.\n\n GENELYN, a French knight, notorious for his treachery. He advised\n Charles to leave Spain and to return home, urging that the twelve\n peers must be dead at Agremor, since no news arrived from them, l.\n 2820. When in assaulting Mantrible he saw Charles shut in in the city,\n he treacherously proclaimed the king to be dead, and ordered the\n French to return to France, where he hoped to be crowned king. But he\n was rebuked by Ferumbras (ll. 2970\u20132991). For his treason he is hanged\n and drawn at Montfaucon in Paris (ll. 3244\u20133254).\n\n GENERYSE, ll. 1139, 1239, is the name Oliver gives himself when asked\n by Ferumbras. The French \u00abFierabras\u00bb and the Ashmole \u00abFerumbras\u00bb have\n Garin instead.\n\n GY OF BOURGOYNE, see note to ll. 1888, 1892.\n\n GYNDARD, l. 543, a Roman senator who kills ten Saracens. He is slain\n by Lukafer. Occurring only in this poem.\n\n HUBERT, l. 518, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras. Not mentioned in\n the other versions.\n\n IFFREZ, a Roman senator who advises to send to Charles for help. See\n note to l. 165.\n\n INDE, l. 999. Not mentioned in the other poems. Cf. note to l. 999.\n\n ISRES, 625, 641, the chief porter of Rome, who treacherously delivers\n the keys to the Saracens. See note to l. 625.\n\n JUBYTER, ll. 2254, 2762, a Saracen god, mentioned only in this poem.\n\n LABAN, see note to l. 29.\n\n LOWES, occurring in the \u00abSowdan\u00bb and the \u00abDestruction\u00bb, but not\n mentioned in the other versions. See note to l. 24.\n\n LUKAFER OF BALDAS, see note to l. 113. Once, l. 236, this name is\n spelt Lukefere.\n\n MACEDOYNE, l. 1002. Occurring only in this poem.\n\n MAHOUND, see note to l. 86.\n\n MAPYN, l. 2326, introduces himself into the bed-chamber of Floripas\n to steal the fatal girdle. In the French poem, l. 3046, he is called\n Maubrun d\u2019Agremol\u00e9e; in the Ashmolean version Maubyn of Egremolee, l.\n 2385. Cf. \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, pp. xx, xxx, xxxi.\n\n MARAGONDE, the name of Floripas\u2019s governess, l. 1563. Spelt Morabunde\n in the French poem. See \u00abIntroduction\u00bb, pp. xxx, xxxi.\n\n MARIE, ll. 917, 2390; cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 374, 564; \u00abFierabras\u00bb, ll. 285,\n 815; \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, ll. 5177, 5451.\n\n MARSEDAG, king of Barbarye, occurs only in this poem. See note to l.\n 2247.\n\n MAUNTRIBLE, a town in Spain on the river Flagot (see above) with a\n bridge; cf. also \u00abDestr.\u00bb 211, and \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 1867, etc.\n\n MAVON, ll. 278, 422, 2230, Laban\u2019s engineer; spelt Mabon in the\n \u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 908, 941, and in \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 3735. The name does not\n occur in the Ashmole MS.\n\n MIRON OF BRABANE, one of the twelve peers, occurring only in this\n poem, l. 1703.\n\n MONTFAWCON, l. 3253. Not found in the other versions.\n\n MOUNPELERS, after having conquered the soudan, Charlemagne sails\n from Spain to Mounpeler, l. 3228. The name does not occur in the\n \u00abFierabras\u00bb, where the king returns to France in an eight days\u2019\n journey (ll. 6164\u20136187). Cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 250, 286.\n\n MOWNJOYE, see note to l. 868, and cf. the \u00abSong of Roland\u00bb, 128/746.\n\n NEYMES OF BAVERE, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836.\n\n NUBENS, l. 873, NUBYE, l. 1001, a people subject to the soudan.\n\n OGER DANOYS, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836.\n\n OLIBORN, l. 99, the soudan\u2019s chancellor; only found in this poem.\n\n OLYVER, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1250.\n\n PARIS, l. 917; see note to l. 3254.\n\n PERSAGYN, a king of Italy, and uncle to Ferumbras, slain by Oliver, l.\n 1259. In the \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 162, we find one Parsagon mentioned among the\n peers of the soudan\u2019s empire. See note to l. 1259.\n\n PERSE, l. 2888, cf. \u00abDestr.\u00bb ll. 77, 421. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 1640, 1713.\n\n SEINT PETER, ll. 161, 480, etc., the saint; cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 1261;\n \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 3756; \u00abDestr.\u00bb l. 501.\n\n CEINT PETER, l. 453, the cathedral; cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, l. 57; \u00abDestr.\u00bb\n l. 1109.\n\n SEINT POUL, ll. 163, 3269, the saint; cf. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, l. 3756;\n not mentioned in the other poems.\n\n POYLE, l. 514,? Apulia; found only in this poem; cf. note to l. 1000.\n\n QWYNTYN, l. 1298, a saint by whom Ferumbras swears; see note to l.\n 2845.\n\n RICHARD OF NORMANDY, see notes to ll. 2535, 2795, 3044.\n\n ROMAYNE, l. 77, inhabitant of Rome.\n\n ROME, l. 17.\n\n ROULAND, see note to ll. 1499, 1888.\n\n SATHANAS, l. 2777, a Saracen god.\n\n SAVARIS, l. 171, a duke of Rome who leads the Roman troops against\n the Saracens. He is slain by Estragot (l. 346). He also occurs in the\n \u00abDestr. de Rome\u00bb. In the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb appears a French knight\n Savaris, l. 1699.\n\n SORTYBRAUNCE, the chief councillor of the soudan.\n\n SPAYN, l. 717, belonging to the soudan\u2019s dominions. It is the scene of\n the principal action narrated in this poem, as indeed the only part\n where the scene is laid elsewhere is that describing the destruction\n of Rome.\n\n SYMON, a saint by whom Charles swears, l. 1713.\n\n TAMPER, a name peculiar to this poem. He erects a gallows before\n Agremore castle to hang Guy, l. 2641.\n\n TERMAGANT, l. 137, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 86. Spelt Ternagant\n in \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb, Tervagant in the French \u00abFierabras\u00bb.\n\n TERY LARDENEYS, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1691.\n\n TURKES, l. 874, cf. \u00abFierabras\u00bb, 128, 1641, 3767. \u00abSyr Ferumbras\u00bb,\n 5433, 5677.\n\n TURPYN, the French bishop who baptizes Ferumbras, l. 1475. This name\n does not occur in the Ashmole MS.\n\n VENYS, subject to Laban; see note to l. 1000. Mentioned only in this\n poem.\n\n\n\n\n RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.\n\n\n\n\nTRANSCRIBER\u2019S ENDNOTE\n\n\nOriginal printed spelling and grammar has been retained, with some\nexceptions noted below. Original italics \u00ablook like this\u00bb. The middle\nEnglish characters \u201c\u021d\u201d, \u201c\u00de\u201d, \u201c\u00f0\u201d, and \u201c\u00fe\u201d were originally printed\nalways without italic form, but in this edition have been rendered as\nitalic wherever that seems appropriate, as in this sentence from page\nxxxvii: \u201c\u00abThat\u00bb or \u00ab\u00feat\u00bb, \u00abwho\u00bb, \u00abwhome\u00bb are used as relative pronouns\u201d.\n\nSome characters of the printed book cannot be shown in this edition\nexcept in a coded form. Thus, \u201c[^\u00e6]\u201d indicates \u00e6 with circumflex;\n\u201c[rh]\u201d denotes an r with hook on the upper right; \u201c[f|]\u201d denotes an f\nwith vertical bar on the right; \u201c[g|]\u201d denotes a g with vertical bar\non the right; \u201c[d+]\u201d denotes a d with an l-shape attached to the stem;\n\u201c[l~l]\u201d denotes ll with a tilde through them; \u201c[t|]\u201d denotes t with a\nvertical bar attached to the right; \u201c[k|]\u201d denotes k with a vertical\nbar attached to the right; \u201c\u00fe^e\u201d denotes \u00fe with superscript e; \u201cM^l\u201d\ndenotes M with superscript l. Two unicode characters, \"\u0273\" & \"\u1d99\", have\nbeen substituted for letters n and u, respectively, with hooks.\n\nThe poem \u00abThe Romounce of the Sowdone\u00bb, beginning on page 1, has\nsidenotes which contain a running synopsis of the play in modern\nEnglish. In the printed book, these notes were broken into segments\nwhich were positioned so as to correspond more or less accurately to\nthe lines of the play. For this edition, the synopsis notes have been\nrewrapped to fit within an allotted space, but are still aligned more\nor less accurately with the lines of the play. The sidenotes also\ncontain page references to the original manuscript from which the play\nwas transcribed, for example \u201c[leaf\u00a03]\u201d. These have been kept aligned\nwith the correct line of the poem, in this case, line 80.\n\nPage vi: \u00abPantragruel\u00bb changed to \u00abPantagruel\u00bb.\n\nPage xxv: \u201c346, 4902, the name of the giant\u201d is changed to \u201c346, 2944,\n3022, the name of the giant\u201d. This error occurs also in the Index of\nNames, see below.\n\nPage xlvii: A new heading has been inserted\u2014\u201cMS. OF THE SOWDAN\u201d\u2014to\nmatch the table of contents. The original text showed only a horizontal\nrule here.\n\nPage 2: \u201camirals\u201d changed to \u201cadmirals\u201d, in the sidenote.\n\nPage 9, l. 289: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed\nbook. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.\n291.\n\nPage 10, l. 313: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed\nbook. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.\n323.\n\nPage 23, l. 755: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed\nbook. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.\n766.\n\nPage 27, l. 895: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed\nbook. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.\n910.\n\nPage 31, l. 1059: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed\nbook. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l.\n1074.\n\nPage 36: In sidenote \u201cThey fight for a considerable time the blood\u201d,\nadded semicolon between \u00abtime\u00bb and \u00abblood\u00bb.\n\nPage 46: In the sidenotes, full stop was added after \u201cdashed out\nhis brains\u201d, and \u201cfeeding he prisoners\u201d was changed to \u201cfeeding the\nprisoners\u201d.\n\nPage 47: The first footnote had no label number; a number has been\ninserted to correspond to the footnote anchor on line 1615.\n\nPage 57, second footnote: the word \u201ciuste\u201d was printed with a small\n\u201co\u201d above the \u201ciu\u201d, suggesting \u201ciouste\u201d, which is adopted in this\ntranscription.\n\nPage 59, l. 2063: the left quotation mark was unmatched. A new right\ndouble quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2066, after\n\u2018there-ate.\u2019.\n\nPage 64, l. 2243: the left quotation mark before \u2018beit\u0127\u2019 was unmatched;\na new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of line 2246.\n\nPage 66, l. 2307: the left quotation mark ahead of \u2018my loue\u2019 was\nunmatched. A new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2310.\n\nPage 68, l. 2380: the left quotation mark seems to be unmatched in the\nprinted text. A new matching right quotation mark is inserted at the\nend of line 2390.\n\nPage 69: There were two footnote anchors, but only one footnote. Very\nlikely, although the footnote anchors are independent, the footnote\ntext \u201cSee the note.\u201d applying equally to both. In this edition, a\nsecond footnote has been inserted to correspond to the second footnote\nanchor.\n\nPage 87, l. 3021: Poem says \u201cxiiij\u201d; sidenote says \u201c4\u201d; both retained.\n\nPage 96, under \u201cp. 2, l. 26. \u00abbokes of antiquyte\u00bb.\u201d The printed\ntext provides a reference to Gautier, \u00abEpop. Fr.\u00bb, II. 87, which is\nretained herein. However, a member of the Distributed Proofreaders team\nhas pointed out that the reference should have been to \u00abLes \u00e9pop\u00e9es\nfran\u00e7aises. \u00c9tude sur les origines et l\u2019histoire de la litt\u00e9rature\nnationale\u00bb, I. 87 (1865). This book is available from archive.org,\nfilename \u201clespopesfran01gautuoft\u201d.\n\nPage 99: in \u201cp. 8, l. 84. \u00abtithynge.\u00bb\u201d, changed \u201c8,\u201d to \u201c3,\u201d.\n\nPage 113: \u201cp. 35, l. 1060\u201d changed to \u201cp. 31, l. 1060\u201d.\n\nPage 120: \u201cp. 44, l. 1538\u201d changed to \u201cp. 44, l. 1539\u201d.\n\nPage 121: In the line \u201cSire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu. oi\u00e9s\u201d, the\nfull stop after Dieu was changed to comma, in agreement with the text\navailable at archive.org filed under \u201cfierabraschanso00servgoog\u201d.\n\nPage 123: The range of line numbers in \u201c\u00abDestruction\u00bb, ll. 1240\u2013159\u201d\ndoes not seem to make sense, but is retained. The line \u2018\u201cJa mais ne\nmengerai si sera desmembr\u00e9s.\u2019\u2019 was changed to \u2018\u201cJa mais ne mengerai si\nsera desmembr\u00e9s.\u201d\u2019.\n\nPage 125: In \u201cp. 59, l. 2045. \u00abthat he wente awaye with lym\u00bb = \u201cthat\nhe had escaped with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound.\n\u00ablyme\u00bb, O.E. \u00ablim\u00bb., Mod. Eng. \u00ablimb\u00bb.\u201d, a right double quotation mark\nwas inserted after \u2018sound.\u2019, and \u201c\u00ablim\u00bb.,\u201d was changed to \u201c\u00ablim\u00bb,\u201d.\n\nGlossary, \u201cnather, 36/1232\u201d. Line 1232 spells it \u201cnathir\u201d; both forms\nare retained.\n\nGlossary, \u201cthen, 46/1593\u201d. Line 1593 spells it \u201cthen\u0304\u201d; both forms are\nretained.\n\nIndex of Names, \u201cAstrogot, or Estragot\u201d. The printed references \u201cll.\n3944, 4902\u201d are changed to \u201cll. 2944, 3022\u201d.","title":"The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras His Sone Who Conquerede Rome","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":75557}