{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_48785/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_48785","id":"gutenberg_48785","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48785","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Ancient","Category: History - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Incas","Peru -- History -- To 1548"],"text":"WORKS ISSUED BY\n\n                         The Hakluyt Society.\n\n                            THE SECOND PART\n\n                                OF THE\n\n                          CHRONICLE OF PERU.\n\n                              No. LXVIII.\n\n\n\n\n                                  THE\n\n                              SECOND PART\n\n                                OF THE\n\n                          CHRONICLE OF PERU.\n\n                                  BY\n\n                        PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON.\n\n                        TRANSLATED AND EDITED,\n\n                    With Notes and an Introduction,\n\n                                  BY\n\n                   CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.\n\n                                LONDON:\n                   PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.\n\n                             MDCCCLXXXIII.\n\n                                LONDON:\n\n WHITING AND COMPANY, LIMITED, SARDINIA STREET, LINCOLN\u2019S-INN-FIELDS.\n\n\n\n\nCOUNCIL\n\nOF\n\nTHE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.\n\n\n  COLONEL H. YULE, C.B., PRESIDENT.\n  ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B.    }\n  MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. } VICE-PRESIDENTS.\n  W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, ESQ., M.P.\n  REV. DR. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L.\n  J. BARROW, ESQ., F.R.S.\n  WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, ESQ., F.S.A.\n  CAPTAIN LINDESAY BRINE, R.N.\n  E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ.\n  THE EARL OF DUCIE, F.R.S.\n  CAPTAIN HANKEY, R.N.\n  LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.G.\n  R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.\n  REAR-ADMIRAL MAYNE, C.B.\n  E. DELMAR MORGAN, ESQ.\n  ADMIRAL SIR ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.\n  LORD ARTHUR RUSSELL, M.P.\n  THE LORD STANLEY, OF ALDERLEY.\n  B. F. STEVENS, ESQ.\n  EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.\n  LIEUT.-GEN. SIR HENRY THUILLIER, C.S.I., F.R.S.\n\n  CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S, HONORARY SECRETARY.\n\n\n\n\nTABLE OF CONTENTS.\n\n\nDEDICATION TO GENERAL CACERES                                       xiii\n\nINTRODUCTION                                                          xv\n\n  Note on the ancient Ynca Drama                                    xxix\n\n  Peruvian Love Story                                                 lv\n\nFragment of Chapter III                                                1\n\nCHAP. IV.--Which treats of what the Indians of this kingdom say\ntouching the state of things before the Incas were known, and how\nthey had fortresses in the hills, whence they came forth to make war\none with another                                                       2\n\nCHAP. V.--Touching what these natives say concerning the Ticiviracocha;\nof the opinion held by some that an Apostle passed through\nthis land, and of the temple there is in C\u00e1chan; also what happened\nthere                                                                  5\n\nCHAP. VI.--How certain men and women appeared in Pacarec Tampu,\nand what they relate touching their proceedings after they came forth\nfrom there                                                            11\n\nCHAP. VII.--How the brothers, being in Tampu-Quiru, beheld him\nwhom they had shut up in the cave by deceit, come forth with wings;\nand how he told them that he went to found the great city of Cuzco;\nand how they departed from Tampu-Quiru                                16\n\nCHAP. VIII.--How Manco Capac, when he saw that his brothers had\nbeen turned into stones, went to a valley where he met some people;\nand how he founded and built the ancient and very rich city of\nCuzco, which was the capital of the whole empire of the Incas         22\n\nCHAP. IX.--In which notice is given to the reader of the reason that\nthe author, leaving the account of the succession of the kings, prefers\nto explain the government of the people, their laws, and customs      24\n\nCHAP. X.--How the lord, after he had assumed the fringe of sovereignty,\nwas married to his sister the Coya, which is the name of the\nQueen, and how it was permitted that he should have many women,\nalthough among them all the Coya alone was the legitimate and principal\nwife                                                                  26\n\nCHAP. XI.--How it was the custom among the Incas that they celebrated\nin their songs, and by making statues of those who were\nvalorous and extended the bounds of the empire, and performed any\nother deed worthy of memory; while those who were negligent or\ncowardly received little notice                                       28\n\nCHAP. XII.--How they had chroniclers to record their deeds, and of\nthe QUIPOS, what they were, and what we see of them                   32\n\nCHAP. XIII.--How the lords of Peru were beloved on the one hand,\nand feared on the other, by all their subjects; and how no one, even a\ngreat lord of very ancient lineage, could come into the presence,\nexcept with a burden, in token of great obedience                     36\n\nCHAP. XIV.--How the riches possessed by the king were very great,\nand how the sons of the lord were ordered always to be in attendance\nat court                                                              39\n\nCHAP. XV.--How they built the edifices for the lords, and the royal\nroad along which to travel over the kingdom                           42\n\nCHAP. XVI.--How and in what manner they made the royal hunts for\nthe lords of Peru                                                     45\n\nCHAP. XVII.--Which treats of the order maintained by the Incas, and\nhow in many parts they made the waste places fertile, by the arrangements\nthey made for that purpose                                            47\n\nCHAP. XVIII.--Which treats of the order they adopted in the payments\nof tribute by the provinces to the kings, and of the system by\nwhich the tribute was regulated                                       51\n\nCHAP. XIX.--How the kings of Cuzco ordered that every year an\naccount should be taken of all persons who died and were born\nthroughout their dominions; also how all men worked, and how none\ncould be poor by reason of the storehouses                            57\n\nCHAP. XX.--How governors were appointed to the provinces; and of\nthe manner in which the kings visited their dominions, and how they\nbore, for their arms, certain waving serpents with sticks             59\n\nCHAP. XXI.--How the posts of the kingdom were arranged                64\n\nCHAP. XXII.--How the Mitimaes were established, and of the different\nkinds of them, and how they were highly esteemed by the\nIncas                                                                 67\n\nCHAP. XXIII.--Of the great preparations that were made when the\nlords set out from Cuzco on warlike expeditions; and how robbers\nwere punished                                                         72\n\nCHAP. XXIV.--How the Incas ordered the people to form settled\ntowns, dividing the lands concerning which there was any dispute,\nand how it was ordered that all should speak the language of\nCuzco                                                                 75\n\nCHAP. XXV.--How the Incas were free from the abominable sin, and\nfrom other evil customs which have been seen to prevail in the world\namong other princes                                                   78\n\nCHAP. XXVI.--How the Incas employed councillors and executors of\njustice, and of their method of reckoning time                        81\n\nCHAP. XXVII.--Which treats of the riches of the temple of Curicancha,\nand of the veneration in which the Incas held it                      83\n\nCHAP. XXVIII.--Which treats of the other principal temples, and of\ntheir names                                                           87\n\nCHAP. XXIX.--How the Capacocha was made, and to what extent it\nwas practised by the Incas; by which is to be understood the gifts\nand offerings that were made to idols                                 91\n\nCHAP. XXX.--How they made great festivities and sacrifices at the\ngrand and solemn feast called Hatun Raymi                             94\n\nCHAP. XXXI.--Of the second king or Inca who reigned in Cuzco,\nnamed Sinchi Roca                                                     99\n\nCHAP. XXXII.--Of the third king who reigned in Cuzco, named\nLloque Yupanqui                                                      102\n\nCHAP. XXXIII.--Of the fourth king who reigned at Cuzco, named\nMayta Capac, and of what happened during his reign                   105\n\nCHAP. XXXIV.--Of the fifth king who reigned at Cuzco, named Capac\nYupanqui                                                             107\n\nCHAP. XXXV.--Of the sixth king who reigned in Cuzco, and of what\nhappened in his time; and of the fable or history they relate touching\nthe river that passes through the midst of the city of Cuzco         111\n\nCHAP. XXXVI.--Of the seventh king or Inca who reigned in Cuzco,\nnamed Inca Yupanqui                                                  115\n\nCHAP. XXXVII.--How, when this Inca wanted to make war in the\nprovince of Collao, a certain disturbance arose in Cuzco; and how\nthe Chancas conquered the Quichuas, and got possession of their\ndominions                                                            117\n\nCHAP. XXXVIII.--How the Orejones considered who should be Inca,\nand what passed until Viracocha Inca assumed the fringe, who was\nthe eighth Inca that reigned                                         120\n\nCHAP. XXXIX.--How Viracocha Inca threw a stone of fire with a\nsling at Caitomarca, and how they made reverence                     124\n\nCHAP. XL.--How a tyrant rose up in Cuzco, and of the disturbance\nhe caused. Of the chastisement of certain Mamaconas for having,\ncontrary to their religion, used their bodies uncleanly; and how\nViracocha returned to Cuzco                                          127\n\nCHAP. XLI.--How ambassadors from the tyrants of Collao came to\nCuzco, and of the departure of Viracocha Inca for the Collao         130\n\nCHAP. XLII.--How Viracocha Inca passed by the province of the\nCanches and Canas, and marched until he entered the territory of\nthe Collao, and of what happened between Cari and Zapana             133\n\nCHAP. XLIII.--How Cari returned to Chucuito; of the arrival of the\nInca Viracocha; and of the peace that was agreed to between\nthem                                                                 136\n\nCHAP. XLIV.--How Inca Urco was received as supreme ruler of the\nwhole empire, and assumed the crown at Cuzco, and how the Chancas\ndetermined to come forth and make war on those of Cuzco              138\n\nCHAP. XLV.--How the Chancas arrived at the city of Cuzco and\npitched their camp there, and of the terror of the inhabitants, and the\ngreat valour of Inca Yupanqui                                        141\n\nCHAP. XLVI.--How Inca Yupanqui was received as king, the name of\nInca being taken from Inca Urco; and how the new sovereign made\na peace with Hastu Huaraca                                           144\n\nCHAP. XLVII.--How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, leaving\nLloque Yupanqui as Governor, and of what happened                    147\n\nCHAP. XLVIII.--How the Inca returned to Vilcas, and besieged the\nrocky fastness where the enemy had taken refuge                      150\n\nCHAP. XLIX.--How Inca Yupanqui ordered Lloque Yupanqui to proceed\nto the valley of Xauxa, and to bring under his dominion the\nHuancas and the Yauyos, their neighbours, with other nations in\nthat direction                                                       153\n\nCHAP. L.--How the captains of the Inca left Xauxa, and what happened;\nand how Ancoallo departed from among them                            156\n\nCHAP. LI.--How the Royal House of the Sun was founded on a hill\noverlooking Cuzco towards the north, which the Spaniards usually\ncall the Fortress; and its wonderful construction, and the size of the\nstones that are to be seen there                                     160\n\nCHAP. LII.--How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco and marched to\nthe Collao, and of what happened there                               165\n\nCHAP. LIII.--How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and what he\ndid                                                                  168\n\nCHAP. LIV.--How the Inca Yupanqui, having grown very old, resigned\nthe government of the kingdom to Tupac Inca, his son                 171\n\nCHAP. LV.--How the Collas asked for peace, and how the Inca granted\nit and returned to Cuzco                                             174\n\nCHAP. LVI.--How Tupac Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and how\nhe conquered all the country from thence to Quito; and touching his\ngreat deeds                                                          177\n\nCHAP. LVII.--How the Inca sent from Quito to know whether his\ncommands had been obeyed, and how, leaving that province in good\norder, he set out to go to the valleys of the Yuncas                 182\n\nCHAP. LVIII.--How Tupac Inca Yupanqui marched by the coast valleys,\nand how all the Yuncas came under his dominion                       185\n\nCHAP. LIX.--How Tupac Inca again set out from Cuzco, and of the\nfierce war he waged with those of Huarco; and how, after he had\nconquered them, he returned to Cuzco                                 189\n\nCHAP. LX.--How Tupac Inca once more set out from Cuzco, and how\nhe went to the Collao and from thence to Chile, subjugating the nations\nin that direction; and of his death                                  194\n\nCHAP. LXI.--How Huayna Capac reigned in Cuzco, who was the\ntwelfth King Inca                                                    197\n\nCHAP. LXII.--How Huayna Capac departed from Cuzco, and what he\ndid                                                                  199\n\nCHAP. LXIII.--How Huayna Capac again ordered that an army should\nbe assembled, and how he set out for Quito                           204\n\nCHAP. LXIV.--How Huayna Capac entered the country of the Bracamoros,\nand returned flying, and of the other events that happened\nuntil he arrived at Quito                                            208\n\nCHAP. LXV.--How Huayna Capac marched through the coast valleys,\nand what he did                                                      211\n\nCHAP. LXVI.--How, when Huayna Capac was about to march from\nQuito, he sent forward certain of his captains, who returned flying\nbefore the enemy, and what he did in consequence                     214\n\nCHAP. LXVII.--How Huayna Capac assembled all his power, gave\nbattle to his enemies, and defeated them: and of the great cruelty\nwith which he treated them                                           217\n\nCHAP. LXVIII.--How the King Huayna Capac returned to Quito;\nand how he knew of the arrival of the Spaniards on the coast; and of\nhis death                                                            220\n\nCHAP. LXIX.--Of the lineage and character of Huascar and Atahualpa   224\n\nCHAP. LXX.--How Huascar was acknowledged as king in Cuzco, after\nthe death of his father                                              226\n\nCHAP. LXXI.--How the differences between Huascar and Atahualpa\nbegan, and how great battles were fought between them                229\n\nCHAP. LXXII.--How Atahualpa set out from Quito with his army\nand captains, and how he gave battle to Atoc in the villages of\nAmbato                                                               231\n\nCHAP. LXXIII.--How Huascar sent new captains and troops against\nhis enemy; and how Atahualpa arrived at Tumebamba, where he perpetrated\ngreat cruelties; also what happened between him and the\ncaptains of Huascar                                                  233\n\nINDEX.\n\nNames of Places and Tribes                                           237\n\nQuichua words                                                        240\n\nNames of Indians and Gods                                            242\n\nNames of Spaniards                                                   244\n\nGeneral Index                                                        245\n\n[In the Index, \u201ci\u201d refers to the volume containing the First Part of the\nChronicle of Cieza de Leon; and \u201cii\u201d, to the present volume.]\n\n\n\n\nDEDICATION.\n\nTO\n\nANDRES AVELINO CACERES\n\n(_General of Brigade in the Peruvian Army_),\n\n\nAnd to his gallant companions in arms, now heroically defending their\nnative country against fearful odds, I dedicate this edition of the\nnarrative of that scholarly soldier, Pedro de Cieza de Leon, who warmly\nsympathised with the people of the land of the Yncas, advocated their\ncause, and denounced their wrongs.\n\nThe natives of the valley of Xauxa, descendants of the Huancas mentioned\nby Cieza de Leon, have suffered most cruelly from the inroads of the\nChilian soldiery, and on this classic ground the brave Caceres and his\nlittle army have striven to protect these people from robbery and\noutrage. Cieza de Leon mentions a fact relating to the Huancas of the\nXauxa valley, which gives us a high estimate of their civilization. The\ncruelties and robberies of the Spanish conquerors, whose deeds are now\noutdone by their Chilian imitators, would have led to the complete\ndestruction of the natives if it had not been for the excellent order\nand concert of their polity. They made an agreement among themselves\nthat if an army of Spaniards passed through any of their districts, and\ndid such damage as would be caused by the destruction of growing crops,\nby the sacking of houses, and other mischief of still worse kinds, the\naccountants should keep careful records of the injury done. The accounts\nwere then examined and checked; and if one district had lost more than\nanother, those which had suffered less made up part of the difference;\nso that the burden was shared equally by all.[1]\n\nIt is among the descendants of these Huancas that the Chilians are now\ncommitting havoc. With the Peruvians, with the men who are fighting in\nthe noblest of all causes--the defence of their Fatherland--with General\nCaceres and his companions in arms, must be the hearty sympathies and\nbest wishes of all who hate wrong and love patriotic devotion. Through\nthat devotion, through the sacrifices and self-denials entailed upon the\nunfortunate people of the land of the Yncas, may be seen those rays of\nlight which break the black cloud now hanging over the country and the\nrace described by Cieza de Leon in the following pages.\n\nMay his narrative excite the interest of many readers, and so enlist\nsympathy for the descendants of that people whose story he tells so\nwell.\n\n_June 1883._\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\nThe present volume, which has been selected for issue by the Hakluyt\nSociety, contains the Second Part of the _Chronicle of Peru_, by Pedro\nde Cieza de Leon. The First Part formed one of the Society\u2019s volumes for\n1864, having been translated from the Antwerp edition of 1554.\n\nWhen I translated and edited the First Part, no other had been printed.\nI then had reason to believe that the author completed the second and\nthird parts of his Chronicle, and that one of these parts had come into\nthe possession of Mr. Lenox of New York, in manuscript. I lamented the\ndisappearance of the Second Part, and referred to it as one of the\ngreatest losses that had been sustained by South American literature.[2]\n\nIt has now been discovered that the manuscript narrative which Mr.\nPrescott frequently refers to, in his _History of the Conquest of Peru_,\nas \u201c_Sarmiento_\u201d, and which he considered to be one of the most valuable\nof his authorities, is in reality the Second Part of the work of Cieza\nde Leon. Mr. Prescott quotes the title in his critical notice,[3] \u201c_para\nel Illmo Se\u00f1or Dn. Juan Sarmiento, Presidente del Consejo Rl. de\nIndias_\u201d, and assumes that this Don Juan Sarmiento was the author, who,\nafter having travelled in all parts of Peru and diligently collected\ninformation from the Ynca nobles, subsequently became President of the\nCouncil of the Indies. In reality, the word _para_ means \u201cfor\u201d, and not\n\u201cby\u201d, and the manuscript is simply addressed to Dr. Sarmiento, who never\ncrossed the Atlantic in his life, and who only held the post of\nPresident of the Council of the Indies for twenty months.[4]\n\nMr. Prescott made much use of both parts, and considered them to be\nworks of great merit. If what he says in praise of the author he\nsupposed to be Sarmiento,[5] is added to what he says of Cieza de\nLeon,[6] it will at once be seen that the latter, really the only\nauthor, is a very important authority indeed.\n\nIt is with a feeling of reverential regret that the present editor\nrefers to any mistake, even one so slight as this, of the illustrious\nAmerican historian. Some of my brightest and happiest memories are of\nthe ten days I spent at Pepperell with Mr. Prescott, when I was on the\neve of commencing my studies in the land of the Yncas. He it was who\nencouraged me to undertake my Peruvian investigations, and to persevere\nin them. To his kindly advice and assistance I owe more than I can say,\nand to him is due, in no small degree, the value of anything I have\nsince been able to do in furtherance of Peruvian research.\n\nThe evidence that the work attributed by Prescott to Sarmiento is in\nreality the Second Part of the _Chronicle_ of Cieza de Leon is quite\nconclusive. There are no less than ten occasions on which the author of\nthe Second Part (Prescott\u2019s \u201cSarmiento\u201d) refers to passages in his First\nPart, which occur in the First Part of Cieza de Leon.[7] In one place\nthere is a reference in the Second Part to the actual number of the\nchapter in the First Part.[8] In the Second Part, the author mentions\nhaving gone to Toledo to present the First Part of his _Chronicle_ to\nthe Prince Don Felipe;[9] and this statement is equivalent to having\nsigned his name. For only one First Part of a chronicle relating to the\nIndies was dedicated to the Prince, namely that of Cieza de Leon. The\nauthor of the Second Part also mentions having been to Bahaire, near\nCartagena, and to the province of Arma--places visited by Cieza de Leon,\nand mentioned in his First Part.\n\nThe manuscript of the Second Part was preserved in the library of the\nEscurial,[10] in a bad copy dating from the middle, or end, of the 16th\ncentury. The first sheet is missing, and the second begins in the middle\nof a sentence towards the end of the third chapter. Thus the two opening\nchapters and part of the third are lost.\n\nThe text of the Escurial manuscript has been printed by two accomplished\nscholars--the Peruvian Dr. Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa in 1873; and the\nSpaniard Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada at Madrid in 1880. Both,\nindependently, detected the mistake of Prescott as soon as they began to\nexamine the text critically. The text was reprinted by Dr. de la Rosa\nwith scrupulous care; the spelling, imperfect punctuation, and\ncapricious use of capitals in the manuscript being very carefully\npreserved. But instead of retaining the manuscript numbering of\nchapters, Dr. de la Rosa omits the fragment of chapter iii, and calls\nthe fourth chapter, chapter i. An edition was printed off by Mr.\nTr\u00fcbner, but soon afterwards Dr. de la Rosa left London for Peru,\nwithout completing the editorial work. So that this edition of the\nsecond part of Cieza de Leon has never been editorially completed or\npublished, and remains on Mr. Tr\u00fcbner\u2019s hands.\n\nDon Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, to whom the student of Peruvian history\nis so much indebted for other precious editorial work, delayed his\npublication of the text of the Second Part of Cieza de Leon, because he\nhad heard from Don Pascual de Gayangos that the learned Peruvian, Dr. de\nla Rosa, was engaged upon the same work. It was not until 1880 that the\nedition of Espada was published at Madrid.[11] The Spanish editor has\ncorrected the spelling and punctuation, and has supplied many useful\nnotes. Five copies appear to have been made of the Escurial manuscript.\nOne, very carelessly executed, is in the Academy of History at Madrid.\nThe second was in the collection of Lord Kingsborough, from which was\ncopied, through Mr. Rich\u2019s agency, the one supplied to Mr. Prescott,\nwhich is the third. The fourth and fifth are those from which the\nversions of Rosa and Espada were printed.\n\nIn the Prologue to his First Part, Cieza de Leon announced the plan of\nhis great work:--.\n\n  PART I. The divisions and description of the provinces of Peru.\n\n  PART II. The government, great deeds, origin, policy, buildings, and\n  roads of the Yncas.\n\n  PART III. Discovery and conquest of Peru by Pizarro, and rebellion of\n  the Indians.\n\n  PART IV. _Book I._ War between Pizarro and Almagro.\n                    _Book II._ War of the young Almagro.\n                    _Book III._ The civil war of Quito.\n                    _Book IV._ War of Huarina.\n                    _Book V._ War of Xaquixaguana.\n\n  _Commentary I._ Events from the founding of the Audience to the\n  departure of the President.\n\n  _Commentary II._ Events to the arrival of the Viceroy Mendoza.\n\nPART I of this very complete Chronicle of Peru was published at Seville\nin folio, by Martin Clement in 1553. A second edition, in duodecimo,\nwas printed at Antwerp by Jean Steeltz in 1554;[12] and another\nindependent edition, also at Antwerp and in the same year, by Martin\nNucio. In 1555 an Italian translation, by Agostino di Gravalis, appeared\nat Rome, and was reprinted at Venice by Giordano Ziletti, in 1560. A\nthird Italian version was published at Venice in 1566. An English\ntranslation by John Stevens came out in London in 1576. The latest\nSpanish edition forms part of the second volume of the _Historiadores\nPrimitivos de Indias_, in the _Biblioteca de Autores Espa\u00f1oles_ (vol.\n26), and is edited by Don Enrique de Vedia. It was published at Madrid\nin 1853. Lastly, the Hakluyt Society issued a translation in English in\n1864.[13]\n\nPART II remained in manuscript until 1873, when the Peruvian editor, and\nin 1880 the Spanish editor, printed their versions. An English\ntranslation is now, for the first time, issued by the Hakluyt Society.\n\nPART III, and _Books I and II_ of PART IV, are still in manuscript and\ninaccessible, but Don M. J. de la Espada knows that they exist and\nwhere, although he has not seen them.\n\n_Book III_ of PART IV long remained inedited. The manuscript is in the\nRoyal Library at Madrid, and is in handwriting of the middle of the\n16th century. It includes the war of Quito, and is divided into 239\nchapters. A copy of this manuscript was included in the collection of\nDon Antonio de Uguina, on whose death it passed into the possession of\nM. Ternaux-Compans of Paris. Afterwards Mr. Rich obtained it, and sold\nit in 1849 to Mr. Lenox of New York for \u00a3600. At length this _Book III_\nof Part IV was printed and edited in 1877, with an interesting and very\nlearned introduction by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada.[14]\n\n_Books IV and V_ of PART IV, and the two _Commentaries_, are not known\nto be in existence; but they were written, for Cieza de Leon refers to\nthem in his Prologue as completed.\n\nMr. Prescott was mistaken in supposing that Cieza de Leon only completed\nthe First Part.[15] He worked so diligently, and with such ability, and\nsound judgment, that he was able to finish the whole of the grand work\nhe had projected. He is thus the greatest and most illustrious among the\nhistorians of Peru. So that his fate has been peculiarly hard. For more\nthan three centuries his First Part only has been credited to him. His\nmost valuable Second Part, though used and highly appreciated by Mr.\nPrescott, was attributed to an obscure lawyer who never was out of Spain\nin his life. One book of his Fourth Part has also at length been edited,\nbut all the rest of his work still remains in manuscript. The\naccomplished Spanish editor, Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, was\ninfluenced in his labours and researches by a generous zeal to repair,\nin some degree, the great injustice which has been done to the memory of\nCieza de Leon.\n\nIn my Introduction to the First Part, I gave some account of the author,\nall indeed that could be gathered from the part of his work then\naccessible; and I said that he was supposed to have been born in\nSeville.[16] This is an error. The Spanish editor has pointed out the\nauthority for believing that the place of his birth was the town of\nLlerena in Estremadura.[17] In my former Introduction I suggested from\nthe dates, and from the company in which we find him immediately on\nlanding in America, that young Cieza de Leon, then a boy between 13 and\n15, sailed from his native land in one of the ships which formed the\nexpeditionary fleet of Don Pedro de Heredia, who had obtained a grant of\nthe government of the region between the river Magdalena and the gulf of\nDarien. This fleet left Cadiz in 1532, and arrived at Cartagena in 1533.\nBut the Spanish editor has shown that there are difficulties in the way\nof this conclusion, and Cieza himself is slightly contradictory in the\nmatter of dates. He, however, mentions having seen the treasures of\nAtahualpa at Seville, when they arrived from Caxamarca,[18] which was in\n1534. Se\u00f1or de la Espada, therefore, concludes that our author did not\nsail for America until 1534, and that he embarked with the ships of\nRodrigo Duran, which anchored at Cartagena in November 1534. At all\nevents he was in San Sebastian de Buena Vista in 1537,[19] and was with\nthe first Spaniards who opened a road from the north to the south sea.\nThence he accompanied Pedro Vadillo in his expedition up the valley of\nthe Cauca to Cali, and then joined Jorge de Robledo, who established\ntowns in this Cauca valley, and conquered some of the cannibal tribes.\nIt was at this time, in 1541, when at Cartago in the Cauca valley, that\nour author conceived a strong desire to write an account of the strange\nthings that were to be seen in the new world.[20] \u201cOftentimes when the\nother soldiers were reposing, I was tiring myself by writing. Neither\nfatigue, nor the ruggedness of the country, nor the mountains and\nrivers, nor intolerable hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient\nto obstruct my two duties, namely, writing, and following my flag and my\ncaptain without fault.\u201d In 1547 he joined the President Gasca in his\nmarch to Cuzco, and was present at the final rout of Gonzalo Pizarro.\nAfter a residence at Cuzco he undertook a journey southwards to Charcas,\nunder the special auspices of Gasca, and with the sole object of\nlearning all that was worthy of notice. Returning to Lima he finished\nhis First Part on September 8th, 1550. He says he was then thirty-two\nyears of age, and had passed seventeen of them in the Indies.\n\nThe Second Part was also nearly completed before Cieza de Leon left\nPeru, because he mentions having shown most of it to two learned judges\nat Lima, Dr. Bravo de Saravia and the Licentiate Hernando de Santillan.\nThe latter was himself the author of a valuable work on the government\nof the Yncas, which also long remained in manuscript. It was first\nprinted in Madrid in 1879, having been edited by Don Marcos Jimenez de\nla Espada. From incidental notices in the Second Part, we learn how\ndiligently young Cieza de Leon collected information respecting the\nhistory and government of the Yncas, after he had written his accurate\nyet picturesque description of the country in his First Part. He often\nasked the Indians what they knew of their condition before the Yncas\nbecame their lords.[21] He carefully examined the temple of Cacha, and\ninquired into the traditions concerning it, from the intelligent native\ngovernor of an adjacent village.[22] In 1550 he went to Cuzco with the\nobject of collecting information, and it was arranged by Juan de\nSaavedra, the Corregidor of that city, that one of the surviving\ndescendants of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac, an intelligent and learned\nnative named Cayu Tupac, should confer with him. At the very time when\nCieza de Leon was diligently studying the history of the Yncas under the\nguidance of this Peruvian \u201cPundit\u201d, the young Ynca Garcilasso de la\nVega, then eleven years of age, was at school in the same old city of\nCuzco, learning Latin under the good Canon Cuellar. The two historians\nmust often have seen each other, the little half-caste boy playing in\nthe streets with his schoolfellows, and the stately young Spanish\nsoldier studying carefully with his noble Ynca friend. Cieza de Leon\nexplains the plan of his Second Part, which was, first to review the\nsystem of government of the Yncas, and then to narrate the events of the\nreign of each sovereign. He weighs conflicting evidence, and gives the\nversion which appears to him to be nearest the truth, sometimes also\nadding the grounds of his decision. He spared no pains to obtain the\nbest and most authentic information; and his sympathy with the conquered\npeople, and generous appreciation of their many good and noble\nqualities, give a special charm to his narrative.\n\nCieza de Leon is certainly one of the most important authorities on Ynca\nhistory and civilization, whether we consider his peculiar advantages in\ncollecting information, or his character as a conscientious historian.\nHis remarks respecting the Ynca roads and system of posts, on the use of\nthe _quipus_, on the system of colonists, and on the ceremonial songs\nand recitations to preserve the memory of historical events, are of the\nfirst importance. He bears striking evidence of the historical faculty\npossessed by the learned men at the court of the Yncas. After saying\nthat, on the death of a sovereign, the chroniclers related the events of\nhis reign to his successor, he adds:--\u201cThey could well do this, for\nthere were among them some men with good memories, sound judgments, and\nsubtle genius, and full of reasoning power, as we can bear witness who\nhave heard them even in these our days.\u201d[23]\n\nStudents owe much to the labours of Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. He\nhas not only edited the text of the Second Part of Cieza de Leon, and\nhis _War of Quito_, but also the hitherto inedited narratives of\nBetanzos, Molina, Salcamayhua, Santillan, and an anonymous work, all of\ngreat importance with reference to the history and civilization of the\nYncas. These additions to our knowledge are sufficient to show us how\nmuch there is to learn before anything approaching to a correct\nappreciation of this interesting subject can be attained. The future\nhistorian who will at last achieve this task, must be intimately\nacquainted with every part of the Yncarial empire, must be a thorough\nQuichua scholar, must have closely studied all early Spanish writers,\nand must possess the critical faculty to enable him to assign its proper\nweight to the varied evidence given by many different authorities. The\npresent useful labour of editing and indexing will prepare the way for\nthe future work. It is the accumulation, sorting, and preparation of the\nmaterials with which the noble edifice will some day be built.\n\nThe Index of the present volume is classified on the same principle as\nthose in the volumes of Garcilasso de la Vega, Acosta, Molina,\nSalcamayhua, Avila, and Polo de Ondegardo. The student is thus able to\nsee, without trouble, the Quichua words and the names of places and\npersons which are mentioned by each author. His studies will in this way\nbe much facilitated, especially if he undertakes the task of weighing\nthe respective value of facts and opinions given by different writers.\nSuch an investigation is one essential step towards the comprehension\nof the history and civilization of the Yncas. A more important inquiry\nrefers to the assignment of traditions, customs, beliefs, and words to\nthe different races which were comprehended in the Yncarial empire. But\nthis can only be attempted by students of the native languages. It is\nfrom Peru itself--from learned and painstaking Peruvian scholars--that\nwe must look for future real progress in this most interesting field of\nresearch. Republican Peru has already produced many eminent writers who\nhave devoted their talents to historical studies, and to the elucidation\nof the arch\u00e6ology and philology of their native land. The names of\nRivero, Paz Soldan, Palma, Zegarra, Barranca, Mujica, and others, at\nonce occur to the mind. Peru, in her undeserved misfortunes, has shown\nthat her sons can fight bravely for their beloved fatherland. In\nliterature, many of her sons have shed lustre on their country\u2019s\nhistory. In no christian land is there warmer family affection; in none\nis there truer and more cordial hospitality. Those who know Peru best,\nmost deeply regret her misfortunes, and most heartily desire her future\nwelfare.\n\n\n\n\nNOTE\n\nON\n\nTHE ANCIENT YNCA DRAMA.\n\n\nThe reference of Cieza de Leon to the songs and recitations at the court\nof the Yncas suggests the question of the existence among the ancient\nPeruvians of a drama, or system of representing historical and other\nevents by means of dialogues. This, therefore, seems a suitable\nopportunity for examining what light is thrown on the question in the\nworks which, in a translated form, have been issued by the Hakluyt\nSociety; and for considering the most reasonable conclusion to be\nderived from the materials now within our reach.\n\nAt page 32 of the present volume, Cieza de Leon says that the most\nlearned among the people were selected to make known historical events\nby songs and recitations, which were handed down from memory. This is\nthe germ of dramatic representation, which might be expected to attain\nfuller development; and that it did so is clear from the evidence of\nother historians. Garcilasso de la Vega says:--\u201cThe _Amautas_, or\nphilosophers, were not wanting in ability to compose comedies and\ntragedies, which were represented before their kings on solemn\nfestivals. The subject matter of the tragedy always related to military\ndeeds, triumphs, and victories, or to the grandeur of former kings and\nof other heroic men. The arguments of the comedies were on agriculture\nand familiar household subjects. All the plays were on decorous and\nimportant topics, the sentences being such as befitted the occasion.\nThey understood the composition of long and short verses, with the right\nnumber of syllables in each. They did not use rhymes in the verses, but\nall were blank.\u201d[24] The native author, Salcamayhua, also bears witness\nto the existence of an ancient drama, and even gives the Quichua names\nof four different kinds of plays. \u201cIn the festival they represented\nplays called _a\u00f1ay sauca_,[25] _hayachuca_,[26] _llama-llama_,[27] and\n_ha\u00f1amsi_.\u201d[28] That the memory of the old dramatic lore was preserved,\nand handed down after the Spanish conquest, is proved by the sentence\npronounced on the rebels at Cuzco in 1781, by the Judge Areche. It\nprohibited \u201cthe representation of dramas, as well as all other festivals\nwhich the Indians celebrated in memory of their Yncas.\u201d[29] Dr.\nJustiniani, a descendant of the Yncas, who was eighty-five when I knew\nhim, in 1853, told me that he could remember having seen, when a very\nlittle boy, a Quichua tragedy acted by Indians in the town of\nTinta.[30]\n\nThe Spanish priests took advantage of this aptitude of the Indians for\ndramatic representation, and composed religious plays in the Quichua\nlanguage, in imitation of the _Autos Sacramentales_ then in vogue.\nGarcilasso says,--\u201cThe Jesuits composed comedies for the Indians to act,\n_because they knew that this was the custom in the time of the Yncas_.\u201d\nHe mentions three such plays,[31] and adds, \u201cthe Indian lads repeated\nthe dialogues with so much grace, feeling, and correct action that they\ngave universal satisfaction and pleasure; and with so much plaintive\nsoftness in the songs, that many Spaniards shed tears of joy at seeing\ntheir ability and skill. From that time the Spaniards disabused\nthemselves of the opinion that the Indians were dull, barbarous, and\nstupid.\u201d\n\nSeveral of these religious plays were written by the Spanish priests in\nthe Quichua language, for the people to perform at great festivals, and\nthey of course bear unmistakeable evidence of their Spanish origin. I\npossess two of these plays. One is by Dr. Lunarejo, a native of Cuzco,\nand a celebrated Quichua scholar, who flourished in the eighteenth\ncentury. It is entitled _Comedia famosa del pobre mas rico_, and is on\nthe plan of the \u201cAutos\u201d of Lope de Vega and Calderon. The other is\nanonymous and appears to be of earlier date. The title is _Usca Paucar,\nAuto Sacramental el Patrocinio de Maria_.\n\nWe thus have evidence that the Yncas cultivated the drama in ancient\ntimes; that some of the plays were handed down and were acted as late as\n1781; and that the Spanish priests, finding that the Peruvians possessed\ntraditional aptitude for dramatic performances, turned this talent to\naccount in the inculcation of religious dogma. It might, therefore,\nnaturally be expected that one or more of the ancient Ynca plays, as\ndistinguished from the religious \u201cAutos\u201d of Spanish times, would have\nbeen preserved. It has long been known that at least one such drama does\nexist, under the title of _Ollantay_, and Quichua scholars concur in the\nbelief that it is really of ancient origin, and that it dates from\npre-Spanish times.\n\nThe drama of _Ollantay_, as it now exists, was arranged for\nrepresentation, divided into scenes, and supplied with stage directions\nin Spanish times; but competent Quichua students believe that most of\nthe dialogues, speeches, and songs date from a period before the\nconquest; and that consequently it is an Ynca drama. The manuscript\ncopies are probably numerous, some carelessly made by ignorant scribes,\nand containing modern words in substitution of what may have been\nillegible in the originals. But others are older and more correct\nversions, and these alone should be referred to in discussing the\nquestion of the date of this composition. A really critical text has\nnot, however, been hitherto established, from which all modern\ninterpolations have been excluded, and the readings in the most\nauthentic and oldest versions alone retained.\n\nThe drama was first brought to notice by Don Manuel Palacios, in the\n_Museo Erudito_, a periodical published at Cuzco in 1837. The learned\nPeruvian mineralogist and antiquary, Don Mariano Eduardo de Rivero,[32]\nin his work entitled _Antiguedades Peruanas_, gave two specimens from\nit, in Quichua and Spanish. Se\u00f1or Rivero says that copies of _Ollantay_,\nwritten in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, are preserved in\nprivate libraries at Cuzco.[33] The whole text was first printed by Dr.\nvon Tschudi at the end of his Quichua Grammar, but without a\ntranslation, in 1853.[34] The manuscript used by the learned German was\ncopied from one preserved in the Dominican monastery at Cuzco by one of\nthe monks, between 1840 and 1845, for the artist Ruggendas of Munich,\nwho gave it to Dr. von Tschudi, the original being much damaged and in\nparts illegible.\n\nIn April 1853 I had the opportunity of examining and transcribing a\nversion of _Ollantay_, which, I was informed, contained the purest text.\nIt belonged to Dr. Don Pablo Justiniani, the aged priest of the village\nof Laris, in the heart of the eastern Andes.[35] His father, Dr. Justo\nPastor Justiniani, had copied it from the original manuscript belonging\nto Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the priest of Sicuani in 1780, and the friend\nof the unfortunate Ynca Tupac Amaru. Dr. Valdez died in the year 1816.\nHe is said to have been the first to reduce the drama to writing, and to\narrange it for the stage,[36] but this is clearly an error, as there is\na manuscript of 1730, and others dating from the previous century,\naccording to Rivero. The manuscript of Valdez is, however, one of great\nvalue, as it preserves all the original forms, and the fame of the owner\nas a Quichua scholar is some guarantee for its accuracy. In 1853 it was\nin the possession of Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta, the nephew and heir\nof Dr. Valdez. Another copy taken from the Valdez manuscript, was in\npossession of Dr. Rosas, the priest of Chinchero near Cuzco. I carefully\ncollated the Justiniani and Rosas copies. In the year 1871 I published\nthe text of my copy of the Justiniani version, with an attempt at a\nliteral English translation.[37] But in three or four passages I adopted\nthe reading of Von Tschudi\u2019s version, and in all I was wrong. I should,\nas I have since convinced myself, have adhered closely to the Justiniani\ntext. In this text, however, there are several additions inserted by a\nlater hand when the drama was arranged for the stage. These I placed in\nbrackets.\n\nIn 1873 the Peruvian scholar, Dr. Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa,\ninformed me that he had in his possession the manuscripts of Dr. Justo\nSahuaraura Ynca, Archdeacon of Cuzco, and a descendant of Paullu, the\nyounger son of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac. Among them is a version of\nthe drama of _Ollantay_, which Dr. de la Rosa considers to be authentic\nand very accurate. This text has not hitherto been published.\n\nDon Jos\u00e9 S. Barranca, in 1868, published an excellent Spanish\ntranslation, chiefly from the text of Von Tschudi, now called the\nDominican text. It is preceded by an interesting introduction, and the\nauthor announced that he was preparing for the press a carefully edited\nQuichuan text, but I am not aware that this has yet seen the light.[38]\nIn 1876 the Peruvian poet, Don Constantino Carrasco, published, in Lima,\na version of the drama of _Ollantay_ in verse, paraphrased from the\ntranslation of Barranca. It is preceded by a critical introduction from\nthe pen of the accomplished Peruvian writer, Don Ricardo Palma, who\nexpressed an opinion that the drama was composed after the Spanish\nconquest.\n\nIn 1874 the enthusiastic Peruvian student of the language of the Yncas,\nDr. Jos\u00e9 Fernandez Nodal, printed the Quichua text with a Spanish\ntranslation in parallel columns. This version has several different\nreadings.[39]\n\nIn 1875 Dr. von Tschudi published a second text of _Ollantay_, at\nVienna, with a translation. His new version, like the first, is mainly\nfrom the Dominican text, but partly from another manuscript which bears\nthe date \u201cLa Paz, June 18th, 1735\u201d.[40] This important date proves that\nDr. Valdez was not the author, as supposed by the editor of the _Museo\nErudito_, but merely the possessor of one of the best manuscripts.[41]\n\nDon Gavino Pacheco Zegarra published the text of _Ollantay_ at Paris, in\n1878; his version being taken from a manuscript found among the books of\nhis great-uncle, Don Pedro Zegarra. He added a free translation, and\nnumerous valuable notes. The work of Zegarra is by far the most\nimportant that has appeared on this subject; for the accomplished\nPeruvian has the great advantage of knowing Quichua from his earliest\nchildhood. To this advantage, not possessed by any previous writer, he\nunites extensive learning, literary ability, and very considerable\ncritical sagacity. He is fully convinced of the antiquity of the\ndrama.[42]\n\nIn his _Races Aryennes_, Don Vicente Fidel Lopez refers to the drama of\n_Ollantay_, and discusses the meaning of the word. The editors and\ncritics to whom I have referred, all being students of the Quichua\nlanguage, have come to the conclusion that _Ollantay_ is an ancient Ynca\ndrama. Some of them, including myself, arrived at this conclusion after\nlong study and much hesitation.[43] The following is the argument of the\ndrama. Ollantay, General of Anti-Suyu, was deeply enamoured of the\nprincess Cusi-Ccoyllur, the chief beauty of the court of the Ynca\nPachacutec. In vain the High Priest, Uillac-Umu, endeavoured to dissuade\nhim, and even performed a miracle to divert him from his illegal love.\nPachacutec, the Ynca, rejected the suitor for his daughter\u2019s hand, and\nOllantay rose in rebellion, occupying the great fortress, consisting of\ncolossal ruins, which has ever since been called Ollantay-tampu.\nMeanwhile, Cusi Ccoyllur gave birth to a child which was named Yma Sumac\n(\u201chow beautiful\u201d). For this transgression the princess was immured in a\ndungeon in the Aclla Huasi, or convent of Sacred Virgins, for ten years.\nPachacutec died, and the sceptre passed to his son Ynca Yupanqui.\nOllantay was at length conquered by a stratagem. Concealing his army in\na neighbouring ravine, the general Rumi-\u00f1aui came to the stronghold of\nthe rebels, and appeared before Ollantay covered with blood. He declared\nthat he had been cruelly treated by the Ynca, and that he desired to\njoin the insurrection. Encouraging the insurgents to celebrate a\nfestival with drunken orgies, he admitted his own troops and captured\nthe whole party, including Ollantay. Next there is a touching dialogue\nbetween Yma Sumac and one of the virgins, who allows her to visit her\nmother in the dungeon. Finally the great rebel is pardoned by the\nmagnanimous Ynca, and the unfortunate princess is restored to the arms\nof her lover. One of the characters, a facetious servant lad, named\nPiqui Chaqui, supplies the comic vein which runs through the piece.\n\nThere are ample proofs of the antiquity of the tradition, and that the\nname of Ollantay was known in the days of the Yncas, and was applied to\nthe famous ruins near Cuzco. Father Cristobal de Molina, a very high\nauthority, writing in 1580, mentions Ollantay-tampu in connection with a\ncurious sacrificial ceremony.[44] Salcamayhua, a writer of the\nseventeenth century, also mentions Ollantay.[45] The name, therefore,\nwas well known before the Spanish conquest.[46] The name of Rumi-\u00f1aui,\nwhich means \u201cstone-eye\u201d, as that of the general who, by the stratagem\nof mutilating his face, deceived Ollantay, is not uncommon in Ynca\nhistory. A general of Atahualpa had the same name. It is a curious fact,\nas corroborative of this part of the story, that in 1837 an Indian\npresented to Don Antonio Maria Alvarez, then Prefect of Cuzco, an\nancient earthen drinking vessel, moulded into the shape of a man\u2019s head\nand bust. He said that it had been handed down in his family for\ngenerations, as the likeness of Rumi-\u00f1aui. The person represented must\nhave been a general, from the _masccapaycha_ or ornament on the\nforehead, and wounds are cut on the face in accordance with the argument\nof the drama.\n\nBut the chief reasons for assigning a date before the Spanish conquest\nto the speeches and dialogues of _Ollantay_, have reference to the\ninternal evidence. Throughout the piece there is not the remotest\nallusion to Christianity, an impossible phenomenon if the drama had been\nwritten in Spanish times, like the comedy of Dr. Lunarejo and the\n_Usca-paucar_. It contains songs of indubitable antiquity, and in use\namong the purest Quichua people. The language is archaic; there are many\nwords which have long disappeared from the spoken Quichua, and are now\nonly found in the earliest vocabularies. The grammatical forms, such as\n_cca_ instead of _pa_ for the genitive, are ancient. The state of\nsociety represented in the drama is entirely Pagan, without a sign of\nSpanish contact. The metre is octo-syllabic, like that of the Ynca song\npreserved by Blas Valera, and is the same as the most ancient verses in\nthe collection of Dr. Justiniani. In the early and pure copies there is\nnot an allusion to anything, or any animal, introduced by Europeans. All\narguments must of course be based on the most authentic text, and not on\nlater copies into which many errors have crept, such as the substitution\nof words like _misi_ (a cat), and _asna_ (a donkey), corrected in\nanother copy to _llama_, for the original word, in both cases, _atoc_ (a\nfox).\n\nIn the final decision of a question of this kind, it is always an\nadvantage to have an able antagonist who will take the trouble to state\nall that can be said against the generally received opinion. In the\npresent case the \u201cDevil\u2019s Advocate\u201d is no less a person than General Don\nBartolom\u00e9 Mitr\u00e9, the ex-President of the Argentine Republic. General\nMitr\u00e9 maintains that the drama of _Ollantay_ is entirely of Spanish\norigin, and that it was written in modern times.[47] His opinion is not\nto be despised; for he is evidently a man of extensive reading, and is\npossessed of critical insight of a high order. But his knowledge of the\nQuichua language and of the Spanish authors who wrote in the first\ncentury after the conquest of Peru is limited, as will presently appear.\nNevertheless, the accomplished general and statesman would no doubt have\nproved his case if it had been possible. The facts, however, are too\nnumerous, and too closely arrayed against him. His attack was well\nplanned and gallantly delivered, but it has utterly failed.[48]\n\nThe General\u2019s first assault is made upon the evidence of the existence\nof dramatic compositions among the Yncas. Garcilasso de la Vega is\ndeclared to be the sole authority, and he is unceremoniously set aside\nas unworthy of credit. Cieza de Leon and Acosta are then triumphantly\nreferred to as being absolutely silent on the subject. But General Mitr\u00e9\nhad evidently only read the first part of Cieza de Leon, and was still\nignorant of the contents of the present volume. He was equally ignorant\nof the work of Salcamayhua, where the names of four different kinds of\ndramatic compositions are given. There is, quite independently of the\npositive statement of Garcilasso, ample evidence of the existence of a\ndrama of some kind in the time of the Yncas.\n\nHis next point is that _Ollantay_ is throughout, in general form and\nminute details, a Christian and cavalieresque play _de capa y espada_,\nsuch as those of Lope de Vega and Calderon. Mr. Ticknor says that\n_comedias de capa y espada_ excluded those dramas in which royal\npersonages appear; their main and moving principle is gallantry; the\nstory is almost always involved and intriguing; and accompanied with an\nunderplot and parody on the characters and adventures of the principal\nparties, formed out of those of the servants and other inferior\npersonages.[49] _Ollantay_ is a historical play including royal\npersonages; the main and moving principle is not gallantry of the _capa\ny espada_ type, the story is simple and not intriguing, and it is not\naccompanied with an underplot. So that the Quichua drama is not only\nunlike a Spanish _comedia de capa y espada_, but it would be difficult\nto find two classes of compositions, both being dramatic, which are\nmore completely distinct from each other.\n\nNext, General Mitr\u00e9 objects that the sentiments prevailing in _Ollantay_\nare pride of caste, conjugal fidelity, military spirit, filial love,\nhumanity to the vanquished, horror of polygamy, royal magnanimity, which\nare proper to European civilisation, but opposed to all that is known of\nYnca social life. Yet pride of caste is described, by nearly all writers\non the subject, as a noteworthy characteristic of the Ynca family. There\nare many touching stories told of conjugal fidelity and filial love\namong the Peruvians by writers contemporaneous with the conquest; and I\nam tempted to relate one of these stories at the end of the present\ncritical notice. The military spirit was sedulously cultivated by the\nYncas, who were always engaged in new conquests. The exercise of\nmagnanimity and of humanity to the conquered was constantly inculcated,\nand was a part of the established policy of the Yncas, as we are told by\nnearly all the early writers. Polygamy is nowhere spoken of with horror\nin _Ollantay_. All the sentiments enumerated by General Mitr\u00e9 as\npeculiar to European civilisation, are those which went towards the\nformation of the best part of the Ynca character, and which would\nnaturally be met with in a Quichua drama.\n\nThe next objection is that rebellion is approved in the drama of\n_Ollantay_, and that such countenance would be impossible at a despotic\ncourt like that of the Yncas. The remark applies equally to the court\nof Spain. It may be admitted that the encouragement of rebellion as a\nprinciple would not be tolerated unless it eventually redounded to the\ncredit of the sovereign. Successful rebellion was not unknown in Ynca\nhistory, and Yupanqui Pachacutec himself, the sovereign of the play,\ndeposed his brother Urco, according to Cieza de Leon. That story would\nnot be heard with displeasure. Nor would that of _Ollantay_, where the\nrebel is subdued, and where the magnanimity of the sovereign is\ncelebrated.\n\nThe whole of the arguments of the General, based on internal evidence\nafforded by words and passages in the play, may be set aside, because\nnone of the words upon which he relies as evidence of Spanish origin are\nto be found in the true version. The true version must be considered as\nthat which excludes all words and passages which are not common to _all_\nthe older manuscripts. On this principle all the words relied upon by\nthe General are corrupt readings which have crept in through the\ncarelessness of copiers.[50]\n\nGeneral Mitr\u00e9 objects that the High Priest alludes to the broken thread\nof destiny, which is a strictly Greek image. He misunderstands the\npassage. The High Priest compares the consequence of the act, which will\nbring destruction on Ollantay, not with the thread of destiny entangled\nand severed, but with the wool and frame of a native weaving machine\noverturned and broken, a natural and indigenous figure suggested by\nthings often before the speaker\u2019s own eyes. The remainder of the\nGeneral\u2019s attack is occupied in efforts to find traces of old world\nideas in _Ollantay_, most of his analogies being very far-fetched. There\nis a _yaravi_ or song, describing the beauty of the heroine, which the\nGeneral compares with the Song of Solomon. The only resemblance is that\nboth describe personal beauty by comparisons with the beauties of\nnature, and this is common to nearly all poetry. But General Mitr\u00e9, by\nusing Zegarra\u2019s somewhat free translation, attributes figures to the\nsong which it does not contain, such as a \u201ccountenance white and\ntransparent as alabaster, bosoms as white as pieces of ice, cheeks like\nroses fallen on snow, eyebrows like bows sending forth burning and\nslaughter-dealing arrows, fingers like bolls of opening cotton.\u201d There\nis nothing of all this in the authentic text. In the real song all the\nsimiles are strictly and essentially Quichuan. Her forehead is compared\nto _Quilla_, the moon; her eyes, not to arrows, but to two suns; her\neyebrows to rainbows, the insignia of the Yncas. Her tresses are black,\nmixed with gold, just as the plaited hair of an Ynca princess is\nrepresented in an ancient picture at Cuzco. The bloom of her cheek is\ncompared with the _achancaray_, a red flower peculiar to Peru; her\nbosoms, not to snow, but to the _utcu_ swelling out of the bolls, a\nsimile which is also essentially Peruvian. These figures show that the\n_yaravi_ could not possibly have been composed anywhere but in the land\nwhere the _achancaray_ and the _utcu_ flourish within sight of the snows\nof the Andes. General Mitr\u00e9 objects to a copper-coloured beauty being\npraised for her fairness, and to her skin being compared with snow. The\nYnca princesses, as we know from some ancient pictures and descriptions,\nwere naturally much fairer than the common people, and this striking\ndifference would as naturally lead to fairness of skin being prized,\ncelebrated, exaggerated, and, by a poetical licence, compared with the\nfairest thing in the Peruvian landscape.\n\nStill referring to an erroneous reading, General Mitr\u00e9 objects that the\nYnca says:--\u201cTake this ring in thy hand, that thou mayest never forget\nthat it is thy duty to show clemency to all. Rise, thou art a\nhero,\u201d--which, he suggests, must be an idea taken from arming knights in\nthe middle ages. Possibly; but the Ynca never makes such a speech in the\nauthentic text[51] of _Ollantay_. He says:--\u201cReceive this _head dress_,\nthat thou mayest command my army, and this arrow, that I destine for\nyou.\u201d The presentation of a head-dress is a peculiarly Yncarial\nceremony, and this passage is one among many which furnish strong\ninternal proofs of the antiquity of the drama.\n\nThe critic then proceeds to refer to three more alleged anachronisms.\nThe deceased Ynca is said to be spoken of as buried, when Yncas were\nalways embalmed, and the bodies preserved in the temple; black is\nmentioned as the colour for mourning, when the Yncas used grey; and the\ncity of Cuzco is said to have elected a new Ynca, though the Peruvian\nmonarchy was hereditary. The replies are that the word _pampasacta_ from\n_pampani_, to bury, is used, in the oldest songs, for interments of\nevery kind; that the word for mourning, in the authentic version, is\nnot _yana_ (black), but _ccica_ (grey); and that the great men of Cuzco,\nin the cases of this very Ynca Yupanqui (according to Cieza de Leon) and\nothers, did select the sovereign under special circumstances.\n\nThe next objection is that the Ynca, after pardoning Ollantay, appointed\nhim to be his successor and invested him with the fringe; which, it is\ncontended, is historically false, and impossible in ancient Peru. But\nthe Ynca merely invested Ollantay with the insignia of his rank as a\ngreat chief (the _yellow_ fringe, not the _crimson_ fringe peculiar to\nthe sovereign), and appointed him to rule at Cuzco during the\nsovereign\u2019s absence, a very different thing. Such appointments were of\nconstant occurrence, and are recorded over and over again by Cieza de\nLeon.\n\nThus General Mitr\u00e9 fails to establish the existence of a single allusion\nto things of European origin in the drama of _Ollantay_.\n\nTreating of the one comic character in the piece, the servant of\nOllantay, and referring to his frequent use of puns and expressions with\ndouble meanings, the General contends that his wit is Andalusian, and\nthat it is contrary to the genius of the Quichua language. In reality,\nthe speeches of this servant, Piqui Chaqui, are so thoroughly native and\nof the soil, his allusions and double meanings are so hidden, that no\nSpaniard--no one but a native--could have written or even conceived\nthem. In one of the Quichua plays, written by Spanish priests, in my\npossession, there is a \u201cgracioso\u201d named Quespillo, whose fun is broad\nand without a sign of _double entendre_. If Quespillo is a Spanish\ncreation, Piqui-chaqui is as certainly of native conception. This is one\nstrong proof that _Ollantay_, differing so completely in all respects\nfrom the Quichua religious dramas prepared by Spanish priests, is of\npure native origin.\n\nNext, General Mitr\u00e9 compares a simple speech of Urco-huaranca, the\ngeneral of Ollantay, with an enumeration of forces in Homer; a reference\nto his services, made by Ollantay, to some speech in the Spanish drama\nof the Cid Campeador; and the election of Ollantay by his army, to an\nelection by the Pr\u00e6torian guard described by Tacitus. These allusions\nare too far-fetched and vague to need special replies; but they require\nwonderful erudition on the part of General Mitr\u00e9\u2019s imaginary Spanish\nauthor. Rumi-\u00f1aui, in order to make Ollantay think that he had been\nill-treated by the Ynca, mutilated his face. Zopyrus, in the story told\nby Herodotus, for a similar purpose, cut off his nose and ears, which\nRumi-\u00f1aui did not do. Nevertheless, General Mitr\u00e9 jumps at the\nconclusion that the idea must have been copied from Herodotus. It will\nbe remembered that the story of the mutilation of Rumi-\u00f1aui is preserved\non an ancient piece of Ynca pottery.\n\nGeneral Mitr\u00e9 then quotes a speech of Ollantay, when he receives the\nYnca\u2019s pardon, from my book, a text which he had all along repudiated,\nin order to use the Dominican text as better suited to his purpose. His\ncriticism on this speech is sound, but the lines I inserted were\nevidently interpolated by the person who arranged the drama for acting.\nI had, consequently, placed them in brackets as doubtful, and noted\ntheir omission by Von Tschudi and Barranca, a fact which the General\ndoes not mention. The passage is not authentic, and would be omitted in\na properly revised version. It is in fact omitted by Zegarra. But this\nuse, by General Mitr\u00e9, first of one text and then of another, as it\nhappens to suit his purpose, is not conducive to the proper object of\ncriticism, namely, the discovery of truth. It shows also that his\ncritical essay is premature, and that it should not have been attempted\nuntil all the versions had been critically examined and collated, and an\nauthoritative text established.\n\nThe octo-syllabic metre in which the drama is written was also used by\nSpanish dramatists, and, consequently, according to General Mitr\u00e9, the\ndrama of _Ollantay_ was written by a Spaniard. But it is also a native\nPeruvian metre. The ancient song given by Garcilasso de la Vega, though\nprinted in lines of four syllables, is really octo-syllabic. These\neight-syllable lines are composed with great facility in many languages,\nand are natural to the Quichua, most of the ancient songs in the\ncollection of Dr. Justiniani being octo-syllabic. Consequently, though\nalso used in Spanish literature, they do not therefore indicate a\nSpanish origin.\n\nThe greater part of General Mitr\u00e9\u2019s argument amounts to little more than\nthis. There is a river in Macedon, and there is a river in Monmouth,\ntherefore Macedon and Monmouth are the same place. It is a very old\nargument, but it has never been looked upon as conclusive. The General\u2019s\ntheory requires an unknown Spanish author living in the eighteenth\ncentury, and writing in the Quichua language, of portentous erudition,\nwho borrowed his ideas from the Pentateuch, the Song of Solomon, Homer,\nTacitus, Herodotus, Shakespeare, Lope de Vega, Mrs. Ratcliffe, and the\nballads of the Cid; and who yet excluded the most distant allusion to\nChristianity or to anything Spanish. He could not have been a priest,\nfor we possess Quichua plays composed by Spanish priests, and they are\nentirely and radically different from _Ollantay_, containing, as was\ninevitable, constant allusions to Christianity, and none to the classic\nauthors of antiquity. Yet the imaginary author must have known Quichua\nperfectly, in its earliest and most archaic form, and have been versed\nin all the plays upon words and double meanings used by initiated\nnatives. It may safely be affirmed that no such prodigy ever existed in\nthe eighteenth century, and, consequently, the General\u2019s theory falls to\npieces like a house of cards.\n\nAt the same time, General Mitr\u00e9 has done good service to literature by\nthe publication of this elaborate criticism. Every argument that the\ningenuity of an accomplished scholar could bring forward against the\nauthenticity of _Ollantay_ has been adduced. Quichua students now know\nall that can possibly be said against the antiquity of the play, and\nthey know that what is not based on incorrect readings, is far-fetched\nand fanciful. The former considerations which led them to the conclusion\nthat most of the dialogues and songs dated from the time of the Yncas,\nremain in full force, unshaken by anything General Mitr\u00e9 has written.\nThe new points he has raised, prove to be either based on corrupt\nreadings, or to be of no validity in themselves.\n\nIt is gratifying to find that the rich and interesting language of the\nYncas continues to be studied by ardent young Peruvian scholars. Among\nthem is Dr. Martin Antonio Mujica, a native of Huancavelica, who is\nmaking Quichua a serious study, and has suggested some changes in the\naccepted orthography, based on sound principles.[52] There is much yet\nto learn in this important branch of investigation, and much useful work\nto be done. A really critical text of _Ollantay_ is a desideratum. There\nare many ancient Quichua songs, possibly other dramas, in private\nlibraries. These should be diligently sought out, edited, and printed,\nwith translations. A dictionary should be undertaken, with references to\nall the words which occur in the writings of ancient authors. There is a\nwide field and a noble one, for young students in the land of the Yncas,\nwhich is well deserving of careful, diligent, and enthusiastic\ncultivation. Such discouraging criticisms as that of General Mitr\u00e9\nshould have no depressing effect. They should rather arouse the student\nto fresh efforts, both to secure the purity of his texts, and to\nillustrate their meaning by the acquisition of wider knowledge, and the\ncultivation of critical and accurate habits of thought.\n\nMeanwhile, the conclusion that the drama of _Ollantay_ is of Ynca\norigin, having withstood all the assaults of General Mitr\u00e9\u2019s criticism,\nremains more firmly established, and on securer ground than before. The\nunsuccessful attack is an additional source of strength.\n\n\n\n\nA PERUVIAN LOVE STORY.\n\n\nThe assertion of General Mitr\u00e9 that conjugal devotion was not among the\nvirtues of the ancient Peruvians, induces me to relate a story which is\ntold by Miguel Cavello Balboa.[53] The events it records took place\nduring the war between Huascar and Atahualpa. It, therefore, illustrates\nthe closing chapters of the present volume.[54]\n\nOn the death of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac in the province of Quito,\nhe was succeeded by his legitimate son Huascar at Cuzco; while the son\nwho was with him, named Atahualpa, remained at the head of an army at\nQuito. But the body of the deceased sovereign was sent to Cuzco,\naccompanied by the widowed queen, Mama Rahua Ocllo, and her daughter the\nPrincess Chuqui Uzpay, and by four venerable councillors who were\nexecutors of Huayna Ccapac. On approaching Cuzco these venerable men\nwere arrested, ordered to explain why Atahualpa had remained behind,\nand, their defence not being satisfactory, they were put to death. The\nprincipal executor, who thus suffered, was named Auqui Tupac Yupanqui.\n\nThe Queen, Mama Rahua Ocllo, was much shocked at this cruelty on the\npart of her son Huascar. After the funeral ceremonies, the new\nsovereign desired to marry his sister Chuqui Uzpay, and, after much\nhesitation, the Queen Mother reluctantly gave her consent.\n\nYoung Quilaco Yupanqui, a son of the murdered executor, Auqui Tupac\nYupanqui, was sent by Atahualpa as an envoy to his brother Huascar. On\nreaching the valley of Xaquixaguana, Quilaco received a secret message\nfrom the Queen Mother, who loved him dearly, for he was a foster-brother\nof her child, the young queen Chuqui Uzpay. The Queen Mother ordered a\nprocession of damsels to come out and meet the envoy; among whom there\nwas one more beautiful than all the rest, named Curi-coyllur.\n\nAt the coronation of Huascar, the chief of the valley of Yca arrived\nfrom the coast with a lovely daughter named Chumbillaya. She inspired\nthe Ynca with a violent passion, and he gave her the name of\nCuri-coyllur, the \u201cgolden star.\u201d She bore him a daughter and died soon\nafterwards. His sister Corvaticlla, a beloved friend of Curi-coyllur,\nbrought up the child with great care in a house near Cuzco, and her\nbeauty was so marvellous that she inherited her mother\u2019s name of\nCuri-coyllur.\n\nCuri-coyllur was fifteen when the girls assembled to meet the young\nenvoy from Quito at Siquillabamba. Quilaco fell in love with her. He\nwent on to Cuzco, and, finding that the Ynca Huascar had gone to Calca\nin the vale of Vilcamayu, he hurried thither, and laid the presents from\nthe Ynca\u2019s brother Atahualpa at his feet. Huascar spurned both envoy\nand presents, and dismissed Quilaco with disdain. Quilaco returned to\nCuzco, and told the queens what had befallen him at Calca. The guardian\nof Curi-coyllur, on hearing of his love, allowed him to visit the young\ngirl. A few days afterwards Huascar sent him back with a message to\nAtahualpa, to the effect that he would be closely followed by an army to\nenforce obedience.\n\nOne day, at early dawn, Curi-coyllur was praying for the return of her\nlover. When a labourer appeared with his _taclla_ (plough) on his\nshoulder, she mistook it for the _chuqui_ (lance) of Quilaco. At last a\ntroop of strangers appeared on the hill, taking the way to Xaquixaguana.\nShe was shedding tears, when her lover came out of a field of maize\nclose by, and threw himself at her feet. Quilaco told her and her aunt\nall that had happened at Cuzco, and asked Corvaticlla for the hand of\nher niece. It was promised when the times had become more quiet, and\nQuilaco continued his journey to Quito.\n\nThe great war then broke out between the two brothers, Huascar and\nAtahualpa. Quilaco had promised to return to Curi-coyllur in three\nyears, and four had elapsed. Huascar was on the point of marrying her to\none of his captains. She cut her hair, put on the dress of one of her\nservants, painted her face according to the usage of those who go to\nwar, and mixed herself amongst the camp followers of the army of\nHuascar. The Ynca\u2019s general, named Huanca Auqui, had retreated to the\nvalley of Xauxa, where he met the reinforcements from Cuzco, and was\nsuperseded by Mayta Yupanqui. The army of Atahualpa, under the command\nof Quizquiz, advanced to Tarma, and the hostile forces met between Tarma\nand Xauxa. The battle lasted all day, but eventually the army of Huascar\nwas defeated with great slaughter. Quilaco was wounded by an arrow, and\nfell on a heap of dead, while his men were too much occupied in chasing\nthe fugitives to notice his fall.\n\nQuilaco would have perished miserably from loss of blood; but he saw a\nlad searching among the bodies, and cried for help. The boy ran to him,\ndrew out the arrow, and staunched the wound. He carried the wounded man\nto the banks of a stream, and washed the dirt off his face and body.\nQuilaco asked the motive of such kindness in a follower of Huascar.[55]\n\u201cBrother,\u201d said the lad, \u201cI am a native of this place; my name is Titu;\nI seek no advantage.\u201d He collected sticks, lighted a fire to warm the\nwounded chief; and so they passed the night. Next day the boy conveyed\nQuilaco to a neighbouring hut until he should be cured. A search was\nmade for him by order of Quizquiz, and his disappearance caused profound\nsadness in the host of Atahualpa.\n\nFor many months Quilaco was unable to rise from his bed, and in the\ninterval great events happened. Huascar was dethroned, his family was\nmassacred at Cuzco, the usurper advanced to Caxamarca, Pizarro arrived\non the coast with his Spaniards, and Atahualpa was made prisoner by\nthem. Titu used to leave the hut, and collect news from passers-by on\nthe great road. One day he told Quilaco that the power of Atahualpa and\nhis generals had departed, and that strange men from the sea were now\nthe rulers of the country. Titu spoke of the noble bearing and of the\njustice of the Viracochas, as he called the Spaniards, looking upon them\nas messengers from God. He entreated and at last persuaded the chief,\nwho was now able to walk, to appear before the Spanish leader, who had\narrived in the valley. It was the famous Hernando de Soto. They went\ntogether, and Titu, with the aid of an interpreter, related his history\nto the proud but noble-minded conqueror. Quilaco now for the first time\ndiscovered that Titu was his long-lost love, his Curi-coyllur, whom he\nhad never hoped to see again.\n\nThey were baptized under the names of Hernando Yupanqui and Leonora\nCuri-coyllur, and married in conformity with the laws of the Church. But\nthe young chief only survived for two years. The widow afterwards lived\nwith Hernando de Soto, and bore him several children--Leonora de Soto,\nwho married Fernando Carrillo, notary to his Majesty, and lived at\nCuzco; Juana de Soto; Pedro de Soto; and others.\n\nI know not whether the story of Quilaco and Curi-coyllur was ever\ndramatised like that of Ollantay. But we need not doubt that the\n\u201cbrilliant erudition\u201d[56] of General Mitr\u00e9 would, if the play were\nbrought to light, soon announce to us that it was a \u201c_comedia de capa y\nespada_\u201d, with all the ideas and incidents borrowed from Homer,\nHerodotus, Tacitus, the Pentateuch, the Song of Solomon, Shakespeare,\nLope de Vega, Mrs. Ratcliffe, and the Cid Campeador. Too much erudition\nis surely a dangerous thing.\n\nThe other story told by Balboa, of the love of Elfquen Pisan, Chief of\nLambayeque, for the beautiful Chestan Xecfuin, is equally romantic,\nequally of native origin, and has as little to do with the old world\nclassics as _Ollantay_. Among these people there was pride of caste,\nmagnanimity towards the vanquished, a martial spirit, filial love, and\nconjugal devotion; and these sentiments found natural expression in\ntheir literature. Cieza de Leon, in the following pages, bears ample\ntestimony to Ynca civilisation.\n\n\n\n\n                              SECOND PART\n                                OF THE\n                          CHRONICLE OF PERU,\n\n       WHICH TREATS OF THE LORDSHIP OF THE INCAS YUPANQUIS, AND\n                 OF THEIR GREAT DEEDS AND GOVERNMENT.\n\n                              WRITTEN BY\n                        PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON.\n\n\n\n\n                              SECOND PART\n\n                                OF THE\n\n                           CHRONICLE OF PERU\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nof them more than what I recount, go to a delightful place full of\nenjoyment and pleasure, where they all eat and drink and rejoice; and\nif, on the contrary, they have done evil, disobedient to parents,\nhostile to religion, they go to another place which is dark and dismal.\nIn the first book I treated more fully of these things, so that I will\nnow pass on, and relate in what manner the people of this kingdom lived\nbefore the Incas flourished and made themselves sovereign lords, in\nwhich time all affirm that they were in a state of anarchy, without any\nof the order, and reasonable government and justice which was afterwards\nestablished. I will also recount what there is to be said of\nTiciviracocha, which is the name by which the Maker of all things was\nknown.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\n_Which treats of what the Indians of this kingdom say touching the state\nof things before the Yncas were known, and how they had fortresses in\nthe hills, whence they came forth to make war one with another._\n\n\nI often asked the inhabitants of these provinces what they knew of their\ncondition before the Incas became the lords. On this subject they say\nthat all men lived without order, and that many went naked like savages;\nthat they had no houses, nor any habitations except the caves, many of\nwhich may be seen in the great cliffs and rocks, whence they came forth\nto eat what they could find in the fields. Others made fortresses in the\nmountains, called _pucara_, out of which they came forth, using strange\nlanguages, to fight, one with the other, over the cultivable lands, or\nfor other reasons: and many were slain, the spoils and women of the\nvanquished being carried off. With all these things they went in triumph\nto the heights, where they had their castles, and there offered up\nsacrifices to their gods, shedding much blood of men and lambs before\nthe stones and idols. All these people were in a state of anarchy, for\nthey say for certain that they had no lords, but only captains to lead\nthem in their wars. If some went about dressed, it was in slight\nclothing, and not such as they now use.\n\nThey say that the _llautu_ or cords which they put on their heads that\none tribe may be distinguished from another, were used then as they are\nnow.\n\nThis people living in the condition that I have described, there rose up\nin the province of the Collao, a very brave lord named Zapana,[57] who\nso prevailed that he brought many people of that province under his\nrule. They relate another thing; but whether it be true or not, the\nmost High God who understands all things only knows. As for me, I have\nno other testimony or authority of books for what I relate than the\nstatements of the Indians. What I want to relate is that they affirm of\na certainty that, after that powerful captain arose in Hatuncollao,[58]\nthere appeared in the province of the Canas,[59] which lies between the\nCanches[60] and Collao, near the village called Chugara, some women who\nwere like valiant men. Taking up arms they subdued those who were in the\ndistrict where they lived, and, almost like what is told of the Amazons,\nthey made homes for themselves, without husbands. These people, after\nthis had gone on for some years, and they had performed some famous\ndeeds, came to fight with Zapana, he who had become Lord of Hatuncollao;\nand to defend themselves against his power, which was great, they made\nfortresses and walls, which still exist. But after they had done all to\nthe utmost of their power, they were taken and killed, and their name\ndisappeared.\n\nThere is a citizen in Cuzco named Tom\u00e1s Vasquez,[61] who told me that he\nand Francisco de Villacastin,[62] being in the town of Ayavire,[63]\nseeing these enclosures, and asking the natives what they were, the\nabove story was told them. They also relate what I have written in the\nfirst part, namely, that there were people with beards, in the Island of\nTiticaca, in past ages, white like ourselves; that, coming from the\nvalley of Coquimbo, their captain, who was named Cari,[64] arrived at\nthe place where Chucuito now stands, whence, after having founded some\nnew settlements, he passed over with his people to the island. He made\nsuch war upon the inhabitants that he killed them all. Chirihuana, the\ngovernor of those settlements, which now belong to the Emperor,[65] told\nme what I have now written; and as this land was so extensive, and in\nparts so healthy and well suited for man\u2019s habitation, although they\ncontinued in the practice of petty warfare and indulgence of their\npassions, yet they established many settlements. Those captains who\nshowed themselves to be valorous, continued as lords of several towns;\nand all, as is generally reported, had Indians of intelligence in their\nhouses and fortresses, who spoke with the Devil. And the Devil, by\npermission of Almighty God, and for reasons known to Him, had very great\npower amongst these people.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\n_Touching what these natives say concerning Ticiviracocha, of the\nopinion held by some that an Apostle passed through this land, and of\nthe temple there is in C\u00e1chan, also what happened there._\n\n\nBefore the Incas reigned in these kingdoms, or had ever been heard of,\nthe Indians relate another thing much more notable than all things else\nthat they say. For they declare that they were a long time without\nseeing the sun, and that, suffering much evil from its absence, great\nprayers and vows were offered up to their gods, imploring for the light\nthey needed. Things being in this state, the sun, shining very brightly,\ncame forth from the island of Titicaca, in the great lake of the Collao,\nat which every one rejoiced. Presently afterwards, they say, that there\ncame from a southern direction a white man of great stature, who, by his\naspect and presence, called forth great veneration and obedience. This\nman who thus appeared had great power, insomuch that he could change\nplains into mountains, and great hills into valleys, and make water flow\nout of stones. As soon as such power was beheld, the people called him\nthe Maker of created things, the Prince of all things, Father of the\nSun. For they say that he performed other wonders, giving life to men\nand animals, so that by his hand marvellous great benefits were\nconferred on the people. And such was the story that the Indians who\ntold it to me say that they heard from their ancestors, who in like\nmanner heard it in the old songs which they received from very ancient\ntimes. They say that this man went on towards the north, working these\nmarvels along the way of the mountains; and that he never more returned\nso as to be seen. In many places he gave orders to men how they should\nlive, and he spoke lovingly to them and with much gentleness,\nadmonishing them that they should do good, and no evil or injury one to\nanother, and that they should be loving and charitable to all. In most\nparts he is generally called _Ticiviracocha_,[66] but in the province of\nthe Collao they call him _Tuapaca_, and in other places _Arnauan_. In\nmany parts they built temples in which they put blocks of stone in\nlikeness of him, and offered up sacrifices before them. It is held that\nthe great blocks at Tiahuanacu were from that time. Although, from the\nfame of what formerly had passed, they relate the things I have stated\ntouching Ticiviracocha, they know nothing more of him, nor whether he\nwould ever return to any part of this kingdom.\n\nBesides this, they say that, a long time having passed, they again saw\nanother man resembling the first, whose name they do not mention; but\nthey received it from their forefathers as very certain that wherever\nthis personage came and there were sick, he healed them, and where there\nwere blind he gave them sight by only uttering words. Through acts so\ngood and useful he was much beloved by all. In this fashion, working\ngreat things by his words, he arrived at the province of the Canas, in\nwhich, near to a village which has the name of Cacha, and in which the\nCaptain Bartolom\u00e9 de Terrazas[67] holds an _encomienda_, the people rose\nagainst him, threatening to stone him. They saw him upon his knees,\nwith his hands raised to heaven, as if invoking the divine favour to\nliberate him from the danger that threatened him. The Indians further\nstate that presently there appeared a great fire in the heaven, which\nthey thought to be surrounding them. Full of fear and trembling, they\ncame to him whom they had wanted to kill, and with loud clamour besought\nhim to be pleased to forgive them. For they knew that this punishment\nthreatened them because of the sin they had committed in wishing to\nstone the stranger. Presently they saw that when he ordered the fire to\ncease, it was extinguished, so that they were themselves witnesses of\nwhat had come to pass; and the stones were consumed and burnt up in such\nwise as that large blocks could be lifted in the hand, as if they were\nof cork. On this subject they go on to say that, leaving the place where\nthese things happened, the man arrived on the sea coast, where, holding\nhis mantle, he went in amongst the waves and was never more seen. And as\nhe went, so they gave him the name of _Viracocha_, which means \u201cthe foam\nof the sea.\u201d\n\nSoon afterwards they made a temple in this village of Cacha,[68] on the\nother side of a river which passes near, where they set up an idol of\nstone, very large, but in a somewhat narrow recess. This recess is not\nso large as those in Tiahuanaco, erected in memory of Ticiviracocha, nor\ndoes the figure appear to have the same kind of vestments. Some gold was\nfound in holes near it.\n\nWhen I passed through this province, I went to see the idol, for the\nSpaniards affirm that it may have been some apostle. I heard many\ndeclare that it had legends written on its hands. But this is nonsense,\nunless my eyes were blinded, for although I looked closely I could not\nsee anything of the kind. The hands were placed over the haunches, the\narms twisted, and on the girdle were indications that the vestments were\nfastened with buttons. Whether this or any other was intended for one of\nthe glorious apostles who, in the days of his preaching, had passed this\nway, God Almighty knows. I know not, and can only believe that if he was\nan apostle, he would work with the power of God in his preaching to\nthese people, who are simple and with little guile; and there would be\nsome vestige of his visit. Yet what we see and understand is that the\nDevil had very great power over these people, God permitting it, and\nthat in these places very heathenish and vain sacrifices were offered\nup. Hence I believe that, until our times, the word of the Holy Gospel\nwas not heard. Now we see all the temples profaned, and the glorious\nCross planted in all directions.\n\nI asked the people of Cacha in remembrance of what god the temple had\nbeen built. The cacique, or lord, was an Indian of intelligence and good\npresence, named Don Juan, a Christian, who came with me himself to show\nme this piece of antiquity. He told me that it was built in honor of\nTiciviracocha. Treating of this name Viracocha, I wish to disabuse the\nreader of the popular belief that the natives called the Spaniards by\nthe name of Viracocha, which means foam of the sea. So far as the word\nis concerned it is true, for _vira_ is the word for grease, and _cocha_\nis the sea. And seeing that the Spaniards came by sea, that name has\nbeen attributed to them. But this is a wrong interpretation, according\nto the explanation which I received at Cuzco, and which the Orejones\ngive. They say that before Atahuallpa was taken prisoner by the\nSpaniards in the province of Caxamarca, there had been great wars\nbetween him and his brother Huascar Inca, the sole heir to the empire.\nAt length, at the pass of Cotabamba over the river Apurimac, the king\nHuascar was taken prisoner, and cruelly treated by Chalicuchima.[69]\nBesides this, Quizquiz[70] did great mischief in Cuzco and, as is well\nknown, killed thirty brothers of Huascar, committing other cruelties on\nthose who were favourable to the legitimate heir and had not shown a\ndesire to receive Atahuallpa. While these passions were at their height,\nAtahuallpa had been made prisoner and had agreed with Pizarro to give\nhim a house of gold as his ransom. Martin Bueno, Zarate, and Moguer[71]\nwent to Cuzco to receive it, the greater part being in the Sun temple\ncalled Curicancha. As these Christians arrived at Cuzco at the time when\nthe party of Huascar was suffering under the above calamity, the\noppressed Yncas rejoiced when they heard of the imprisonment of\nAtahuallpa, and with great supplications implored the aid of the\nChristians against their enemy, declaring that they must be sent by the\nintervention of their great God Ticiviracocha, and that they were his\nsons; and presently they called them so, giving them the name of\nViracocha.\n\nThey ordered the High Priest and the other ministers of the temple to\nkeep the sacred women there, and Quizquiz delivered all the gold and\nsilver to the Spaniards. As these Spaniards were so free from all\nrestraint, and held the honor of the people so lightly, in return for\nthe hospitality and friendliness with which they were received, they\ncorrupted some of the virgins; which was the reason that the Indians,\nwho also saw how little reverence the Spaniards felt for the Sun, and\nhow shamelessly and without the fear of God they violated the\n_mamaconas_,[72] which the Indians held to be a great sacrilege, began\nto say that such people were not sons of God, but that they were worse\nthan _Supais,_ which is their name of Devil. Nevertheless, to comply\nwith the order of the Lord Atahuallpa, the captains of the city took\nleave of the Spaniards without showing any anger whatever, soon\nafterwards sending the treasure. But the name of Viracocha continued\nfrom that day, and it was given, as I was informed, for the reason I\nhave already written down, and not owing to its signification of foam of\nthe sea.[73] And now I will relate what I have been given to understand\nrespecting the origin of the Incas.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\n_How certain men and women appeared in Pacarec-Tampu, and what they\nrelate touching their proceedings after they came forth from there._\n\n\nI have already stated more than once, how, as an exercise and to escape\nfrom the vices caused by idleness, I took the trouble to describe all\nthat I obtained touching the Incas and their system and good order of\ngovernment. As I have no other account nor writing beyond what they gave\nme, if another should undertake to write more certainly than I have, on\nthis subject, he may well do so. At the same time, I have not spared\npains to make what I write clear; and to ensure greater accuracy I went\nto Cuzco when the Captain Juan de Saavedra was Corregidor.[74] Here he\narranged that Cayu Tupac should meet me, who is one of the surviving\ndescendants of Huaina Capac. For Sairi Tupac, son of Manco Inca, has\nretired to Viticos, where his father took refuge after his great war\nwith the Spaniards at Cuzco. I also met others of the Orejones, who are\nthose that are held to be most noble amongst themselves. With the best\ninterpreters that could be found, I asked these Lords Incas of what race\nthey were, and of what nation. It would seem that the former Incas, to\nmagnify their origin with great deeds, exaggerated the story they had\nreceived, in their songs. It is this. When all the races who lived in\nthese regions were in a state of disorder, slaughtering each other and\nsunk in vice, there appeared three men and three women in a place not\nfar from the city of Cuzco, which is called Pacarec Tampu. And according\nto the interpretation, Pacarec Tampu is as much as to say the House of\nProduction.\n\nThe men who came forth from there were, as they relate, the one, Ayar\nUcho, and the other, Ayar Cachi Asauca, and the other, they say, was\nnamed Ayar Manco. Of the women, one had the name of Mama Huaco, the\nother Mama Cora, the other Mama Rahua.[75]\n\nSome Indians give these names after another fashion and in greater\nnumber, but I have put them down from the informations of the Orejones,\nwho know better than any one else. They say that these people came\nforth, dressed in long mantles, and some vestments like a shirt without\ncollar or sleeves, made of very fine wool, with patterns of different\nkinds, which they called _tacapu_, and in our language the meaning is\n\u201cvestures of kings.\u201d And each of these lords held in the hand a sling of\ngold with a stone in it. The women came out dressed very richly like the\nmen, and they had much gold. Going forward with this, they further say,\nthat they obtained great store of gold, and that one of the brothers\nnamed Ayar Uchu spoke to his brethren that they should make a beginning\nof the great things that they had to do; for their presumption was such\nthat they thought they were to make themselves sole lords of the land.\nThey were determined to form in that place a new settlement, to which\nthey gave the name of Pacarec Tampu; and this was soon done, for they\nhad the help of the inhabitants of the surrounding country. As time went\non, they put great quantities of pure gold and jewels, with other\nprecious things, into that place, of which the fame goes that Hernando\nPizarro and Don Diego de Almagro the lad, obtained a large share.\n\nReturning to the history, they say that one of the three, named Ayar\nCachi, was so valiant and had such great power, that, with stones hurled\nfrom his sling, he split the hills and threw them up to the clouds. When\nthe other brothers saw this they were sorry, thinking that it was an\naffront to them who could not do such things, and they were enraged by\nreason of their envy. Then they asked him sweetly and with gentle words,\nthough full of deceit, to return and enter the mouth of a cave where\nthey had their treasure, to bring out a certain vase of gold that they\nhad forgotten, and to pray to their father the Sun that he would prosper\ntheir efforts so that they might be lords of that land. Ayar Cachi,\nbelieving that there was no deceit in what his brother said, joyfully\nwent to do what they required of him, but he had scarcely got into the\ncave when the other two so filled the mouth up with stones that it could\nnot be seen. This done, they relate for a certainty that the earth\ntrembled in such a manner that many hills fell into the valleys.\n\nThus far the Orejones relate the story of the origin of the Incas,\nbecause they wished it to be understood that as their deeds were so\nmarvellous, they must have been children of the Sun. Afterwards, when\nthe Indians exalted them with grand titles, they were called _Ancha\nhatun apu intipchuri!_[76] which means, \u201cOh very great lord, child of\nthe sun.\u201d That which, for my part, I hold to be the truth in this matter\nis that as Zapana rose up in Hatuncollao, and other valiant captains did\nthe same thing in other parts, these Incas must have been some three\nvaliant and powerful brothers with grand thoughts who were natives of\nsome place in those regions, or who had come from some other part of the\nmountains of the Andes; and that they, finding the opportunity,\nconquered and acquired the lordship which they possessed. Even without\nthis supposition it might be that what they tell of Ayar Cachi and the\nothers was the work of magicians, who did what is told of them through\nthe Devil. In fine, we cannot get from the story any other solution than\nthis.\n\nAs soon as Ayar Cachi was secured in the cave, the other two brothers,\nwith some people who had joined them, agreed to form another settlement,\nto which they gave the name of Tampu Quiru, which is as much as to say,\n\u201cTeeth of a residence or of a palace\u201d, and it may be supposed that these\nsettlements were not large nor more than sufficient for a small force.\nThey remained at this place for some days, being now sorry at having so\nmade away with their brother Ayar Cachi, who was also called\nHuanacaure.[77]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\n_How the brothers, being in Tampu Quiru, beheld him whom they had shut\nup in the cave by deceit, come forth with wings; and how he told them\nthat he went to found the great city of Cuzco; and how they departed\nfrom Tampu Quiru._\n\n\nProceeding with the narrative that I took down in Cuzco, the Orejones\nsay that, after the two Incas had settled in Tampu Quiru, careless now\nabout seeing Ayar Cachi again, they beheld him coming in the air with\ngreat wings of coloured feathers, and they, by reason of the great fear\nthat this visit caused them, wanted to flee away; but he quickly removed\ntheir terror by saying to them, \u201cDo not fear, neither be afflicted; for\nI only come that the empire of the Incas may begin to be known.\nWherefore leave this settlement that you have made, and advance further\ndown until you see a valley, and there found the Cuzco, which will be of\ngreat note. For here are only hamlets, and of little importance; but\nthat will be a great city, where the sumptuous temple must be built that\nwill be so honoured and frequented, and where the sun will be so\nworshipped. I shall always have to pray to God for you, and to intercede\nthat you may soon become great lords. I shall remain in the form and\nfashion that you will see on a hill not distant from here; and will be\nfor you and your descendants a place of sanctity and worship, and its\nname shall be Guanacaure. And in return for the good things that you\nwill have received from me, I pray that you will always adore me as God,\nand set up altars in that place, at which to offer sacrifices. If you do\nthis, you shall receive help from me in war; and as a sign that from\nhenceforward you are to be esteemed, honoured, and feared, your ears\nshall be bored in the manner that you now behold in mine.\u201d And when he\nhad so spoken they say that he appeared with ear ornaments of gold set\nround as with a gem.\n\nThe brothers, astonished at what they saw, were as men struck dumb and\nwithout speech. When their perturbation had ceased, they replied that\nthey were content to do as he commanded, and presently they went in\nhaste to the hill called the Hill of Guanacaure, which, from that time\nforward, was accounted sacred. In the highest part of it, they again saw\nAyar Cachi, who, without doubt, must have been some devil, if there is\nany truth in what they relate; and, God permitting, he made them\nunderstand his desire that they should worship and sacrifice to him\nunder these false appearances. They say that he again spoke to them,\ntelling them to assume the fringe or crown of empire, such of them as\nwere to be sovereign lords, and how they should order the arming of\nyouths to make them knights and nobles. The brothers answered that they\nwould comply with all his commands, as they had already promised, and in\nsign of obedience, with hands joined and heads bowed down, they made the\n_mocha_[78] or reverence, that he might the better understand them. The\nOrejones further say that the practice of assuming the fringe and of\narming the knights began here, so I put it in this place, that there may\nbe no necessity for repeating it further on.\n\nThis may be received as pleasant and very certain history, for Manco\nInca assumed the fringe or sovereign crown in Cuzco, and many Spaniards\nare still living who were present at the ceremony, and I have heard it\nfrom them. It is true that the Indians say that the ceremony was more\nsolemn and magnificent in former times, and was performed with such\nsumptuous riches as could not be enumerated.\n\nIt would seem that these lords arranged the ceremony for assuming the\nfringe or crown, and they say that Ayar Cachi dressed in the same\nmanner, on this same hill of Guanacaure. He who was to become Inca was\ndressed, on one day, in a black shirt painted with red patterns and no\ncollar, and on his head a fawn-coloured plait twisted round. And he wore\na long grey mantle, in which dress he came forth from his lodging and\nwent into the fields to gather a wisp of straw, and he had to stay out\nall day doing this, without eating or drinking, for it was his duty to\nfast. And the mother and sisters of the former Inca had to remain\nspinning with such diligence that, during that one day, they had to spin\nand weave four dresses, fasting all the time. One of these dresses\nconsisted of a grey shirt and white mantle, and another had to be all\nwhite, and the other had to be blue, with cords and trimmings. He who\nwas to become Inca had to wear these dresses, and to fast for the\nappointed time, which is one month, and they call this fast _zaziy_.[79]\nIt is kept in a lodging of the royal palace, without seeing light or\nhaving connection with a woman. During this time of fasting the ladies\nof his lineage have to work very hard to make a great quantity of\n_chicha_ with their own hands, making it from maize, and they must be\nrichly dressed. After the time of fasting is passed, he who was to be\nlord came forth, carrying a halberd of gold and silver in his hands, and\nhe proceeded to the house of some venerable relative, where his hair had\nto be shorn. Then, clothed in one of these dresses, he left Cuzco, where\nthis festival was held, and went to the hill of Guanacaure, and\nperformed certain ceremonies and sacrifices. He then proceeded to where\nthe wine was kept, and drank. The Inca then went to a hill called\nAnaquar, and from the foot of it he ran, that the people might see\nwhether he was agile, and would be valiant in war. Presently he came\ndown, carrying a little wool on the halberd, in token that when he\nfought with his enemies, he would bring away their hair and the heads\nwith it. This done, the Inca returned to the hill of Guanacaure. Here\nhe and his courtiers gathered straw, and he who was to be Inca had a\nvery large bundle of it, made of very fine gold of equal lengths. With\nthis he went to another hill called Yahuira, and there he put on another\nof the dresses, and on his head a plait or _llautu_ called\n_pillaca_,[80] which is like a crown, underneath which were\near-ornaments of gold, and on the top a tuft of feathers sewn like a\ndiadem, which they call _puruchuco_.[81] On the halberd they fastened a\ngirdle of gold which reached to the ground, and on his breast was placed\na moon of gold. In this dress, and before all who were present, he\nkilled a sheep, the body and blood being divided among all the principal\npeople, to be eaten raw. The signification of the ceremony was that if\nthey were not valiant their enemies would eat them, as they were eating\nthe sheep that had been killed.\n\nAt this place they took a solemn vow, according to their usage, in the\nname of the Sun, that they would maintain the order of knighthood, and\nwould die in defence of Cuzco, if it should be necessary. Next their\nears were opened, and the apertures were so large that they could hold a\ngeme each one in circumference. This done, they put on the heads of\nfierce lions, and returned to the square of Cuzco with great noise. In\nthe square there was a great chain of gold going all round, and\nsupported on prongs of gold and silver. Here they danced, and there were\nmarvellous great festivities, according to their fashion. Those who had\nbeen made knights had on the heads of lions, as a sign that they would\nbe valiant and fierce. At the end of the dancing the knights remained\narmed, and were called Orejones. They had privileges and enjoyed great\ndignities, and are worthy, if selected, to assume the crown, which is\nthe fringe.\n\nWhen this was given to the lord who was to be sovereign, greater\nfestivities were held, a vast concourse of people assembled, and he who\nis about to be Emperor must first take his own sister for his wife, that\nno base lineage may succeed. He also performed the great _zaziy_, which\nis the fast. And during the intervals that these ceremonies occupied,\nthe lord being engaged in the business of sacrifices and fasting, he\ncould not attend to private or public concerns. It was, therefore, a law\namong the Incas that, when the sovereign died, or handed over the crown\nor fringe to another, one of the principal nobles was selected, who,\nwith mature counsel and great authority, might govern the whole empire\nof the Incas, as if he were the lord himself, during these days, and he\nwas allowed to have a guard and to be addressed with reverence.\n\nThese ceremonies being completed, and the blessings having been given in\nthe temple of Curicancha, the Inca received the fringe, which was large\nand descended from the _llautu_ that he had on his head, so as to fall\nover his eyes, and he was then held and reverenced as the sovereign.\n\nAt the festivals were present the principal lords for more than five\nleagues round, and there appeared in Cuzco very great store of gold and\nsilver and precious stones, and rich plumes, all round the long chain of\ngold, and the marvellous figure of the Sun. This chain was of such size\nthat it weighed, according to what the Indians assert for a certainty,\nmore than four thousand hundred weights of gold. If the Sovereign did\nnot receive the fringe in Cuzco, they looked upon it as an absurdity\nthat he should be called Inca, for his possession was not assured. Thus\nAtahuallpa is not counted among the kings, although, owing to his great\nvalour and to his having killed so many people, he was obeyed by many\nnations from fear.\n\nReturning to those who were on the hill of Guanacaure, after Ayar Cacha\nhad spoken of the order that was to be taken for the arming of knights,\nthe Indians relate that turning to his brother Ayar Manco, he told him\nto go on with the two women to the valley he had pointed out, and to\nfound there the Cuzco, without forgetting to come and perform sacrifices\nin that place, as he had commanded. And as soon as he had done speaking,\nboth he and the other brother were turned into two figures of stone in\nthe shape of men. This was seen by Ayar Manco, who, taking the women\nwith him, went to the place where Cuzco now stands and founded a city,\nnaming himself from that time forward Manco Capac,[82] which means the\nrich King and Lord.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\n_How Manco Capac, when he saw that his brothers had been turned into\nstones, went to a valley where he met some people, and how he founded\nand built the ancient and very rich city of Cuzco, which was the capital\nof the whole empire of the Incas._\n\n\nWhen Manco Capac had seen what had happened to his brothers, and had\ncome to the valley where now is the city of Cuzco, the Orejones say that\nhe raised his eyes to heaven and, with great humility, besought the Sun\nthat he would favour and aid him in forming the new settlement. Then\nturning his eyes towards the hill of Guanacaure he addressed the same\npetition to his brother, whom he now held and reverenced as a god. Next\nhe watched the flight of birds, the signs in the stars, and other omens,\nwhich filled him with confidence, so that he felt certain that the new\nsettlement would flourish, and that he would be its founder and the\nfather of all the Incas who would reign there.\n\nIn the name of Ticiviracocha, and of the Sun, and of the other Gods, he\nlaid the foundation of the new city. The original and beginning of it\nwas a small stone house with a roof of straw that Manco Capac and his\nwomen built, to which they gave the name of Curicancha,[83] meaning the\nplace of gold. This is the place where afterwards stood that celebrated\nand most rich temple of the Sun, and now a monastery of monks of the\norder of St. Domingo. It is held for certain that, at the time when\nManco Inca Capac built this house, there were Indians in large numbers\nin the district; but as he did them no harm and did not in any wise\nmolest them, they did not object to his remaining in their land, but\nrather rejoiced at his coming. So Manca Capac built the said house, and\nit was devoted to the worship of his Gods, and he became a great man and\none who represented high authority.\n\nOne of his wives was barren and never had children. By the other he had\nthree sons and one daughter. The eldest was named Inca[84] Roca Inca and\nthe daughter Ocllo. The names of the others are not recorded, nor is\nmore said than that the eldest was married to his sister, and that he\ntaught them how to make themselves beloved by the people and not hated,\nwith other important matters. In those days the descendants of Zapana\nhad made themselves powerful in Hatuncollao, and sought to occupy all\nthat region by tyranny. But Manco Capac, as the founder of Cuzco, had\nmarried his sons, and brought into his service, by love and good words,\nsome people who enlarged the house of Curicancha. After he had lived for\nmany years, he died at a great age, and his obsequies, were sumptuously\nperformed. Besides that, a figure of him was made, to be reverenced as a\nchild of the Sun.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\n_In which notice is given to the reader of the reason that the Author,\nleaving the account of the succession of the kings, prefers to explain\nthe government of the people, their laws, and customs._\n\n\nAlthough I might write the events of the reign of Sinchi Roca Inca, son\nof Manco Capac the founder of Cuzco, in this place, it has seemed to me\nthat there will be confusion further on if the system of the government\nof these lords is not explained as one whole. For one ordered one set of\nlaws, and others others. For example, one introduced the system of\n_mitimae_,[85] others the plan of having garrisons of soldiers in fixed\npositions for the defence of the kingdom. All these regulations are\nimportant and worthy to be remembered, that the learned statesmen who\nregulate the affairs of civilized governments may be informed of them,\nand may feel astonished at the knowledge that a barbarous people without\nletters should have been found to have had institutions such as we know\nthat they possessed, both with reference to internal polity and to their\nplans of extending their dominion over other nations. Under a monarchy\nthey obeyed one Lord, who alone was deemed worthy to reign in an empire\nwhich the Incas possessed, extending over more than one thousand two\nhundred leagues of coast. In order to avoid the necessity for saying\nthat some assert that particular institutions were introduced by one\nlord, and others by another, on which points many of the native accounts\ndiffer, I will relate, in this place, what I understand and hold for\ncertain, in conformity with the statements that I took down from their\nmouths in the city of Cuzco, which are corroborated by the remains that\nthey have left, and which are visible to those who have travelled\nthrough Peru.\n\nIt should not appear to learned persons that, in adopting this course, I\ndeviate from the plan of my work; for my aim is to make the matter more\nclear and intelligible, as I have declared. I propose to write with\nbrevity, and not to dwell on minute details, and in the same way I shall\nafterwards proceed to narrate the events of the reigns of the Incas, and\ntheir succession, down to the death of Huascar, and the entry of the\nSpaniards which brought them to an end. I desire that those who may read\nmy work, should understand that among all the Incas, the number of which\nwas eleven, three were most capable of governing their lordships,\ninsomuch that the Orejones who relate their history do not cease to\npraise them. These were Huayna Capac, Tupac Inca Yupanqui his father,\nand Inca Yupanqui, father of one and grandfather of the other. It may\nalso be assumed that, as these monarchs flourished in recent times, the\nkingdom must still be full of people who knew Tupac Inca Yupanqui, and\naccompanied him in his wars, and that they heard from their fathers what\nInca Yupanqui did during his reign; so that it may be said that the\nevents took place almost before their eyes. They, therefore, have more\nlight to throw upon this period, and are well able to relate the events;\nalthough much has been forgotten touching the history of the earlier\nreigns. Yet it is certain that they do not lose the memory of events for\nmany years, although they know not the use of letters, as I have already\nobserved in the first part of this Chronicle.[86] The use of letters has\nnot been found either in any part of this kingdom or throughout the\nwhole of the Indies. With these remarks we will now proceed with the\nnarrative.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\n_How the lord, after he had assumed the fringe of sovereignty, was\nmarried to his sister the Coya, which is the name of the queen, and how\nit was permitted that he should have many women, although among them all\nthe Coya alone was the legitimate and principal wife._\n\n\nIn former chapters I have briefly explained how those who were to become\nnobles were armed as knights, as well as the nature of the ceremonies\nthat took place when the Incas were crowned as kings, by taking the\ncrown, which is the fringe falling as far down as their eyes. And it was\nordained by them that he who became king should take his sister, being\nthe legitimate daughter of his father and mother, as his wife; in order\nthat the succession of the kingdom might by that means be confirmed in\nthe royal house. It appeared to them that by this means, even if such a\nwoman, being sister of the king, should not be chaste, and should have\nintercourse with another man, the son thus born would still be hers, and\nnot the son of a strange woman. They also considered that if the Inca\nmarried a strange woman, she might do the same and conceive in adultery,\nin such a way that, it not being known, the child would be received as a\nnatural born son of the lord. For these reasons, and because it seemed\ndesirable to those who ordained the laws, it was a rule among the Incas\nthat he amongst them all who became emperor should take his sister to\nwife. She had the name of _Coya_, which means the Queen, as when the\nKing of Spain marries any princess, who before had her own name, she is\ncalled Queen so soon as she enters the kingdom, so they called those of\nCuzco _Coya_. If by chance he who became lord had no sister, it was\npermitted that he should marry the most illustrious lady there was, and\nshe was held to be the principal among all his women. For none of these\nlords had less than 700 women for the service of their house and for\ntheir pleasure. So that they all had many children by these women, who\nwere well treated, and respected by the people. When the king was\nlodging in his palace or wherever he might be, the women were watched\nand guarded by porters and _camayos_,[87] which is the name of the\nguards. If any had intercourse with a man she was punished with death,\nand the man suffered the same penalty.\n\nThe sons whom the lords had by these women, as soon as they were grown\nup, received lands and fields, which they call _ch\u00e1caras_,[88] and they\nwere given clothes and other necessaries from the government stores for\ntheir use. But it was not thought fit that they should have lordships,\nbecause, in the event of any troubles in the kingdom, it was not desired\nthat they should be in a position to be looked upon as legitimate sons\nof the king. Thus none of them was entrusted with the rule over a\nprovince, although in time of war many were captains and were preferred\nto those who were of purer lineage. The legitimate lord who inherited\nthe kingdom favoured them; but if they joined in any revolt they were\ncruelly punished. None of them was allowed to speak to the king, even if\nhe was a brother, without first putting a light burden on his shoulders\nand taking off his shoes, as was the custom with all other subjects.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\n_How it was the custom among the Incas that they celebrated in their\nsongs, and by making statues of those who were valorous and extended the\nbounds of the empire, and performed any other deed worthy of memory;\nwhile those who were negligent or cowardly received little notice._\n\n\nI understood, when I was in Cuzco,[89] that it was the custom among the\nkings Incas, that the king, as soon as he died should be mourned for\nwith much lamentation, and that great sacrifices should be offered up in\naccordance with their religion. When these ceremonies were over, the\noldest people of the country discussed the life and acts of the recently\ndeceased king, considering whether he had done good to the country, and\nwhat battles he had gained over the country\u2019s enemies. Having settled\nthese questions, and others which we do not entirely understand, they\ndecided whether the deceased king had been so fortunate as to merit\npraise and fame, and to deserve that his memory should for ever be\npreserved. They then called for the great _quipos-camayos_[90] who\npreserve the records, and understand how to give an account of the\nevents that occur in the kingdom. Next they communicated with those who\nwere most expert, and who were selected for their skill in rhetoric and\nthe use of words. These knew how to narrate the events in regular order,\nlike ballad singers and romance writers. These compose the songs, so\nthat they shall be heard by all at marriage ceremonies and other\nfestivities. Thus they were instructed what to say concerning the\ndeceased lord, and, if they treated of wars, they sang, in proper order,\nof the many battles he had fought in different parts of the empire. And\nfor other events, there were songs and romances to celebrate them on\nsuitable occasions, so that the people might be animated by the recital\nof what had passed in other times.\n\nThose Indians who, by order of the kings, had learnt the romances, were\nhonoured and favoured, and great care was taken to teach their sons and\nother men in their provinces who were most able and intelligent. By this\nplan, from the mouths of one generation the succeeding one was taught,\nand they can relate what took place 500 years ago, as if only ten years\nhad passed.\n\nThis was the order that was taken to prevent the great events of the\nempire from passing into oblivion. When a king died, if he had been\nvaliant and a good ruler, without having lost any province inherited\nfrom his father, nor been guilty of mean or paltry actions, it was\npermitted and ordained that songs in his honour should be composed, in\nwhich he should be praised in such wise as that all the people should be\nastonished to hear of deeds so mighty. These songs were not to be\nrecited always and in all places; but only on occasions when there was a\ngreat and solemn assembly of people from all parts of the empire, or\nwhen the principal lords met together before the king on special\noccasions, or when they held their _taquis_,[91] or drinking bouts.\nThen, those who knew the romances, standing before the Inca, sang, with\nloud voices, of the mighty deeds of his ancestors. If any of his\npredecessors had been negligent, cowardly, or vicious, or preferred\npleasure to the labour of extending the bounds of the empire, it was\nordered that such a king should receive little or no mention. If the\nname was preserved, it was merely to complete the line of succession. On\nother points there was silence concerning him, and the good and valiant\nalone were kept in memory.\n\nThe memory of those who were great and good was so venerated that the\nsuccessor of such an one sought no inheritance from him, but he\nsucceeded to the empire alone. It was the law that the riches and the\nroyal insignia of one who had been King of Cuzco should never pass to\nanother, and should never be forgotten. With this end, a figure was made\nin the resemblance of the deceased king, which was called by his\nname.[92] These figures used to be placed in the square of Cuzco on\nfestivals, and round each figure stood the women and servants of the\ndead king, with his food and drink. For the Devil was accustomed to\nspeak out of these figures. And each figure had its orators, who pleased\nthe multitude with pleasant speeches. All the treasure which the\ndeceased lord possessed was left in the care of his servants and\nconfidential attendants, who brought it out at the festivals, with great\nceremony. Besides this, the servants and attendants had their\n_chacaras_, which is their name for fields where they cultivate maize\nand other crops, and with these the women and family of the deceased\nlord were maintained, although he was dead and gone. No doubt this\ncustom explains the fact that, in this empire, there was such vast\ntreasure as we here beheld with our eyes. The Spanish conquerors heard\nthat when, in discovering the provinces of the kingdom, they entered\nCuzco, the figures of the deceased kings were there. This appears to\nhave been true, for when Manco Inca Yupanqui, son of Huayna Capac,\ndesired to assume the fringe, these figures were publicly brought out\ninto the square of Cuzco, in the sight of all the Spaniards and Indians\nwho were present on that occasion.\n\nIt is true that the Spaniards got possession of a great part of the\ntreasure; but the remainder is concealed in such wise as that few or\nperhaps none know where it is. Of the figures and of their other\nwonderful things, there is now no memory except what is preserved in\ntheir songs.[93]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\n_How they had chroniclers to record their deeds, and of the QUIPOS, what\nthey were, and what we see of them._\n\n\nWhat I have written respecting the placing of the images in the square\nwas done by order of the Incas, and some of the most learned of the\npeople were chosen to make known the lives of those lords in songs, and\nthe events of their reigns, with the object I have already described.\nAnd it is also to be noted that besides this, it was the custom among\nthem, and a law much kept and observed, for each king, during his reign\nto select three or four old men, known for their intelligence and\nability, who were instructed to retain in their memory all the events\nthat happened in the provinces, whether they were prosperous, or whether\nthey were the reverse, and to compose songs to be handed down, so that\nthe history of the reign might be had in remembrance in after times. But\nthese songs could not be recited or made public, except in the presence\nof the lord, and those who were charged with this duty, during the reign\nof the king, were not allowed to say anything which referred to him. But\nafter his death they spoke to his successor in the empire, almost in\nthese very words: \u201cOh! great and powerful Inca, the Sun, the Moon, the\nearth, the hills and the trees, the stones, and thine ancestors, may\nthey all preserve thee from misfortune and make thee prosperous, happy,\nand successful over all that are born! Know that the events which\noccurred in the days of thy fathers are these.\u201d Then, in the narration,\nthey stood in great humility, with eyes cast on the ground and hands\nlowered. They could well do this, for there were among them some men\nwith very good memories, sound judgments, and subtle genius, and full of\nreasoning power, as we can bear witness, who have heard them even in\nthese our days.\n\nAs soon as the king understood what was related to him, he caused other\naged men to be called, and charged them with the duty of learning the\nsongs which were handed down from memory, and to prepare others touching\nthe events which might occur in his own reign. The expenditure and the\naccount of contributions from the provinces were recorded in the\n_quipus_, that it might be known how much was paid in the former reign,\nand also during that of the new lord. No one was allowed to treat of\nhistorical events, except only on days of great rejoicing, or on days of\nmourning and sadness for the death of some brother or child of the king.\nIf the histories were recited on other occasions, those who did so were\nseverely punished.\n\nThey had another method of knowing and understanding what had been\nreceived from the contributions in the provinces, what provisions were\nstored on the routes that the king would take with his army or when he\nwas visiting the provinces, how much was in each place of deposit, how\nmuch was delivered out. And this method exceeded in artifice the\n_carastes_ used by the Mexicans for their calculations.[94] The system\nof the Peruvians was by _quipus_. These were long ropes made of knotted\ncords, and those who were accountants and understood the arrangement of\nthese knots, could, by their means, give an account of the expenditure,\nand of other things during a long course of years. On these knots they\ncounted from one to ten, and from ten to a hundred, and from a hundred\nto a thousand. On one of the ropes are the units, on another the tens,\nand so on. Each ruler of a province was provided with accountants who\nwere called _quipucamayos_, and by these knots they kept account of what\ntribute was to be paid in the district, with respect to silver, gold,\ncloth, flocks, down to fire-wood and other minute details. By the same\n_quipus_ they could report to those who were commissioned to take the\naccount at the end of a year, or of ten or twenty years, with such\naccuracy that so much as a pair of _alpargatas_[95] would not be\nmissing.\n\nI was incredulous respecting this system of counting, and although I\nheard it described, I held the greater part of the story to be fabulous.\nBut when I was at Marcavillca, in the province of Xauxa, I asked the\nlord Guacarapora to explain it in such a way as that my mind might be\nsatisfied, and that I might be assured that it was true and accurate. He\nordered his servants to bring the _quipus_, and as this lord was a\nnative, and a man of good understanding, he proceeded to make the thing\nclear to me. He told me to observe that all that he, for his part, had\ndelivered to the Spaniards from the time that the Governor Don Francisco\nPizarro arrived in the valley, was duly noted down without any fault or\nomission. Thus I saw the accounts for the gold, the silver, the clothes,\nthe corn, sheep, and other things; so that in truth I was quite\nastonished.\n\nThere is another thing that should be known, for I take it to be very\ncertain. The long wars, cruelties, robberies, and tyrannical treatment\nwhich these people have suffered from the Spaniards would have led to\ntheir complete destruction, if it had not been for the excellent order\nand concert of their regulations. But they, having been trained in the\nintelligent system of accounts which was established by their wise\nprinces, made an agreement among themselves that if an army of Spaniards\npassed through any of the provinces, and did such damage as would be\ncaused by the destruction of growing crops, sacking of houses, and other\nmischief of still worse kinds, all the accountants should make the best\nprovision possible in the districts through which our people passed, in\norder that all might not be devastated. So it was arranged, and as soon\nas the Spaniards were gone, the chiefs assembled, the _quipus_ were\nexamined and checked, and if one province had lost more than another,\nthat which had suffered less made up the difference: so that the burden\nwas shared equally by all.\n\nTo this day these accounts are kept in each valley, and there are always\nas many accountants as there are lords, and every four months the\naccounts are made up and balanced. Through their former orderly\ngovernment they have been able to endure such great oppression, and if\nGod should be served by all ending with the good treatment that the\npeople now receive, and with the decent order and justice that has been\nintroduced, this kingdom might again be, to some extent, what it once\nwas. But I believe that such a result will come tardily or never.\n\nIt is true that I have seen towns, and towns of considerable size, and\nafter Christian Spaniards have passed through but one single time, they\nare left in such a state as to appear as if a fire had consumed them.\nAnd where the people were not so well trained, they did not help each\nother, and afterwards perished from pestilence and famine. For among\nsome of them there is little charity, and each one is lord of his house\nand does not wish to take account of others. But this systematic order\nin Peru was due to the lords who commanded, and knew how to arrange all\nthings as we see in those matters which have been described. And with\nthis I will pass onwards.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII.\n\n_How the Lords of Peru were beloved on the one hand, and feared on the\nother, by all their subjects; and how no one, even a great lord of very\nancient lineage, could come into the presence, except with a burden, in\ntoken of great obedience._\n\n\nIt should be well understood that great prudence was needed to enable\nthese kings to govern such large provinces, extending over so vast a\nregion, parts of it rugged and covered with forests, parts mountainous,\nwith snowy peaks and ridges, parts consisting of deserts of sand, dry\nand without trees or water. These regions were inhabited by many\ndifferent nations, with varying languages, laws, and religions, and the\nkings had to maintain tranquillity and to rule so that all should live\nin peace and in friendship towards their lord. Although the city of\nCuzco was the head of the empire, as we have remarked in many places,\nyet at certain points, as we shall also explain, the king stationed his\ndelegates and governors, who were the most learned, the ablest, and the\nbravest men that could be found, and none was so youthful that he was\nnot already in the last third part of his age. As they were faithful and\nnone betrayed their trusts, and as they had the _mitimaes_[96] on their\nside, none of the natives, though they might be more powerful, attempted\nto rise in rebellion; or if such a thing ever did take place, the town\nwhere the revolt broke out was punished, and the ringleaders were sent\nprisoners to Cuzco.\n\nThus the kings were so feared that, when they travelled over the\nprovinces, and permitted a piece of the cloth to be raised which hung\nround their litter, so as to allow their vassals to behold them, there\nwas such an outcry that the birds fell from the upper air where they\nwere flying, insomuch that they could be caught in men\u2019s hands. All men\nso feared the king, that they did not dare to speak evil even of his\nshadow. And this was not all. If any of the king\u2019s captains or servants\nwent forth to visit a distant part of the empire on some business, the\npeople came out on the road with presents to receive them, not daring,\neven if one came alone, to omit to comply with all his commands.\n\nSo great was the veneration that the people felt for their princes,\nthroughout this vast region, that every district was as well regulated\nand governed as if the lord was actually present to chastise those who\nacted contrary to his rules. This fear arose from the known valour of\nthe lords and their strict justice. It was felt to be certain that those\nwho did evil would receive punishment without fail, and that neither\nprayers nor bribes would avert it. At the same time, the Incas always\ndid good to those who were under their sway, and would not allow them to\nbe ill-treated, nor that too much tribute should be exacted from them.\nMany who dwelt in a sterile country where they and their ancestors had\nlived with difficulty, found that through the orders of the Ynca their\nlands were made fertile and abundant, the things being supplied which\nbefore were wanting. In other districts, where there was scarcity of\nclothing, owing to the people having no flocks, orders were given that\ncloth should be abundantly provided. In short, it will be understood\nthat as these lords knew how to enforce service and the payment of\ntribute, so they provided for the maintenance of the people, and took\ncare that they should want for nothing. Through these good works, and\nbecause the lord always gave women and rich gifts to his principal\nvassals, he gained so much on their affections that he was most fondly\nloved. I remember having seen old Indians with my own eyes, when I was\nin sight of Cuzco, who gazed at the city and raised a great shout,\nfollowed by tears of sorrow at the contemplation of the present state\nof things, and the thought of what was passed, when for so many years\nthey had lords in that city, of their own people, who knew how to\nreceive their service and friendship after another fashion than that of\nthe Spaniards.\n\nIt was a custom and inviolable law among these lords of Cuzco, for their\ngrandeur and in recognition of the royal dignity, that when the king was\nin his palace, or travelling, either with his army or without it, no\none, even if he should be the greatest and most powerful among the lords\nof the empire, could speak to him or enter into his presence without\nfirst removing his shoes, which they call _oxotas_,[97] and placing on\nhis shoulders a burden, with which to appear in the presence of the\nlord. In the presence, no account was taken whether a man was great or\nhumble; but only that he should understand the recognition he was bound\nto show to his lord. Having entered, he turned his back in the presence\nof the lord, having first made the reverence, which they call\n_mocha_;[98] and then he said what he had to say, or heard the command\nhe was to receive. This done, if he remained some days at court, or was\na person of importance, he did not again enter the presence with a load.\nFor it was always those who arrived first from the provinces, by\ninvitation or on other duty, who performed this ceremony on entering the\npresence of the lord.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIV.\n\n_How the riches possessed by the Kings were very great, and how the sons\nof the lord were ordered always to be in attendance at court._\n\n\nThe great wealth that we have seen in these parts enables us to believe\nwhat is said of the riches possessed by the Incas. For I believe what I\nhave already affirmed several times, that there is no other country in\nthe world so rich in metals. Every day they are discovering great veins\nboth of gold and silver. They also collected gold in the rivers in many\nparts of the provinces, and obtained silver from the mountains, and all\nwas for one king. So that he must have possessed very great riches. I am\nnot, therefore, astonished at these things, nor even if the whole city\nof Cuzco and its temples had been built of pure gold. That which brings\nnecessity upon princes, and prevents them from accumulating riches, is\nwar. We have a clear example of this in the expenditure of the Emperor\nfrom the year in which he was crowned to the present time. For, having\nreceived more silver and gold than the Kings of Spain ever had, from the\nking Don Rodrigo to himself, none of them were in such necessity as His\nMajesty. Yet if he had no wars, and his residence was in Spain, in\ntruth, what with his dues and with the treasure from the Indies, all\nSpain would be as full of riches as Peru was in the time of its kings.\n\nI make the comparison because all the treasure of the Incas was expended\nin no other thing than in personal array and ornaments for the temples,\nand for the service of the houses and lodgings. In war time the\nprovinces supplied all the men, arms, and provisions that were\nnecessary; and if they gave some payment of gold to some one of the\n_mitimaes_ during war, it was little more than had been extracted from\nthe mines in one day. As the gold and silver was highly valued and much\nesteemed by them, they ordered it to be procured in great quantity, from\nmany parts of the empire, in the manner and with the order that I will\nexplain presently.\n\nSuch vast sums were collected because the son was obliged to leave all\nthe wealth of the father with his image as a memorial, which had been\namassed during many years. For all the service of the king\u2019s house,\nincluding the vases for his use and the kitchen utensils, were of gold\nand silver. These treasures were not collected in one place, but were\nscattered, especially at the chief places in the provinces, where there\nwere many workers in silver who made these things for the king\u2019s\nservice. In the palaces and royal lodgings there were plates and sheets\nof these metals, and the royal clothes were enriched with silver work,\ntorquoises, emeralds, and other stones of great value. For the women\nthey had still greater riches to ornament their persons and for their\nservice; and their litters were encrusted with gold and silver. Besides\nthis, there were vast quantities of gold in ingots, and of silver;\nbesides many _taquiras_,[99] or beads, some very small, and other\nornaments for their _taquis_[100] and drinking-bouts. For their\nsacrifices they also had great store of treasure. As they also had the\nfoolish practice of burying treasure with the dead, it is incredible the\nquantity that was interred at the obsequies of a great king. In short,\nthe drums and musical instruments and arms for royal use were of the\nprecious metals. Moreover, to add to the grandeur of their capital, a\nlaw was made that neither gold nor silver that once entered Cuzco should\never leave it again, on pain of death to be inflicted on the\ntransgressor. Owing to this law, the quantity that entered being great,\nwhile none went out, there was such store that if when the Spaniards\nentered they had not committed other tricks, and had not so soon\nexecuted their cruelty in putting Atahuallpa to death, I know not how\nmany great ships would have been required to bring such treasure to\nSpain as is now lost in the bowels of the earth, and will remain so,\nbecause those who buried it are now dead.\n\nAs these Incas required so much, they ordered further that some sons of\nthe lords of the provinces throughout the empire should reside at court\nall the year round, that they might understand the ceremonials and\nbehold the great majesty of the sovereign, and they were assured that,\nas they obeyed and served, so they would inherit their lordships and\n_curaca_-ships;[101] and when those of one province departed, those of\nanother arrived. Thus the court was always well attended, for besides\nthese, it was never without many knights of the _Orejones_ and aged\ncouncillors, with whom to consult touching what had to be provided and\nordained.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XV.\n\n_How they built the edifices for the Lords, and the royal road along\nwhich to travel over the kingdom._\n\n\nOne of the things which I admired most, in contemplating and noting down\nthe affairs of this kingdom, was to think how and in what manner they\ncan have made such grand and admirable roads as we now see, and what a\nnumber of men would suffice for their construction, and with what tools\nand instruments they can have levelled the mountains and broken through\nthe rocks to make them so broad and good as they are. For it seems to me\nthat if the Emperor should desire to give orders for another royal road\nto be made, like that which goes from Quito to Cuzco, or the other from\nCuzco to go to Chile, with all his power I believe that he could not get\nit done; nor could any force of men achieve such results unless there\nwas also the perfect order by means of which the commands of the Incas\nwere carried into execution. For if the road to be made was fifty\nleagues long, or one hundred or two hundred, and though the ground was\nof the most rugged character, it would be done with diligent care. But\ntheir roads were much longer, some of them extending for over one\nthousand one hundred leagues along such dizzy and frightful abysses\nthat, looking down, the sight failed one. In some places, to secure the\nregular width, it was necessary to hew a path out of the living rock;\nall which was done with fire and their picks. In other places the\nascents were so steep and high that steps had to be cut from below to\nenable the ascent to be made, with wider spaces at intervals for\nresting-places. In other parts there were great heaps of snow, which\nwere more to be feared, and not at one spot only, but often recurring.\nWhere these snows obstructed the way, and where there were forests of\ntrees and loose clods of earth, the road was levelled and paved with\nstones when necessary.\n\nThose who read this book, and have been in Peru, will remember the road\nwhich goes from Lima to Xauxa by the rugged mountains of Huarochiri and\nthe snowy heights of Pariacaca, and will understand if they have heard\nor seen more than I write. Besides this, they will remember the path\nwhich descends to the river Apurimac, and how the road passes along the\nmountains of Paltas, Caxas, and Ayancas, and other parts of this kingdom\nwhere it is fifteen feet wide, a little more or less; and in time of the\nkings it was kept clean, so that there was neither a loose stone nor a\ngrowing weed on it, for it was always kept in good order. In the\ninhabited parts, near the towns, there were great palaces and lodgings\nfor the soldiers. In the snowy wildernesses and plains, shelter-houses\nwere built, where travellers could take refuge from the cold and rain.\nIn many places, as in the Collao and other parts, there were\ndistance-marks like the heaps in Europe which indicate boundaries,\nexcept that those in Peru are larger and better made. They called them\n_topos_,[102] and the distance between them is a Castillian league and a\nhalf.\n\nThe manner of making these roads and their grandeur being understood, I\nwill explain the ease with which they were constructed by the natives,\nwithout increasing the death-rate, or causing excessive labour. When any\nking determined to have any of these famous roads made, much preparation\nwas not necessary, but it was merely needful that the king should give\nthe order. For then the overseers went over the ground to make a trace,\nand the Indians received instructions to construct the road from among\nthe inhabitants who were on either side. One province completed the\nsection within its limits, and when it reached the boundary it was\npresently taken up by the next: and if it was urgent, they all worked at\none time. When they reached the uninhabited parts, the Indians of the\nnearest inhabited districts brought provisions and tools, in such wise\nthat, with much rejoicing and little fatigue, it was finished. For there\nwas no apprehension, and the Yncas or their servants interfered in\nnothing.\n\nThey also made great paved causeways of excellent construction, such as\nthat which passes by the valley of Xaquixaguana, leading from the city\nof Cuzco to Muhina. There were many of these royal roads, both in the\nmountains and along the coast. Among them all there are four which are\nconsidered most important. They are those starting from the central\nsquare of the city of Cuzco, as from a cross-road, to the provinces of\nthe kingdom, as I have mentioned in the First Part of this Chronicle,\nwhere I treat of the founding of Cuzco.[103] The lords were so\nrespected, that when they travelled on these roads, the attendant guards\nwent by one, and rest of the retinue by another. Their grandeur was so\nconsidered that, one being dead, the son, on occasion of a long journey,\ncaused a road to be made for himself, larger and wider than that of his\npredecessor. This was when such a king set out on some conquest, or to\nachieve something worthy of memory, that it might be said that the road\nprepared for him was larger than any made before. This is clearly the\ncase, for I have seen three or four roads near Vilcas, and I even lost\nmy way on one, believing that I was on the one which is now in use.\nThese roads are called, one the road of the Ynca Yupanqui, another that\nof Tupac Ynca; and that which is now used, and always will be hereafter,\nis that of Huayna Ccapac, reaching to the river Ancasmayu in the north,\nand to the south far beyond what we now call Chile; so long, indeed,\nthat from one end to the other the distance is over one thousand two\nhundred leagues.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVI.\n\n_How and in what manner they made the royal hunts for the Lords of\nPeru._\n\n\nIn the First Part[104] I related how, in this kingdom of Peru, there was\na very great quantity of flocks, both wild and tame, of _urcos_[105]\nsheep, _pacos_, _vicu\u00f1as_, and _llamas_, and excellent pastures in all\nparts, so that they could be well maintained. Although they were so\nnumerous, it was forbidden by the kings, on pain of severe punishment,\nto kill females, and if the rule was broken, punishment followed, so\nthat they were never eaten. They multiplied so that the number when the\nSpaniards arrived in the country is incredible. The principal reason for\nthis order was to ensure the growth of sufficient wool to make clothing;\nfor in many parts, if the flocks were wanting, I certainly do not know\nhow the people could preserve themselves against the cold, if they had\nnot any wool wherewith to make clothes. But by this arrangement there\nwere many store-houses in all parts, where they kept the clothing, as\nwell for the soldiers as for the rest of the people, and most of this\ncloth was made of the wool of guanacos and vicu\u00f1as.\n\nWhen the lord desired to enjoy a royal hunt, it is noteworthy how many\nanimals were taken and killed; as many as thirty thousand head. Tents\nwere pitched in a position selected by the lord, on such occasions as he\nwas pleased to amuse himself with the chase. For, on the high parts of\nthe mountains, in whatever place was chosen, there were sure to be\nflocks in such quantities as we have stated. Having assembled fifty\nthousand or sixty thousand people, they surrounded the plains and broken\nground in such sort that they gradually approached each other, at the\nsame time descending from the steeper heights to the more level plains,\nand making the country resound with the noise of their voices. Gradually\nthey approached each other, until they formed a ring with hands joined,\nand in the enclosed space bounded by their bodies the flocks were\ndetained and secured. The lord was so placed as to witness the\nslaughter. Then certain Indians entered the enclosure armed with\n_ayllos_,[106] which are used to secure the legs, and others with sticks\nand clubs, and began to seize and kill. Among the great quantity of\ncaptured animals there were many guanacos, which are rather larger than\nsmall donkeys, with long necks like camels. They tried to escape by\nspitting into the faces of the men and rushing about with great leaps.\nThey say that it was a marvellous thing to hear the noise made by the\nIndians in catching them, and to see the efforts made by the animals to\nescape in all directions. If the king wished to kill any of the chase\nwithout entering into the tumult, it was arranged in any way he pleased.\n\nMany days were passed in these hunts, and a multitude of animals was\nkilled. Then the overseers ordered the wool to be taken to the\nstore-houses, and to the temples of the Sun, where the _mamaconas_ were\nexpert in making very fine cloth for the lords, the fineness being such\nthat it appeared to be of silk, and of various colors. The flesh of the\nslaughtered animals was eaten by those who were present with the king,\nand some of it was dried in the sun,[107] to be kept in the storehouses,\nas provisions for soldiers on the march. All these animals, it must be\nunderstood, were in wild flocks and not domesticated. They also took\nmany deer and _biscachas_,[108] as well as foxes, and some bears and\nsmall lions.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVII.\n\n_Which treats of the order maintained by the Incas, and how in many\nplaces they made the waste places fertile, by the arrangements they made\nfor that purpose._\n\n\nOne of the things for which one feels envious of these lords is their\nknowledge of the way to conquer the wild lands and to bring them, by\ngood management, into the condition in which they were found by the\nSpaniards when they discovered this new kingdom. I often remember, when\nin some wild and barren province outside these kingdoms, hearing the\nSpaniards themselves say, \u201cI am certain that if the Incas had been here\nthe state of things would be different.\u201d So that the advantage they were\nto us was well known. For under their rule the people lived and\nmultiplied, and barren lands were made fertile and abundant, in such\nmanner and by such admirable means as I will describe.\n\nThey always arranged matters, in the commencement of their negotiations,\nso that things should be pleasantly and not harshly ordered. Afterwards,\nsome Incas inflicted severe punishments in many parts; but formerly, it\nis asserted on all sides, that they induced people to submit by great\nbenevolence and friendliness. They marched from Cuzco with their army\nand warlike materials, until they were near the region they intended to\nconquer. Then they collected very complete information touching the\npower of the enemy, and whence help was likely to reach them, and by\nwhat road. This being known, the most effective steps were taken to\nprevent the succour from arriving, either by large bribes given to the\nallies, or by forcible resistance. At the same time forts were ordered\nto be constructed on heights or ridges, consisting of circles with high\nwalls, one inside the other and each with a door. Thus if the outer one\nwas lost, the defenders could retire into the next, and the next, until\nrefuge was taken in the highest. They sent chosen men to examine the\nland, to see the roads, and learn by what means they were defended, as\nwell as the places whence the enemy received supplies. When the road\nthat should be taken and the necessary measures were decided upon, the\nInca sent special messengers to the enemy to say that he desired to have\nthem as allies and relations, so that, with joyful hearts and willing\nminds they ought to come forth to receive him in their province, and\ngive him obedience as in the other provinces; and that they might do\nthis of their own accord he sent presents to the native chiefs.\n\nBy this wise policy he entered into the possession of many lands without\nwar. In that case, he gave orders to his soldiers that they should do no\nharm or injury, nor commit any robbery or act of violence; and if there\nwere not sufficient provisions in the province, he ordered that it\nshould be sent from other parts. For he desired that his sway should not\nappear heavy to those who had newly come under it, so as to know and\nhate him at the same time. If any newly conquered province had no\nflocks, he ordered that so many thousand heads should be sent there, to\nbe well looked after, so as to multiply and supply wool to clothe the\npeople; and none were to be killed for eating until the lapse of a\ncertain number of years. If, on the other hand, they had flocks, but\nneeded some other thing, a similar course was pursued to supply the\nwant. If the people lived in caves or thickets, they were led, by kind\nwords, to build houses and towns on the more level parts of the\nmountains; and when they were ignorant as regards the tilling of their\nland, they were instructed, and the method of making channels to\nirrigate their fields was taught to them.\n\nIn all things the system was so well regulated that when one of the\nIncas entered into a new province by friendly agreement, in a very short\ntime it looked like another place, the natives yielding obedience and\nconsenting that the royal governors and _mitimaes_[109] should remain\nwith them. In many others, which were conquered by force of arms, the\norder was that little harm should be done to the property and houses of\nthe vanquished; for the lord said, \u201cThese will soon be our people, as\nmuch as the others.\u201d For this reason the war was made with as little\ninjury as possible, although great battles were often fought, where the\ninhabitants desired to retain their ancient liberty and their religion\nand customs, and not to adopt new ways. But during such wars the Incas\nalways had the mastery, and when the enemies were vanquished, they were\nnot destroyed; on the contrary, orders were given to release the\ncaptives and restore the spoils, and allow them to retain their estates.\nFor the Inca desired to show them that they should not be so mad as to\nrevolt against his royal person and reject his friendship; rather they\nshould wish to be his friends, as were those in the other provinces. In\nsaying this to them, he gave them beautiful women, pieces of rich cloth,\nand some gold.\n\nWith these gifts and kind words, he secured the goodwill of all, in such\nsort that those who had fled into the wildernesses returned, without\nfear, to their houses, and all cast aside their weapons; while those who\nsaw the Inca most frequently, looked upon themselves as most fortunate.\n\nAll were ordered to worship the Sun as their god. Their own customs and\nreligious usages were not prohibited, but they were enjoined to conform\nto the laws and customs that were in force at Cuzco, and all were\nrequired to use the general language of the empire.\n\nHaving established a governor, with garrisons of soldiers, the army then\nadvanced, and if the new provinces were large, it was presently ordered\nthat a temple of the Sun should be built, and women collected for its\nservice, and that a palace should be erected for the lord. Tribute was\ncollected, care being taken that too much was not exacted, and that no\ninjustice was done in anything; but that the new subjects were made\nacquainted with the imperial policy, with the art of building, of\nclothing themselves, and of living together in towns. And if they needed\nanything, care was taken to supply it, and to teach them how to sow and\nto cultivate their lands. So thoroughly was this policy carried into\neffect, that we know of many places where there were no flocks\noriginally, but where there has been abundance since they were\nsubjugated by the Incas; and others where formerly there was no maize,\nbut where now they have large crops. In many provinces they went about\nlike savages, badly clothed, and barefooted, until they came under the\nsway of the Incas; and from that time they have worn shirts and mantles,\nboth men and women, so that they always hold the change in their\nmemories. In the Collao, and in other parts, the lord gave orders that\n_mitimaes_ should go to the mountains of the Andes[110] to sow maize and\ncoca, fruits and edible roots, for each town the quantity that was\nrequired. These colonists, with their wives, always lived in the places\nwhere the crops were sown and harvested, and the produce was brought\nfrom those parts, so that the want of it was never felt. And no town,\nhowever small, was without these _mitimaes_ in the valleys. Further on\nwe shall treat of the lot of these _mitimaes_, and what they did, as\nwell as how they fared.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVIII.\n\n_Which treats of the order they adopted in the payments of tribute by\nthe provinces to the Kings, and of the system by which the tribute was\nregulated._\n\n\nAs in the last chapter I wrote of the method adopted by the Incas in\ntheir conquests, it will be well in this one to relate how they levied\ntribute from so many nations. It is a thing very well understood that\nthere was no village, either in the mountains or in the valleys of the\ncoast, which did not pay such tribute as was imposed by those who were\nin charge. It is said that when, in one province, the people represented\nthat they had nothing wherewith to pay the tribute, the king ordered\nthat each inhabitant should be obliged, every four months, to give a\nrather large cane full of live lice, which was a sign of the care taken\nby the Inca to make every subject contribute something. Thus we know\nthat they paid their tribute of lice until such time as, having been\nsupplied with flocks, they had been industrious enough to multiply them,\nand to make cloth wherewith to pay more suitable tribute in the time to\ncome.\n\nThe system which the Orejones of Cuzco and the other native lords of the\nland say that the Incas adopted in imposing tribute was as follows: He\nwho reigned in Cuzco, sent some of his principal officers to visit the\nempire, one by each of the four royal roads of which I have already\nwritten.[111] One was called Chincha Suyo, which included all the\nprovinces as far as Quito, with all the valleys of Chincha towards the\nnorth. The second was Conde Suyo, which includes the provinces on the\nsea coast, and many in the mountains. The third was called Colla Suyo,\nincluding all the provinces to the south as far as Chile. The last road\nled to Ande Suyo, which included the lands covered with forests at the\nfoot of mountains of the Andes.[112]\n\nSo it was that when the lord desired to know what tribute would be due\nfrom all the provinces between Cuzco and Chile, along a road of such\ngreat length, as I have often explained, he ordered faithful persons\nwhom he could trust, to go from village to village, examining the\ncondition of the people and their capacity for payment. They also took\nnote of the productiveness of the land, the quantity of flocks, the\nyield of metals, and of other things which they required and valued.\nHaving performed this service with great diligence they returned to the\nlord to submit their reports. He then ordered a general assembly of the\nprincipal persons of the kingdom to meet. The lords of the provinces\nwhich had to pay the tribute being present, he addressed them lovingly,\nsaying that as they received him as their sole lord and monarch of so\nmany and such vast districts, they should take it in good part, without\nfeeling it burdensome, to give the tribute that was due to the royal\nperson, who would take care that it was moderate, and so light that they\ncould easily pay it. Having been answered in conformity with his wishes,\nthe lords of provinces returned to their homes, accompanied by certain\nOrejones who fixed the tribute. In some parts it was higher than is paid\nto the Spaniards at present. But, seeing that the system of the Incas\nwas so perfect, the people did not feel the burden, rather increasing\nand multiplying in numbers and well being. On the other hand, the\ndisorder introduced by the Spaniards, and their extreme covetousness,\nhave caused the prosperity of the country to decrease in such sort that\na great part of the population has disappeared. Their greed and avarice\nwill destroy the remainder, unless the mercy of God should grant a\nremedy by causing the wars to cease. Those wars have certainly been\npermitted as a just scourge. The country can only be saved by the\ntaxation being fixed by moderate rules, so that the Indians may enjoy\nliberty and be masters of their own persons and estates, without other\nduty than the payment by each village of what has been fixed by rule. I\nshall treat of this subject a little more fully further on.\n\nWhen the officers sent by the Incas made their inspection, they entered\na province and ascertained, by means of the _quipus_, the number of men\nand women, of old and young. Then they took account of the mines of gold\nand silver, and, with so many thousand Indians at work, the quantity\nthat should be extracted was fixed. An order was given that such\nquantity should be delivered to the overseers. As those who were\nemployed to work at the extraction of silver could not attend to the\ncultivation of their fields, the Inca imposed the duty upon the\nneighbouring province to find labour for the sowing and reaping of the\ncrops of the miners. If the mining province was large, its own\ninhabitants were able both to carry on the mining works and to cultivate\nthe ground. In case one of the miners fell ill, it was arranged that he\nshould return to his home, and that another should take his place. No\none was employed in the mines who was not married, because the wives had\nto supply their food and liquor; besides which, arrangements were made\nto send sufficient provisions to the mines. In this manner, although men\nmight be at the mines all their lives, they were not overworked.\nBesides, there was provision to rest for certain days in each month, for\ntheir festivals and for pleasure. But in fact the same Indians did not\nalways remain at the mines; for there were periodical reliefs.\n\nThe Incas so arranged the mining industry, that they extracted great\nabundance of gold and silver throughout the empire, and there must have\nbeen years when more than fifty thousand _arrobas_ of silver and fifteen\nthousand of gold were produced. It was always used for the royal\nservice. The metal was brought to the principal place of the province,\nand in the manner that the mines were worked in one district in the same\nway were they ordered in all the others throughout the empire. If there\nwere provinces where no metal could be extracted as a tribute, the\npeople paid taxes in smaller things, and in women and boys, who were\ntaken from the villages without causing any discontent. For if a man had\nan only child it was not taken, but if he had three or four children,\none was required in payment of his dues.\n\nOther provinces made their contributions in the form of so many thousand\nloads of maize, at each harvest. Others provided, on the same scale, a\ncertain number of loads of dried _chu\u00f1us_,[113] in the same way as the\nmaize, and others again paid in _quinua_,[114] or other products. In\nother provinces the tribute consisted of so many cloth mantles, and in\nothers of shirts, according to the number of inhabitants. Another form\nof tribute was the supply of so many thousand loads of lances, another\nof slings and _ayllos_, and all other kinds of weapons that they used.\nOther provinces were required to send so many thousand labourers to\nCuzco, to be employed on the public edifices of the city and of the\nkings, with supplies of their needful provisions. Other provinces\ncontributed cables to move the great stones, while others paid tribute\nin coca. The system was so arranged that all the provinces of Peru paid\nsomething to the Incas in tribute, from the smallest to the most\nimportant. Such perfect regularity was maintained that while the people\ndid not fail to provide what was required, those who made the\ncollections never took even a grain of maize too much. All the provision\nand warlike stores that were contributed, were served out to the\nsoldiers, or supplied to the garrisons which were formed in different\nparts, for the defence of the empire.\n\nWhen there was no war, a large proportion was eaten and used by the\npoor; for when the kings were at Cuzco they were served by the\n_anaconas_,[115] which is the name for perpetual servants who sufficed\nto till the royal fields, and do service in the palaces. Besides which,\nthere was always brought for the royal table, from the provinces, many\nlambs and birds, fish, maize, coca, edible roots, and all kinds of\nfruits.\n\nSuch order was maintained in the tribute paid by the Indians that the\nIncas became very powerful, and never entered upon any war which did not\nextend their dominions.\n\nTo understand how, and in what manner, the tributes were paid, and the\nother taxes were collected, it must be known that in each _huata_,[116]\nwhich is the name for a year, certain Orejones were sent as judges, but\nonly with powers to inspect the provinces, and give notice to the\ninhabitants that if any felt aggrieved he was to state his complaints,\nin order that the officer who had done him the injury might be punished.\nHaving received the complaints, and also ascertained whether any tribute\nhad not been paid, the judges returned to Cuzco; whence others set out\nwith power to inflict punishment on those who were in fault. Besides\nthis, it was the rule that, from time to time, the principal men of the\nprovinces should be permitted to appear before the lord, and report upon\nthe condition of the provinces, on their needs, and on the incidence of\ntaxation. Their representations then received attention, the Lords Incas\nbeing certain that they did not lie, but spoke the truth; for any deceit\nwas severely punished, and in that case the tribute was increased. The\nwomen contributed by the provinces were divided between the service of\nthe kings, and that of the temples of the Sun.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIX.\n\n_How the Kings of Cuzco ordered that every year an account should be\ntaken of all persons who died and were born throughout their dominions,\nalso how all men worked, and how none could be poor by reason of the\nstorehouses._\n\n\nThe Orejones who gave me information at Cuzco concurred in saying that\nformerly, in the time of the Kings Incas, orders were given throughout\nall the towns and provinces of Peru, that the principal lords and their\nlieutenants should take note, each year, of the men and women who had\ndied, and also of the births. For as well for the assessment of tribute,\nas for calculating the number of men that could be called upon to serve\nas soldiers, and for the defence of the villages, such information was\nneeded. This was easily done, because each province, at the end of the\nyear, was ordered to set down in the _quipus_, by means of the knots,\nall the men who had died in it during the year, as well as all who were\nborn. In the beginning of the following year, the _quipus_ were taken to\nCuzco, where an account was made of the births and deaths throughout the\nempire. These returns were prepared with great care and accuracy, and\nwithout any fraud or deceit. When the returns had been made up, the lord\nand his officers knew what people were poor, the number of widows,\nwhether they were able to pay tribute, how many men could be taken for\nsoldiers, and many other facts which were considered, among these\npeople, to be of great importance.\n\nAs this empire was of such vast extent, a fact which I have frequently\npointed out in many parts of this work, and as in each province there\nwere a great number of storehouses for provisions and other necessaries\nfor a campaign, and for the equipment of soldiers, if there was a war\nthese great resources were used where the camps were formed, without\ntouching the supplies of allies, or drawing upon the stores of different\nvillages. If there was no war, all the great store of provisions was\ndivided amongst the poor and the widows. The poor consisted of those who\nwere too old to work, or who were maimed, lame, or infirm; but those who\nwere well and able to work received nothing. Then the storehouses were\nagain filled from the obligatory tributes; and if, by chance, there came\na year of great sterility, the storehouses were, in like manner, ordered\nto be opened, and the necessary provisions were given out to the\nsuffering provinces. But as soon as a year of plenty came, the\ndeficiencies so caused were made up. Although the tributes given to the\nIncas did not serve for other purposes than the above, yet they were\nwell expended, and the kingdom was well supplied and cared for.\n\nIt was not permitted that any should be idle, or should profit by the\nlabour of others, all being commanded to work. Each lord, on certain\ndays, went to his farm, took the plough in his hand and made a furrow,\nbesides working at other things. Even the Incas themselves did so, to\ngive a good example to others; for they intended it to be understood\nthat there must not be any one so rich that, on account of his riches,\nhe could affront the poor: and by this system, there was no one in the\nwhole land, being in good health, who did not work. The infirm were fed\nand clothed from the storehouses. No rich man was allowed to wear more\nornaments than the poor, nor to make any difference in his dress, except\nthe lords and the _Curacas_. These, as well as the Orejones, to maintain\ntheir dignity, could use great freedom in this respect, and they were\nmade much of, among all the nations.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XX.\n\n_How Governors were appointed to the provinces, and of the manner in\nwhich the Kings visited their dominions, and how they bore, for their\narms, certain waving serpents with sticks._\n\n\nIt is well known that the lords of this kingdom had their lieutenants or\nrepresentatives in the principal places, in the time of their sovereign\npower; such as Vilcas,[117] Xauxa,[118] Bombon,[119] Caxamalca,[120]\nGuancabamba,[121] Tomebamba,[122] Latacunga,[123] Quito, Coranqui,[124]\nand on the other side of Cuzco towards the south, in Hatuncana,\nHatuncolla,[125] Ayavire,[126] Chuquiabo,[127] Chucuito,[128]\nParia,[129] and others as far as Chile.\n\nIn these places there were larger houses and more resources than in many\nof the other towns of this great empire, so that they were the central\npositions or capitals of the provinces; for the tribute was brought into\nthese centres from certain distant places at so many leagues distance to\none, and at so many to another. The rules were so clear that every\nvillage knew to which centre it had to send its tribute. In all these\ncapitals the kings had temples of the Sun, and houses with great store\nof plate, with people whose only duty it was to work at making rich\npieces of gold and great vases of silver. There were also many soldiers\nas a garrison, and also a principal agent or lieutenant who was over\nall, and to whom an account had to be rendered of all that came in,\nwhile he was expected to keep the account of all expenditure. These\ngovernors were not allowed to interfere in the administration of any\nneighbouring province; but within his own jurisdiction, if there was any\ndisturbance or uproar, he had the power of inflicting punishment, much\nmore if there was any treasonable movement or rebellion of one denying\nallegiance to the king. For it is certain that full powers were\nentrusted to these governors.[130]\n\nIf the Incas did not make these appointments and establish colonists,\nthe natives would often rise and assume the royal power for one of\nthemselves. But with so many soldiers, and such resources, it was not\neasy to set any treason or insurrection on foot. For the governors had\nthe full confidence of their sovereign and all were Orejones, generally\nwith _chacaras_ or estates in the Cuzco district, with their houses and\nfamilies. If one proved to be incompetent as a ruler with an important\ncharge, another was presently appointed in his place.\n\nIf the governors, at certain times, came to Cuzco on private business or\nto consult with the king, they left lieutenants in their place, not men\nselected by favour, but those who knew their duties and would perform\nthem with greatest fidelity, and with most care for the service of the\nIncas. If one of the governors or lieutenants died at his post, the\nnatives quickly sent a report of the cause of the death, with proofs, to\nthe lord; and even the bodies of the dead were sent by the post road\nwhen it was considered desirable.\n\nThe tribute which was paid to the central station by the natives, as\nwell gold and silver as weapons, clothes and all other things, was\ndelivered to the _camayos_ who had charge of the _quipos_, that an\naccount might be taken. These officers kept the records with reference\nto the issue of stores to the armies, or to others, respecting whom they\nmight receive orders, or to be sent to Cuzco. When overseers came from\nthe city of Cuzco to examine the accounts, or the officers went there to\nsubmit their _quipus_ for inspection, it was necessary that there should\nbe no mistake, but that the accounts should be balanced. And few years\nwere allowed to pass without these examinations of the accounts being\nmade.\n\nThese governors had full authority to assemble soldiers and organize an\narmy if any disturbance or rising should make it necessary to meet a\nsudden emergency, either to put down an insurrection or to oppose an\ninvasion. The governors were honoured and favored by the lords, and many\nof them continued in perpetual command in the provinces when the\nSpaniards came. I know some of them who are now in office, and the sons\nof others who have inherited their posts.\n\nWhen the Incas visited the provinces of their empire in time of peace,\nthey travelled in great majesty, seated in rich litters fitted with\nloose poles of excellent wood, long and enriched with gold and silver\nwork. Over the litter there were two high arches of gold set with\nprecious stones, and long mantles fell round all sides of the litter so\nas to cover it completely. If the inmate did not wish to be seen, the\nmantles remained down, but they were raised when he got in or came out.\nIn order that he might see the road, and have fresh air, holes were made\nin the curtains. Over all parts of these mantles or curtains there was\nrich ornamentation. On some were embroidered the sun and the moon, on\nothers great curving serpents, and what appeared to be sticks passing\nacross them. These were borne as insignia or arms. The litters were\nraised on the shoulders of the greatest and most important lords of the\nkingdom, and he who was employed most frequently on this duty, was held\nto be most honoured and in highest favour.\n\nRound the litter marched the king\u2019s guard with the archers and\nhalberdiers, and in front went five thousand slingers, while in rear\nthere were lancers with their captains. On the flanks of the road, and\non the road itself, there were faithful runners who kept a lookout and\nannounced the approach of the lord. So many people came out to see him\npass, that the hill sides were covered, and they all blessed their\nsovereign, raising a great cry and shouting their accustomed saying,\nwhich was:--\u201c_Ancha hatun apu intip churi, canqui zapalla, apu tucuy\npacha ccampa uyay sullull._\u201d[131] This means, \u201cVery great and powerful\nlord, son of the Sun, thou only art lord, all the world hears thee in\ntruth.\u201d Besides this they said other things in a loud voice, insomuch\nthat they went little short of worshipping their king as a god.\n\nAlong the whole road Indians went in front, cleaning it in such a way\nthat neither weed nor loose stone could be seen, but all was made smooth\nand clean. The Inca travelled as far as he chose each day, but generally\nabout four leagues. He stopped at certain places where he could examine\ninto the state of the country; hearing cheerfully those who came with\ncomplaints, punishing those who had been unjust, and doing justice to\nthose who had suffered. Those who came with him, did not demand\nanything, neither did they go a single pace off the road. The natives\nsupplied what was necessary, besides which there was more than enough of\nall provisions in the storehouses, so that nothing was wanting. By the\nway, many men and women and lads came to do personal service if it was\nneeded. The lords were thus carried from one village to another, where\nthey were taken up by those of the next village, and as it was only one\nday, or at most two, they did not feel this service to be any hardship.\nTravelling in this way, the lord went over his dominions for as long a\ntime as pleased him, seeing what was going on with his own eyes, and\ngiving necessary instructions on great and important matters. He then\nreturned to Cuzco, the principal city of the whole empire.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXI.\n\n_How the Posts of the Kingdom were arranged._\n\n\nThe empire of Peru is so vast, that the Incas ordered a road to be made,\nas I have already stated on many occasions, from Chile to Cuzco, and\neven from the river of Maule[132] as far as the river Angasmayu.[133] If\nthe king was at one of these extreme points, he could be informed of\nwhat had taken place at the other; but for one man to make such a\njourney, even by very long marches, it would take a considerable time.\nAt the end of a journey, of a 1,000 leagues, there might be no time left\nto take the needful measures, and to remedy any wrong step that had been\nmade. The Incas therefore, with a view to the efficient government of\nthe empire, invented a system of posts, which was the best that could be\nthought of or imagined. The system is entirely due to the Inca Yupanqui,\nwho was son of Viracocha Inca, and father of Tupac Ynca, according to\nthe accounts given in the songs of the people, and in the statements of\nthe Orejones. The Inca Yupanqui not only invented the system of the\nposts, but he did other great things, as I shall presently relate.\n\nFrom the time of his reign, throughout all the royal roads, there were\nbuilt, from half-league to half-league, a little more or less, small\nhouses well roofed with wood and straw; and among the mountains they\nwere constructed against the rocks. Thus the roads were lined with these\nsmall houses at regular intervals. The order was that in each house\nthere should be two Indians with provisions, stationed there by the\nneighbouring villages.[134] They were not permanently left there, but\nwere relieved by others from time to time; and the system of government\nwas so efficient that it was only necessary to give the order, to ensure\nthat these men should always be at their stations so long as the Incas\nreigned.\n\nEach province took charge of the posts within its boundaries, including\nthose which were on the coast deserts or in the region of snowy heights.\nWhen it was necessary to give notice to the kings in Cuzco, or in any\nother part, of any event that had taken place, or which was connected\nwith their service, the men at the posts set out from Quito or\nTomebamba, or from Chile or Caranqui, or from whatever other part of the\nempire, whether along the coast or in the mountains, and they ran with\ngreat speed, without stopping, each one over his half league. For the\nIndians who were stationed at the post houses, were chosen from among\nthe most active and swiftest of all their countrymen. When one\napproached the next post house, he began to call out to the men who were\nin it, and to say:--\u201cStart at once, and go to the next post with news\nthat so and so has happened, which such a Governor wishes to announce to\nthe Inca.\u201d When the other runner heard what was shouted to him, he\nstarted with the utmost speed, while the runner who arrived went into\nthe house to rest, and to eat and drink of what was always kept in store\nthere; while the other did, in like manner, at the next post house.\n\nSo well was this running performed, that in a short time they knew, at a\ndistance of 300 leagues, 500, and even 800, what had passed, or what was\nneeded or required. With such secrecy did the runners keep the messages\nthat were entrusted to them, that neither entreaty nor menace could ever\nextort a relation of what they had thus heard, although the news had\nalready passed onwards. The roads pass over rugged mountains, over snow\ncovered ridges, over stony wildernesses, and forests full of thorny\nthickets, in such sort that it may be taken as quite certain that the\nnews could not have been conveyed with greater speed on swift horses or\non mules, than by these foot posts. For the men on foot have no\nimpediments, and one of them can do more in a day than a mounted\nmessenger could do in three. I do not mean one single Indian, but one\nrunning for one half league, and another for the next, according to the\nestablished order. And it must be understood that neither storms nor\nanything else prevent the due service of the posts in the wildest parts,\nand as soon as one started another arrived to wait in his place.\n\nIn this way the lords were kept informed of all that happened in every\npart of the empire, and they arranged all that was needful for the\nordering of the government, in the same way. In no other part of the\nworld do we read of any such invention; although I am aware that when\nXerxes the Great was defeated, the news was conveyed by men on foot, in\na short time. Certainly this system of posts was very important in Peru,\nand by it we may well see how good was the government of these lords. At\nthe present day some of these post-houses may be seen near the royal\nroads, in many parts of the mountains, and they bear testimony to the\ntruth of what has been said. I have also seen some of the _topos_, which\nas I have already explained, are like heaps for landmarks, except that\nthese are larger and better made, and were used for counting the\ndistance, each interval between them being one and a half leagues of\nCastille.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXII.\n\n_How the Mitimaes were established, and of the different kinds of them,\nand how they were highly esteemed by the Incas._\n\n\nIn this chapter I wish to describe that which appertains to those\nIndians called _mitimaes_, for many things are related concerning them\nin Peru, and they were honoured and privileged by the Incas, being next\nin rank to the Orejones, while in the History which they entitle _Of the\nIndies_, it is written by the author,[135] that they were slaves of\nHuayna Capac. Into this error all those writers fall who depend upon the\nrelations of others, without having such knowledge of the land\nconcerning which they write, as to be able to affirm the truth.\n\nIn most, if not in all parts of the provinces of Peru there were and\nstill are these _mitimaes_, and we understand that there were three\nclasses of them. The system conduced greatly to the maintenance,\nwelfare, and peopling of the empire. In considering how and in what\nmanner these _mitimaes_ were stationed, and the nature of their\nservices, my readers will appreciate the way in which the Incas\nunderstood how best to order and regulate the government of so many\nregions and provinces.\n\n_Mitimaes_ is the name of those who are transported from one land to\nanother. The first kind of _mitimaes_, as instituted by the Incas, were\nthose who were moved to other countries, after a new province had been\nconquered. A certain number of the conquered people were ordered to\npeople another land of the same climate and conditions as their original\ncountry. If it was cold, they were sent to a cold region, if warm, to a\nwarm one, where they were given lands and houses such as those they had\nleft. This was done that order might be secured, and that the natives\nmight quickly understand how they must serve and behave themselves, and\nlearn all that the older vassals understood concerning their duties, to\nbe peaceful and quiet, not hasty to take up arms. At the same time, an\nequal number of settlers was taken from a part which had been peaceful\nand civilized for a long time, and sent into the newly conquered\nprovince, and among the recently subjugated people. There they were\nexpected to instruct their neighbours in the ways of peace and\ncivilization; and in this way, both by the emigration of some and the\narrival of others, all was made secure under the royal governors and\nlieutenants.\n\nThe Incas knew how much all people feel the removal from their country\nand their home associations, and in order that they might take such\nbanishment with good will, they did honour to those who were selected as\nemigrants, gave bracelets of gold and silver to many of them, and\nclothes of cloth and feathers to the women. They were also privileged in\nmany other ways. Among the colonists there were spies, who took note of\nthe conversations and schemes of the natives, and supplied the\ninformation to the governors, who sent it to Cuzco without delay, to be\nsubmitted to the Inca. In this way all was made secure, for the natives\nfeared the _mitimaes_, while the _mitimaes_ suspected the natives, and\nall learnt to serve and to obey quietly. If there were turmoils or\ndisturbances they were severely punished. Among the Incas there were\nsome who were revengeful, and who punished without moderation and with\ngreat cruelty.\n\nThe _mitimaes_ were employed to take charge of the flocks of the Inca\nand of the Sun, others to make cloth, others as workers in silver, and\nothers as quarrymen and labourers. Some also were sculptors and gravers\nof images; in short, they were required to do such service as was most\nuseful, and in the performance of which they were most skilful. Orders\nwere also given that _mitimaes_ should go into the forests of the Andes\nto sow maize and to cultivate coca and fruit-trees. In this way the\npeople of the regions where it was too cold to grow these things were\nsupplied with them.\n\nThe second class of _mitimaes_ were those who formed garrisons under\ncaptains, some of whom were _Orejones_, on the frontiers, in forests\neast of the Andes. For the Indians, such as the Chunchos, Moxos,\nChiriguanas, and others whose lands are on the slopes eastward of the\nAndes, are wild and very warlike. Many of them eat human flesh; and they\ncertainly came forth to make war and destroy the villages and fields of\ntheir neighbours, carrying off those they could capture as prisoners. To\nguard against this evil, there were garrisons in many parts, in which\nthere were some _Orejones_. In order that the burden of war might not\nfall upon one tribe, and that they might not be able quickly to concert\na rising or rebellion, it was arranged that the _mitimaes_ should be\ntaken from provinces that were conveniently situated, to serve as\nsoldiers in these garrisons; whose duty it was to hold and defend the\nforts, called _pucaras_, if it should be necessary. Provisions were\nsupplied to the soldiers of the maize and other food which the\nneighbouring districts paid as tribute. The recompense for their service\nconsisted in orders that were given, on certain occasions, to bestow\nupon them woollen clothing, feathers, or bracelets of gold and silver,\nafter they had shewn themselves to be valiant. They were also presented\nwith women from among the great number that were kept, in each province,\nfor the service of the Ynca, and as most of these were beautiful they\nwere highly valued. Besides this, the soldiers were given other things\nof little value, which the governors of provinces were required to\nprovide, for they had authority over the captains whom these _mitimaes_\nwere obliged to obey.\n\nBesides the frontiers already mentioned, they maintained these garrisons\nin the borders of Chachapoyas and Bracamoros, and in Quito, and\nCaranque, which is beyond Quito to the northward, next to the province\ncalled Popayan, and in other parts where it was necessary, as well in\nChili, as in the coast valleys and the mountains.\n\nThe other manner of stationing _mitimaes_ was more strange. The system\nof planting captains and garrisons on the frontiers, although done on a\nlarge scale, is no new thing, for there are not wanting other\ngovernments who have adopted a similar policy. But the other manner of\ncolonising was different. In the course of the conquests made by the\nYncas, either in the mountains, or plains, or valleys, where a district\nappeared to be suitable for cultivation, with a good climate and fertile\nsoil, which was still desert and uninhabited, orders were at once given\nthat as many colonists as would be sufficient to people it should be\nbrought from a neighbouring province with a similar climate. The land\nwas then divided amongst them, and they were provided with flocks and\nall the provisions they needed, until they had time to reap their own\nharvests. These colonists worked so well, and the king required their\nlabours to be proceeded with so diligently, that in a short time the new\ndistrict was peopled and cultivated, insomuch that it caused great\ncontent to behold it. In this way many valleys on the coast and ravines\non the mountains were peopled, both such as had been personally examined\nby the Yncas, and such as they knew of from report. No tribute was\nrequired from the new settlers for some years; and they were provided\nwith women, provisions, and _coca_, that they might, with more goodwill,\nbe induced to establish themselves in their new homes.\n\nIn this way there were very few cultivable lands that remained desert in\nthe time of the Incas, but all were peopled, as is well known to the\nfirst Christians who entered the country. Assuredly, it causes no small\ngrief to reflect that these Incas, being gentiles and idolaters, should\nhave established such good order in the government and maintenance of\nsuch vast provinces, while we, being Christians, have destroyed so many\nkingdoms. For wherever the Christians have passed, discovering and\nconquering, nothing appears but destruction.\n\nIt must be understood that the city of Cuzco was also full of strangers,\nall occupied in some industry. As there were many different tribes and\nlineages of men, it was necessary to guard against risings or other\ntroubles which would be contrary to the wishes of the king. To this day\nthere are in Cuzco men of Chachapoyas and Ca\u00f1aris, and people from other\nparts, descended from the settlers who had been placed there.\n\nIt is held as certain, that these systems of colonisation have been in\nuse since the days of Inca Yupanqui, the same who established the posts,\nand the first who planned the enrichment of the temple of Curicancha, as\nwill be recounted in its place. Although some Indians say that the\n_mitimaes_ were planted from the time of Viracocha Inca, the father of\nInca Yupanqui, those may believe it who please to do so. For my part, I\ntook such pains to ascertain the facts, that I do not hesitate to affirm\nthe colonising system to have been instituted by Inca Yupanqui. Such is\nmy belief; and this being the case we will now pass on to another part\nof the subject.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXIII.\n\n_Of the great preparations that were made when the Lords set out from\nCuzco on warlike expeditions; and how robbers were punished._\n\n\nIn former chapters I related the manner in which the lords travelled,\nwhen they went to examine the condition of the provinces; and now I wish\nto explain to the reader the way in which the same lords set forth on\ntheir warlike expeditions. As these Indians are all brown and\nnoisy,[136] and are so like each other, as we, who have dealings with\nthem, can see at the present day; in order that they might be\nintelligible to each other, it was ordered that they should all speak\nthe language of Cuzco. If this rule was not made, each man would talk in\nhis native tongue when the _Orejones_ visited the provinces. The same\nrules applied to the camps. It is clear that when the Emperor assembles\na camp in Italy, and the army consists of Spaniards, Germans,\nBurgundians, Flemings, and Italians, each would speak in his own\nlanguage. Here this confusion was avoided. Each tribe was also\ndistinguished by differences in the head-dress. If they were Yuncas of\nthe coast, they went muffled like gipsies. The Collas wore caps in the\nshape of a pump box made of wool. The Canas wore another kind of cap,\nlarger, and of greater width. The Ca\u00f1aris had crowns of thin lathes,\nlike those used for a sieve. The Huancas had short ropes, which hung\ndown as low as the chin, with the hair plaited. The Canchis had wide\nfillets, red or black, passing over the forehead. These and all other\ntribes were known, one from the other, by their head-dresses, and these\nwere so clear and distinct that, when fifteen thousand men assembled,\none tribe could easily be distinguished from another. To this day, when\nwe see an assemblage of people, we presently say that these come from\nsuch a part and those from such another part; for in this way, as I have\nexplained, they were known one from another.\n\nThe kings established the following order in their wars, that the great\nconcourse of people might not cause confusion. In the great square of\nCuzco was the stone of war, in the shape of a sugar loaf, well enclosed,\nand full of gold. The king came forth, with his councillors and\nfavourites, to a place where the chiefs of provinces were assembled, to\nlearn from them who were most valiant among their people, and best\nfitted to be leaders and captains. One Indian had charge of ten men,\nanother received authority over fifty, another over a hundred, another\nover five hundred, another over a thousand, another over five thousand,\nand another over ten thousand. All these had authority over men of their\nown tribe, and all obeyed the captain-general of the king. Thus, if it\nwas intended to send ten thousand men to any battle or campaign, it was\nonly necessary to open the mouth and give the order; and the same with\nfive thousand or any other number; and in the same way with smaller\nparties for exploring the ground or going the rounds, when fewer men\nwere required. Each captain carried his banner, and some led men armed\nwith slings, others with lances, darts, _ayllos_ or slings, and some\nwith heavily knobbed sticks.\n\nWhen the Lord of Cuzco set out, the greatest order was preserved, even\nwhen there were three hundred thousand men in his army. The march was\nregulated each day, from _tambo_ to _tambo_, where sufficient food was\nfound for all, so that none were forgotten, besides arms, sandals, tents\nfor the soldiers, and porters and women to carry the loads from _tambo_\nto _tambo_. The lord lodged in a house provided at each stage, with the\nguard near him, and the rest of the soldiers all round; and there were\nalways dances and drinking bouts, the soldiers rejoicing among\nthemselves.\n\nThe natives of the districts through which the army passed were not\nallowed to be absent, or to fail in supplying all that was wanted, on\npain of severe punishment. But neither soldiers nor captains, nor even\nthe sons of the Incas, were allowed to ill-use or oppress the people, or\nto take from them so much as a grain of maize; and if this command was\ninfringed, the punishment was death. Robbery was punished by whipping\nwith greater severity than in Spain, and frequently the punishment of\ndeath was inflicted. All things were ordered and regulated on an\nestablished system. The natives did not fail to supply the soldiers\nsufficiently, while the soldiers had no desire to do evil or to rob,\nfearing the punishment. If there were any outbreaks of rebellion or\nmutiny, the principal ringleaders were brought to Cuzco, well guarded,\nwhere they were cast into a prison full of wild animals, such as\nserpents, vipers, tigers, bears, and other evil creatures. If any one\ndenied the accusation, it was said that those serpents would do him no\nharm, but that if he lied they would kill him; and this they held and\nkept for certain. In this dreadful prison they always kept many people\nfor crimes they had committed, whom they looked at from time to time. If\ntheir fate had been that they had not been bitten by any of the wild\ncreatures, they were taken out, great sorrow was shown at their evil\ncase, and they were allowed to return to their homes. In these prisons\nthere were keepers sufficient to guard the captives, and to give food as\nwell to them as to the evil lizards. Certainly, I laughed heartily when\nI heard that they used to have this prison in Cuzco; but although they\ntold me the name, I do not remember it, and for that reason I have not\nput it down.[137]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXIV.\n\n_How the Incas ordered the people to form settled towns, dividing the\nlands concerning which there was any dispute, and how it was ordered\nthat all should speak the language of Cuzco._\n\n\nIn former times, before the Incas reigned, it is well understood that\nthe natives of these provinces had no towns as is now the case, but only\nstrong places with forts, which they call _pucaras_, whence they came\nforth to make war one with another; and so they always passed their\ntime, living in great trouble and unrest. The Incas, reigning over them,\nconsidered their manner of living to be evil, and induced them, partly\nby menaces and partly by favours, to see the wisdom of ceasing to live\nlike savages, but rather as reasonable beings, establishing themselves\nin towns, both on the plains of the coast and in the mountains, and\nsettling on the land according to the regulations that were made. In\nthis way the Indians abandoned the _pucaras_ in which they originally\ndwelt, and formed themselves into communities in towns, as well in the\nvalleys of the coast as in the mountains, and on the plain of the\nCollao. The Incas caused the boundaries of fields to be set up, in order\nto prevent quarrels, settling the land which each man was to occupy, for\ntheir knowledge and for that of those who might be born after them. The\nIndians at the present day clearly state that this division was made.\nThey told me at Xauxa that one of the Incas divided the plains and\nvalleys amongst them which they now hold, and that this arrangement was\nthen in force, and would continue. In many places in the mountains there\nare irrigating channels taken from the rivers with great skill and\ningenuity, while all the towns were full of lodgings and store-houses of\nthe kings, as I have already stated in many places.\n\nIt was understood by them that it would be very troublesome to travel\nfor great distances over the land, and at each league to have a new\nlanguage; while it would be very difficult to find interpreters for all\nof them. Selecting the best language, the Incas ordered, on pain of\nserious punishment, that all the natives of the empire should understand\nthe tongue that was spoken at Cuzco, as well the men as the women. Even\na child had scarcely left the breast of its mother before they began to\nteach it the language which it was bound to know. Although this rule was\ndifficult to enforce at first, and many only wished to talk in their own\nnative tongue, yet the power of the kings was such that they succeeded\nin enforcing their intention, and the people found it to be best to\ncomply with their order. So completely was this policy enforced, that in\na few years the language was understood and used over an extent of more\nthan twelve hundred leagues. Yet although this language was used, all\nthe tribes also spoke their own, which were so numerous that if they\nshould be written down it would not be believed.\n\nWhen a captain of Cuzco, or some one of the Orejones, set out to take an\naccount of the revenues, or to act as judge on commission among the\nprovinces, or on any other duty, he did not speak any other language\nthan that of Cuzco to the people, nor they to him. This language is very\ngood, concise, and comprehensive, and composed of many words. It is so\nclear, that in the few days that I studied it, I knew sufficient to ask\nfor many things in the part where I wished to travel. They call\n\n  A man            _Runa_.\n  A woman          _Huarmi_.\n  A father         _Yaya_.\n  A brother        _Huauque_.\n  A sister         _\u00d1a\u00f1a_.\n  The moon (month) _Quilla_.\n  The year         _Huata_.\n  Day              _Punchau_.\n  Night            _Tuta_.\n  Head             _Uma_.\n  Ear              _Rincri_.\n  Eye              _\u00d1aui_.\n  Nose             _Senca_.\n  Teeth            _Quiru_.\n  Arm              _Maqui_.\n  Leg              _Chaqui_.\n\nI only insert these words in my chronicle because I now see, that even\nas regards the language that was formerly used in Spain, they are\nvarying and altering it bit by bit; and as regards the days that are to\ncome, it is only God that knows what will happen in them. If the time\nshould come when a language which was used by so many people shall be\nforgotten, it should at least be known which words belonged to the first\nand general language, and whence they came. Further, I declare that it\nwas a great advantage to the Spaniards to have found this language, for\nwith it they could travel in all directions; but now in some places it\nis beginning to be lost.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXV.\n\n_How the Incas were free from the abominable sin, and from other evil\ncustoms which have been seen to prevail in the world, among other\nprinces._\n\n\nIn this kingdom of Peru, the public fame among all the natives is that\nthe abominable sin was practised in some of the villages of the district\nof Pueblo Viejo, as well as in other lands where there were evil people,\nas in the rest of the world. I shall record a great virtue in these\nIncas; for, being lords with such freedom, and with no one to whom to\ngive an account, besides being able to take their pleasure with women,\nnight and day, and enjoy themselves as their fancies dictated, it has\nnever been alleged, or even hinted, that any of them committed the above\ncrime. On the contrary, they abhorred those who were guilty of it,\nlooking upon them as vile wretches for glorying in such filthy conduct.\nNot only were they free from such vices in their own persons, but they\nwould not permit any one who was guilty of such practices to remain in\nthe royal houses or palaces. I believe, also, and I have heard it\nrelated that, even if it came to their knowledge that any one had\ncommitted an offence of that kind, they punished it with such severity\nthat it was known to all.\n\nIt therefore should not be doubted, but rather believed implicitly, that\nthis vice was unknown among the Orejones and many other nations. Those\nwho have written generally of the Indians, condemning them for being\nguilty of this sin, should retract what they have said as regards many\nnations who are innocent. With the exception of Puerto Viejo, sinners of\nthis class were unknown throughout Peru, except that, as is the case in\nall countries, there may be eight or ten here and there who do evil\nsecretly. Those who were kept as priests in the temples, with whom it\nwas rumoured that the lords joined in company on days of festivity, did\nnot meditate the committing of such sin, but only the offering of\nsacrifice to the demon. If the Incas, by chance, had some knowledge of\nsuch proceedings in the temple, they may have ignored them, thinking\nthat it was enough if they ordered that the Sun and their other gods\nshould be worshipped in all parts, without considering it necessary to\nprohibit other ancient customs and religions, to abandon which would\nhave been as bad as death itself, to those who were born in their\npractice.\n\nWe understand that in ancient times, before the Yncas reigned, the\ninhabitants of many provinces went about like savages; coming forth to\nmake war upon each other, and eating their prisoners, as is now the case\nin the province of Arma[138] and others in that neighbourhood. But as\nsoon as the Incas began to reign, being a reasonable people, with good\nand holy customs and laws, they not only did not themselves eat such\nfood, but they exerted their power to put a stop to it among all the\npeople with whom they came in contact, with many of whom it was much\nesteemed. Such was their energy, that in a short time the practice was\nforgotten throughout their vast empire, where no such food had been\neaten for many years before the Spaniards came. Those who have now\nsucceeded the Incas give evidence that they conferred a great benefit by\nnot imitating their ancestors in eating such food, in the sacrifices of\nmen and children.\n\nSome have published--among those who hastily write down what they\nhear--that the Incas, on their days of festival, killed a thousand or\ntwo thousand children, and a greater number of Indians. This and other\nthings are proofs that we Spaniards falsely impute crimes to the\nIndians, using the stories they recount to us to justify our\nill-treatment of them and the bad usage they have suffered at our hands.\nI do not say that they did not sacrifice, and that they did not kill men\nand children in such sacrifices; but it was not in the way that has\nbeen asserted, nor were the victims so numerous. They sacrificed animals\nfrom their flocks, but fewer human beings than I thought, as I shall\nexplain in its place.\n\nI know, from the statements of the aged Orejones, that these Incas were\ninnocent of any abominable sin, that they did not practise the evil\ncustom of eating human flesh, nor were they guilty of public vices and\nirregularities. On the contrary, they punished such crimes in others. If\nGod had permitted that one influenced by Christian zeal, and not by\navarice, should have given them complete knowledge of our sacred\nreligion, they were a people who would have been impressed by it, as we\nnow see in the good order in which conversion works. But we must leave\nwhat has been done to the judgment of God, who knows all; and in what\nmay be done hereafter we must beseech Him to give us grace to enable us\nin some measure to repay those people to whom we owe so much, and who\nhad given such slight offence to justify the injury we have done them,\nPeru and the rest of the Indies being so many leagues from Spain, and\nseparated by so vast an ocean.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXVI.\n\n_How the Incas employed councillors and executors of justice; and of\ntheir method of reckoning time._\n\n\nAs Cuzco was the principal city in all Peru, where the kings resided\nduring the greater part of their time, many of the chief people of the\nempire lived there also, whose knowledge and ability fitted them for\nroyal councillors. All affirm that, before any measure of importance was\ndecided upon, these councillors were consulted. The most trustworthy\ntravelled much, in all parts, inspecting the roads, superintending the\ngovernment of the city, seeing that no offences were overlooked, and\nthat culprits were punished. The Incas understood so well the\nadministration of justice that no one ventured to commit an offence.\nThis is to be understood with regard to such crimes as robbery, rape, or\nconspiracy. But many provinces carried on wars, the one with the other,\nand the Incas were not always able to prevent them.\n\nJustice was executed at the river which flows near Cuzco, on those who\nwere taken there, or who were brought as prisoners from other parts.\nHere their heads were cut off, or death was inflicted in other ways.\nMutinies and conspiracies were punished more severely than other crimes.\nThieves, and those who were convicted as such, were also severely\npunished, and their women and children were looked upon as degraded.\n\nIn observing natural things these Indians were much advanced, as well\nthe movements of the sun as of the moon. Some of them said that there\nwere four great heavens, and all affirm that the seat and residence of\nthe great God, the Creator of the world, is in the heaven. I often asked\nthem if they understood that the world would some day come to an end,\nbut at this they laughed. For they understand little on this subject;\nand if they know anything, it is what God permits the devil to tell\nthem. They call the whole world _pacha_, understanding the movements of\nthe sun, and the increasing and waning of the moon. They count the year\nby the moon, and call it _huata_, consisting of twelve moons. They had\nsmall towers, many of them near Cuzco, but now in a ruined state, and by\nthe shadow which the sun threw from them they calculated the time of\nsowing and other matters.[139] These Indians watched the heavens and the\nsigns very constantly, which made them such great soothsayers. When the\nstars fall, great is the cry that they make, and the murmurings between\none and another.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXVII.\n\n_Which treats of the riches of the temple of Curicancha, and of the\nveneration in which the Incas held it._\n\n\nHaving completed an account of some things that it is necessary for my\npurpose that I should describe, we will then return to the succession of\nthe kings that ruled down to Huascar, recounting the events of each\nreign with great brevity. But now I will speak of the great, most\nwealthy, and most renowned temple of Curicancha, which was the principal\none in all these kingdoms.\n\nIt is a received fact among the Indians that this temple is as ancient\nas the city of Cuzco itself. But the Inca Yupanqui, son of Viracocha\nInca, increased its riches to the extent in which it was found when the\nChristians arrived in Peru. Most of the treasure was brought to\nCaxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa, as we shall relate in its place.\nThe Orejones say that after the doubtful war between the inhabitants of\nCuzco and the Chancas, who are now chiefs of the province of\nAndahuaylas, the Inca Yupanqui found himself very rich and powerful, and\npeople came to serve him from all parts, bringing presents; and the\nprovinces contributed great service in gold and silver. For in those\ndays there were very rich mines and veins of the precious metals.\nFinding himself so rich and powerful, the Inca resolved to ennoble the\nhouse of the Sun, which in their language is called _Inti-huasi_, and\nalso _Curi-cancha_, meaning \u201cthe place of gold\u201d, and to increase its\nwealth. That all those who may see and read this may understand how rich\nthe temple at Cuzco was, and the merit of those who built and completed\nsuch great things, I here will preserve the memory of it. I will relate\nwhat I saw, and what I heard from many of the first Christians, who\nreceived the account from the three men[140] that first came from\nCaxamarca, and who saw everything. But the Indians themselves tell us so\nmuch, and are so truthful, that other evidence is unnecessary.\n\nThis temple was more than four hundred paces in circuit, entirely\nsurrounded by a strong wall. The whole edifice was of excellent masonry,\nthe stones very well placed and fixed. Some of the stones were very\nlarge. There was no mortar, either of earth or lime, but a sort of\nbitumen with which they used to fix their stones. The stones themselves\nare so well worked that no joining or cement can be seen. In all Spain I\nhave not seen anything that could be compared with the masonry of these\nwalls, except the tower which they call Calahorra, near the bridge of\nCordova, and a work which I saw at Toledo, when I came there to present\nthe First Part of my Chronicle to the Prince Don Felipe.[141] I allude\nto the hospital which the Archbishop of Toledo, Tavera, ordered to be\nbuilt.[142] Although these edifices have some resemblance to those I\nhave mentioned, yet they are the best as regards the masonry of the\nwalls, the stones being so admirably worked, and placed with such great\ningenuity. The encircling wall was straight, and very well traced out.\n\nThe stone appeared to me to be of a dusky or black colour, and most\nexcellent for building purposes. The wall had many openings, and the\ndoorways were very well carved. Round the wall, half way up, there was a\nband of gold, two _palmos_ wide and four _dedos_ in thickness. The\ndoorways and doors were covered with plates of the same metal. Within\nthere were four houses, not very large, but with walls of the same kind,\nand covered with plates of gold within and without, as well as the\nwoodwork. The covering was of straw, which served as a roof. Against the\nwall there were two benches, from which the Sun could be seen when it\nrose. The stone in front was subtly bored, and the holes were adorned\nwith emeralds and other precious stones. These benches were for the\nkings, and no one else was allowed to use them on pain of death.\n\nAt the doors of these houses porters were stationed to keep guard over\nthe virgins, many of whom were daughters of great lords, the most\nbeautiful and charming that could be found. They remained in the temple\nuntil they became old. If one of them had knowledge of a man, they\nkilled her by burying her alive; and the same penalty was suffered by\nthe man. These women were called _mama-cunas_. Their only occupations\nwere to weave and dye woollen cloth for the service of the temple, and\nto make _chicha_, which is the wine they make, of which they always kept\nlarge full jars.\n\nIn one of these houses, which was the richest, there was the figure of\nthe sun, very large and made of gold, very ingeniously worked, and\nenriched with many precious stones. This temple also contained some of\nthe figures of the former Incas who had reigned in Cuzco, and also a\nvast quantity of treasure.\n\nRound the temple there were numerous small dwellings of Indians who were\nemployed in its service; and there was an enclosure where they kept the\nwhite lambs, children, and men for sacrifice. They had also a garden,\nthe clods of which were made of pieces of fine gold; and it was\nartificially sown with golden maize, the stalks, as well as the leaves\nand cobs, being of that metal. They were so well planted, that even when\nthere was a high wind they were not torn up. Besides all this, they had\nmore than twenty golden sheep with their lambs, and the shepherds with\ntheir slings and crooks to watch them, all made of the same metal.\nThere was a great quantity of jars of gold and silver, set with\nemeralds; vases, pots, and all sorts of utensils, all of fine gold. On\nother walls were sculptured and painted various notable things; and, in\nfine, it was one of the richest temples in the world.\n\nThe High Priest, called Villac Umu, resided in the temple, and offered\nup the ordinary sacrifices, accompanied by superstitious rites, with the\nhelp of the other priests, according to their custom. At the important\nfestivals the Inca was present at the sacrifices, and there were great\nrejoicings. Within the enclosure of the temple there were more than\nthirty granaries of silver in which the maize was stored; and many\nprovinces sent their tribute for the service of the temple. On certain\ndays the devil was seen by the priests, who gave them deceptive answers,\nin conformity with what might be expected from him.\n\nMany other things might be said of this temple, which I omit because it\nseems to me that I have said enough to shew what a grand place it was;\nso I shall not treat further of the silver work, of the _chaquira_, of\nthe plumes of gold and other things, which, if I wrote down, I should\nnot be believed. That which I have described has been seen, or the\ngreater part, by Christians who are still alive, when it was brought to\nCaxamarca as a ransom for Atahualpa. But a great deal was hidden by the\nIndians, and is now buried and lost. Although all the Incas added to the\nadornment of the temple, in the time of the Inca Yupanqui its riches\nwere increased to such an extent that when he died, and his son Tupac\nInca succeeded, it remained in its complete state.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXVIII.\n\n_Which treats of the other principal temples, and of their names._\n\n\nMany were the temples in this land of Peru, and some were looked upon as\nvery ancient because they were founded before the time of the Incas, as\nwell in the high mountains as in the valleys of the coast. During the\nreigns of the Incas many other new temples were built, where sacrifices\nand festivals were celebrated. It would take very long to enumerate each\ntemple in the different provinces, so I have determined only to allude,\nin this place, to those which were held in most esteem.\n\nNext after the temple of Curicancha, the second _huaca_ of the Incas was\nthe hill of Guanacauri, which is within sight of the city, and was much\nhonoured and frequented. For some say that the brother of the first Inca\nwas turned into stone in that place, at the time when they set out from\nPacari Tambo, as was explained at the beginning of this work. In ancient\ntimes there was an oracle in this place from which the accursed devil\nspoke. A great amount of treasure was buried around it; and on certain\ndays they sacrificed men and women, to whom, before they were put to\ndeath, the priest addressed a discourse, explaining to them that they\nwere going to serve that god who was being worshipped, there in the\nglorious place that they, in their ignorance, believed that he\ninhabited. Those who were to be sacrificed also believed it for certain,\nand dressed themselves in clothes of fine cloth, with fringes of gold,\nand bracelets, and with gold lace in their sandals. After they had heard\nthe discourse which those liars of priests addressed to them, they were\ngiven much _chicha_ to drink, out of great vases of gold. The sacrifice\nwas celebrated with songs, declaring that such lives were offered up to\nserve the gods, the victims holding themselves fortunate to receive\ndeath in such a place. Having thus celebrated the rites, the victims\nwere strangled by the ministers. A _ccepi_[143] of gold and a small jar\nof gold were placed in the hands of each body, and they were buried in\ntombs around the oracle. These victims were looked upon as canonized\nsaints, for the people believed that, without any doubt, they were in\nheaven serving their Guanacauri. The women who were sacrificed also came\nrichly dressed in fine cloths and plumes of feathers, with their _topus_\nof gold, like spoons, and small breastplates all of gold. And they also,\nafter they had drunk deeply, were strangled and interred, both they and\nthose who killed them believing that they went to serve their demon or\nGuanacaure. They celebrated these and similar sacrifices with much\ndancing and singing. This idol was kept where they heard the oracle,\nwith its farms, _yanaconas_ or servants, flocks, virgins, and priests\nwho profited by all the rest.\n\nThe third oracle or _huaca_ of the Incas was the temple of Vilca\u00f1ota,\nrenowned throughout these kingdoms. Here the devil, our Lord God\npermitting it, had great power, and spoke by the mouths of the false\npriests who were there to serve the idol. This temple of Vilca\u00f1ota was a\nlittle more than twenty leagues from Cuzco, near the village of\nChungara. It was very much esteemed and venerated, and many offerings\nand gifts were presented to it, as well by the Inca and lord, as by the\nrich men of the districts whence people came to sacrifice. The temple\nhad its priests, virgins, and cultivated lands, and almost every year\nthe offering of _capacocha_ was made, which is what I will now explain.\nThey gave great credit to what the devil said in his replies, and on\ncertain occasions they offered up sacrifices of birds, sheep, and other\nanimals.\n\nThe fourth temple that was venerated and frequented by the Incas and the\nnatives of the provinces was the _huaca_ of Ancocagua, where there was\nalso a very ancient oracle which was famous. It was in the province of\nHatun Cana, and on certain occasions people came from many parts, with\ngreat veneration, to hear the vain replies of the demon. Here there was\ngreat store of treasure offered up by the Incas and other worshippers.\nThey say also that, besides the numerous animals sacrificed to this\ndemon, whom the people believed to be God, they also sacrificed some men\nand women, in the same way as I have described in recounting the\nofferings made on the hill of Guanacauri.\n\nThat the treasure alleged to have been in this temple was really there,\nseems clear from the following circumstance. After the Spaniards had\noccupied Cuzco for more than three years, and the priests and chief\nlords had produced the great treasures which all these temples\ncontained, I heard that a Spaniard named Diego Rodriguez Elemosin took\nfrom this _huaca_ more than 30,000 _pesos_ of gold. Besides this, still\nmore has been found; and there is a rumour that an immense quantity of\ngold and silver is in places which no one but God knows, and they will\nnever be discovered, except by accident or good luck.\n\nBesides these temples, there was another which was as much venerated and\nfrequented by them, named Coropuna, in the province of Condesuyo. It is\non a very lofty mountain which is covered with snow both in summer and\nwinter. The kings of Peru, with the principal lords, visited this\ntemple, making presents and offerings as at the others. It is held for\nvery certain that among the gifts and _capacocha_ offered to this\ntemple, there were many loads of gold, silver, and precious stones\nburied in places which are now unknown. The Indians concealed another\ngreat sum which was for the service of the idol, and of the priests and\nvirgins who attended upon it. But as there are great masses of snow,\npeople do not ascend to the summit, nor is it known where these great\nriches are hidden. This temple possessed many flocks, farms, and service\nof Indians and _yanaconas_. There was always a large concourse of people\nin it, from many parts, and the devil talked here more freely than in\nthe other oracles, for he constantly gave numerous replies, and not\noccasionally, as in the other temples. Even now, at the present time,\nfor some secret reason known to God, it is said that devils visibly walk\nabout in that place, and that the Indians see them and are much\nterrified. I have also heard that these devils have appeared to\nChristians in the form of Indians, appearing and disappearing in a very\nshort space of time. Occasionally they offered great services to this\noracle, killing many sheep and birds, and some men and women.\n\nBesides these oracles there was that of Aperahua, where the oracle\nanswered out of the trunk of a tree, and near it a large quantity of\ngold was found. Also that of Pachacamac, which is in the country of the\nYuncas, and many others, as well in the provinces of Anti-suyu, as in\nChincha-suyu, Omasayu, and other parts of this empire, of which I might\nsay somewhat more. As in the first part of my work I treat of the\nfounding of temples, I shall now only dwell upon the oracles. To those\nwhich the Incas and other nations held in most veneration, they\nsacrificed some men and women, with many sheep. But before those which\nwere not so much respected, they did not shed human blood nor kill men,\nonly offering up gold and silver. The _huacas_ of little account, like\nour chapels, were worshipped by offering _chaquira_, plumes, and other\nsmall things of slight value. I say this owing to the opinion held by us\nSpaniards, that they sacrificed human beings in all the temples, which\nis false. What I have stated is the truth, so far as I have been able to\nobtain it, without deducting or putting down more than I myself\nunderstand and hold to be certainly true.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXIX.\n\n_How the Capacocha was made, and to what extent it was practised by the\nIncas_; _by which is to be understood the gifts and offerings that were\nmade to idols_.\n\n\nIn this place it will be well that I should explain what was understood\nby the _Capacocha_, as all that has just gone before related to the\nservice of the temples. I speak on the authority of old Indians who are\nstill living, and who saw what passed concerning this matter, and I\nshall write what I gather from them to be the truth.\n\nIt was the custom in Cuzco for the kings to cause all the statues and\nfigures of idols in the _huacas_ or temples where they were worshipped,\nto be brought to the city once a year. They were conveyed with much\nveneration by the priests and _camayocs_ or guardians, and when they\nentered Cuzco they were received with great feasting and processions,\nbeing deposited in the places that were set apart for that purpose. A\ngreat number of people having come from the neighbourhood of the city,\nand indeed from all parts of the empire, as well men as women, the\nreigning sovereign, accompanied by all the Incas and Orejones,\ncourtiers, and principal men of the city, inaugurated a succession of\ngreat festivals, drinking bouts, and _taquis_.\n\nThe great chain of gold which encircled all was brought out into the\nsquare of Cuzco, and such riches and precious stones as he is able to\nimagine who has read what has been written touching the treasures\npossessed by these kings. The business of this annual ceremony was to\nreceive a forecast of the events of the year to come, from the statues\nand figures and their priests; whether it would be fertile or sterile;\nwhether the Inca would have a long life or would die; whether enemies\nwould come from any direction; and, in conclusion, other enquiries, of\nmore or less import, were made, such as whether there would be any\npestilence, or murrain in the flocks, and whether the flocks would be\nlargely multiplied. These enquiries were not made of all the oracles\ntogether, but of each one by itself. If the Incas did not do this every\nyear, they felt discontent and fear, and did not consider their lives to\nbe safe.\n\nFirst, the people made merry, with their solemn drinking bouts,\nbanquets, great _taquis_ or musical entertainments, and other\nfestivities, which are entirely different from ours. Then the Inca\ninvited those around him, with great triumph; and at this feast there\nwere great jars of gold and silver; for all the service of his kitchen,\ndown to the pots and pans, was of that metal. The High Priest was also\npresent at the festival with the same pomp and magnificence as the king,\naccompanied by the _mama conas_ and priests who had come together for\nthe occasion. Those who were appointed for the purpose were commanded to\nput the questions concerning future events to each of the idols; and the\nidols replied by the mouths of the priests who had charge of their\nimages. These, having drunk deeply, answered in the way which seemed to\nbe most to the taste of those who made the enquiries, finding out what\nto say from the devils who were in the statues. The enquiry being made\nof each idol, the priests, being so cunning in their wicked art, asked\nfor some time to answer, that their nonsense might be listened to with\nmore credit and respect. They said that they must offer up sacrifices\nthat, their great gods being pleased, it might please them to answer as\nto what would happen. So many animals, such as sheep and lambs,\n_cuis_[144], and birds, exceeding the number of 2,000 sheep and lambs,\nwere beheaded. Meanwhile the priests made their diabolical exorcisms and\nvain sacrifices, according to their custom. Presently they announced\nwhat they had dreamt or imagined, or perhaps what the devil had told\nthem. Great attention was paid to what they said, and to the number\nwhich concurred in foretelling good or evil. The same thing was gone\nthrough with regard to the other replies, and care was taken to note who\nspoke truly, and ascertained what was about to come to pass in the\ncoming year.\n\nThis being done, the almoners of the king came forth with the offerings\nwhich they call _capacocha_, and the general almsgiving having been gone\nthrough, the idols were taken back to their temples. If, before the year\nhad passed, the saying of any one of those dreamers happened to come\ntrue, the Inca joyfully sent for him, to be one of his household.\n\nThe _capacocha_, as I have said, was an offering paid instead of a tithe\nto the temples. It consisted of many vases of gold and silver and\nprecious stones, loads of rich mantles, and large flocks. In the\nfollowing years no gifts were bestowed on those whose sayings proved to\nbe false or uncertain, and they forfeited their reputations. At these\nceremonies great things were done at Cuzco, much more than I have\nwritten. In these days, after the Royal Audience had been established,\nand Gasca had returned to Spain,[145] mention was made of this\n_capacocha_ in certain lawsuits, and it is certain that the custom\nprevailed, as well as all else that we have written. We will now\ndescribe the great festival of _Hatun Raymi_.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXX.\n\n_How they made great festivities and sacrifices at the grand and solemn\nfeast called Hatun Raymi._\n\n\nThe Incas held many festivals during the year, at which they offered\ngreat sacrifices according to their custom; but to notice them all would\nrequire a separate volume. It is also well not to dwell long on the\nsorceries and follies that were practised on these occasions; but only\nto describe the feast of Hatun Raymi, which is very famous. It was kept\nin many provinces, and was the principal ceremony of the whole year, and\nthe occasion on which the greatest number of sacrifices was offered up.\n\nThis festival was celebrated in the end of August, when the maize\nharvest had been got in, as well as the potatoes, _quinuas_,[146]\n_ocas_,[147] and the other seeds that they sow. They call this feast\nHatun Raymi, which in our language means \u201ca very solemn festival\u201d; and\nin it they had to offer up thanks and praise to God, the Creator of\nHeaven and Earth, whom they called, as has often been mentioned before,\nTiciviracocha, as well as to the Sun, to the Moon, and to their other\ngods, for having granted them a good harvest of food for their support.\nIn order to celebrate this festival with greater devotion and solemnity,\nit is said that they fasted for ten or twelve days, abstaining from too\nmuch food, and from intercourse with women; drinking _chicha_ only in\nthe morning, which is the time when they eat, and at other times only\nwater; abstaining from the use of _aji_ and from carrying anything in\nthe mouth, and practising other usages such as were observed on these\noccasions of fasting. This time of fasting being over, the people\nbrought to Cuzco a great number of lambs, of sheep, of doves and\n_cuys_, and of other birds and beasts which were killed for the\nsacrifices. Having killed a vast number, they anointed the statues and\nfigures of their gods, or rather devils, with the blood, as well as the\ndoors of the temples and oracles. After an interval, the soothsayers and\ndiviners looked for omens in the entrails, announcing what they\nprognosticated, to which the people gave great credit.\n\nWhen the sacrifice was finished, the High Priest, with the other\npriests, went to the temple of the Sun; and, after reciting their\naccursed psalms, they ordered the _mama conas_, or virgins, to come\nforth richly dressed, with the great store of _chicha_ they had\nprepared; and all those who were in the great city of Cuzco ate of the\nsheep and birds which had been killed for the vain sacrifices, and drank\nof that _chicha_ which was held to be sacred. It was contained in jars\nof silver, out of the great numbers there were in the temple; and they\ndrank it out of cups of gold.\n\nHaving eaten and drunk many times, and the Inca, High Priest, and all\nthe rest being merry in consequence, it was still only a little after\nnoon. They then formed in procession, and the men began to sing, with\nloud voices, the romances and chaunts which had been prepared for use at\nthis festival by their ancestors. The purport of them all was to give\nthanks to the gods, promising to do them services for the blessings\nreceived. To accompany the songs they had many drums of gold, some of\nthem encrusted with precious stones, which their women played upon, who,\ntogether with the sacred _mama conas_, joined in the song.\n\nIn the centre of the plaza it is said that a great theatre was placed,\nwith steps, adorned with cloths and plumes richly embroidered with\ngolden beads, very large mantles of their exceedingly fine cloth, also\ngarnished with silver and gold work, and precious stones. On the summit\nof this throne was placed the figure of Ticiviracocha, large and richly\nadorned. As they held it to be the sovereign God, maker of all created\nthings, they gave it the highest place; and all the priests were near\nit. The Inca and all the principal men and the people came to worship\nit, taking off their sandals with much humility, bending their\nshoulders, filling out their cheeks, and sighing towards it, thus\nperforming _mucha_, which is their word for worship.\n\nBelow this throne was placed the figure of the Sun, but they do not\nstate of what it was made, and also that of the Moon, and other figures\nof idols sculptured in wood and stone. We hold it to be very certain\nthat neither in Jerusalem, nor in Rome, nor in Persia, nor in any other\npart of the world, by any state or king of this earth, was such wealth\nof gold and silver and precious stones collected together, as in this\nsquare of Cuzco when this festival and others like it were celebrated.\nFor the images of the Incas, their deceased kings were brought out, each\none with its service of gold and silver. That is to say, such of them as\nhad been good and brave fathers of their people, generous in granting\nfavours, pardoners of injuries. These were canonized as saints, in their\nblindness, and their bones were honoured by those who did not comprehend\nthat their souls were burning in hell, thinking that they were in\nheaven.\n\nIt was the same with some other Orejones, or chiefs of another nation,\nwhom, for some cause or other, they, in their heathen minds, looked upon\nas saints. They call those who were canonized in this way _Ylla_, which\nsignifies the body of him who did good in his lifetime. Another meaning\nof _Yllapa_ is thunder and lightning. Hence the Indians call discharges\nof artillery _Yllapa_, from the loud report.\n\nThe Inca and High Priest, with all the courtiers, and the great\nconcourse of people that came from the neighbourhood, did _mucha_ (which\nmeans reverence and worship), to the gods arranged round the square.\nThey also made many offerings, such as small golden figures of idols,\nsheep, women, and many other trinkets. This festival of Hatun Raymi\ncontinued for fifteen or twenty days, during which there was much\nsinging and dancing, drinking bouts, and other feasting, according to\ntheir custom. At the end of the time they finished with the sacrifices,\nand put back the images of the idols into the temples, and those of the\ndeceased Incas into their houses.\n\nThe High Priest enjoyed that dignity during his life. He was married,\nand was so respected that he vied in dignity with the Inca, and had\njurisdiction over all the oracles and temples, appointing and removing\npriests. The Inca and the High Priest often played together at their\ngames, and these functionaries were of high lineage and had powerful\nrelations. The dignity was not conferred upon obscure persons, even if\nthey should possess great merit. All those who lived in the parts of\nCuzco which they called Hurin-Cuzco and Hanan-Cuzco, and their\ndescendants, were considered to be noble, although they should reside in\nother parts. I remember when I was in Cuzco in the year 1550, during the\nmonth of August, after the harvests had been got in, that a great crowd\nof Indians entered the city with their wives, making much noise. They\ncarried their ploughs in their hands, and some stalks of maize, to make\na festival by merely singing and reciting as had been their custom at\nharvest time. The _Apus_ and Priests do not consent that these heathen\nfestivals shall be performed in public as in former times, nor in secret\nif they can prevent it. But as there are so many thousands of Indians\nwho have not become Christians, it is probable that these rites are\nstill performed in secret.\n\nThe figure of Ticiviracocha, and those of the Sun and Moon, and the\ngreat chain of gold, besides other recorded pieces of great value, have\nnot been found. There is neither Indian nor Christian who knows where\nthey are. But although their value is great,[148] it is small when\ncompared with all that has been buried in Cuzco, in the places of the\noracles, and in other parts of this great empire.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXI.\n\n_Of the second king or Inca who reigned in Cuzco, named Sinchi Roca._\n\n\nWith as much conciseness as I am able to use, I have written what I\nlearnt touching the government and customs of the Incas; and I now\npropose to return to my narrative of what happened from the time of\nManco Capac to that of Huascar, as I have already promised. Touching the\nfirst Inca, and those who followed him, the Orejones do not give many\nparticulars, because, in truth, they did not perform many great deeds.\nFor the most valorous of all were the Inca Yupanqui, and Tupac Inca his\nson, and Huayna Capac his grandson. But the reason may be that which I\nhave already written, namely, that these kings were the most modern.\n\nAs soon, then, as Manco Capac was dead, and the general mourning and\nobsequies had been performed for him, Sinchi Roca[149] assumed the\nfringe or crown, with the accustomed ceremonies. He contrived to enlarge\nthe house of the Sun, and induced as many people as possible to flock to\nthe new settlement, by gifts and large offers. The place was then, as it\nis now, called Cuzco. Some of the natives of it affirm that, in the\nplace where was the great square, being the same then as now, there was\na small lake and slough of water, so that it was difficult to raise the\ngreat edifices which they had begun to build. As soon as this was known\nto the king, Sinchi Roca, he contrived, with the aid of his allies and\nneighbours, to get rid of this swamp, covering it with great slabs and\nhuge beams, and levelling the ground on the top, where the water used to\nbe, in such sort that it remained as we now see it. They further state\nthat the whole valley of Cuzco was barren, and that the land never\nyielded good fruit from the seed which they sowed. So they brought many\nthousands of loads of earth from the great forests of the Andes, and\nspread it all over the land; by which means, if the tale be true, the\nvalley became very fertile, as we now see it.\n\nThis Inca had, by his sister and wife, many children: and they named the\neldest Lloque Yupanqui. The people round Cuzco beheld the good order in\nwhich the settlers lived, and how they brought people under their\nfriendly influence more through love and benevolence than by recourse to\nseverity and force. Some of the captains and principal men came to hold\ndiscourse with those of the city, and rejoiced to see the temple of\nCuri-cancha, and the good order that reigned around it. By this means\ntreaties of friendship were made in many directions. They relate that,\namong those chiefs that I have mentioned, there came to Cuzco a captain\nof the town called Za\u00f1u, which is not very distant. He asked Sinchi\nRoca, with great vehemence, that he would see fit to take his very fair\nand beautiful daughter as a wife for his son. When the Inca understood\nthe request he was very sorry, for what the chief asked was contrary to\nthe rule established and ordained by his father. Yet, if he did not\ngrant the request of this captain, he and others would hold the Incas to\nbe inhuman men, declaring that they only thought of themselves. Having\ntaken counsel with the Orejones and principal men of the city, it\nappeared to all that the maiden ought to be received for marriage with\nthe Inca\u2019s son. It was thought that, until they became more powerful, it\nwould not be prudent to follow the mandate of the Inca\u2019s father in this\nmatter. Thus it was that the answer to the father of the proposed bride\nwas that she should be brought, and the marriage was solemnised\naccording to their method and custom, and she was called _Coya_ in\nCuzco.[150] The king\u2019s daughter, who was to have been the wife of her\nbrother, was immured in the temple of Curi-cancha, where priests were\nappointed to offer up sacrifices before the statue of the Sun, and where\nthere were men to guard the sacred women in the manner already\ndescribed.\n\nBy reason of this marriage, the Indians relate that the bride\u2019s people\nunited with the citizens of Cuzco, making great rejoicing, thus\nconfirming their union of brotherhood and friendship. On account of\nthis, great sacrifices were offered up on the hill of Guanacauri[151]\nand at Tampu-quiru,[152] as well as in the temple of Curi-cancha. This\nbeing done, there was an assembly of more than 4,000 youths, and the\nceremonies were performed which had been ordained for them. They were\narmed as knights, and continued to be looked upon as nobles. Their ears\nwere bored, and the round pieces were put in them, in accordance with\ncustom.\n\nWhen these things had taken place, and others of which we have no\nrecord, in the time of the king Sinchi Rocca, he became old, and was\nsurrounded by many sons and daughters. So he died, and was mourned for,\nand his obsequies were celebrated in a very sumptuous fashion. His image\nwas preserved as a memorial that he had been a good ruler, and that his\nsoul rested in heaven.[153]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXII.\n\n_Of the third king that reigned in Cuzco, named Lloque Yupanqui._\n\n\nThe Inca Sinchi Rocca being dead in the manner that has been described,\nhis son, Lloque Yupanqui,[154] was received as lord, having first\nperformed a fast during the days appointed. As, in his divinations and\nomens, he found great reason to hope that the city of Cuzco would\nflourish in the future, the new king began to ennoble it with new\nedifices. He asked his father-in-law, with all his allies and\nconfederates, to come and live in the city, where their honour would be\nrespected and they would receive such a share of the land as they\nneeded.\n\nThe lord or captain of Za\u00f1u consented, and the more western part of the\ncity was assigned to him, which, being on hills and slopes, was named\nAnan-Cuzco. The lower part remained for the king, with his house and\nretinue. As all were now Orejones, which is as much as to say nobles,\nand nearly all had been concerned in the foundation of the new city, the\npeople who lived in the two parts of the city, called Hanan-Cuzco, and\nHurin-Cuzco, were always held to be illustrious. Some Indians even\nwished to have it understood that one Inca had to be of one of these\nlineages, and the next of the other. But I do not hold this to be\ncertain, nor is it what the Orejones relate, and that is what is here\nwritten down. In most parts of the city there were large wards on the\nhill-slopes, because the ground was broken up into ravines and hills, as\nI explained in the first part of this chronicle.[155]\n\nThey do not give any account of notable wars in those times. On the\ncontrary, they affirm that those of Cuzco, little by little, through the\ngood policy they employed, succeeded in making friends with many\nneighbouring people, and in enlarging the temple of Curi-cancha, both as\nregards edifices and riches. For now they sought for gold and silver, of\nwhich much came to the market held in the city; and they shut up women\nin the temple, who were not allowed to come forth, as has been explained\nin other places.\n\nReigning in this manner in Cuzco, and passing most of his time there,\nLloque Yupanqui became very old, without having any children by his\nwife. The people of the city showed much grief at this, making many\nsacrifices and offering up prayers as well in the Curi-cancha, as at\nGuanacauri and Tampu-quiru. They say that, through one of those oracles\nwhence issued vain replies, they heard that the Inca would beget a son\nwho would succeed in the kingdom. At this they were well satisfied, and,\nrejoicing with the hope, they put the old king on his wife the Coya, so\nthat at the end of some days it was known that she had conceived, and in\ndue time she gave birth to a son.\n\nLloque Yupanqui died,[156] leaving orders that the fringe or crown of\nthe empire should be deposited in the temple of Curi-cancha until his\nson was of an age to reign. The name given to the son was Mayta Capac,\nand, as governors, they say that the old Inca nominated two of his\nbrothers, whose names I did not hear.\n\nThe Ynca Lloque Yupanqui was mourned for by all the servants of his\nhousehold, and in many parts of the city, and, in conformity with their\nheathen blindness, they killed many women and boys, in the belief that\nthey would go to serve the dead lord in heaven, where they held it to be\ncertain that his soul rested. Considering him to be a saint, the chief\npeople of the city ordered that his image should be made, to be brought\nout at their festivals. Assuredly the preparations they make for the\nobsequies of one of these kings are very great. Generally they mourned\nin all the provinces, and in many of them the women were shorn, and\ntheir heads bound with cords of reed. At the end of a year they make\ngreater lamentations and heathen sacrifices than can be imagined. As\nregards this, those who were at Cuzco in the year 1550, beheld what took\nplace in honour of Paullu,[157] when they celebrated the end of his\nmourning year. It was such that most of the ladies of the city went to\nhis house to see the ceremony, and I was myself present. Certainly it\nwas calculated to excite admiration, and we were given to understand\nthat it was nothing compared to what used to take place in former days.\nNow I will speak of Mayta Capac.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXIII.\n\n_Of the fourth Inca who reigned at Cuzco, named Mayta Capac, and of what\nhappened during his reign._\n\n\nWhat has been described having taken place, Mayta Capac[158] began to\nincrease in stature. So, after the usual ceremonies, his ears were\nbored. Then, when he was still nearer to man\u2019s estate, he received the\ncrown or fringe of empire in presence of a great multitude, as well\nnatives as strangers, who assembled for the purpose. As he had no sister\nwith whom to marry, he took for his wife the daughter of a lord or\ncaptain of a place called Oma, which is at a distance of two leagues\nfrom Cuzco. Her name was Mama Cahua Pata.[159]\n\nAfter the marriage, there was a district near the city where dwelt a\ntribe called Alcaviquiza,[160] who had shown no desire to form a\nfriendship with those of Cuzco. They were full of suspicion, the one of\nthe other. It is related that, when a woman went to certain springs to\ndraw water, a boy came forth from the other district, and broke her\npitcher, making use of I know not what words. She went back to Cuzco\nshrieking; and presently the two parties came forth with their arms,\nwhich they had taken up on hearing the noise. The Inca, with his\nfollowers, arrived, and they put themselves in array to fight, having\ntaken as the pretext so slight a cause as this quarrel between the woman\nand the boy. This was the motive for subjugating that tribe, and for\nmaking all memory of it to disappear.\n\nThe object was well understood by those of Alcaviquiza, and, as valiant\nmen, they resolutely came forth to the battle, which was the first that\ntook place in those days. They fought together for a long time, and, as\nthe affair had arisen so suddenly, those of Alcaviquiza had not been\nable to seek for help. Though they fought well, they were defeated in\nsuch sort that nearly all were killed, scarcely fifty of them escaping\nwith life. Then the king Mayta Capac took possession of the fields and\ninheritances of the dead as conqueror, and divided them among the people\nof Cuzco. There was great rejoicing for the victory, and sacrifices were\noffered up to the oracles, which they held to be sacred.\n\nOf this Inca the Orejones do not relate more than that Mayta Capac\nreigned in Cuzco several years; and, when people were arriving to set\nout for the province called Condesuyo, he became so ill that he\ndied,[161] leaving, as his heir, his eldest son, named Capac Yupanqui.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXIV.\n\n_Of the fifth king who reigned at Cuzco, named Capac Yupanqui._\n\n\nIt seems to me that the Indians related few things of those Incas who\nreigned in Cuzco soon after the foundation of that city. Certainly it\nmust be as they say that three or four of the Incas were those who\nordained and performed all that has already been written.\n\nMayta Capac being dead, his obsequies were performed in the usual way,\nand, his image having been placed in the temple, he was canonized as a\nsaint in conformity with their blindness. Capac Yupanqui then assumed\nthe fringe. This was done with great feasting, and people came from all\nparts to attend the solemnity of the coronation. These rejoicings having\nbeen completed, drinking and singing being the chief part of them, the\nInca determined to go and make sacrifice on the hill of Guanacauri,\naccompanied by the High Priest, the ministers of the temple, and many\nOrejones and inhabitants of the city.\n\nIn the province of Condesuyo it was known that at the time when the late\nInca died he had intended to make war, and the people were prepared,\nthat they might not be taken unawares. After a few days they received\nnews of his death, and of the intended visit of Capac Yupanqui to\nGuanacauri. So they determined to make war upon him, and to secure\nspoils if they obtained the victory. Setting out from a town in that\ndistrict called Marca, they came to the place where the Inca then was.\nHe had been warned of what was going on, and was ready for their coming.\nMany days did not pass before they joined battle one with the other, the\nstruggle continuing for a long time, as both sides fought with spirit.\nIn the end, those of Condesuyos were defeated with much slaughter. The\nsacrifice was then performed with great rejoicing, some men and women\nbeing offered up in accordance with their blindness, and many flocks of\nsheep and lambs, in the entrails of which they prognosticated their\nextravagancies and follies. When these sacrifices were finished, the\nInca returned to Cuzco, where there was great feasting and rejoicing for\nthe victory.\n\nThose of the enemy who escaped, returned to their homes as best they\ncould, where they again began to assemble troops, declaring that they\nwould either die or destroy the city of Cuzco, and kill all the\nstrangers who were in it. Inflamed with pride and anger, they hurried\ntheir preparation, and before they had seen the temple of Curi-cancha,\nthey divided the ladies who were in it among themselves. Having\nassembled together, they marched towards the hill of Guanacauri, whence\nthey intended to enter Cuzco. Capac Yupanqui had been informed of their\nmovements, and had called together all the people of Cuzco and the\nconfederates. With the Orejones, he then waited until he knew the enemy\nwere near Cuzco. He then went forth to meet them, and there was a\nbattle, in which each captain animated his troops. Although those of\nCondesuyo fought obstinately, they were defeated a second time, with a\nloss of more than 6,000 men, and those who escaped, turned and fled to\ntheir own land.\n\nCapac Yupanqui followed the fugitives to their homes, where he waged war\nupon them in such wise that they came to sue for peace, offering to\nrecognise the Lord of Cuzco, as the other tribes had done which were in\nfriendship with him. Capac Yupanqui pardoned them, and showed himself\nvery friendly to them all, ordering his people not to do any harm to\nthose whom he now considered as friends. Some beautiful maidens were\nthen looked for in that land, to be conveyed to the temple at Cuzco.\nCapac Yupanqui travelled for some days in the conquered region,\nrequiring the people to live in an orderly way, and not to build their\ntowns in the heights or on the snow-covered rocks. All was done as he\nordered, and he returned to Cuzco.\n\nHe continued to enrich the city and the temple more and more; and he\nordered a house to be built for his residence, which was the best that\nup to that time had been erected in Cuzco. They relate that he had\nlegitimate sons to succeed him by the Coya, that the fame of his state\nand of the temple he had founded spread abroad among all the\nneighbouring provinces, and that all the people were astonished at the\ngood order and reason that reigned in Cuzco, and at the inhabitants\nbeing well dressed, in-so-much that these things were noised abroad in\nall directions.\n\nIn those days, the people who occupied the region to the west of Cuzco\nas far as Andahuaylas, having heard the tidings, sent ambassadors to\nCapac Yupanqui with gifts and offerings, and the request that he would\nreceive them as friends and confederates. The Inca gave a very\nfavourable answer, giving them rich pieces of gold and silver to deliver\nto those who sent them. These messengers were several days in the city,\nreceiving kind treatment and hospitality, judging more by what they saw\nthan by what they had heard; and thus they recounted all things on their\nreturn. Some of the Orejones of Cuzco affirm that the general language\nused in all the provinces was that which was spoken by these\nQuichuas,[162] who were held by their neighbours to be very valiant\nuntil the Chancas destroyed them.[163] After the Inca Capac Yupanqui\nhad lived many years, he died at a great age.[164] When the days of\nmourning were passed, his son was received without any opposition as\nKing of Cuzco, as his father had been. The new king\u2019s name was Inca\nRocca.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXV.\n\n_Of the sixth king who reigned in Cuzco and of what happened in his\ntime; and of the fable or history they relate touching the river that\npasses through the midst of the city of Cuzco._\n\n\nCapac Yupanqui being dead in the way that has been related, he was\nsucceeded in the lordship by Inca Rocca his son; and a vast concourse of\npeople came from all directions to be present at the ceremony of his\ntaking the fringe. Great sacrifices were offered up at the oracles and\ntemples in accordance with their blindness. These Indians relate that\nwhen the ears of this Inca were bored, to place in them those round\nplates which are worn by the Orejones to this day, one of them hurt him\nvery much. The pain was such that he went forth from the city to a very\nhigh hill which they call Chaca, where he summoned his women and the\nCoya his sister, named Macay Cuca, whom he had received as his wife in\nhis father\u2019s time. They further relate that, at the time, there happened\na mysterious event, which was this. Previously, neither stream nor river\nflowed by the city, and this was felt to be no small want and\ninconvenience. For, when it was warm, the inhabitants went to bathe in\nthe rivers that flowed in the neighbourhood of the city, and they even\nbathed when it was not warm; and there were small fountains for the use\nof the people, as there are at the present day.\n\nThe Inca being on this hill, somewhat apart from his people, he began to\noffer up a prayer to the great Ticiviracocha and to Guanacauri, and to\nthe Sun, and to the Incas his ancestors, that they would be pleased to\ndeclare how and from what direction, a river could be brought by human\nlabour to the city. While he was praying he heard a great peal of\nthunder, insomuch that all present were terrified. The Inca himself,\nowing to the fright he received, bowed his head until the left ear\ntouched the ground, from which flowed much blood. Suddenly he heard a\ngreat noise of running water underneath that place. So, with great joy,\nhe ordered many Indians of the city to come, who quickly dug down until\nthey reached the water which had opened for itself a way in the bowels\nof the earth, and had hitherto flowed without being of any use.\n\nContinuing this narrative, they say further that, after they had dug\nmuch and seen the source of the water, solemn sacrifices were offered to\nthe gods, for they believed that this benefit had come to them through\ndivine interposition. With great rejoicing they contrived so skilfully\nthat they led the water through the centre of the city, having first\npaved the ground with large flags, and raised walls with strong\nfoundations on either side of the watercourse, placing some bridges of\nstone across, to pass from one side to the other.\n\nI have seen this river, and it is true that it flows in the way they\ndescribe, coming from its source in the direction of that hill. But, as\nfor the rest, I know not the truth, and merely write down what they\nassert. Yet a stream might well flow under the ground without being\neither seen or heard; for, in many parts of this great kingdom, both\nlarge and small rivers flow under the ground, as those report who have\ntravelled over the plains and mountains. In these days there are large\nsewers on the banks of this river, full of filth and refuse. But, in the\ntime of the Incas, it was kept very clean, the water flowing over the\nlarge flags, and occasionally the Inca and his women went to bathe\nthere. At divers times some Spaniards have found a quantity of gold, not\ncrude, but worked into small ornaments and _topus_, which had been left\nor had fallen when the Incas and their retinue bathed in the river.[165]\n\nAfter this event, the Inca Rocca came forth from Cuzco to make\nsacrifices, contriving by great subtilty and kind words to bring as many\npeople as he could into friendship with him. He advanced towards the\nregion called Condesuyo, where, in a place called Pomatambo,[166] he\nfought a battle with the natives of that district, and remained\nconqueror and lord of them all. He pardoned them, conferred many\nbenefits on them, instructed them in his rules and order of government,\nand they offered to become his subjects and to pay tribute. After having\nbeen for some days in Condesuyo, and having visited the oracles and\ntemples in that region, the Inca returned in triumph to Cuzco, the\nprincipal chiefs marching before him to guard his person, with axes and\nhalberds of gold.\n\nThis Inca had many sons and not a single daughter. After having ordained\nsome important matters relating to the government, he died, having first\nmarried his eldest son, named Inca Yupanqui, to a lady who was a native\nof Ayamarca, named Mama Chiquia.[167]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXVI.\n\n_Of the seventh King or Inca who reigned in Cuzco, named Inca Yupanqui._\n\n\nWhen Inca Rocca died, many people, both men and women came from\nCondesuyo, Vicos, and Ayamarca, and there was great mourning for the\ndeceased king. Many women, from among those who in life had loved and\nserved him, in accordance with the general blindness of those Indians,\nhung themselves by their own hair, and others were killed in divers\nways; that their souls might go quickly to serve their lord. In the\nsepulchre, which was sumptuous and magnificent, they put great\ntreasures, and a still greater number of women and servants, with\nprovisions and fine clothing.\n\nNo sepulchre of these kings has been found, but to form a judgment as to\nwhether they were rich or not, it is not necessary to seek further proof\nthan the fact that in ordinary burying places 60,000 _pesos_ of gold,\nmore or less, have been found. What then must have been the quantity\ndeposited in a royal tomb, when they possessed so much of the precious\nmetals, and held it to be most important to leave this life well\nprovided with riches?\n\nThey also made an image of Inca Rocca, accounting him as one of their\ngods, and believing that he took his rest in heaven.\n\nAs soon as the mourning was over, and the obsequies were completed, the\nnew Inca retired to perform his fast; and lest any sedition or\ndisturbance should be caused by his absence, he ordered that one of the\nprincipal nobles of his lineage should represent his person in public;\nto whom he gave authority to punish offences, and to maintain the city\nin peace and rest, until the Inca should come forth with the royal\ninsignia of the fringe. They say that they have the tradition that this\nInca was of gentle presence, grave, and of imposing mien. He retired\ninto the most secret part of his palace, where he remained to perform\nhis fast on maize. At the end of the fast he came forth, the people\nshowing great joy on beholding him. They made feasts and great\nsacrifices, and afterwards the Inca ordered that quantities of gold and\nsilver should be brought from all parts for the temple. And in Cuzco\nthey made the stone which they called \u201cof the war.\u201d It was large, and\nwas enriched with gold and stones.[168]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXVII.\n\n_How when this Ynca wanted to make war in the province of Collao, a\ncertain disturbance arose in Cuzco; and how the Chancas conquered the\nQuichuas, and got possession of their dominions._\n\n\nInca Yupanqui being in Cuzco with the desire of ennobling it, he\ndetermined to go to Colla-suyu, which includes the provinces to the\nsouthward of the city, because he had received intelligence that the\ndescendants of Zapana, who reigned in Hatun-colla, were very proud and\npowerful, and that they had assembled forces to march upon Cuzco. So he\nordered his people to prepare. The Indians relate that many men had\narrived for the campaign which Inca Yupanqui wanted to undertake, and,\nbeing on the point of setting out, some captains of Condesuyo, with\ntheir warriors, plotted amongst themselves to kill the Inca. For they\nsaid that if he returned victorious, he would be in such high estimation\nthat he would desire to bring all men under vassalage and servitude. At\nthe time when the Inca was engaged in his festivities, and somewhat\njoyous from the quantity of wine he had drunk, one of the conspirators\napproached and delivered a blow with a stick on the royal head. The\nInca, disturbed and excited, rose up saying, \u201cWhat do you do, traitor?\u201d\nBy this time, the men of Condesuyos had killed many persons, and the\nInca himself thought of seeking safety in the temple. But it was of no\navail to think, for he was overtaken by his enemies and killed, with\nmany of his women.[169]\n\nThere was great confusion in the city, insomuch that one man could not\nunderstand another. The priests had retired to the temple, and the women\ntore their hair, horrified at the death of the Inca by bloodshed, as if\nhe had been some vile person. Many of the inhabitants were preparing to\nabandon the city, and the murderers wanted to plunder. They relate that\nat this juncture there was a great noise of thunder with lightning, and\nthere fell so much water from heaven that those of Condesuyo were\nafraid. Without following up their success, they retired, contenting\nthemselves with the mischief they had done.\n\nThey further state that, at that time, the Quichuas were lords of the\nprovince called Andahuaylas, and that from the neighbourhood of a lake\ncalled Choclococha there came a great multitude of people under two\ncaptains named Huaraca and Uasco; who went forward, conquering as they\nadvanced, until they came to that province. When the inhabitants knew\nof their approach, they prepared for war, encouraging each other, and\nsaying, that it would be right to kill those who had come to attack\nthem. Coming forth by a pass which leads towards the Aymaraes, these\nChancas with their captains approached their opponents, until they were\nclose together, when some speeches were made between them. Then they\njoined battle. According to the tradition, the fighting was desperate,\nand the result long doubtful. Finally, the Quichuas were defeated and\ncruelly treated, for all who fell into the hands of the enemy were\nkilled, without sparing tender youth or helpless old age, and carrying\noff the women. Having done other evil things, they made themselves lords\nof that province, and possessed it as their descendants do to this day.\nAnd I have related this event because hereafter there will be frequent\nmention of these Chancas.\n\nReturning to the previous subject of the retreat of the Condesuyos from\nCuzco, the city was cleared of the dead, and great sacrifices were\noffered up. Moreover, it is said to be certain that, in the interment of\nInca Yupanqui, the same honors as were done to his ancestors were not\naccorded to him, nor was his image set up, and he left no son.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXVIII.\n\n_How the Orejones considered who should be Inca, and what passed until\nViracocha Inca assumed the fringe, who was the eighth Inca that\nreigned._\n\n\nWhen what has been related, in accordance with the account given by the\nOrejones of Cuzco of these things, had taken place, there was great\nlamentation for the death of the Inca. Then the principal people of the\ncity considered who should be chosen for king, and who was worthy to be\nraised to such a post of dignity. There were several opinions, some\nproposing that there should be no king, but that the city should be\ngoverned by those who might be elected; while others maintained that all\nwould be lost if there was no head.\n\nOver this question there was a great dispute, and while it was at its\nheight, they say that a woman came forth, in front of the Anan-Cuzcos\nand said, \u201cWhat are you about? Why do you not take Viracocha Inca,\nseeing that he is so worthy?\u201d On hearing these words, the people left\ntheir cups of wine, and went hastily for Viracocha Inca, son of Inca\nYupanqui,[170] saying, as soon as they saw him, that he should perform\nthe accustomed fast, and then receive the fringe, which they desired to\nconfer upon him. Viracocha agreeing, he commenced the fast, and\ncommitted the charge of the city to his relation Rocca Inca. In due time\nhe came forth with the crown, and they celebrated solemn festivals in\nCuzco, which lasted for many days, all showing great satisfaction at the\nelection of the new Inca.\n\nSome have pretended that this Inca was called Viracocha because he came\nfrom other parts and brought with him a different dress, and that in\nhis features and aspect he appeared like a Spaniard, because he had a\nbeard.[171] They relate other things which would be tedious if they were\nwritten down. I inquired touching this matter, of Cayu Tupac Yupanqui,\nand the other principal people in Cuzco, who gave me the account of the\nIncas which I am now writing, and they replied that it was nonsense,\nwithout any foundation. For Viracocha was born and brought up in Cuzco\nlike his parents and grandparents, and the name of Viracocha was given\nhim as a special name, such as each one receives.\n\nAs soon as he received the crown, he married with one of the principal\nladies named Runtu Coya,[172] who was very beautiful. When the\nfestivities were concluded he resolved to set out for the conquest of\nsome people near Cuzco, who had not consented to come into friendly\nrelations with former Incas, confiding in the strength of their\n_pucaras_. With the force that he saw fit to assemble, he set out from\nCuzco in a rich litter guarded by the principal people, and directed his\nmarch to a place called Calca,[173] where his messenger had been\nreceived with much insolence. When those of Calca knew that the army of\nCuzco was approaching, they assembled in arms and posted themselves in\nthe heights, whence they hurled great stones on the troops of the Inca,\nthat they might kill those who were struck. The Incas climbed up the\nhills, and, in spite of opposition, succeeded in occupying one of the\nforts or strongholds. When those of Calca saw the Cuzco soldiers in\ntheir fastnesses, they came forth in a body, and fought resolutely. The\nbattle continued from morning until noon, and many were killed on both\nsides, still more being made prisoners. The victory remained with those\nof Cuzco.\n\nThe Inca was near a river,[174] where his camp was pitched, and when he\nknew of the victory he felt much joy. Then his captains came down with\nthe spoil and the captives. The Indians who had escaped from the battle,\nwith other captains of Calca and of the neighbourhood, saw that their\nplans had turned out so badly, and that the only course for them was to\ntry the good faith of the conqueror, and to seek for peace, and a\nmoderate servitude such as many others had agreed to. They came forth to\na place on the mountain and said, in a loud voice, \u201cLive for ever! live,\npowerful Inca Viracocha, our lord!\u201d At the noise caused by the voices\nthe Cuzco troops flew to arms, but very little time elapsed before the\nconquered were prostrate on the ground before Viracocha Inca, where\nwithout rising, one who was held to be the wisest amongst them, raising\nhis voice began to say: \u201cYou ought, O Inca, neither to become proud at\nthe victory which God has given you, nor to despise us for having been\ndefeated; for to you and to the Incas it is permitted to be lords over\nother tribes, and to us it is given to defend the liberty which we\nreceived from our fathers, with all our power, and when we are unable to\nsucceed in this, it is for us to obey and submit with a good grace.\nTherefore give the order that no more of us are to be killed, and no\nmore harm to be done, and dispose of us according to your will.\u201d And\nwhen the principal Indian had spoken these words, the rest asked for\nmercy with loud groans.\n\nThe Inca replied that if harm had come, their anger had been the\noccasion of it, for at first they would not believe his words nor\nreceive his friendship; that now he freely granted them their lands and\nproperty as at first, and that, in conformity with the laws, they would\npay tribute and do service. He ordered them to build two palaces, one\nwithin the city of Cuzco, and the other in Saqui, as a place of\nrecreation. They answered that they would do so, and the Inca ordered\nthe captives to be released and their property to be restored. In order\nthat they might understand what they had to do, and that no dissensions\nmight arise among them, he ordered a delegate with great power to remain\namong them, without depriving the native lord of his jurisdiction.\n\nThese events having passed, the Inca Viracocha sent a messenger to\nsummon those of Caitomarca, who had made strong places on the other side\nof a river, without ever having shown a desire of friendship with the\nIncas who were lords of Cuzco. When the messenger of the Inca Viracocha\narrived, they reviled him, calling the Inca a mad man, for believing\nthat they would easily submit to his rule.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXXIX.\n\n_How Viracocha Inca threw a stone of fire with a sling at Caitomarca,\nand how they made reverence._\n\n\nAs soon as Viracocha Inca had despatched the messenger, he ordered the\ncamp to be raised, and a march to be undertaken in the direction of\nCaitomarca. Advancing by the road, they arrived at a river, where the\nInca ordered a halt for rest. Being in this place, the messenger\narrived, who reported how those of Caitomarca had mocked at him, and how\nthey had said that they felt no fear of the Incas. When this message was\nunderstood by the Inca Viracocha, he rose up on the litter with great\nanger, ordering the troops to advance with all speed. This was done,\nuntil they came to a large and rapid river, which I believe must have\nbeen the river of Yucay.[175] Here the Inca ordered his tents to be\npitched, intending to attack the enemy\u2019s town on the other side; but the\ncurrent was so strong that this was not possible. Those of Caitomarca\ncame to the river side, whence they hurled many stones from their slings\nat the Inca\u2019s camp, and began to utter cries and great shouts. For it is\na strange custom with these people, when they fight with each other, how\nlittle they allow their mouths to rest.\n\nFor two days the Inca was on the banks of that river without being able\nto cross it, for there was no bridge; nor is it clear whether they had\nthose which are now in use before the time of the Incas: some say that\nthey had them, while others maintain the contrary. They relate that\nViracocha Inca ordered a small stone to be put into a strong flame, and\nwhen it was very hot he applied a certain preparation to it which would\nmake it set fire to anything it touched. He then ordered it to be put\ninto a sling made of gold wire, with which, when he was inclined, he was\naccustomed to hurl stones, and with great force he threw the heated\nmissile into the town of Caitomarca. It fell on the eave of a roof which\nwas thatched with very dry straw, and presently the thatch burnt, so\nthat the Indians cried out to know what had happened, and who had set\nfire to the house. Then an old woman presented herself before them and\nsaid, \u201cListen to what I declare, and to what is certain. Think not that\nthe house has been set on fire by any one here, but believe that the\nfire came from heaven. For I beheld a burning stone, which, falling from\non high, struck the house and destroyed it as you see.\u201d\n\nWhen the principal leaders, and the elders of the town heard this, being\nsuch great soothsayers and wizards, they believed that the stone had\nbeen sent by the hand of God as a punishment for disobeying the Inca.\nPresently, without waiting for an answer from the oracle or offering up\nany sacrifice, they crossed the river in _balsas_, bringing presents to\nthe Inca. When they were brought into his presence, they asked for peace\nand made great offers of their persons and estates, as their allies had\npreviously done.\n\nThe Inca Viracocha, on learning what those of Caitomarca had said,\nreplied with great dissimulation that if they had not quickly come on\nthat day, he had determined to attack them on the following morning, in\ngreat _balsas_ which he had caused to be prepared. The agreement was\nthen made between those of Caitomarca and the Inca; and that sovereign\ngave to the captain or lord of Caitomarca one of his own women, a native\nof Cuzco, which was esteemed a great favor.\n\nThe fame of the Inca\u2019s deeds was spread abroad in the neighbouring\ndistricts, and many, without seeing the arms of the Cuzco army, sent to\noffer friendship and alliance with the king Inca, who was well pleased,\nspeaking lovingly to one and another, showing great kindness to all, and\nproviding them with what they needed. Seeing that he was now able to\nassemble a great army, the Inca determined to call troops together to\nadvance in person into Condesuyo.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XL.\n\n_How a tyrant rose up in Cuzco, and of the disturbance he caused. Of the\nchastisement of certain Mamaconas for having, contrary to their\nreligion, used their bodies uncleanly; and how Viracocha returned to\nCuzco._\n\n\nThe news was received at Cuzco of everything that happened to Viracocha;\nand when an account was given in the city of the operations against\nthose of Caitomarca, they say that a tyrant rose up in the person of a\nbrother of the late Inca Yupanqui, who, being much annoyed because the\nlordship and sovereignty had been given to Viracocha and not to him, was\nwatching for an opportunity to seize the supreme power. He entertained\nthis design because he had formed a party among some of the Orejones and\nprincipal persons of the lineage of Orin-Cuzcos. On receiving the news\nof this war which the Inca was engaged in, and it seeming likely that he\nwould find a difficulty in bringing it to a successful end, the\nconspirator resolved to kill him who had been left as governor of the\ncity, and to take possession.\n\nCapac, for such was his name, eager for the command, assembled his party\non a day when all the rest of the Orejones were in the temple of the\nSun, and among them Inca Rocca, the governor of the Inca Viracocha, and\ntook up arms. He declared that Viracocha could not retain the\nsovereignty, and he killed the governor, with many others, whose blood\nstained the altars and sanctuaries, and the figure of the Sun. The\n_mamaconas_ and priests ran out with much noise, cursing the murderers\nand declaring that so great a crime deserved a great punishment. A crowd\ncame forth from the city to see what had happened. Some approving of the\nrebellion, joined with Capac; others, deploring the murders, took up\narms, and there was thus a division, many being killed both on one side\nand on the other. The city resounded with such noise and shouts, that\nmen could not hear their own voices. In this confusion the tyrant got\npossession, killing many of the women of the Inca. Some fled from the\ncity, and escaped to the camp of Viracocha, who, concealing what he\nfelt, ordered his troops to march towards Cuzco.\n\nTo return to the tyrant Capac. When he had got possession of the city,\nhe wanted to appear in public with the fringe, that all might receive\nhim as king. But when the first excitement was over, during which many\nhad lost their judgment and committed great crimes, the very same who\nhad incited the usurper to rise, now upbraided him, went out to meet the\nInca, and sought pardon for what they had done.\n\nCapac had no lack of courage to carry through the affair, but he was\nmuch disturbed to see how small was the number of those who adhered to\nhim. He cursed those who had deceived and deserted him, and, that he\nmight not behold the return of the Inca, he took poison and died. His\nwomen and children, with other relations, imitated his example.\n\nThe news of all this came to the royal camp, and the Inca, when he\nreached the city, went straight to the temple of the Sun to offer up\nsacrifices. The bodies of Capac and of the others who had died with him,\nwere ordered to be cast forth into the fields, to be devoured by birds\nof prey; and those who aided the treason were condemned to death.\n\nThe allies and confederates of Viracocha Inca, when they heard what had\nhappened, sent many embassies with presents and offerings of\ncongratulation, and to these embassies he made joyful replies.\n\nAt this time, the Orejones say that there were many virgins of rank in\nthe temple of the Sun, who were honored and esteemed, as has been\nexplained in many parts of this history. And they further add that four\nof them used their bodies uncleanly with certain servants who guarded\nthem, and being discovered they were taken, both the men and the women,\nand the high priest ordered that they should be judged, and punished.\n\nThe Inca had determined to invade Condesuyo, but, feeling tired and old,\nhe gave up the plan. He then ordered that palaces, to be used by him for\nrecreation, should be built in the valley of Xaquixaguana. As he had\nmany sons, and as he knew that the eldest, who was named Inca Urco, to\nwhom the sovereignty would descend, was a man of vicious habits and very\ncowardly, he desired to deprive him of the inheritance, in order to give\nit to another who was younger and more worthy, named Inca Yupanqui.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLI.\n\n_How ambassadors from the tyrants of the Collao came to Cuzco, and of\nthe departure of Viracocha Inca for the Collao._\n\n\nMany histories and events fell out between the natives of these\nprovinces in early times; but as I make a rule only to relate what I\nhold to be certain, according to the opinions of the learned natives and\nto the narrative I took down at Cuzco, I leave out what I do not clearly\nunderstand, and treat of what I feel sure, as I have already explained\nseveral times.\n\nIt is well known, among the Orejones, that at this time ambassadors came\nto Cuzco from the province of the Collao. For they relate that, in the\nreign of Inca Viracocha, a lord named Zapana ruled over Hatun-colla. In\nthe lake of Titicaca there are islands inhabited by people with large\n_balsas_, and another lord named Cari went to the islands, where he\nfought with the people insomuch that there were great battles between\nthem, out of which the Cari came forth a conqueror. But he had no other\nobject than to destroy the villagers and carry off plunder, without\ntroubling himself to take prisoners. He returned to Chucuito, where he\nhad established himself, and he had under his sway the towns of Ylave,\nYuli, Zepita, Pomata, and others. With the people he could collect,\nafter having offered up great sacrifices to his gods or devils, he\ndetermined to march to the province of the Canas. These men, when they\nheard of his approach, assembled together, came forth to meet him, and\nfought a battle in which they were defeated with much loss. After this\nvictory Cari determined to continue his advance, and arrived at\nLuracachi, where it is said that he fought another battle, and was\nequally fortunate.\n\nWith these victories Cari became very proud, and the news spread abroad.\nWhen Zapana, the lord of Hatun-colla, heard of it, he was very sad, and\nhe assembled his friends and vassals to take the field and despoil Cari.\nBut he could not do this so secretly as to prevent Cari from\nunderstanding the design of Zapana, and he retired in good order to\nChucuito by an unfrequented road, so that Zapana could not molest him.\nHaving arrived in his own country, Cari assembled his principal chiefs,\nthat they might consult touching the designs for Zapana, whose\ndestruction was meditated by Cari, that there might be only one lord in\nthe Collao. Zapana had the same thought in his mind.\n\nAnd as the valour of the Incas, and the great power of Viracocha was\nspread abroad over all that region, each of these chiefs, desiring to\nobtain his friendship, sent ambassadors to Cuzco to secure his alliance\nand induce him to take part against the rival chief. These messengers\nset out with great presents, and arrived at Cuzco when the Inca was at\nthe places or _tampus_ which, for his diversion, he had ordered to be\nbuilt in Xaquixaguana. Hearing that they were coming, the Inca ordered\nthat they should be lodged in the city and provided with all they\nrequired.\n\nThe Inca consulted with the Orejones and venerable councillors touching\nthe course that ought to be adopted in the matter of the embassies that\nhad come from the Collao; and it was decided that a reply should be\nsought from the oracles. This is done by the priests in front of the\nidols. They bow down their shoulders, put their chins into their\nbreasts, and begin to speak in loud voices. Occasionally I myself, with\nmy own ears, have heard the Indians converse with the devil. In the\nprovince of Cartagena, in a seaport town called Bahayre,[176] I heard\nthe devil answer in a clear whistle, and so loudly, that a Christian who\nwas in the same town but more than half a league from where I was, heard\nthe same whistle and was dismayed, being rather unwell. On another day\nthe Indians made great shoutings, publishing the reply of the devil. In\nsome parts of these lands where they keep the dead in hammocks, the\ndevils occasionally enter into the bodies and give answers. I heard a\nman named Aranda say that, in the island of Carex,[177] he also saw one\nof these dead bodies speak, and the lies and nonsense they utter are\nlaughable.\n\nWhen the Inca determined to seek for an answer from the oracles, he sent\nfor those who were accustomed to manage those things, and they say that\nthe reply was that he should arrange to go to the Collao and seek the\nalliance of Cari. So he ordered the messengers of Zapana to be brought\nbefore him, and told them to say to their lord that he would shortly\nleave Cuzco and march to the Collao, where he would treat of the\nquestion of friendship. To those who came on the part of Cari he said\nthat they were to explain to the lord how he was preparing to come to\nhis aid, and that he would soon be with him.[178] When this was done,\nthe Inca ordered forces to be assembled to march from Cuzco, leaving one\nof the principal persons of his lineage as governor.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLII.\n\n_How Viracocha Inca passed by the provinces of the Canches and Canas,\nand marched until he entered the territory of the Collao, and of what\nhappened between Cari and Zapana._\n\n\nHaving determined to march to the Collao, the Inca set out from the city\nof Cuzco with a large force, passing by Muyna, and by the towns of Urcos\nand Quiquijana. When the Canches,[179] heard of his approach, they\ndetermined to assemble and come forth with their arms, to defend the\npassage through their land. The Inca, on receiving news of their\nintention, sent messengers to represent that they should not undertake\nsuch an enterprise, for that he did not wish to give them any affront,\nbut rather desired to be their friend, and if their chiefs and captains\nwould come to him, he would give them to drink from his own cup. The\nCanches replied to the messengers that the Inca should not pass by\nreason of what they said, and that they were there to defend their\ncountry which had been invaded. Returning with this answer, the\nmessengers found the Inca Viracocha in Cangalla, full of anger at the\nsmall account in which the Canches held his embassy. He made a rapid\nmarch, arriving at a town which is called Compata. Near a river which\nflows close by, he found the Canches drawn up in order of battle, and\nhere the combat between the two forces took place. Many died on both\nsides, and the Canches were defeated. Those who were able to do so,\nfled, and were followed by the conquerors, killing and taking prisoners.\nAfter a long time the pursuers returned with the spoils, bringing with\nthem many prisoners, both men and women.\n\nAfter this had happened, the Canches, throughout the province, sent\nmessengers to the Inca, beseeching him to pardon them, and to receive\nthem into his service. As the Inca desired nothing else, he granted the\nusual conditions, which were that they should receive those of Cuzco as\nsovereign lord, and submit their laws and customs, offering tribute of\nwhat they produced, in accordance with what was done by other subjects.\nAfter passing some days in arranging these affairs, and in making the\nCanches understand that they must live together in towns, and must not\nengage in quarrels or wars amongst themselves, he passed onwards.\n\nThe Canas[180] had assembled together in large numbers, at a place\ncalled Luracachi; and as they had news of what had befallen the Canches,\nand that the Ynca did not injure those who wished to be his allies, nor\nallow others to do so, they resolved to make friends with him. The Inca\nadvanced and, when he approached Luracachi and heard of the good will of\nthe Canas, he was much pleased. As there was a temple of Aconcagua in\nthat district, he sent great presents to the idols and priests.\n\nWhen the ambassadors from the Canas arrived, they were well received by\nthe Inca Viracocha, who replied to them that the principal and most\nvenerable of the Canas should be near, where they would see him; and\nwhen he had been some days at the temple of Vilca\u00f1ota he would hasten to\nbe with them. He gave some fine cloth and ornaments to the messengers,\nand ordered his own soldiers not to enter the houses of the Canas, nor\nto take anything that belonged to them, that their good will might not\nbe disturbed nor give place to any other thought.\n\nThe Canas, when they heard the message, caused plenty of provisions to\nbe placed along the road, and came down from their villages to serve the\nInca, who, with much regard to justice, took care that they should not\nbe injured in any way. They were supplied with flocks and---- [181]\nwhich is their wine. On arriving at their vain temple, they made\nsacrifices in accordance with their heathen practices, killing many\nlambs. Thence the army advanced to Ayavire, where the Canas had brought\nmore provisions. The Inca spoke to them lovingly, and arranged his\npeaceful pact, as was his custom with other tribes. The Canas, holding\nit to be an advantage to them to be governed by such wise and just laws,\ndid not object to the payment of tribute, and the duty of going to\nCuzco.\n\nThis being done, Viracocha Inca determined to set out for the Collao,\nwhere by this time it was known what had happened with the Canches and\nCanas. They were waiting in Chucuito, and in Hatun Colla. Zapana was\naware that Cari had been received well by Viracocha, and that he was\nexpecting the Inca. He, therefore, determined to attack him before he\nbecame more powerful by a junction with the forces of the Inca. Cari was\nequally spirited, and came out with his followers to a town called\nPaucar-colla. Near this place the armies of the two most powerful\ntyrants of the district faced each other, in such numbers that it was\nsaid they amounted to one hundred and fifty _huarancas_.[182] They\njoined in battle, and it is related that it was fiercely contested, and\nthat the dead numbered more than 30,000. After it had lasted for a long\ntime, Cari remained the victor, while Zapana and his people were\ndefeated, with the death of many. Zapana himself was killed in this\nbattle.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLIII.\n\n_How Cari returned to Chucuito; of the arrival of the Inca Viracocha;\nand of the peace that was agreed to between them_.\n\n\nAs soon as Zapana was dead, Cari took possession of his camp, and seized\nupon everything that was in it, with which he quickly returned to\nChucuito. There he waited for Viracocha Inca, and ordered lodgings to be\ngot ready and provisions to be supplied. The Inca, while he was on the\nroad, heard of the victory gained by Cari and of the end of the war.\nAlthough he gave out that he was pleased, in secret he felt regret at\nthe course things had taken, because he thought that, while there were\ndifferences between the two chiefs, he would easily make himself lord of\nthe Collao; and he intended to return quickly to Cuzco, that no untoward\nevent might happen.\n\nWhen he approached Chucuito, Cari came forth with his principal men to\nreceive him, and he was lodged and attentively served. As he wished to\nreturn to Cuzco, he spoke with Cari, telling him how much he had\nrejoiced at his good success, and that he was coming to his assistance.\nIn order to make sure that they should always be good friends, he\nexpressed a desire to give him a daughter of his own for a wife. Cari\nanswered that he was very old and very weary, and he prayed the Inca to\nmarry his daughter to a youth, seeing that there were many to choose\nfrom, and that he would have him as his lord and friend, and consent\nthat he should rule, and that in this way he would help him in wars and\nother affairs of moment. Then, in presence of the principal men who were\nassembled, the Inca Viracocha ordered a large cup of gold to be brought,\nand the plighted homage between the two was taken in this way. They\ndrank a draught of the wine which the women had, and the Inca took the\ncup, and put it on the top of a very loose stone, saying:--\u201cThe sign is\nthis, that the cup shall be here, and I do not move it nor you touch it,\nin token that that which is agreed upon shall be observed.\u201d Then\nkissing, they made a reverence to the sun, and they had a great _taqui_,\nwith much noise. Then the priests, having uttered certain words, carried\nthe cup to one of their vain temples, where they deposit similar tokens\nof oaths made by their kings and lords. Having passed some days in\nChucuito, Viracocha Inca returned to Cuzco, being attentively waited\nupon and well received in all parts.\n\nAnd now many provinces were organized, and the people wore better\nclothes and had better customs than before, being ruled according the\nlaws of Cuzco. Inca Urco, the son of Viracocha Inca had remained there\nas governor, of whom they relate that he was very cowardly, remiss, full\nof vices, and with few virtues. As he was the eldest he had to succeed\nhis father in the kingdom. His father knew his character, and desired\nmuch to deprive him of the lordship, and to give it to Inca Yupanqui,\nhis second son, a youth of great valour and of good conduct, resolute\nand fearless, and endowed with grand and lofty aspirations. But the\n_Orejones_ and principal men of the city did not wish the laws to be\nbroken, which were observed as having been ordained by their ancestors.\nAlthough they knew how evil were the inclinations of Inca Urco, still\nthey desired that he, and not another should be the king after the death\nof his father. I relate this so fully because those who told me, also\nsay that Viracocha Inca sent from Urcos, his messengers to the city, to\ntreat on this matter, but that he could not obtain what he wanted. When\nhe entered Cuzco, he had a grand reception. But he was now very old and\nweary, so he determined to leave the government of his kingdom to his\nson, to deliver up the fringe, and to retire to the valley of Yucay and\nto that of Xaquixaguana to amuse himself and enjoy the rest of his life.\nHe announced his intention to the people of the city, but he was not\nable to secure the succession for Inca Yupanqui.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLIV.\n\n_How Inca Urco was received as supreme ruler of the whole empire, and\nassumed the crown at Cuzco, and how the Chancas determined to come forth\nand make war on those of Cuzco._\n\n\nThe Orejones, and even all the other natives of these provinces, laughed\nat the proceedings of the Inca Urco.[183] Owing to his trivialities,\nthey prefer that he should not be looked upon as having enjoyed the\ndignity of the kingdom. Thus we see that in the narrative derived from\nthe _quipus_ and traditions, which they have of the kings who reigned at\nCuzco, they are silent as to this one. This I will not be; for in fact,\nwell or ill, with vices or virtues, he governed and reigned over the\nkingdom for several days. When Viracocha Inca departed for the valley of\nXaquixaguana, he sent the fringe or crown to Cuzco, that the elders of\nthe city might deliver it to Inca Urco, having said that what he had\ndone for the city of Cuzco must suffice, and that he wished to pass what\nremained of life in the enjoyment of rest, for that he was old and unfit\nfor war. His wishes being understood, presently Inca Urco began the\nfasts and other observances in conformity with their customs and, having\nfinished, he came forth with the crown, and went to the temple of the\nSun to perform sacrifices, and there were the usual feasts and drinking\nbouts at Cuzco.\n\nInca Urco had married his sister, that he might have a son by her, to\nsucceed to the lordship. He was so vicious, and so given to evil courses\nthat, without caring for her, he went after common women, and after the\ngirls he fancied, and it is even said that he seduced some of the\n_mamaconas_ in the temple; and he had so little honour that he did not\neven desire to be respected. He went about the city drinking, and when\nhe had an _arroba_ or more of liquor in his body, he conducted himself\nindecently. And he used to say to the _Orejones_ who had beautiful\nwives, \u201cHow are my children?\u201d as much as to say that the children were\nhis and not the children of the husbands. He never built any house or\nedifice, he disliked arms, and in short they relate no good thing of him\nexcept that he was very liberal.\n\nAs soon as he had assumed the fringe, after some days had passed, he\ndetermined to go and enjoy himself in the houses of pleasure which were\nbuilt for the recreation of the Incas, leaving as his lieutenant Inca\nYupanqui, who was father of Tupac Inca, as we shall presently relate.\n\nSuch being the state of affairs at Cuzco, the Chancas, as I have already\nstated, had conquered the Quichuas and occupied the greater part of the\nprovince of Andabailes. As they were victorious, and hearing what was\nsaid of the grandeur of Cuzco and of its riches, and of the majesty of\nthe Incas, they did not desire to abandon their conquests, but wished to\nacquire all they could with their arms. So they made a grand appeal to\ntheir gods, and set out from Andabailes, which is the place called by\nthe Spaniards Andaguaylas,[184] and is now an encomienda of Diego\nMaldonado[185] the rich, leaving a sufficient force there to protect\nit. Hastu-Huaraca, and a very brave brother of his named Omoguara, with\nthe forces ready for war, set out proudly from their own territory on\nthe road to Cuzco, marching until they arrived at Curampa,[186] where\nthey encamped, doing much injury to the people of the district. But as\nin those days many of the settlements were on the heights and peaks of\nthe mountains, with strong defences called _pucaras_, they could not\nkill any great number or make many prisoners, but only ravage the\nfields.\n\nThey departed from Curampa, and arrived at the resting place of\nCocha-cassa, and at the river Abancay, destroying everything they found.\nThus they approached Cuzco, where the news of their coming had preceded\nthem. When it was known to the aged Viracocha, he left the valley of\nXaquixaguana, and went with his women and servants to the valley of\nYucay. They also relate that Inca Urco merely laughed, making light of\nwhat was really a very serious matter. But the fate of Cuzco was guarded\nby Inca Yupanqui and his sons, who were destined to save the city from\nall its danger by their virtues. For not only did he vanquish the\nChancas, but he subjugated the greater part of the nations who inhabit\nthose kingdoms, as I shall relate further on.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLV.\n\n_How the Chancas arrived at the city of Cuzco and pitched their camp\nthere, and of the terror of the inhabitants, and the great valour of\nInca Yupanqui._\n\n\nAfter the Chancas had offered up sacrifices on the banks of the Apurimac\nand had arrived near the city of Cuzco, the Captain-General or lord who\nled them, named Hastu-Huaraca said that they should reflect on the great\nundertaking they had entered upon, that they should show themselves to\nbe strong, and that they should feel no fear nor terror whatever of men\nwho thought they could frighten people by making their ears such a size\nas these enemies did. He also told his followers that they would capture\nmuch spoil, and beautiful women with whom they could enjoy themselves.\nThey replied cheerfully that they would do their duty.\n\nAs it was known in the city of Cuzco that the enemy was marching against\nit, and that neither Viracocha Inca nor his son Inca Urco had made any\npreparation to oppose them, the Orejones and principal people were much\ndisturbed, and offered up great sacrifices according to their custom.\nThey then agreed to ask Inca Yupanqui to take charge of the war, for the\ncommon safety. One of the most venerable took the matter in hand, and\nspoke in the name of the others. He replied that when his father wished\nto confer the fringe upon him, they would not consent, but insisted that\nhis cowardly brother should be Inca. He himself had never pretended to\nthe royal dignity through usurpation and contrary to the will of the\npeople; and they should now do what was necessary for the public good,\nas they had seen that the Inca Urco was unfit for the post. The Orejones\nreplied that, when the war was over, they would adopt such measures as\nwere best for the government of the kingdom. It is said that they then\nsent messengers through the province, declaring that all who wished to\ncome and be citizens of Cuzco, would be given lands in the valley, and\nwould receive privileges; and so they came from many parts. This being\ndone, the captain, Inca Yupanqui, came forth to the great square where\nwas the stone of war, with the skin of a lion on his head, as a sign\nthat he must be strong as is that animal.\n\nAt this time the Chancas had reached Vilca-cunga, and the Inca Yupanqui\nordered all the men of war that were in Cuzco to be assembled, with the\ndetermination of marching out on the road. Those who appeared most\nresolute were appointed captains; but, on further consideration, he\ndetermined to wait in the city.\n\nThe Chancas continued to advance until they pitched their camp on the\nhill of Carmenca, which overlooks the city, and presently set up their\ntents. The people of Cuzco had made deep holes full of stones at the\napproaches to the city, and subtly covered them over on the top, so that\nthose who walked that way might fall in. When the women and children of\nCuzco saw the enemy, they were much afraid, and made a great noise. Inca\nYupanqui sent messengers to Hastu Huaraca, proposing that there should\nbe an agreement between them, to avoid the slaughter of the people.\nHastu Huaraca was proud, and thought little of the embassy. He wanted\nsimply to abide by the decision of battle; but to the importunate\nprayers of his relations and others, he yielded so far as to agree to a\nconference with the Inca, and in that sense he replied. The city is\nsituated between hills, in a naturally strong position. The slopes and\nridges were scarped, and in many parts sharp stakes of palm were fixed,\nwhich are as hard as iron, and more hurtful. The Inca and Hastu Huaraca\nhad an interview, but, as both were ready to fight, it availed little,\nfor being further excited by the words which they spoke to each other,\nat last they came to blows, at the same time shouting and making a great\nnoise. For the men in that country make an exceeding great noise when\nthey fight. They fought with each other for a long time and the night\ncoming on, the Chancas remained in their tents, and those of the city\nwere all round, watching in every direction, that the enemy might not\nenter. For neither Cuzco, nor the other towns in those parts, are\nsurrounded by walls.\n\nWhen the surprise was over, Hastu Huaraca encouraged his followers to be\nvalorous in the fight, and the Inca Yupanqui did the same with the\nOrejones and the people who were in the city. The Chancas resolutely\ncame forth from their camp with the intention of forcing an entry, and\nthose of Cuzco were determined to defend the city. The battle was\nrenewed, and many fell on either side; but such was the valour of Inca\nYupanqui that he gained the victory, and nearly all the Chancas were\nkilled. They say that very few more than five hundred escaped, and among\nthem their captain Hastu Huaraca, who arrived with them at their own\nprovince but not without difficulty.[187] The Inca enjoyed the spoil,\nand got many captives, as well men as women.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLVI.\n\n_How Inca Yupanqui was received as King, the name of Inca being taken\nfrom Inca Urco, and how the new Sovereign made a peace with Hastu\nHuaraca._\n\n\nAs soon as the Chancas were defeated, Inca Yupanqui entered Cuzco in\ngreat triumph, and addressed the principal Orejones on their agreement.\nHe said that he had worked for them in the way they had seen, while his\nbrother and his father had done little in opposing the enemy, and that,\ntherefore, they should give him the sovereignty and government of the\nempire. The people of Cuzco, one with another, discussed the matter,\ncomparing the merits of Inca Yupanqui and Inca Urco, and, by consent of\nthe city, they agreed that Inca Urco should not enter Cuzco again, and\nthat the fringe should be taken from him and given to Inca Yupanqui.\nAlthough Inca Urco, when he knew what had been done, wanted to come to\nCuzco to justify himself, and was much moved, complaining of his brother\nand of those who had deprived him of the government; yet they did not\nyield, nor turn aside from accomplishing what they had resolved to do.\nThere are some who say that the Coya, wife of Inca Urco, left him\nwithout having borne him any children, and went to Cuzco, where her\nsecond brother Inca Yupanqui received her as his wife. Having performed\nthe fast and the other ceremonies, he came forth with the fringe, and\nthere were great festivals at Cuzco, people flocking thither from all\nparts. The new Inca ordered all those who had fallen in the battle on\nhis side to be buried with the customary funeral rites. For the Chancas\nhe caused a large house to be erected on the battle field, like a tomb,\nwhere all the bodies of the dead were put as a memorial, and the skins\nwere filled with cinders or straw, so that the human form was made to\nappear in many attitudes. Some of them appearing like men, had drums\nissuing from their bellies, on which they appeared to be playing. Others\nwere set up with flutes in their mouths. After this fashion they were\nleft until the Spaniards entered Cuzco. Alonzo Carrasco[188] and Juan de\nPancorvo,[189] ancient conquerors, related to me how they had seen these\nskins full of cinders, as did many others of those who came to Cuzco\nwith Pizarro and Almagro.\n\nThe Orejones say that in those days there was a large population in\nCuzco, and that it was always increasing. Messengers arrived from many\nparts to congratulate the new king, who answered them all with gracious\nwords. He wished to set out and make war in the region they call\nCondesuyo, and as he knew by experience how brave and enterprising was\nHastu Huaraca, the Lord of Andahuaylas, he thought of inducing him to\nenter his service. They relate that he sent messengers, asking the chief\nto come to Cuzco with his brothers and friends, and to enjoy the society\nof the Inca. Considering that it would be profitable to secure the\nfriendship of Inca Yupanqui, the Lord of Andahuaylas came to Cuzco, and\nwas well received.[190] And as the Inca had summoned his army for war,\nhe determined to proceed to Condesuyo.\n\nAt this time, they relate that Viracocha Inca died, and they gave him\nsepulture with less pomp and honor than his ancestors, because he had\ndeserted the city in his old age and had no wish to return when the\nChancas made war. I say no more concerning Inca Urco, because the\nIndians only refer to his history as a thing to laugh at, and putting\nhim on one side, I consider Inca Yupanqui as the ninth king that reigned\nin Cuzco.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLVII.\n\n_How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, leaving Lloque Yupanqui as\nGovernor, and of what happened._\n\n\nAs now, by order of Inca Yupanqui, more than 40,000 men had been\nassembled round the stone of war, the army was passed in review,\ncaptains were appointed, and there were feasts and drinking bouts. All\nbeing ready, the Inca set out from Cuzco in a litter enriched with gold\nand precious stones, which was surrounded by his guards with halberds,\naxes, and other arms. Next to him marched the lords, and this king\ndisplayed more valour and authority than any of his ancestors. He left\nin Cuzco, according to what they relate, his brother Lloque Yupanqui as\ngovernor. The Coya and the other women travelled in hammocks, and it is\nsaid that they carried a great quantity of jewels and of stores. In\nfront, men were sent forward to clear the road, so that neither grass\nnor stone, large or small, might remain on it.\n\nArrived at the river Apurimac, they crossed it by the bridge that had\nbeen made, and advanced as far as the buildings of Cura-huasi. Many men\nand women, and some lords and principal men, came forth from the\nneighbouring places, and when they saw the army they were amazed and\ncried out, \u201cGreat Lord, Child of the Sun\u201d, \u201cMonarch of all things\u201d, and\nmany other grand names. At this place, they say that a captain of the\nChancas, named Tupac Uasco, was given a _Palla_ of Cuzco as his wife,\nand he highly prized her.\n\nAdvancing by the Apurimac and Cocha-cassa, the Inca found that the\ninhabitants of those parts were in strong _pucaras_, and that they did\nnot live together in villages. So he ordered that they should live in an\norderly way, abandoning evil customs, and abstaining from killing each\nother. They rejoiced at these orders, and willingly obeyed his\ncommandment. But those of Curampa derided it. This being told to Inca\nYupanqui, he defeated them in battle, killing many, and taking others\nprisoners. As the land was fertile, he ordered one of his officers to\nremain and organise the district, and to build lodgings and a temple of\nthe Sun.\n\nThese arrangements having been made with great care, the King set out\nfrom thence, and marched to the province of Andahuaylas, where there was\na solemn reception. He remained several days to decide whether he would\ngo to conquer the inhabitants of Guamanga or Xauxa, or the Soras and\nLucanas. Having considered the matter in council with his officers, he\ndecided upon going to the Soras.[191] Setting out, he marched over an\nuninhabited region which leads to the Soras, who were apprised of his\napproach, and assembled to defend their country.\n\nThe Inca Yupanqui had sent captains with parties in many other\ndirections, to induce men to join his service by kind treatment; and he\nsent messengers to the Soras, admonishing them not to take up arms\nagainst him, and promising to make much of them, and to do them no\ninjury. But they did not wish for peace with servitude; but rather to\nfight for their liberty. So when the two armies came together, there was\na battle, concerning which those who can preserve the memory of it, say\nthat it was fiercely contested, and that many fell on both sides. But\nthe victory remained with those of Cuzco. The fugitives who escaped\ndeath or capture, fled to their town with much lamentation, where they\ncollected as much of their property as they could, and, taking their\nwomen, they abandoned the place, and fled to a strong rock, near the\nriver of Vilcas, where there are many caves and a supply of water. In\nthis fastness many men assembled with their women, with as much\nprovisions as they could get together, for fear of the Inca. Not only\nthe Soras took refuge on the rock, but many from the district of\nGuamanga, and from the banks of the Vilcas, also fled there, terrified\nat the news that the Inca wished to be sole lord over the people.\n\nThe battle being won, the conquerors enjoyed the spoils; but the Inca\nordered that no harm should be done to the captives. They were all\nreleased. A captain was ordered to march towards Condesuyo by way of\nPumatampu; and when the Inca entered the country of the Soras, and heard\nthat the people had gone to the rocky fastness, he was much incensed,\nand determined to go and besiege the place. So he commanded his captains\nto march against it, with the army.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLVIII.\n\n_How the Inca returned to Vilcas, and besieged the Rocky Fastness where\nthe Enemy had taken Refuge._\n\n\nThe Orejones relate very great things touching this Inca Yupanqui, and\nTupac Inca his son, and Huayna Capac his grandson, for these were the\nsovereigns who displayed most valour. Those who may read of their\nactions, should believe that I rather detract from, than add to what I\nhave been told; and I simply write what I have received from the\nIndians. For myself, I believe this and more, from the testimony borne\nby the remains and signs that these kings have left behind them, and\nfrom their great power, which shows that what I write concerning them is\nonly a part of what really happened. Their memory will endure in Peru so\nlong as any men of the native race survive.\n\nReturning to the narrative, as the Inca strongly desired to have those\nwho had taken refuge in the rocks in his power, he marched with his\ntroops until he came to the river of Vilcas.[192] The inhabitants, when\nthey knew that he was there, came in great numbers to see him and to\nperform services, and they established friendship with the Inca. By his\norder they began to build great edifices, in the place which we now call\nVilcas. Masters were sent from Cuzco to trace the plans, and teach the\nmethod of laying the stones and tiles in the edifices. Arriving at the\nrocky fastness, the Inca used all reasonable means to induce those who\nhad taken refuge there to submit to his alliance, sending messengers to\nthem. But the enemy laughed at his words, and hurled many stones at the\ncamp. The Inca, seeing their disposition, resolved not to depart until\nhe had punished them. He knew that the captains whom he sent to the\nprovince of Condesuyo, had fought some battles with the people of that\nregion, had conquered them and brought most of the province under his\nsway. In order that the people of the Collao might not think that they\nwere safe, and knowing that Hastu Huaraca, the Lord of Andahuaylas, and\nhis brother, Tupac Vasco, were valiant chiefs, he sent them to the\nCollao to keep the people in obedience. They replied that they would\nobey his order, and they set out for their own land, to proceed thence\nto Cuzco, and join the army which was to be assembled there.\n\nThe garrison of the rocky fastness still had the intention of defending\nit, and the Inca surrounded the place with his troops. The siege was\nlong, and several great deeds were performed. At last the provisions\nfailed, and the besieged were obliged to submit, and to serve the Inca\nlike the rest of his subjects, paying tribute and furnishing men for the\nwars. With this servitude, they remained in favour with the Inca, who\nwas no longer enraged, but ordered provisions and other things to be\ngiven to them, and that they should return to their homes. But others\naffirm that he killed them all, insomuch that not one escaped. I believe\nthe first account, though as regards one or the other, I only know what\nthese Indians relate.\n\nThis affair being ended, they say that people came from many parts to\nsubmit and offer their services, and that the Inca received them all\ngraciously. He then returned to Cuzco. On the road, he found that many\nedifices had been built, and that, in most parts, the forts of the\nnatives had been razed, and that they had formed regular towns in the\nlower country, as he had commanded and ordained.\n\nHe was received at Cuzco with the customary pomp, and there were great\nfestivities. The captains who, in obedience to his orders had gone to\nthe war in the Collao, advanced as far as Chucuito, and were victorious\nin several battles, bringing all under the dominion of the Inca. The\nsame was done in Condesuyo. The Inca was very powerful; lords and\ncaptains arrived from all parts with the leading men of the districts,\npaying tribute with regularity, and performing personal services; but\nall was done with great regularity and justice. When they came for an\naudience with the Inca, they carried a light burden; they looked but\nlittle at his face; when he spoke, those who heard him trembled from\nfear or some other reason. He seldom appeared in public, but in war he\nwas always to the front. He did not allow any one, without his\npermission, to possess jewels, nor to be seated, nor to be carried in a\nlitter. In short, this was the sovereign who opened the way for the\nexcellent government which was established by the Incas.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XLIX.\n\n_How Inca Yupanqui ordered Lloque Yupanqui to proceed to the Valley of\nXauxa, and to bring under his dominion the Huancas and the Yauyos their\nneighbours, with other Nations in that direction._\n\n\nThat which has already been written having taken place, the Orejones\nrelate that the Inca, finding himself so powerful, determined to make\nanother call to war, because he wished to achieve another conquest more\nimportant than those that had gone before. In compliance with his\norders, many chiefs assembled, with a great number of armed men,\nsupplied with the arms they use, which are slings, axes, clubs, _bolas_,\ndarts, and some lances. When they assembled, he ordered that there\nshould be entertainments and feasts; and to delight them, he came forth\neach day in a new dress, such as that which was the special costume of\nthe nation that he wished to honour on that day. Next day he put on\nanother, always wearing that of the tribe which was invited to the\nentertainment and drinking bout. By this means he pleased them, and as\nmuch as it was possible, he endeared himself to them. When the great\ndances were performed, the square of Cuzco was encircled by a chain of\ngold, which was ordered to be made out of the quantity coming as tribute\nfrom the districts. It was as large as I have before described, and\nthere was further grandeur in the matter of images and ancient relics.\n\nWhen they had enjoyed themselves for as many days as the Inca Yupanqui\nthought proper, he spoke his wishes to them, that they should go to the\ncountry of the Huancas, and their neighbours the Yauyos, and induce them\nto embrace his friendship and service, without making war; but that if\nthey refused, then they must be conquered and forced to obey. They all\nreplied that they would obey his orders with good will. Captains\nbelonging to each nation were appointed, and Lloque Yupanqui was general\nof the whole army. With him, for counsel, was Capac Yupanqui.[193]\nHaving received their instructions, they set out from Cuzco and marched\nto the province of Andahuaylas, where they were well received by the\nChancas. There set out from that province with them a captain named\nAncoallo, with a large force, to serve in the war of the Inca.\n\nFrom Andahuaylas they went to Vilcas, where were the edifices and temple\nwhich Inca Yupanqui had ordered to be erected, and they spoke with all\nfriendship to those who were engaged on the works. From Vilcas they\nmarched by the towns of Guananga, Camgaron,[194] Parcos, Picoy, and\nArcos, which had already submitted to the Inca, and supplied all the\nprovisions they had, besides making the royal road, large and very wide,\naccording to orders.\n\nThe people of the valley of Xauxa, when they knew that the enemy was\napproaching, showed great alarm, and sought help from their relations\nand friends, and in their own temple of Huarivilca they offered up great\nsacrifices to the demon which there gave replies. When the succours\narrived there was a great multitude, for they say that more than 40,000\nmen assembled where now I do not know that there are 12,000. The Inca\ncaptains took up a position overlooking the valley, and wished to gain\nthe goodwill of the Huancas, and to induce them to come to Cuzco and\nrecognise the king as their lord, without fighting. With this purpose\nthey sent messengers, but without success. Then there was a great\nbattle, in which they say that many were killed on both sides, those of\nCuzco remaining conquerors. Lloque Yupanqui was a very circumspect\nleader. He would allow no harm to be done in the valley, prohibited all\nrobbery, and he released the captives. Seeing the clemency with which\nconquered people were treated, the Huancas came to speak with the Incas,\nand promised to live in accordance with the ordinances of the kings of\nCuzco, and to pay tribute of such produce as they had in the valley.\nLeaving their villages on the hill-sides, they sowed the land without\ndividing it, until the time of the king Huayna Capac, who marked out the\nland which was to belong to each lineage,[195] and they sent\nmessengers.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER L.\n\n_How the Captains of the Inca left Xauxa, and what happened; and how\nAncoallo departed from among them._\n\n\nThe inhabitants of Bonbon, according to what they relate, had heard of\nthe events of Xauxa, and how the Huancas had been defeated, and,\nsuspecting that the conquerors intended to continue their march, they\ndetermined to be prepared, so that they might not be taken unawares.\nPutting their women and children, with the property they could collect,\non a lake[196] which is near their abode, they waited for what might\nhappen. The Inca Captains, when they had arranged the affairs at Xauxa,\nset out and advanced as far as Bonbon, but as the people had taken\nrefuge on the lake, they were unable to do other harm than eat their\nprovisions. They then passed onwards and came to Tarama, where they\nfound the people in arms. There was a battle, in which many of the\npeople of Tarama were killed and taken prisoners, and those of Cuzco\nremained victors. As it was the will of the king that those of Tarama\nshould pay tribute and serve like the people of other provinces, in\nreturn for which they would be favoured and well treated, they agreed to\nall that was demanded from them. An account was then sent to Cuzco of\nall that had been done in this province of Tarama.\n\nThe Chancas relate that, as the Indians who came forth from the province\nof Andahuaylas with the chief Ancoallo had performed great deeds in\nthese wars the Inca captains were jealous. They also bore a grudge\nagainst him for what had happened before during the seige of Cuzco. So\nthey determined to kill him. They ordered him to be sent for; but as\nthey came in large numbers with their captain, the Chancas understood\ntheir intention and, taking up arms, they defended themselves against\nthose of Cuzco. Although some were killed, others were able, owing to\nthe stoutness and bravery of Ancoallo, to get away. They complained to\ntheir gods of the bad faith of the Orejones, and of their ingratitude,\ndeclaring that, to see them no more, they would go into voluntary exile.\nTaking their women with them, they marched through the provinces of\nHuanuco and Chachapoyas, and, passing the forests of the Andes, they\narrived at a very large lake which, I believe, must be that described in\nthe story of El Dorado. Here they established their settlement, and\nmultiplied. The Indians relate great things of that land and of the\nchief Ancoallo.[197]\n\nThe Inca captains, after what has been written had come to pass,\nreturned to the valley of Xauxa, where already great presents and many\nwomen had been got together to be sent to Cuzco, and the people of\nTarama did the same. The news of all this arrived at Cuzco, and when the\nInca heard it, he rejoiced at the success of his captains, although it\nshowed that he was displeased at what had happened respecting Ancoallo.\nBut this was, as it is believed, a kind of dissimulation, for some\ndeclared that what was done by the captains was in accordance with his\norders. As Tupac Uasco and the other Chancas had gone to make war in the\nCollao, and had been victorious, the Inca reflected that, when they knew\nwhat had happened to Ancoallo, they would turn against their sovereign\nand commit treason. So he sent messengers with orders to desire that\nthey would come to him, and he commanded, on pain of death, that no one\nshould tell the Chancas what had happened.\n\nThe Chancas, as soon as they received the command of the Inca, came to\nCuzco; and when they arrived the Inca spoke to them lovingly but with\nmuch dissimulation, concealing his evil dealings with Ancoallo, and\nmaking it appear, by his words, that he had been himself displeased. The\nChancas, when they understood, did not fail to feel the affront, but\nseeing how little satisfaction could be obtained, they asked permission\nto return to their province. Having been granted leave, they set out,\nthe Inca giving their principal lord the privilege of sitting in a chair\nenriched with gold; and other favours.\n\nThe Inca took care to adorn the temple of Curi-cancha with great riches,\nas has already been mentioned. And as Cuzco possessed many provinces in\nall directions, he gave several to the temple, and he ordered posts to\nbe stationed, that all his subjects should speak one language, and that\nthe royal road should be constructed. Other things are related of this\nking. It is said that he had great knowledge of the stars, and that he\nhad some acquaintance with the movements of the sun. Hence he took the\nname of Inca Yupanqui, which means a name of counting[198] and of much\nunderstanding. Finding himself so powerful, and notwithstanding that he\nhad great edifices and royal houses in Cuzco, he ordered three walls of\nmost excellent masonry to be built, that it might be a memorial work.\nAnd so it appears to this day, no one seeing it without praising it, and\nrecognizing the genius of the masters who conceived it. Each wall has a\nlength of 300 paces.[199] They call one Pucamarca, another Hatun-cancha,\nand the third Cassana.[200] The walls are of excellent stones, so well\nadjusted that there is no disproportion, and so admirably laid and\nfitted that the joining between them cannot be discerned. The great\npart of these edifices is so strong and solid that, if they are not\ndemolished, they will endure for many ages.\n\nWithin these walls there were buildings like the others they use, where\nthere were a number of mamaconas and other women and damsels of the\nking, who worked and wove the fine cloth, and there were many pieces of\ngold and silver, and vases of those metals. I saw many of these stones\nin the walls, and I was amazed how, being so enormous, they could have\nbeen so admirably set in position.\n\nWhen they had their dances and great festivals in Cuzco much chicha was\nmade by these women; and as people came to Cuzco from so many parts,\nthere was an order that overseers should be placed to watch that none of\nthe gold and silver that was brought in should be taken out again. And\ngovernors were placed over different parts of the kingdom, who ruled\nwith great justice and order.\n\nAs at this time the Inca ordered the fortress of Cuzco to be built, I\nwill say something concerning it, it being so worthy of notice.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LI.\n\n_How the Royal House of the Sun was founded on a hill overlooking Cuzco\ntowards the north, which the Spaniards usually call the fortress_; _and\nits wonderful Construction, and the size of the stones that are to be\nseen there._\n\n\nThe city of Cuzco is built in a valley, and on the slopes of hills, as I\nexplained in the first part of this history[201] and from the edifices\nthemselves run broad terraces on which they sow their crops, and they\nrise one above the other like walls, so that the whole slopes were\nformed in these _andenes_, which made the city stronger, although its\nposition is naturally strong. For this reason the lords selected it, out\nof so many other sites. The dominion of the kings was now become\nextensive and powerful, and Inca Yupanqui entertained far-reaching\nthoughts. Notwithstanding that the temple of the Sun, called\n_Curi-cancha_, had been enriched and beautified by himself, and that he\nhad erected other great edifices, he resolved to build another house of\nthe Sun which should surpass all existing temples, and to enrich it with\nall the things that could be obtained, as well gold and silver as\nprecious stones, fine cloth, arms of all the different kinds they used,\nmunitions of war, shoes, plumes of feathers, skins of animals and birds,\n_coca_, sacks of wool, and valuables of a thousand kinds, in short, all\nthings of which they had any knowledge. This work was begun with such\nlofty aspirations, that if their monarchy had endured until to-day it\nwould not yet have been completed.\n\nThe Inca ordered that the provinces should provide 20,000 men and that\nthe villages should send the necessary provisions. If any fell sick,\nanother labourer was to supply his place, and he was to return to his\nhome. But these Indians were not kept constantly at a work in progress.\nThey laboured for a limited time, and were then relieved by others, so\nthat they did not feel the demand on their services. There were 4,000\nlabourers whose duty it was to quarry and get out the stones; 6,000\nconveyed them by means of great cables of leather and of _cabuya_[202]\nto the works. The rest opened the ground and prepared the foundations,\nsome being told off to cut the posts and beams for the wood-work. For\ntheir greater convenience, these labourers made their dwelling-huts,\neach lineage apart, near the place where the works were progressing. To\nthis day most of the walls of these lodgings may be seen. Overseers were\nstationed to superintend, and there were great masters of the art of\nbuilding who had been well instructed. Thus on the highest part of a\nhill to the north of the city, and little more than an arquebus-shot\nfrom it, this fortress was built which the natives called the House of\nthe Sun, but which we named the Fortress.\n\nThe living rock was excavated for the foundation, which was prepared\nwith such solidity that it will endure as long as the world itself. The\nwork had, according to my estimate, a length of 330 paces,[203] and a\nwidth of 200. Its walls were so strong that there is no artillery which\ncould breach them. The principal entrance was a thing worthy of\ncontemplation, to see how well it was built, and how the walls were\narranged so that one commanded the other. And in these walls there were\nstones so large and mighty that it tired the judgment to conceive how\nthey could have been conveyed and placed, and who could have had\nsufficient power to shape them, seeing that among these people there are\nso few tools. Some of these stones are of a width of twelve feet and\nmore than twenty long, others are thicker than a bullock.[204] All the\nstones are laid and joined with such delicacy that a rial could not be\nput in between two of them.\n\nI went to see this edifice twice. On one occasion I was accompanied by\nTomas Vasquez,[205] a conqueror, and on the other I found Hernando de\nGuzman there, he who was present at the siege,[206] and Juan de la\nHaya.[207] Those who read this should believe that I relate nothing that\nI did not see. As I walked about, observing what was to be seen, I\nbeheld, near the fortress, a stone which measured 260 of my _palmos_ in\ncircuit, and so high that it looked as if it was in its original\nposition. All the Indians say that the stone got tired at this point,\nand that they were unable to move it further.[208] Assuredly if I had\nnot myself seen that the stone had been hewn and shaped I should not\nhave believed, however much it might have been asserted, that the force\nof man would have sufficed to bring it to where it now is. There it\nremains, as a testimony of what manner of men those were who conceived\nso good a work. The Spaniards have so pillaged and ruined it, that I\nshould be sorry to have been guilty of the fault of those in power who\nhave permitted so magnificent a work to be so ruined. They have not\nconsidered the time to come, for it would have been better to have\npreserved the edifice and to have put a guard over it.[209]\n\nThere were many buildings within the fortress, some small, one over the\nother, and others, which were large, were underground. They made two\nblocks of buildings, one larger than the other, wide and so well-built,\nthat I know not how I can exaggerate the art with which the stones are\nlaid and worked; and they say that the subterranean edifices are even\nbetter. Other things were told me, which I do not repeat, because I am\nnot certain of their accuracy. This fortress was commenced in the time\nof Ynca Yupanqui. His son, Tupac Inca, as well as Huayna Ccapac and\nHuascar, worked much at it, and although it is still worthy of\nadmiration, it was formerly without comparison grander. When the\nSpaniards entered Cuzco, the Indians of Quizquiz had already collected\ngreat treasure; but some was still found, and it is believed that there\nis a great quantity in the vicinity. It would be well to give orders for\nthe preservation of what is left of this fortress, and of that of\nHuarcu,[210] as memorials of the grandeur of this people, and even for\nutility, as they could be made serviceable at so little cost. With this\nI will return to the narrative.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LII.\n\n_How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco and marched to the Collao, and of\nwhat happened there._\n\n\nThese Indians have no letters, and can only preserve their history by\nthe memory of events handed down from generation to generation, and by\ntheir songs and _quipus_. I say this, because their narratives vary in\nmany particulars, some saying one thing, and others giving a different\nversion. Human judgment would not suffice to decide what is truest,\nwithout taking, from these various stories, what the people themselves\nconsider to be most accurate, for record. I write this for the benefit\nof the Spaniards who are in Peru, and who pretend to a knowledge of many\nnative secrets. They are aware that I knew and understood what they\nthink that they know and understand, and a good deal more; and that from\nall this, I have decided upon writing what they will see, having worked\nhard at collecting the materials, as they themselves well know.\n\nThe Orejones relate that, the affairs of Inca Yupanqui being in this\nstate, he determined to set out from Cuzco with a large force, to march\nto the region they call Collao. Leaving a governor in the city, he set\nout and marched until he arrived at the great town of Ayaviri. The\npeople did not wish to come to him in due form. The Inca, therefore,\ntook them by surprise, and killed all the inhabitants, both men and\nwomen, doing the same to the people of Copacopa. The destruction of\nAyaviri was such, that nearly all perished. There only remained a few\nwho were horrified to see so great a calamity, and wandered, like mad\ncreatures, in the fields, calling on their ancestors with great moanings\nand words of fear.[211] The Inca hit upon the useful idea of planting a\ncolony in the beautiful meadows and fields of Ayaviri, near which the\nbright river flows; and he ordered that sufficient _mitimaes_ should\ncome, with their women, to people the district. So it was done, and\nlarge buildings with a temple of the Sun were erected for them, with a\nstorehouse and provisions. Thus Ayaviri, peopled by _mitimaes_,\ncontinued to be more prosperous than it was before; and the Indians who\nsurvived from the wars and the cruelty of the Spaniards, are all\ndescended from _mitimaes_, and not from natives, as has been written.\n\nBesides this, they relate that certain captains having gone, by order of\nthe Inca, with a sufficient force to make war on those of Anti-suyu,\ncomprising the tribes in the forests to the eastward, they came upon\nsnakes as large as thick beams, which killed all they could, insomuch\nthat, without seeing any other enemy, these creatures made war on them\nin such sort, that very few returned out of the great number that set\nout. The Inca was much incensed when he received this news. Being with\nhis followers, a sorceress said to him that she would go and charm the\nsnakes, so that they should be gentle and foolish, and do no harm to any\none, even though they themselves should feel the desire. Approving of\nthe plan, if it should be equal to the promise, the Inca ordered it to\nbe put in execution, which was done accordingly in the belief of the\npeople, but not of mine, because it seems nonsense. The snakes having\nbeen enchanted, the enemies were attacked, many were made to submit by\nforce, and others by persuasion and kind words.\n\nThe Inca set out from Ayaviri, and they say that he marched by the road\nof Omasayo, which was, for the convenience of his royal person, made\nbroad as we now see it. He went by Asillo and Azangaro, where he had\nsome encounters with the natives. But he spoke such words, and gave them\nsuch presents, that he brought them to his friendship and service.\nThenceforward they adopted the policy which all other tribes use who\nhave friendship and alliance with the Incas, and they arranged their\nhabitations in towns on the open plain.\n\nPassing forward, they relate that the Inca Yupanqui visited the other\ntribes bordering on the great lake of Titicaca; and, by his wise\ndealings, he brought them all into his service. In each town he wore the\ndress used by the natives, a thing which gave great pleasure to them. He\nentered upon the lake of Titicaca, and beheld the islands which are\nsurrounded by it, ordering a temple of the Sun and palaces to be erected\non the largest, for the use of himself and his descendants. Having\nbrought the whole region of the Collao under his sway, he returned in\ngreat triumph to Cuzco, where, as soon as he entered, he ordered that\nthere should be the customary festivals, and people came from the other\nprovinces with valuable presents, and the governors and delegates were\nvery careful to comply with all that the Inca commanded.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LIII.\n\n_How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and what he did._\n\n\nThe fame of Inca Yupanqui flew over the land in such wise that his great\ndeeds were discussed in all parts. Many, without seeing either banner or\ncaptain of his, came to know more and to offer vassalage, affirming that\nhis ancestors must have fallen from heaven, seeing that they knew how to\nlive in such concert and honour. Inca Yupanqui, without losing his\ngravity, answered them kindly, that he did not wish to injure any nation\nwhatever, but that they should obey him, seeing that the Sun wished and\ncommanded it. When he had again assembled an army, he set out towards\nthe region called Condesuyo (Cunti-suyu), and subjugated the Yanahuaras\nand Chumbivilicas, and with some other tribes of Condesuyo he had sharp\nencounters. Yet, although they offered much opposition, his power and\nability were such that, after much loss to themselves, they accepted him\nas lord, as the rest had done. Having arranged the affairs of these\ndistricts, and appointed rulers over the people, ordering that they\nshould do no injury to his subjects, he returned to Cuzco. First,\nhowever, he placed governors in the principal places, whose duty it was\nto regulate the affairs of the provinces, both as regards the mode of\nliving of the people, including the assembling into regular towns, and\nthe prevention of any wrong being done, even to the most humble.\n\nAfter this, they further relate that the Inca rested for some days at\nCuzco, for he wished to proceed in person to the Andes (Antis), whither\nhe had sent his spies and harbingers to examine the country and report\nupon the condition of the people. As the whole country was, by his\norder, full of deposits of provisions, he arranged that the road he had\nto take should be well supplied, and it was so. He then set out from\nCuzco with the captains and men of war, leaving a governor for the\nadministration of justice. Traversing the mountains and snowy passes, he\nreceived reports from his scouts, touching the density of the forests,\nand how that, although they found the great snakes which are engendered\nin these thickets, yet they did no harm; yet the scouts were astounded\nto see how fierce and monstrous they were.\n\nWhen the natives of these parts knew that the Inca had entered their\ncountry, as many of them had already been engaged in his service by the\ncaptains who preceded him, they came to do _mucha_[212], bringing\npresents of plumes of feathers, coca, and other products of their land,\nand he received them all kindly. As regards the rest of the Indians in\nthe forests, those who wished to be his vassals sent messengers, and\nthose who did not, abandoned their habitations and retired with their\nwomen into the densest parts of the forests.\n\nInca Yupanqui received important information that, after a few days\u2019\njourney to the eastward, there was a rich and well-peopled country. He\nbecame very anxious to discover it, and would have passed onward. But\ntidings came of some disturbance at Cuzco, when he had arrived at a\nplace called Marcapata. So he returned in great haste to Cuzco, where he\nremained for some days.\n\nThe Indians say that the province of the Collao was very large, and in\nthose days it contained a great number of people and of lordships among\nthe natives, which were very powerful. When they knew that Inca Yupanqui\nhad entered the forests of the Antis, believing that he would either be\nkilled there or return defeated, they agreed as one man, from Vilca\u00f1ota\nonwards, but in great secrecy, to rebel and not to continue under the\ndominion of the Incas. They declared that united they were great, that\ntheir fathers had been free, and they would not remain captive, with so\nmany lands subject to one sole lord. They all detested the rule which\nthe Inca had placed over them, although they had received no injury or\nill treatment, nor had the governors or delegates been tyrannical or\nexacting. But they assembled in Hatuncolla and in Chucuito, where there\nmet together Cari, and Zapana, and Humalla, and the lord of Azangaro,\nand many others. They made their vow, in accordance with their\nblindness, to proceed with their design and resolve; and for greater\nassurance, they all drank from one cup, and ordered that it should be\nplaced in a temple amongst sacred things, as a testimony of what they\nhad done. Throughout the empire this rebellion in the Collao, and the\ndeaths that had been inflicted on the Orejones, became known. The\ntidings led to other disturbances in several parts, and in many places\nthere were insurrections. This disturbed the arrangements respecting the\n_mitimaes_. The governors were warned; and above all, the great valour\nof Tupac Inca Yupanqui was displayed, who reigned from that time, as I\nshall explain.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LIV.\n\n_How the Inca Yupanqui, having grown very old, resigned the Government\nof the Kingdom to Tupac Inca, his Son._\n\n\nInca Yupanqui did not betray any anxiety in public when he received news\nof the insurrection in the Collao, but, with great resolution, he\nordered an army to be assembled that he might go in person to punish the\nrebels. He sent his messengers to the Canas and Canchis, exhorting them\nto remain firm in their allegiance without allowing the inconstancy of\nthe Collao to affect them. When the Inca was on the point of setting out\nfrom Cuzco, being very old, he felt tired of the wars he had waged, and\nof the long journeys he had made, and so bowed down and broken, that he\nconsidered himself unfit, either for this campaign, or for the continued\ngovernment of so great an empire. So he sent for the High Priest and\nOrejones, and the principal men of the city, and said that he was now so\nold that his proper place was by the fireside, and not conducting a\ncampaign.[213] He gave them to understand that this was said in all\nsincerity, and that they should take his son Tupac Inca Yupanqui for\ntheir Inca, a resolute youth, as they had seen in the former war in\nwhich he had served. He told them to deliver the fringe to him, that he\nmight be venerated and acknowledged by all as their lord. He would then\ntake steps for the punishment of the rebels in the Collao who had risen\nand put to death the Orejones and delegates who had been left amongst\nthem.\n\nThose for whom he had sent, replied that all should be done as he\ndesired, and that they would obey in all things as they always had done.\nIn the provinces of the Canchis and Canas they made great receptions\nwith rich presents, and they had constructed, in the place they called\nCacha, some edifices very worthy to behold, after the fashion which is\nusual with them.\n\nThe Collas, when they knew that Tupac Inca was marching against them in\ngreat power, sought help from their neighbours, and assembled most of\nthem with the determination to await his approach, and to give him\nbattle. They relate that Tupac Inca had news of all this, and that, as\nhis disposition was merciful, and although he well knew the advantage he\nhad over his enemies, he sent from among his neighbours, the Canas, some\nmessengers to declare that his desire was not to be an enemy, and to\npunish in proportion to the crime that had been committed, when the\ngovernors and delegates of his father were killed without having done\nany wrong whatever. His wish was that they should lay down their arms\nand submit, that they might be well governed, and recognise one\nsovereign, rather than many lords.\n\nWith this message an Orejon was sent, carrying some presents for the\nprincipal people among the Collas. But it availed nothing, nor did they\ndesire to swear allegiance, but rather to maintain the confederation\nthey had formed. With the lords of their villages as captains, they\nadvanced towards the position where Tupac Inca was encamped. All\naccounts agree that, in the town called Pucara they took up a position\nin a fortress which they had made there, and when the Inca arrived they\nprepared to fight with their accustomed shouts. There was a battle\nbetween the opposing forces, in which many were killed on both sides,\nbut the Collas were defeated. Great numbers were taken prisoners, both\nmen and women, and there would have been more if the Inca had caused the\npursuit to be more hotly continued. The Inca spoke sharply to Cari, the\nlord of Chucuito, asking him how he had answered to the peace which his\ngrandfather Viracocha Inca had established with him. He said he would\nnot kill him, but would send him to Cuzco, where he would be punished.\nAccordingly, he and the other prisoners were sent to Cuzco under guard;\nand, in memory of the victory over the Collas in that place, the Inca\nordered great images of stone to be set up, and a huge piece of the hill\nto be broken up, as well as other things, which he will see and note who\ntravels that way. I did myself, and I remained there two days to see and\nunderstand everything thoroughly.[214]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LV.\n\n_How the Collas asked for peace, and how the Inca granted it and\nreturned to Cuzco._\n\n\nThe Collas who escaped from the battle were much astonished at the\nresult, and made haste to get away, believing that those of Cuzco were\nclosely following. So they fled in terror, turning their heads from time\nto time to see what was not there, for the Inca had stopped the pursuit.\nHaving crossed the Desaguadero, all the principal chiefs assembled and\ntook counsel together. They determined to send to the Inca and ask for\npeace, and, if he received them into his service, that they would pay\nthe tribute that was due up to the time they rebelled, and that\nhereafter they would always be loyal. The most important among them were\nchosen to treat on this matter, and they met Tupac Inca advancing in\npursuit. He listened to the embassy with complacency, and answered with\nthe words of a human conqueror, saying that he grieved for what had\nhappened owing to their conduct, and that they might safely come to\nChucuito, where he would arrange the terms of peace in such a way as\nwould be profitable to them. When they heard this, they put the matter\nin train.\n\nThe Inca ordered large supplies to be brought, and the lord Humalla came\nto receive him. The Inca spoke favourably both to him and the other\nlords and captains. Before the peace was arranged, they relate that\ngreat dancing and drinking festivals were celebrated. When they were\nconcluded, and all the chiefs being assembled, the Inca said that he\nshould not require the arrears of tribute to be paid, as they amounted\nto a large quantity. But as they had rebelled without cause or reason,\nit would be necessary to station garrisons of men of war, and that they\nmust supply the soldiers with provisions and women. They said that they\nwould do this; and he also ordered that _mitimaes_ should come from\nother lands, and that a large number of emigrants from the Collas should\nbe removed from their own districts to others. Governors and delegates\nwere left amongst them, to collect the tribute. This being done, the\nInca said that they must abide by a law which he should ordain, that\ntheir conduct might always be had in memory. The law was that only one\nthousand natives of their province should ever enter Cuzco, including\nwomen, on pain of death if more should enter. They were grieved at this\norder, but they agreed to comply with it, as with the rest of his\ncommands. It is certain that if there was the fixed number of Collas in\nCuzco, no others could enter after the number was complete, until some\nwent out, and, if they wished to do so, they could not, because the\ngate-keepers, collectors of tolls, and guards who were stationed to see\nwho went in and out, would not permit or consent to it. Among these\npeople they did not resort to bribery to gain their ends, nor did they\never tell a lie to their kings on any account, nor betray a secret. This\nis a thing worthy of all praise.\n\nHaving settled the affairs of the province of Collao, put things in\norder, and given the chiefs their instructions, the Inca returned to\nCuzco, first sending his messengers to Condesuyos and to the Antis, to\nreport what had taken place there, whether the governor had committed\nany fault, or the natives had made any disturbance. Accompanied by a\ngreat company and many principal chiefs, he entered Cuzco, and was\nreceived with much honor. They offered up great sacrifices to the Sun,\nand there were festivities for those who were engaged in the work of\nbuilding the fortress by order of Inca Yupanqui. The Coya, wife and\nsister of the Inca, named Mama Ocllo, also made great rejoicings with\nfestivity and dancing.\n\nTupac Inca now determined to set out on the road of Chincha-suyu, to\nsubjugate the provinces beyond Tarama and Bonbon. He, therefore, ordered\na general summons to be issued for soldiers to assemble throughout the\nprovinces.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LVI.\n\n_How Tupac Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and how he conquered all\nthe country from thence to Quito, and touching his great deeds._\n\n\nI could well give a longer account of this conquest of Quito by Tupac\nInca Yupanqui, but I have so much to write touching other events that I\ncannot spare the space, nor can I relate what he did, except summarily.\nOn the departure of the king from the city of Cuzco, it was not known in\nwhat direction he was going to make war, because he did not make known\nhis intention, except to his councillors. More than 200,000 men\nassembled, with so much baggage and stores that the plain was covered\nwith them. He sent orders, by the posts, to the governors of provinces\nthat all should bring provisions, munitions, and arms to the royal road\nof Chincha-suyu. This road was made without deviating from the line\ntraced by order of his father, nor so near it as that both could be\njoined into one. It was grand and very handsomely constructed, with the\norder and industry touching which I have already written, and in all\nparts there were preparations for the great multitude that was to pass\nalong it, without anything being wanting. None of the king\u2019s soldiers\nwere allowed to pick so much as a cob of maize, and, if any man did, it\ndid not cost him less than his life. The natives carried the loads, and\nperformed the other personal services, but it may be held for certain\nthat they did not go beyond the appointed places; and as they worked\nwillingly, and faith and justice were observed towards them, they did\nnot feel the work.\n\nA garrison, with _mitimaes_, and a governor selected from among the most\nfaithful of his friends, were left in Cuzco. The Inca then set out,\ntaking, as his captain-general and chief councillor, his uncle, Ccapac\nYupanqui, not he who made the war against those of Xauxa, for that chief\nhad been put to death owing to some offence he had given. The Inca\nadvanced to Vilcas, where he stopped for some days, enjoying the sight\nof the temple and other edifices that had been built. He ordered that\nthere should always be silversmiths making vases and other ornaments for\nthe temple and palace of Vilcas.\n\nThe Inca arrived at Xauxa, where the Huancas prepared a solemn\nreception. Thence he sent messengers in all directions, announcing to\nthe people that he desired to win their friendship, without giving them\noffence or making war. He said that they must have heard how the Incas\nof Cuzco exercised no tyranny and imposed no exactions on those who were\ntheir allies and vassals, and that, in exchange for the service and\nhomage they gave, they received much good from their sovereign. In\nBonbon they knew the great power with which the Inca came, and, as they\nexpected great things from his clemency, they came to do him homage.\nThose of Yauyo did the same, as well as those of Apurima and many\nothers. He received them all very well, giving women to some, to others\ncoca, and to others mantles and shirts. He himself wore the dress of the\npeople among whom he was, which was the way in which they received most\nsatisfaction.\n\nIn the provinces which lie between Xauxa and Caxamalca, they relate that\nthere were some wars, and he ordered forts and strongholds to be made\nfor defence against the natives. But, generally, he subdued them by his\npolicy, and without shedding much blood, as well the intermediate\ntribes, as those of Caxamalca. In all parts he left governors and\ndelegates, and established posts to keep open his communications. He did\nnot leave any great province without ordering houses and a Temple of the\nSun to be built, and establishing _mitimaes_. They also relate that he\nentered Huanuco, and ordered that fine palace to be built, which we\nbehold to this day.[215] Being among those of Chachapoyas, he waged such\nwar that they were defeated at all points. In Caxamalca the Inca left\npeople of Cuzco, that they might instruct the natives touching what they\nshould wear, and the tribute they should contribute, and, above all, how\nthey should worship and reverence the Sun as their god.\n\nIn all parts they called the Inca their father, and he took care that no\none should do any damage in the fields by which they passed, nor\nill-treat any man or woman. He who committed any such offence was\npresently punished with death. He arranged that those who submitted\nshould build their towns in due order, that they should not wage war\nupon each other, nor eat human flesh, nor commit any other crimes\nagainst the law of nature.\n\nHe entered the country of the Bracamoras, but returned flying, for it is\nan evil region covered with forest. In the country of the Paltas, in\nHuancabamba, Caxas, and Ayavaca, he had great trouble in subjugating the\npeople, who were strong and warlike. They maintained the contest against\nhim during more than five moons. At length they asked for peace, which\nwas granted with the usual conditions. On one day the peace was\nestablished, and on the next, the country was full of _mitimaes_ with\ngovernors, without depriving the native chiefs. Store-houses were\nbuilt, provisions were collected in them, and the royal road was\nconstructed, with a series of forts throughout.\n\nFrom these districts, Tupac Ynca Yupanqui advanced until he came to the\ncountry of the Ca\u00f1aris, with whom he also had quarrels and disputes; but\nthe same happened with them as with others, they remained his vassals,\nand he ordered them to proceed to Cuzco and settle in that city--more\nthan 15,000 men, with their women, and the principal chief to govern\nthem. It was done as he commanded. Some pretend that the sending of the\nCa\u00f1aris to Cuzco happened in the time of Huayna Ccapac. At Tumebamba,\nthe Inca ordered great edifices to be built, respecting which I treated\nin the First Part.[216] From this place he sent embassies in various\ndirections, inviting the people to come and see him, and many, without\nmaking war, offered their services. Those who took another course were\nobliged, by an advance of captains and troops, to do by force what\nothers did of their own free will.\n\nThe affairs of the country of the Ca\u00f1aris having been settled, the Inca\nmarched by Tiquizambi, Cayambi, and the Purnaes, and many other\ndistricts, where they recount great things that he did; and the\nknowledge he must have possessed to make himself monarch of such great\nkingdoms, seems almost incredible. In Tacunga, he waged fierce war with\nthe natives, and, after they were subdued, he made peace. Here he\nordered such grand edifices to be erected as to exceed those of Cuzco in\nperfection. He rested at Tacunga for some days; and nearly every day a\nmessenger arrived from Cuzco, reporting the state of affairs there,\nwhile, from other parts, the runners constantly arrived with reports on\nthe administration of the different provinces by the governors. And\ntidings arrived of a disturbance at Cuzco among the Orejones themselves,\nwhich caused some anxiety. But another report quickly followed that all\nwas settled again, and that the governor of the city had severely\npunished the authors of the uproar.\n\nFrom Tacunga the Inca advanced until he came to the place we call Quito,\nwhere the city of San Francisco del Quito is founded. As the country\nseemed inviting, and as good as Cuzco, the Inca here founded a place\nwhich he called Quito, peopling it with _mitimaes_. Here he made\nedifices and store-houses, saying, \u201cCuzco must be the capital of one\npart of my great empire and Quito of the other.\u201d He gave important\npowers to the Governor of Quito, and placed his own governors and\ndelegates in all the surrounding districts. He ordered that there should\nbe a garrison of men, both for peace and war, at Caranguri; and he\nremoved the inhabitants from one village to another, making them\nexchange their abodes. In all parts they worshipped the Sun, and adopted\nthe customs of the Incas, insomuch that it appeared as if they had all\nbeen born in Cuzco. They loved the Inca so much that they called him\nFather of all, the good Lord, the just, the judge. In the province of\nthe Ca\u00f1aris, they assert that Huayna Ccapac was born, and that great\nfestivities took place at his birth. All the inhabitants of those\nprovinces which had been brought under the orderly rule of the great\nTupac Inca, arranged their towns with regularity, and made rest-houses\non the royal roads. They were diligent to learn the general language of\nCuzco and the laws which it was their duty to observe. Masters who came\nfrom Cuzco super-intended the building of the edifices, and instructed\nothers in the art; and in like manner the rest of the things which the\nking ordered were completed.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LVII.\n\n_How the Inca sent from Quito to know whether his commands had been\nobeyed, and how, leaving that province in good order, he set out to go\nto the valleys of the Yuncas._\n\n\nWhen Tupac Inca Yupanqui had become lord of the country as far as Quito,\nin the manner already described, and being himself still at Quito, he\nresolved to take steps to ensure that his orders were complied with and\ncarried out. He, therefore, directed those who among his followers were\nmost expert to be carried by the natives in hammocks, some to one part,\nsome to another, overlooking and examining the condition of the new\nprovinces, taking account of the governors and collectors of tribute,\nand judging of their dealings with the natives.\n\nThe Inca sent his Orejones to the provinces which we call Puerto\nViejo,[217] to induce the inhabitants to submit, as the others had done,\nand to instruct them how they were to sow, to work, to dress, and to\nworship the Sun, and to make them understand the orderly system of\nliving, and of policy. They relate that these Orejones were killed, as a\nreward for the good they came to do; and that Tupac Inca sent certain\ncaptains, with troops, to punish the murderers. But when the barbarians\nknew of their approach, they assembled in such numbers that they\nconquered and killed the Inca\u2019s troops, at which he showed anger. But as\nhe had important affairs on his hands, and had occasion to proceed in\nperson to Cuzco, he was not in a position to chastise them for what they\nhad done.\n\nAt Quito, the Inca received news that his orders had been well attended\nto in the provinces, and that his delegates had instructed the people\nover whom they were placed, and had treated them well; while the people\nwere happy, and did what was required of them. From many lords there\narrived ambassadors every day, with valuable presents, and the Inca\u2019s\ncourt was full of great men, and his palaces of vases of gold and\nsilver, and other precious things. In the morning the Inca had a meal,\nand from noon until rather late he gave public audiences to those who\ndesired to speak with him, accompanied by his guard. From that time\nuntil the night he passed in drinking, and then supper was served by the\nlight of torches. For these people did not use tallow or wax, although\nthey had plenty of both.\n\nThe Inca left a venerable Orejon in Quito, as the captain-general and\nlieutenant, who, according to all accounts, was intelligent, brave, and\nof noble presence. His name was Chalco Mayta, and he was given\npermission to travel in a litter and to be served in gold, and other\nprivileges which he highly appreciated. Above all things, he was ordered\nto send a messenger to the Inca every month, with a full report of all\nthat had happened, of the condition of the country, the yield of the\nharvests, increase of flocks, as well as the usual reports of the annual\ndeaths and births, according to the system already described. The great\nroad from Quito to Cuzco, which is a greater distance than from Seville\nto Rome, was as much used as the road from Seville to Triana, and I\ncannot say more.\n\nThe great Tupac Inca had long heard of the fertility of the coast\nvalleys and of their beauty, and of the great esteem in which their\nlords were held. He now determined to send messengers with presents for\nthe principal men, and a request that they would receive him as a friend\nand comrade, as he, in like manner, desired to be with them. He said\nthat when he passed through their valleys, he would not make war if they\ndesired peace, that he would give them some of his women and cloths, and\nwould take theirs in exchange, with other things of a like nature.\nThroughout the coast the tidings of the great conquests of Tupac Ynca\nYupanqui had spread, and that he was not cruel nor bloodthirsty, nor did\nharm to any except those who were troublesome and opposed themselves to\nhim. Those who brought the news also praised the customs and religion of\nthe people of Cuzco, holding the Orejones to be sacred persons, and that\nthe Incas were either children of the Sun or had some deity within\nthemselves. Considering these and other reports, many resolved to seek\nthe Inca\u2019s friendship before they had even seen his banners, and they\nsent their ambassadors with messages to that effect, and bearing many\npresents. They requested him to be pleased to come to their valleys to\nenjoy the delights of them and to be served by the inhabitants.\nApproving of their wish, and giving fresh instructions to the Governor\nof Quito, the Inca left that city to assume dominion over the Yuncas of\nthe coast.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LVIII.\n\n_How Tupac Inca Yupanqui marched by the coast valleys, and how all the\nYuncas came under his dominion._\n\n\nAs the King Tupac Inca had determined to go to the coast valleys, to\nbring the inhabitants under his sway, he descended to that of Tumbez,\nand was respectfully received by the people; to whom he showed much\nkindness, and put on the dress which they usually wore, to give them\nmore contentment. He commended the principal men for wishing to receive\nhim as their lord without going to war, and promised to look upon them\nas his own children. They, being well satisfied to hear his good words\nand to see the way in which he treated them, gave their obedience in\ngood faith, allowing governors to remain with them, and buildings to be\nerected. But some Indians affirm that Tupac Inca passed on without\nmaking any settlement in this district, and that there was none until\nthe reign of Huayna Ccapac. If we attend to everything they say, we\nshall never come to any conclusion.\n\nLeaving this valley, the Inca visited the others on the sea coast,\nmaking a royal road as he travelled, very large and grand, as may be\nseen from what now remains of it. In most parts he was served, and the\npeople came to him with presents, but occasionally there was resistance\nto his advance. However, there was no part where the people did not\neventually submit and become his vassals. In these valleys he rested for\nsome days, drinking and enjoying his pleasures, while he rejoiced to\nlook upon the beauty of the country. Great edifices and temples were\nbuilt by his order. They say that in the valley of Chimu there was a\nfierce war with the lord, and that, in one battle, the Incas were very\nnearly being defeated at all points. But his soldiers were at last able\nto prevail and to conquer their enemies. Tupac Inca, by his clemency,\npardoned them, ordering that those who remained alive should continue\nthe sowing of their lands, and should not again take up arms. The Inca\u2019s\ndelegate remained in Chimu, and the rest of the valley sent their\ntribute to Caxamalca. As the natives were expert in the working of\nmetals, many were sent to Cuzco, and to the capitals of provinces, where\nthey worked gold and silver ornaments and vases, and any other things\nthat were ordered.[218] From Chimu the Inca passed on to\nParmunquilla[219] where he ordered a fortress to be built. It may still\nbe seen, though abandoned and in ruins.\n\nThese Yuncas were very refined, and the lords were luxurious and fond of\nfestivities. They travelled on the shoulders of vassals, had many women,\nwere rich in gold and silver, cloth, precious stones, and flocks. In\nthose times they were served with much pomp. Heralds and buffoons went\nbefore them, porters attended on them, and they observed religious\nceremonies. Some voluntarily submitted to the Inca, while others took up\narms against him; but finally he remained sovereign and lord over the\nwhole of them. He did not deprive them of their liberties, nor prohibit\ntheir ancient customs, so that they might adopt others. He left expert\nmen who could instruct them in all that the Inca desired they should\nunderstand; and great care was taken that they should learn the general\nlanguage. He caused _mitimaes_ to be established, and posts along the\nroads. A moderate tribute was imposed, and that which was given as\ntribute was to be the produce of their own land, so that the people need\nnot seek it from afar; justice was maintained, but what was promised by\nthe people must be fulfilled. If not, the loss was their own, and the\nInca recovered his full revenue. No native lord received a lordship; but\nmany men were taken out of the valleys and removed to others, or were\nremoved to other parts to perform the duties they understood.\n\nThe Inca marched through the remaining valleys in the best order\npossible, not permitting any injury whatever to be done, either in the\ntowns or in the fields that he passed. The natives had plenty of\nprovisions collected in the storehouses that had been built along the\nroad. In this way the Inca advanced until he arrived at the valley of\nPachacamac, where was the very ancient and sacred temple of the Yuncas,\nwhich he wished very much to see. When he arrived at that valley, they\nsay that he only wished that there should be a Temple of the Sun; but as\nhe found that the existing temple was so revered and esteemed by the\nnatives, he did not venture to alter anything. He contented himself with\ncausing a great house of the Sun to be made, with mama-conas and\npriests, that sacrifices might be offered up in accordance with his\nreligion.[220] Many Indians say that the Inca himself spoke with the\ndevil who was in the idol of Pachacamac, and that he heard how the idol\nwas the creator of the world and other nonsense, which I do not put\ndown, because it is not worth while. It is also said that the Inca\nbesought the idol to tell him with what service he would be most pleased\nand honoured, and that the devil replied that they should sacrifice to\nhim much blood of human beings and of sheep.\n\nAfter this they say that great sacrifices were offered up in Pachacamac\nby Tupac Inca Yupanqui, and great festivals were celebrated. The Inca\nthen returned to Cuzco by a road which he made, crossing the snowy range\nof Pariacaca,[221] and coming out in the valley of Xauxa. It is no small\nsight to behold the grandeur of that range, and what great terraces it\nhas, and to this day men pass by that snow-covered region. Visiting the\nmountainous provinces, and ordering and providing what was most\nconducive to good government, the Inca arrived at Cuzco, where he was\nreceived with great festivities and dances, while many sacrifices were\noffered up in the temple, to commemorate his victories.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LIX.\n\n_How Tupac Inca again set out from Cuzco, and of the fierce war he waged\nwith those of Huarco_; _and how, after he had conquered them, he\nreturned to Cuzco_.\n\n\nThe province of Chincha was, in former days, an important part of this\nkingdom of Peru, and very populous, insomuch that, before the time of\nTupac Inca, the Chinchas, with their captains, had made incursions as\nfar as the Collao, whence they returned to their province with great\nspoils.[222] Hence they had always been respected and feared by their\nneighbours. It is said that the Inca, father of Tupac Inca, had sent\nfrom the country of the Soras a captain named Ccapac Inca, to persuade\nthe Chinchas to come under his dominion. Although he went and induced\nsome of them to agree, it was but a small part, for the rest rose up in\narms, and prepared to defend their country in such sort that the Orejon\nmade the best of his way back again.[223] They had not again seen a\ncaptain of the Incas, as they themselves declare, until they were\nsubjugated by Tupac Inca. In this matter, I know no more than what the\npeople themselves relate.\n\nReturning to the narrative, after the Inca had gone back to Cuzco, as\nhas been mentioned, and had devoted as many days as he pleased to\nenjoying himself and to amusements, he gave orders for the assembly of\nanother army, to complete the conquest of the coast region. His commands\nwere obeyed; and soon the captains of the provinces with their\ncontingents of troops arrived at Cuzco. After having made arrangements\nfor the government of the city, he set out from Cuzco, and came down to\nthe coast by the road of Huatara.[224] His approach being known, many\nwaited with the intention of accepting him as their lord, and many\nothers were resolved to make war, and, if possible, to maintain their\nliberties. In the valley of Nasca there were many people and\npreparations for war.\n\nTupac Inca, when he arrived at Nasca, on the coast, received and\ndespatched embassies, and there were some encounters and skirmishes; but\nthey consented to what the Inca required of them, that they should build\nstrong forts, receive _mitimaes_, and pay the tribute imposed on them.\nFrom thence the Inca went to the valley of Yca, where he met with more\nresistance than at Nasca; but his prudence enabled him, without\nfighting, to turn enemies into friends, and these were conciliated like\nthe others. In Chincha, the people were waiting for the arrival of the\nInca in their valley, with more than 30,000 armed men, and they expected\nsupport from their neighbours. Tupac Inca, when he knew it, sent\nmessengers, with great presents, to the chiefs and principal captains,\ninstructing the ambassador to make great offers in his name, to assure\nthem that he did not desire war, but rather peace and brotherhood, and\nother messages of that kind. The Chinchas heard what the Inca said, and\nreceived his presents. Some of their principal men then visited him, and\ntreated of peace with such success, that it was concluded. The Chinchas\nlaid down their arms and received Tupac Inca, who presently proceeded to\nChincha. This account is given both by the Chinchas themselves, and by\nthe Orejones of Cuzco. Other Indians of other provinces, whom I have\nheard, tell the story in a different manner, for they say that there\nwas a great war. But I believe that Tupac Inca became Lord of Chincha\nwithout fighting.[225]\n\nWhen the Inca arrived in that valley, he found it to be so beautiful and\nso extensive, that he rejoiced greatly. He praised the customs of the\nnatives, and with loving words he asked them to adopt such of the\ncustoms of Cuzco as fitted with their own. They were well content, and\nobeyed him in all things. Having made all suitable arrangements, he went\nback to Yca, whence he marched to the valley called Huarco,[226] because\nhe heard that the people were waiting for him in warlike guise. This,\nindeed, was the truth, for the natives of that valley, despising their\nneighbours for having submitted to a strange king without reason, and\ngiven up possession of their lands to him, had assembled with great\nresolution, and had erected strong forts or _pucaras_ within their\nboundaries, near the sea shore. Here they put their women and children.\nThe Inca, marching with his army in battle array, came in sight of the\nenemy, and sent ambassadors with menaces and threats. They, however,\nwould not adopt the rule of their neighbours, which was to submit to\nstrangers, but prepared for war. As the summer was approaching, and the\nheat was great, the soldiers of the Inca fell sick, which induced him to\nretire as cautiously as possible. The Huarcos came forth from their\nvalley, collected their harvests, and sowed their fields. They also got\ntheir arms ready, that they might be ready to receive the people of\nCuzco, if they again came to attack them.\n\nTupac Inca returned to Cuzco; and as men have little constancy, when\nthey saw that the Huarcos remained in possession of their liberties,\nthere began to be changes among them, while some rebelled and threw off\nthe yoke of the Inca. These were natives of the valleys on the sea\ncoast. All this came to the knowledge of the king, and during the\nremainder of that summer he was engaged in assembling troops, and\nsending Orejones to visit the provinces in all parts of the empire. He\nwas resolved to gain the lordship of Huarco, even if it should cost very\ndear. When autumn was come, and the heats of summer were passed, he\ndescended to the coast with the largest army that he could collect. He\nsent ambassadors into the valleys, upbraiding the people for their\nweakness of purpose in presuming to rise against him, urging them to be\nfirm in their friendship henceforward, for that if not, they would be\nvisited by cruel war. When he reached the borders of the valley of\nHuarco, on the skirts of a mountain, he ordered a city to be founded, to\nwhich he gave the name of Cuzco, intending it to be his principal\nresidence. The streets, and hills, and open square received the same\nnames as those of the real city. He said that until Huarco was\nconquered, and the people had become his subjects, he would remain in\nthat place, and that a garrison should always be maintained there. When\nhis directions had been carried out, he advanced with his troops in the\ndirection of the enemy, and surrounded their position. He was so firm in\nhis purpose, that he never sent any one to treat with them; but carried\non the war, which was so obstinate, that, they say, it lasted for three\nyears. In the summers the Inca went to Cuzco, leaving a garrison in the\nnew Cuzco that he had built, so that there might always be troops\nopposed to the enemy.\n\nThus it was that one side maintained their resolve to be lords, and the\nother side was equally determined not to be slaves. But at last, at the\nend of three years, the Huarcos became weak; and the Inca, knowing their\ncondition, sent new ambassadors, proposing that they should be his\nfriends and comrades, and saying that he had no wish but that their\nchildren should intermarry, and that thus their alliance should be one\nof perfect equality. Other things were said with intent to deceive, for\nin reality Tupac Inca considered that these people deserved severe\npunishment for having caused so much trouble. The Huarcos, feeling that\nthey could not hold out for many days longer, and that, with the\nconditions offered by the Inca, it would be better to enjoy tranquillity\nand repose, agreed to what the Inca proposed. Evacuating the fortress,\ntheir principal men went to make reverence to the Inca, who, without\nmore ado, ordered his people to kill them all. This was done with great\ncruelty. All the principal and most honoured chiefs who came were put to\ndeath, and the sentence was also executed on those who had remained\naway. They killed a great number, as their descendants relate to this\nday, and the great heaps of bones testify to the truth of what they say.\nWe believe that what is related by the people on this subject, is what\nyou see written down.\n\nThis being done, the Inca ordered an important fortress to be erected,\nin such manner as I have related in my First Part.[227] The valley\nhaving been subdued, and governors established in it, with _mitimaes_,\nthe Inca received embassies, who came from the Yuncas, as well as from\nmany tribes in the mountains. He then ordered the new Cuzco which he had\nbuilt to be pulled down, and returned with his army to the city of\nCuzco, where he was received with great demonstration of joy. They\noffered up sacrifices in his honour, both in the temple and where the\noracles spoke, afterwards making the people joyful with feasts,\ndrinking-bouts, and solemn recitations.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LX.\n\n_How Tupac Inca once more set out from Cuzco, and how he went to the\nCollao, and from thence to Chile, subjugating the nations in that\ndirection, and of his death._\n\n\nTupac Inca, having returned to Cuzco after having gained the great\nvictories which have been described, was enjoying himself at banquets\nand drinking-bouts, with his wives, damsels, and children, for several\ndays. Among his children was Huayna Ccapac, he who was to succeed as\nking, and who was growing up very vigorous and brave. After the\nfestivities, Tupac Inca thought of visiting the Collao and subduing the\nregion beyond. With this object, he ordered the soldiers to be summoned\nfrom all parts, and many tents to be prepared for passing the night in\nthe desert places. The troops began to arrive with their captains, and\nwere lodged round the city, those whom the law prohibited not entering\nCuzco. Both one and the other were provided with all that was necessary,\nthe governors and purveyors of the city keeping a full account. When all\nwho had to go to the war were assembled, sacrifices were offered up to\ntheir gods in conformity with their blindness, making the soothsayers\nseek an answer touching the war from the oracles. After a general and\nvery splendid feast, Tupac Inca set out from Cuzco, leaving his eldest\nson Huayna Ccapac as his lieutenant; and with great splendour and state,\nhe travelled to Colla-suyu, visiting his garrisons and royal _tampus_,\nand being entertained in the villages of the Canas and Canchis.\n\nEntering the Collao, he advanced as far as Chucuito, where the chiefs of\nthe land assembled to make a festival. Owing to the good order that was\nestablished, they had sufficient provisions ready for the 300,000 men\nwho composed the army. Some chiefs of the Collao offered to go in\nperson with the Inca. He went on the lake of Titicaca, with some lords\nwhom he selected, and approved of the edifices which his father had\nordered to be built, and of the excellence of the work. He offered up\ngreat sacrifices in the temple, and presented rich gifts to the priests\nand to the idol, worthy of so great a lord as he was. He then returned\nto the army, and marched through the whole province of the Collao until\nhe came to the end of it. He sent his messengers to all the nations of\nthe Charcas, Carangas, and other inhabitants of that region. Of these,\nsome consented to submit, while others resisted; but the Inca\u2019s power\nwas such that the latter were easily subdued. The conquered were treated\nwith great clemency, and those who submitted with much affection. In\nParia, the Inca ordered edifices to be built, and also in other parts.\nCertainly great events must have taken place in connection with Tupac\nInca, many of which have been forgotten, owing to the want of letters;\nand I set down briefly some few out of many that we know, having been\nheard by us who are in those parts.\n\nHaving been victorious in the country beyond Charcas, the Inca traversed\nmany provinces, and vast snow-covered deserts, until he arrived in the\ncountry we call Chile. He conquered, and became lord over all that land;\nand they say that he advanced as far as the river Maule. In Chile he\nbuilt some edifices, and received, as tribute from those parts, much\ngold. He left governors and _mitimaes_, put the conquered country in\ngood order, and returned to Cuzco.\n\nTowards the eastern limits he sent instructed Orejones, in the dress of\nmerchants, to see what lands there were in that direction, and what kind\nof people dwelt there. Having arranged these things, he returned to\nCuzco, whence they affirm that he set out again at the end of a few\ndays. With the troops he had ordered to assemble he then entered the\nregion of the Antis, and suffered great hardships in forcing his way\nthrough the dense forests. He conquered some of the tribes, and ordered\nlarge plantations of coca to be cultivated for the supply of Cuzco, to\nwhich place he returned.\n\nThey affirm that after a few days the Inca was attacked by an illness,\nof which he died, leaving to his son the government of his kingdom, his\nwives and children; and, after saying a few other things, he expired.\nThere was great lamentation, and such strong feeling, from Quito to\nChile, that it is wonderful to listen to the Indians who relate the\nevents of that time.\n\nWhere or in what place he was interred they do not say. They relate that\na great number of women, servants, and pages were killed, to be buried\nwith him, with so much treasure that it must have amounted to more than\na million: for ordinary lords have been buried with upwards of 100,000\n_castellanos_. Besides the people who were put into his tomb, they put\nto death and buried many men and women in divers parts of the kingdom;\nand in all parts they mourned for an entire year. Most of the women\nshaved their heads, putting on ropes of grass; and at the end of the\nyear they came to do him honour. The other things which they used to do,\nI prefer not to repeat, because they savour of heathenism. But the\nChristians who were in Cuzco in 1550 will remember what they saw of the\nhonours done at the end of the year of mourning for Paullu Inca,[228]\nwho had himself become a Christian. So that they can imagine what it\nmust have been in the days when the departed kings were reigning, and\nbefore they lost their empire.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXI.\n\n_How Huayna Ccapac reigned in Cuzco, who was the twelfth King Inca._\n\n\nWhen the great King Tupac Inca Yupanqui died, they prepared to perform\nthe obsequies and ceremonies of his interment after the manner of his\nancestors, and with great pomp. The Orejones relate that some provinces\nconspired to recover their liberty, and shake off the yoke of the Incas,\nbut the good management of the Inca governors, assisted by the captains\nand _mitimaes_, kept order during a trying time. Huayna Capac was not\ncareless, nor did he fail to understand that it would be necessary for\nhim to display valour in order to preserve that which his father had\ngained with so much labour. Shortly he entered upon the fast, and he who\ngoverned the city proved loyal and faithful. There did not fail to be\nsome disturbance among the Incas themselves, for some sons of Tupac\nInca, begotten on other women than the Coya, wished to set up a claim to\nthe royal dignity. The people, however, were loyal to Huayna Capac, and\nnot only would not consent, but applauded the punishment inflicted on\nthem. When the fast was ended, Huayna Capac came forth with the fringe,\nvery richly adorned, and performed the ceremonies according to the\ncustom of his ancestors, at the end of which his name was declared with\ngreat acclamations: \u201c_Huayna Capac_,\u201d \u201c_Inca zapalla tucuillacta uya_,\u201d\nwhich is as much as to say--\u201cHuayna Capac alone is king; let all the\ncity hear him.\u201d[229]\n\nHuayna Capac, according to the account of many Indians who had seen and\nknew him, was not of any great stature, but well-built, with good\nfeatures and much gravity. He was a man of few words but many deeds, a\nsevere judge, who punished without mercy. He wished to be so feared that\nthe Indians should dream of him at night. He ate according to the custom\nof his people. He listened to those who spoke well to him, and believed\nvery easily. Parasites and flatterers, who are not wanting among those\npeople, had much influence. He gave ear to lies, which was the reason\nthat many died without fault. The youths who, tempted by the flesh,\nslept with his wives or damsels, or with those who lived in the temple\nof the Sun, were ordered to be put to death, and the women suffered the\nsame punishment. The penalties for making disturbances and for\ninsubordination were deprivation of property, and the bestowal on\nanother. For other offences there was merely corporal chastisement. His\nfather looked over many of these crimes, especially with regard to\nwomen; for when any one was detected with them, he said that he was only\na boy.\n\nThe mother of Huayna Capac, principal queen, wife, and sister of Tupac\nInca Yupanqui, was named Mama Ocllo. They say that she was a very\nprudent lady, and that she informed her son respecting many things that\nshe had seen Tupac Inca do. She was so fond of her son that she\nentreated him not to go to Quito or Chile, until she was dead. They\nrelate, that to please her and to comply with her request, he was in\nCuzco, without leaving it, until she died and was interred with great\npomp. Much treasure and fine clothes, with women and servants were put\ninto her tomb. All the treasures of the deceased Incas, and the fields\nwhich they call _chacaras_, were kept entire from the first, without\nbeing used or touched; for among these people there were neither wars\nnor other needs for which money would be of any use. For this reason we\nbelieve that there are vast treasures in the bowels of the earth which\nare lost for ever, unless peradventure some one building, or doing some\nother work, should hit upon some out of the great quantity that must\nexist.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXII.\n\n_How Huayna Capac departed from Cuzco, and what he did._\n\n\nHuayna Capac had ordered the principal lords of the natives of the\nprovinces to appear before him, and, his court being full of them, he\ntook for his wife his sister Chimbo Ocllo, and on this occasion there\nwere great festivities, which ended the mourning for Tupac Inca. These\nbeing concluded, he ordered that 50,000 soldiers should accompany him to\nvisit the provinces of his kingdom. As he ordered, so it was done, and\nhe set out from Cuzco with greater pomp and authority than his father.\nFor the litter was so rich, according to the statement of those who\ncarried the king on their shoulders, that the great and numerous\nornaments were priceless, besides the gold of which they were made. He\ntravelled by the way of Xaquixaguana and Andahuaylas, and arrived at the\ncountry of the Soras and Lucanas, whence he sent embassies to many parts\nof the coast region, and of the mountains, and received replies, with\ngreat offerings and presents.\n\nFrom these places he returned to Cuzco, where he ordered the offering up\nof great sacrifices to the Sun and to the most venerated among their\ngods, that they might be favourable to him in the enterprise he wished\nto undertake. He also gave presents to the idols of the Huacas. He\nascertained from the soothsayers, through the utterances of the devils,\nor else through their own invention, that he would be successful and\nprosperous in his undertakings, and that he would return to Cuzco with\ngreat honour and profit. These ceremonies being completed, the armed men\nand their captains arrived from many directions and were lodged outside,\nreceiving provisions from the city.\n\nThose who were employed on the building of the fortress continued to\nwork without the cessation of a single day. The great chain of gold was\nbrought out into the square of Cuzco, and there were dances and\ndrinking-bouts. The captains received their appointments near the Stone\nof War, according to their custom. Huayna Capac then ordered that there\nshould be a conference, where he addressed the people in a vehement\nspeech, urging those who accompanied him to be loyal, as well as those\nwho remained behind. They answered that they would be faithful to his\nservice; of which speech he approved, and he held out hopes of great\nrewards. All things necessary having been prepared, the Inca set out\nfrom Cuzco with the whole army, and journeyed along a road as grand and\nwide as we now behold it; for all of us who have been in those parts\nhave seen it, and travelled over it. He marched to the Collao, receiving\nthe services proffered by the provinces through which he passed, as a\nmatter of course. For they say that the Inca considered that it was\nmerely their duty. He investigated what tribute they paid, and what were\nthe capabilities of each province. He collected many women. The most\nbeautiful he could find were reserved for himself, and others were given\nto his captains and favourites. The others were placed in the temple of\nthe Sun and there detained.\n\nOn entering the Collao, he had an account taken of the great flocks and\nof how many thousand loads of fine wool they yielded every year to those\nwho made the cloth for his house and service. He went to the island of\nTiticaca and ordered great sacrifices to be offered up. At\nChuqui-apu,[230] he ordered that Indians should be collected, with\noverseers, to obtain gold, in conformity with the order and regulations\nthat have been explained. Advancing onwards, he gave orders that the\nCharcas and other nations as far as the Chichas, should get out a great\nquantity of ingots of silver to be sent to Cuzco, without fail. He\nremoved some _mitimaes_ from one part to another, although much time\nhad passed since they were established. He ordered that they should work\nwithout any holidays, because in the land where there were holidays, the\nmen thought of nothing but how to create scandals and seduce women.\nWherever he passed, he ordered _tampus_ and other buildings to be\nerected; the plans of which he traced out himself. His soldiers,\nalthough numerous, were so well disciplined that they did not move a\nstep from the camp, and the natives along their line of march supplied\nthem with all they required, so amply that what remained over was more\nthan what was used. In some places they built baths, at others they\nraised land marks, and in the deserts they made large houses. Along\nevery road that the Inca traversed, they left works of this kind,\ninsomuch that the account of them excites admiration. He who did wrong\nwas punished without fail, while those who served well were rewarded.\n\nHaving arranged these and other matters, he advanced to the provinces\nnow subject to the town of La Plata,[231] and to those of Tucuman. He\nsent captains with an army against the Chiriguanos, but they were not\nsuccessful, returning after having been put to flight. In another\ndirection, towards the South Sea, he sent more captains with troops, to\nsubdue those valleys and towns which had not submitted to his father. He\nhimself proceeded, with the rest of his army, towards Chile, completing\nthe subjugation of the tribes along the road. He traversed the\nuninhabited region with great difficulty, and heavy were the snow storms\nwhich broke over his people. They carried tents for their protection at\nnight, with many _yana-conas_[232] and female servants. Over all the\nsnowy wilds they made the royal road, with post houses placed by the\nInca.\n\nHe arrived at the province they call Chile,[233] where he remained for\nmore than a year, bringing the people under subjection, and arranging\nthe administration. He ordered that the quantity of ingots of gold which\nhe had indicated should be obtained. _Mitimaes_ were established, and\nmany Chilian communities were removed from one place to another. In some\nplaces he constructed forts which they call _pucaras_, for the wars that\nwere waged with some of the tribes. The Inca marched much more over the\nland than his father, until he said that he had seen the end of it, and\nhe ordered memorials to be set up in many places, that in future his\ngreatness might be known.[234] The affairs of Chile having been put in\norder, he appointed his delegates and governors, and instructed them\nalways to report what happened in that province to the court of Cuzco.\nHe charged them to execute justice and to allow no disturbance or\ntumult, but to execute the promoters, without sparing any.\n\nThe Inca returned to Cuzco, where he was received with great honour by\nthe city, and the priests of the temple of Curi-cancha gave him many\nblessings. He made the people rejoice at the great festivals he ordered.\nMany children were born to him, who were brought up by their mothers.\nAmong others Atahualpa was born, according to the opinion of all the\nIndians of Cuzco, who say that it was so. His mother was called Tuta\nPalla, a native of Quillaco, although others say that she was of the\nlineage of the Urin-Cuzco. From his childhood Atahualpa always\naccompanied his father, and he was older than Huascar.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXIII.\n\n_How Huayna Capac again ordered that an army should be assembled, and\nhow he set out for Quito._\n\n\nHuayna Capac enjoyed a rest of some months at Cuzco, during which he\nassembled the priests of the temples and diviners of the oracles. He\nordered sacrifices to be made, and the offering of the capacocha[235]\nwas celebrated with grandeur and great outlay, the mouth-pieces of the\noracles returning very full of gold. Each one gave a reply such as was\nmost likely to please the king. This, with other things, having been\ndone, Huayna Capac ordered that there should be made a road more royal,\ngrander and wider than that of his father, to extend to Quito, whither\nhe intended to go. The ordinary post and store-houses were to be\nestablished along it. That it might be known throughout all the land\nthat this was his will, messengers went forth to announce it, and\nafterwards Orejones went to see that the orders were complied with.\nAccordingly the grandest road was constructed that there is in the\nworld, as well as the longest, for it extended from Cuzco to Quito, and\nwas connected with that from Cuzco to Chile. I believe that, since the\nhistory of man has been recorded, there has been no account of such\ngrandeur as is to be seen in this road, which passes over deep valleys\nand lofty mountains, by snowy heights, over falls of water, through live\nrocks, and along the edges of furious torrents. In all these places it\nis level and paved, along mountain slopes well excavated, by the\nmountains well terraced, through the living rock cut, along the river\nbanks supported by walls, in the snowy heights with steps and resting\nplaces, in all parts clean swept, clear of stones, with post and\nstore-houses, and temples of the Sun at intervals. Oh! what greater\nthings can be said of Alexander, or of any of the powerful kings who\nhave ruled in the world, than that they had made such a road as this,\nand conceived the works which were required for it! The road constructed\nby the Romans in Spain, and any others of which we read, are not to be\ncompared with it. And it was finished in less time than it is possible\nto imagine, for the Incas were no longer in ordering it than were their\nsubjects in executing the work.[236]\n\nThe king called a general assembly of his forces throughout all the\nprovinces of his government, and such numbers came from all parts that\nthey covered the plains. After there had been festivities and\ndrinking-bouts, and the affairs of Cuzco had been regulated, the Inca\nHuayna Capac set out with _yscay-pacha-huaranca-runa cuna_, which means\n200,000 men of war;[237] besides the _yana-conas_ and women, of whose\nnumber no account was taken. The Inca took with him two thousand women,\nand left in Cuzco more than four thousand. The delegates and governors\nwho were in charge at the capitals of the provinces, had arranged that\nstores and arms should be collected from all parts, and everything else\nthat was required for a warlike expedition. Thus all the great\nstore-houses were filled, so that at every four leagues, which was the\nlength of a day\u2019s journey, there were provisions for the whole of this\ngreat multitude of people, and not only was there no fault, but there\nwas a surplus, after the soldiers and all the women and servant lads,\nand porters, had been satisfied.\n\nWhen Huayna Capac set out along the road which had been made by his\norder, he marched until he arrived at Vilcas, where he rested for a few\ndays in the lodgings which had been made near those of his father. He\nrejoiced to see that the temple of the Sun was finished, and he left a\nquantity of gold and silver ingots to make ornaments and vases. He\nordered that great care should be taken with regard to the due\nmaintenance of the priests and _mamaconas_. He ascended to a beautiful\nterrace which had been prepared for him. They then offered sacrifice, in\naccordance with their blindness, and killed many birds and animals, with\nsome men and children, to propitiate their gods.\n\nThis being done, the king set out from this place with his army, and did\nnot stop until he arrived at the valley of Xauxa, where there was some\ndispute respecting the division of land among the local chiefs. When\nHuayna Capac understood the controversy, after he had performed\nsacrifices as in Vilcas, he ordered the chiefs Alaya, Cusi-chuca, and\nHuacaropa to assemble, and equitably divided the land in the way which\nis adopted to this day. He sent embassies to the Yauyos and Yuncas, and\nsome gifts to the chiefs of Bonbon, for, as they had a force in the\nlake, in parts where they swam, they spoke loosely, and he did not wish\nto converse with them until he saw their intentions. The lords of Xauxa\ndid great services, and some of the captains and soldiers joined the\narmy. Marching by Bonbon, they only halted a short time, because the\nInca wished to go on to Caxamarca, a place more suitable for resting,\nsurrounded by great and very lofty districts. Along the road, people\nwere constantly arriving with embassies and presents.\n\nThe Inca arrived at Caxamarca and rested there for some days, ordering\nthat his soldiers should be lodged in the neighbourhood, and should be\nfed with the provisions in the store-houses. With a selected force he\nentered the country of the Huancachupachos, and waged a fierce war, for\nthe natives had not been reduced to entire submission by the Inca\u2019s\nfather. The Inca was able to complete the work, appointing governors and\ncaptains, and selecting chiefs from among the natives to administer the\nland. Formerly these people had not known chiefs other than those who,\nbeing most powerful, led them to war, and arranged peace when they\ndesired it. Among the Chachapoyas the Inca met with great resistance;\ninsomuch that he was twice defeated by the defenders of their country\nand put to flight. Receiving some succour, the Inca again attacked the\nChachapoyas, and routed them so completely that they sued for peace,\ndesisting, on their parts, from all acts of war. The Inca granted peace\non conditions very favourable to himself, and many of the natives were\nordered to go and live in Cuzco, where their descendants still reside.\nHe took many women, for they are beautiful and graceful, and very white.\nHe established garrisons of military _mitimaes_ to guard the frontier. A\ngovernor was appointed to live at the principal place in the district.\nHe made other arrangements, punished several of the principal chiefs for\nhaving made war, and then returned to Caxamarca. The Inca continued his\njourney, and put in order the affairs of the provinces of Caxas,\nAyavaca, Huancabamba, and the others which border on them.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXIV.\n\n_How Huayna Capac entered the country of Bracamoros, and returned\nflying, and of the other events that happened until he arrived at\nQuito._\n\n\nIt is well known to many natives of these parts that Huayna Capac\nentered the country which we call Bracamoros, and that he returned\nflying before the fury of the men who dwell there. They had chosen\nleaders, and assembled to defend themselves against any one who should\nattack them. This is stated, not only by the Orejones, but also by the\nLord of Chincha, and some principal men of the Collao and of Xauxa. They\nall say that, while Huayna Capac was engaged in settling the districts\nwhich had been traversed and subjugated by his father, it came to his\nknowledge how that, in the Bracamoros, there were many men and women who\npossessed fertile lands; that far in the interior of that land, there\nwere many rivers and a lake; and that this region was well peopled.\nDesirous of discovery, and anxious to extend his dominion, he ordered a\nchosen band, with little baggage, to march with him into that country,\nleaving the camp under command of a Captain-General. Entering the\ncountry, they advanced, opening the road with great labour, for, after\npassing the snowy cordillera, they found themselves in the forests of\nthe Andes. They came to great rivers which they had to cross, and heavy\nrains fell from the heavens. The Inca came to where the natives were\nwatching in their strongholds, whence they insolently defied him. The\nwar began, and so many of the savages came forth, most of them naked,\nthat the Inca determined to retire, which he did without gaining\nanything in that land. The natives harassed his retreat in such sort\nthat his soldiers, sometimes flying, at others facing their pursuers, at\nothers sending them presents, returned flying to their own territory,\nsaying that they had avenged themselves on the long-tailed ones. They\nsaid this because some of them had brought away the long strips of cloth\nwhich the natives wore between their legs.\n\nFrom these lands they also affirm that the Inca sent captains, with a\nsufficient force, to explore the sea-coast in a northerly direction, and\nto bring under the Inca\u2019s dominion the natives of Guayaquil and Puerto\nViejo. The captains marched into these districts, where they waged war\nand fought some battles, sometimes being victorious and at others\nsustaining reverses. Thus, they advanced as far as Collique, where they\nmet with people who went about naked and fed on human flesh, having the\ncustoms which are now practised and used by the dwellers on the river of\nSan Juan. From this point they returned, not wishing to penetrate\nfurther, but to report what they had done to the king. Meanwhile, he had\narrived at the country of the Ca\u00f1aris, where he enjoyed himself\nexceedingly. For they say that this was the place of his birth, and that\nhe found that great lodgings and store-houses had been built, and\nabundant supplies collected. He sent embassies to inspect the districts,\nand ambassadors came to him from many provinces, with presents.\n\nI am given to understand that, owing to a tumult which took place in\ncertain towns of the district of Cuzco, the Inca was so incensed that,\nafter having caused the leaders to be beheaded, he gave express orders\nthat the Indians of those places should bring the quantity he should\nspecify of the stones of Cuzco, to make edifices of the first importance\nin Tumebamba, and that they should drag them with cables; and his orders\nwere obeyed. Huayna Capac often said that to keep the people of those\nkingdoms well under subjection, it was a good thing, when they had no\nother work to do, to make them remove a hill from one place to another.\nHe even ordered stones and slabs to be brought from Cuzco, for the\nedifices of Quito, and to this day they remain in the buildings where\nthey were placed.\n\nHuayna Capac set out from Tumebamba, and went by Purnaes, resting for\nsome days at Riobamba, in Mocha and Tacunga, and his people were allowed\nto drink of the beverages that had been prepared for them in all parts.\nThe Inca was visited and saluted by many captains and lords of those\nparts. He sent Orejones of his own lineage to the provinces of the coast\nand of the mountains, to inspect the accounts of the _quipu-camayos_,\nwho are their accountants, to see what was stored in the government\nhouses, to ascertain how the governors treated the natives, and whether\nthe temples of the Sun, the oracles, and _huacas_ were properly\nmaintained. He also sent messengers to Cuzco to see that all his orders\nwere duly attended to. There was not a day that runners did not arrive,\nnot a few but many, from Cuzco, the Collao, Chile, and all parts of the\nempire.\n\nFrom Tacunga the Inca continued his journey to Quito, where he was\nreceived, according to the mode and usage, with great festivities. His\nfather\u2019s governor delivered up the treasures to him, which were\nnumerous, with the fine cloth and other things that he had charge of.\nThe Inca honoured him, praising his fidelity, calling him father, and\nassuring him that he would always esteem him for the great services he\nperformed for his father and himself. The towns in the neighbourhood of\nQuito sent many presents and provisions for the king, and he ordered\nthat more and stronger edifices should be built there than there were\nbefore. The works were at once commenced, and those were finished which\nwe found when our people conquered that land.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXV.\n\n_How Huayna Capac marched through the coast valleys, and what he did._\n\n\nSome of the Orejones relate that Huayna Capac returned to Cuzco from\nQuito, by the coast valleys to Pachacamac; while others deny this and\nmaintain that he remained at Quito until his death. In this matter,\nseeking out the version which is most accurate, I adopt what I heard\nfrom some principal chiefs who served in that war, in person. They say\nthat, while the Inca was at Quito, ambassadors came from many parts to\ncongratulate him in the name of their respective countries. Feeling that\nall was peacefully settled in the mountainous provinces, he thought it\nwould be well to undertake a journey to the province of Puerto Viejo, to\nthat which we call Guayaquil, and to the valleys of the Yuncas. The\ncaptains and principal men of his council approved the thought, and\nadvised that it should be put into execution. Many troops remained in\nQuito. The Inca set forth with a suitable force, and entered those\nlands, where he had some skirmishes with the natives. But, eventually,\none after another submitted, and governors, with _mitimaes_, were\nestablished.\n\nPun\u00e1[238] waged a fierce war with Tumbez, and the Inca commanded them to\ndesist, and that the people of Pun\u00e1 should submit to him. This was\ndeeply felt by Tumbal\u00e1, because he was Lord of Pun\u00e1. But he did not\nventure to resist the Inca; on the contrary, he submitted, and offered\npresents to secure a treacherous peace. When the Inca departed, he\nplotted with the people of the mainland to kill many Orejones, with\ntheir captains, who were to set out from a river to cross to the\nopposite shore. But Huayna Capac received the tidings, and did what I\nhave written in chapter liii of my First Part.[239] He inflicted severe\npunishment, and ordered the paved road to be made which is called the\nPass of Huayna Capac.[240] He then returned to Tumbez, where edifices\nand a temple of the Sun had been erected. People came from the\nsurrounding districts to do him reverence with much humility. The Inca\nproceeded to visit the coast valleys, ordering the government, fixing\nthe limits of land, and rules for distributing water, commanding that\nthe people should not go to war, and doing what has been described in\nother places. They say of him that, being in the beautiful valley of\nChayanta, near Chimu, which is where the city of Truxillo now stands,\nthere was an old man working in a field. When he heard that the king was\npassing near, he gathered two or three \u201c_pepinos_\u201d,[241] which, with the\nearth attached, he brought with him, and said: \u201cHucha Hatun apu\nmicucampa\u201d, which means, \u201c_Very great Lord, eat thou_.\u201d[242] Before the\nlords and other people, the Inca took the \u201c_pepinos_\u201d, and, eating one\nof them, he said before all present, to please the old man, \u201cSuylluy\nancha mizqui cay\u201d, or, in our language, \u201c_Of a truth this is very\nsweet_.\u201d From this incident every one derived much gratification.\n\nPassing onwards, he did in Chimu, in Gua\u00f1apa, Guarmay, Huaura, Rimac,\nand the other valleys, what appeared good for his service; and when he\narrived at Pachacamac there were great festivals, and many dances and\ndrinking-bouts. The priests, with their lies, said the evil things that\nwere invented by their cunning, according to custom, and some even spake\nby the mouth of the same demon, for in those times it is publicly known\nthat he spoke to certain persons. Huayna Capac, it is said, give this\ndemon over 100 _arrobas_ of gold and 1000 of silver, besides other\ntreasure, stones and emeralds, so that he adorned the new temple more\nthan the temple of the Sun and the ancient shrine at Pachacamac.\n\nSome Indians say that the Inca ascended thence to Cuzco, others that he\nretired to Quito. He certainly visited all the coast valleys, and made\nthe great road through them which we now see, and we know that he built\ngreat storehouses and temples of the Sun in other parts of the valleys.\nHaving seen that all things were arranged, as well in the mountains as\non the coast, and the whole empire being at peace, he returned to Quito.\nHe made war on the fathers of those whom they now call Huambracunas, and\ndiscovered as far as the river of Ancasmayu.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXVI.\n\n_How, when Huayna Capac was about to march from Quito, he sent forward\ncertain of his captains, who returned flying before the enemy, and what\nhe did in consequence._\n\n\nHuayna Capac being in Quito, with all his captains and veteran soldiers,\nthey relate as certainly true that he ordered certain of them to go\nforth and conquer some countries whose inhabitants had never desired to\nobtain his friendship. These people, when they knew what was intended at\nCuzco, sought aid from their neighbours to resist any invaders that\nmight come against them, and they had prepared forts and strong places,\nwith plenty of arms of the kind used by them. Huayna Capac marched past\ntheir county to reach another land which bordered upon it, all being\nwithin the district we now call Quito. As the captains and troops were\nmarching along, despising those of whom they were in search, and\nthinking they could easily possess themselves of their lands and farms,\nthey found that things were different from what they supposed. For\nsuddenly the natives came out with great clamour, and attacked the\ninvaders with such resolution, that they killed and made captive a great\nnumber, entirely defeating the rest, who turned their backs and fled\nprecipitately, the natives pursuing and killing the fugitives, and\ntaking many prisoners.\n\nSome of the fleetest of foot ran until they came to the Inca, to whom\nalone they reported the disaster, which annoyed him not a little.\nConsidering the matter prudently, he came to a decision becoming a great\nman. This was to order those who had brought the news to keep silence,\nand to tell no one what they knew. They were directed to return along\nthe road, and tell the fugitives to stop at the first hill they came to,\nwithout fear, for that the Inca would attack the enemy with fresh\ntroops, and avenge the affront. With this message they returned. The\nInca felt anxiety, because he reflected that if his soldiers heard the\nnews in the place where they were encamped, all would be in confusion\nand he would be in greater straits. But he dissimulated, and told them\nto prepare, as he wished to march against a certain tribe whom they\nwould see when they reached their country. Getting out of his litter, he\nmarched in front of his army for a day and a half, and those who were\nflying in great numbers, when they saw that the approaching army\nconsisted of their own people, stopped on one side, while the pursuers\nbegan to attack them, and killed many. But Huayna Capac surrounded them\non three sides, which amazed them not a little, and even those who had\nbeen conquered, rallied and fought in such sort that the ground was\ncovered with dead. When the pursuers wished to retreat, they found the\npass occupied, and so many were slain that very few remained alive\nexcept the prisoners, who were numerous. So that all was altered, the\nInca himself having defeated and killed those who came to defeat him.\nWhen the result was known the conquerors were very well satisfied.\n\nHuayna Capac recovered those of his people who were still alive, and\nordered tombs to be made over those who were dead, and honours to be\npaid them according to their heathen practices. For they all know that\nthe soul is immortal. They also set up figures and heaps of stones on\nthe battle-field, as a memorial of what had been done. Huayna Capac then\nsent the news to Cuzco, re-organised his army, and advanced to Caranque.\n\nThe people of Otavalo, Cayambi, Cochasqui, Pifo, and other districts had\nmade a league with many other tribes, to resist subjugation by the Inca,\npreferring death to the loss of their liberty. They made strong forts in\ntheir country, and resisted the payment of tribute, or the sending of\npresents to so distant a place as Cuzco. Having agreed on this between\nthemselves, they awaited the approach of the Inca, who came to make war\nupon them. The army advanced to their frontier, where the Inca caused\nforts (called _pucaras_) to be constructed, and sent messages to the\npeople with presents, asking them not to make war, as he only desired\npeace with fair conditions; that they would always find favour from him,\nas from his father; that he desired to take nothing from them, but\nrather to confer benefits. These kind words availed nothing, for their\nreply was that he should leave their country at once, and if not, they\nwould drive him out by force. They then advanced against the Inca, who\nwas much incensed, and put his army in battle array. They attacked him\nwith such fury, that if it had not been for the fortress he had caused\nto be built, his troops would have been defeated at all points. But,\nknowing the danger, they retired into the _pucara_, where all who had\nnot been killed or captured were assembled.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXVII.\n\n_How Huayna Capac assembled all his power, gave battle to his enemies,\nand defeated them; and of the great cruelty with which he treated them._\n\n\nWhen the natives saw how they had shut up the Inca in his fortress, and\nhad killed many of the Orejones, they were very joyful, and they made so\ngreat a noise that they could not hear themselves. They brought drums,\nand drank and sang, sending messengers over all the country, with the\nnews that they had the Inca shut up with all his people. Many believed\nit and rejoiced, and some even came to help their friends.\n\nHuayna Capac had provisions in the fort, and he had sent to summon the\ngovernors of Quito to come with reinforcements, for the enemy would not\ndesist from their attacks. He tried, many times, to pacify them, sending\nembassies with presents; but it was all of no avail. The Inca increased\nhis army, and the enemy did the same, resolutely determined to attack\nand defeat him, or die in the attempt. They assaulted the fortress, and\nbroke through two lines of defence. If there had not been others round\nthe hill, without doubt the enemy would have been victorious. But it was\nthe custom of the Incas, in their defensive works, to make a circle with\ntwo doorways, and further up another, and so on until there were seven\nor eight, so that if one was lost, the defenders could retire to the\nnext. Thus the Inca and his army retreated to the strongest part of the\nhill, whence, at the end of some days, he came forth and attacked the\nenemy with great courage.\n\nThey relate that, when his captains arrived with reinforcements, he took\nthe field, but the battle was long doubtful. At length, those of Cuzco,\nby a stratagem, killed a great number of the enemy, and those who\nremained turned and fled. The tyrannical king was so enraged against\nthem for having taken up arms to defend their country from conquest,\nthat he ordered his soldiers to seek them all out, and with great\ndiligence they searched for and captured them all. Very few were able to\nhide themselves. Near the banks of a lake, he ordered them all to be\nbeheaded in his presence, and their bodies to be thrown into the water.\nThe blood of those who were killed was in such quantity that the water\nlost its colour, and nothing could be seen but a thick mass of blood.\nHaving perpetrated this cruelty, and most evil deed, Huayna Capac\nordered the sons of the dead men to be brought before him, and, looking\nat them, he said, \u201cCampa manan pucula tucuy huambracuna\u201d, which means,\n\u201c_You will not make war upon me, for you are all boys now._\u201d[243] From\nthat time the conquered people were called \u201cHuambra-cuna (_Huayna-cuna_)\nto this day, and they were very valiant. The lake received the name it\nstill bears, which is _Yahuar-cocha_, or \u2018the lake of blood\u2019.\u201d In this\ncountry governors and _mitimaes_ were stationed, as in all other\nparts.[244]\n\nAfter he had re-organised the country, the Inca passed onwards with\ngreat renown from his past victory, and proceeded with his discoveries\nuntil he reached the river Ancasmayu, which was the northern limit of\nthe empire. He learnt from the natives that further on there were many\ntribes who went naked without any shame, and that all fed on human\nflesh. He made some defensive works in the district of Pasto, and\nordered the principal men to pay tribute. They replied that they had\nnothing to give; so he issued his command that each house should be\nobliged to give, every month, a rather large basket full of lice, as\ntribute. At first they laughed at this order; but afterwards,\nnotwithstanding the quantity of lice they had, they could not fill so\nmany baskets. They bred from the sheep which the Inca ordered to be\ngiven to them, and paid tribute from the increase, as well as of the\nfood and roots of that country. For certain reasons which influenced\nhim, Huayna Capac returned to Quito, ordering that there should be a\ntemple of the Sun and a garrison, with a captain-general and governor in\nCaranque, to guard the frontier.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXVIII.\n\n_How the King Huayna Capac returned to Quito, and how he knew of the\narrival of Spaniards on the coast, and of his death._\n\n\nIn this same year[245] Francisco Pizarro was on this coast with thirteen\nChristians,[246] and the tidings of them was brought to Huayna Capac at\nQuito. Particulars were reported of the dress they wore, of their ship,\nand how they were white and bearded, how that they spoke little, were\nnot so fond of drinking as the natives, and other things which the\npeople had observed. Anxious to see such men, they say that the Inca\nordered that one of two of these men who had been left behind, should be\nbrought to him, the rest having gone back with their leader to the Isle\nof Gorgona, where he had left certain Spaniards with their Indians, as\nwe shall explain in its place.[247] Some Indians say that after the\nothers had gone, they killed the two that were left behind, at which\nHuayna Capac was much displeased. Others relate that they were sent to\nthe Inca; but that they were put to death on the road when the news came\nthat the Inca was no more. Others, again, declare that the two men died.\nWhat we believe to be most probable is, that the Indians killed them\nshortly after they had been left behind.\n\nHuayna Capac was in Quito with a great company of people. He was very\npowerful, his dominion extending from the river of Ancasmayu to the\nriver of Maule, a distance of more than 1,200 leagues. He was so rich,\nthat they relate that he had caused to be brought to Quito over 500\nloads of gold, more than 1,000 of silver, many precious stones, and much\nfine cloth. He was feared by all his subjects, because he was a stern\ndispenser of justice. In the midst of his power, they say that a great\npestilence broke out, which was so contagious, that over 200,000 souls\ndied throughout the provinces, for it prevailed in all parts. The Inca\ncaught the disease, and all that was said to free him from death was of\nno avail, because the great God was not served by his recovery. When he\nfelt that the pestilence had touched him, he ordered great sacrifices to\nbe offered up for his health throughout the land, and at all the\n_huacas_ and temples of the Sun. And as he became worse, he called his\ncaptains and relations, and addressed them on several subjects. Among\nother things, they relate that he foretold that the people who had been\nseen in the ship, would return with great power, and would conquer the\ncountry. This was probably a fable, and if he said so, it must have been\nthrough the mouth of a devil, for who could know that the Spaniards went\nto arrange their return as conquerors? Others say that, considering the\nextensive territory of the Quillacingas and Popayan, and that the empire\nwas very extensive for one person to rule, he ordained that from Quito\nto the north, the dominion should be under his son Atahualpa, whom he\nloved dearly, because he had always accompanied him in his wars. He\ndesired that the rest of the empire should be ruled by Huascar, the\nsole heir of the whole. Other Indians say that he did not divide the\nkingdom; but that he said to those who were present, that they well knew\nhow he had wished that his son Huascar, by his sister Chimpu Ocllo,[248]\nshould be lord after his own time, at which all the people of Cuzco were\nwell contented. He had other sons of great valour, among whom were\nNanque Yupanqui, Tupac Inca, Huanca Auqui, Tupac Hualpa, Titu, Huaman\nHualpa, Manco Inca, Huascar, Cusi Hualpa, Paullu Tupac Yupanqui, Conono,\nAtahualpa. He did not desire to give them anything of the great\npossessions he left, but that they should receive all from their\nbrother, as he had inherited all from his father. For he trusted much\nthat his son would keep his promise, and that he would fulfil all that\nhis heart desired, although he was still a boy. He ordered his chiefs to\nlove him and treat him as their sovereign, and that, until he was of\nfull age to govern, Colla Tupac, his uncle, should be his guardian. When\nhe had said this, he died.\n\nAs soon as Huayna Capac was dead, the lamentations were so great that\nthe shouting rose up to the clouds, and the noise so stupefied the birds\nthat they fell from a great height to the ground. The news was carried\nto all parts, and everywhere the sorrow was deep. In Quito, as they\nrelate, the people mourned for ten days, while the lamentations of the\nCa\u00f1aris continued for a whole month. Many principal lords accompanied\nthe body to Cuzco, all the men and women along the road coming out to\nweep and groan. In Cuzco there was more lamentation. Sacrifices were\noffered up in the temples, and preparations were made for the interment\nin accordance with custom, the soul being supposed to be in heaven. They\nkilled, to be buried in the same tomb, more than 4,000 souls, women,\npages, and other servants; as well as treasure, precious stones, and\nfine cloth. It was truly a very great sum that was buried with him. They\ndo not say where, nor in what manner he was interred; but they concur in\nstating that his sepulchre was in Cuzco. Some Indians told me that they\nburied him in the river Ancasmayu, diverting it from its course to make\nthe tomb. But I do not believe it. My impression is that those are right\nwho say that he was buried in Cuzco.[249]\n\nThe Indians relate many things relating to this king, insomuch that what\nI have written and narrated is nothing. Assuredly, I believe that there\nare so many things left to write touching this king, his fathers and\ngrandfathers, that it would form another history larger than what has\nalready been recorded.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXIX.\n\n_Of the lineage, and character of Huascar and Atahualpa._\n\n\nThe empire of the Incas was in a state of such profound peace when\nHuayna Capac died, that there was not to be found a man, throughout its\nvast extent, who would dare to raise his head to foment disturbance, or\nto refuse obedience, as well from fear of the Inca, as on account of the\n_mitimaes_ who were stationed in all parts, and maintained order. As\nwhen Alexander died in Babylon, many of his servants and captains became\nkings and ruled over extensive dominions; so on the death of Huayna\nCapac there were wars and differences between his two sons; and in the\nmeantime the Spaniards arrived. Many of the _mitimaes_ became lords,\nbecause the natural chiefs having been killed in the wars, the colonists\nhad an opportunity of gaining the goodwill of the people.\n\nThere would be much to say in relating the history of these powerful\nlords in detail, but I will not deviate from my plan of telling the\nstory briefly, for the good reasons which I have already explained.\nHuascar was the son of Huayna Capac; and Atahualpa also. Huascar was the\nyounger, and Atahualpa the elder brother. Huascar was the son of the\nCoya, his father\u2019s sister and principal wife. Atahualpa was the son of a\nwoman of Quilaco, named Tupac Palla. Both were born in Cuzco, and not in\nQuito, as some have said and even written, but they have done so without\nunderstanding the facts. For Huayna Capac was in the conquest of Quito,\nand in those parts for about twelve years, and when he died his son\nAtahualpa was already thirty years of age. They say that his mother was\nthe lady of Quito, but there never was any lady of that country, for the\nIncas themselves were kings and lords of Quito.[250] Huascar was born\nin Cuzco, and Atahualpa was older by four or five years. This is\ncertain, and is what I believe. Huascar was popular in Cuzco and\nthroughout the kingdom, owing to his being the rightful heir. Atahualpa\nwas a favourite with his father\u2019s old captains and with the soldiers,\nbecause he accompanied them to the wars in his boyhood, and because his\nfather, when he was alive, loved him so well that he would not let the\nboy eat anything except what he himself put on his plate. Huascar was\nmerciful and pious. Atahualpa was cruel and vindictive. Both were\ngenerous, but the latter was a man of greater spirit and force of\ncharacter, the former of more valour. The one claimed to be sole lord\nand to rule without an equal; the other was resolved to reign by\nbreaking the established laws and usages of the Incas. The law was that\nno one could be king except the eldest son of the sovereign and of his\nsister, although there might be other older sons by other women. Huascar\nwished his father\u2019s army to be with him. Atahualpa was dismayed because\nhe was not near Cuzco, where he could perform the fast in that city and\ncome forth with the fringe, to be received by all as king.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXX.\n\n_How Huascar was acknowledged as King in Cuzco, after the death of his\nfather._\n\n\nHuayna Capac being dead, and the mourning and lamentation having been\nperformed, although he left more than forty sons, none attempted to\ndeviate from their allegiance to Huascar, to whom, as they well knew,\nthe kingdom belonged. Although it was known that the order of Huayna\nCapac was that the uncle of Huascar should govern, there were not\nwanting those who advised the young Inca to assume the fringe at once,\nand with it the government of the whole country as king. As most of the\nnative lords of provinces had come to Cuzco for the obsequies of Huayna\nCapac, it was represented that the feast of the coronation might be very\ngrand, and thus he resolved to act. Leaving the government of the city\nin the hands of the officer to whom it had been entrusted by his father,\nhe entered upon the fast with the accustomed observances. He came forth\nwith the fringe, and there were great festivities. The cable of gold was\nbrought out into the square, with the images of the Incas, and, in\naccordance with their usage, they spent some days in drinking-bouts. At\nthe end of these days of feasting, the news was sent to all parts of the\nkingdom, with the orders of the new king, and certain Orejones were sent\nto Quito to bring back his father\u2019s women and household.\n\nAtahualpa received the news that Huascar had assumed the fringe, and\nthat he desired that all should yield him obedience. The captains of\nHuayna Capac had not yet departed from Quito and its neighbourhood, and\nthere were secret communications between them as to the possibility of\nremaining in those lands of Quito, without going to Cuzco at the call of\nHuascar, for they had found the land of Quito to be as good as that of\nCuzco. Some among them hesitated, saying that it was not lawful to\nrefrain from recognising the great Inca, who was lord of all. But Illa\nTupac[251] was not loyal to Huascar, as Huayna Capac had requested, and\nhe had promised; for they say that he engaged in secret negotiations and\ndiscussions with Atahualpa, He said that, among the sons of Huayna\nCapac, this one showed the most spirit and valour, and that his father\nordered that he should govern Quito and its territory. He spoke in this\nway to the captains Chalcuchima, Acla-hualpa, Rumi-\u00f1aui,[252] Quizquiz,\nPecopagua,[253] and many others, urging them to assist in making\nAtahualpa the Inca of those parts, as his brother was of Cuzco. These,\nwith Illa Tupac who was a traitor to his natural lord Huascar, having\nbeen left as governor until the Inca should be of full age, agreed to\nrecognise Atahualpa, who was then declared to be lord. The women of his\nfather were delivered to him, whom he received as his own, and his\nfather\u2019s household and house service were handed over to him, to do with\nthem according to his will.\n\nSome say, that some of the sons of Huayna Capac, brothers of Huascar and\nAtahualpa, with other Orejones, fled to Cuzco, and reported what had\nhappened to the Inca. Huascar, and the other Orejones of Cuzco, felt\nwhat had been done by Atahualpa to be an evil act worthy of reprobation,\ncontrary to the will of their gods, and to the laws and ordinances of\nthe departed kings. They said that they would not consent or endure that\nthe bastard should take the name of Inca, and that he must be punished\nfor the favour he had obtained from the captains and soldiers of his\nfather\u2019s army. Huascar, therefore, ordered that a summons should be sent\nto all the provinces, that arms should be made, and the store-houses\nprovided with all things necessary, because he had to make war on the\ntraitors, if they would not recognise him as their lord. He sent\nambassadors to the Ca\u00f1aris, inviting their friendship. It is also said\nthat he despatched an Orejon to Atahualpa himself, to persuade him not\nto persist in his intentions, being so evil. The envoy was also to speak\nwith Colla Tupac, the Inca\u2019s uncle, to advise him that he should become\nloyal. These things being done, Huascar named one of the principal lords\nof Cuzco, named Atoc,[254] as his Captain-General.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXXI.\n\n_How the differences between Huascar and Atahualpa began, and how great\nbattles were fought between them._\n\n\nIt was understood throughout the realm of Peru that Huascar was Inca,\nand as such that he gave orders, and sent Orejones to the chief places\nin all the provinces to provide what he required. He was so intelligent,\nand was so popular, that he was much beloved by his people. When he\nbegan to reign, his age was about twenty-five, a little more or less.\nHaving appointed Atoc to be his Captain-General, he ordered him, after\nhaving taken the people he would require from places along the road, as\nwell _mitimaes_ as natives, to march to Quito and put down the rebellion\nof the Inca\u2019s brother.\n\nThe Indians recount the subsequent events in several ways. I always\nfollow the best version, which is held by the oldest and best informed\namong them, who are lords. For the common people, in all they say,\ncannot be relied upon as affirming the truth. Some relate that\nAtahualpa, not only resolved to refuse obedience to his brother, who was\nking, but even pretended to the sovereignty, seeing that the captains\nand soldiers of his father were on his side. He went to the country of\nthe Ca\u00f1aris, where he spoke with the native chiefs and with the\n_mitimaes_, telling them a plausible story. He said that his desire was\nnot to injure his brother, as he wished for his welfare; but to keep\nfriends with all, and to make another Cuzco at Quito, where all could\nenjoy themselves. He said that he had such good affection for them, that\nhe would cause edifices and lodgings to be made for himself in\nTumebamba. There, as Inca and lord, he would be able to amuse himself\nwith his women, as did his father and grandfather. He made other\nspeeches on this subject, which were not listened to with such pleasure\nas he supposed. For the messenger from Huascar had arrived, and spoken\nto the Ca\u00f1aris and _mitimaes_, saying that the Inca sought their\nfriendship, and that he implored the favour of the Sun and of his gods\nfor them. He told the Ca\u00f1aris that they should not consent to such an\nevil deed as the Inca\u2019s brother meditated. They replied by declaring\ntheir desire to see Huascar, and raising up their hands, they promised\nto remain loyal.\n\nThis being their wish, Atahualpa was unable to obtain his object, and\nthey say that the Ca\u00f1aris, with the captain and _mitimaes_, seized him,\nwith the intention of delivering him up to Huascar. But having placed\nhim in a room of the _tampu_, he escaped, and went to Quito, where he\ngave out that it had been the will of his God to turn him into a\nserpent, to enable him to escape from his enemies. He told his adherents\nthat all should be got ready to begin a war. Other Indians affirm as a\ncertain fact that the captain Atoc, with his troops, arrived at the\ncountry of the Ca\u00f1aris, where Atahualpa was, and that it was he who took\nthe Inca\u2019s brother prisoner, before he escaped in the way that has\nalready been mentioned. For my part, I believe, although I may be wrong,\nthat Atoc found that Atahualpa had escaped from his prison, and, much\ndisturbed at this, he collected all the men he could from the Ca\u00f1aris,\nand marched towards Quito, sending to all parts to strengthen the\ngovernors and _mitimaes_ in their loyalty to Huascar. It is related, as\na fact, that Atahualpa escaped by means of a _coa_ or tool which a\nQuella woman gave him. He made a hole with it at a time when those who\nwere in the _tampu_ were heated with what they had drunk. By using great\nhaste; he reached Quito before he could be overtaken by his enemies, who\nwanted very much to get him again into their power.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXXII.\n\n_How Atahualpa set out from Quito with his army and captains, and how he\ngave battle to Atoc in the villages of Ambato._\n\n\nAs the posts on the royal roads were so numerous, nothing happened in\nany part of the empire that was unknown, and when it was understood that\nAtahualpa had escaped by such good luck, and was in Quito assembling his\ntroops, it was known that a war was certain. Hence there were divisions\ninto parties; great disturbances; and thoughts directed to evil ends.\nHuascar had no one who would not obey him, and did not desire that he\nshould come out of the affair with honour and power. Atahualpa had, on\nhis side, the captains and men of the army, and many native lords and\n_mitimaes_ of the Quito provinces. They relate that, being in Quito, he\nmade haste to prepare his army to march, swearing, in their manner, that\nhe would inflict great punishment on the Ca\u00f1aris for the affront he had\nreceived from them. He knew that Atoc was approaching with his army,\nwhich exceeded, according to what they say, forty _huarancas_ or\nthousands of men, and he made haste to come forth and meet him.\n\nAtoc advanced because Atahualpa had not been able to assemble the men in\nthe provinces. He addressed his men, exhorting them to do honour to the\nInca Huascar, and to exert themselves to chastise the shameless conduct\nof Atahualpa. To justify his cause, Atoc sent certain Indians as\nmessengers to Atahualpa, urging him to rest satisfied with what he had\nalready done, and not to plunge the empire into civil war; but to submit\nto the Inca, as the wisest course for him. Although these messengers\nwere principal Orejones, they relate that Atahualpa laughed at what\nthey had to say, and that, after many threats, he ordered them to be\nkilled. He then pursued his road in a rich litter, carried on the\nshoulders of his principal and favourite followers.\n\nThey say that Atahualpa entrusted the conduct of the war to his\nCaptain-General Chalcuchima, and to two other chiefs, named Quizquiz and\nUcumari.[255] As Atoc did not halt with his army, they encountered him\nnear the town called Ambato, where the battle began, and was hotly\ncontested. Chalcuchima, having occupied a hill, came down with 5,000\nchosen men, at an opportune moment, and attacked the tired enemy,\nkilling a great number, while the rest fled in confusion. They were\npursued, and many were captured, including Atoc himself. Those who gave\nme this information say that he was fastened to a post, where they\nkilled him with great cruelty. Chalcuchima made a drinking-cup out of\nhis skull, adorned with gold. The most correct estimate, in my judgment,\nis that 15,000 or 16,000 men were killed in this battle, on both sides.\nThose who were taken prisoners were killed without mercy, by order of\nAtahualpa. I have passed by this town of Ambato, where they say that the\nbattle was fought, and, judging from the number of bones, it would\nappear that even more people were killed than they state.\n\nWith this victory Atahualpa remained in great renown. The news was\ndivulged in all parts of the kingdom. His adherents were called\ntogether, and hailed him as Inca. He said that he would assume the\nfringe at Tumebamba, though, if this ceremony was not performed at\nCuzco, it was considered absurd and invalid. He ordered his wounded to\nbe cured, he was served as a king, and he marched to Tumebamba.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER LXXIII.\n\n_How Huascar sent new captains and troops against his enemy, and how\nAtahualpa arrived at Tumebamba, where he perpetrated great cruelties;\nalso what happened between him and the captains of Huascar._\n\n\nFew days elapsed after the Captain Atoc was defeated at Ambato, before\nthe disaster was known, not only in Cuzco, but throughout the empire.\nHuascar was much alarmed, and from that time he feared that the end of\nthe trouble might be fatal. His councillors decided that Cuzco should\nnot be abandoned, but that a fresh army with new captains should take\nthe field. But there were great lamentations for the dead, and\nsacrifices were offered up in the temples and to the oracles, according\nto custom. Huascar summoned many native chiefs of the Collao, of the\nCanchis, Canas, Charcas, Cavangas, those of Condesuyo, and many of those\nof Chincha-suyo. When they had assembled, he spoke to them of what his\nbrother had done, and appealed to them to be good friends and\ncompanions. They answered as he desired, because they venerated the\nreligious custom not to receive any one as Inca, except him who had\nassumed the fringe at Cuzco, which Huascar had done some days before. As\nit was necessary to arrange for the continuance of the war, the Inca\nappointed his brother, Huanca Auqui, to be his Captain-General. Some\nOrejones say that he was not a brother of the Inca, but a son of\nIlaquito.[256] With him other principal chiefs were sent as captains,\nnamed Ahuapanti,[257] Urco Huaranca, and Inca Rocca. These captains set\nout from Cuzco with all the soldiers they could collect, and\naccompanied by many native lords and _mitimaes_, and Huanca Auqui\nreinforced his army on the road, as he advanced. He marched in search of\nAtahualpa, who was at Tumebamba, with his captains and many principal\nmen who had come to gain his favour, seeing that he was a conqueror. The\nCa\u00f1aris were afraid of Atahualpa, because they had imprisoned him and\ndespised his commands, and they knew him to be vindictive and very\nblood-thirsty. When he came near the principal edifices, I heard from\nmany Indians that, to appease his anger, they sent a great company of\nchildren, and another of men of all ages, to go forth to his\nrichly-adorned litter, in which he travelled with great pomp, bearing\ngreen branches and palm leaves in their hands, and praying for grace and\nfriendship, and that past injuries might be forgiven. They besought him\nwith such clamour and with such humility, that it would have broken a\nheart of stone. But it made little impression on the cruel Atahualpa,\nfor they say that he ordered his captains and soldiers to kill all who\nhad come out to him, which was done, only sparing a few children and the\nwomen dedicated to the service of the temple, who were kept without\nshedding any of their blood, to preserve the honour of their deity the\nSun.\n\nThis being done, he ordered some particular chiefs in the province to be\nkilled, and placed a captain of his own to govern it. Assembling his\nprincipal adherents, he then assumed the fringe and took the title of\nInca in Tumebamba, although the act was invalid, as has been explained,\nbecause it was not performed in Cuzco. However, he had the right of his\narms, which he held to be good law. I have also heard from some Indians\nof position that Atahualpa assumed the fringe in Tumebamba before Atoc\nwas defeated or even set out from Cuzco, and that Huascar knew it and\nprovided accordingly. But on the whole it seems to me that the version I\nfirst wrote is the most probable.\n\nHuanca Auqui made rapid marches, wishing to arrive at the country of the\nCa\u00f1aris before Atahualpa could do the harm which he actually did. Some\nof those who escaped from the battle of Ambato had joined him. All\nauthorities affirm that he had with him more than 80,000 soldiers, and\nAtahualpa assembled little less at Tumebamba, whence he set out,\ndeclaring that he would not stop until he reached Cuzco. The two armies\nencountered each other in the province of the Paltas, near Caxabamba,\nand after the captains had addressed their troops, the battle began.\nThey say that Atahualpa was not present; but that he witnessed the\nconflict from an adjacent hill. God was served in that, notwithstanding\nthat there were many Orejones and captains well instructed in the art of\nwar in the army of Huascar, and that Huanca Auqui did his duty like a\nloyal and good servant of the king, Atahualpa should be victorious, with\nthe death of many of his adversaries. They declare that in both armies\nmore than 35,000 were killed, besides many wounded.\n\nThe victors followed up the fugitives, killing and taking prisoners, and\nplundering the camp. Atahualpa was so joyful that he declared the gods\nwere fighting for him. The reason he did not advance to Cuzco in person\nwas that the Spaniards had entered the country a few days before, and\nthat he had received the news of their arrival.[258]\n\nWe will not give the conclusion of this war between the Indians, because\nit would not be according to the order of events, and the narrative can\nwait for insertion in its proper place.\n\nDown to this point is what it has seemed well for me to write concerning\nthe Incas, which is all derived from the account which I took down in\nCuzco. If another should undertake to tell it more in detail and with\ngreater accuracy the road is open to him. For I have not attempted what\nI was unable to perform; although for what I have done, I have worked in\na way known to God, who lives and reigns for ever. Most of what I have\nwritten was seen by the Doctor Bravo de Saravia,[259] and the Licentiate\nHernando de Santillan,[260] Judges of the Royal Audience of the city of\nthe Kings.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\nNAMES OF PLACES AND TRIBES.\n\nAbancay, i, 318\n\nAcari, i, 28, 265\n\nAcos, i, 301, 373\n\nAguja Point, i, 25\n\nAlcaviquiza tribe, near Cuzco, ii, 105, 106\n\nAmbato, i, 154;\n  defeat of Atoc at, ii, 232, 233, 235\n\nAnan Cuzco. _See_ Cuzco.\n\nAnaquer Hill, ii, 18\n\nAncasmayu river, i, 122; ii, 44, 64, 213;\n  northern limit of the empire, 218, 221, 223\n\nAncocagua temple, i, 357; ii, 88, 89\n\nAndahuaylas, i, 315, 317; ii, 83, 109, 118, 139, 145, 154\n\nAndesuyo (Anti-suyu), i, 323, 337; ii, 51, 70;\n  invasion of, ii, 166, 168, 169;\n  war with snakes, 166\n\nAngoyaco pass, i, 302\n\nAntis, ii, 175, 195\n\nApurimac river, i, 319; ii, 8, 43, 141, 147\n\nApurima, ii, 178\n\nArcos, ii, 154\n\nArequipa, i, 287, 392\n\nArica, i, 29\n\nAsillo, i, 369; ii, 166\n\nAtacama, i, 267\n\nAusancata temple, i, 354\n\nAyamarca, ii, 114, 115\n\nAyancas, road by, ii, 43\n\nAyavaca, ii, 179, 207\n\nAyaviri, i, 358, 359; ii, 135, 165, 166\n\nAymaraes, ii, 119\n\nAyangaro, i, 369; ii, 166, 170\n\n\nBahaire, Cieza de Leon at, ii, 131\n\nBarranca, La, i, 248 _n._\n\nBio-bio river, i, 31\n\nBombon, i, 286, lake of, 294; ii, 156, 175, 178, 206\n\nBracamoros, i, 204, 209; ii, 70, 179, 208\n\n\nCacha, i, 356; ii, 6\n\nCaitomarca, ii, 123, 124\n\nCalca, conquest by Uira-ccocha Ynca, ii, 121\n\nCallao, i, 27\n\nCamana, i, 29, 265\n\nCa\u00f1aris, i, 162, 167, 169; ii, 71;\n  head-dress, 72;\n  subjugation, 180, 181, 209, 229;\n  massacre of, 234\n\nCa\u00f1aribamba, i, 204\n\nCanas, i, 356, 358; ii, 3, 6;\n  head-dress, 72;\n  tribe of, 133, 171, 172, 233\n\nCa\u00f1ete valley (_see_ Huarco), i, 257 _n._, 259\n\nCanches, i, 355, 358; ii, 3;\n  head-dress, 72;\n  tribe of, 133, 171, 172, 233\n\nCangalla, ii, 133\n\nCaracollo, i, 381\n\nCaraugas, ii, 195, 233\n\nCaranqui, i, 133, 138; ii, 59, 65, 70, 181, 215, 219\n\nCaranques, i, 133, 138\n\nCaraques, i, 185\n\nCarex Isle, ii, 132\n\nCaravaya, i, 369\n\nCarmanca Hill, at Cuzco, i, 325; ii, 142\n\nCartagena (_see_ Bahaire), ii, 131\n\nCasma, i, 26\n\nCassana, at Cuzco, ii, 158\n\nCavinas, i, 354\n\nCaxabamba, ii, 235\n\nCaxamarca, i, 271; ii, 8, 59, 83, 86, 178, 179, 186, 206\n\nCaxas, ii 43, 179, 207\n\nChacama valley, i, 241\n\nChachapoyas, i, 277, 278, 207; ii, 70, 91, 157, 179\n\nChancas, i, 280, 315, 316; ii, 83, 199;\n  conquests of, 119, 139;\n  advance to Cuzco, ii, 140, 154, 157;\n  defeated, 143;\n  trophy of their bodies, ii, 144\n\nChaqui, i, 383\n\nCharcas, i, 381;\n  mines, 385;\n  ii, 195, 200, 233\n\nChayanta, i, 383; ii, 212\n\nChicama. (_See_ Chacama.)\n\nChichas, i, 383\n\nChilana, village in the Collao, i, 373\n\nChilca, i, 255\n\nChile, i, 30, 384; ii, 44, 51, 59, 64, 65, 70;\n  conquest by Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, 195;\n  Huayna Ccapac in, 201, 203;\n  name of, 202 _n._\n\nChimu, i, 242; ii, 185, 212\n\nChincha-suyu, 51, 175, 176, 177;\n  road of, 177\n\nChinchas, i, 228, 260; ii, 189, 190, 191\n\nChinchay-cocha lake, i, 294, 296. (_See_ Bombon.)\n\nChiquana, i, 356\n\nChiriguanas, ii, 69, 201\n\nChoclo-cocha Lake, ii, 118\n\nChucuito, i, 373; ii, 4, 59, 130, 135, 152, 170, 173, 174, 194\n\nChumbivilicas, i, 335; ii, 168\n\nChunchos, ii, 69\n\nChungara village, near Vilca\u00f1ota, ii, 88\n\nChuqui-apu (La Paz), i, 380; ii, 59, 200\n\nCochabamba, i, 383\n\nCocha-casa, ii, 140, 147\n\nCochasqui, ii, 215\n\nCollas, i, 359, 363, 367;\n  their head-dress, 72. (_See_ Collao.)\n\nCollao--Colla-suyu, i, 304, 359, 360, 363, 370; ii, 2, 51, 75;\n  invaded by Inca Uira-ccocha, 130, 167;\n  incursions of Chinchas into, 189;\n  Chanca chief sent to, 151;\n  invasion, 165;\n  rebellion, 169, 172;\n  subjugation, 173;\n  pacification, 174, 175;\n  Tupac Ynca Yupanqui in, 194, 195;\n  Huayna Ccapac in, 200\n\nCompata, ii, 133\n\nConchucos, i, 286, 291\n\nCondesuyo (Cunti-suyu), ii, 51, 106, 107, 112;\n  treason of chiefs, 117;\n  invasion of, 146, 168;\n  summoned to join the army of Huascar, 233\n\nCopacopa, ii, 165\n\nCopayapu, i, 30\n\nCoquimbo, i, 30; ii, 4\n\nCoropuna temple, ii, 89\n\nCotobambas, ii, 8\n\nCurahuasi, ii, 147\n\nCurampa, ii, 140, 148\n\nCuricancha, Temple of the Sun at Cuzco, i, 328, 385; ii, 9, 22, 23, 71, 83;\n  description of, 84, 85, 101, 103, 158, 203\n\nCuzco, i, 146;\n  situation, i, 322;\n  divisions, i, 325;\n  description, i, 330;\n  full of strangers, i, 71;\n  foundation, i, 329; ii, 21;\n  first arrival of Spaniards at, ii, 9;\n  Anan Cuzco, ii, 97, 102, 122;\n  Orin (Hurin) Cuzco, ii, 127;\n  drainage of swamps, ii, 99, 100;\n  rivers of, ii, 111, 112;\n  in danger from the Chancas, ii, 140, 141;\n  fortress, 160-164;\n  Bishop of, i, 424. (_See_ Curicancha.)\n\n\nDesaguadero, i, 373; ii, 174\n\n\nFerrol, port of, i, 26\n\n\nGorgona Isle, i, 21, 420; ii, 220\n\nGuamanga founded, i, 307, 308;\n  Indians, 310\n\nGuanacauri, ii, 148, 154. (_See_ Huanacauri.)\n\nGua\u00f1ape, i, 26, 245; ii, 213\n\nGuarmay, i, 26, 247; ii, 213\n\nGuayaguil, i, 197, 201, 203; ii, 209, 211\n\n\nHanan Cuzco, ii, 97, 102, 122\n\nHatun Colla, ii, 3, 14, 16, 17, 33, 59, 117, 130, 135, 170\n\nHatun-cana, i, 356\n\nHatun canche, ii, 158\n\nHayo-hayo, i, 381\n\nHervay, fortress of, ii, 193 _n._\n\nHoruro, i, 356\n\nHuallabamba, i, 139\n\nHuamachuco, i, 287, 289\n\nHuambacho, i, 247\n\nHuanacauri temple, ii, 17, 18, 19, 22, 89, 101, 107, 111\n\nHuancas, i, 279, 298;\n  legends of, i, 299;\n  head-dress, ii, 72;\n  conquest, ii, 153, 154;\n  submission, ii, 155, 173\n\nHuancabamba, i, 210, 269; ii, 59, 179, 207\n\nHuancachupachos, ii, 206\n\nHuancavilcas, i, 168, 181, 192\n\nHuanuco, i, 282, 283, 285; ii, 157\n\nHuara, ii, 26, 248\n\nHuaray, ii, 293\n\nHuarco valley, i, 257, 258;\n  fortress, ii, 164;\n  war, 191-195\n\nHuarina, i, 9, 380\n\nHuarochiri, ii, 43\n\nHuaqui, i, 274\n\nHuaura, ii, 213\n\nHuaylos, i, 286\n\nHurin Cuzco, i, 67; ii, 97, 102\n\n\nJuli, i, 373; ii, 130\n\nJuliaca, i, 369\n\n\nLampa, harvest ceremony at, i, 412\n\nLa Paz, i, 380, 381. (_See_ Chuqui-apu.)\n\nLa Plata, ii, 201\n\nLatacunga, ii, 59\n\nLima, i, 248\n\nLimatambo, i, 320\n\nLlacta-cunga, i, 143, 150\n\nLobos Island, i, 25\n\nLucanas, ii, 148, 199\n\nLunahuana, i, 228, 260\n\nLuracachi, ii, 134\n\n\nMala, i, 256\n\nManta, i, 182, 184\n\nMarca, in Condesuyo, ii, 107\n\nMarcapata, ii, 169\n\nMarcavillca, ii, 34\n\nMaule river, i, 31; ii, 64, 195, 221\n\nMohina, treasure found at, i, 353;\n  road from Cuzco to, ii, 44\n\nMotupe valley, i, 239\n\nMoxos, ii, 69\n\nMoyobamba, i, 280\n\nMuhina. (_See_ Mohina.)\n\nMulahalo, i, 147, 148\n\nMuli-ambato, i, 153\n\n\nNasca Point, i, 28\n\n---- valley, i, 264; ii, 190\n\nNicasio village, i, 365, 369\n\n\nOco\u00f1a valley, i, 29, 265\n\nOllantay-tambo. (_See_ Tambo.)\n\nOma, near Cuzco, ii, 105\n\nOmasayu, i, 369; ii, 90, 166\n\nOrin Cuzcos. (_See_ Hurin Cuzco.)\n\nOtavalo, ii, 215\n\n\nPacarec-tampu, i, 335; ii, 11, 13, 87\n\nPacasmayu, i, 240\n\nPachacamac, i, 251, 252, 253, 254; ii, 90;\n  temple of, ii, 187, 211;\n  Huayna Capac at, 213\n\nPaltas, i, 205; ii, 43, 235\n\nParia, i, 381; ii, 59\n\nPariacaca Pass, ii, 43, 188\n\nPari\u00f1a Point, i, 25\n\nPassaos, i, 22, 172\n\nParcos, i, 302; ii, 154\n\nParmonga (Parmunquilla), i, 247; ii, 186\n\nPasto, i, 54, 55, 120, 121, 123; ii, 219\n\nPatia, i, 118\n\nPayta, i, 25\n\nPicoy valley, i, 302; ii, 154\n\nPifo, ii, 215\n\nPincos, i, 294\n\nPisagua, i, 30\n\nPiscobamba, i, 293\n\nPiura, i, 213\n\nPocheos river, i, 213\n\n---- city, i, 32, 381, 382, 384\n\nPocona village, i, 384\n\nPomata, i, 473; ii, 130\n\nPomatambo (Pumatampu), ii, 113, 149\n\nPopayan, i, 32, 54, 55, 109, 115, 124; ii, 70, 221\n\nPorco, i, 285\n\nPotosi, i, 384, 390, 391\n\nPucamarca, ii, 158\n\nPuerto Viejo, i, 22, 174, 180, 187; ii, 78, 211\n\nPumatampu, ii, 113 _n._, 149\n\nPun\u00e1, i, 24, 198; ii, 211\n\nPurnaes (Purnaes), i, 154, 161; ii, 180, 210\n\n\nQuichuas, tribe of, ii, 109;\n  defeated by Chancas, ii, 118, 119\n\nQuilca, i, 29, 265\n\nQuillacingas, ii, 221\n\nQuillaco, mother of Atahualpa a native of, ii, 203, 224\n\nQuiquijana, i, 354; ii, 133\n\nQuito, i, 131, 140, 142, 144, 145;\n  founded by Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, ii, 181;\n  government of, ii, 183;\n  arrival of Huayna Ccapac at, ii, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217;\n  news of arrival of Spaniards reaches, 220;\n  riches at, 221;\n  mourning for Huayna Ccapac at, 222;\n  Atahualpa at, 224, 225;\n  rebellion of Atahualpa at, 227, 229, 230, 231\n\n\nRimac, i, 250; ii, 213\n\nRiobamba, i, 155, 160, 210\n\nRumichaca, near Quito, i, 132\n\nRunchuanac. (_See_ Lunahuana.)\n\n\nSana valley, i, 240\n\nSan Gallan, i, 27\n\nSan Lorenzo Cape, i, 23\n\nSan Miguel (Puira) founded, i, 213, 214\n\nSan Nicolas Point, i, 28\n\nSanta, i, 245, 246\n\nSanta Clara Island, i, 24\n\nSanta Elena Point, i, 23, 189\n\nSanta Maria Cape, i, 31\n\nSaqui, palace at, ii, 122\n\nSica sica, i, 381\n\nSipe sipe, i, 383\n\nSoras, ii, 148, 149, 199\n\n\nTacunga, iii, 180, 181, 210\n\nTambo (or Ollantay-tampu), i, 332, 333\n\nTampu-quiru, ii, 14, 16, 101, 103\n\nTangarara, original site of Piura, i, 214\n\nTapacari, i, 383\n\nTarama (Tarma), i, 286; ii, 156, 175, 176\n\nTarapaca, i, 30, 138, 265, 266\n\nTarma. (_See_ Tarama.)\n\nTiquizambi, ii, 180\n\nTiticaca Lake, i, 370, 371, 372; ii, 167\n\n---- Island, i, 372;\n  the sun came forth from, ii, 5;\n  Yncas at, 167, 200\n\nTomebamba. (_See_ Tumipampa.)\n\nTotora, i, 383\n\nTruxillo, i, 26, 186, 242, 244; ii, 212\n\nTucuman, ii, 201\n\nTumbez, i, 23, 128, 193, 213; ii, 185, 212\n\nTumipampa, i, 165; ii, 180, 209, 229, 232, 235\n\nTuqueme, coast valley of, i, 239\n\nTuquma, i, 383\n\nTusa, last village of the Pastos, i, 132\n\n\nUrcos, i, 354; ii, 133\n\n\nValparaiso, i, 31\n\nViacha, i, 380\n\nVicos, ii, 115\n\nVilcas, i, 312, 313;\n  roads from, ii, 44, 59;\n  edifices, ii, 150, 154, 206;\n  river, 149, 150\n\nVilcacunga, ii, 142\n\nVilca\u00f1ota temple, ii, 88, 134, 169\n\nVi\u00f1aque, i, 309, 379\n\nViticos, i, 305; ii, 11\n\n\nXaquixaguana, i, 9, 32, 150, 320; ii, 44, 129, 131, 137, 138, 140, 199\n\nXauxa, i, 296, 297; ii, 34;\n  road to Lima, 43, 59, 75;\n  partition of land, 148, 154, 156, 178, 188;\n  tenure of land arranged by Huayna Ccapac, 206, 208\n\nXayanca valley, i, 239\n\n\nYahuar-cocha, i, 133; ii, 218\n\nYahuira Hill, ii, 19\n\nYanahuaras, ii, 168\n\nYauyos, ii, 153, 178, 206\n\nYca, i, 263; ii, 190\n\nYlave, ii, 134\n\nYlo, i, 265\n\nYuli (_see_ Juli), ii, 130\n\nYucay, i, 354;\n  river of, ii, 124;\n  valley, i, 137, 140\n\nYuncas of the coast, i, 162, 209, 218, 219, 223, 232, 237; ii, 72, 90, 183;\n  conquest of, 185-193;\n  sacred temple of, ii, 187\n\n\nZepita, i, 37; ii, 130\n\n\nQUICHUA WORDS.\n\nAnacona. (See _Yana cuna_.)\n\nAncha, _very_, ii, 14, 63, 212\n\nApu, _chief_, ii, 14, 62, 97, 212\n\nAtoc, _fox_, ii, 228\n\nAyllos, _slings_, i, 355; ii, 46, 54-73\n\n\nCamac, _creator_, i, 253\n\nCamayus, _officials_, ii, 27, 90\n\nCancha, _place_, ii, 83\n\nCanqui, _thou art_, ii, 62\n\nCapacocha, _ceremony of offerings_, ii, 88, 89, 91-93\n\nCay, _this_, ii, 212\n\nCcapac, _rich_, i, 136; ii, 12, 17, 21, 22, 105\n\nCcampa, _thou_ (dative), ii, 62, 212, 218\n\nCcepi, _burden_, ii, 88\n\nCcocha. (_See_ Cocha.)\n\nCcuri, _gold_, ii, 83\n\nChaca, _bridge_, i, 132\n\nChacara, _farm_, ii, 27, 30, 60\n\nChacu, _hunt_, i, 288 _n._\n\nChaqui, _foot_, ii, 76\n\nChaquira, _beads_, i, 176, 405; ii, 40, 86, 90\n\nChumpi, _belt_, i, 146\n\nChu\u00f1u, _preserved potatoe_, i, 361; ii, 54\n\nChuri, _son_, ii, 14, 62\n\nCoca, i, 352; ii, 196\n\nCocha, _lake_, ii, 8\n\nCuna (_plural particle_), ii, 205, 213, 218\n\nCuraca, _nobleman_, ii, 41, 58\n\nCuri (_correctly_ Ccuri), _gold_, ii, 83\n\n\nHatun, _great_, ii, 14, 62, 212\n\nHatun cancha, ii, 158\n\nHatun-raymi, ii, 93, 96\n\nHuaca, _sacred_, i, 77, 228; ii, 87, 88, 90, 91\n\nHuaca-camayoc, i, 413\n\nHuaranca, _thousand_, ii, 135\n\nHuarmi, _woman_, ii, 76\n\nHuasi, _house_, ii, 83\n\nHuata, _year_, ii, 55, 76, 82\n\nHuauque, _brother_, ii, 76\n\nHuayna, _youth_, ii, 197, 213, 218\n\nHuayna-cuna, _youths_, i, 138; ii, 213, 218\n\nHuayras, _used in the mines_, i, 389\n\nHuillac. (_See_ Uillac.)\n\nHuis-cacha. (_See_ Uis cacha.)\n\n\nInca. (_See_ Ynca.)\n\nInti. (_See_ Ynti.)\n\n\nLlacta, _city_, ii, 197\n\nLlama, i, 393; ii, 45\n\nLlautu, _fringe_: _emblem of sovereignty_, ii, 2, 19\n\nLliclla, _mantle_, i, 146\n\nLloque, _left-handed_, ii, 100, 102, 103\n\n\nMacana, _club_, i, 49, 203\n\nMama, _mother_, ii, 12, 105, 114\n\nMama-cuna, _women of the temples_, i, 25, 149, 164,\n   369, 405; ii, 10, 46, 85, 92, 95, 138, 206\n\nManan, _not_, ii, 218\n\nMaqui, _hand_, ii, 76\n\nMicuni, _to eat_, ii, 212\n\nMitimaes, _colonists_, i, 149, 150, 209, 271, 328, 362;\n   ii, 24, 36, 39, 50, 67-71, 166, 177, 179\n\nMizqui, _sweet_, ii, 212\n\nMucha, _worship_, ii, 17, 38, 96, 210\n\nMolle trees. (_See_ Mulli.)\n\nMulli, _Schinus Molle_, i, 299\n\n\nNa\u00f1a, _sister_, ii, 76\n\nNaui, _eye_, ii, 76\n\n\nOca, _Oxalis tuberosa_, i, 361; ii, 94\n\nOxota. (_See_ Usuta.)\n\n\nPaccari (Pacarec), _dawn_, ii, 11, 13, 87\n\nPacha, _earth_, ii, 62\n\n---- _world_, i, 253; ii, 82\n\n---- _hundred_, ii, 205\n\nPalla, _married princess_, ii, 147, 277\n\nPillaca, _kind of fringe_, ii, 19\n\nPucara, _fortress_, i, 302, 368; ii, 2, 69, 75, 121, 147, 216\n\nPunchau, _day_, ii, 76\n\nPurachuco, _tuft of feathers_, ii, 19\n\n\nQuilla, _moon_, ii, 76\n\nQuinua, _Chenopodium Quinua_, i, 361; ii, 54, 94\n\nQuipus, _system of record_, i, 290; ii, 33, 34, 53, 57, 61, 165\n\nQuiru, _tooth_, ii, 14, 76\n\n\nRaymi, _festival_, ii, 93, 96\n\nRincri, _ear_, ii, 76\n\nRumi, _stone_, i, 132; ii, 227\n\nRuna, _man_, ii, 76, 205\n\nRuntu, egg, ii, 121\n\n\nSapa, _only_, ii, 62\n\nSasi, _fast_, ii, 18, 20\n\nSenca, _nose_, ii, 76\n\nSullull, _truth_, ii, 62\n\nSulluy, _of a truth_, ii, 212\n\nSupay, _devil_, i, 224; ii, 10\n\n\nTampu, _inn_, i, 161, 290; ii, 14, 16, 73, 101, 103, 131, 201, 230\n\nTaqui, _music_, ii, 29, 40, 91, 92, 137\n\nTiciviracocha, _God_, i, 299; ii, 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 22, 94;\n  image lost, 97\n\nTopu. (_See_ Tupu.)\n\nTucuy, _all_, ii, 62, 197, 218\n\nTupu, _measure_, i, 146; ii, 43, 66, 88, 112\n\nTuta, _night_, ii, 76\n\n\nUcumari, _bear_, ii, 232\n\nUillac Umu, _High Priest_, i, 329, 414; ii, 86, 97\n\nUira, _grease_, ii, 8\n\nUiscacha, _rabbit_, i, 402; ii, 46\n\nUma, _head_, ii, 76\n\nUncha, _fillet for the head_, i, 146\n\nUsuta, _shoe_, i, 146; ii, 38\n\nUyay, _hear_, ii, 62, 197\n\n\nVira, _grease_. (See Uira.)\n\n\nYahuar, _blood_, i, 133; ii, 218\n\nYana-cuna, _servant_, i, 391; ii, 55, 67 _n._, 88, 89, 201, 205\n\nYaya, _father_\n\nYlla (name given to bodies of the venerated dead), ii, 96\n\nYllapa, _lightning_, ii, 96\n\nYnca, _sovereign_, _of the blood royal_\n\nYnti, _the sun_, ii, 14, 62\n\nYnti-huasi, _Temple of the Sun_, ii, 83\n\nYscay, _two_, ii, 205\n\nYnca, i, 233\n\nYunca, _warm valley_, i, 162\n\nYupanqui, _you may count_, ii, 102 _n._, 158\n\n\nZazi. (_See_ Sasi.)\n\n\nNAMES OF INDIANS AND GODS.\n\n\nAhuapanti, a general of Huascar, ii, 233\n\nAlaya, chief of Xauxa, i, 224, 301; ii, 206\n\nAlcariza, a lord of Cuzco, ii, 15, 16, 17\n\nAnco allo, chief of the Chancas, i, 280; ii, 154, 156;\n  his flight, 157\n\nAperahua Oracle, ii, 90\n\nArnauan, a name of Ticiviracocha, ii, 6\n\nAtahualpa, ii, 8, 9, 10;\n  ransom, ii, 83, 86;\n  at Caxamarca, i, 271;\n  meaning of word, i, 231;\n  birth, ii, 203;\n  to rule at Quito, ii, 221, 222;\n  account of, ii, 224, 225;\n  rebellion, ii, 227;\n  cruelty to Ca\u00f1aris, i, 167; ii, 230, 235;\n  war with Huascar, i, 273, 275, 409, 421; ii, 235\n\nAtoc, general of Huascar, i, 167, 273; ii, 228, 230, 231, 232, 233\n\nAyar Cachi (Asauca), ii, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20\n\nAyar Manco, ii, 12, 21\n\nAyar Uchu, ii, 12, 13\n\n\nCapac. (_See_ Ccapac.)\n\nCari, a great lord in the Collao, i, 363; ii, 5, 130, 135;\n  rebellion, 170, 173\n\nCariapasa, chief of Chucuito, i, 373\n\nCayu Tupac, the Ynca who supplied Cieza de Leon with\n   information, ii, 11, 121\n\nCcapac, a rebel against Ynca Uira-ccocha, ii, 127\n\nCcapac Yupanqui, his reign, ii, 106, 107, 108;\n  embassy from the Quichuas to, 109;\n  death, ii, 110\n\n---- ---- general in the Huanca campaign, ii, 154\n\n---- ---- governor of Cuzco, ii, 178\n\nChalco Mayta, governor of Quito, ii, 183\n\nChalicuchima, a general of Atahualpa, i, 320; ii, 9, 227, 232\n\nChimbo Ocllo, wife of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 199\n\nChirihuana, governor of Chucuito, ii, 4\n\nColla Tupac, guardian of Huascar, ii, 222, 237 _n._, 228\n\nCusi-chuca, chief at Xauxa, ii, 206\n\nCusi-hualpa, son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222\n\n\nGuacarapora, lord of Xauxa;\n  use of quipus, ii, 34\n\nGuamaraconas. (_See_ Huayna-cuna.)\n\nGuanacauri. (_See_ Huanacauri.)\n\nGuasco, chief of Andahuaylas, i, 315, 318\n\n\nHastu Huaraca, chief of the Chancas, ii, 140, 141;\n  interview with the Ynca, ii, 142;\n  defeated, ii, 143;\n  enters service of the Ynca, ii, 145;\n  sent to the Collao, ii, 151\n\nHuaman Hualpa, a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222\n\nHuanacauri, the hero god, ii, 14, 18, 20, 22, 87, 101, 103, 107\n\nHuanca Auqui, a son of Huayna Ccapac, general, for Huascar, ii, 233;\n  defeated, 235\n\nHuaraca, chief of the Chancas, ii, 118\n\nHuarivilca, god of the Huancas, i, 300; ii, 154\n\nHuascar, i, 272, 421; ii, 8, 9, 99, 163, 203, 222;\n  his character, ii, 224, 225;\n  accession, 226;\n  war with Atahualpa, ii, 228, 229;\n  his alarm, 233;\n  army defeated, 235\n\nHuayna Ccapac, i, 140, 169, 179, 193; ii, 11, 25, 44, 67, 99, 155, 163, 180;\n  birth, 181;\n  accession, 197;\n  character, 198;\n  march of, 199, 200;\n  to Chile, 201, 202;\n  invasion of Bracamoros, 208;\n  severity, 209;\n  at Quito, 210;\n  on the coast, 212;\n  anecdote, 212;\n  war north of Quito, 215;\n  besieged, 217;\n  his vengeance, 218;\n  hears of Spaniards, 220;\n  death, 221;\n  obsequies, 222, 223\n\nHuayna-cuna (Guamaraconas), i, 138; ii, 213, 218\n\nHumalla, a chief in the Collao,\n  rebels, ii, 170\n\n\nIlla Tupac, ii, 227 _n._\n\n\nLloque Yupanqui, marriage, ii, 100;\n  reign, 102;\n  death, 103\n\n---- ---- brother of Ynca Yupanqui;\n  governor of Cuzco, ii, 147;\n  commands the army in the Huanca campaign, ii, 154, 155\n\n\nMacay Cuca, Queen of Ynca Rocca, ii, 111\n\nMama Cahua Pata, daughter of the lord of Oma, Queen of Mayta Ccapac, ii, 105\n\nMama Chiquia, of Ayamarca,\n  Queen of Ynca Yupanqui, ii, 114\n\nMama Cora, one of the women who came forth from Pacarec Tampu, ii, 12\n\nMama Huaco, one of the women who came forth from Pacarec Tampu, ii, 12\n\nMama Ocllo, Queen of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, ii, 175\n\nMama Rahua, one of the women who came forth from Pacarec Tampu, ii, 12\n\nManco Ccapac, i, 136, 194, 329, 354, 409; ii, 12, 17, 22, 23, 99\n\nManco Ynca, i, 304, 305; ii, 11, 30, 222;\n  assumption of the sovereign fringe by, 17\n\nMayta Ccapac, fourth Ynca, ii, 103;\n  death, 107\n\n\nNanque Yupanqui, son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222\n\n\nPaullu Ynca, i, 77;\n  funeral obsequies, ii, 104, 196 _n._, 222\n\n\nQuizquiz, general of Atahualpa, ii, 8, 164, 227\n\n\nRahua Ocllo. (_See_ Mama Rahua.)\n\nRocca Ynca, ii, 111;\n  reign, ii, 113;\n  obsequies, 115\n\n---- ---- a general of Huascar, ii, 233\n\nRumi-\u00f1aui, a general of Atahualpa, ii, 227\n\nRunta-Ccoya, Queen of the Ynca Uira-ccocha, ii, 121\n\n\nSapana. (_See_ Zapana.)\n\nSayri Tupac, ii, 11\n\nSinchi Rocca, ii, 23, 24;\n  reign, ii, 99\n\n\nTici-uira-ccocha, god, i, 299; ii, 1, 6, 7;\n  name, 8, 9, 22, 24;\n  image, 97\n\nTitu, a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222\n\nTuapaca, name of Tici-uira-ccocha in Collao, ii. 6\n\nTumbala, lord of Puna, i, 195; ii, 211\n\nTupac Ynca Yupanqui, i, 147, 149, 165, 169, 178,\n   192, 217, 261, 269, 313, 337, 357;\n   ii, 25, 44, 64, 86, 99, 150, 163, 170;\n  accession, 171, 172;\n  subjugated the Collas, 173, 174, 175;\n  march to Chinchasuyu, ii, 177;\n  at Caxamarca, 178;\n  at Bracamoros, 179;\n  conquest of coast valleys, 185-193;\n  conquest of Chile, 195;\n  death, 196\n\n---- ---- a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222\n\nTupac Hualpa, a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222\n\nTupac Uasco, chief of the Chancas, ii, 118, 147, 151, 157\n\nTuta Palla, mother of Atahualpa, ii, 203\n\n\nUasco. (_See_ Tupac Uasco.)\n\nUcumari, general of Atahualpa, ii, 232\n\nUillac Umu, High Priest, i, 329; ii, 86, 97\n\nUira-ccocha Ynca, i, 332, 338, 355, 363; ii, 64, 71;\n  accession, 120;\n  reign, 121 to 136;\n  abdication, 137, 140\n\n---- (God), i, 162, 357, 367. (See Tici-uira-ccocha.)\n\nUrco Ynca, ii, 129;\n  objections to his accession, 137;\n  accession, 138;\n  vicious conduct, 139, 140, 141;\n  deposition, 144, 146\n\nUrco Huaranca, governor of Atahualpa, ii, 233\n\n\nViracocha. (_See_ Uira-ccocha.)\n\n\nYnca Yupanqui, accession, ii, 116;\n  murder, ii, 117\n\n---- ---- ii, 129, 139;\n  defence of Cuzco by, 140;\n  defeats the Chancas, 143;\n  accession, 144;\n  march of his army, 147;\n  rule, 152;\n  meaning of name, 158;\n  builds fortress of Cuzco, 158-164;\n  proceedings, 165;\n  conquest of the Collao, 167;\n  of Condesuyos, 168;\n  invades Anti-suyu, 168, 169;\n  abdicates, 171\n\nYumalla, chief of the Collao, i, 373\n\n\nZa\u00f1u, chief of, ii, 100\n\nZapana, lord in the Collao, i, 363, 369; ii, 2, 3, 14, 117, 130;\n  embassy from, 132;\n  death, 135, 170\n\n\nNAMES OF SPANIARDS.\n\nAldana, Lorenzo de, founded Pasto, i, 123;\n  his kind treatment of the natives, and bequest in\n   their favour, i, 124 _n._\n\nAlmagro, Diego de, i, 7, 159, 186, 256, 318, 419\n\nAlmagro, Diego de (the lad), i, 306, 312, 335; ii, 13\n\nAlvarado, Alonzo de, i, 159, 279, 282\n\nAlvarado, Pedro de, i, 148, 155, 156, 157, 185, 186, 248\n\nAlvarado, Gomez de, i, 157, 281, 283\n\nAranda, a Spaniard. Evidence as to converse with devils, ii, 132\n\n\nBachicao, Hernando, hanged at Juli by Francisco de Carbajal, i, 373\n\nBelalcazar, Sebastian de, i, 79, 93, 105, 110, 113, 145, 201, 423;\n  marches to assist Gasca, i, 151, 186\n\nBlasco Nu\u00f1ez Vela, i, 187, 139\n\nBobadilla, Fray Francisco de, the umpire between Pizarro and Almagro, i, 256\n\nBueno, Martin, one of the first soldiers who went to Cuzco, ii, 9\n\n\nCarbajal, Francisco de, i, 362, 373, 422\n\nCarrasco, Alonzo, had seen the trophy of bodies of the Chancas, ii, 145\n\nCastro, Vaca de, i, 283, 312\n\nCenteno, Diego de, i, 380, 384\n\nChaves, Francisco de, i, 292\n\nCieza de Leon, Pedro de (the author), dedication of his work, i, 1;\n  his habit of writing on the march, i, 3;\n  plan of his work, i, 6;\n  collecting information concerning the coast, i, 27;\n  loses his journal after the battle of Xaquixaguana, i, 32;\n  joins Vadillo, i, 41;\n  method of collecting information, i, 177;\n  marching to join the royal army, i, 151, 167, 241;\n  crosses bridge over the Apurimac, i, 319;\n  goes to Charcas, i, 339;\n  at Pucara, i, 368;\n  takes notes in the Collao, 364;\n  at Tiahuanaco, i, 376; ii, 173;\n  proposes to form plantations of trees, i, 401;\n  sees God\u2019s hand in the conquest of the Indies, i, 418;\n  finishes the first part of his work, i, 427;\n  record of retribution, i, 423;\n  inquires of the natives as to their condition\n   before the time of the Yncas, ii, 2;\n  visits the temple of Cacha, ii, 7;\n  information from citizens of Cuzco, ii, 3;\n  Ynca sources of information, ii, 11, 121;\n  plan of his second part, ii, 24;\n  learns the practical use of the _quipus_ at Xauxa, ii, 34;\n  praises Ynca rule, ii, 47;\n  heard oracles speak at Bahaire, ii, 131;\n  visits the fortress of Cuzco, ii, 162;\n  conclusion of his work, ii, 236\n\n\nElemosin, Diego Rodriguez, great wealth discovered by, ii, 89\n\nEscobar, Maria de, introduced wheat into Peru, i, 400\n\n\nGasca, Pedro de la, i, 208, 241, 318, 320, 339\n\nGomara, Francisco Lopez de, criticism on, ii, 67\n\nGuevara, Juan Perez de, conquests in the eastern forests, i, 280\n\nGutierrez Felipe, his discoveries south of Peru, i, 383\n\nGuzman, Hernando de, present at the siege of Cuzco;\n  visits the fortress of Cuzco with the author, ii, 162\n\n\nHeredia, Nicolas de, discoveries south of Peru, i, 383\n\nHi\u00f1ojosa, Ruy Sanchez de, discoveries in the direction of Rio de la Plata;\n  killed by Heredia, i, 384\n\n\nLadrillero, Juan, navigates Lake Titicaca, i, 370\n\nLedesma, Baltasar de, retribution on, i, 423\n\nLoaysa, Geronimo de, Archbishop of Lima, i, 227, 424\n\n\nMaldonado, Diego de, his estates, i, 317 _n._; ii, 139 _n._\n\nMoguer, name of one of the first soldiers who went to Cuzco, ii, 9\n\n\nOndegardo, Polo de, corregidor of Charcas, i, 387\n\nOrellana, Francisco de, i, 112, 202, 406\n\nOrgo\u00f1ez, Rodrigo, i, 254, 304\n\nOtaso, Marcos, a priest, who gave the author an account of\n   the harvest ceremony at Lampa, i, 412\n\n\nPacheco, Juan, his experience of the conduct of devils\n   in obstructing the conversion of heathens, i, 416, 417\n\nPancorvo, Juan de, estate at Ayaviri, i, 359;\n  had seen the trophy of Chanca bodies, ii, 145\n\nPinto, Simon, corregidor of Chucuito, i, 373\n\nPizarro, Francisco, i, 21, 156, 214, 244, 250, 256, 268,\n   272, 310, 329, 353; ii, 9, 34, 220\n\nPizarro, Gonzalo, i, 32, 137, 303, 311, 320, 380\n\nPizarro, Hernando, i, 253, 254, 335; ii, 13\n\nPuelles, Pedro de, i, 187, 283\n\n\nRios, Pedro de los, i, 419\n\n\nSaavedra, Juan de, arrived in Peru with Pedro de Alvarado, i, 157, 185;\n  as governor of Cuzco, assisted the author in his researches, ii, 11\n\nSanta Maria, Fray Juan de, trouble with the devil when\n   baptizing a chief, i, 417\n\nSanto Tomas, Fray Domingo de, his labours in the study of Quichua, i, 163;\n  gives information to the author, i, 219;\n  his evidence respecting the wiles of the devil, i, 225;\n  founds a monastery in the coast valley of Chacama, i, 242, 427\n\nSantillan, Hernando de, judge of the Audiencia, i, 425; ii, 236;\n  had seen the author\u2019s work, ii, 236\n\nSaravia, Dr. Bravo de, judge of the Audiencia, i, 205, 425;\n  had seen the author\u2019s work, ii, 236\n\nSolano, Juan de, Bishop of Cuzco, i, 424\n\nSosa, Hernan Rodriquez de, retribution on, for cruelty to Indians, i, 423\n\n\nTerrazas, Bartolom\u00e9 de, his estate at Cacha, ii, 6 _n._\n\nTobar, Francisco de, retribution on, for cruelty to Indians, i, 422\n\n\nUzeda, Diego de, goes with the author to Charcas, i, 365\n\n\nValverde, Vicente de, Bishop of Cuzco, i, 424\n\nVaragas, Juan de, held the Indians of Tiahuanaco in _encomienda_, i, 379\n\nVasquez, Tomas, his estate in Ayaviri;\n  gives information to the author, ii, 3;\n  the author visits the fortress of Cuzco with, ii, 162\n\nVergara, Pedro de, i, 205\n\nVilladiego, Captain, sent against the Ynca Manco, i, 305\n\nVillacastin, Francisco de, at Ayaviri with the author, ii, 3 _n._\n\nVillaroel, discovered mines of Potosi, i, 386\n\n\nZarate, name of one of the first three soldiers who went to Cuzco, ii, 9\n\n\nGENERAL INDEX.\n\nAccounts, method of keeping by means of _quipus_, i, 290; ii, 33;\n  use at Xauxa, 34, 35, 53, 57, 61, 165;\n  audit of, ii, 61\n\nAdministrative system of the Yncas, ii, 36, 37, 209\n\nAdobes, sun-dried bricks, i, 129, 219, 251\n\nAguacate, a fruit. (_See_ Palta.)\n\nAji pepper, i, 42, 232; ii, 94\n\nAlgoroba trees, i, 129, 235, 239 _n._\n\nAlpacas, i, 394; ii, 45\n\nAmazons, a race of, ii, 3\n\nAndenes, i, 321; ii, 160\n\nAndes, description, i, 129;\n  forests, 323, 337;\n  animals and snakes, 338;\n  riches of, 406\n\nArmy: military colonies, ii, 69;\n  order of marching, 73, 199;\n  assembly of, 133, 147, 153, 165, 177, 205;\n  discipline of, 177, 205;\n  difficult march, 200, 201;\n  method of defending fortified\nplaces, 217, 218;\n  Huascar calls for an assembly of the army, 233\n\nArt, Peruvian works of, i, 403, 404\n\nAssessment of tribute, ii, 51, 52\n\nAstronomical knowledge, ii, 82\n\nAuthority for the history, ii, 11, 24, 25, 121\n\n\nBalsas, used at sea, i, 265;\n  on the rivers, ii, 125\n\nBarley, i, 144, 400\n\nBaths of the Yncas, i, 271, 285 _n._\n\nBuilding, skill of the Yncas in, i, 405; ii, 160, 161-164\n\n\nCannibalism, absence of, ii, 79\n\nCeremonies of the Yncas, previous to accession, ii, 18, 19.\n   (_See_ Festival, Funeral, Harvest, Homage.)\n\nChain, golden, at Cuzco, ii, 19, 20, 91, 97, 153, 226;\n  lost, ii, 97\n\nChicha, fermented liquor, i, 152, 220; ii, 18, 85, 87, 94, 95, 200\n\nChildren, naming, i, 231;\n  of the Ynca, ii, 26, 27\n\nChirimoyas. (_See_ Guanavanas.)\n\nClimate of Peru, i, 130;\n  of Quito, i, 140;\n  of Peruvian coast, i, 214;\n  of the Collao, i, 360\n\nCloth-weaving, i, 405\n\nCoast valleys, i, 129, 214-216 to 268;\n  fertility of, i, 233. (_See_ Yuncas.)\n\nColonists, i, 149, 150, 209, 271, 328, 362;\n  account of system, 67-71, _passim_\n\nConquests, system of, ii, 47, 48-49\n\nCotton, i, 143, 393\n\nCouriers. (_See_ Posts.)\n\nCrime, punishment of, ii, 81\n\n\nDeserts of the coast, i, 128, 238, 240;\n  peopling of, ii, 70\n\nDevil. (_See_ Supay.)\n\nDogs, i, 235\n\nDoorways, monolithic, at Tiahuanaco, i, 276\n\nDrainage of swamp at Cuzco, ii, 99\n\nDyes used by Indians, i, 405\n\n\nEars, ceremony of piercing, ii, 19\n\nEarthquakes at Arequipa, i, 268\n\nEmigrants. (_See_ Colonists.)\n\n\nFestival of Hatun Raymi, ii, 94, 95\n\nFish used as manure, i, 255\n\nFishing on the coast, i, 267\n\nFlowers used at sacrifices, i, 71\n\nFortress (_see_ Pucara);\n  buildings of the fortress at Cuzco, ii, 160-164\n\nFoxes, i, 227, 402\n\nFringe. (_See_ Head-dress.)\n\nFruits, i, 234, 235, 283;\n  pepino, ii, 212\n\nFuneral obsequies of an Ynca, ii, 104, 115\n\n\nGold, i, 57, 70, 77, 79, 86, 336;\n  of Caravaya, 369, 381; ii, 40. (_See_ Treasure.)\n\nGolden maize and animals at the temple of the Sun, 85\n\nGuanavanas (or Chirimoyas), i, 234\n\n\nHarvest festivities, i, 412; ii, 97\n\nHead-dresses, i, 171, 172, 330; ii, 72;\n  of the Ca\u00f1aris, i, 167; ii, 72;\n  of chiefs on the coast, i, 225;\n  Carinas, i, 330;\n  of the Collao, i, 363; ii, 72;\n  of the Huancas, ii, 72;\n  of the Canas, ii, 72;\n  of the Yuncas, ii, 72;\n  of the Canchis, ii, 72;\n  fringe or _Llautu_ of the sovereign, ii, 2, 19\n\nHigh priest of the Sun, or _Uillac Umu_, i, 329, 414; ii, 86, 97\n\nHomage, ceremony of, in the Collao, ii, 136\n\nHoney, eaten by old Carbajal, i, 362\n\nHunt, royal, ii, 45\n\n\nIrrigation works, i, 236, 263;\n  near Cuzco, i, 354\n\n\nJourneys of the Yncas, ii, 62, 63\n\nJustice, administration of, ii, 81\n\n\nKnighthood, ceremony of investiture, ii, 19, 101\n\n\nLabour, organisation of, ii, 58\n\nLand, partition of, ii, 75\n\nLanguage general, or Quichua, i, 163, 146, 407; ii, 76, 77\n\nLlamas, i, 393; ii, 45\n\n\nMemorials. (_See_ Records.)\n\nMines in Ca\u00f1aris, i, 169;\n  of emeralds at Manta, i, 182;\n  in Tarapaca, 266, 267;\n  Conchucos, 293;\n  Potosi, 382-386, 390, 391;\n  Charcas, 385;\n  Porco, 385\n\nMining industry, ii, 53\n\nMorality of the Yncas, ii, 80\n\nMummies of the Yncas, ii, 30, 31\n\n\nObeisance, mark of, ii, 38\n\nOracles, consultation of, ii, 103, 131\n\n\nPalta, a fruit, i, 16, 73, 99, 234\n\nPepinos, i, 234; ii, 212\n\nPosts and runners, system of, ii. 64, 65, 66\n\nPotatoes, i, 360\n\nPriest. (_See_ High Priest.)\n\n\nQueen of the Ynca, selection, ii, 24\n\nQuichua. (_See_ Language.)\n\nQuipus. (_See_ Accounts, Records.)\n\n\nRain, absence of on the coast, i, 214\n\nRecitations of wise men, ii, 32\n\nRecords and memorials of the Yncas, ii, 28;\n  system of recording events, ii, 29\n\nReligion (_See_ Yncas):\n  of the Ca\u00f1aris, i, 162;\n  of the Huancavilcas, i, 181;\n  of the Mantos, i, 183;\n  of the Huamanchucos, i, 289;\n  of the Canas, i, 357;\n  of the Collas, i, 366;\n  of the Huanucas, i, 285;\n  of the Huancas, i, 299;\n  of the coast people, i, 221\n\nRetribution on Spaniards for cruelty to the Indians, i, 422, 423\n\nRiches of the Yncas, ii, 39. (_See_ Treasure.)\n\nRoads, Ynca, i, 153, 217, 253, 287, 290, 293, 302, 320, 326; ii, 42-44;\n  posts, ii, 64, 65, 66;\n  road of Chincha sayu, ii, 177, 204;\n  road from Cuzco to Quito, ii, 183\n\nRunners, system of, ii, 64, 65\n\n\nSacrifices, human, practice much exaggerated by Spaniards;\n  but the author does not deny its existence, ii, 79, 80;\n  account of, ii, 87, 89, 103\n\nSarsaparilla, i, 200, 395\n\nSilver at Potosi, i, 388;\n  at Charcas, i, 385\n\nSkulls, custom of flattening, i, 96, 363\n\nSnakes, war with, ii, 166\n\nStatistics, Ynca system of, i, 57\n\nSun, temple of, at Cuzco, ii, 83-85;\n  figure of, lost, ii, 97, 98\n\n\n_Temples._\n  Ccuri-cancha at Cuzco, i, 328, 385;\n   ii, 9, 22, 23, 71, 83, 85, 101, 103, 158, 203;\n  of Huanacauri, ii, 14, 18, 20, 22, 87, 101, 103, 107;\n  of Ancocagua, i, 357; ii, 88, 89;\n  of Coropuna, ii, 89;\n  of Vilca\u00f1ota, ii, 88, 134, 169;\n  of Pachacamac, i, 251, 253, 254; ii, 90, 187, 211, 213\n\nTraditions, of bearded men at Titicaca, ii, 4;\n  of a strange man of great stature, ii, 5;\n  of the brethren of Paccari-tampu, ii, 12, 13\n\nTreasure, ii, 39;\n  lost, ii, 42, 97, 98 (_see_ Gold);\n  treasure of the Yncas, ii, 39, 40\n\nTrees of Peru, i, 129, 142, 235, 239, 397, 401;\n  fruit trees, i, 234\n\nTribute, ii, 51-56\n\n\nVice, absence of, ii, 78\n\n\n_Yncas_,\n  ceremonies, ii, 18, 19, 20;\n  wife, children, ii, 26, 27;\n  memorials of, 28, 32;\n  mummies of deceased, i, 226; ii, 30, 31;\n  forethought of, ii, 37;\n  mark of obeisance to, ii, 38;\n  riches of, ii, 39, 40;\n  attendance on, ii, 41;\n  roads of, ii, 42-44;\n  hunts, 45, 46;\n  method of conquest, ii, 47-49;\n  system of colonising, ii, 50, 67;\n  tribute, ii, 51-56;\n  statistics, ii, 57;\n  audit of accounts, ii, 61;\n  organisation of labour, ii, 58;\n  governors appointed by, ii, 59;\n  order of marching, ii, 73;\n  punishment of offences, ii, 74, 81;\n  partition of land, ii, 75;\n  journeys, ii, 76;\n  absence of vicious practices, ii, 78;\n  morality, ii, 80;\n  councillors, ii, 81;\n  astronomical knowledge, ii, 82\n\nLONDON:\n\nWHITING AND CO., LIMITED, SARDINIA STREET, LINCOLN\u2019S-INN-FIELDS.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n [1] See p. 34.\n\n [2] Introduction, p. xviii.\n\n [3] _History_, i, p. 161.\n\n [4] The Spanish editor accounts for Mr. Prescott\u2019s mistake by\n supposing that the person employed to copy the manuscript had written\n _por_ (by) instead of _para_ (for). But this is not so, as Mr.\n Prescott himself quotes the word _para_ (i, p. 161). The Spanish\n editor refers to a life of Sarmiento in the _Historia del Colejio\n Viejo de San Bartolom\u00e9 Mayor de la celebre Universidad de Salamanca_,\n 2d edicion, Primera Parte, p. 336.\n\n [5] _Conquest of Peru_, i, 160-62.\n\n [6] _Ibid._, ii, 297-99.\n\n [7] _Cronica_, ii, pp. 25, 44, 45, 51, 131, 160, 173, 180, 193, 212.\n\n [8] _Ibid._, ii, p. 212, reference to chapter liii (liv in the\n incorrectly numbered Antwerp edition) of the First Part. See my\n Translation, p. 192.\n\n [9] Page 84.\n\n [10] _Biblioteca de Escorial_, c\u00f3dice L, j, 5 from folio 1 to 130\n inclusive.\n\n [11] _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina._ _Segunda Parte de la Cr\u00f3nica\n del Per\u00fa_, que trata del Se\u00f1orio de los Incas Yupanquis y de sus\n grandes hechos y gobernacion, \u00e9scrita por Pedro de Cieza de Leon. La\n publica M\u00e1rcos Jimenez de la Espada. Madrid, Imprenta de Manuel Gines\n Hernandez, Libertad, 16 duplicado, bajo, 1880. Pp. 279, and xi of\n Introduction.\n\n [12] This was the edition used by Prescott; and by me in translating\n the First Part for the Hakluyt Society.\n\n [13] Don M. J. de la Espada says of the Hakluyt Society\u2019s\n volume:--\u201cEdicion muy bella. Bien anotada en la parte geogr\u00e1fica y de\n historia natural, en la historica y biografica con los comentarios de\n Garcilasso y las decadas de Herrera.\u201d\n\n [14] _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina._ Tercero libro de las Guerras\n Civiles del Peru, el cual se llama la Guerra de Quito, hecho por Pedro\n de Cieza de Leon, Coronista de las cosas de las Indias. Madrid, 1877.\n Pr\u00f3logo por M. J. de la Espada, pp. cxix. La Guerra de Quito, pp. 176.\n Apendices, pp. 120.\n\n [15] \u201cThe First Part, as already noticed, was alone completed. The\n author died without having covered any portion of the magnificent\n ground plan which he had confidently laid out.\u201d--_Conquest of Peru_,\n ii. p. 298.\n\n [16] So says Fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Cordova, in his _Memorial\n de las Historias dal Nuevo Mundo Piru_ (Lima 1630), but without giving\n any authority.\n\n [17] Herrera gives Llerena as the birthplace of Cieza de Leon (Dec.\n vi, lib. vi, cap. 4; and Dec. vii, lib. ix, cap. 19). In the latter of\n these two passages, in the first edition, the word is printed _Erena_,\n an error which is repeated in the editions of Antwerp and of Gonzalez\n Barcia. Piedrahita (lib. iv, cap. 2) repeats that Cieza de Leon was\n a native of Llerena. The town of Llerena is nineteen leagues east of\n Badajos, at the foot of the Sierra de San Miguel. It was taken from\n the Saracens in 1241; and in 1340 Alfonso XI assembled the Cortes at\n Llerena. Besides Cieza, it produced the Holguins, and Juan de Pozo,\n the watchmaker who placed the _giralda_ on the tower of Seville.\n\n [18] See my Translation, p. 335.\n\n [19] My Translation, p. 40.\n\n [20] Mr. Robert Blake White, who has travelled in the valley of\n the Cauca, read an interesting paper on the \u201cCentral Provinces\n of Colombia\u201d, at the meeting of the Royal Geographical Society\n on February 26th, 1883. He afterwards read the First Part of the\n Chronicle of Cieza de Leon, and was struck by the accuracy with which\n the soldier-historian described that same region which Mr. Blake White\n travelled over more than three hundred years afterwards. The English\n explorer was much interested in the perusal of the work of his Spanish\n predecessor.\n\n [21] Page 2.\n\n [22] Page 7.\n\n [23] Page 32.\n\n [24] Vol. i, p. 194.\n\n [25] _A\u00f1ay_, interjection of praise; _sauca_, joy, pleasure.\n\n [26] A word referring to some kind of head-dress.\n\n [27] Very brutish. Probably a farce.\n\n [28] Tragic.\n\n [29] _Coleccion de obras y documentos por Don Pedro de Angelis_, vol.\n v (Buenos Ayres, 1836-37).\n\n [30] Padre Francisco Ituri also speaks of the \u201cQuichua dramas\n transmitted to our day by an unbroken tradition.\u201d--_Carta critica\n sobre \u201cLa Historia de America de Juan B. Mu\u00f1oz\u201d_ (Rome, 1797).\n\n [31] Vol. i, pp. 203-204.\n\n [32] _Antiguedades Peruanas por Mariano Eduardo de Rivero y Juan Diego\n de Tschudi_ (Viena, 1851), p. 116.\n\n [33] _Ibid._, pp. 116, 117.\n\n [34] _Die Kechua Sprache_, von J. J. von Tschudi (Wien, 1853), pp.\n 71-110.\n\n [35] He was a son of Dr. Justo Pastor Justiniani, a surgeon, by\n Do\u00f1a Manuela Simancas Cata\u00f1o, a lineal descendant of Hualpa Tupac\n Ynca Yupanqui, one of whose daughters was the mother of Garcilasso\n Ynca de la Vega the historian. Dr. Justo Pastor\u2019s father was Don\n Nicolo Ambrosio Justiniani, his grandfather Don Luis Justiniani, his\n great-grandfather also Don Luis of Seville, whose parents belonged\n to the Genoese family of Justiniani, descended from the Emperor\n Justinian. This first Don Luis Justiniani came to Peru and married\n Do\u00f1a Catalina Ortiz de Orue, whose father, Don Pedro Ortiz de Orue, a\n Biscayan, was one of the first conquerors, and whose mother was the\n Princess Tupac Usca, daughter of the Ynca Manco Ccapac II.\n\n [36] The Quichua drama of _Ollantay_ was reviewed in a periodical\n published at Cuzco in 1837, called the _Museo Erudito_, Nos. 5 to 9.\n The editor, Don Manuel Palacios, says that the story was handed down\n by immemorial tradition, but that the drama was written by Dr. Valdez.\n The editor had inquired of Don Juan Hualpa, a noble Curaca of Belem in\n Cuzco, and of the Curacas of San Sebastian and San Blas, near Cuzco,\n who agreed in their account of the tradition, which was that the\n rebellion of Ollantay arose from the abduction of an _aclla_ or virgin\n of the Sun.\n\n [37] _Ollanta, an ancient Ynca Drama_, translated from the original\n Quichua. By Clements R. Markham, C.B. (Tr\u00fcbner, 1871.) Pp. 128,\n with introduction and notes. My translation, owing to my imperfect\n knowledge of the language, contained numerous mistakes, which have\n been duly pointed out by Zegarra, a native of the country, in his work\n published subsequently.\n\n [38] _\u201cOllanta o\u2019 sea la severidad de un Padre y la clemencia de\n un Rey_, drama dividido en tres actos, traducido del Quichua al\n Castellano, cos notas diversas, por Jos\u00e9 S. Barranca.\u201d (Lima, 1868.)\n Pp. 16 and 71.\n\n [39] \u201c_Los vinculos de Ollanta y Cusi Kcuyllor, Drama en Quichua._\n Obra compilada y espurgada con la version Castellana al frente de su\n testo por el Dr. Jos\u00e9 Fernandez Nodal, Abogado de los tribunales de\n justicia de la Republica del Peru: bajo los auspicios de La Redentora\n Sociedad de Filantropos para mejorar la suerte de los Aborijenes\n Peruanos.\u201d (Ayacucho, en el deposito del Autor.) Dr. Nodal commenced,\n but never completed, an English translation.\n\n [40] \u201c_Ollanta._ Ein Altperuanisches Drama aus der Kechuasprache.\n Ubersetzt und commentirt von J. J. von Tschudi.\u201d (Wien, 1875.) 4to.,\n pp. 220.\n\n [41] Lopez also tells us that his father was a personal friend of\n Dr. Valdez, and never heard that the learned Quichua scholar was the\n author of _Ollantay_. On the contrary, he believed that the drama was\n very ancient. Mariano Moreno, another intimate friend of Dr. Valdez,\n bears the same testimony. _Races Aryennes_, p. 325.\n\n [42] _Collection Linguistique Americaine._ Tome iv. \u201cOllanta\u00ef, drama\n en vers Quechuas du temps des Incas: traduit et comment\u00e9.\u201d Par Gavino\n Pacheco Zegarra. Paris: Maisonneuve et Cie., 25, Quai Voltaire, 1878,\n pp. clxxiv and 265. At the end there is a vocabulary of all the words\n in the text of _Ollantay_.\n\n [43] In my book, _Cuzco and Lima_, 1853, written when I was\n twenty-two, immediately after transcribing the Justiniani version, I\n assumed the antiquity of the drama. But in my later work, _Travels\n in Peru and India_ (1862), I expressed a doubt, and inclined to the\n opinion that Dr. Valdez was the author (Note, p. 138). A subsequent\n detailed and critical study of the text obliged me to revert to my\n former belief that _Ollantay_ was, in the main, a composition of Ynca\n origin, dating from before the conquest. All I have since read has\n confirmed me in this opinion.\n\n [44] See p. 51.\n\n [45] P. 116.\n\n [46] Don Vicente Lopez suggests the following derivation for the name\n of Ollantay. The second part, _Antay_, signifies \u201cof the Andes\u201d,\n anything belonging to the Andes. _Oll_ would be a corruption of _Ull_\n or _Uill_. The correct form would be _Uill-Antay_ or _Uilla Antay_.\n _Uilla_ means a legend, tradition, or history, _The Legend of the\n Andes_. Several of the manuscripts have _Apu-Ollantay_, _Apu_, meaning\n chief, \u201c_The Legend of the Chief of the Andes_.\u201d\n\n Barranca proposes _Ulla_ as a derivative of _Ullu_, \u201cthe power of\n love.\u201d _Ccahuari-Ullanta_, as an expression of admiration.\n\n Nodal thinks that _Olla_ is really _Colla_, the _c_ having suffered\n elision, that the _n_ is the pronoun for the third person, and _ta_\n the accusative. He translates _Ollanta_ as \u201cher lover\u201d, with reference\n to Cusi-coyllur.\n\n Dr. de la Rosa says that Lopez is mistaken in his etymology, that the\n suggestion of Barranca is more plausible; but that he thinks he has\n himself hit upon a more rational derivation. He has not, however, yet\n given it to the world.\n\n Zegarra rejects all these derivations.\n\n [47] _Ollantay. Estudio sobre el drama Quechua._ Por Bartolom\u00e9 Mitr\u00e9,\n publicada en la _Nueva Revista_ de Buenos Ayres. (Buenos Ayres, 1881.)\n Pp. 44.\n\n [48] Bartolom\u00e9 Mitr\u00e9 was born on June 26th, 1821, and in early life\n was several years in Peru and Chile as an officer and journalist.\n Returning to Buenos Ayres, he distinguished himself as an orator in\n the Representative Assembly, and was Minister of War in 1859. In 1860\n he was appointed Governor of Buenos Ayres, and was promoted to the\n rank of General. On September 17th, 1860, he defeated General Urquiza\n in the battle of Pavon, and soon afterwards signed a treaty with\n him. On October 5th, 1862, he was elected President of the Argentine\n Republic, and held that office with credit to himself and benefit to\n his country for six years. He is an able and enlightened statesman,\n as well as an accomplished scholar. General Mitr\u00e9 is the author of a\n _Life of General Belgrano_ and other works.\n\n [49] _Ticknor_, ii, p. 167.\n\n [50] The points raised by General Mitr\u00e9 may, however, be enumerated\n and disposed of in a foot-note:--\n\n I. He discusses the words _hua\u00f1uy ychunantin_, or \u201cdeath with his\n scythe\u201d. The word _ychuna_ means an instrument for cutting _ychu_\n (grass). General Mitr\u00e9 argues that the idea of death with a scythe\n is exclusively European. But the word does not occur in the Rosas\n version, although I printed it by mistake in my book. Nodal has\n _ychuspa_, which is quite a different word.\n\n II. The High Priest performs a miracle by squeezing water out of a\n flower. Ollantay exclaims it would be easier to squeeze it from a\n rock. General Mitr\u00e9 says that the idea must have been suggested by\n the miracle of Moses making a fountain flow from a rock. It is really\n a play upon words, involving an essentially Quichuan idea. The word\n in the Rosas version is not rock, but brick. _Ttica_ is a flower, and\n _tica_ a brick. The general could not have hit upon a passage which is\n more certainly of native origin.\n\n III. General Mitr\u00e9 refers to the words _misi_ (cat), _asna_ (ass),\n and _llama_ occurring, and considers their appearance as a proof\n of Spanish origin. But all are the errors of copyists. In the true\n version the word _atoc_ (a fox), takes the place of those words in\n every instance.\n\n IV. The General further maintains that the interjection _ay!_ which\n occurs fifteen times in the Dominican text, is not Quichuan, but\n Spanish, and is an indisputable proof of Spanish origin. But another\n manuscript text has _nay!_ and _anay_, which are good Quichuan\n interjections.\n\n V. There is an allusion to an owl on the roof as a warning of death,\n which General Mitr\u00e9 considers to be an anachronism. This is not the\n case. It is alluded to as a popular superstition by the Council of\n Lima in 1583.\n\n [51] The word _sipi_ (a ring) is a later interpolation, not in the\n Justiniani text.\n\n [52] I have received from Dr. Mujica a copy of a _Yar\u00e1hui_, written\n with the orthography he considers to be most accurate, and the\n ordinarily accepted spelling, in parallel columns.\n\n [53] He finished his book in 1586.\n\n [54] Pages 224 to 235.\n\n [55] Every _ayllu_, or lineage, was known by its head-dress.\n\n [56] _Mercurio de Valparaiso_, 14th March 1853.\n\n [57] See Part I, p. 363.\n\n [58] Hatun Colla (Great Colla), a village N.W. of Lake Titicaca.\n\n [59] The Canas were a hardy mountain race on the water-parting between\n the Titicaca basin and the Vilcamayu. A proud, cautious, melancholy\n race of shepherds; constantly in revolt against the Yncas.\n\n [60] The Canches inhabited the hills opposite the Canas, on the right\n bank of the Vilcamayu.\n\n [61] Tomas Vasquez was one of the first conquerors, and had houses in\n Cuzco.--_G. de la Vega_, ii, p. 255.\n\n [62] Francisco de Villacastin was also a householder in Cuzco. He\n married an Ynca princess, widow of Juan Balsa, who was killed at the\n battle of Chupas, fighting for young Almagro. Through her, Villacastin\n inherited Balsa\u2019s house at Cuzco. He died in prison at Cuzco, having\n taken the side of Gonzalo Pizarro. He owned the district of Ayaviri,\n and was one of the first conquerors, but a good man.--See _G. de la\n Vega_, ii, p. 524.\n\n [63] A village on the ridge between the basin of Titicaca and the\n Vilcamayu. The Ayaviris bordered on the Canas.\n\n [64] See Part I, p. 363.\n\n [65] Chucuito was a fief of the crown.\n\n [66] Garcilasso de la Vega says: \u201cThe Spaniards gave another name\n for God in their histories, which is _Ticiviracocha_, but neither I\n nor they know what it means.\u201d But he quotes Blas Valera in another\n place, who says that the god _Ticci Huira-ccoccha_ was otherwise\n called _Pachacamac_. Montesinos suggests that _Tici_ meant \u201cbottom or\n foundation\u201d. I suspect it comes from _Atini_, \u201cto conquer\u201d. _Atic_,\n \u201cconquering\u201d. It may be from _Ticci_, \u201cbeginning\u201d.\n\n [67] Terrazas was one of the first conquerors, and he accompanied\n Almagro in the expedition to Chile. Afterwards he became an active\n agriculturist. Garcilasso de la Vega says that he was very noble,\n liberal, magnificent, and possessed of all the knightly virtues. He\n planted vineyards, and in 1555 sent a large present of grapes to\n Garcilasso\u2019s father, when he was Corregidor of Cuzco, with a request\n that he would send bunches to all the cavaliers in the town. These\n were the first grapes ever seen there. Terrazas was also the first to\n raise carrots in Peru.\n\n [68] The best description of the very interesting temple of Cacha will\n be found in Mr. Squier\u2019s _Peru_ (Macmillan, 1877), pp. 402 to 409.\n\n [69] One of the generals of Atahualpa.\n\n [70] Another of Atahualpa\u2019s generals.\n\n [71] Zarate and Garcilasso de la Vega give the names of Hernando de\n Soto, and Pedro del Barco of Lobon, as those of the first Spaniards\n who were sent by Pizarro to Cuzco. Pedro Pizarro, who was at Caxamarca\n at the time, says that only two were sent, Martin Bueno and Pedro\n Martin de Moguer.\n\n They left Caxamarca on February 15th, 1533, and remained one week at\n Cuzco. Xeres says that three men were sent. The truth seems to have\n been that three soldiers named Pedro Moguer, Francisco de Zarate,\n and Martin Bueno were first sent; but that they behaved with so much\n imprudence and insolence at Cuzco as to endanger their own lives and\n the success of their mission. Pizarro, therefore, ordered two officers\n of distinction, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco, to follow the\n three soldiers to Cuzco.--See _G. de la Vega,_ Part II\n lib. i, cap. 31; _Herrera,_ Dec. v. lib. i, cap. 1; _Zarate,_\n II, cap. vi; _Gomara,_ cap. cxiv; _Xeres,_ p. 72.\n\n [72] Matrons in charge of virgins of the Sun. The word seems to be\n used here, and elsewhere, for all females connected with the temples.\n\n [73] _Uira_ means \u201cgrease\u201d, and _Ccocha_, \u201ca lake\u201d. The word for\n the sea is _Mama-ccocha_. Montesinos says that _Uira_, in the word\n _Uiracocha_, was a corruption of _Pirua_, meaning all things united\n together. _Pirua_ literally means a \u201cgranary\u201d. Garcilasso de la Vega\n pointed out that _Uira-ccocha_ would mean a \u201cSea of grease\u201d, not \u201cFoam\n of the Sea\u201d: the genitive always being placed first. _Ccochap-uira_\n would be \u201cFoam of the sea\u201d.\n\n But the Ynca Garcilasso, though he points out the errors of other\n writers, does not explain the meaning of the word himself. He simply\n infers that it is a proper name, the original meaning of which is\n lost; and adds that Blas Valera says that it signified \u201cthe will and\n power of God\u201d, not because that is the etymology of the component\n words, but because of the God-like qualities ascribed to Uira-ccocha.\n\n [74] In the beginning of 1550.\n\n [75] Balboa says that four brothers and four sisters came out of\n Pacarec Tampu or Tampu Toco, named Manco Capac, Ayar Cacha, Ayar Auca,\n and Ayar Uchi; the women being Mama Guaca, Mama Cora, Mama Ocllo, Mama\n Arahua. Montesinos gives the names as--Ayar Manco Tupac, Ayar Uchu\n Tupac, Aya Sauca Tupac, and Ayar Cachi Tupac, and the women Mama Cora,\n Hipa Huacum, Mama Huacum, Pilco Huacum. Garcilasso de la Vega also\n says that there were four brothers and four sisters, namely, Manco\n Capac, Ayar Cachi, Ayar Uchu, Ayar Sauca, but he only gives the name\n of one of the women, Mama Ocllo, wife of Manco Capac. Juan de Betanzos\n gives the names in pairs, in the order in which they came out of the\n mysterious cave, namely, Ayarcache and Mamaguaco, Ayaroche and Cora,\n Ayarauca and Raguaocllo, Ayarmango and Mama Ocllo.\n\n Fray Martin de Morua, in his _Historia del Origen y Genealogia de\n los Incas_, a work written in 1590, but still inedited, gives the\n following names of those who came out of Tambo Toco or Pacaric Tombo.\n The eldest, Guanacauri; the second, Cuzco Huanca; the third, Mango\n Capac; and the fourth, Tupa Ayar Cache. Of the women, the first was\n Tupa Uaco; the second, Mama Coya: the third, Curi Ocllo; and the\n fourth, Ipa Huaco. Before reaching Cuzco they stopped at a place then\n called Apitay, and now Guanacauri. The third sister, Curi Ocllo, who\n was considered most intelligent by the rest, was then sent forward to\n seek for the best situation for a settlement. Coming to the site of\n Cuzco, then inhabited by Lares, Poques, and Huallas, a low and poor\n race, before she arrived there she met one of the Poques. She killed\n him with a weapon called _raucana_; cut out his lungs; and, with them\n in her mouth, all bloody, she entered the settlements. The people were\n frightened at the sight of her, thinking that she fed on men, and\n they left their houses and fled. Seeing that the place seemed good\n for a settlement, and that the people were tame, she returned to her\n brothers and sisters, and brought them all there except the eldest. He\n preferred to stay at Apitay, where he died, and in memory of him they\n call that place and hill Guanacauri. The rest were received without\n opposition, and they named the second brother to be the chief of the\n town, for which reason the place was called Cuzco, for before its name\n was Acamama. He died in the Curicancha, and was succeeded by the third\n brother, named the great Manco Capac.\n\n [76] _Ancha_, the superlative; _Hatun_, \u201cgreat\u201d; _Apu_, \u201ca chief\u201d;\n _Intip_, genitive of _Ynti_, \u201cthe sun\u201d; _Churi_, \u201ca son\u201d.\n\n [77] Molina often mentions the worship of this hero, Huanacauri.\n Garcilasso de la Vega refers to Huanacauri four times (i, 65, 66;\n ii, 169, 230). He says that the first settlement made in the valley\n of Cuzco was on the hill called Huanacauri, and that a very sacred\n temple was built there. Molina refers to the sacrifices offered up\n there. The idol of Huanacauri was a great figure of a man, \u201ctheir\n principal _huaca_, the brother of Manco Ccapac, whence they descend\u201d.\n The ceremonies of arming youths were a good deal connected with this\n Huanacauri idol.\n\n [78] _Mucha_, \u201cadoration\u201d, from _Muchani_, \u201cI worship\u201d.\n\n [79] _Sasi_, \u201ca fast\u201d. See _G. de la Vega_, Part I, lib. vii, cap. 6.\n\n [80] This word, in Quichua, is used also for a kind of cloak.\n\n [81] _Puhura_ is \u201ca feather\u201d, and _chuccu_, \u201ca cap\u201d. The distinctive\n head-dress of each tribe was called _chuccu_ or _umachuccu_.\n\n [82] The word _Manco_ has no meaning in Quichua. _Ccapac_ means\n \u201crich\u201d, and, as applied to the sovereign, it is explained as\n signifying rich in power and in virtues.\n\n [83] _Ccuri_, \u201cgold\u201d; \u201c_cancha_\u201d, \u201ca place\u201d.\n\n [84] Sinchi.\n\n [85] Colonists.\n\n [86] Cap. xxxviii, in which he refers his reader to this second part.\n He observes that the Yncas were very intelligent and learned, without\n having letters, which had not been invented in the Indies.--See p. 136\n of my Translation.\n\n [87] _Caman_ is a particle which, when added to a noun, denotes a\n task or occupation. _Nocap-camay_ means \u201cmy task\u201d; _Campa-camayqui_,\n \u201cyour task\u201d. It also means fitness, as _Apupac-caman_, \u201cfit to be\n a chief\u201d. _Camayoc_ is a word attached to offices and occupations.\n _Siray-camayoc_, \u201ca tailor\u201d; _Llacta-camayoc_, \u201ca village officer\u201d.\n _Pucara-camayoc_, \u201ca castellan\u201d.\n\n [88] A farm.\n\n [89] In August 1550.\n\n [90] _Quipu-camayoc_, the officer in charge of the records.\n\n [91] _Taqui_ is \u201cmusic\u201d; _Taquiz_, \u201ca song\u201d. The _taquis_ was an\n assembly to hear the legendary songs.\n\n [92] It was the mummified body, as will be seen presently.\n\n [93] Twenty years after this was written, the Licentiate Polo de\n Ondegardo discovered where five of these figures were concealed, which\n proved to be the actual mummies of the Yncas and their wives, dressed\n in their clothes. Ondegardo, who was corregidor of Cuzco, showed them\n to Garcilasso de la Vega in 1570. One mummy was that of the Ynca\n Uira-ccocha; the second of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui; the third of Huayna\n Ccapac; the fourth of Mama Runtu, queen of Uira-ccocha; the fifth of\n Ccoya Mama Ocllo, mother of Huayna Ccapac. They were perfect, wanting\n neither hair, nor eye-lashes, and were dressed in the clothes they\n wore when alive, with the _llautu_ or fringe. They were seated with\n the arms crossed on the breast, and eyes cast down.\n\n Acosta, who also saw them, says that the eyes were made of small\n pellets of gold, \u201cso well imitated that no one would have missed the\n real ones\u201d. The mummies were taken to Lima by order of the Viceroy\n Marquis of Ca\u00f1ete, and eventually interred there, at the hospital of\n San Andres.\n\n [94] See Prescott\u2019s _Conquest of Mexico_ (i, p. 83), where the Aztec\n system of notation and arithmetic is explained.\n\n [95] The canvas shoes with rope soles, used in the Basque Provinces.\n\n [96] Colonists. See chapter xxii.\n\n [97] _Usutas._\n\n [98] _Muchani_ means \u201cI kiss\u201d, \u201cadore\u201d, \u201cworship\u201d. Hence _Mucha_, the\n act of adoration or worship.\n\n [99] Small beads. It should be _chaquira_. The word occurs several\n times in the First Part.\n\n [100] Recital of songs.\n\n [101] _Curaca_, a great lord.\n\n [102] _Tupu_ is the general name for a measure. The measure of land\n which the Ynca apportioned to each vassal, sixty paces long by fifty\n wide, was called _tupu_ or _topu_. See also the First Part, p. 146 of\n my Translation, and of _G. de la Vega_, I, v, cap. 3. A large pin for\n securing a mantle is also called _topu_.\n\n [103] Chapter xcii.\n\n [104] Chapter cxi.\n\n [105] Male.\n\n [106] _Ayllu_, means the \u201c_bolas_\u201d, or stones sewn round with leather\n and attached to lines, which were thrown to bring down animals, by\n twining round their hind legs. See the _Life of Don Alonzo de Guzman_,\n p. 101. Also _Balboa_ and _G. de la Vega_. The word _Ayllu_ also means\n \u201clineage\u201d, or \u201cfamily\u201d.\n\n [107] Called _charqui_, whence \u201cjerked\u201d beef.\n\n [108] A large rodent, in the loftier parts of the Andes. _Lagidium\n Peruvianum._\n\n [109] Colonists.\n\n [110] That is to say, that colonists were sent from the cold and lofty\n plateau of the Collao to the warm and deep valleys of the Andes,\n where maize and coca can be cultivated. There was thus an exchange of\n products between the cold and the more genial regions. For another\n account of the _mitimaes_ or colonists, see _G. de la Vega_, part I,\n lib. iii, cap. 19.\n\n The people of the Collao were also sent to settle in the coast\n valleys, and thus Arequipa, Tacna, and Moquegua were colonised. To\n this day, it is remembered in the villages of the coast from what\n particular districts in the Collao their ancestors came as _mitimaes_.\n Those who colonised Arequipa came from Cavanilla near Lake Titicaca;\n the colonists of Moquegua were from Acora and Ilave, villages on the\n lake; of Tacna, from Juli and Pisacoma.\n\n [111] In chapter xcii of the First Part.\n\n [112] The four great divisions comprised in _Ttahuantin Suyu_ (the\n four provinces) were _Chincha Suyu_, _Cunti Suyu_, _Colla Suyu_, _Anti\n Suyu_.\n\n [113] Potatoes frozen and dried in the sun.--See _G. de la Vega_, i,\n lib. V, cap. 5.\n\n [114] _Chenopodium Quinoa._\n\n [115] _Yanacuna._ _Yana_ means \u201ca servant\u201d. Also \u201cblack\u201d. Literally,\n _Yanacuna_ seems to be merely the plural form of _Yana_. But the\n word was applied to Indians bound to service. Balboa says that six\n thousand Indians, accused of rebellion against Tupac Ynca Yupanqui,\n were assembled in the village of Yanayacu. They were pardoned, but\n they and their descendants were ordered henceforth to be employed\n solely in the service of the Yncas and of the temples. They were\n called _Yanayacu-cuna_, or men of Yanayacu, corrupted to _Yanaconas_.\n Hence, domestic servants were called _Yanaconas_ by the Spanish\n settlers.--_Balboa_, p. 120.\n\n In the time of the Viceroy Toledo (1570), the _Yanaconas_ numbered\n about forty-six thousand souls. The Viceroy Marquis of Montes Claros,\n in 1601, described them as Indians domiciled in the houses or on the\n estates of Spaniards, like servants. Their masters found them in food\n and clothes, and gave them a patch of land, also paying their tribute\n for them. Lest the system should degenerate into slavery, the King of\n Spain declared that the _Yanaconas_ were free, and desired that this\n should be made known to them.--_Memorias de los Vireyes_, i, p. 27.\n\n [116] _Huata_, \u201ca year\u201d. A sun circle for astronomical observations\n was called _Ynti-huatana_. _Huatana_ means \u201ca halter\u201d, from _huatani_,\n \u201cI seize\u201d. \u201cThe place where the sun is tied up or encircled.\u201d Hence,\n _huata_ means \u201ca year\u201d.\n\n [117] Vilcas is between Cuzco and Ayacucho, on the left of the road,\n and near the left bank of the river Pampas. The buildings of the Yncas\n are described by our author in his First Part (chap. lxxxix, p. 312\n of my Translation). The only modern traveller who has visited and\n described the ruins is M. Wiener. They are called Vilcas Huaman.--See\n _P\u00e9rou et Bolivie, R\u00e9cit. de Voyage par Charles Wiener_, Paris, 1880,\n pp. 264-271.\n\n [118] The principal place in the valley of the same name, in the\n _sierra_ east of Lima. The valley of Xauxa was inhabited by the tribe\n of Huancas.\n\n [119] On the heights above the river Pampas, on the road from Ayacucho\n to Cuzco.\n\n [120] The city in the north of Peru, where Atahualpa was seized and\n put to death by Pizarro.\n\n [121] North of Caxamarca.\n\n [122] In the kingdom of Quito.\n\n [123] In Quito.\n\n [124] In the northern part of Quito.\n\n [125] See p. 3.\n\n [126] See p. 4.\n\n [127] On the site of the modern city of La Paz, in Bolivia.\n\n [128] On the western shore of lake Titicaca.\n\n [129] In the province of Charcas.\n\n [130] The governors or viceroys were called _Tucuyricoc_.--See\n _Balboa_, p. 115; _Montesinos_, p. 55; _G. de la Vega_, Part I, lib.\n II, cap. 14, says that the _Tucuyricoc_ was a commissioner\n who secretly visited the provinces and reported the shortcomings of\n officials.\n\n [131] _Ancha_ is a superlative form. _Hatun_, \u201cgreat\u201d. _Apu_, \u201cchief\u201d\n or \u201clord\u201d. _Yntip_ is the genitive of _Ynti_, \u201cthe sun\u201d. _Churi_, \u201ca\n son\u201d. _Canqui_, second person singular, present indicative of _Cani_,\n \u201cI am\u201d. _Sapa_, \u201conly\u201d; _lla_, a particle expressive of love. _Apu_,\n \u201clord\u201d. _Tucuy_, \u201centire\u201d. _Pacha_, \u201cthe earth\u201d. _Ccampa_, genitive\n of _Cam_, \u201cthou\u201d. _Uyay_, from _Uyani_, \u201cI obey\u201d. _Sullull_, \u201ctruth\u201d.\n \u201c_Most high Lord, Child of the Sun Thou art the sole and beloved lord.\n The whole earth truly obeys thee._\u201d\n\n [132] The extreme southern limit of the empire, in Chile.\n\n [133] The northern limit of the empire, to the north of Quito.\n\n [134] These post-runners were called _Chasqui_.\n\n [135] Francisco Lopez de Gomara was the author in question. In the\n chapter referred to, entitled \u201cThe Rule made by Gasca respecting the\n Tribute\u201d, he confuses the _mitimaes_ with the _yanaconas_. The latter\n were not exactly slaves, but hereditary domestic servants. The words\n of Gomara are--\u201cAlso he left many whom they call _mitimaes_, and who\n are in the position of slaves in the manner they were held to service\n by Guainacapa, and he ordered the others to return to their homes.\n But many of them wished for nothing but to remain with their masters,\n saying that they were well with them, and could learn Christianity by\n hearing mass and sermons, and could earn money by selling, buying, and\n by service.\u201d Clearly he is referring to the _yanaconas_, not to the\n _mitimaes_.\n\n This criticism of our author proves that this Second Part was written\n after 1552, in which year the first edition of the work of Gomara was\n published.\n\n [136] _Alharaquientos_; those who make a great noise, from _alharaca_,\n confused noise.\n\n [137] It was called _Samca-huasi_, or _samca-cancha_.\n\n [138] See chapter xix of my translation of the First Book, p. 71.\n\n [139] Garcilasso de la Vega (i, p. 177) gives a fuller account of\n these solstitial towers; and Cieza de Leon himself refers to them in\n his first part (chap. xcii, p. 225). Acosta also describes them (ii,\n p. 395).\n\n [140] According to Cieza de Leon, these three men were Martin Bueno,\n Zarate, and Pedro de Moguer. Pedro Pizarro, an eye-witness, says there\n were only two, Martin Bueno and Pedro de Moguer. But see the note at\n page 9.\n\n [141] In 1552.\n\n [142] The Hospital of San Juan Bautista. It was commenced on December\n 9th, 1541, and up to 1624 the first Mass had not yet been said in its\n chapel. The activity in forwarding the work ceased on the death of the\n founder, Archbishop Tavara, in 1545.\n\n [143] Burden or load.\n\n [144] Guinea pigs.\n\n [145] In January 1550.\n\n [146] _Chenopodium Quinua._\n\n [147] _Oxalis tuberosa._\n\n [148] The statue of the Sun was found by the Spaniards in 1572, in\n possession of Tupac Amaru, at the time when this Ynca and his camp\n were captured by the expedition under the command of Garcia de Loyola.\n\n [149] _Sinchi_ means strong, valiant. _Rocca_ has no meaning in the\n Quichua language.\n\n [150] Garcilasso de la Vega says that the legitimate wife of Lloque\n Yupanqui was named Mama Cava.\n\n [151] See p. 17.\n\n [152] See p. 14.\n\n [153] Garcilasso de la Vega also says that Sinchi Rocca waged no wars;\n but that the Canches submitted to him, and that by peaceful means he\n extended his dominions as far as Chuncara, about twenty leagues beyond\n his father\u2019s frontier.\n\n [154] _Lloque_ means left-handed, and _Yupanqui_ is the second person\n singular of the indicative future of a verb meaning \u201cto count\u201d. \u201c_You\n will count_\u201d, and it is understood that he will count as great,\n virtuous, and excellent.\n\n [155] Chapter xcii.\n\n [156] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, this Ynca Lloque Yupanqui\n not only conquered the Canas and Ayaviri, but the whole Collao\n submitted to him, as far as Hatun-colla and Chucuito.\n\n [157] Paullu Tupac Yupanqui was a son of the Ynca Huayna Ccapac. He\n lived at Cuzco, in the house which belonged to his brother Huascar;\n much beloved and respected both by Spaniards and Indians. The Governor\n Vaca de Castro induced him to be baptised with the name of Christ\u00f3bal.\n He died in May 1549.\n\n [158] _Mayta_ has no special meaning in Cuzco. _Ccapac_ means rich,\n not in gold, but in the qualities of mind.\n\n [159] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, the Ynca Mayta Ccapac\n married his sister Mama Cuca.\n\n [160] _Allcay-villcas_, as written by Balboa; and _Alcaviya_,\n according to Betanzos. In the report on the first Lords of Cuzco\n by the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, written in 1572, it is\n _Alca-uizas_.\n\n [161] Garcilasso de la Vega gives a very different account of the\n reign of Mayta Ccapac, whom he makes out to have been a great\n conqueror. He says that Mayta Ccapac marched to the river Desaguadero,\n crossed it, and conquered the great province called Hatun-pacasa, on\n the other side. His captains crossed the Cordilleras to Moquegua,\n where the Ynca established a colony. Mayta Ccapac then conquered the\n provinces on the eastern side of lake Titicaca, including Caravaya,\n and eventually overran the whole of Charcas as far south as the\n lake of Paria. Not satisfied with this great acquisition to the\n south, Garcilasso also attributes to this Ynca the annexation of the\n provinces of Chumpivilicas, Parinacochas, and Pumatampu to the west of\n Cuzco; and the colonisation of Arequipa.--See my Translation, i, pp.\n 210-234.\n\n [162] The language was first called _Quichua_ by Friar Domingo de\n Santo Tomas, in his grammar printed at Valladolid in 1560. _Quehani_\n is \u201cI twist\u201d, and the participle _quehuasca_ means twisted. _Ychu_\n is \u201cstraw\u201d--together, _Quehuasca-ychu_, \u201ctwisted straw\u201d, corrupted\n and abbreviated into _Quichua_. A Quichua is properly an Indian who\n inhabits the temperate slopes, so called from the abundance of straw\n in that region. According to Garcilasso de la Vega the name of Quechua\n was applied to the basin of the river Abancay (i, p. 243).\n\n [163] Garcilasso refers to the enmity between the Quichuas and Chancas\n (i, p. 345).\n\n [164] Garcilasso attributes the conquest of the provinces of\n Cotabambas and Aymaraes to Ccapac Yupanqui; as well as the sea-coast\n from Acari to Quilca. He also attributes the settlement of the feud\n between Cari and Sapana, two great chiefs of the Collao, to Ccapac\n Yupanqui. It will be seen further on that Cieza de Leon places that\n event in the reign of the Ynca Huira-ccocha. Ccapac Yupanqui is also\n made, by Garcilasso, to extend his conquests to Cochabamba, Chayanta,\n and the extreme south of Charcas; while his son Rocca, during his\n life-time, overran Lucanas and advanced the limits of the empire to\n the valley of Nasca on the coast.\n\n [165] There are two rivulets which flow through Cuzco, the Huatanay\n and Tulumayu or Rodadero, coming from either side of the Sacsahuaman\n hill on which the Ynca fortress was built. The two streams unite\n beyond the convent of San Domingo, at _Pumap-chupan_ or the \u201clion\u2019s\n tail\u201d. Both these streams are confined by walls of cut stone, with\n stairways descending to the water, and stone bridges, consisting of\n long slabs at frequent intervals. The houses on the western side of\n the great square are built over the Huatanay river; but these are\n modern, and did not exist in the time of the Yncas. Garcilasso de la\n Vega says that the Huatanay was lined and paved with masonry, the\n floor being of large flags, and that this masonry work extended for\n a quarter of a league beyond the city. Although there is very little\n water in ordinary times, the stream is subject to violent freshes,\n when the rush of water sometimes injures the masonry. The name is\n composed of two words, _Huata_ (a year), and _Ananay_ an ejaculation\n of weariness, indicating the fatigue caused by the yearly necessity\n for renewing the river banks.\n\n Garcilasso de la Vega mentions other springs which conveyed water to\n the temple and gardens of the sun, under the Huatanay. He says that,\n in 1558, a flood tore up the flag-stones in the bed of the river, just\n over the place where the pipe leading water to the temple was laid\n down, and broke the pipe itself. The silt then covered the place,\n concealing the position of the pipe, so that no sign was left of it\n (i, p. 281).\n\n [166] According to Garcilasso it was Mayta Ccapac who conquered the\n province of Puma-tampu (corruptly Pomatambo).\n\n [167] Garcilasso says that Inca Rocca made the bridge over the\n Apurimac, and conquered Curampa, and the tribe of Chancas in\n Andahuaylas. He is also said to have annexed Vilca, and two provinces\n called Sullu and Utunsullu, while his son subdued Paucartambo and\n part of the forest region to the eastward. Inca Rocca is also said,\n by Garcilasso, to have founded schools at Cuzco, and to have built\n his own palace near them. He left a son, named Yahuar-huaccac, by his\n legitimate wife Mama Micay.\n\n Blas Valera relates that Inca Rocca reigned for more than fifty years;\n and this writer preserved some of his laws, regulations for his\n schools, and wise sayings, which are given in _Garcilasso_ (i, p. 336).\n\n [168] \u201cY se hizo en el Cuzco la piedra que llaman de la guerra,\n grande, y las engastonadas en oro y piedras.\u201d So in the Escurial copy,\n but the meaning is not clear.\n\n [169] This Ynca Yupanqui of Cieza de Leon, son of Ynca Rocca, is the\n Yahuar-huaccac of Garcilasso and other writers. When he was a child\n he is said to have wept blood, and hence the name. _Yahuar_ (blood),\n and _Huaccac_ (weeping). Others declared that he was born weeping\n blood. During his reign, according to the account of Garcilasso, all\n the coast region from Arequipa to the desert of Atacama was annexed\n to the empire by the Ynca\u2019s general and brother named Apu Mayta. The\n Ynca was much troubled by the headstrong disposition of his son, whom\n he banished to a lofty plateau called Chita, to the eastward of Cuzco,\n to live with shepherds who tended the flocks of the Sun. Three years\n afterwards, the son returned to Cuzco and told the Ynca his father\n that an apparition, calling itself Uira-ccocha Ynca, had appeared to\n him while he slept under a rock. It ordered him to repair to Cuzco\n and report that there was a great rebellion in the western province,\n threatening the existence of the empire. Yahuar-huaccac did not\n believe the story, and ordered his son to return to his banishment in\n the pastures of Chita. But soon the news came of the great rebellion\n of the Chancas, Yahuar-huaccac fled to Muyna, five leagues south of\n Cuzco, while his son put himself at the head of the army, and defeated\n the rebels. He took the name of the apparition, calling himself Ynca\n Uira-ccocha, and dethroned his father.\n\n There is little resemblance between the stories told by Cieza de Leon\n of Ynca Yupanqui, and by Garcilasso of Yahuar-huaccac, except that\n they were both unfortunate. It will be seen further on that Cieza de\n Leon places the great rebellion of the Chancas after the reign of\n Uira-ccocha, and tells quite a different story about it.\n\n [170] He contradicts himself, for, at the end of the last chapter, he\n said that Ynca Yupanqui had no son.\n\n [171] Garcilasso describes the apparition which, according to his\n story, appeared to the prince who was afterwards Ynca Uira-ccocha, as\n having had a beard.\n\n [172] Garcilasso gives the same name to the wife of Ynca Uira-ccocha\n (ii, p. 88). _Runtu_ means an egg.\n\n [173] In the valley of the Vilcamayu, near Cuzco.\n\n [174] The river Vilcamayu.\n\n [175] Or Vilcamayu.\n\n [176] Only Cieza de Leon could have said this. Bahaire is the town in\n the bay of Cartagena where he was with Heredia in 1533.\n\n [177] In the bay of Cartagena.\n\n [178] Garcilasso de la Vega places this feud between the two great\n chiefs of the Collao, Cari and Sapana (or Chipana), in the reign of\n Ccapac Yupanqui, two generations earlier. He says that the names were\n those of dynasties, each sovereign becoming Cari or Sapana when he\n succeeded; adding that, \u201cCieza de Leon places these events long after\n the time when they really occurred.\u201d His version is that both the\n chiefs declared that they would abide by the arbitration of the Ynca.\n They came to the Ynca\u2019s camp at Paria, near Oruro, by different roads.\n The Ynca\u2019s decision was that boundary marks should be set up, that\n peace should be maintained, and that his laws should be observed by\n both chiefs. Cari and Sapana were, from that time, faithful vassals.\n Their territories comprised Cochabamba.\n\n It will be seen that the version of Garcilasso is very different from\n that in the text. See my translation of _Garcilasso de la Vega_, i,\n pp. 247 to 252.\n\n [179] The territory of the Canches was in the upper part of the\n Vilcamayu valley.\n\n [180] The Canas inhabited one side of the valley of Vilcamayu, and the\n Canches the other--the river dividing them.\n\n [181] This word is almost illegible in the Escurial manuscript. Se\u00f1or\n Jimenez de la Espada, the Spanish editor, has _suvica_. The learned\n Peruvian, Dr. de la Rosa, has _sinica_. The words for intoxicating\n liquors in Quichua are _acca_, _az\u00faa_, _hui\u00f1apu_, _sora_. The\n Spaniards also use the word _chicha_. But it is not like any of these,\n unless it be _sora_.\n\n [182] Thousands.\n\n [183] This Ynca is not mentioned by Garcilasso de la Vega.\n\n [184] This is a curious blunder of Cieza de Leon, for the Spanish form\n of _Andaguaylas_ is much more nearly correct than _Andabailes_. The\n Quichua word is _Anta-huaylla_.\n\n [185] Diego Maldonado, a native of Salamanca, was one of the first\n conquerors of Peru, and one of the richest. He had a house in the\n great square of Cuzco. When the hospital was founded there, he, as\n senior _Regidor_, placed a plaque of silver with his arms engraved on\n it, under the first stone. He was put in prison by Almagro, with many\n others; and fought on the side of Vaca de Castro, at the battle of\n Chupas, when Almagro the lad was defeated; and he fled from the army\n of Gonzalo Pizarro, to keep himself and his riches on the loyal side.\n But he found it safer to feign submission and follow Gonzalo\u2019s camp.\n Then news came that his life was forfeited, so he fled from his tent\n near Lima in the dead of night; though over sixty-eight years of age,\n ran all night on foot, and hid himself in a cane brake. Next day an\n Indian took pity on him, made up a bundle of reeds and pushed out to\n sea, the two sitting across the bundle as on a horse. They were just\n able to reach one of the ships of Lorenzo de Aldana in Callao bay,\n which were on the loyal side. He eventually returned to Cuzco and\n once more became a leading citizen there, taking a part in making the\n peace between the authorities and Francisco Hernandez Giron. He was\n with Alonzo de Alvarado in his campaign against Giron, and strongly\n dissuaded him from giving battle at Chuquinga, where he was defeated.\n Maldonado was wounded at Pucara, in the last fight with Giron, but\n survived for twelve years afterwards, living at Cuzco and on his\n Andahuaylas estates.\n\n [186] On a lofty plateau between Andahulayas and Abancay. The fortress\n consists of three wide terraces, with a sloping ramp from the ground\n to the highest one. Near it are the ruins of a town. The nearest\n modern town is Huancarama, about a league to the east.\n\n [187] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, the Chancas encamped on the\n plain of Sacsahuana (Xaquixaguana), on the spot where the battle was\n afterwards fought between Gonzalo Pizarro and the President Gasca. The\n plain is described by Cieza de Leon in his first Part (p. 320 of my\n Translation). It is now called the plain of Surite. Here Garcilasso\n says that the great battle was fought between the Ynca Huira-ccocha\n and the Chancas (ii, p. 34). The fight raged with desperate fury\n from dawn until noon; when five thousand Quichuas, who until then\n had been in ambush, attacked the Chancas on their right flank. More\n reinforcements arrived, until the Chancas began to think that the very\n stones were turning into men. At length they broke and fled. It was\n called the battle of Yahuar-pampa (plain of blood).\n\n [188] I do not find any other mention of Alonzo Carrasco. His name\n does not appear in the list of conquerors who received shares of the\n spoils at Caxamarca, nor in Garcilasso de la Vega.\n\n [189] Juan de Pancorvo was a citizen of Cuzco, and had a house on\n the western side of the great square, which he shared with Alonso de\n Marchana; for Juan de Pancorvo did not wish him to live in another\n house, because of the warm and long-continued friendship they always\n felt for each other. So says Garcilasso de la Vega. Pancorvo had,\n in his grant, one of the great halls in which the Yncas held their\n festivals. This he bestowed upon the Franciscan convent. He seems to\n have been a peaceable man.\n\n [190] Hanco-huallu is the name which Garcilasso de la Vega gives to\n the warlike chief of the Chancas. He could not endure dependence, even\n under the mild rule of the Ynca, and, ten years after his defeat, he\n emigrated with many followers to the forests of Moyobamba. In the\n First Part, Cieza de Leon says the same thing, calling him Ancoallu\n (p. 280). Also see further on, at page 157.\n\n [191] The Soras and Rucanas were tribes of hardy mountaineers,\n inhabiting the wild region of the maritime cordillera, to the\n south-west of the Chancas. The Rucanas (the modern province of\n Lucanas) were described as a handsome and well-disposed people, who\n were expert bearers of burdens, and had the privilege of carrying the\n Ynca\u2019s litter. The Soras, closely allied to the Rucanas, lived on the\n left bank of the River Pampas, near its source.\n\n [192] The great River Pampas.\n\n [193] The Spanish editor suggests that this should be Tupac Yupanqui\n the Inca\u2019s son. He would be going on his first campaign, to acquire\n experience. But Garcilasso has Ccapac Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca,\n as the General in this campaign. (See ii, p. 127.)\n\n [194] This is wrongly written in the manuscript. Garcilasso de la Vega\n has Asancaru (ii, p. 76).\n\n [195] Garcilasso de la Vega (ii, p. 129) says that the country of the\n Huancas was divided into three provinces, called Sausa, Marcavilca,\n and Llacsapalanca.\n\n [196] The lake called Pumpu (Bombon) or Chinchay-cocha.\n\n [197] Garcillasso de la Vega calls him Hanco-Huallu, chief of the\n Chancas (see Book v, cap. xxvi, ii, p. 82), and describes his flight.\n\n [198] See back, note at page 102.\n\n [199] By my measurement the length is 400 yards.\n\n [200] These three names, according to Garcillasso de la Vega, are not\n connected with the fortress, but belong to different parts of the city\n (ii, p. 246).\n\n [201] See chapter xcii.\n\n [202] Fibre of _Agava tuberosa_.\n\n [203] Four hundred yards according to the Editor\u2019s measurement.\n\n [204] The largest stones are, by my measurements:--First, 10 feet\n high, by 6 broad; second, 16\u00bd feet high, by 6 broad; third, 14 feet\n high, by 8 broad; fourth, 14 feet high, by 12 broad.\n\n [205] Tomas Vasquez, one of the first conquerors, had a house in\n Cuzco, and an estate in Ayaviri. (See chapter iv.) He distinguished\n himself in the battle of Las Salinas, fighting against Almagro. He\n joined Giron in his insurrection, and commanded the rebel cavalry. At\n Pucara he deserted Giron, went over to the royal camp, and obtained a\n pardon. He retired to his estates, but was afterwards put to death by\n order of the Viceroy Marquis of Ca\u00f1ete in 1557.\n\n [206] The siege of Cuzco by Manco Ynca, in 1526.\n\n [207] This name is not clear in the manuscript. It may be La Rea. The\n Peruvian editor has Juan de la Plaza.\n\n [208] There are several versions of the native tradition relating to\n this monolith, which is called _piedra cansada_, or the \u201ctired stone\u201d,\n in Quichua, _saycusca rumi_. The Spanish editor gives the least known\n and most curious of these versions, which he found in the manuscript\n history of the Yncas by Padre Mor\u00faa. He says that an Ynca of the\n blood royal, named Urco or Urcon, a great engineer and architect,\n was the official who directed the moving of the tired stone from the\n quarry, and that on reaching this spot where it stopped, the Indians\n who were dragging it, killed him. This Urcon designed and traced out\n the fortress of Cuzco. He also conceived and carried out the idea of\n transporting from Quito the best soil for potatoes, with the object of\n raising them in it for the sovereign\u2019s table. With this soil he made\n the hill called _Allpa Suntu_, to the east of the fortress.\n\n [209] The Spanish editor here has the following note. He says that\n the fault did not lie with the Spaniards, but in the very natural\n want of arch\u00e6ological knowledge in Cieza himself, and in his extreme\n credulity, believing all the stories of the Orejones and descendants\n of the Yncas, for whom everything that was worthy of notice in the\n country was the exclusive work of those sovereigns. It is now a\n generally received opinion that the very ancient cyclopean work at\n Cuzco was due to a people who lived long before Ynca Yupanqui, and\n even before Manco Ccapac, if it be true that the latter appeared in\n the beginning of the eleventh century. Moreover, the Yncas themselves\n destroyed some, and left others, without completing what had been\n begun by their predecessors. Not all the ruins in Peru were due to\n Spanish vandalism. On the contrary, the Viceroy Don Francisco de\n Toledo and others, far from contributing to the destruction of the\n fortress of Cuzco, took measures to preserve it, and, on more than one\n occasion, prevented the stones from being used for modern buildings.\n This was especially the case in the year 1577, when the Jesuits of\n Cuzco applied for leave to take stones from the fortress for their\n monastery and church, and were refused.\n\n [210] The Viceroy Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Ca\u00f1ete,\n ordered the fortress at Huarcu (valley of Ca\u00f1ete on the coast) to\n be repaired and garrisoned, a few years after this was written by\n Cieza de Leon. It is called the fortress of Hervay, and there are\n still considerable remains of it at the mouth of the Ca\u00f1ete river,\n overlooking the Pacific.\n\n [211] See chapter xlviii of the First Part.\n\n [212] Worship.\n\n [213] The reign of this Ynca Yupanqui appears to include two reigns\n according to Garcilasso de la Vega. Cieza de Leon makes one generation\n where Garcilasso makes two, namely Pachacutec and Ynca Yupanqui.\n Pachacutec means \u201che who changes the world\u201d, and Garcilasso says that\n the name should have been given to Viracocha, the father, who changed\n the course of events by his victory over the Chancas, but that it\n was given to his son. Cieza de Leon attributes the victory over the\n Chancas to this very son, whom he calls Yupanqui, and to whom the\n surname Pachacutec rightly belongs. It seems likely, therefore, that\n Cieza\u2019s version of the genealogy is the more correct of the two.\n\n Garcilasso, however, makes two long reigns where Cieza has only one.\n To Pachacutec he attributes the conquest of the Huancas, Caxamarca,\n and the coast valleys, and he records several of his laws and wise\n sayings (ii, p. 208). To Yupanqui he assigns the expedition into the\n eastern forests, and the conquest of Chile.\n\n [214] See chapter cii of the First Part.\n\n [215] The ruins are 18 leagues west of the present town of Huanuco,\n in the province of Huamalies, 12,156 feet above the sea. They are of\n great extent, covering more than half a mile in length. They show\n work of the same character as the palaces at Cuzco. The work includes\n a reservoir 250 feet long by 130, a bath of cut stone, and a stone\n aqueduct. A doorway of cut stone, with a long rectangular room on each\n side, opens to another at a distance of 240 feet, and further on there\n is another doorway. Squier says,--\u201cThe perspective through this series\n of portals is the finest to be found in the ancient works of Peru.\u201d\n Above the second portal are rudely-cut animal figures. There are many\n other ruined buildings, and what is called the castle, 180 feet long\n by 80, with a fine cut-stone wall 13 feet high. An inclined plane\n leads up to the _terre-plein_, which is entered by two portals.\n\n [216] Chapter xliv.\n\n [217] Puerto Viejo was a seaport in 1\u00b0 2\u00b4 S. latitude. It was founded\n by Francisco Pacheco on March 12th, 1535, by order of Almagro.\n\n [218] Garcilasso de la Vega gives a fuller account of the war with\n Chimu. (ii, pp. 193 to 201.)\n\n [219] Parmunca. In his First Part (p. 247) Cieza de Leon calls these\n ruins Pormonga. They are near the coast, south of Guarmay. The outer\n walls are 300 yards long by 200. The interior is divided into small\n houses, separated by lanes. The walls are partly covered with a kind\n of plaster, on which were painted representations of birds and beasts.\n The ruined fortress stands at the extremity of a plain, close to the\n foot of some rugged mountains, about a league from the sea.\n\n [220] The original Yunca temple, called by the Yncas Pachacamac, was\n on a terraced height overlooking the sea, and about 500 feet above its\n level. The Temple of the Sun was about a mile and a half distant, the\n ruin now being called _Mamaconas_. This latter ruin is certainly of\n Ynca origin.\n\n [221] The pass of Pariacaca is in the province of Huarochiri. The\n terraces or \u201cstairs\u201d mentioned in the text are near the summit. Acosta\n describes his great sufferings while crossing this formidable pass\n (i, p. 130). Father Avila has recorded the strange traditions of the\n natives touching Pariacaca. (See my Translation.)\n\n [222] See also Garcilasso de la Vega on the alleged ancient conquests\n of the Yuncas (ii, p. 153). He declares that the assertions of the\n coast people as to their former incursions into the Collao are false.\n\n [223] On the other hand, Garcilasso attributes the conquest of the\n Chinchas to this Ccapac Yupanqui, in the time of the Inca Pachacutec.\n\n [224] This road leads to the valley of Pisco. The subsequent narrative\n seems to show that the author here makes a mistake, and that the Inca\n descended to the coast at Nasca, much further south.\n\n [225] Garcilasso de la Vega says that the Chinchas carried on a long\n war before they were subdued (ii, p. 150).\n\n [226] Now called Ca\u00f1ete.\n\n [227] Chapter lxxiii. This is the fortress called Hervay, at the mouth\n of the river of Ca\u00f1ete, the well-preserved ruins of which may still be\n seen. I examined them carefully in 1853. See an account of them in a\n note to my translation of the First Part of _Cieza de Leon_, p. 259.\n\n [228] Paullu was a son of Huayna Ccapac, and a younger brother\n of Huascar and of the Ynca Manco. He accompanied Almagro in his\n expedition to Chile, and was with Almagro the lad at the battle of\n Chupas. In 1543 he was baptised under the name of Don Cristobal, and\n he lived at Cuzco, respected by the Spaniards and beloved by the\n native population. He died in May 1549. His son Carlos Ynca was a\n schoolfellow of Garcilasso de la Vega, and had a son Melchor Carlos\n Ynca, a knight of Santiago, who went to Spain in 1602, and died at\n Alcala de Henares in 1610.\n\n [229] _Huayna_, youth; _ccapac_, rich; _inca_, king; _zapalla_, sole;\n _tucui_, ruler; _llacta_, city; _uya_, hear.\n\n [230] The modern La Paz.\n\n [231] Chuquisaca. Now called Sucre, the capital of the republic of\n Bolivia.\n\n [232] Domestic servants.\n\n [233] The name Chile did not belong to the whole country included\n in the present Republic of Chile, nor even to any large part of it.\n The north part of modern Chile was known to the Yncas as Copayapu\n (Copiapo); further south was the province of Coquimpu (Coquimbo);\n and the central part of modern Chile was called Canconicagua, and\n also Chilli, the latter name being probably that of a chief. Valdivia\n adopted the name of Canconicagua, while Almagro called it the valley\n of Chilli. The followers of Almagro and assassins of Pizarro were\n always known as \u201clos de Chile\u201d. The name of Chile was long applied\n only to the valley of Aconcagua, including Quillota; and that was\n no doubt the sense in which it was used by the natives and by their\n Ynca conquerors. Afterwards, the Spaniards gave the name of Chile to\n the whole country on the Pacific coast, from Copiapo to Valdivia.\n The native form of the word was Chilli, which the Spaniards softened\n into Chile. In the north of Peru, in the provinces of Chachapoyas and\n Pataz, there are three villages called Chilia; and the word occurs\n in several names of places in southern Peru, such as Pacon-chile,\n Chilihua, and the river Chile at Arequipa. The word _Chiri_ means cold\n in Quichua. But Vicu\u00f1a Mackenna maintains (_Relaciones Historicas_:\n art. \u201cOrigen del Nombre de Chile\u201d, p. 92) that the name is indigenous\n to the country, and was used before the Ynca conquest; that originally\n it was local, and was applied only to the valley of Aconcagua, but\n that it had no special meaning.\n\n [234] \u201c_Y formas de hombres crecidos._\u201d The meaning is not clear. The\n Spanish editor suggests \u201c_Y fuera mas de hombres creida_.\u201d\n\n [235] See p. 91.\n\n [236] Cieza de Leon also gives an account of the roads of the Yncas in\n his First Part (chapter xlii), p. 153, which is quoted _in extenso_\n by Garcilasso de la Vega (I, lib. ix, cap. 13). See\n also Zarate (_Historia del Peru_, lib. i, cap. 10), and, for a modern\n account, Velasco (_Historia de Quito_, i, p. 59).\n\n [237] _Yscay_, \u201ctwo\u201d; _pacha_, \u201chundred\u201d; _huaranca_, \u201cthousand\u201d;\n _runa_, \u201cmen\u201d; _cuna_, the plural particle.\n\n [238] The island in the bay of Guayaquil.\n\n [239] This is chapter liv of the edition of 1554. See my Translation,\n p. 192. In this chapter Cieza de Leon gives a full account of the\n treacherous murder of the Orejones by the people of Pun\u00e1. Garcilasso\n de la Vega, in his version of the affair, copies largely from Cieza de\n Leon (I, lib. ix, caps. 1, 2, 3).\n\n [240] Where now stands the city of Guayaquil. In the 17th century the\n place still retained the name of the \u201cPass of Huayna Capac\u201d.\n\n [241] _Pepino_ is a cucurbitaceous plant, and grown in great abundance\n on the coast of Peru. The plant is only a foot and a half high, and\n creeps along the ground. The fruit is from four to five inches long,\n cylindrical, and somewhat pointed at both ends. The husk is of a\n yellowish-green colour, with long rose-coloured stripes. The edible\n part is solid, juicy, and well flavoured, but very indigestible.\n\n [242] _Ancha_, \u201cvery\u201d; _hatun_, \u201cgreat\u201d; _Apu_, \u201cLord\u201d; _micu_, \u201ceat\u201d;\n _campa_, \u201cthou\u201d.\n\n [243] _Campa_, \u201cyou\u201d (dative); _manan_, \u201cnot\u201d; _pucula_ must be\n a clerical error, it may be _pucuna_ (correctly _poccuna_), from\n _poccuni_, \u201cto ripen, to become mature\u201d; _tucuy_, \u201call\u201d; _huambracuna_\n is a mistake, it should be _huayna-cuna_, \u201cboys\u201d. Cieza de Leon\n translates erroneously. It should be, \u201cYou are not grown up,\u201d \u201cYou are\n all boys.\u201d\n\n [244] Garcilasso de la Vega also tells the story of this war of the\n Caranques and of their punishment (II, p. 447). This country is on\n the northern frontier of the empire of the Yncas, and of the province\n of Quito. Garcilasso gives a violently prejudiced account of the war,\n and endeavours to blacken the character of the Caranques, by way of\n excusing the Ynca\u2019s cruelty. Cieza de Leon alludes to the affair in\n the First Part (p. 133 of my Translation). Versions of it are also\n given by Balboa (p. 149), Montesinos (p. 221), and Velasco in his\n _History of Quito_ (I, p. 18). Balboa describes the Caranque war as\n having continued through three bloody campaigns, and says that a\n number of Collas, with their chiefs, whom he names, were serving in\n the Ynca army.\n\n [245] 1526.\n\n [246] The names of the thirteen companions of Pizarro, as enumerated\n in the Capitulation for the conquest of Peru, made by Francisco\n Pizarro with Queen Juana on July 26th, 1529, were:--\n\n  Bartolom\u00e9 Ruiz (Pilot).\n  Crist\u00f3bal de Peralta.\n  Pedro de Candia.\n  Domingo de Soraluce.\n  Nicol\u00e1s de Ribera.\n  Francisco de Cuellar.\n  Alonzo de Molina.\n  Pedro Alcon.\n  Garcia de Jaren.\n  Anton de Carrion.\n  Alonso Brice\u00f1o.\n  Martin de Paz.\n  Juan de la Torre.\n\n Xeres, Pizarro\u2019s secretary, says that the number was 16. See the\n whole subject discussed in a note at page 8 of my translation of the\n narrative of Francisco Xeres (Hakluyt Society, 1872).\n\n [247] In the Third Part, still inedited.\n\n [248] Ciui Chimpu Runtu, the second legitimate wife of Huayna Ccapac.\n According to most authors, the name of the mother of Huascar was Rahua\n Ocllo.\n\n [249] He was quite right. In 1571 the Viceroy, Don Francisco de\n Toledo, received information that Huayna Ccapac was buried in Cuzco,\n where Polo de Ondegardo afterwards found his mummy, with others. (See\n _G. de la Vega_, I, p. 273; and II, p. 91.)\n\n [250] The author alludes to Lopez de Gomara in his chapter entitled\n \u201cLinaje de Atabaliba\u201d. Velasco, who follows Gomara, says that the name\n of the Queen of Quito was Scyri Paccha.\n\n [251] Before he is called Colla Tupac.\n\n [252] _Rumi_, \u201ca stone\u201d; _\u00f1aui_, \u201ceye\u201d. \u201cStone-eyed.\u201d\n\n [253] This is the reading of the Peruvian editor. The Spanish editor\n has Sepocopagua.\n\n [254] _Atoc_ means \u201ca fox\u201d in Quichua.\n\n [255] _Ucumari_ means \u201ca bear\u201d in Quichua.\n\n [256] Ylaquita, according to the Peruvian editor.\n\n [257] Abante in the manuscript, for which the Spanish editor suggests\n Ahuapanti.\n\n [258] The fullest account of the war between the two brothers is to be\n found in the narrative of Balboa. It is made interesting by a romantic\n love story, which is developed as the military record unfolds itself.\n There is another detailed account of the war given by Santa Cruz\n Pachacuti (see my Translation, pp. 111-119). The chapters devoted to\n it by Garcilasso de la Vega give less detail and are very prejudiced.\n On his own showing, he exaggerates the extent of the massacres at\n Cuzco (I, lib. ix, chapters 32 to 39).\n\n [259] Melchor Bravo de Saravia was one of the judges who came out\n with the President Gasca. He was afterwards President of the Audience\n of Chile. After the departure of Gasca, he was, as President of the\n Audience, practically Governor of Peru from 1552, when the Viceroy\n Mendoza died, until 1556, when his successor, the Marquis of Ca\u00f1ete,\n arrived.\n\n [260] Hernando de Santillan was a colleague of Bravo de Saravia. He\n wrote an account of the origin, lineage, and government of the Yncas,\n which was first printed at Madrid in 1879, edited by Don Marcos\n Xim\u00e9nes de Espada.\n\n\nTypographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:\n\nHow Cari returned to Chucnito=> How Cari returned to Chucuito {pg x}\n\nHow the Chancas arrived at the city of Cnzco=> How the Chancas arrived\nat the city of Cuzco {pg x}\n\nSe\u00f1or de le Espada=> Se\u00f1or de la Espada {pg xxiii}\n\nconstautly in revolt=> constantly in revolt {pg 3}\n\nMeanwhile the prests made their diabolical exorcisms=> Meanwhile the\npriests made their diabolical exorcisms {pg 92}\n\nthe eight Inca that reigned=> the eighth Inca that reigned {pg 120}\n\nand on the the other I found=> and on the other I found {pg 162}\n\nmade other arangements=> made other arrangements {pg 207}\n\nCassana, at Cuzce, ii, 158=> Cassana, at Cuzco, ii, 158 {pg 237}","title":"The travels of Pedro de Cieza de L\u00e9on; part 2","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":93231}