{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_54150/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_54150","id":"gutenberg_54150","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54150","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Medieval/Middle Ages","Category: Music","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Hymns, Latin -- History and criticism","Sequences (Liturgy)"],"text":"The Medieval Latin Hymn\n\n\n                      Ruth Ellis Messenger, Ph.D.\n\n\n                            Te decet hymnus\n                              Deus in Sion\n\n                              _Psalm 65:1_\n\n\n                             CAPITAL PRESS\n                          1731\u201414th St., N. W.\n                           WASHINGTON, D. C.\n\n\n                            Copyright, 1953\n                                  _by_\n                          Ruth Ellis Messenger\n\n                          ALL RIGHTS RESERVED\n              LITHOGRAPHED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA\n\n\n                                  _To_\n                          J. Vincent Higginson\n\n\n\n\n                                Contents\n\n\n  Chapter                                                            Page\n      Preface                                                          ix\n  I. Early Middle Ages: Latin Hymns of the Fourth Century               1\n  II. Early Middle Ages: The Old Hymnal                                 9\n  III. The Ninth Century Revival: Hymns                                19\n  IV. The Ninth Century Revival: Sequences                             35\n  V. Late Middle Ages: Hymns and Sequences                             46\n  VI. Late Middle Ages: Processional Hymns                             61\n  VII. Influence and Survival of Latin Hymns                           74\n      Illustrative Hymns                                               83\n      Notes                                                           113\n      Bibliography                                                    123\n      Index                                                           135\n\n\n\n\n                                Preface\n\n\nThe purpose of this volume is to trace the history of the medieval Latin\nhymn from the point of view of usage. It must be evident to any student\nof a subject which is spread over a thousand years of human experience\nin the widening environment of an entire continent that a guiding thread\nis needed to show the way. One must not, at the same time, ignore the\nfact that a monumental religious literature in the poetic field is\ninvolved. But the hymn is functional, having its greatest significance\nas a lyric when employed in an act of worship. Latin hymnology,\nmoreover, is an aspect of ecclesiastical studies following the history\nof the Church through the classical and medieval ages into modern times.\n\nA wider cultural background than the immediate interest of theology and\nreligion is reflected in the hymns of any age. Here often lie secrets of\ninterpretation which make possible an appreciation of contemporary\nthought.\n\nAs the study of the medieval hymn is followed from the standpoint of\nlife and usage, the antiquarian and the literary critic, who cannot\nfully satisfy the quest of the student for reality, must give place to\nthe medieval worshiper himself who has revealed in its entirety each\nsuccessive phase of a hymnological history not yet ended.\n\nFor information about the Christian hymn as it existed prior to the\nmedieval era, the author\u2019s _Christian Hymns of the First Three\nCenturies, Paper IX_, a publication of The Hymn Society of America, may\nbe consulted. This account of primitive Christian hymnody, although\npre-medieval, serves as an introduction to the subject matter of the\npresent volume.\n\nThe pages which follow are intended for the general reader rather than\nthe specialist in medieval culture or in the classical languages.\nBiographies of hymn writers have not been attempted since the literature\nof this subject is already extensive. Documentation has been reduced to\na minimum. A bibliography has been provided for any who are interested\nin specialized fields.\n\nIt is hoped that this brief study will have a modest part in opening up\nto the general reader a field which has never been fully explored in any\nlanguage, especially English. An inclusive treatment is not offered here\nbut one which represents the fruits of a generation of research.\n\nMy grateful thanks are due to my friends and co-workers in the fields of\nclassical studies, hymnology and medieval history who have assisted me\nin countless ways, particularly to Dr. Adelaide D. Simpson and Dr. Carl\nSelmer, both of Hunter College of the City of New York, who have read\nthe entire manuscript and offered invaluable criticisms and suggestions.\nAmong the many librarians who have assisted me in varied centers of\nstudy, I am most indebted to the staff of the Library of Union\nTheological Seminary of New York, under Dr. William Walker Rockwell and\nlater under Dr. Lucy Markley. Finally, I wish to acknowledge my\nobligation to those authors and publishers who have granted permission\nto use certain translations of Latin hymns which appear in this volume.\n\n\n\n\n                                                             CHAPTER ONE\n                    Early Middle Ages: Latin Hymns of the Fourth Century\n\n\n                       I. The Early Hymn Writers\n\nThe first mention of Christian Latin hymns by a known author occurs in\nthe writings of St. Jerome who states that Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers\n(c. 310-366), a noted author of commentaries and theological works,\nwrote a _Liber Hymnorum_.[1] This collection has never been recovered in\nits entirety. Hilary\u2019s priority as a hymn writer is attested by Isidore\nof Seville (d. 636) who says:\n\n  Hilary, however, Bishop of Poitiers in Gaul, a man of unusual\n  eloquence, was the first prominent hymn writer.[2]\n\nMore important than his prior claim is the motive which actuated him,\nthe defense of the Trinitarian doctrine, to which he was aroused by his\ncontroversy with the Arians. A period of four years as an exile in\nPhrygia for which his theological opponents were responsible, made him\nfamiliar with the use of hymns in the oriental church to promote the\nArian heresy. Hilary wrested a sword, so to speak, from his adversaries\nand carried to the west the hymn, now a weapon of the orthodox. His\nauthentic extant hymns, three in number, must have been a part of the\n_Liber Hymnorum_. _Ante saecula qui manens_, \u201cO Thou who dost exist\nbefore time,\u201d is a hymn of seventy verses in honor of the Trinity;\n_Fefellit saevam verbum factum te, caro_, \u201cThe Incarnate Word hath\ndeceived thee (Death)\u201d is an Easter hymn; and _Adae carnis gloriosae_,\n\u201cIn the person of the Heavenly Adam\u201d is a hymn on the theme of the\ntemptation of Jesus.[3] They are ponderous in style and expression and\nperhaps too lengthy for congregational use since they were destined to\nbe superseded.\n\nIn addition to these the hymn _Hymnum dicat turba fratrum_, \u201cLet your\nhymn be sung, ye faithful,\u201d has been most persistently associated with\nHilary\u2019s name. The earliest text occurs in a seventh century manuscript.\nIt is a metrical version of the life of Jesus in seventy-four lines,\nwritten in the same meter as that of _Adae carnis gloriosae_.[4]\n\nPope Damasus, a Spaniard by birth (c. 304-384), is believed to have\nwritten hymns in addition to the _Epigrams_ on the martyrs which\nconstitute his authentic poetry. It would seem probable that his\nactivities in identifying and marking the sites associated with the\nRoman martyrs might have been supplemented by the production of hymns in\ntheir honor. Two hymns bearing his name are extant, one in praise of St.\nAndrew the Apostle and one for St. Agatha. Upon internal evidence the\nascription is dubious for they bear the mark of authorship too late to\nbe considered among the poems of this famous Pope.\n\nAs a matter of fact, Ambrose, Bishop of Milan (340-397), remains the\nuncontested originator of the medieval Latin hymn as it becomes familiar\nto us in a uniform series of metrical stanzas adapted to congregational\nuse. Like Hilary, Ambrose was born in Gaul.[5] He was the son of\nAmbrose, Prefect of the Gauls, and like his father he attained official\nappointment under the Roman government as Consular of Liguria and\nAemilia, with Milan as place of residence. Theological controversy\nbetween the Arians and the orthodox was raging at Milan, the Bishop\nhimself, Auxentius, having adopted the Arian position. Ambrose at this\ntime was a catechumen but at the death of Auxentius was obliged to\npreserve order when the election of his successor took place. At that\nvery moment the popular mandate created Ambrose Bishop of Milan at the\nage of thirty-four years. The period immediately following his election\nfound him constantly battling for orthodoxy in a contest which passed\nbeyond the limits of theological debate to the actual siege of orthodox\nchurches by the Arian forces.\n\nAmbrose was acquainted with the Syrian practice of hymn singing, and\nlike Hilary, he recognized the effective use of the hymn by the\nproponents of the Arian heresy. It was not long before the congregations\nin the basilica at Milan were chanting antiphonally the praises of the\nTrinity in a similar form. Ambrose himself recorded his achievement, his\nbiographer Paulinus mentions the event and Augustine in his\n_Confessions_ describes the congregational singing which he himself had\nheard.\n\n  We, though as yet unmelted by the heat of Thy Spirit, were\n  nevertheless excited by the alarm and tumult of the city. Then it was\n  first instituted that according to the custom of the eastern regions,\n  hymns and psalms should be sung, lest the people should faint through\n  the fatigue of sorrow.[6]\n\nAmbrose wrote hymns appropriate for morning and evening worship, four of\nwhich now extant, can be proved to be of his authorship, _Aeterne rerum\nconditor_, \u201cMaker of all, eternal King,\u201d _Deus creator omnium_, \u201cCreator\nof the earth and sky,\u201d _Iam surgit hora tertia_, \u201cNow the third hour\ndraws nigh,\u201d and _Veni redemptor gentium_, \u201cCome Redeemer of the\nearth.\u201d[7] Many others in keeping with his style and inspiration have\nbeen preserved and subjected to critical study with the result that\neighteen hymns on varied themes are generally conceded to be Ambrosian.\nHad Ambrose never conferred upon the church his gift of hymnody he would\nstill remain one of the great Latin Fathers of the fourth century, in\nhis functions as statesman, organizer and scholar. His contribution to\necclesiastical poetry and music have made him influential century after\ncentury. In this role he has spoken directly to multitudes of Christians\nthroughout the world, many of whom have been unacquainted with his name\nor unaware that they were following the Ambrosian tradition of\ncongregational song. (See Illustrative Hymns, I. _Splendor paternae\ngloriae_, \u201cO Splendor of God\u2019s glory bright.\u201d)\n\nSpain shares the honors with Gaul as the birthplace of the earliest hymn\nwriters, claiming first Damasus and then Prudentius, (348-413?), a\nlawyer, judge and poet of his era. Little is known of his life aside\nfrom his literary work which includes two collections of hymns, the\n_Cathemerinon_, a series for the hours of the day and the ecclesiastical\nseasons and the _Peristephanon_, a series of much longer poems in praise\nof the great martyrs of the early church. In his effort to learn more of\nthe circumstances attending their martyrdom, Prudentius went to Rome to\nvisit the scenes made sacred by their death and sufferings. Neither of\nthese collections was written for liturgical use but for devotional\nreading. Both were destined to be appropriated by compilers of\nhymnaries, especially in Spain. Hymns from the _Cathemerinon_, either in\ntheir original form or in centos, spread throughout the Christian church\nwhile the martyr hymns were also drawn upon but to a lesser extent. The\nhymns selected for festival use are perhaps most familiar today, for\nexample, for Advent, _Corde natus ex parentis ante mundi exordium_, of\nwhich the translation \u201cOf the Father\u2019s love begotten,\u201d suggests the\noriginal meter. The Epiphany hymn, _O sola magnarum urbium_, \u201cEarth hath\nmany a noble city,\u201d is also well known.[8]\n\nConsidered merely as Latin poetry, the hymns of Hilary, Ambrose and\nPrudentius are transitional in their literary character. They belong\nneither to the poetry of the Silver Age of Latin literature nor do they\nrepresent the medieval literary tradition. Of the metrical aspect\nsomething will be said presently. By some the Ambrosian hymn is regarded\nas a daring innovation and the model from which vernacular European\nverse was later to develop. In that case, it constitutes a class by\nitself. For evidence of the continuity of Latin poetry from the\nclassical to the medieval age we must turn to the _Carmina_ of Venantius\nFortunatus.\n\nFortunatus (c. 530-600) was born near Treviso and lived as a youth in\nnorthern Italy, studying at Ravenna. The greater part of his life,\nhowever, was spent in Gaul which he visited first as a pilgrim to the\nshrine of St. Martin at Tours, who, he believed, had been instrumental\nin restoring his eyesight. At Poitiers he met Queen Rhadegunda, wife of\nClothair, King of Neustria. She had founded a convent at Poitiers and\nthere lived in retirement. This was his introduction to a life of travel\nand of intercourse with the great. He was acquainted with bishops,\nnoblemen and kings whose praises he sang in many graceful tributes,\noccasional poems and epitaphs. Through the influence of Rhadegunda, his\nlifelong patron and friend, he was ordained, and after her death he\nbecame Bishop of Poitiers, 597, where he lived until his death. As a\nchurchman he was an admirer and biographer of the saints of Gaul,\npreeminently St. Martin whose life and miracles he recounted in poetic\nform.\n\nFortunatus seems to have carried with him from the Italian scenes\nassociated with the poetry of Virgil\u2014an inspiration which was never\nentirely lost. His poems suggest a familiarity with the literary\nbackground of classical verse. During his mature life he lived in the\nenvironment of sixth century Gallic society which was already assuming\nits medieval Frankish outlines. Natural beauty and human companionship\nwere alike important to him. He was acquainted with men and women of\nevery degree from the monarch to the slave.\n\nAlthough the spirit of religious devotion and of orthodox belief is\nevident in many of the hundreds of lyrics which he composed, four only\nmay be classed as hymns. Three of these are concerned with the theme of\nthe Holy Cross, _Pange lingua, gloriosi proelium certaminis_, \u201cSing, my\ntongue, the glorious battle,\u201d _Vexilla regis prodeunt_, \u201cThe banners of\nthe king advance,\u201d and _Crux benedicta nitet_, \u201cRadiant is the blessed\ncross.\u201d The fourth, _Tempora florigero rutilant distincta sereno_,\n\u201cSeason of luminous days, marked bright with the birth of the flowers,\u201d\nis a Resurrection hymn.[9] It is impossible to indicate here the\nextraordinary influence which this group of hymns has exerted in the\nevolution of Christian hymnody, continuing in Gaul the tradition, as it\nwere, which Hilary first established. The circumstances of their origin\nand their lasting values will be considered in connection with\nprocessional hymns in Chapter VI.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, II. _Vexilla regis prodeunt_, \u201cThe banners of\nthe king advance.\u201d)\n\n\n                           II. Metrical Forms\n\nThe problem of metrical forms and the prosody of the earliest Latin\nhymns, in general, is a phase of the same problem affecting Latin poetry\nas a whole. The subject is both complicated and obscure, entangled with\nthat of Latin rhetorical prose style, the transition from the\nquantitative accent of ancient classical poetry to the stress accent of\nmedieval and modern verse and with the origin of rhyme. It is a problem\nfor specialists among whom opinions are now divergent. Toward a\npractical understanding of the metrical values of the hymns of Hilary,\nPrudentius, Ambrose and Fortunatus, the pragmatic test of what is\nsingable may be applied. The ancient balanced rhythms of Semitic poetry\nas illustrated in the Hebrew psalms had been sung for generations. The\nmetrical lyrics of ancient Greece were sung to an instrumental\naccompaniment as were the Latin lyrics of the Golden Age of Rome. These\nhighly polished classical forms were for the elite. Of popular poetry\nwhich was sung in the period immediately preceding the appearance of the\nLatin hymn, very little is known. The early writers were experimenters.\nHilary used classical meters with alterations, of which the trochaic\ntetrameter catalectic proved most acceptable.[10] It is illustrated in\n_Adae carnis gloriosae_ and also in hymns by Prudentius and Fortunatus.\nPrudentius used a variety of meters in addition to the trochaic which\nproved adaptable in actual liturgical practice but by that time stress\naccent was beginning to obscure the original quantitative values.\nAmbrose used the unrhymed iambic dimeter, a simple and singable form\nwhich has been in vogue ever since, at first unrhymed after the original\nmodels and later rhymed. The popular trochaic meter familiarized by\nHilary, Prudentius and Fortunatus, when transformed by stress accent and\nrhyme, is easily recognized both in Latin and the vernaculars.\nFortunatus popularized the elegiac meter in hymns for a thousand years\nby demonstrating its use in _Tempora florigero_. Prior to the ninth\ncentury revival of hymnody, the Ambrosian hymn, considered as a metrical\nmodel, in comparison with all other existing models, dominates the field\nequally with its prestige as an expression of Christian theology and\ndevotion.\n\n\n                         III. Hymns in Worship\n\nIt is evident that the fourth century was one of innovation in the\ncustom of congregational singing as the Ambrosian hymn was more widely\ndiffused. Our knowledge of what actually took place is very incomplete,\nbased first upon the writing of Ambrose and his contemporaries and later\nupon the hints derived from monastic usage. That morning and evening\nservices of prayer and praise were common is well known. That the\nsinging of the new fourth century hymns was an integral part of such\nservices is largely assumed. Prudentius wrote hymns for the evening\nceremony of the lucernare or lighting of the candles, a Christian\npractice adopted from the Greek church, to which many references are\nfound. The fact that the hymns of Prudentius were in existence long\nbefore they appeared in the records of formal worship points to early\nChristian usage, however dimly perceived.\n\nConcerning music we learn from the most recent researches that \u201cnothing\ndefinite is known of the melodies that were actually applied to the\nhymns of St. Ambrose.\u201d[11] The traditional liturgical music of Milan is\nknown as the Ambrosian Chant. It cannot be traced to Ambrose himself but\nis supposed to have existed in a simpler form than that which appears in\navailable manuscripts beginning with the twelfth century. At least it\nmay be said to have existed prior to the Roman Chant and perhaps have\ninfluenced the latter. With a frank acknowledgement of ignorance as to\nthe antiphonal melodies which thrilled St. Augustine at Milan, the\npossibility must be admitted that they reflected to some extent the\nformal music of the synagogue or the music of the Greeks or the elements\nof contemporary folk music because these were the musical materials of\nwhich the Christians had experience. All three may have been\nrepresented, but for a hymn of the Ambrosian type, the chant as evolved\nin rendering the Gospels or the Psalms may have given place to a form of\nsong more characteristic of the lyric.\n\n\n                               IV. Themes\n\nThe tradition of Christian hymnology which upholds a way of life is\nfundamental in Ambrosian and contemporary hymns. The \u201cway\u201d is the first\nterm by which Christianity was designated in the Scriptures. Thus to the\nScriptures the hymn writers turned for the living characterization of\ntheir themes. The call to a virtuous life is sounded in _Splendor\npaternae gloriae_ quoted above. Similarly throughout these hymns, the\nhigh ideal of faith, purity, hope, patience, humility and love and the\nethical teachings derived from the words of Jesus and from the early\nexemplars of the Christian religion are clearly expressed and enjoined.\nNot alone for contemporaries in a period of crisis and controversy were\nthese hymns effective. They have continued to speak the same words in\nthe same spirit of joy and devotion derived from contact with the\nearlier springs of faith to every succeeding century.\n\nThe writings of men familiar with Roman civilization and trained in\nclassical culture would naturally be presumed to retain the flavor of a\nnon-Christian literature. Christianity had already appropriated from the\npagan philosophers those teachings which were congenial to its own.\nAmbrose reveals both in his poetic and prose writings his acquaintance\nwith classical thought and literary models. Prudentius mingles the\nclassical and the Christian. Fortunatus was inspired by classical poetry\nto a Christian expression of beauty in form and content. But in every\ncase, these characteristics are marginal. The core of their hymns is the\nscriptural narrative. Not only is the subject matter faithfully\nreproduced but the actual text is sometimes embedded in the verse. The\nresult is a rare objectivity and a lack of embellishment especially in\nthe works of Ambrose which became the preferred standard for later\nwriters.[12]\n\nThe life of Jesus is a favorite theme particularly in those episodes\nwhich were described and expanded in hymns for the Nativity, Epiphany,\nPassion, Easter and Pentecost. From the episode of the Nativity the\npraise of the Virgin was developed. The doctrine of the Trinity was\neverywhere upheld in hymns, even as its defense had been influential in\ntheir creation.\n\nThe group of hymns which praise the early Christian leaders, either\ndirectly or by incidental mention, form a nucleus for the impressive\nmedieval hymnology of the saints. The Apostles have first place both in\nchronology and importance. Prudentius praised the Roman martyrs and\nAmbrose those of Rome and Milan as well. Both honored Laurence the\nDeacon and Agnes the Virgin. To the praise of the whole group \u201cthe noble\narmy of martyrs,\u201d the hymn _Aeterna Christi munera_, \u201cThe eternal gifts\nof Christ the King,\u201d was written, unrivalled as a martyr hymn in any\nperiod of Latin hymnology.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, III. _Aeterna Christi munera_, \u201cThe eternal\ngifts of Christ the King.\u201d)\n\n\n\n\n                                                             CHAPTER TWO\n                                       Early Middle Ages: The Old Hymnal\n\n\n                           I. The Hymn Cycles\n\nWe owe the preservation of the earliest Latin hymns to monastic\npractice. When the founders of monasticism in the west, Caesarius and\nAurelian who were famous bishops of Arles (6th C.), and Benedict (d.\n543), founder of the Benedictine Order, organized the regulations and\nroutine for the communities under their charge, they incorporated Latin\nhymns already existing into the daily worship of the monastery.[1] These\nwere sung at the services of the canonical hours and were known as hour\nhymns or office hymns.\n\nA continuity can be traced, although faintly, from primitive Christian\nobservances. Beginning with the vigil of Saturday night in preparation\nfor the following Sunday, the first three centuries of Christian history\ndeveloped public services for prayer at candlelight, night time, and\ndawn. By the fourth century, the tide of devotional practice had set in,\nbringing with it daily worship in the church at the third, sixth and\nninth hours. At the end of the fourth and during the fifth century the\ncycle was completed with new offices at sunrise and nightfall. The full\nseries, therefore, included the nocturnal cursus; vespers, compline,\nmatins (nocturns and lauds), and the diurnal cursus; prime, terce, sext\nand nones.[2] An opportunity was afforded to unify the services and at\nthe same time to make use of the symbolic number seven by reference to\n_Psalm 119: 164 (Ps. 118, Vulgate)_, \u201cSeven times a day do I praise thee\nbecause of thy righteous ordinances.\u201d From the simple assemblies of\nearly Christianity, therefore, and the daily offices of prayer, a fully\nelaborated cycle of hymns in time developed, appropriate to the\nsymbolism of the seven hours and to the needs of the annual feasts.\nConstantly increasing in number and variety, these cycles were preserved\nin psalters together with the psalms or in a hymnary by themselves. In\nfact, the word _hymn_ came to mean specifically an office hymn later to\nbe associated with the breviary, and the word _hymnal_, a cycle or\ncollection of office hymns.\n\nAt first the cycles were brief. Five extant manuscripts reveal the sixth\ncentury group of hymns of which the best representative, the so-called\nPsalter of the Queen from the famous collection of Queen Christine of\nSweden, probably dates from the time of Charles Martel (d. 741).[3] This\ngroup of hymns is usually referred to as the _Old Hymnal_, the initial\nversion of which numbers thirty-four hymns but at the close of the sixth\ncentury had increased to perhaps sixty hymns in actual use.[4] The\nthirty-four original hymns of the _Old Hymnal_ are listed in the\nAppendix to this chapter where the appropriate location of each is\nindicated, whether for daily or seasonal worship.\n\nDue to the influence of Benedict who had enjoined the use of the\nAmbrosian hymn, the authentic verse of Ambrose was preserved and\nextensively imitated among the regular clergy. What had become of the\nhymn in secular worship?\n\nThe old prejudice against non-scriptural hymns and in favor of the\nPsalms had never died out. By a canon of the Council of Laodicea (c.\n364), _psalmi idiotici_ or \u201cprivate hymns\u201d were forbidden, a mandate\nwhich was valid during the lifetime of Ambrose who, nevertheless,\nignored a restriction intended to safeguard orthodoxy but hardly\napplicable in his case. In the sixth century the secular clergy of Spain\nwere forbidden to use hymns by the Council of Braga, 563.[5] The paradox\nof encouraging non-scriptural hymns in the monastery and forbidding\ntheir use in the church at large has been explained by reference to the\ncontemporary appearance of early forms of vernacular speech in western\nEurope. Latin, the language of the church, its liturgy and its clergy,\nwas now threatened by a possible inroad of the vernacular.[6] Hymn\nwriting was regarded, perhaps, as a prerogative of the clergy to be kept\nwithin bounds. To throw open to the church everywhere these privileges\nmight be dangerous alike for theology and worship. Learning in the Latin\ntongue tended to be concentrated in the monastery, for other centers of\nscholarship were few and far between; hymnology became largely a\nfunction of the monastic group.\n\nIt should be remembered that these centuries embraced a period of the\ngreatest political, economic and social confusion in western Europe\nduring which we know relatively little about Christian worship in\nwidespread congregations except for the rite of the mass. Yet in the\nsixth century the opposite tendency toward greater freedom in writing\nand singing hymns was apparent. The Council of Tours, 567, permitted the\nsecular clergy to use Ambrosian and other hymns.[7] If viewed in this\nlight, the religious verse of Fortunatus takes on a new significance,\nillustrative of the freedom which the Church in Gaul, always highly\nindividual, now experienced in the realm of hymnology.\n\nGaul, then, was the scene of a conflict in which the Latin hymn was\ncontending, and that successfully, for its very life. On the monastic\nside, anonymous clerics, using the Ambrosian model, gradually provided\nthe full complement of hymns for the annual festivals in harmony with\nthe liturgical year which began to emerge and resemble somewhat its\npresent form. Wherever the Benedictine Order penetrated into the\nterritories of western Europe, the use of hymns likewise increased.\nTheir diffusion must be regarded as comparable with that of an\norganization which within two hundred years of the death of its founder\nboasted hundreds of monasteries and convents throughout western\nChristendom, augmented by Irish and other foundations which had adopted\nthe Benedictine Rule. Missionary zeal had played a significant role in\nthis expansion. Fulda, for instance, a community with 400 monks and many\nmissionaries at its disposal, was able under Willibald to extend its\ninfluence through numerous subordinate monasteries and convents. Royal\nfavor, already enjoyed by St. Gall and now conferred upon new\nestablishments, rivalled that of popes and synods, which at the time of\nPippin\u2019s coronation in 750 or 752, combined to insure the success of the\nBenedictine program.[8]\n\nOn the side of secular worship, the hymnal used by Benedict and his\nsuccessors gradually gained a foothold in the church through diocesan\ncenters which adopted the monastic cycles. Or perhaps it may be said,\nwith the reservation that we are in the realm of theory and not of fact,\nthat the ancient hymns written prior to the sixth century had been\ncirculated and continued to be circulated in the west in a way not at\npresent understood, in connection with the Gallican or ancient liturgy\nof Gaul. If so, the _Old Hymnal_ is the Gallican hymnal which Benedict\nappropriated and his followers maintained to its acknowledged prestige\nby the year 750.\n\nAn episode of significance for hymnology during the period under\nconsideration in this chapter is the activity of Gregory the Great who\noccupied the papal throne from 590 to 604. A member of the Benedictine\nOrder, he is noted for his enthusiastic support of its missionary\nprogram and for his interest in ecclesiastical music and poetry. His\nrole in the extension of the Roman Rite and of the Benedictine Order to\nBritain is familiar to all.[9] His authority in the western church is a\nmatter not of controversy but of fact. That he was deeply interested\nboth in hymn writing and singing may be safely assumed for there are too\nmany reports of his activity to be ignored. His actual role in the\ndevelopment of the chant which bears his name and the authorship of\neight to eleven hymns attributed to him, have not been determined. For\nGregory\u2019s contribution to the ritual music of the church the reader is\nreferred to the discussion of this subject by specialists in the field\nof liturgical music. For his contribution to the hymn cycles, modern\nhymnologists have judged even the eight hymns singled out as Gregorian\nby Benedictine editors, to be doubtful although the nocturn and vesper\nhymns may be authentic.[10] Aside from critical research the fact\nremains that all these hymns appear in the cycles of the day and several\nhave been in liturgical use to the present time. They are representative\nof the hymnology of the transition between the _Old Hymnal_ and the\nlater cycles whose hidden origins Gregory may have influenced.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, IV. _Nocte surgentes vigilemus omnes_, \u201cFather\nwe praise Thee, now the night is over.\u201d)\n\n\n                      II. Mozarabic Contributions\n\nThe list of hymns in the _Old Hymnal_ (See Appendix) reveals at a glance\nthe presence of nine Mozarabic hymns. Mozarabic is a term applied to the\nChristian inhabitants of Spain under Moslem rule and also to the rites\nof the Christian Church prevailing throughout the Visigothic and Moslem\nperiods. It is the former or Visigothic period extending from the\nfoundation of the Kingdom by Euric, 466, to the entry of the Moslems in\n711, which claims our attention here. Connections between Spain and Gaul\nat this time were very close for the Visigoths ruled a large part of\nwhat is now southern France from the Atlantic to the Maritime Alps. The\ngreat churchmen of Spain, especially Isidore, Archbishop of Seville (d.\n636), performed the same service for Christian hymns in Spain which the\nmonastic leaders performed in Gaul. In his _Etymologiae_ and his _De\nofficiis ecclesiasticis_, Isidore considers the subject of music and\nliturgy. His _Regula monachorum_, built partly on older rules observed\nin Spain, is an evidence of his interest in monastic reform. As\npresiding bishop of the IV Council of Toledo, 633, he was at the height\nof his reputation.[11] Braulio, Bishop of Saragossa, (631-651), his\npupil and literary executor, bears witness to his fame.[12] He himself\nmaintained the liturgical tradition which was continued with great\nsuccess by Eugenius II, Primate of Toledo, (646-657), Ildefonsus who\nheld the same rank, (659-667), and others. As the result of the literary\nand liturgical movement initiated by these leaders, supported by the\ncouncils and schools, the Mozarabic hymnology was rapidly developed. The\ncanons of the IV Council of Toledo, for which Isidore may have been\npersonally responsible, require uniformity of the rites and offices\nthroughout Spain and Gaul. The thirteenth canon upholds the validity and\nappropriateness of hymns by Christian authors against those who would\nrestrict the hymnody of the Church to the Psalms of the Old Testament.\nAfter a discussion of the old prohibitions and the reasons for approving\nthe new compositions, Canon 13 reads:\n\n  \u201cAs with prayers, so also with hymns written for the praise of God,\n  let no one of you disapprove of them but publish them abroad both in\n  Gaul and Spain. Let those be punished with excommunication who have\n  ventured to repudiate hymns.\u201d[13]\n\nBuilding upon the work of Ambrose, Sedulius and notably Prudentius,\ntheir own countryman; adapting ancient traditions of congregational\nworship and monastic usage, the liturgists of the seventh century must\nhave collated for the use of the clergy approximately sixty-five hymns\nfrom sources originating prior to their own day. These ancient hymns\nform the nucleus of the Mozarabic Hymnal, the earliest manuscript of\nwhich dates from the tenth century. They reveal interrelations between\nthe Spanish and Gallican churches and they indicate a continuity of hymn\nsinging from primitive congregational usage like the Ambrosian to the\nseventh century revival and extension of non-scriptural hymns.[14]\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, V. _Alleluia piis edite laudibus_, \u201cSing\nalleluia forth in duteous praise.\u201d)\n\n\n                           III. Celtic Hymns\n\nThe Celtic inhabitants of the British Isles from the period of the\nintroduction of Christianity maintained individual features of liturgy\nand organization, especially in their monastic groups. The contemporary\nSaxon Church of the seventh century, however, had been drawn into the\nRoman sphere of influence by Gregory the Great who was also in touch\nwith Celtic leadership. The ancient record of the interchange of hymns\nwritten respectively by St. Columba of Iona and by Gregory preserves\nmore than a report incapable of proof.[15] It points to reciprocal\ninterest in the evolving hymnology of the sixth and seventh centuries in\nCeltic and continental regions.\n\nThe so-called Bangor Antiphonary of the seventh century is the earliest\nmanuscript containing hymns, twelve in number.[16] Its contents are\notherwise miscellaneous, including a list of the abbots of Bangor.\nHilary\u2019s supposed hymn from this collection, _Hymnum dicat turba\nfratrum_, has already been cited. An ancient communion hymn, _Sancti\nvenite Christi corpus sumite_, \u201cDraw nigh and take the body of the\nLord,\u201d is included and _Mediae noctis tempus est_, \u201cIt is the midnight\nhour,\u201d an office hymn common to the hymnals of Spain and Gaul. Among\nother important sources is the Irish _Liber hymnorum_, preserved in an\neleventh century manuscript of Dublin which contains Columba\u2019s hymn,\n_Altus prosator_, \u201cAncient of days,\u201d honoring God the creator, and the\n_Lorica_ or _Breastplate Hymn_ of St. Gildas (6th C.), _Suffragare\ntrinitatis unitas, unitatis miserere trinitas_, \u201cGrant me thy favor,\nThree in One, have mercy on me, One in Three.\u201d[17]\n\nOn the whole Celtic hymns exhibit great variety in subject matter and\npurpose with many departures from the type of hymn cycle in use on the\ncontinent. Indeed, the group of from fifteen to twenty hymns produced in\nthe centuries under consideration are highly distinctive. The Ambrosian\ntradition is not apparent. Non-Ambrosian meters are illustrated in all\nthree hymns cited above while alliteration, the _abcd_ form, repetition\nof initial words and other metrical devices are found throughout the\ncollection. There are hymns for the offices and communion, metrical\nprayers and a group of hymns for saints, some bearing witness to local\ncults. Poetic individuality marks them all.[18] Contemporaneous with the\nflowering of Celtic hymnology, the seventh century saw the beginning of\nthe cultural invasion of the continent by Celtic scholars, teachers and\nmissionaries whereby two streams of culture, previously isolated, united\nwith significant results for the hymnology of the future.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, VI. _Sancti venite Christi corpus sumite_,\n\u201cDraw nigh and take the body of the Lord.\u201d)\n\n\n                              IV. Summary\n\nThe account of the Christian hymns of necessity accompanies that of the\nChristian organization, moving from the shores of the Mediterranean and\nthe Christian centers in Roman provincial areas into the \u201cregions\nbeyond\u201d of missionary effort. Although congregational singing in the\nAmbrosian sense appears to have been submerged in this process, the\ntraditional hymnody was preserved, new hymns added and the foundation\nlaid for the ninth century revival.\n\nAnonymity is the rule and known authorship the exception for the hymns\nproduced in the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth centuries. This\ncontinued to be the rule during the whole medieval period since the\nnames of those who wrote the non-scriptural parts of religious rites\nwere lost or unknown or perhaps of little importance in communal\nworship. The fact that the hymns which survive have been gathered from\nliturgical manuscripts and not from the work of individual authors\nexcept in rare cases, should make anonymity more intelligible.\n\nHymn sources are scanty and interconnections, dimly perceived, can\nrarely be established. Continuity of evolution is often broken or\nreplaced by new poetical inspiration. However, the fourth century appeal\nto the objective, the direct, the simple, is seldom varied by the\nsubjective theme. The biblical narratives and the symbolism connected\nwith the various offices and feasts add substance and character to the\ncycles and to the concept of the liturgical year.\n\nIn the heart of the Dark Ages, popularly considered, western European\ncivilization was in confusion and its fate problematical. One could\nscarcely expect the fruits of peace and security to flourish. Yet in\nthese very centuries there were created and circulated many of the best\nloved hymns of Christianity, a number of which have been in unbroken use\nto the present day. Among them are the illustrations inserted above and\n_Lucis Creator optime_, \u201cO blest creator of the light;\u201d the Advent\nhymns, _Verbum supernum prodiens_, \u201cHigh Word of God who once didst\ncome,\u201d and _Conditor alme siderum_, \u201cCreator of the stars of night;\u201d the\nEaster hymn, _Claro paschali gaudio_, \u201cThat Easter day with joy was\nbright;\u201d for the dedication of a church, _Urbs beata Jerusalem_,\n\u201cBlessed city, heavenly Salem\u201d with the more familiar second part,\n\u201cChrist is made the sure foundation.\u201d Two hymns honoring the Virgin date\nfrom this period: _Ave maris stella_, \u201cHail, Sea-Star we name Thee,\u201d and\n_Quem terra pontus aethera_, \u201cThe God whom earth and sea and sky,\u201d\ninitiating the Marian hymnology of the Middle Ages.[19]\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, VII. _Ave maris stella_, \u201cHail, Sea-Star we\nname Thee.\u201d)\n\nCreated and preserved in a clerical and for the most part a monastic\nenvironment these hymns express the Christian thought and faith of the\nera which was thus treasured up for wider circulation and influence in a\nlater and more settled society. The words of the late Canon Douglas, a\ngreat American hymnologist, are memorable in this connection:\n\n  \u201cWhat does have a practical bearing on our subject is, that whatever\n  may have been the older cycle, it was enriched to an extraordinary\n  degree in the early medieval centuries. What began in Milan, and\n  achieved its permanent recognition at Monte Cassino, was soon to bring\n  about a Mozarabic Hymnal in Spain, a Gallican hymnal in northern\n  Europe, an Anglo-Irish cycle in Britain: and from all these various\n  increments not only enlarged the growing Hymnal but also richly\n  diversified it.\u201d[20]\n\n\n                                Appendix\n       _Old Hymnal_ (_See Anal. Hymn., 51, Introduction_ p. xx).\n\n  _Ad nocturnas horas_\n    _Mediae noctis tempus est_ (Mozarabic; in Bangor Antiphonary)\n    _Rex aeterne Domine_\n    _Magna et mirabilia_\n    _Aeterne rerum conditor_\n    _Tempus noctis surgentibus_\n\n  _Ad matutinas laudes_\n    _Deus qui caeli lumen es_\n    _Splendor paternae gloriae_\n    _Aeternae lucis conditor_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Fulgentis auctor aetheris_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Deus aeterni luminis_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Christe caeli Domine_\n    _Diei luce reddita_\n\n  _Ad parvas horas_\n    _Postmatutinis laudibus_\n    _Certum tenentes ordinem_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Dicamus laudes Domino_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Perfectum trinum numerum_ (Mozarabic)\n\n  _Ad vesperas_\n    _Deus creator omnium_\n    _Deus qui certis legibus_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Deus qui claro lumine_\n    _Sator princepsque temporum_\n\n  _Ad completorium_\n    _Christe qui lux es et dies_ (Mozarabic)\n    _Christe precamur adnue_\n\n  _Proprii de tempore_\n    _Intende qui regis_\n    _Illuminans altissimus_\n    _Dei fide qua vivimus_\n    _Meridie orandum es_\n    _Sic ter quaternis trahitur_\n    _Hic est dies verus Dei_\n    _Iam surgit hora tertia_\n    _Iam sexta sensim volvitur_\n    _Ter hora trina volvitur_\n    _Ad cenam agni providi_\n    _Aurora lucis rutilat_\n\n  _De communi martyrum_\n    _Aeterna Christi munera_\n\n\n\n\n                                                           CHAPTER THREE\n                                        The Ninth Century Revival: Hymns\n\n\n                  I. Background of Carolingian Culture\n\nTo explain fully the origin of a great literary movement must always be\ndifficult, for the subtle influences affecting its beginnings elude a\nscientific analysis of facts. One observes the revival of Latin\nhymnology between 750 and 900 A.D. with amazement. The voices of\nAmbrose, his contemporaries and his immediate imitators had been\nsilenced for centuries. Venantius Fortunatus had stood forth, a solitary\nsurvival of the old Latin poetic genius or, perhaps more accurately, a\nsolitary herald of the new medieval awakening. Then a flowering of\nreligious poetry spread over western Europe, not to be withered by new\nbarbarian invasions but to be the permanent possession of the Christian\nChurch.\n\nIn this period the older cycles of office hymns were revised and\nexpanded and fresh cycles created in such numbers as to justify the new\nterminology of the _Later Hymnal_ or _Ninth Century Hymnal_. The\nsequence arose in the formal worship of the mass, affording a new\ninspirational to clerical poets and resulting in a body of sacred verse\nof increasing influence. The processional hymn and its related forms\nappeared in response to the new impulse toward a hymnic accompaniment to\nceremonial acts. In effect, the hymn during the period under\nconsideration, was well established in every aspect of formal worship.\n\nIn the background of the age which created this literature must be\nsought the trends and motivation which make intelligible the voices of\nits interpreters. Accordingly, in the years from 750 to 900 A.D. when\nthe Carolingian rulers, Pippin, Charlemagne, Louis the Pious and Charles\nthe Bald were guiding the destinies of the Franks, the various\ninfluences affecting public worship must be surveyed. The most important\nwere the liturgical reforms undertaken or sponsored by the Carolingian\nrulers; their promotion of ecclesiastical music and singing; their\ninterest in the reform and expansion of the Benedictine Order; the\nliterary activity of members of the Carolingian court circles who\ndevoted themselves to liturgical studies or poetic expression; the part\nplayed by Celtic culture; the infiltration of Byzantine ideas and arts\nand the rise of Germanic genius.\n\nThe introduction and permanent establishment of the Roman liturgy in\nFrankish realms form the background of public worship in the Carolingian\nera. When Pippin ascended the throne in 752, the Gallican Rite\nprevailed. When the reign of Charles the Bald came to a close in 877,\nthe Roman Rite was supreme.[1] Charlemagne received the Gregorian\nSacramentary from Pope Hadrian I.[2] Stimulated by his desire to unify\nthe Germanic peoples under papal as well as imperial authority, he\nbrought about by royal edicts or capitularies a widespread reform in the\nwestern continental church. Those features of his program which affected\nhymnology include requirements that priests must be educated, that monks\nobserve their monastic rule, that the singing of the psalms and the\n_gloria_ be improved, that schools of singing and grammar be founded in\nmonastic and diocesan centers, that both regular and secular clergy be\nurged to acquire knowledge and skill in singing, that the Roman Chant be\nordained, that a singing school be established at Aix-la-Chapelle, that\nthe clergy read and sing well.[3] Charlemagne\u2019s successors, Louis the\nPious and Charles the Bald continued his reforming policy.\n\nIn the legislation cited above, Charlemagne had followed his father\u2019s\nexample which favored a training in Gregorian music under Roman\nteachers, as developed in the schools of Rome.[4] Pippin\u2019s interest had\nresulted in the establishment of a musical center of great repute at\nMetz[5] which also possessed a cathedral school representative of the\nfinest institutions which flourished at this time side by side with\nmonastic centers of learning.\n\nCharlemagne was presented with a copy of the Benedictine Rule with choir\nrules, office and festival hymns, by Theodomar, Abbot of Monte Cassino,\nsometime between 787 and 797.[6] It became his chosen duty to promulgate\nthe Rule, to require its observance everywhere within his realms and\nfurther to extend the influence of the Order in general. Consequently,\nmonastic centers of music arose, for example, at St. Gall where the\nhymnody of the offices was fostered and gradually made available for the\nbishoprics as well. Louis the Pious, (814-840), and Charles the Bald,\n(843-877), in their turn continued the patronage of the Benedictine\nOrder. Already fortified by the efforts of Charlemagne, the Benedictines\nentered a period of religious and cultural influence which was later\nmerged into the age of the universities. Linked directly with the\nprogram for monastic reform, the impulse to write new hymns and the\nencouragement to finer musical performance together created the annual\ncycles of this period in which the older hymns were retained and\nsupplemented by the new.\n\nThe writers and literary leaders of the Carolingian period were by\nvirtue of their clerical profession actively engaged in liturgical\nstudies. Alcuin compiled the missal which established the Gregorian\nSacramentary in Frankish realms and constituted a recension acceptable\nto the Roman Church.[7] A significant innovation for hymnology was the\ndecorative procession.[8] Alcuin was also influential through his\ndevotional works which supplemented the public worship of the mass and\noffices. Paulus Diaconus and Angilbert were second to Alcuin in\npromoting liturgical studies. The works of the great writers were\naccompanied by numerous writings of lesser importance which bear\nwitness, as will be evident below, to the increasing practice of\nhymn-singing. The influence of the Roman Rite, largely barren of hymns,\nwas at the same period, in contact with the influence of Benedictine\nprecedent in hymn singing which in the end prevailed.\n\nThe Latin poetry associated with the Carolingian era has been edited and\npublished in a monumental form under the title _Poetae Latini Aevi\nCarolini_.[9] The collection, produced in the spirit of a classical\nrevival by a circle of court poets, includes secular as well as\nreligious verse.\n\nCarolingian culture not only in the specific field of literature but in\nthe broader sense afforded a medium for the spread of Celtic, Byzantine\nand Germanic genius. The Celtic portion of the poetry in the early\nmonastic cycles has already been described in connection with the _Old\nHymnal_. Prior to the eighth century, a transfer of Celtic scholarship\nto the continent began to take place. The missionaries, Columbanus,\nGall, Foilan, Disibod and others, came first, during the seventh and\neighth centuries. Refugees, fleeing before the Norse invasions of the\nlate eighth and ninth centuries, followed. Wanderers and pilgrims\ncrossed the Channel, among them _peregrini_ who left their homeland to\nlive in new countries as a means of spiritual satisfaction and reward.\nScholars came also who hoped for a more sympathetic reception for their\nteachings among the continentals.[10] On the whole, Celtic immigrants\nfound a welcome. Charlemagne himself favored them.[11] Celtic teachers\nwere proficient in orthography, grammar, Greek, scriptural and\nliturgical subjects and the arts.[12] They brought with them\nmanuscripts, the influence of which was felt, not only in their subject\nmatter but in musical notation and characteristic scripts.[13] The\nBangor Antiphonary, the hymns of which have already been considered,\ncame to the continent at this time. Among the famous teachers of music\nwas Marcellus[14] who, at St. Gall, instructed Notker, Tutilo, Waltram\nand Hartmann, a fraternity devoted to finer ecclesiastical music and\nhymnody.\n\nThe role of Byzantine influence cannot be ignored in any account of the\ncultural and historical background of ninth century literature. One\nshould recall that the Carolingian period was an era of general European\nintercourse which could not fail to have an effect upon society. The\nforeign relations of the Frankish Empire necessitated much traveling,\nvisiting and correspondence. Warlike as well as peaceful movement,\ncommercial or cultural, increased the interchange of ideas. There was an\noverlapping of boundary lines, too, which amalgated populations. The\ninfiltration of Byzantine influence might be conceived as a by-product\nof European intercourse.\n\nInsofar as hymnology is concerned, musical contacts between the\nByzantine and Frankish realms were frequent. As early as Pippin\u2019s reign,\nByzantine musicians appeared at the Frankish court with a gift of an\norgan from the Emperor Constantinus Copronymus.[15] Many refugee monks\nwho fled to the west during the iconoclastic controversy remained there\neven after its close in 787, enjoying monastic hospitality and imperial\nfavor. Charlemagne permitted them to use the Greek language in worship\nand was so much impressed by the music employed in chanting the psalms\nthat he caused it to be adopted for the Latin version also.[16] The\nparamount influence of Byzantine music upon liturgical practice in the\nwest will be considered more fully in connection with the sequence.\n\nVerifiable traces of Byzantine influence had already appeared with the\nactivities of Gregory the Great and are entirely comprehensible, so far\nas he is concerned, in view of his residence at Constantinople, 579-585,\nas papal envoy of Pelagius II.[17] The importation of litanies into the\nwest illustrates this type of influence. When Charlemagne received the\nSacramentary from Pope Hadrian I, it was labelled \u201cGregorian.\u201d But in\nthe interval between the lives of Gregory and Charlemagne, popes of\neastern origin, ruling at the end of the seventh and the beginning of\nthe eighth century were responsible for western practice.[18] The\ninfluence of the Eastern upon the Western Church seems to have been\ncumulative, with Charlemagne in his day acting as the agent for its\ndiffusion throughout the Frankish Church.\n\nIn matters concerning the church and its worship the Greeks were an\nacquisition not only as musicians but as scholars and as experts in the\nfine arts. Their scholarship was in demand in New Testament studies.\nIllustrations of Greek and of oriental inspiration in general are\nnumerous in architecture, painting, sculpture, ivories, work in precious\nmetals and the decoration of manuscripts.[19] Perhaps it was a natural\ndesire to emulate the splendor and ornament of eastern rites which led\nCharlemagne to favor Greek elements in western observance at the expense\nof the Gallican.\n\nIn the midst of Gallic, Celtic, Italian, Byzantine and oriental\ninfluences mingled in Carolingian culture, the presence of native genius\nis strongly felt. Charlemagne has been criticized for his devotion to\nclassical rather than Germanic culture. Sacred poetry as produced in the\nCarolingian literary circles, was written in Latin and clothed in\nclassical garb. It could hardly have been otherwise since Latin was\ndemanded by the Church and the vernacular languages of western Europe\nwere then in their early infancy. But in spite of the studied\nartificiality of this verse, a note is sometimes heard in harmony with\nthe poetry of later centuries which emanates from Germanic sources.\n\nSuch in brief is the background of that revival of hymnody which appears\nin the Carolingian period. It remains to trace, in detail, the evolution\nof the monastic hymnal known as the _Later_ or _Ninth Century Hymnal_.\n\n\n                          II. The Later Hymnal\n\nThe enlargement and diversification of the Hymnal to which Canon Douglas\nreferred in the words quoted at the close of Chapter Two, occurred\nwithin the general historical limits of the Carolingian era and with the\nexception of Spain and the British Isles, within the general\ngeographical limits of Carolingian political influence. The hymn cycles\nof the period, recorded in manuscripts which reflect the numerical\nincrease in hymns as well as their diffusion upon the continent, are\nassociated with religious centers, for example, St. Martial, Laon,\nDouai, Moissac, St. Germain-des-Pr\u00e9s, Corbie, Jumi\u00e8ges, Reichenau,\nTreves, Sch\u00e4ftlarn near Munich, Murbach, Rheinau, St. Gall, Einsiedeln,\nBobbio, Monte Cassino, Benevento, Padua, Toledo, Canterbury, Naples and\nmany other places. The nucleus of the _Later Hymnal_ has been identified\nwith the hymn cycle found partly in a _hymnarium_ of the ninth century\nfrom St. Paul\u2019s in Lavantthal, Carinthia, and partly in a similar\nmanuscript from Karlsruh, both manuscripts being associated with\nReichenau.[20] The basic hymns from this group of sources current in the\nCarolingian period are listed in the appendix to this chapter. A\ncomplete list of the manuscript sources (prior to 1100), including the\nabove and others, with an index of the hymns which they contain,\napproximately 800 in number, was provided by James Mearns, the English\nhymnologist, in his _Early Latin Hymnaries_.[21]\n\nSo much for the evidence as to the actual hymns in use from sources\navailable at the period when the _Later Hymnal_ flourished. The origin\nof the _Later Hymnal_, however, is far from clear. It has been defined\nas a collection arising about the seventh century which superseded the\n_Old Hymnal_ and has since prevailed.[22] This opinion advanced by Blume\nand affirmed by Walpole, depends upon the theory that the later cycle\nhad been in use in the British Isles since the period of Gregory the\nGreat. An Anglo-Irish cycle therefore, was posited which took possession\nof the continent, usurping the original Benedictine hymnal. As early as\n1911, Blume\u2019s theory was questioned by Wilmart, the Benedictine scholar,\nwho asserted that the early cycle constituted a Gallican hymnal only,\u2014a\npossibility mentioned above. He thought that the _Later Hymnal_ was a\nnew version of the Benedictine cycle representing a normal growth\nthrough the centuries. Other critics of note have adopted one or the\nother viewpoint, Frere following that of Blume; and Raby, that of\nWilmart.[23] A final solution is obviously impossible for lack of\nmanuscript evidence.\n\nAt the accession of Charlemagne, 768, the future of liturgical hymnody\nwas uncertain as the forces of Roman usage and Benedictine practice were\nin conflict and the possibility of transferring the Benedictine heritage\nto the church extremely doubtful, as the preceding survey has already\nmade clear. Secondary forces, however, were at work to achieve this very\nend. First, the early gains made in compiling the Gallican Hymnal and\nextending it to the secular clergy were never entirely lost. A precedent\nhad been set. Second, the Benedictine cycle was enjoined wherever the\nRule was effective and its use was further stimulated by royal\ncapitularies upon the subject of music and singing. Third, the\nestablishment of monastic centers of music in the leading Benedictine\nabbeys was productive of literary as well as musical effort, attested by\nthe very manuscripts of hymn collections gathered there. The manuscripts\nof St. Gall, for example, cover every department of contemporary\nmedieval hymnology.\n\nCharlemagne was particularly interested in St. Gall but was also\nconcerned with the monastic centers at Mainz, Fulda, Treves, Cologne,\nBamberg, Hersfeld, Lorsch, W\u00fcrzburg and Reichenau.[24] He founded\nNeustadt and endowed twelve monasteries in Germany. Meanwhile missionary\nzeal had guided Benedictine pioneers beyond the old boundaries, and\nBavaria and Frisia had already been opened to missions and incidentally\nto the full round of Benedictine activities. Louis the Pious was active\nin monastic reform through his association with Benedict of Aniane; he\nwas a special patron of St. Gall and he stimulated the efforts of\nleaders from Corbie to found New Corbie. Charles the Bald was a\nbenefactor of Marchiennes, Compi\u00e8gne, Prum and St. Denis.[25] Prior to\nthis period, the numerous and influential foundations established on the\ncontinent by Irish monks had adopted the Benedictine Rule, swelling the\ntotal number of centers devoted to religious and educational activities.\n\nThe numerical increase in the Benedictine abbeys offers in itself\npresumptive evidence of a greater use of hymns. What is known of the\nmonastic centers and their store of hymnaries offers direct proof. A\ncloser bond between the Order and the cultural activities of the age is\nfound in the great personalities drawn from Benedictine ranks to serve\nthe imperial designs. Of particular interest here are the statements\nregarding hymns and hymn singing which appear in contemporary writings.\n\nAlcuin was chiefly interested in the Roman liturgy as such but he wrote\n_De psalmorum usu_, _Officia per ferias_ and the _Epistolae_, the last\nof which shows a special interest in music. Rabanus Maurus testifies to\nthe general use of hymns by secular as well as regular clergy. Amalarius\nof Metz mentions the use of hymns outside the monasteries. Walafrid\nStrabo traces the use of hymns from the time of Ambrose and repeats the\nCanon of Toledo recommending hymns. He says that churches which do not\nuse hymns are exceptional.[26] The testimony is scattered but it points\nto the adoption of the hymnal by the secular clergy. It should also be\nrecalled that the Ambrosian tradition of musical independence was\nconstantly maintained at Milan.\n\nAs the Latin language became more and more an exclusive clerical\npossession, the old safeguards provided by monastic walls were no longer\nnecessary. The whole body of clergy whether regular or secular became\nthe custodians of the hymnaries used in monastic and diocesan centers of\nmusic and scholarship.[27] The Christian laity of Europe at this period\nmay have been largely ignorant of their hymnic heritage because the\nCarolingian extension of hymn writing and hymn singing occurred within\nclerical ranks. There was at this time scant indication of the future\ncourse of Latin hymnology which would ultimately restore to the layman\nhis original possession handed down from the Early Christian Church.\n\nThe poetical writings of the era included a substantial body of\nreligious verse from which hymns are attributed to the following\nauthors: Paulus Diaconus, 1; Paulinus of Aquileia, 7; Alcuin, 3;\nTheodulphus, 1; Rabanus Maurus, 2; Walafrid Strabo, 5; Florus of Lyons,\n2; Wandelbert of Prum, 1; Paulus Albarus of Cordova, 1; Cyprian and\nSamson, 2; Sedulius Scottus, 2; Milo, 2; Ratbod, 2; Hucbald, 1;\nHartmann, 4; Ratpert, 4; Eugenius Vulgarius, 1; these with 73 of\ndoubtful authorship make a total contribution of 114 hymns.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, VIII. _Ut queant laxis resonare fibris_, \u201cIn\nflowing measures worthily to sing,\u201d Paulus Diaconus.)\n\nAmbrosian meters are set aside in favor of the classical meters of the\nGreeks, the Sapphic and elegiac meters proving to be the most popular\nthereafter. To what extent this influence is actually observable in hymn\ncycles may be determined by a comparison of the list of Carolingian\nhymns with the lists of hymns provided by Blume, Julian or Mearns.\nBatiffol selected thirteen as found in later breviary lists[28] but the\nactual direct contribution is much larger if other than breviary hymns\nare admitted. Moreover, the literary and liturgical studies of the time\nbroadened the original Benedictine concept that the hymns of the\nmonastic cycle should be Ambrosian in style. The hymns of Sedulius and\nparticularly of Prudentius and Fortunatus were recognized, introduced or\nfreely adapted to ecclesiastical usage.\n\nThe direct influence of Celtic culture upon the new hymn cycles must be\nassociated with the introduction of biblical and liturgical works\ncontaining hymns into Frankish territory. Later, hymns were written by\nCeltic scholars, for instance, Samson, Sedulius Scottus (enumerated\nabove) and possibly others who are anonymous. Blume\u2019s theory of the\nAnglo-Irish hymn cycle, originally sponsored by Gregory the Great and\nfinally transferred to the continent, illustrates the most decisive form\nwhich Celtic influence has so far been presumed to have exerted. The\nlist of hymns (see Appendix) bears, on the contrary, no resemblance to\nthe group of contemporary Celtic hymns.[29] It seems much more probable\nthat Gregory, the Benedictine Pope, approved the use in Anglo-Irish\nlands, of the continental hymn cycle which the Order was responsible for\ncarrying northward with it when it entered Britain. In any case, the\nBenedictine cycles from the ninth century onward are enriched from every\naspect of the diverse culture of the age, in which the Celtic\ncontribution, both direct and indirect, is important.\n\nAt this period hymnology in the Greek-speaking world was at its height.\nYet proof is sought in vain that Greek hymns were used in the west,\neither in the Greek language or in translation. The hymnal of the\nWestern Church received from Greek sources its recorded tunes, not its\nwords. Although the earliest liturgical manuscript with musical notation\ndates from the ninth century, the Greeks had already given their neumes\nto the west. As for the hymn melodies which are crystallized in these\nmanuscripts when they do appear, theories of origin abound. A definite\nsystem of notation was in existence from the seventh century but hymns\nhad been sung from the fourth century.\n\nIn modern times through the consecrated efforts of Benedictine students\nof the chant, working chiefly at Solesmes, a collation of the existing\nmusical manuscripts produced in the Middle Ages, has been made. Their\nobject has been to determine the authentic melodies of the Benedictine\ncycle throughout its long history. Today the results of their\nscholarship are available to the public and the great hymns which they\nhave fostered may be heard as well as read in their medieval form.\n\nThe assimilation by the Franks, of alien cultures whether through\nconquest or peaceful interchange, may have been to a certain extent\ninevitable and involuntary. Such phenomena occur in every period of\nhistory. It is the conscious appropriation by the Carolingian leaders of\na cultural heritage and its organization through existing institutions\nwhich reveals their true genius. This same process had taken place when\nRoman genius secured and conserved the achievement of the Greeks. In the\nfield of religious culture with which this volume is concerned, an\nunbroken continuity had been maintained from the days of the primitive\nchurch. Even in the minor category of Christian hymnology, the hymnal as\nsuch, created in the fourth century, was to flourish all the way into\nour own times and might have done so without any special intervention.\nHistorically speaking, in the ninth century and under Frankish auspices,\na transformation took place which must be attributed to the conscious\neffort of Frankish churchmen who, receiving the old hymnology, restored\nit to formal worship with a much larger content and a greatly\ndiversified form. Herein lies the fundamental contribution of Germanic\ngenius to the _Later Hymnal_.\n\nIndividual hymn writers of the Carolingian age have been named above as\nfar as they are known, of whom Theodulphus of Orleans, Rabanus Maurus\nand Walafrid Strabo are perhaps the most notable.\n\nA Goth by race, a Spaniard by birth, Theodulphus, (c. 760-c. 821),\nbelonged to that population dwelling north and south of the Pyrenees\nwhich the Franks had amalgamated into their kingdom. He was learned in\nall the wisdom of that age and a man of action in a sense understandable\nin any age. Bishop of Orleans, courtier, officer in the administration\nof Charlemagne, he served the church and the state with equal\ndistinction. Theodulphus as a poet of sacred verse is best known for his\nPalm Sunday processional hymn, _Gloria, laus et honor tibi sit_, \u201cAll\nglory, laud and honor,\u201d[30] which he wrote during the period of his fall\nfrom royal favor under Louis the Pious. This beautiful processional\nhymn, a triumph of Carolingian verse, invested with all the attraction\nof legend and religious pageantry, has been a favorite in every period\nof Christian history. Theodulphus was not a member of the regular clergy\nand he did not, as far as we know, write hymns for the monastic cycle.\nHe represents the contemporary trend which brought the hymn into new\nareas of worship in the offices and ceremonies of the cathedral.\n\nRabanus Maurus, (780-856), of Germanic origin, was primarily a\ntheologian. His boyhood studies were completed at Fulda. As a young man\nhe became a pupil of Alcuin at Tours. In his maturity he returned to\nFulda reaching the climax of his career as Abbot of Fulda and later, as\nArchbishop of Mainz. As a writer, Rabanus undertook to hand on, through\nexcerpts, the knowledge of his predecessors. He wrote commentaries on\nthe Bible, discussed ecclesiastical organization and discipline,\ntheology, liturgy and worship and the liberal arts. He made translations\ninto German with the collaboration of Walafrid and a Latin-German\nglossary for the Scriptures. In connection with worship he became\ninterested in the Latin hymns which were rapidly spreading through the\nwest. He discussed the Psalms as hymns and then the hymns of Hilary and\nAmbrose, saying of the Ambrosian hymns, how widespread had become their\nprestige in his day. We know from other evidence that he was acquainted\nalso with the hymns of Sedulius, Columba and Bede. It seems almost\ncertain that he practiced the art of poetry although we are restricted\nto a very small remnant of verse conceded to be his. The poems include a\nnumber of hymns for the festivals of the seasons and of the saints,\nillustrating the vogue for the classic in metrical forms. Like\nTheodulphus, he wrote for processional ceremonies. The Pentecostal hymn,\n_Veni, creator spiritus_, has been persistently associated with the name\nof Rabanus but without adequate proof. It is a lasting hymn of the ninth\ncentury.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, IX. _Veni, creator spiritus_, \u201cCreator-Spirit,\nall-Divine.\u201d)\n\nWalafrid Strabo, (809-c. 849), was like Rabanus of Germanic origin and\nlike him a member of the regular clergy. At Reichenau he received his\nearly education and at Fulda his theological training under Rabanus.\nWalafrid was drawn into the courtly circle of Louis the Pious whose son\nCharles he tutored and whose wife Judith became his literary patron. His\nlife was one of scholarship, prosperity and contentment almost to the\nend of his career. Louis had appointed him Abbot of Reichenau, a place\ndear to him from boyhood. From these happy surroundings and from his\ngarden which he immortalized in careful and loving description, he was\nousted during the civil conflict following the death of the emperor. At\nthe end he was restored to Reichenau and there he died. His hymns like\nthose of Theodulphus and Rabanus, although few in number, were written\nin the spirit of the classical revival. Some were intended for festivals\nand others which will be described in connection with processional\nhymnody, were written to honor royal patrons.\n\nIn reviewing the basic hymns of the _Later Hymnal_ (see Appendix), one\nfinds only two of Mozarabic origin whereas nine were duplicated in the\n_Old Hymnal_ in Spain and Gaul. The new cycles in areas under Frankish\ninfluence appear to diverge from the Mozarabic as they become more\ndiversified. At the same time, Mozarabic sources reveal a parallel\nevolution of the hymnal in the Iberian peninsula. The existing\nmanuscripts were collated and edited in 1897 by Blume in volume\ntwenty-seven of the _Analecta Hymnica_ under the title _Hymnodia\nGotica_, comprising 312 hymns of which 210 were identified by him as\nMozarabic in origin.\n\nThe hymns of Spain, first assembled under the auspices of Gothic\nchurchmen as recounted in Chapter Two, continued to increase with the\nencouragement and participation of Mozarabic liturgists, scholars and\nprelates. The generation that supported Isidore of Seville was succeeded\ntwo hundred years later by the group associated with Eulogius,\nArchbishop of Cordova (d. 859), who fostered the old traditions under\nMoslem control.[31] In spite of a ruling power alien in every aspect of\nculture, Christian hymnology held its own. After the Moorish invasions,\nit is estimated that between thirty and forty hymns were written,\nseveral of which contain references to the yoke of the oppressor and\npetitions for its removal.[32] When the movement toward the expulsion of\nthe Moors had been successfully initiated and the Roman Rite introduced\n(1089) the Mozarabic hymnals were comparable to the finest of the\ncontinental cycles. In certain instances the contacts between Spain and\nGaul were close and direct even under the rule of the Moslems.\nTheodulphus of Orleans combined the Gothic and Carolingian trends.\nAlcuin was indebted to Mozarabic sources in his reform of the Frankish\nrites.[33] Hymns of Mozarabic origin appeared in other parts of western\nEurope and vice versa.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, X. _Deus immensa trinitas_, \u201cO glorious\nimmensity.\u201d)\n\nThe possible influence of Arabian music and poetry upon the Christian\nhymn has been a tempting idea and one most elusive of pursuit. Studies\nof medieval Spanish music and musical instruments have failed to\ndemonstrate that the ecclesiastical chant in Spain was thereby affected.\nSuch novelties as it may have possessed have been traced to influences\nsimilar to those which had long before affected the Ambrosian chant and\nbeen transmitted to the west. As for the tentative assumption that\nArabian lyric poetry influenced contemporary hymn writers in Spain, the\nevidence narrows to the mono-rhyme or repeated end-rhyme common to\nArabian poetry and to several Mozarabic hymns.[34] The whole subject of\nthe Arabian impact, highly controversial as it is, appears to be\nconcerned with influences, which when scrutinized, are observed to\nspring from cultures prior both to Christianity and to Islam.\n\nThe Mozarabic Hymnal in its fully developed version possessed an\nunusually large number of hymns honoring local saints. This feature must\nbe referred to the history of the Roman persecution in the Iberian\npeninsula where the complete destruction of the Church was intended and\nmartyrdom was the rule. Again the Hymnal is unique in its hymns for\npublic occasions either of mourning and intercession in time of war,\npestilence, drought and flood or of joy, in festivals of the\nconsecration of bishops, the coronation of kings and thanksgiving for\nfull harvests.\n\n\n                          III. Characteristics\n\nFor the most part the hymn writers of the later hymn cycles are\nanonymous, like their predecessors in this field. Anonymity is then the\nfirst characteristic to be noted concerning the hymnal in this period,\nwhich makes it necessary to survey the whole as an objective achievement\nof the age, not of a few individuals.\n\nNext to the anonymity of its authorship, possibly the most conspicuous\nfeature of the new hymnal is the enlargement of each of its general\ndivisions, the Common and the Proper of the Season and the Common and\nthe Proper of Saints. The old hymn cycle, it will be recalled, comprised\nthirty-four hymns as listed by Blume. The later cycle in its nucleus\nnumbers thirty-seven hymns of which seven are repeated from the old\ncycle. In ten representative tenth century hymnals, the hymns number\nfrom about fifty to about one hundred, many of them common to several\nlists.[35]\n\nNot only is the total number of hymns increased but festival hymns are\nmultiplied, the ecclesiastical year as it was later known being fully\nestablished in hymnology. Advent, Nativity, Epiphany, Lent, the Passion,\nEaster, Ascension, Pentecost and Trinity have their own groups of hymns.\nThe various feasts of the Virgin and that of All Saints are honored.\nAmong the Apostles, Sts. Peter, John and Andrew are praised; of other\nbiblical saints, Sts. John the Baptist, Stephen, Paul; of the angels,\nSt. Michael; of martyrs, the Innocents and St. Laurence; of local\nsaints, Sts. Martin of Tours, Gall, Germanus, Martial, and a number of\nothers. So stands the record of manuscripts of the tenth century when\nhymnal gains had been consolidated. The process went steadily onward as\nLatin hymns for the offices continued to be written to the end of the\nMiddle Ages. A few have been added since the sixteenth century but, with\ncertain exceptions, the great body of office hymns of the medieval\nchurch was permanently established by 1100, the date which Mearns\nselected as a boundary line. The same sources enriched the present-day\nRoman breviary which by a paradox of history, has preserved to modern\ntimes the representative hymns to which the Roman liturgy of that early\nperiod was so inhospitable.\n\nAs a matter of fact, in the interval between and including the fourth\nand the eleventh centuries, the Latin hymn, considered in its literary\nimplications and in its liturgical usage, was founded for the ages.\nAttaching to the word _hymn_ its strictest sense and narrowest function,\nthat of the office hymn, the student perceives the great significance of\nthis department of medieval hymnology as compared with the sequence,\nprocessional and extra-liturgical hymns of the Middle Ages. It becomes\nmore evident that here is the core and heart of Latin hymnody. The\nChurch could and did in the event, dispense with much of its medieval\ncollection, but never with the hymnal. Here was preserved the ethics of\nthe Christian life, the intimacy of the scriptural narrative, the\npresentment of the Christian feasts and the praise of God and of his\nsaints.\n\n\n                                Appendix\n     _Later Hymnal_ (See _Anal. Hymn., 51, Introduction_ p. xx-xxi)\n\n  _Ad parvas horas_\n    _Iam lucis orto sidere_\n    _Nunc sancte nobis spiritus_\n    _Rector potens verax Deus_\n    _Rerum Deus tenax vigor_\n\n  _Ad vesperas_\n    _Lucis creator optime_\n    _Immense caeli conditor_\n    _Telluris ingens conditor_\n    _Caeli Deus sanctissime_\n    _Magnae Deus potentiae_\n    _Plasmator hominis Deus_\n    _Deus creator omnium_ (In Old Hymnal)\n    _O lux beata trinitas_ (Mozarabic)\n\n  _Ad nocturnas horas_\n    _Primo dierum omnium_\n    _Somno refectis artubus_\n    _Consors paterni luminis_\n    _Rerum creator optime_\n    _Nox atra rerum contegit_\n    _Tu trinitatis unitas_\n    _Summae Deus clementiae_\n\n  _Ad matutinas laudes_\n    _Aeterne rerum conditor_ (In Old Hymnal)\n    _Splendor paternae gloriae_ (In Old Hymnal)\n    _Ales diei nuntius_\n    _Nox et tenebrae et nubila_\n    _Lux ecce surgit aurea_\n    _Aeterna caeli gloria_\n    _Aurora iam spargit polum_\n\n  _Ad completorium_\n    _Christe qui lux es et dies_ (In Old Hymnal; Mozarabic)\n    _Te lucis ante terminum_\n\n  _Proprii de tempore_\n    _Ad cenam agni providi_ (In Old Hymnal)\n    _Aurora lucis rutilat_ (In Old Hymnal)\n\n  _De communi sanctorum_\n    _Martyr Dei qui unicum_\n    _Rex gloriose martyrum_\n    _Aeterna Christi munera_ (In Old Hymnal)\n    _Sanctorum meritis inclita gaudia_\n    _Virginis proles opifexque_\n    _Iesu corona virginum_\n    _Summe confessor sacer_\n\n\n\n\n                                                            CHAPTER FOUR\n                                    The Ninth Century Revival: Sequences\n\n\n                               I. Origin\n\nThe problem presented by the origin of the sequence is perhaps the most\ndifficult of all those connected with the evolution of medieval\nhymnology. So far the available information on the subject has never\nbeen brought together in one place. To do so is a baffling task which\nhas by no means been completed here nor is that which follows either\nexhaustive or conclusive. It is merely an attempt to trace the origin\nand early development as far as the evidence at hand makes it possible,\nat the same time referring the reader to those scholars who have\ninvestigated special topics in detail.\n\nThe _alleluia_ of the mass is the starting-point of the sequence.\nInherited from the synagogue and incorporated in the Byzantine rite, it\nwas nevertheless brought independently to Rome. The extension of the\nfinal _a_ constituted a musical phrase, called a _iubilus_ or\n_iubilatio_. This elaborated _alleluia_ with _iubilus_ is Gregorian.[1]\nIt became necessary for the sake of breathing, to divide the extended\n_iubilus_ into musical phrases, each a _sequentia_ and the whole\n_sequentiae_. Some _iubili_ however, remained single while others were\nsung by two choirs with a repetition of phrases. The next step was the\ncomposition of a text for some of the _iubili_, which text was written\nbelow the musical notation. Finally a text was supplied for every such\nmelody, which resulted in the _sequentia cum prosa_.[2]\n\nIt is one thing to note the preceding succession of steps as objective\nphenomena. It is quite another to explain the origin of the idea which\ntransformed the _alleluia_ into the larger _iubilus_. This is the most\nobscure point in the musical development of the sequence, which, for\nlack of manuscript evidence cannot at present be clarified. At least\nthree hypotheses have been offered. Arguing from the appearance of the\ntrope, some have suggested that the _iubilus_ is a musical interpolation\njust as the trope is a textual interpolation. This is quite possible but\nperhaps too simple for an adequate solution. A much more tempting\nhypothesis has appealed to a variety of scholars,\u2014that of the\nintroduction of Greek melodies.[3] To these students it has seemed more\nthan probable that the intercourse between western Europe and the\nByzantine realms in the reign of Charlemagne constitutes a sufficient\nexplanation for the appearance of fresh musical themes. Again, a\npossibility only has been suggested. So far manuscript evidence for the\nGreek melodies from which the Gregorian _alleluiae_ and their _iubili_\nare derived, has not appeared. Blume, whose treatment of the subject\nforms the basis of this chapter, not only questions the hypothesis of\nGreek melodies but he offers a third suggestion and that tentatively;\nGregory, he thinks, shortened the _alleluia_ brought over by the Greeks.\nWhen, later, a tendency was felt to elaborate the forms of worship, the\nlonger melodies were once more revived in the sequence. This very\ninteresting suggestion, if one day capable of proof, would harmonize the\nByzantine and Gregorian influences which produced the initial extension\nof the final _a_ of the _alleluia_.\n\nFor purposes of clearness a differentiation should be made between the\nmusical and poetical development of the sequence as soon as the\n_sequentia cum prosa_ is reached. Manifestly it is impossible to do so,\nin any complete fashion, where words and music are so inextricably\ninterwoven in a common development. It is better, however, to attempt\nthe impossible and for the present, to ignore overlappings.[4]\n\nThe origin of the word _sequentia_ itself, in the phrase _sequentia cum\nprosa_ has often been discussed because of its significance in tracing\nthe musical development of the forms in question. To some scholars\n_sequentia_ means merely _sequela_, _i.e._ notes following the _a_ of\nthe _alleluia_, a simple and tenable theory. To the great majority,\nhowever, _sequentia_ is a translation of the Greek _akoulouthia_. In\nfact it has been generally accepted as such, although _sequentia_\nconveys the idea of continuation in the Greek word rather than its\ntechnical meaning of a continuation specifically of songs, etc. If this\nis valid, Greek influence upon the origin of the sequence is\ninferred.[5] Another form of the theory of Greek influence is evident in\nthe suggestion that _sequentia_ means _hirmos_, that is, a regular\ncontinuation of tones. _Hirmos_ may refer to poetry also.[6] A\nderivation of _sequentia_ from Greek terms, if proven, would of course,\nbuttress the theory of Byzantine influence upon the whole development;\nbut the weakness of the derivation from _akoulouthia_, for example, is\nits dependence upon a misunderstanding of the Greek form of worship to\nwhich the word applies.[7] An entirely different suggestion as to origin\narises from the formula used in the liturgy to announce the Gospel,\n_Sequentia Sancti Evangelii secundum_ _etc._[8] Often some practical\nconsideration, extraneous condition or unrelated incidental circumstance\nhas affected liturgical change or development. Consequently, even a\nslight suggestion like this provokes thought.\n\nWhatever may be the correct origin of the word _sequentia_ the place of\norigin of the sequence is generally conceded to have been France\nsometime in the eighth century. The part played by other lands in the\norigin of the _sequentia cum prosa_ cannot be wholly determined at\npresent. It must suffice to study the evidence available. It has been\ndemonstrated how the early French sequences have a closer tie with the\n_alleluia_ and how the word is sometimes retained to introduce the\n_prosae_ which accompany the music. There is considerable evidence\nsupporting French priority over the Germans in the creation of these new\nmusical forms, the chief centers of composition being St. Martial,\nLuxeuil, Fleury-sur-Loire, and Moissac, the outstanding rival of St.\nMartial. An origin for the sequence in France is independently probable\ndue to the interest in liturgical music stimulated by Charlemagne, who,\nas shown in the preceding chapter, favored Gregorian and Byzantine\ninnovations at the expense of Gallican forms.\n\nOne of the suggestions mentioned to account for the original lengthening\nof the _alleluia_ in the _iubilus_ is connected with the trope. The word\nhas long been defined as a textual interpolation.[9] Gastou\u00e9, however,\ncontends that it was originally and primarily musical, a vocalization in\nthe existing chant and that it was created in the music school. The\nancient form of trope is a _neuma triplex_ added to the response _In\nmedio_ _etc._ for the Feast of St. John the Apostle, or to _Descendit de\ncaelis_ for Christmas. This vocalism is described by Amalarius of Metz\nand indeed Metz may be its place of origin. Alcuin has been named as the\npossible originator, a theory strengthened by the fact that Amalarius\nwas one of his pupils.[10] At any rate Amalarius seems to have been the\nfirst to call the melody following the _alleluia_, a _sequentia_,[11]\nfrom which it is evident that the _iubili_ must have been regarded in\nsome other light prior to his writing. The _sequentia_ in connection\nwith the _alleluia_ may very reasonably have been considered a trope,\nsince vocalisms like these had already appeared elsewhere in rites of\nworship, and sequences in addition to those which belong to the\n_alleluia_ of the mass have been found in antiphonaries. To repeat,\nGastou\u00e9 describes a musical interpolation or trope originating in the\nmusic schools of the Franks and appearing in various liturgical\nsettings. He likens the _iubilus_ to a trope which Amalarius called a\n_sequentia_. The original divisions created by the musical phrases in\nthe _iubilus_ now appear in a series, each repeated a certain number of\ntimes with introduction and conclusion and thus the completed sequence\nstructure comes into being. The germ of its formal construction, Gastou\u00e9\nfinds in certain Gregorian sources. The ancient _alleluia_, _Justus ut\npalma florebit_, shows such characteristics and reveals the liturgical\nLatin origin of the sequence, its melody going back to the _versus\nalleluiaticus_.\n\nIn spite of the evidence which would make the sequence a native musical\nproduct of western Europe, the theory of Greek origin is still\npersistently held by certain scholars. For that reason it must be\nconsidered in greater detail. Gregory\u2019s adoption of Greek novelties\nforms the starting point of this theory, while Charlemagne\u2019s well-known\nenthusiasm for Greek innovations carries its proponents still further.\nThe fact that the original Greek melodies which are assumed to have been\nused in the west, have never been produced in evidence, is not a proof\nof their non-existence. An extensive study of certain sequence melodies\nhas been made in order to determine whether they are modeled upon Greek\noriginals, since the Greek names for these melodies and features of\nnotation point to such an origin.[12] But such names are secondary, the\noriginal and natural name being the first phrase of the Latin words\naccompanying the melodies and the Greek word a suggested title. A Greek\nmelody, called _Organa_, for instance, might be assumed to retain its\nname in Latin. The opposite is the case for the name _Filia matris_ is\noriginal and _Organa_ the suggested title.\n\nRegarding the argument from notation it is a matter of common knowledge\nthat the _neume_ is native to Greek-speaking lands and may have existed\nas early as the sixth century.[13] _Neumes_ took firm root at St. Gall,\nthe great German center for the propagation of the sequence, so much so,\nthat they persisted until the twelfth century even after the invention\nof the staff and in the interval were spread by teaching. Moreover,\n_neumes_ were written in the manner of the eastern church, _i.e._ in a\nstraight line, not at different levels to indicate pitch.[14] It is\nunfortunate that the dearth of manuscripts showing _neumes_ makes a gap\nin the evidence just where support is most needed, for the earliest\nmusical manuscripts with this notation date from the ninth century;[15]\nbut the assumption in favor of Greek originals is at least strong enough\nto forbid its being ignored.\n\nAn additional circumstance which supports the theory of Greek origin is\nthe fact of musical parallelism in the structure of the sequence. This\nis an important point of contact between the sequence and Byzantine\nmusical forms, although it has not been universally convincing. On the\ncontrary, some have traced this phenomenon of musical parallelism to one\nof those extraneous conditions, affecting liturgical practice, namely,\nthe use of antiphonal choirs.[16]\n\nNothing can be more unsatisfactory to the student who is trying to force\nthe sequence into any particular theory of musical origin than the\ncontemplation of what is actually known on this subject, for the\nquestion seems destined to remain undecided. A better perspective may be\nreached by examining the poetical development of the sequence which\nbegan with the _sequentia cum prosa_ and ended in a new form of Latin\nhymn for which melodies were in turn composed.\n\nThe text written below the _alleluia_ melody is generally accepted as of\nFrench origin and likewise the naming of that text. As the text became\nimportant the melody too was named so that the melody and text were\ndifferentiated from each other, the latter as a _prosa_. It is unknown\nwhether the name _sequentia_ instead of _prosa_ was chosen deliberately\nas differing from the French usage. Amalarius was apparently the first\nto use the word _sequentia_ in connection with the music. Later the term\nwas destined to supersede the name _prosa_ for the poetical text.\n\nWe owe to Notker, whose part in creating the sequence will be considered\nin greater detail below, an account of his invention of words as an aid\nto memorizing the elaborate melody of the _alleluia_ trope. Whether\nNotker was the first to see the value of this device and to employ it,\nis unknown.[17] As a theory of origin it has always been popular, being\nheld by Frere and many others. For the present it may be acknowledged\nthat it is a reasonable theory for, of course, only the choir leader had\na musical codex to refer to and the musical ability of the average monk\nwas unequal to the difficulties of memorization by ear alone. Moreover,\nthis theory can always be accepted with others, although it seems\ninadequate by itself.\n\nA second explanation of origin arises from the possibility that sequence\npoetry originated in the imitation of Greek hymn models. The statement\nhas been made definitely that sequence poetry shows the transference of\nthe Byzantine structure of hymnody to Latin church poetry, especially\nNotker\u2019s.[18] With every circumstance favoring such a transfer it is\namazing that the Franks who heard so much of Greek hymns and could have\ntranslated them into Latin and sung them to the same tunes, evidently\ndid nothing of the kind. Some other explanation of similarity must be\nfound. Metrical parallelism, which is characteristic of the Latin\nsequence and contemporary Greek hymns, in Gastou\u00e9\u2019s opinion, can be\naccounted for only by reference to Hebrew poetry as the ultimate\ninspiration of liturgical poetry.[19] Thus a Byzantine theory of origin\nbreaks down when metrical sources are subjected to closer scrutiny.\nAfter all, the sequence is unknown in the Byzantine ritual and therefore\nthe Byzantine influence could never have been direct.\n\nA third theory emphasizes the metrical form of the _alleluia_ melody as\nthe determining factor in creating a new poetical rhythm.[20] Here, the\ndesire to create fitting expressions of praise is not explained so much\nas the form in which the praises are cast. Von Winterfeld thought that\nrhythmical prose was inseparable from the liturgical music which had\nalready been composed, just as the Greek chorus and the Wagnerian music\ndrama found their complement in a dignified and sonorous prose\nrhythm.[21] This theory may well be called the liturgical. It is most\nsignificant for the lyrical movement in general since a new metrical\nform is created differing from the Ambrosian meter or the revived\nclassical meters popular among Carolingian poets. The lyric is born\nagain, as Meyer expresses it, in the music of the church.[22] A poem\narises consisting of a series of parallel strophes with introduction and\nconclusion, a lyric counterpart to the musical phrases of the\n_sequentia_.\n\n\n                   II. Sequences of the German School\n\nThe importance played by St. Gall in the development of the sequence has\ngiven rise to the theory that it originated there. Present-day opinion,\nas indicated above, concedes that sequences arose in France and that St.\nGall is not a place of origin but like St. Martial, a prominent center\nfor their composition and diffusion. Other centers were Metz, Murbach,\nFulda, Echternach, Krem\u00fcnster and St. Florian. Reichenau, too, was\nimportant in music and in the spread of sequence poetry.[23]\n\nNotker Balbulus, (840?-912), was largely responsible for the enviable\nreputation enjoyed by St. Gall. Born in Switzerland, Notker had entered\nthe Benedictine monastery at St. Gall as a child to be educated and\nthere he continued as a member of the Order until his death. A pupil and\nlater a teacher of the music school in the period of Louis the Pious and\nLouis the German, he shared the life of the Abbey during the height of\nits reputation, when its doors were open to travelers from every land\nand every rank of society. Notker himself tells of the refugee from the\nFrench monastery of Jumi\u00e8ges who brought with him his famous\nAntiphonary. Tradition has it that Notker composed words to fit the\nforms of the _alleluia-iubilus_, note for note, already in use in his\nmonastery, and thus originated the sequence, finding his inspiration,\nnot in the Ambrosian hymns but in the liturgy.[24] The Jumi\u00e8ges\nAntiphonary reached St. Gall about 860, by which time _prosae_ were\nalready known in France. There is evidence, moreover, from manuscripts,\nthat texts existed before Notker\u2019s time in St. Gall. He is not their\nfirst composer nor are the sequences emanating from St. Gall necessarily\nall Notker\u2019s work. \u201cNotkerian\u201d means for sequences what \u201cAmbrosian\u201d\nmeans for hymns.\n\nThe problem of the authentic Notkerian sequences was subjected to\ncritical study and variously solved by Schubiger in 1858, Wilmanns in\n1872, and Werner in 1901. More recent students have re-examined the\nevidence and expressed their critical opinions as to Notker\u2019s poetical\nand musical prestige: Singer in 1922, Van Doren in 1925 and Clark in\n1926. Of more than 100 sequences attributed to Notker, 47 were judged to\nbe authentic and edited in volume 53 of the _Analecta Hymnica_. Notker\u2019s\nability as a musician appears to be a matter of controversy. A new\nreview of the Notkerian problem and its literature has been offered by\nthe Swiss scholar, Wolfram von den Steinen, together with an edition of\nthe sequences of the St. Gall school.[25] What scholars in general have\ntaken away from Notker with one hand they return with the other, for if\nnot an originator he is conceded to be the leading agent in introducing\nthe sequence into Germany and setting a standard for this type of poetry\nwhich included from Notker\u2019s pen a notable group of sequences for the\nfestivals of the whole year. His sequence for Pentecost is\nrepresentative of the achievements of the German school.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XI. _Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia_, \u201cThe\ngrace of the Holy Ghost be present with us.\u201d)\n\nIt is not surprising that scholars interested in the theory of Greek\ninfluence upon sequence poetry should seek confirmation of their views\nin Notker\u2019s work. There is a majestic quality and a vigorous resounding\npraise in these poems which has been thought a reflection of Byzantine\nhymns. Reference has already been made to the Byzantine strophic system\nand its probable influence upon Notker\u2019s poetical technique. When one\nconsiders that the monastery of St. Gall was always a port of call for\nrefugees and travelers from the east and in the preceding century may\nhave harbored many of them, it is reasonable to suppose that Notker was\nacquainted with contemporary Greek hymnody. Whatever may be the\nexplanation of the metrical system employed by Notker, he undoubtedly\nnamed his melodies in such a way as to suggest a Greek\nidentification.[26]\n\nThere remains another line of research, which is relatively unimportant,\nyet should be noted when the question of Greek influence is raised. It\nhas been stated that Greek words are used in Latin sequences, thereby\nproving contact with Greek-speaking contemporaries on the part of their\nauthors, or with Greek literary sources. Whenever this test is applied\nto any medieval writing produced by churchmen it should not be forgotten\nthat the Vulgate was the one great continuous source, inspiration and\nstandard of the Latin language as employed in the Middle Ages.\nThroughout the period, all Latin hymns which include a narrative element\nor refer in any other way to biblical statements are greatly indebted to\nthe Vulgate. A considerable number of Greek words, naturally, appear in\nthe Vulgate. Applying the criterion of Greek words to Notker\u2019s\nsequences, one reaches no definitive results whatever. In the forty-one\nsequences attributed to Notker by Wilmanns, some seven Greek words\nappear which are not in the Vulgate.[27] If this proves anything in\nNotker\u2019s case, it is significant only in connection with other evidence\nfrom Greek originals which has not been advanced.\n\nHaving considered the separate development of the musical and poetical\naspects of the sequence, as far as they can be sundered, it remains to\nview certain factors which may have affected that development but have\nnot as yet been stated.\n\nThe history of medieval music, quite apart from the creation of the\n_iubilus_ and the _sequentia_, should not be overlooked by the student\nwho is trying to understand liturgical music in this general period.\nPerhaps during the eighth and certainly from the ninth century,\npolyphonic and harmonic forms began to appear. New melodies for\nsequences were in demand and were produced, which in turn were\ninfluenced by popular and secular music, with an interaction of words\nand music taking place, sometimes with words, sometimes with music\nleading the way.[28] The history of the sequence, when complete, will\nowe much to the studies of medieval music now in progress by\nmusicologists, some of whose conclusions have been noted above. The\nhistory of musical instruments is relevant here but in any case it must\nalways be remembered that the church possessed the musical notation and\nwas able to dominate the field.\n\nIf the course of secular and ecclesiastical music accompanying the\nsequence remains uncertain, so are the currents of medieval religious\nand secular verse in Latin still uncharted. Which is the original\nstream? Latin secular poetry existed contemporary with the early\nsequence, the secular form of which was known as a _modus_,[29] which,\nlike the sequence, was inseparable from its musical accompaniment for\nthe minstrel both sang and played his unrhymed lay. Some have taken the\nextreme point of view of the part played by secular influence and have\nregarded the sequence as a popular lyric in worship, perhaps even a\n_Volkslied_.[30] But the question as to the predominance of influence\nwhether religious or secular, remains open.\n\nThe argument for influence from vernacular verse upon the sequence is\nequally weak. Prior to the ninth century vernacular lyrics in the\nGermanic tongues are so rare as to be valueless in this discussion.\nCeltic lyrics from the seventh and eighth centuries are also rare. It is\npossible that they were known to Celtic teachers on the continent but\ntoo much should not be assumed from this possibility or from the fact\nthat the oldest form of Celtic lyric exhibits rhythmic parallelism.[31]\nFrench, Spanish and early English vernacular lyrics appear too late to\nbe significant in the problem of origins. In any case, the question\nhinges upon metrical technique which can be adequately explained without\nrecourse to vernacular lyrics, which, insofar as they do exist, may be\nregarded as themselves imitations of earlier Latin forms.\n\nThe evidence offered by secular lyrics, Latin or vernacular, in the\nearly Middles Ages points to an outstanding growth from the sequence\nrather than a creative source for the sequence. As a matter of fact the\nsequence breaks away from the church and itself becomes secular, as the\nhistory of poetry in the later Middle Ages bears witness.\n\nThe above presentation of what is known as to the origin of the sequence\ncan scarcely be satisfactory to the scientific historian of medieval\nculture. Full of inconvenient gaps and baffling inconsistencies the\nevidence remains totally inadequate. One conclusion alone may be\nadvanced and that tentatively; the sequence appears to have been created\nwholly within the liturgy of the mass. The _troparium_ or _tropary_,\nlater the gradual and missal contained the sequences for the annual\nfeasts just as the _hymnarium_ or _hymnary_, later the breviary had\ncontained the hymn cycles of the offices.\n\nThe appearance of the sequence in the history of medieval hymnody was an\nepisode of the greatest importance not only in the evolution of Latin\nreligious and secular poetry but in their vernacular counterparts. In\norder to understand the extraordinary popularity and wide diffusion of\nthe sequence it must be emphasized that it is not just another hymn, but\nan ornament to the mass, individually created for each and every\nfestival with a particular theme in mind. The seasons of Advent,\nNativity, the Passion, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, Trinity, the Virgin\nfestivals of the Nativity, Annunciation, Visitation, Purification and\nAssumption, the feasts of the Apostles and other biblical Saints, the\nMartyrs, Confessors and Virgins formed a great series which challenged\nthe finest efforts of the clerical poets. Herein lies the essential\ninterest of this hymnody. The original Latin hymn was associated with\ndaily secular worship and then with the canonical hours of the\nmonastery. The sequence was associated with the celebration of the\ndivine sacrifice.\n\nAs a closing illustration for this chapter the Alleluiatic sequence has\nbeen selected. Based upon the canticle, _Benedicite omnia opera_, and\noften attributed to Notker, this superb sequence reaches a height of\nexpression comparable to the noblest hymns of the ninth century revival.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XII. _Cantemus cuncti melodum nunc Alleluia_,\n\u201cThe strain upraise of joy and praise.\u201d)\n\n\n\n\n                                                            CHAPTER FIVE\n                                   Late Middle Ages: Hymns and Sequences\n\n\nBeginning with the twelfth century the large number of new hymns and\nsequences produced point to a degree of creative activity that continued\nthrough the High Middle Ages. A recent historian of medieval literature,\nDe Ghellinck, sees the religious poetry of the twelfth century rivalling\nthe secular, and points out that ten thousand specimens of every type of\nreligious verse, from 1060 to 1220, are edited in the _Analecta\nHymnica_.[1] Maurice H\u00e9lin, whose attractive volume is available in\nEnglish translation, considers the poetic product of the twelfth century\nthe peak of Latin poetry and \u201cits most original contribution to the\nintellectual patrimony of the west.\u201d[2]\n\nIt is easier to repeat such a statement than to present acceptably the\nrelevant evidence in the field with which this chapter is concerned. One\nmight expect a larger proportion of known authors but anonymity remains\nthe rule. The exceptions command recognition among the most notable\nwriters of hymns and sequences in any period of their production.\n\n\n                   I. Sequences of the French School\n\nThe sequence, originally a product of France, already perfected as a\npoetical form by Notker and the German school of ecclesiastical hymn\nwriters, attained a greater influence and popularity under Adam of St.\nVictor. In 1130 Adam entered the Augustinian Abbey of St. Victor on the\noutskirts of Paris and there he remained until his death. Whether a\nnative of France or England is unknown. Like Notker, he followed in his\npoetic themes the annual festivals. To him have been attributed more\nthan 100 sequences which appear in the manuscripts of St. Victor. They\nwere published first by Leon Gautier in 1858 and in the later nineteenth\ncentury were subjected to critical analysis by Misset who regarded 45\nsequences as authentic.[3] Blume, who edited the Victorine sequences in\nvolumes 54 and 55 of the _Analecta Hymnica_, attributed 48 to Adam\u2019s\nauthorship.\n\nAdam\u2019s poetical concepts are centered in the mystical interpretation of\nbiblical narratives and of Christian theology as it was taught in the\nschools of Paris. Hugh and Richard of St. Victor were his contemporaries\nbut Adam was poet as well as theologian. Praise was to him an essential\nharmony of voice and life. His verse departed from the earlier prose\nrhythms of the German poets and was cast in a metrical form already\npopularized in the hymn. A group of rhymed trochaic lines of eight\nsyllables with a caesura after the fourth syllable at the end of a word,\ncloses with a seven syllable line. This scheme with its many variants\ncharacterizes the work of Adam and his imitators in countless Latin and\nlater, vernacular lyrics. Adam\u2019s sequence for the Feast of St. Stephen\nhas been selected as illustrative of his finest work.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XIII. _Heri mundus exultavit_, \u201cYesterday with\nexultation.\u201d)\n\nTo appreciate fully the function of the sequence in worship at this time\nas well as its appeal to popular imagination, one should isolate a\nsingle theme for more intimate enjoyment. For this purpose, the\nsequences written for the five feasts of the Virgin are best suited.\nWhile manifold saints were honored in the hymnology of the day, the\nveneration of the Virgin reached at this time, its pinnacle of\nexpression. Notker had provided sequences for her Nativity, Purification\nand Assumption. Adam of St. Victor, poet of the Virgin, drew upon all\nthe resources of medieval symbolism in his _Salve, redemptoris mater_,\n\u201cHail, mother of the Redeemer,\u201d a masterpiece of medieval religious\nverse. Clerical poets everywhere met the challenge of his example. The\nresult was indicative not only of their devotion and their poetic skill\nwhich was at times indifferent, but of the actual use of the Virgin\nsequences in the numerous feasts which honored her and their familiarity\nto wide congregations of clergy and laity.\n\nDuring this period great sequence writers appeared, some known and\ndistinguished, the majority anonymous. To the latter group belongs the\nauthor of the Easter sequence, _Victimae paschali laudes_, \u201cChristians,\nto the Paschal Victim,\u201d which represents the transition between the\nNotkerian and Victorine styles. The growing relationship between Latin\nhymnology and the arts becomes obvious in this sequence which was of\nimportance in building the liturgical drama for Easter. The dialogue\nembedded in the poem,\n\n  \u201cSpeak, Mary, declaring\n  What thou sawest wayfaring?\u201d\n\nand her reply, ending\n\n  \u201cYea, Christ my hope is arisen:\n  To Galilee he goes before you.\u201d\n\ncontributed, with other sources, to the fully developed Easter Play.\n\nThe so-called Golden Sequence for Pentecost, _Veni sancte spiritus_,\n\u201cCome, thou Holy Spirit, come,\u201d[4] also of undetermined authorship,\nattained perhaps the greatest prestige, having now been heard in\nChristian worship for more than eight hundred years.\n\nThe activities of the French school are largely responsible for the\npopularity of sequences in the twelfth century and for their\nmultiplication in every part of western Europe. Other factors played a\npart. Just as the Latin hymn can best be understood in the historical\nsetting of the late Roman Empire or of the early Germanic kingdoms, so\nthe development of the sequence must be interpreted in connection with\nthe social and cultural environment of the age. The universities,\nnotably that of Paris, were dominating intellectual life. Economic\nopportunity offered by the revival and expansion of craftsmanship,\ncommerce, urban life and geographical knowledge resembled the\nachievement of Roman days. The European centralized states had emerged\nand were assuming the national features which mark them today. The\nmodern languages of Europe were highly developed in their literary\ntreasures and in everyday speech. Under reforming popes such as Innocent\nIII, the church was entering an era of unity and spiritual renewal. Side\nby side with the reformed Benedictine Order, the Augustinian canons with\ntheir ancient prestige, the Franciscan, Dominican and other religious\norders were taking their part in the work for the regeneration of\nsociety and the triumph of the Faith. Pilgrimages and crusades were in\nvogue for two hundred years from 1095. The hymnody of the church took on\nnew vitality in an era of European awakening.\n\n\n                            II. Later Hymns\n\nAlthough the sequence had apparently occupied the center of attention,\nthe writing of office and festival hymns had never been interrupted and\ncertainly had never ceased. Gathering up the sources after the period of\nninth century influence described in Chapter Three, one pauses at the\nverse of Peter Damian, (988-1072), Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Superior\nof the monks of the Holy Cross. His theme was the joys of paradise in\nthe hymn _Ad perennis vitae fontem_, \u201cTo the fount of life eternal,\u201d a\ntopic about which a distinguished hymnody was ultimately created.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XIV. _Ad perennis vitae fontem_, \u201cTo the fount\nof life eternal.\u201d)\n\nFulbert, Bishop of Chartres (d. 1028), is best known for his Easter\nhymn, _Chorus novae Ierusalem_, \u201cThe chorus of the New Jerusalem,\u201d[5] in\nwhich the militant ideal in its knightly form finds expression as the\nwarriors of the faith acclaim the victory of their royal and divine\nleader.\n\nIn the twelfth century, a complete new hymnary in all its parts was\nwritten by Abelard, (1079-1142), for the Convent of the Paraclete of\nwhich Heloise was the abbess.[6] A collection of 91 hymns, it has never\nbeen highly praised by critics, yet it has provided the hymn, _O quanta\nqualia_, \u201cHow mighty are the Sabbaths,\u201d in praise of the Sabbath and the\nGood Friday hymn, _Solus ad victimam procedis, Domine_, \u201cAlone to\nsacrifice Thou goest, Lord,\u201d both of which have found a place in recent\nhymnals. Helen Waddell\u2019s translations of the two illustrate modern\nrenderings at their best. The same century saw the achievement of\nBernard of Cluny or Morlaix, (fl. 1122), whose long poem, _De contemptu\nmundi_ furnished the selections on the heavenly country, _Hora\nnovissima_, popularized by the translations of John Mason Neale. Perhaps\nthe best-known of these, _Urbs Sion aurea_, \u201cJerusalem the Golden,\u201d in\nits English rendering has attained a vernacular status independently of\nits Latin original. The great anonymous hymn, _Jesu dulcis memoria_,\n\u201cJesu, the very thought of Thee,\u201d is also of the twelfth century. Its\nauthorship has been variously ascribed but never certainly determined.\n\nThe thirteenth century was marked by the rise of hymn writing in the new\nreligious orders founded by St. Francis of Assisi and St. Dominic. The\nFranciscan Bonaventura (1221-74), wrote _Recordare sanctae crucis_, \u201cBe\nmindful of the Holy Cross,\u201d on the theme of the Cross. To read this hymn\nside by side with the _Vexilla regis prodeunt_ of Fortunatus, is to\napprehend more fully the increasing subjectivity of the Latin hymn in\n500 years of its history. The passion of Christ is, moreover, a favorite\ntheme and object of devotion of the friars, ever present to their\nthinking. Thomas Aquinas, (1227-74), greatest of the Dominicans, wrote\nthe hymns for the Feast of Corpus Christi, established by Pope Urban IV\nin 1265. Of these, _Pange lingua, gloriosi corporis mysterium_, \u201cSing my\ntongue, the Saviour\u2019s glory,\u201d[7] modeled after the form of the _Pange\nlingua_ of Fortunatus, is in its subject matter a poetic version of the\nmystical subtleties implicit in the dogma of the feast. John Peckham,\nArchbishop of Canterbury, (1240-92), wrote _Ave vivens hostia_, \u201cHail,\ntrue Victim,\u201d a fine hymn upon the same theme which suggests the\ninspiration of Aquinas.\n\n\n                          III. Later Sequences\n\nFrom the sequences of the later Middle Ages only a few have gained\neminence but in certain cases as high a place as any in the whole range\nof their composition. Thomas Aquinas shows himself master of the\nsequence as well as the hymn in his _Lauda Sion Salvatorem_, \u201cPraise, O\nSion, praise thy Saviour,\u201d a model of the Victorine technique.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XV. _Lauda Sion Salvatorem_, \u201cPraise, O Sion,\npraise thy Saviour.\u201d)\n\n_Dies irae_, \u201cDay of wrath,\u201d most majestic of all sequences, universally\nacknowledged as the greatest achievement of Latin hymnology, was\nprobably written by the Franciscan Thomas of Celano. It was originally\nused at Advent, later for All Souls\u2019 Day and for requiem masses. The\nJudgment theme is obviously inspired by the words of the Prophet\nZephaniah (1:15) from which the opening line _Dies irae, dies illa_ is\ntaken. A special literature, together with a multitude of translations,\nhas grown up around this hymn which deserves consideration impossible\nhere. It should be read not only with reference to its biblical sources\nbut with the great Judgment portals of the medieval cathedrals in mind,\nsince the sculpture and literature of the age here find a meeting\nplace.[8] No less significant for its interpretation is the prevalence\nof the Black Death in the ages which produced it.[9] The thought of a\nperiod in which pain and death were so tragically familiar and before\nwhich the medieval man stood helpless, is faithfully reflected in\ncontemporary hymns.\n\nThe lament in its poetic form is associated with the Marian hymnology of\nthe fourteenth century. The _Stabat mater dolorosa_, \u201cBy the Cross her\nvigil keeping,\u201d[10] its finest expression, like the _Dies irae_, needs\nlittle comment in these pages.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XVI. _Stabat mater dolorosa_, \u201cBy the Cross her\nvigil keeping.\u201d)\n\nIn this period it seems, at least to the present writer, that the\nItalian-born poets of the religious lyric come into their rightful\nheritage. The poets of England and of the French, German and\nSpanish-speaking lands had at one time or another held the palm in the\nfield of hymnody. At the very moment, so to speak, when the genius of\nDante and Petrarch had established the fame of Italian letters, the\nChristian hymn found new spokesmen in a literary medium which had\noriginated in the same environment a thousand years before.\n\nWhat has already been said of the multiplication of new feasts as the\nmedieval ages progressed, is true in an even greater degree in the later\ncenturies. The Feast of Corpus Christi is only one of many which marked\nthis period of religious devotion, and incidentally required new\nsequences. If the collection of liturgical proses edited by Daniel in\nhis _Thesaurus Hymnologicus_ and reprinted in volumes 54 and 55 of the\n_Analecta Hymnica_ be accepted as a guide, the new demands become clear.\nFrom the period of Adam of St. Victor, 174 feasts were furnished with\nsequences, many times over in the case of the more important festivals.\nThe actual liturgical collections from which the _Analecta Hymnica_ was\ncompiled constitute a more specific source of information. If the\nattention of the student is fixed upon the sequences used in well-known\nmissals and troparies from the thirteenth century and later, in the\nleading ecclesiastical centers of Europe, a wealth of material is\nrevealed. Many of these sequences in the great collections are\nunfamiliar to the modern student, some have never been translated into\nEnglish, but as a whole they are truly representative of this body of\npoetry in the period of its greatest interest. A tropary of St. Martial\nof the thirteenth century contains an anonymous Easter sequence, _Morte\nChristi celebrata_ (_A. H._ 8. 33), \u201cChrist\u2019s passion now is o\u2019er,\u201d[11]\nwhich bears comparison with the better-known sequences which have been\nnamed above.\n\n\n                       IV. Liturgical Collections\n\nTo determine the actual usage of the hymn or sequence rather than its\nmere existence as a specimen of religious verse, the liturgical\ncollection is indispensable. The old hymnaries and psalters and other\nbooks used in the offices were examined by liturgists of the period who\ncompiled the breviaries of the later Middle Ages. Working under\nepiscopal or monastic authority they subjected the hymnic material at\ntheir disposal to a selective process which necessarily discarded many\nhymns in favor of those rendered sacred by their inclusion in the old\ncycles, or of hymns of recognized merit. The Mozarabic Breviary had been\ncompiled and its hymns determined by this process in an earlier century.\nAfter the re-conquest of the Spanish peninsula and the introduction of\nthe Roman Rite in 1089, a version of the Roman Breviary was introduced.\nEpiscopal centers in England, such as Hereford, York and primarily\nSalisbury, compiled their service books and developed them continuously\nto the close of the Middle Ages. The process was repeated throughout\nChristian Europe.\n\nFrom the troparies and local collections of sequences the selections for\nthe gradual and missal were made, just as the hymns had been for the\nbreviary. These liturgical sources offer to the modern student the range\nof medieval hymnody at its best. The episcopal rites are, perhaps, more\nofficial and authoritative in their selection of hymns and sequences but\nthe monastic rites often reveal the legends of local saints or the more\nintimate flavor of traditional piety. It should be understood that in\ncountries where the Roman Rite prevailed there was no departure from its\nauthority in the matter of hymnody. At the same time the greatest\nlatitude was observable. A fine illustration is provided by the books of\nthe Rite of Salisbury, England, or the Sarum Rite, which were compiled\nand developed by great liturgists from the time of Bishop Osmund in the\neleventh century to the close of the Middle Ages. The Sarum Breviary\ncontains 119 hymns, 25 of which were written after 1100 and the Missal\ncontains 101 sequences, 54 of which were written about 1100.[12] The\nfigures are revealing in the case of hymns, of the influence of the\nolder cycles and in the case of sequences, of the multiplication of\nfeasts in the later centuries of the Middle Ages.\n\nThe Processional book as a bearer of hymns will be treated in the\nfollowing chapter. It remains here, to mention the Books of Hours or\nmedieval Primers which also contained their quota of hymns. The _Horae_\nmay be defined as a series of devotions, at first additional to the\nSeven Hours of the daily office but in the twelfth century elaborated in\na separate book. Specifically the additions consisted of the penitential\npsalms, the Office of the Dead, the Cursus of All Saints, that of the\nHoly Cross, and that of the Blessed Virgin. Even before its separation\nfrom the Canonical Hours, the Cursus of the Blessed Virgin had assumed\nan importance which gave to the new collection its characteristic title\nof _Horae_ or _Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary_. In the fourteenth\ncentury the single volume came to be known in England as _Primarius\nLiber_ or _Primarium_ from which the more familiar name Prymer or Primer\nis derived.[13] Its popularity may be judged by the fact that 265\nprinted editions were later known in England and 1582 on the\ncontinent.[14] Hymns are interspersed throughout the _Horae_. In the\nYork Hours there are eighteen hymns and sequences of varied periods of\nwhich thirteen are centered in devotion to the Virgin.[15] In other\nwords, the hymns which were chosen for these books of popular devotion\nare representative of later medieval favorites in hymnody, indicating to\nwhat extent the older hymns were known and loved and to what extent\nlater poems had been accepted by lay folk as well as clergy. The _Horae_\nare primarily valuable as a source for the later Marian hymns upon the\nthemes of the Joys and of the Sorrows of the Virgin. The appearance of\nthe beloved _Stabat mater dolorosa_, without doubt the finest expression\nof the poetry of sorrow, bears witness to the discriminative process by\nwhich the _Horae_ were compiled. It seems remarkable that the liturgists\nof the later period, in which the Latin hymn was beginning to show signs\nof deterioration, were able to skirt as successfully as they did, the\nlimits of trashy sentimentality and worse poetry which were passing\ncurrent under the name of hymnody.\n\nTo those who are interested in the relations between literature and the\nfine arts an examination of the Virgin hymns, as of the _Dies irae_,\nwill yield similar interrelations. The hymns which were written from the\ntwelfth century onwards upon the Virgin theme may be closely correlated\nwith the sculptured forms which portray the Mother apart from the Son in\nher Sorrows and more particularly in her Joys, laden with her\ndistinctive honors and regnant as the Queen of Heaven.\n\n\n                    V. Influences affecting Hymnody\n\nOnce the typical hymns and sequences of the later period have been\nreviewed, it remains to trace the influences operating from the\ncontemporary environment upon their evolution. The problem of possible\ninfluence of an ultimately oriental origin has already arisen in\nconnection with earlier hymns. It has been considered in the relation of\nByzantine culture to the origin of the sequence, and also in the form of\nArabian influence upon the Mozarabic hymnody. In both fields the\nevidence is tenuous and especially in the latter where the imprint of\nArabian cultural forms would seem to be most probable. In the centuries\nwhich produced the troubadours, the problem takes the form of a possible\nindirect influence from Arabian origins through the Proven\u00e7al singers\nupon the evolution of the sequence.[16] It is true that the twelfth and\nthirteenth centuries boasted at least four hundred troubadours whose\npoetry is extant. The names of others are known but not their poems. As\nthe popularity of their songs is unquestioned, an appreciable affect\nupon religious lyrics might be presumed. Granted that the influence of\nArabian poetry may be demonstrated upon the metrical aspects of\ntroubadour lyrics, it must still be demonstrated that the impact of the\nlatter was felt upon the Latin hymn. Future studies may throw light upon\nthese problems of medieval literature where obscurity now prevails.\nMetrical similarities undoubtedly exist between Arabian and Latin verse,\nas already illustrated in the field of late Mozarabic hymns. Perhaps the\nmost convincing evidence, aside from these, is found in processional\nhymns, the subject of a later chapter.\n\nMuch more obvious and one distinctly to be traced is the all-pervading\ninfluence of the new religious orders upon medieval society and culture\nin general. Hymn writers belonging, as cited above, to the Franciscan,\nDominican and other orders of friars, to say nothing of the Cistercians,\nplayed a leading role among contemporary poets; their names and themes\nhave already been mentioned. Many others must be numbered with the\nanonymous majority. The veneration of the Virgin reflected so faithfully\nin contemporary hymns may be largely attributed to their devotion. As\nitinerant preachers, moreover, the friars translated hymns into the\nvernacular and brought them directly to their hearers, thus imparting\nthe lessons of faith and morals.[17] It might be asserted, at least\ntentatively, that the friars were responsible for one of the earliest\nattempts to bridge the gap between the ritual and the popular use of\nhymns.\n\nA less tangible influence was at work emanating from schoolmen. This was\nthe age of the universities in which thousands of students were pursuing\nthe studies of theology, law and medicine. Early theological discussion\nin the schools of Paris, prior to the founding of the universities, is\nimplicit in the sequences of Adam of St. Victor. Later, Thomas Aquinas,\nProfessor of Theology at the University of Paris, created a poetical\ncounterpart in his hymns, to the prose exposition of dogma. No one else\nreached his stature in this particular but hundreds of European clerics\nhaving theological degrees or a partial preparation for them, were\nactive in the church and in secular life. It is only fair to suppose\nthat they must be included in the great anonymous group which assisted\nin making that unique contribution to medieval literature which was\npreserved in contemporary liturgical collections. Without the\nuniversity-trained cleric how is it explicable that in the very age in\nwhich the vernacular languages came to their full development in speech\nand in literature, Latin religious verse was at a peak of expression? In\nthe High Middle Ages the alumni of the great universities were\ninfluential in every phase of society. It is conceivable, if not\ndemonstrable, that the clerics among their ranks played an important\nalthough hitherto unrecognized role in the evolution of Latin hymnody.\n\nContemporary pilgrimages take the student far afield from the centers of\nlearning. The crusading enterprise of two centuries which carried the\nknightly companies of Europe and their entourage to the East was a\npilgrimage of continental proportions. Local shrines favored by pilgrims\nabounded in the West from Canterbury and Walsingham to Campostella. What\neffect, if any, had this wave of religious zeal or of adventurous\nself-seeking upon the hymnology of the age? We know that the familiar\nLatin hymns of the breviary were sung by the clerics who conducted the\nservices of religion in the crusading armies. We possess the texts of a\nvariety of vernacular hymns and songs heard among the wandering bands\nwho traversed the highways of Europe or traveled by sea to distant\nshrines. We are told of the singing of Latin hymns at the destination of\npilgrimage but their texts are rare. A formal collection of Latin hymns\nassociated with the shrine of St. James of Campostella, the _Carmina\nCampostellana_, has been edited in the seventeenth volume of the\n_Analecta Hymnica_. As might be supposed, they voice the praises of St.\nJames, _Ad honorem regis summi_, \u201cTo the honor of the King,\u201d (_A. H._\n17. 210) being a favorite in both Latin and vernacular versions.[18] As\na matter of fact, the hymnody of pilgrimage must have been largely\npatronal, a conclusion supported by existing Latin texts. Unfortunately\nwe possess no great body of Latin hymns arising from the religious\nimpulse which animated the crusader or the devotee of local shrines. It\nis possible, however, that the multiplication of hymns for saints at\nthis time may be attributed in part to the multiplication of shrines of\npilgrimage. If true, an influence is seen at work, which, from the time\nwhen Ambrose built a church in Milan to receive the relics of St.\nGervasius and St. Protasius and wrote a hymn in their honor, never\nceased to operate in the intervening centuries.[19]\n\nWith the pilgrim we come face to face with the layman and are once more\nconfronted with the question of lay participation in the singing of\nLatin hymns, which hinges upon the further question of the degree to\nwhich the layman could sing or even understand the Latin hymn, from the\ntwelfth century onward. The pious injunctions of Alexander of Hales and\nHenricus de Gorichen (15th C.) to sing hymns, merely repeat a dictum of\nSt. Apollonius regarding the observance of the Lord\u2019s Day in the second\ncentury and must not be taken too seriously by the modern student.[20]\nIt is indeed slight evidence for the singing of Latin hymns by the\nlaity. The problem is in reality linguistic and revolves about the\nquestion of who was acquainted with Latin at this time. Setting aside\nthe clergy in their numerous ranks, who are often said to have had the\ncomplete monopoly of the hymn in an age when congregational singing was\nunknown, one must consider the remaining classes of society from the\npoint of view of contemporary education.\n\nBeginning with the university it should be recalled that the text books\nand other sources of information were in Latin and that Latin was the\nmedium of instruction. In this respect the aspirant for a degree in law\nor medicine was on a par with the would-be clergyman. Many students took\ndegrees in two and occasionally in all three disciplines, and the\nmajority were destined for the church if only in minor orders. On the\nother hand, it is certain that, as in our own day, a large number of\nstudents never attained any degree although they had the Latin\nqualification. In any case, the lay alumnus or former student of the\nuniversities, with a Latin training, was a familiar figure in secular\naffairs.\n\nThe degree and extent of elementary and secondary education upon which\nthe university instruction was necessarily founded, have been the\nsubject of several recent studies. It seems certain that schools for\nchildren and youth existed from the ninth century onward in cathedral\nand other centers and that, as Lynn Thorndike says, \u201cin the period of\ndeveloped medieval culture elementary education was fairly wide-spread\nand general.\u201d[21] Without entering into the details of this program,\nilluminating as they are, we note that the curriculum was founded upon\nthe Latin language and Latin studies. The contemporary growth of towns\ninvolved an expansion of education which was marked by the appearance of\nschools sponsored by municipal authority. The Latin school flourished\neverywhere. There is evidence that every social class participated to\nsome extent in the new education although illiteracy must at the same\ntime have been common. It seems clear that the layman who had received\nthese early educational advantages could understand Latin hymns or read\nthem if the texts were available. Both sexes shared elementary education\nand lay women as well as nuns occasionally had access to advanced\ninstruction. Such considerations as the above presuppose a degree of\nfamiliarity especially with the breviary hymns, on the part of laymen,\neven if singing or chanting was restricted to the choirs and clergy.\n\nThe university movement was accompanied by the rise of the wandering\nscholars and poets whose verses, for example, from the _Carmina Burana_,\nare familiar today in translation. Popular entertainers, they sang their\nLatin lyrics at ale house doors and in the market places. They must have\nbeen at least partially understood by the populace. Other municipal\nentertainment was provided by the religious drama of the times which\nmade considerable demand upon the Latin resources of the spectator who\nhad to be somewhat bilingual if he were to enjoy the public presentation\nof the mystery plays.\n\nAgain, the bilingual or macaronic poetry which sprang up in the period\nof rivalry between Latin and the vernacular may be viewed both as a\nmeans and a result of understanding Latin hymns. Macaronic verse was\nboth secular and religious in its forms, favorite phrases from\nwell-known Latin hymns often being combined with the vernacular tongue.\nThe practice might even have spread to the ritual of the Church had it\nnot been forbidden by ecclesiastical decree.[22] The _cantio_ of the\nlater medieval centuries and the familiar carol offer a wealth of\nevidence that macaronic religious verse was extremely popular. Indeed,\nthis may have been the earliest manifestation of actual hymn singing on\nthe part of medieval laymen.\n\nEven if congregational singing was not practiced, the use of Latin hymns\nin private devotion is well authenticated. The _Horae_ which were\nincluded in the liturgical collections listed above, were circulated\namong laymen from the fourteenth century onward, and often used as text\nbooks or Primers from which children were taught to read. The variant\ntitle, _Lay Folks Prayer Book_, also bespeaks its popular availability.\n\nWhile it would be unsound to infer a universal knowledge of Latin\nhymnody among the laity of Europe upon any or all of the evidence here\nassembled, it is logical to suppose that this treasury of verse lay\nwithin the boundaries of average education and cultural ability.\nCombined with the effectiveness of visual means of conveying religious\ntruths through architecture, sculpture and stained glass, popular\nacquaintance with the teachings of Christian hymnody must be supposed to\nhave overflowed the limits of clerical restriction, if indeed, any such\nexisted.\n\n\n                          VI. Characteristics\n\nTo close this somewhat rambling account of the Latin hymn and sequence\nin the later medieval centuries, which is necessarily discursive even as\nthe civilization itself was everywhere expanding, the characteristics of\nthis poetry should be reviewed in comparison with those of earlier Latin\nhymns.\n\nAn increasing variety of subject matter is first to be noted, to\naccompany the diversification of worship brought about by new feasts and\nthe appearance of new religious agencies. Hymns for the festivals of\nsaints provide the best illustrations of this tendency which has been\namply treated above.\n\nA marked trend toward the compilation of local liturgical collections\nand the differentiation of service books accompanies the unification of\nrites in various European lands. This tendency was observed in earlier\ncenturies, particularly in Spain where the Mozarabic hymnal prevailed.\nSt. Gall had provided a monastic center of influence in German-speaking\nlands in its day. Now, the great diocesan and monastic centers, on a\nmuch larger scale, are furnished with a full complement of ritual books\nand guides to hymnody. In England, the Sarum collection achieved great\nprominence, acquiring national rather than diocesan proportions.\n\nWithin the hymnic poetry itself changes are seen both in form and\nspirit. A full development of metrical forms takes place, some of which\nhad appeared much earlier in isolated examples and were now widely\naccepted; others were characteristic of late medieval literary art. The\nmeters and rhythm of sequence poetry were popularly favored. Subjective\nqualities and attitudes which had been infrequent in the earlier hymns\ndevoted to biblical themes and theological expression are much more\nobvious in later hymns. The personal petition and the direct address to\ndeity and the saints are frequent. It has been suggested above in\nconsidering hymns upon the theme of the Cross, that a comparison of\nhymns from the earlier and later groups is instructive. But any of the\ngreat themes may be selected for this purpose, for example, the\nPentecostal theme, with a group of hymns in which the earlier ones are\nsimple narratives following the biblical account of the descent of the\nHoly Spirit; the later ones are exemplified by _Veni, sancte spiritus_,\n\u201cCome, Thou Holy Spirit, come,\u201d already cited, in which the Spirit is\naddressed and invoked for personal blessings and the sevenfold gifts.\n\nWith the waning of the medieval centuries came a characteristic\ndecadence in the poetical quality of Latin hymns and in their spiritual\nvitality. This was true of the sequence and most obvious, perhaps, in\nthose which were devoted to the praise of the saints. Reference to this\nphenomenon will be made in a later chapter in connection with the\npossible reason for the loss of religious significance which must be\nadmitted although deplored by students of the subject.\n\nFinally, one observes that certain hymns of these later centuries rival,\nif not surpass, the representative hymns of the first half of the Middle\nAges. Four of the five sequences retained in the present-day Roman\nMissal were all selected from this group, namely: _Lauda Sion\nSalvatorem_, _Veni sancte spiritus_, _Dies irae_, and _Stabat mater\ndolorosa_. Other illustrative hymns and sequences mentioned above prove\nto be almost as familiar.\n\nOn the contrary, decadent hymns have tended to disappear. Unworthy of\ntheir theme and purpose, a multitude of examples may be unearthed from\ntheir present burial places in the _Analecta Hymnica_ or other\ncollections by the curious investigator. So far as actual usage is\nconcerned they have been gradually discarded and forgotten in the\nprocess of time. Similarly those of greater merit have possessed a\nsurvival value sufficient to insure recognition in every succeeding\ncentury.\n\n\n\n\n                                                             CHAPTER SIX\n                                    Late Middle Ages: Processional Hymns\n\n\n                               I. Origins\n\nThe procession as a practice of the Christian Church originates in the\ntriumphal entry of Jesus into Jerusalem. All four evangelists record the\nevent and all four make mention of the hosannas and acclamations of the\npeople which accompanied it.[1] True, the procession is older than\nChristianity and wider in observance. It seems to be a natural impulse\nof humanity in all ages and in all lands to make orderly progress from\none place to another for the expression of communal joy or lamentation\nor to seek the aid and blessing of supernatural power in the activities\nand vicissitudes of life.\n\nProcessional ceremonies as they were observed in ancient oriental\ncivilizations or in the culture of Greece and Rome are not considered\nhere, except as they may have affected Christian origins. The purpose of\nthis chapter is to describe the background and setting of processional\nforms which, in their evolution, gave rise to a continuity of hymns; to\ntrace the origin, development and distinguishing features of such\nprocessional hymns in the Middle Ages and to display processional\nhymnody in its distinctive character as a separate category of medieval\nLatin hymnology.\n\nPrior to the fourth century the record is obscure. Miscellaneous notices\nbegin to appear in the last quarter of the century. Basil notes a\nprocession in the form of a litany (c. 375). Ambrose mentions a\nprocession of monks (c. 388) and also refers to a procession in Rome\nhonoring Sts. Peter and Paul, in his hymn, _Apostolorum passio_, \u201cThe\npassion of the Apostles,\u201d (A. H. 50. 17). Chrysostom was active in\norganizing processions in Constantinople to offset Arian influence\n(390-400).[2] At the same period, 379-388, Aetheria (St. Sylvia of\nAquitania?) made her pilgrimage to the holy places of Palestine,\ndescribing in her journal in detail, the ceremonies enacted in the\nworship of the Christian Church at Jerusalem.[3]\n\nRemarkable in all respects, Aetheria\u2019s narrative is obviously written in\na spirit of devotion with eager curiosity and joyful appreciation. She\ndescribes, among other observances, the Hour services, especially the\n_lucernare_ when hymns were sung, the Sunday procession to the Anastasis\nor Church of the Resurrection which marked the tomb of Jesus and the\nprocession and rites for the Feasts of the Epiphany, Ypapanti or\nPresentation of Christ in the temple, Palm Sunday and Easter.[4] Hymns\nin which the laity as well as the clergy participated are mentioned in\nconnection with these ceremonies but no specific hymn is named. The\nimmediate purpose of the processions at Jerusalem appears to have been\nthe enactment of scenes in the life of Jesus in the places where they\noccurred, introducing a dramatic element which pervades medieval\nprocessional observances throughout their history.\n\nAetheria uses the words psalm, antiphon and hymn in connection with the\nmusical parts of the worship she observed, but not indiscriminately. She\nwas probably familiar with hymns as they had developed in the fourth\ncentury both in the eastern and western churches. It has been assumed\nthat the hymn sung at the daily lighting of the candles was _Phos\nhilaron_, \u201cO gladsome light.\u201d[5] The hymns she heard at the Good Friday\nobservance have been tentatively identified as the _Idiomela_ for Good\nFriday, traditional in Byzantine ritual.[6] In any case they were true\nhymns, perhaps of a metrical, or more probably of a rhythmical type. It\nis impossible to identify the processional hymns of which she speaks.\nAll that can be asserted is that non-scriptural, as well as scriptural\nhymns, were sung in the processions at Jerusalem.\n\nIn Constantinople, contemporary processions have already been mentioned.\nThe practice of Jerusalem was also adopted there. In the sixth century\nunder Justinian, the Feast of Ypapanti was introduced.[7] However, the\nhistory of Byzantine processions must be omitted from this study which\nis devoted primarily to the Latin West.\n\nIn Rome, the Christian procession had an independent origin, being\nderived in part from the memorial honors paid to the Christian martyrs\nand in part from the Christianization of pagan ceremonies. When the\nperiod of persecution of Christianity had come to a close and the\ntriumphant Church was able to assert publicly her influence and\nauthority at Rome, processions were made as early as the fifth century\nto the places where martyrs had suffered. This is the origin of the\nlater station procession, followed by the celebration of mass in the\nvarious churches where the remains of martyrs removed from the catacombs\nwere buried. A century earlier in Milan, Ambrose had discovered and\nremoved the bodies of St. Protasius and of St. Gervasius from their\noriginal burial place to a church newly erected in their honor.[8] Pope\nGregory the Great (590-604) observed the Roman stations and Pope Sergius\n(687-701) completed their organization.[9] The processions were\naccompanied by the chanting of psalms but there is no record of\nnon-scriptural hymns. The symbolism of the procession, however, was\nenriched by the idea of pilgrimage to a spot made sacred by martyrdom, a\ncontinuing processional motive throughout the Middle Ages.\n\nWhile the station processions developed in the vicinity of Rome, the\nlitany processions arose in Gaul. Mametus, the Bishop of Vienne, 474,\ninaugurated the _litania minor_ or the public blessing of the fields and\ncrops in the spring season. In 511, the Council of Orleans ordained the\nobservance for Gaul, and the Council of Girona, in 517, for Spain. The\n_litaniae minores_ or rogations, perpetuate in their intent, processions\nof the Roman era. The _litaniae maiores_ which were prescribed by\nGregory the Great, 598, and Leo III (795-816), were of similar origin\nand purpose. A _litania septiformis_ was also organized by Gregory on\nthe occasion of a pestilence at Rome.[10] The _litania maior_ came to be\nobserved on April 25, St. Mark\u2019s day, and the _litaniae minores_ in the\nthree days preceding Ascension. Psalms but not hymns in the sense of\nnon-scriptural compositions were heard in the litanies. The procession\nof supplication common alike to pagan and Christian practice is\nillustrated in the litanies, a constant motive and a constant observance\nin medieval rites.\n\nIt seems clear, therefore, that primitive Christian processions in Rome\nconsisted of stations and litanies. Festival processions were introduced\ninto the west gradually. Ascension is spoken of as an ancient feast but\nthere is no specific evidence of its observance before the middle of the\nfourth century. The Ascension procession, implied by Aetheria in her\njournal, is unknown in Rome at this time.[11] Pope Sergius imported into\nRome the festival procession for Candlemas or the Feast of the\nPurification of the Virgin. The Feast of Ypapanti or Presentation,\noriginally observed in Jerusalem and later adopted in Constantinople, as\nnoted above, gained in the transfer a new feature. The carrying of\nlighted candles, not mentioned by Aetheria, seems to have been added in\nByzantine practice. The words spoken by Simeon of the infant Jesus, \u201ca\nlight to lighten the Gentiles\u201d (Luke 2. 32) made the symbolic use of\nlights almost inevitable. The date of the Feast of the Purification,\nFebruary 2, was approximately that of the pagan _Amburbium_ or\n_Amburbale_, an early Roman procession of lustration which had taken\nplace in that month. Possibly the procession for the Feast is\nreminiscent of this pagan practice.[12] It might be of interest to\nfollow in closer detail the origin of the medieval Candlemas, but\nattention must be directed to the Candlemas hymns later to be written\nand sung in procession at this Feast.\n\nThe period of Christian processional origins which may be considered to\nclose with the seventh century, saw the development of the processions\nat Jerusalem, their adoption in Constantinople and the evolution of the\nstations and litanies in the west. Festival processions also, were\nslowly making their way into the Western Church.[13]\n\n\n                 II. Evolution in the Early Middle Ages\n\nThat the Latin processional hymn appeared first in Gaul should surprise\nno one. It has already been suggested that the hymns among the _Carmina_\nof Fortunatus were created in the atmosphere of freedom enjoyed by\nGallic hymn writers in accordance with contemporary canons. Always a\npoet of the occasion, Fortunatus wrote three hymns for the reception of\na relic believed to be of the true Cross, which was presented to\nRhadegunda, his patron, by the Byzantine Emperor, Justin II and his wife\nSophia, for the convent at Poitiers. As a final stage in the journey\nfrom Constantinople, the relic was borne in procession from Mign\u00e9 to\nPoitiers, accompanied by Euphronius, Bishop of Tours. On this day the\nhymn, _Vexilla regis prodeunt_, was first heard.[14] Two others, _Pange\nlingua_ and _Crux benedicta_ (see Chapter One) were devoted by\nFortunatus to the same theme of the Holy Cross, although it cannot be\nproved that they were sung in the same procession.\n\nThe Resurrection hymn, _Tempora florigero rutilant distincta sereno_,\n\u201cSeason of luminous days, marked bright with the birth of flowers,\u201d\n(_Carm._ 3. 9), was originally written for the Easter baptismal rites\ncelebrated by Felix, Bishop of Nantes (d. 582). It was a poem of 110\nlines or 55 elegiac couplets, from which the cento of 28 lines beginning\n_Salve festa dies_, \u201cHail thee, festival day,\u201d was later selected for an\nEaster processional.[15]\n\nThe metrical models provided by _Pange lingua_ of the trochaic pattern\nand _Salve festa dies_, the elegiac, continued to be employed throughout\nthe Middle Ages for processional hymnody, the elegiac excelling in\npopularity. First in the original hymn, then in centos and finally in\nimitative verse adapted to a multitude of feasts, _Salve festa dies_ was\nnever superseded but maintained the influence of Fortunatus for\ncenturies.\n\nSpain must have known the processional hymn soon after its appearance in\nGaul, perhaps in the seventh century. Here, the Palm Sunday festival\nseems to have been the source of inspiration for the procession and\nblessing of palms is mentioned by Isidore of Seville as an observance of\nhis day.[16] Contemporary evidence indicates a similar procession in\nItaly.[17] The use of a processional hymn, however, is not as clearly\nindicated.\n\nIt seems probable that the seventh century hymn, _Magnum salutis\ngaudium_ (_A. H._ 51. 73), \u201cO great joy of salvation,\u201d is one of the\nearliest to be assigned for Palm Sunday. It is a simple rendering in the\nAmbrosian style, of the events recounted in the biblical narrative.[18]\nIn the early centuries when the concept of a specific processional hymn\nfor a particular festival was almost unheard of, a familiar hymn from\nthe old hymnals might be used in the new ceremonies. It has been\nsuggested that _Magnum salutis gaudium_ was known to Theodulphus, who in\nthe ninth century wrote the Palm Sunday processional hymn, _Gloria laus\net honor_, for all the ages.\n\nProcessions, thus far, have been thought of chiefly, as wholly or in\npart outside the church edifice. Processions within the edifice were\nalso frequently observed. A procession of the clergy, in connection with\nwhich psalms and antiphons were sung, preceded the Sunday high mass;\nanother took place as the Gospel codex was carried to its place for\nreading. Other ceremonies within the church, aside from the liturgy\nproper, were sometimes accompanied by hymns.[19]\n\nPerhaps the earliest hymn in use at a special ceremony, once more a\nselection from the hymnal, was _Audi, iudex mortuorum_ (_A. H._ 51. 80),\n\u201cHear Thou Judge of the dead,\u201d sung on Holy Thursday at the consecration\nof the chrism.[20] The words _O redemptor, sume carmen temet\nconcinentium_, \u201cO Redeemer, accept the hymn of Thy people magnifying\nThee,\u201d[21] formed a refrain, a metrical feature which came to be the\nunmistakable mark of the processional hymn.\n\nIn this early period from the sixth to the tenth century, a new idea and\na new practice came into being, the use of hymns apart from those of the\ncanonical hours and the sequences of the mass. The ninth century revival\nof hymnody in all its branches was taking place in western Europe just\nas this period came to a close, in connection with which the\nprocessional hymn was inevitably affected as the office hymn and the\nsequence had been by a fresh inspiration to poetry and worship. The\nmovement came to fruition at St. Gall where the musical and ceremonial\naspects of that great monastic center were so highly developed, a center\nwhich had contributed so heavily to the Carolingian revival of\nliterature and the arts.\n\nThe French liturgical scholar, Leon Gautier, whose contributions to the\nstudy of medieval hymnology have already been mentioned, was the first\nto identify the processional hymn as a trope or liturgical\ninterpolation. In a study of the St. Gall processional hymns he observed\nthat they were classified by the name _versus_ which in itself points to\na separate hymnic category. Other earlier hymns used in processions were\nthere called _versus_. Gautier discovered that musical notation always\nappeared with the _versus_, an indication that these hymns were\ninvariably chanted and he noted that the _versus_, in the manner of the\nhymn _O redemptor, sume carmen_, cited above, was without exception,\naccompanied by a refrain.[22]\n\nThe processional hymns of St. Gall, like the sequences, bore the\ncharacteristic marks of the hymnic group to which they belonged. From\nthis stage in their evolution they were set apart by their music,\nclassification and refrain.\n\nThe wider circle of Carolingian liturgical interest included hymn\nwriters other than those of St. Gall: Theodulphus of Orleans, Walafrid\nStrabo of Reichenau, Rabanus Maurus of Fulda, Radbert of Corbie, who\nwith Waldram and Hartmann of St. Gall wrote processional hymns. The\nhymns of Theodulphus and of Rabanus Maurus have been considered above.\n\nOther great festivals of the ecclesiastical year and of the saints were\nnow observed with processional honors for which new hymns were written;\nspecial ceremonies also, were thus recognized. Hartmann wrote the\nelegiac hymn _Salve, lacteolo decoratum sanguine festum_ (_A. H._ 50.\n251), \u201cHail festival, graced with the blood of the Innocents,\u201d for the\nFeast of the Holy Innocents. The processional hymns of Rabanus Maurus\nwere heard at Nativity, Easter and possibly the Feast of the\nPurification. The dramatic spirit, always present in the true\nprocessional is felt in all these hymns while the refrain reiterates the\nmessage of the feast:\n\nfor Easter,\n\nR.   Surrexit quia Christus a sepulcro,\n    Collaetetur homo choro angelorum. (_A. H._ 50. 190)\n\n  Since Christ has risen from the tomb,\n    Let man rejoice with the choir of angels.\n\nfor the Nativity,\n\nR.   Christo nato, rege magno\n    totus orbis gaudeat. (_A. H._ 50. 186)\n\n  Since Christ is born, the mighty king,\n    let the whole earth rejoice.\n\nProcessional hymns for saints are represented by Radbert\u2019s hymn honoring\nSt. Gall,\n\nR.   Annua, sancte Dei, celebramus festa diei,\n    Qua, pater, e terris sidera, Galle, petis. (_A. H._ 50. 241)\n\n  We celebrate, O Saint of God, our yearly feast on this day\n    When thou, father Gallus, dost leave the earth for heaven.\n\nTo celebrate the life and miracles of a patron saint was frequently the\ninspiration of a medieval procession, which, in the case of St. Gall,\npassed beyond the precincts of the monastery into the streets of the\ntown.[23] It is no wonder that the tradition of these processions,\nfurnished with all the splendor of festival vestments, of robed choirs,\nof monastic treasures and sacred banners should have made St. Gall\nunique.\n\nThe Sunday processions were sometimes accompanied by imposing hymns in\nthe form of litanies. It should not be forgotten that the ancient\nChristian processions were, in great part, of this nature. Waldram,\nHartmann and Radbert wrote such hymns but Hartmann\u2019s was evidently a\nfavorite, _Summus et omnipotens genitor, qui cuncta creasti_, \u201cMighty\nand omnipotent father, who hast created all things,\u201d with the refrain,\n\nR.   Humili prece et sincera devotione\n    Ad te clamantes semper exaudi nos. (_A. H._ 50. 253)\n\n  With humble prayer and pure devotion,\n    Ever hear us as we cry to Thee.\n\nIt seems probable that the custom of singing a hymn in the procession\nbefore the reading of the Gospel originated at St. Gall. Hartmann\nprovided a beautiful _versus_ for this purpose,\n\n  Sacrata libri dogmata\n    Portantur evangelici. (_A. H._ 50. 250)\n\n  The sacred words of the\n    Gospel are borne.\n\nA _versus_ for the reception of the Eucharist was written by Radbert,\n_Laudes omnipotens, ferimus tibi dona colentes_ (_A. H._ 50. 239), \u201cIn\nreverence, Almighty, we bring our praises as gifts to Thee.\u201d The\nBlessing of the Font on Holy Saturday inspired his _Versus ad Descensum\nfontis_ (_A. H._ 50. 242-3). Among the ceremonies most characteristic of\nmedieval piety was that of _Mandatum_ or foot-washing, commemorating the\nact of Jesus in washing his disciples\u2019 feet, (_John_ 13; 1-15). The name\n\u201cMaundy Thursday\u201d is a modern survival of the ancient terminology.[24]\nThe hymn associated with this rite appears first in Gaul in the eighth\nor ninth century and may have been current in Italy in monastic centers.\nThe antiphon, _Ubi caritas et amor, Deus ibi est_, \u201cWhere charity is and\nlove, God is there,\u201d is at once the motive and refrain of this hymn,\n_Congregavit nos in unum Christi amor_ (_A. H._ 12. 24), \u201cThe love of\nChrist has united us,\u201d which follows the scriptural account.[25]\n\nThe student must turn once more to the great monastic centers of the\nGermanic world for processional hymns honoring royalty. Visits of kings\nand emperors to St. Gall and other noted monasteries were by no means\nuncommon; that colorful processions and demonstrations of loyalty were a\npart of their reception cannot be doubted. Walafrid Strabo celebrates\nthe visit of Lothair to Reichenau with the hymn,\n\nR.   Imperator magne, vivas\n    semper et feliciter. (_A. H._ 50. 176)\n\n  Live, O mighty emperor\n    ever in felicity.\n\nWalafrid Strabo praised Charles, son of Louis the Pious, and Radbert,\nthe Empress Richgard. Other processionals could be used on the occasion\nof the coming of any royal visitor.\n\nVatican manuscripts offer evidence of contemporary processions in Italy\nand Rome, the city of their origin. From this source is derived the\nprocessional hymn _Sancta Maria, quid est?_ (_A. H._ 23. 74), \u201cSancta\nMaria, what meaneth this?\u201d written for the procession which marked the\neve of the Feast of the Assumption, about the year 1000. Specific\ndirections for the route, the order of precedence and every detail of\nthe ceremonial are available, while the hymn itself depicts the devotion\nand human appeal attending this night time scene in Rome.[26]\n\n\n                III. Evolution in the Later Middle Ages\n\nFor the evolution of the processional hymn from this point to the close\nof the Middle Ages, we have in addition to hymnic manuscripts, the\nservice books and manuals devoted to, or including, processional\npractice. The _Ritual_ or _Roman Pontifical_ was the earliest to include\ndirections for processions, an illustration of which has been presented\nabove in the case of _Sancta Maria, quid est?_ In the course of time,\nsince so many medieval processions were not thus provided for, the\n_Processional_ came into existence, containing the order of processions\nfor a particular diocese or monastery.[27] The St. Gall _Processionals_,\nfor instance, are informative as to customs already described above. The\nspecific name _versus_ gave rise to the title _Versarius_ for a book of\nprocessional hymns.[28]\n\nIn addition to the collections, liturgical writers discussed the\nprocession. Of these, none was more influential than Durandus, Bishop of\nMende, who, about 1286, produced his _Rationale divinorum officiorum_\nwhich among many other liturgical subjects, included processional\nrites.[29] Durandus was a leading authority upon ecclesiastical\nsymbolism. Accordingly, he dwells upon every minute detail of the great\nprocessions for Easter, Ascension, Palm Sunday and the Purification as\nwell as the Sunday procession and others of lesser importance, ascribing\nto each act a wealth of symbolic meaning. Much of this figurative\ninterpretation is obvious and inherent in the feast to be celebrated but\nin other cases he gives full play to his sense of the symbolic, a phase\nof contemporary thought already so characteristic of Adam of St. Victor\nand other writers on religious themes. Finally he declares that whatever\nelse is suggested, \u201cthe true procession is a progress to the celestial\ncountry.\u201d (_Ipsa vero processio, est via ad coelestem patriam._)[30] If\nthe fundamental concepts which entered into their origins be reviewed,\nmedieval processions apparently carried with them the familiar ideas of\nsupplication, of dramatic representation or of pilgrimage to sacred\nplaces. Durandus reiterates and sublimates these concepts, giving them\nan added significance.\n\nThe processional manuals, especially of the English rites observed at\nSalisbury, York, Canterbury and other cathedral centers, offer\ndescriptions and sometimes illustrations showing the order and vestments\nof the clergy, the position and functions of the choir, the appropriate\nacts involved, together with the complete text of the antiphons, psalms,\nother scriptural passages, hymns, prayers and rubrics. Turning to the\nprocessional hymns which were rendered in these centuries, one is\nimpressed by the gradual disappearance of hymns typical of the efforts\nof the St. Gall school and its contemporaries. A tremendous vogue of the\noriginal _Salve festa dies_ of Fortunatus which had never been lost\nsight of, together with its centos, variants and copies, takes\npossession of the field. There were in all, perhaps, from one hundred to\none hundred and fifty true processional hymns in circulation throughout\nthe whole medieval period, if one enumerates those which are edited in\nthe _Analecta Hymnica_. One half of these may be considered to be of the\n_Salve festa dies_ type while similar elegiac metrical forms are found\nin half of the remainder.\n\nWhat has been said of the cultural background in which the sequence\ndeveloped and multiplied is equally true for the processional hymn. The\nsame influences which created new seasonal feasts and additional feasts\nfor the saints, produced new processional hymns to accompany them. There\nis, however, a great disparity between the number of sequences and\nprocessional hymns that were written. The sequence was regnant in sacred\nand secular verse, both in Latin and the vernaculars. Office hymns, too,\nfar outnumbered processionals. This may be another way of saying that\nthe office hymns and the sequences had a liturgical function and\nsetting, while the processional was always extra-liturgical and either\nsuperfluous or purely ornamental from this point of view. The antiphons\nand psalms were sufficient to satisfy the essential choral demands of\nany procession.\n\nUnfortunately Thomas Aquinas did not include a processional hymn when he\nfurnished the hymnody for the Feast of Corpus Christi. He could hardly\nhave envisaged the thousands of Corpus Christi processions throughout\nCatholic Christendom which have marked the Feast even to this day. Nor\ncould he have foreseen that his hymn _Pange lingua gloriosi corporis\nmysterium_, written in the tradition of Fortunatus, would be widely\nappropriated for that purpose. Other processionals for Corpus Christi\nappeared almost at once, especially of the _Salve_ type.\n\nContemporary devotion to the Virgin Mother and her festivals was felt in\nthe expansion of the Marian hymnology for processions. The establishment\nof St. Osyth in Essex was a center in which new hymns were used for the\nVisitation,\n\n  Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo,\n    Qua Christi mater visitat Elizabeth. (_A. H._ 11. 51)\n\n  Hail thee, festival day, blest day that is hallowed forever,\n    On which Christ\u2019s mother visits Elizabeth.\n\nand the Assumption,\n\n  Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo,\n    Qua fuit assumpta virgo Maria pia. (_A. H._ 11. 55)\n\n  Hail thee, festival day, blest day that is hallowed forever,\n    On which the holy Virgin Mary was assumed.\n\nA lengthy hymn of twenty stanzas for the Feast of the Purification which\nhad been observed for so many centuries, appears in a twelfth or\nthirteenth century manuscript from Kremsm\u00fcnster, _Laetetur omne\nsaeculum_ (_A. H._ 4. 54), \u201cLet every age rejoice.\u201d The biblical scene\nof the Presentation in the Temple is described and reference is made to\nthe carrying of lighted candles.\n\nLater medieval practice perpetuated other earlier customs. From the\noriginal station processions at Rome had developed the ceremonies to\ncelebrate the translation of relics of saints in western European lands.\nPope Callistus II (d. 1124) wrote a processional hymn honoring St. James\nof Campostella, _Versus Calixti Papae, cantandi ad processionem sancti\nJacobi in solemnitate passionis ipsius et translationis ejusdem_ (_A.\nH._ 17. 194), or _Versus of Pope Callistus, to be sung at the procession\nof St. James in the celebration of his passion and translation_. A hymn\nfor St. Kyneburga (d. 680) commemorated the restoration of her relics to\ntheir original burial place in Peterborough Minster from which they had\nbeen removed during the Danish invasions.[31] (_A. H._ 43. 218)\n\nA procession in which the relics were carried for the veneration of the\nworshipers was familiar in many places. Records from St. Gall testify\nthat St. Magnus was honored with such a procession and an appropriate\nhymn of praise (_A. H._ 50. 261). The relics of saints treasured at\nExeter were borne in procession with the singing of a hymn which\nmentions their miraculous powers. (_A. H._ 43. 277)\n\nIn an era marked by municipal drama and civic display as well as\nreligious festivals, the pageantry of the procession was understandably\npopular. Rome always had its great processions. Accounts are extant of\nceremonies accompanied by hymns, in Tournai, Strasburg, Nuremberg and\nother medieval towns, aside from those prescribed by episcopal and\nmonastic manuals of the day for the great cathedrals and abbeys.\n\nThe music to which the processional hymn was sung is, in some cases,\navailable. The St. Gall manuscripts, as Gautier noted, were furnished\nwith musical notation. This is occasionally true of later manuscripts,\nespecially as we enter the closing medieval centuries. The traditional\nmelodies of certain hymns, like the _Salve festa dies_ and _Gloria laus\net honor_ are known to-day. Musicologists and students of liturgical\nmusic are currently engaged in bringing this music to present-day\nknowledge. For example, the hymn used in procession before the reading\nof the Gospel appears in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as a\n_conductus_ or _conductum_ which, in turn, is related to the\n_cantio_.[32] A _conductus_ for the festival of St. James of Campostella\n(_A. H._ 17. 199), illustrates the evolution of a minor type of\nprocessional hymn from Hartmann\u2019s solemn _versus_, mentioned above, to\nthe festive style of the late medieval period. The recent study of the\n_conductus_ by Leonard Ellinwood reflects the growing interest of\nmusicians in these forms, both secular and religious, which preceded the\nRenaissance.[33]\n\nTo summarize the characteristic marks of the processional hymn which are\nconstant and quite independent of the date of their appearance, the\nstudent must recall the underlying motives: 1) supplication in the\nlitanies, 2) re-enactment of biblical scenes and 3) religious\npilgrimage. Respecting usage, the special interest of a ceremony devoted\nto a particular occasion is present in processional hymns, additional to\nother rites. Lastly, a group of hymns has come into existence, not to be\nclassified with the more formal categories of the office hymn and the\nsequence but dedicated to an extra-liturgical purpose.\n\nAs a group, the processional hymns are not well-known or frequently used\nin translation with the exception of the ageless hymns of Theodulphus\nand especially of Fortunatus whose processionals usurped the medieval\nfield for over one thousand years and are still current to-day.\n\n(See Illustrative Hymns, XVII. _Salve festa dies_, \u201cHail thee, festival\nday.\u201d)\n\n\n\n\n                                                           CHAPTER SEVEN\n                                   Influence and Survival of Latin Hymns\n\n\n                       I. Late Medieval Influence\n\nFrom the creation of the Latin hymn in the fourth century by the\nearliest writers to the efforts of poets heralding the Renaissance,\nChristian hymnody left its imprint upon contemporary verse both secular\nand religious. The field of inquiry suggested by this thesis has never\nbeen fully explored although it abounds in fascinating possibilities for\nthe student of medieval culture. The subject, of course, cannot be\ntreated within the limits of this chapter but such hints may be offered\nas have resulted from a partial study of particular areas or fall within\nthe bounds of reasonable assumption.\n\nPerhaps the most pervading influence and the simplest to trace is the\nmetrical. The iambic dimeter of Ambrose, both in its quantitative and in\nits rhythmical form, became a standard for poetry of all types,\nappearing even in the modern age as the long meter of the metrical\nversions of the Psalms. Trochaic verse, initiated in hymns by Hilary,\nemployed most effectively by Fortunatus and always a favorite, rivalled\nthe iambic in the vernaculars. As the metrical features of the Victorine\nsequence became increasingly popular, they were taken over bodily by\nsecular poets writing both in Latin and in the modern European\nlanguages. Classical meters fostered by Prudentius and later by the\nCarolingian poets showed less vitality as poetical models. The\nliturgical hymn and the sequence are of prime importance in their\nmetrical aspects but the meters of the _piae cantiones_ and other\nreligious lyrics were also widely appropriated. The origin of rhyme is a\nrelated problem which in the opinion of W. B. Sedgwick \u201ccenters around\nthe Christian hymn.\u201d[1] Numerous publications by scholars who, like\nSedgwick, have spoken with authority, bear witness to the general\nlinguistic and literary interest attaching to these subjects of\nresearch.\n\nAside from aspects of meter and rhyme, medieval secular verse in Latin\nborrowed generously from the hymn; witness the songs of the wandering\nscholars as recorded in the collection edited under the title _Cambridge\nSongs_ and also the goliardic poetry of the _Carmina Burana_.[2]\nWell-known hymns are frequently parodied and, in general, the liturgical\nmodels are employed to create humorous allusion or pungent satire. The\nstudent song _Gaudeamus igitur_ is a familiar illustration of this\ngeneral group.\n\nThe adaptation of the sequence to secular purposes resulted in a novel\ntype of verse, the _modus_, already cited in connection with the origin\nof the sequence, illustrated by the _Modus florum_ of which many\nexamples have been preserved varying in beauty and poetic conceit.\nReference has been made in an earlier chapter to the deeper problems\nunderlying sequence origins on the poetical side. Discussion among\nscholars as to the priority of the religious or secular Latin lyric is\nstill active.[3] Some would say that popular Latin verse arose by virtue\nof the hymnodic influence. Others would posit a vernacular impulse which\neventuated in the Latin lyric both secular and religious.[4]\n\nApart from the lyric, there are in the general field of Latin verse many\nresemblances to hymnic models. The lengthy narrative poems of the\n_Peristephanon_ in which Prudentius recounted the sufferings of the\nmartyrs, St. Laurence, St. Vincent, St. Agnes, St. Eulalia and others,\nand celebrated their spiritual victories, have been called hymns. It has\nbeen argued that they were actually sung,[5] in full, upon the festival\ndays of the saints in question although the praises of St. Vincent, for\nexample, are expanded to 576 lines, other hymns varying from 66 to 1140\nlines. It may have been possible in the more leisurely tempo of medieval\nlife to render the martyr hymns of Prudentius in their entirety. A far\nmore provocative suggestion makes them the starting point for the\nmedieval saints\u2019 legend of which illustrations exist in lengthy Latin\npoems and later, in vernacular verse.\n\nThe contribution of hymns to the liturgical drama of the Church has been\nnoted in connection with the sequence, _Victimae paschali laudes_. It is\nnowhere contended that the hymn created the drama but that the dramatic\nphraseology is often reminiscent of the hymn and that the role of the\nsingers in the _schola cantorum_ and the choir, as actors in the\nliturgical play, becomes significant in connection with the hymnic\norigins of these productions within the church.[6]\n\nFinally, an interesting group of Latin poems having an interrelation\nwith the hymn is illustrated by _O Roma nobilis_, a tenth century lyric\npraising the apostles and martyrs of the Eternal City (_A. H._ 51.\n219).[7]\n\nThe transition from Latin to vernacular languages took place as soon as\nthe latter were sufficiently developed to produce Christian verse. The\nGospels were rendered into Germanic rhymed verse in the ninth century by\nOtfried the Frank who inserted a hymn of ten stanzas as a poetic version\nof the opening of St. John\u2019s Gospel. It is written in seven-syllable\ncouplets with four or six to a stanza.[8] Otfried is said to have been\ninfluenced by Rabanus Maurus and with good reason since the latter was a\nrecognized leader in mediating Latin patristic and other writings to the\nGermanic world of his day.\n\nOtfried was the first of many medieval poets whose religious lyrics in\nthe vernacular, often revealing the inspiration of the Latin hymn, have\nbeen preserved. Their verse appears in Wackernagel\u2019s great collection in\nwhich he has edited 1448 specimens from the time of Otfried to that of\nHans Sachs.[9]\n\nCeltic churchmen were pioneers among medieval Latin hymnists, their\nearliest contribution dating from the sixth century. Religious lyrics in\nthe Celtic tongue must have been produced and recorded before the Danish\ninvasions although the destruction of these manuscripts delayed the\ncompiling of new vernacular collections until the eleventh century. The\nhymn _Hymnum dicat turba fratrum_, written in trochaic tetrameter, and\npreserved in the Bangor Antiphonary, to which reference has been made in\nChapter One, apparently influenced the metrical system of Celtic poetry.\nThe metrical pattern used by Otfried, a quatrain of seven-syllable lines\nwith rhymed couplets, is commonly found.[10] Latin influence is at least\ntentatively acknowledged by scholars in the rhyme and stanza structure\nof Celtic poetry prior to the eleventh century.[11]\n\nAfter the creation of the Latin sequence, vernacular poetry is\noverwhelmingly affected by this new type of hymn. Germanic poets\nfollowed the leadership of Notker. The Victorine school, rejecting the\nstrophic system and rhythmic model of the Germans, built the couplet and\nrhyme, already existing in hymns, into a characteristic structure which\nproved to be easily transferable to vernacular uses. It has been\nasserted that the lyric poetry of the Middle Ages, in German, French,\nProven\u00e7al and English was reborn in this conquest of the vernacular by\nthe Latin sequence.[12] At the same time, the possible influence of the\nvernacular over the Latin must not be ignored. There is a resemblance,\nfor instance, between the narrative elements of sequences written in\nhonor of saints and the ballads of secular poetry.[13] Whatever the\nconflicting currents may have been in the period of origins, the\nsmooth-flowing stream of the vernacular religious lyric with its many\ntributaries, refreshed the spirit of medieval man and recalled to memory\nhis religious heritage.\n\nThe vitality of this new religious poetry which flourishes in the later\ncenturies, in which the Latin hymn suffered so marked a deterioration,\nsuggests that the future of the hymn, like other media of Latin\nliterature, was to be realized in a new linguistic environment. It was\nnot the verity but the language that was destined to change.\n\nIn order to appreciate the variety and interest of that vernacular lyric\npoetry which arose within the sphere of influence of the Latin hymn,\nillustrations may be culled from many parts of Europe. _Mary-Verse in\nMeistergesang_ is the title chosen by Sister Mary Schroeder for her\nstudy of one aspect of the German lyric.[14] A very large proportion,\nperhaps two-thirds of the songs are religious in content, showing to a\ndegree, their dependence upon hymnal poetry, while nearly one-fourth of\nthem are devoted to the praise of the Virgin. Occasionally, a Latin\nsequence has been freely translated, paraphrased or elaborated.\n\nThe Swedish vernacular is represented by the patriotic poem of Bishop\nThomas of Str\u00e4ngn\u00e4s, who, in the fourteenth century, wrote in praise of\nthe national hero, Engelbrekt. Metrical and stanza form are both of the\nhymnal type.[15]\n\nThe Romance languages afford myriad examples of the sequence form. St.\nMartial, near Limoges, already cited as a center in the production of\nthe sequence, and Paris, the home of the Victorine school, are both\nplaces of origin for vernacular lyrics. A close connection has been\ntraced between the sequence and the French romantic lyric, especially\nthe _lai_, a connection amply illustrated and tabulated for the\nconvenience of the student.[16] More familiar, perhaps, than the _lais_\nare the appealing lines of Fran\u00e7ois Villon, \u201cDame des cieulx, regente\nterrienne,\u201d which possesses all the charm of the Marian lyric at its\nbest.\n\nAbout the year 1270, Alfonso X of Castile made a collection of 400 poems\nin the Galician-Portuguese dialect, the _C\u00e1ntigas de Santa Mar\u00eda_ around\nwhich a considerable literature has grown up. All are devotional in\nsubject matter. Alfonso X was a literary patron. Ramon Lull (c. 1315)\nwas himself a poet who wrote in the Catalan tongue although his mystical\nwritings are better known than his poetry. His _Hours of our Lady St.\nMary_ was modeled upon the hymn and set to a hymn tune.[17]\n\nThe Italian poets of religious verse flourished as writers both in the\nvernacular and in Latin. St. Francis of Assisi, (1181-1226), whose\n_Cantico di fratre sole_[18] is known and loved by countless persons in\nour own day, was among the earliest poets of the _Laudi spirituali_. The\norigin of the _laudi_ has been traced in part to the ejaculations of the\nflagellants of northern Italy where bands of these penitents were\ncommonly seen in the thirteenth century. A century earlier, religious\nsocieties of singers, the _laudisti_, were in existence in Venice and\nFlorence. Arezzo knew such a group as early as 1068.[19] Included among\nthe known writers of _laudi_ are Jacopone da Todi, (1230-1306), and\nBianco da Siena, (c. 1307), both classified today as writers of hymns.\n\nThe movement represented by the _laudisti_ spread to France,\nGerman-speaking lands, the Low Countries and Poland. Everywhere the\nvernacular was used with popular unison melodies. As we approach the\nRenaissance, Florence is still conspicuous for her authors of the\nreligious vernacular lyric, among them Lorenzo di Medici and Savonarola,\n(1452-1498), better known as the Florentine preacher whose passionate\ndenunciations of the evils of his day brought him into conflict with the\nChurch and resulted in his execution. His _Laude al crucifisso_ has been\ntranslated in part by Jane F. Wilde as a hymn, \u201cJesus, refuge of the\nweary.\u201d\n\nThe English religious lyrics of the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth\ncenturies may be read with enjoyment in the collections of Carleton\nBrown whose appraisement of this poetry was the fruit of great learning\nand a sympathetic discernment of human values.[20] Here the Latin hymn\nmay be found as it was translated, adapted and imitated in English\nverse. The Latin sequence, as it increased in popularity, was taken over\nby English poets with great success. Some of these writers who\nappropriated the Latin models, like William Herebert, Jacob Ryman and\nJohn Lydgate, are known to us by name while others are anonymous. Their\npoetic themes are varied but Marian verse appears in many forms: hymns,\nlaments, and rhymed petition. Incidentally, a knowledge of the Latin\noriginal must be presupposed on the part of the English laity of this\nperiod. Chaucer wrote for the layman who must have understood his use of\nthe sequence _Angelus ad Virginem_ in the \u201cMiller\u2019s Tale\u201d and the\nsequence _Alma redemptoris mater_ in the \u201cPrioress\u2019 Tale.\u201d\n\nEnglish macaronic verse best reveals the Latin hymn. Over and over\nagain, Latin quotations are used, sometimes embedded in the text,\nsometimes added as refrains, an understanding of which is always vital\nto the appreciation of the poem.\n\nThe carol, although extraneous to true hymnody, because of its\nnon-liturgical character and usage, was related to Latin origins; to\nsome extent, to the _cantio_ and the _conductus_. A form of vernacular\nlyric, the carol often shares the macaronic features which were common\nin the blended phraseology of the European languages with Latin in this\npopular type of late medieval verse. It is relevant here as a religious\nlyric which bears the unmistakable mark of the hymnic inheritance.\nWhatever is true of the English carol is equally true of the carol in\nother lands. To-day these lyrics are of great interest and of increasing\nusage in the Christian Church at large. Their musical and poetic aspects\nare both subjects of enthusiastic research. Many persons in our modern\nsociety who have never studied the classical languages are able to sing\nthe Latin words and phrases they contain, with understanding, as did\ntheir medieval predecessors.\n\n\n    II. Influence and Survival of Latin Hymns since the Middle Ages\n\nThe writing of Latin hymns by no means died out with the medieval era in\nthe sixteenth century. The great prestige of Latin studies fostered by\nthe Renaissance alone would have been sufficient to perpetuate the\npractice. The Church, too, was engaged in a movement to standardize and\nimprove the Latinity of the breviary hymns which resulted in the\nTrentine cycle as we know it today. A concurrent movement toward\nuniformity of rites appreciably reduced the number of breviaries and the\nvariety of their hymns, but those breviaries which maintained an\nindependent existence had their own complete cycles. Such were the\nCluniac Breviary of 1686 and the Paris Breviary of 1736 for which new\nhymns were written and sung side by side with those of medieval origin.\nAmong post-Renaissance poets represented in these collections were the\nFrenchmen Jean-Baptiste de Santuil and his brothers Claude and Baptiste.\nFreshly inspired by classical studies, the new hymn writers repudiated\nmedieval ruggedness and stylistic neglect in favor of the smooth and\nfinished Latinity affected by contemporary poets. From the substantial\nbody of verse produced in these centuries, _Adeste fideles_, \u201cO come,\nall ye faithful,\u201d has proved a favorite. Sometimes classified as a hymn,\nsometimes as a carol, it originated in the English colony at Douay about\nthe year 1740, from the pen of John Francis Wade.[21]\n\nThe continuity of the Roman Use, however, was not disturbed. The Roman\nBreviary had acquired its cycle of hymns in the processes of evolution\nwhich have been traced in the preceding chapters. Trentine revisions\nunder the guidance of Pope Urban VIII, (1623-1644), made with the\nhighest motives but often deplored by later scholars, transformed the\nmedieval originals into products of the Renaissance. The Trentine\nBreviary contains many of the finest medieval hymns which, although they\nhave suffered alterations, have carried the traditional heritage into\nmodern times.[22]\n\nBy virtue of its prestige and its world-wide circulation, the Roman\nBreviary has been the vehicle by which the Latin hymn has penetrated\ninto the modern vernacular languages in translations. It is a subject of\nfrequent comment that the full treasury of hymns has not been drawn upon\nby the Catholic Church since the hymns of the Roman Breviary have\nmonopolized the field. The historical reason for this is clear and also\nfor the fact that in the Roman Missal only five sequences, each of\nrecognized superiority, have been retained.\n\nThe restriction of Latin hymns in Roman Catholic liturgical usage to a\nrelatively small number allows certain exceptions. The Benedictine and\nother religious orders use their own cycle of breviary hymns and\npresent-day Catholic hymnals in popular use often contain translations\nof hymns and sequences additional to those of the Roman Breviary and\nMissal.\n\nProtestant Churches are not limited in their selection of Latin hymns\nfor translation, making their choices from the entire medieval store.\nThe revival of Latin hymns in a translated form, which marked the Oxford\nMovement in the Anglican Church in the mid-nineteenth century, drew upon\nthe Sarum Breviary as one native to English soil and therefore\nappropriate to the English Church. That these hymns were largely\nrepresented in the Roman Breviary, was well-known but the earlier and\nunrevised texts were preferred. In his function as a translator, John\nMason Neale was preeminently a leader in the task of making known to the\nadherents of the Church of England their heritage of hymns.\n\nAn attempt was made at this time to perpetuate not only the words but\nthe Gregorian Chant as a suitable musical setting for the vernacular.\nHere the innovators were only partly successful and the chant, although\nenthusiastically employed at first was gradually abandoned in the\nEnglish Church as the sole musical vehicle for the Latin hymn in\ntranslation. Similarly Latin hymns have been taken over into other\nmodern languages by translators of Protestant as well as Catholic\nallegiance.\n\nIn the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the influence of Latin hymn\nmeters continued to be felt in vernacular hymnody. Metrical versions of\nthe Psalms made by Isaac Watts are often illustrative of old Latin forms\nwhich may also be recognized in his own hymns. This may not have been a\nconscious imitation of Latin originals for by this time hymn meters were\ningrained in English poetry, but merely an indirect reflection, for\nexample, of the Ambrosian model.\n\nMore subtle has been the influence in modern times of the most ancient\ncanons of hymnic expression; objective presentation of scriptural\nnarrative, doctrinal emphasis and a certain joyful austerity in the\npraise of God. During the three and a half centuries which have passed\nsince the era of the Protestant Reformation, the Christian hymn has\nexperienced a succession of literary movements, reflecting, for example,\nthe spirit of the Age of Reason and of the Romantic Era. Contemporary\nmusical evolution has, in turn, been vitally important to the growth of\nthe hymn as it has been mated with the melodies of the Genevan Psalter,\nthe chorales of Bach, the musical novelties of instrumental origin, the\nfolk song and latterly the native music of regions open to missionary\nenterprise.\n\nThroughout this varied experience the stream of medieval Latin hymnody\nhas continued its course. As an accompaniment of Roman Catholic worship\nthis was only to be expected. The conquest by the Latin hymn of areas\nbeyond the limits of the Roman Church is more significant. The most\nrecent hymnals of leading Protestant denominations, to which the Latin\nhymn in translation has made a modest but genuine contribution, bear\nwitness to the ageless character of this hymnody. Modern investigation\nof hymn sources, their origins, authorship and influence, has created\nthe study of documentary hymnology as it is known today. In the\nprocesses of this inquiry the medieval Latin hymn has been invested with\nnew interest in the minds of a multitude of worshipers, both Catholic\nand Protestant, who have hitherto been unaware of, or indifferent to,\ntheir common heritage.\n\n\n\n\n                           Illustrative Hymns\n\n\n                   I.    _Splendor paternae gloriae_\n\n1.   Splendor paternae gloriae,\n  De luce lucem proferens,\n  Lux lucis et fons luminis,\n  Dies dierum illuminans,\n\n1.   O Splendor of God\u2019s glory bright,\n  O Thou that bringest light from light,\n  O Light of light, light\u2019s living spring,\n  O Day, all days illumining;\n\n2.   Verusque sol illabere,\n  Micans nitore perpeti,\n  Iubarque sancti Spiritus\n  Infunde nostris sensibus.\n\n2.   O Thou true Sun, on us thy glance\n  Let fall in royal radiance,\n  The Spirit\u2019s sanctifying beam\n  Upon our earthly senses stream.\n\n3.   Votis vocemus et Patrem\u2014\n  Patrem perennis gloriae,\n  Patrem potentis gratiae\u2014\n  Culpam releget lubricam,\n\n3.   The Father, too, our prayers implore,\n  Father of glory evermore,\n  The Father of all grace and might,\n  To banish sin from our delight:\n\n4.   Informet actus strenuos,\n  Dentem retundat invidi,\n  Casus secundet asperos,\n  Donet gerendi gratiam.\n\n4.   To guide whate\u2019er we nobly do,\n  With love all envy to subdue,\n  To make all-fortune turn to fair,\n  And give us grace our wrongs to bear.\n\n5.   Mentem gubernet et regat,\n  Casto fideli corpore;\n  Fides calore ferveat,\n  Fraudis venena nesciat.\n\n5.   Our mind be in his keeping placed,\n  Our body true to him and chaste,\n  Where only Faith her fire shall feed\n  To burn the tares of Satan\u2019s seed.\n\n6.   Christusque nobis sit cibus,\n  Potusque noster sit fides;\n  Laeti bibamus sobriam\n  Ebrietatem Spiritus.\n\n6.   And Christ to us for food shall be,\n  From him our drink that welleth free,\n  The Spirit\u2019s wine, that maketh whole,\n  And mocking not, exalts the soul.\n\n7.   Laetus dies hic transeat,\n  Pudor sit ut diluculum,\n  Fides velut meridies,\n  Crepusculum mens nesciat.\n\n7.   Rejoicing may this day go hence,\n  Like virgin dawn our innocence.\n  Like fiery noon our faith appear,\n  Nor know the gloom of twilight drear.\n\n8.   Aurora cursus provehit,\n  Aurora totus prodeat,\n  In Patre totus Filius,\n  Et totus in Verbo Pater.\n\n8.   Morn in her rosy car is borne;\n  Let Him come forth our perfect Morn,\n  The Word in God the Father one,\n  The Father perfect in the Son.\n\n  Tr. Robert Bridges, from _The Yattendon Hymnal_ (edited by Robert\n  Bridges & H. Ellis Wooldridge) by permission of the Clarendon Press,\n  Oxford.\n\n\n                    II.    _Vexilla regis prodeunt_\n\n1.   Vexilla regis prodeunt,\n  Fulget crucis mysterium,\n  Quo carne carnis conditor\n  Suspensus est patibulo.\n\n1.   The banners of the king advance,\n  The cross with mystery doth flame,\n  And from the tree the Flesh of flesh,\n  Word Incarnate, hangs in shame.\n\n2.   Quo vulneratus insuper\n  Mucrone dirae lanceae,\n  Ut nos lavaret crimine,\n  Manavit unda, sanguine.\n\n2.   The lance\u2019s edge hath pierced His side,\n  O look on Him that for our good\n  Cleansed us of the stain of sin,\n  Washed out with water and with blood.\n\n3.   Inpleta sunt quae concinit\n  David fideli carmine,\n  Dicendo nationibus:\n  Regnavit a ligno Deus.\n\n3.   Now is fulfilled what was foretold\n  By David in prophetic song:\n  Suspended from the rood Our God\n  Will rule. To Him shall nations throng.\n\n4.   Arbor decora et fulgida,\n  Ornata regis purpura,\n  Electa digno stipite\n  Tam sancta membra tangere.\n\n4.   O glorious and radiant tree\n  In royal crimson richly decked,\n  His sacred limbs to touch and hold\n  Thee did our Lord, fair rood, elect.\n\n5.   Beata, cuius bracchiis\n  Pretium pependit saeculi.\n  Statera facta est corporis\n  Praedam tulitque tartari.\n\n5.   Thou blessed cross upon whose arms\n  The body of the Savior fell;\n  As with a balance thou didst weigh\n  The Christ that bore us out of Hell.\n\n6.   Fundis aroma cortice,\n  Vincis sapore nectare,\n  Iocunda fructu fertili\n  Plaudis triumpho nobili.\n\n6.   Thy wood is all a sweet perfume,\n  Thou art like nectar very sweet;\n  Rejoicing in thy fruit thou mak\u2019st\n  A perfect triumph more complete.\n\n7.   Salve ara, salve victima\n  De passionis gloria,\n  Qua vita mortem pertulit\n  Et morte vitam reddidit.\n\n7.   Altar and sacred victim, hail!\n  In thy passion is our glory.\n  Life from death thou bringest back,\n  Life in death shall be our story.\n\n8.   O crux ave, spes unica,\n  Hoc passionis tempore,\n  Auge piis iustitiam,\n  Reisque dona veniam.\n\n8.   Hail thou cross, O hail thou only\n  Hope that agony may win;\n  To believers bring salvation,\n  Take the sinner from his sin!\n\n  The 8th stanza is a later addition. Stanza 2 omitted.\n\n  Tr. Howard M. Jones (Allen, P. S., _The Romanesque Lyric_. Chapel\n  Hill, Un. of N. C. Press, 1928, p. 146-7. Quoted by permission of\n  publishers.)\n\n\n                    III.    _Aeterna Christi munera_\n\n1.   Aeterna Christi munera\n  Et martyrum victorias,\n  Laudes ferentes debitas\n  Laetis canamus mentibus.\n\n1.   The eternal gifts of Christ the King,\n  The Martyrs\u2019 glorious deeds we sing;\n  And while due hymns of praise we pay,\n  Our thankful hearts cast grief away.\n\n2.   Ecclesiarum principes,\n  Belli triumphales duces,\n  Caelestis aulae milites,\n  Et vera mundi lumina;\n\n2.   The Church in these her princes boasts,\n  These victor chiefs of warrior hosts;\n  The soldiers of the heavenly hall,\n  The lights that rose on earth for all.\n\n3.   Terrore victo saeculi,\n  Poenisque spretis corporis,\n  Mortis sacrae compendio\n  Vitam beatam possident.\n\n3.   The terrors of the world despised,\n  The body\u2019s torments lightly prized,\n  By one brief space of death and pain\n  Life everlasting they obtain.\n\n4.   Traduntur igni martyres\n  Et bestiarum dentibus;\n  Armata saevit ungulis\n  Tortoris insani manus.\n\n4.   To flames the Martyr Saints are hailed:\n  By teeth of savage beasts assailed;\n  Against them, armed with ruthless brand\n  And hooks of steel, their torturers stand.\n\n5.   Nudata pendent viscera,\n  Sanguis sacratus funditur,\n  Sed permanent immobiles\n  Vitae perennis gratia.\n\n5.   The mangled frame is tortured sore,\n  The holy life-drops freshly pour:\n  They stand unmoved amidst the strife,\n  By grace of everlasting life.\n\n6.   Devota sanctorum fides,\n  Invicta spes credentium,\n  Perfecta Christi caritas\n  Mundi triumphat principem.\n\n6.   \u2019Twas thus the yearning faith of saints,\n  The unconquered hope that never faints,\n  The love of Christ that knows not shame,\n  The Prince of this world overcame.\n\n7.   In his paterna gloria,\n  In his voluntas filii,\n  Exultat in his spiritus;\n  Caelum repletur gaudiis.\n\n7.   In these the Father\u2019s glory shone;\n  In these the will of God the Son;\n  In these exults the Holy Ghost;\n  Through these rejoice the heavenly host.\n\n8.   Te nunc, Redemptor, quaesumus,\n  Ut ipsorum consortio\n  Iungas precantes servulos\n  In sempiterna saecula.\n\n8.   Redeemer, hear us of thy love,\n  That, with the glorious band above,\n  Hereafter, of thine endless grace,\n  Thy servants also may have place.\n\n  Tr. John Mason Neale, _Hymnal Noted_.\n\n\n                IV.    _Nocte surgentes vigilemus omnes_\n\n1.   Nocte surgentes, vigilemus omnes,\n  Semper in psalmis meditemur, atque\n  Viribus totis Domino canamus\n          Dulciter hymnos.\n\n1.   Father, we praise thee, now the night is over,\n  Active and watchful, stand we all before thee;\n  Singing we offer prayer and meditation:\n          Thus we adore thee.\n\n2.   Ut pio regi pariter canentes\n  Cum suis sanctis mereamur aulam\n  Ingredi caeli, simul et beatam\n          Ducere vitam.\n\n2.   Monarch of all things, fit us for thy mansions;\n  Banish our weakness, health and wholeness sending;\n  Bring us to heaven, where thy Saints united\n          Joy without ending.\n\n3.   Praestet hoc nobis Deitas beata\n  Patris ac Nati pariterque sancti\n  Spiritus, cuius reboatur omni\n          Gloria mundo.\n\n3.   All-holy Father, Son and equal Spirit,\n  Trinity blessed, send us thy salvation;\n  Thine is the glory, gleaming and resounding\n          Through all creation.\n\n  Tr. Percy Dearmer, from _The English Hymnal_ by permission of the\n  Oxford University Press.\n\n\n                            V.    _Alleluia_\n\n1.   Alleluia piis edite laudibus,\n  Cives aetherei, psallite naviter\n    Alleluia perenne.\n\n1.   Sing alleluia forth in duteous praise,\n  Ye citizens of heav\u2019n; O sweetly raise\n    An endless alleluia.\n\n2.   Hinc vos perpetui luminis accola,\n  Assumet resonans hymniferis choris,\n    Alleluia perenne.\n\n2.   Ye powers who stand before th\u2019 Eternal Light,\n  In hymning choirs re-echo to the height\n    An endless alleluia.\n\n3.   Vos urbs eximia suscipiet Dei,\n  Quae laetis resonans cantibus excitat\n    Alleluia perenne.\n\n3.   The Holy City shall take up your strain,\n  And with glad songs resounding wake again\n    An endless alleluia.\n\n4.   Felici reditu gaudia sumite\n  Reddentes Domino glorificos melos,\n    Alleluia perenne.\n\n4.   In blissful antiphons ye thus rejoice\n  To render to the Lord with thankful voice\n    An endless alleluia.\n\n5.   Almum sidereae iam patriae decus\n  Victores capitis, quo canor est iugis\n    Alleluia perenne.\n\n5.   Ye who have gained at length your palms in bliss,\n  Victorious ones, your chant shall still be this,\n    An endless alleluia.\n\n6.   Illic regis honor vocibus inclitis\n  Iucunda reboat carmina perpetim\n    Alleluia perenne.\n\n6.   There, in one glad acclaim, forever ring\n  The strains which tell the honour of your king,\n    An endless alleluia.\n\n  Stanzas 7, 8, 9 omitted.\n\n  Tr. John Ellerton\n\n\n                         VI.    _Sancti venite_\n\n1.   Sancti venite, Christi corpus sumite,\n  Sanctum bibentes, quo redempti sanguinem.\n\n1.   Draw nigh, and take the Body of the Lord,\n  And drink the Holy Blood for you outpoured.\n\n2.   Salvati Christi corpore et sanguine,\n  A quo refecti laudes dicamus Deo.\n\n2.   Saved by that Body, hallowed by that Blood,\n  Whereby refreshed, we render thanks to God.\n\n3.   Hoc sacramento corporis et sanguinis\n  Omnes exuti ab inferni faucibus.\n\n3.   Salvation\u2019s Giver, Christ the Only Son;\n  By that His Cross and Blood the victory won.\n\n4.   Dator salutis, Christus filius Dei,\n  Mundum salvavit per crucem et sanguinem.\n\n4.   Offered was He for greatest and for least:\n  Himself the Victim, and Himself the Priest.\n\n5.   Pro universis immolatus Dominus\n  Ipse sacerdos exstitit et hostia.\n\n5.   Victims were offered by the Law of old,\n  That, in a type, celestial mysteries told.\n\n6.   Lege praeceptum immolari hostias,\n  Qua adumbrantur divina mysteria.\n\n6.   He, Ransomer from death and Light from shade,\n  Giveth His holy grace His Saints to aid.\n\n7.   Lucis indultor et salvator omnium\n  Praeclaram sanctis largitus est gratiam.\n\n7.   Approach ye then with faithful hearts sincere,\n  And take the safeguard of salvation here.\n\n8.   Accedant omnes pura mente creduli,\n  Sumant aeternam salutis custodiam.\n\n8.   He That in this world rules His Saints, and shields,\n  To all believers Life Eternal yields:\n\n9.   Sanctorum custos, rector quoque, Dominus,\n  Vitae perennis largitor credentibus.\n\n9.   With Heavenly Bread makes them that hunger whole;\n  Gives Living Waters to the thirsty soul.\n\n10.   Caelestem panem dat esurientibus,\n  De fonte vivo praebet sitientibus.\n\n11.   Alpha et omega ipse Christus Dominus\n  Venit, venturus iudicare homines.\n\n10.   Alpha and Omega, to Whom shall bow\n  All nations at the Doom, is with us now.\n\n  Tr. John Mason Neale, _Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences_, London.\n  Masters, 1867, p. 13.\n\n  Neale omits Latin stanza 3.\n\n\n                       VII.    _Ave maris stella_\n\n1.   Ave maris stella,\n  Dei mater alma\n  Atque semper virgo,\n  Felix caeli porta.\n\n1.   Hail, Sea-star we name thee,\n  Ever-maid acclaim thee,\n  God His Mother, Portal\n  To the life immortal.\n\n2.   Sumens illud Ave\n  Gabrielis ore\n  Funda nos in pace,\n  Mutans nomen Evae.\n\n2.   Ave was the token\n  By the Angel spoken:\n  Peace on earth it telleth,\n  Eva\u2019s name re-spelleth.\n\n3.   Solve vincla reis,\n  Profer lumen caecis,\n  Mala nostra pelle,\n  Bona cuncta posce.\n\n3.   Free the worldly-minded\n  Luminate the blinded,\n  Every ill repressing,\n  Win us every blessing.\n\n4.   Monstra te esse matrem,\n  Sumat per te preces,\n  Qui pro nobis natus\n  Tulit esse tuus.\n\n4.   Plead, and play the Mother!\n  He will, and no other,\n  Born for our salvation,\n  Hear thy supplication.\n\n5.   Virgo singularis,\n  Inter omnes mitis,\n  Nos culpis solutos\n  Mites fac et castos.\n\n5.   Maiden meek and lowly,\n  Singularly holy,\n  Loose the sins that chain us;\n  Sanctify, sustain us.\n\n6.   Vitam praesta puram,\n  Iter para tutum,\n  Ut videntes Iesum\n  Semper collaetemur.\n\n6.   Help us live in pureness,\n  Smooth our way with sureness,\n  Till we also eye Thee,\n  Jesu, ever nigh Thee.\n\n7.   Sit laus Deo Patri,\n  Summo Christo decus,\n  Spiritui Sancto:\n  Tribus honor unus.\n\n7.   Doxology.\n\n  Tr. G. R. Woodward\n\n\n               VIII.    _Ut queant laxis resonare fibris_\n                         (St. John the Baptist)\n\n1.   Ut queant laxis resonare fibris\n  Mira gestorum famuli tuorum,\n  Solve polluti labii reatum,\n      Sancte Ioannes.\n\n1.   In flowing measures worthily to sing\n  The wonders which of old by thee were done,\n  To lips unclean let Heaven remission bring,\n      O Holy John!\n\n2.   Nuntius celso veniens Olympo,\n  Te patri magnum fore nasciturum,\n  Nomen et vitae seriem gerendae\n      Ordine promit.\n\n2.   From highest Heaven a herald sent to earth\n  Thy future greatness to thy father told;\n  Thy name and life in order from thy birth\n      Entire unrolled.\n\n3.   Ille promissi dubius superni,\n  Perdidit promptae modulos loquelae,\n  Sed reformasti genitus peremptae\n      Organa vocis.\n\n3.   Yet doubting of the promise of his Lord\n  His palsied tongue of language lost the power;\n  By thee was all his faltering speech restored\n      Thy natal hour.\n\n4.   Ventris obtruso recubans cubili,\n  Senseras regem thalamo manentem,\n  Hinc parens nati meritis uterque\n      Abdita pandit.\n\n4.   Thou didst within the narrow womb discern\n  The King in that his chamber lie concealed;\n  Each parent her Son\u2019s dignity in turn\n      To each revealed.\n\n5.   Sit decus Patri, genitaeque Proli,\n  Et tibi, compar utriusque virtus,\n  Spiritus semper, Deus unus, omni\n      Temporis aevo.\n\n5.   Now whilst Heaven\u2019s citizens proclaim thy praise\n  God ever One and yet coequal Three\n  For pardon we our suppliant voices raise\n      Redeemed by Thee!\n\n  Tr. J. D. Chambers. Stanzas 6-13 omitted.\n\n\n                     IX.    _Veni creator spiritus_\n\n1.   Veni creator Spiritus\n  Mentes tuorum visita,\n  Imple superna gratia,\n  Quae tu creasti pectora.\n\n1.   Creator-spirit, all-Divine,\n  Come, visit every soul of thine,\n  And fill with thy celestial flame\n  The hearts which thou thyself didst frame.\n\n2.   Qui Paraclitus diceris,\n  Donum Dei altissimi,\n  Fons vivus, ignis, caritas,\n  Et spiritalis unctio.\n\n2.   O gift of God, thine is the sweet\n  Consoling name of Paraclete\u2014\n  And spring of life and fire and love\n  And unction flowing from above.\n\n3.   Tu septiformis munere,\n  Dextrae Dei tu digitus,\n  Tu rite promisso Patris\n  Sermone ditas guttura.\n\n3.   The mystic sevenfold gifts are thine,\n  Finger of God\u2019s right hand divine;\n  The Father\u2019s promise sent to teach\n  The tongue a rich and heavenly speech.\n\n4.   Accende lumen sensibus,\n  Infunde amorem cordibus,\n  Infirma nostri corporis\n  Virtute firmans perpeti.\n\n4.   Kindle with fire brought from above\n  Each sense, and fill our hearts with love;\n  And grant our flesh, so weak and frail,\n  The strength of thine which cannot fail.\n\n5.   Hostem repellas longius,\n  Pacemque dones protinus,\n  Ductore sic te praevio\n  Vitemus omne noxium.\n\n5.   Drive far away our deadly foe,\n  And grant us thy true peace to know;\n  So we, led by thy guidance still,\n  May safely pass through every ill.\n\n6.   Da gaudiorum praemia,\n  Da gratiarum munera,\n  Dissolve litis vincula,\n  Adstringe pacis foedera.\n\n6.   To us, through Thee, the grace be shown\n  To know the Father and the Son;\n  And Spirit of them both, may we\n  Forever rest our faith in Thee.\n\n7.   Per te sciamus, da, Patrem,\n  Noscamus atque Filium,\n  Te utriusque Spiritum\n  Credamus omni tempore.\n\n7.   To Sire and Son be praises meet,\n  And to the Holy Paraclete;\n  And may Christ send us from above\n  That Holy Spirit\u2019s gift of love.\n\n8.   Sit laus Patri cum Filio,\n  Sancto simul Paraclito,\n  Nobisque mittat Filius\n  Charisma sancti Spiritus.\n\n  Tr. J. A. Aylward\n\n\n                     X.    _Deus immensa trinitas_\n                     (Mozarabic, Common of Saints)\n\n1.   Deus, immensa trinitas,\n  Unita semper gloria,\n  Pater, Christe, Paraclite,\n  Rerum invicte Domine.\n\n1.   O glorious immensity\n  And one eternal Trinity,\n  Father and Comforter and Word,\n  Of all that is, unconquered Lord,\n\n2.   Qui largitatem muneris\n  Quo praestasti martyri,\n  Cuius festa votissima,\n  Quam celebramus hodie.\n\n2.   The saint for whom our chants of praise\n  Consenting on this feast we raise,\n  With princely guerdons thou didst bless:\n  Thy crown, thy palm, thy happiness.\n\n3.   Tormenta qui saevissima\n  Ac varia supplicia\n  Victrice tua dextera\n  Mente robusta pertulit.\n\n3.   In tortures, great and cruel pain\n  Thou didst with thy right hand sustain\n  Thy servant, who with steadfast heart\n  Bore the tormentor\u2019s every art.\n\n4.   Huius, adclines, Domine,\n  Te deprecamur, precibus,\n  Aetherea consortia,\n  Celsa dona fastigia.\n\n4.   Thy gracious ear, O Christ divine,\n  Unto thy servant\u2019s prayer incline,\n  To whom thy fairest gifts are given\n  Within the gracious halls of heaven.\n\n5.   Qui princeps esse principum\n  Rex mysticus agnosceris,\n  Agnita nostra crimina\n  Large dele clementia.\n\n5.   Thee Prince of Princes, we proclaim,\n  The King that bears the mystic name:\n  Blot out in thy great love, we pray,\n  The sins that mar this holy day.\n\n6.   Adventus ut cum fulgidus\n  Tuus, Christe, patuerit,\n  Tuo ducante martyre\n  Laeti pergamus obviam.\n\n6.   That so when Thou shalt come again,\n  O Christ, in light, on earth to reign,\n  Led by thy martyr, we may dare\n  To rise to meet thee in the air.\n\n7.   (added)\n  Deo Patri sit gloria\n  Eiusque soli Filio\n  Cum Spiritu Paraclito\n  Et nunc et omne saeculum.\n\n7.   (added)\n  To God the Father glory be,\n  And God the Son eternally,\n  With God the Holy Paraclete\n  Through endless ages, as is meet.\n\n  Tr. Alan G. Mcdougall (_Pange Lingua_ _etc._, Burns, Oates &\n  Washbourne, London, 1916. p. 71. Quoted by permission of publishers.)\n\n\n              XI.    _Sancti spiritus assit nobis gratia_\n\n1.   Sancti spiritus assit nobis gratia,\n\n1.   The grace of the Holy Ghost be present with us;\n\n2.   Quae corda nostra sibi faciat habitaculum\n\n2.   And make our hearts a dwelling place to itself;\n\n3.   Expulsis inde cunctis vitiis spiritalibus.\n\n3.   And expel from them all spiritual wickedness.\n\n4.   Spiritus alme, illustrator hominum,\n\n4.   Merciful Spirit, Illuminator of men,\n\n5.   Horridas nostrae mentis purga tenebras.\n\n5.   Purge the fearful shades of our mind.\n\n6.   Amator sancte sensatorum semper cogitatuum,\n\n6.   O holy Lover of thoughts that are ever wise,\n\n7.   Infunde unctionem tuam clemens nostris sensibus.\n\n7.   Of Thy mercy pour forth Thine Anointing into our senses.\n\n8.   Tu purificator omnium flagitiorum spiritus,\n\n8.   Thou purifier of all iniquities, O Spirit,\n\n9.   Purifica nostri oculum interioris hominis,\n\n9.   Purify the eye of our inner man,\n\n10.   Ut videri supremus genitor possit a nobis,\n\n10.   To the end that the Father of all things may be seen by us,\n\n11.   Mundi cordis quem soli cernere possunt oculi.\n\n11.   He, Whom the eyes of none save the pure in heart can behold.\n\n12.   Prophetas tu inspirasti, ut praeconia Christi praecinuissent\n              inclita;\n\n12.   Thou didst inspire the Prophets to chant aforehand their glorious\n              heralding of Christ.\n\n13.   Apostolos confortasti, uti tropaeum Christi per totum mundum\n              veherent.\n\n13.   Thou didst confirm the Apostles, so that they shall bear Christ\u2019s\n              glorious trophy through the whole world.\n\n14.   Quando machinam per verbum suum fecit Deus caeli, terrae, marium,\n\n14.   When by His Word, God made the system of heaven, earth, seas,\n\n15.   Tu super aquas foturus eas numen tuum expandisti, spiritus.\n\n15.   Thou didst stretch out Thy Godhead over the waters, and didst\n              cherish them, O Spirit!\n\n16.   Tu animabus vivificandis aquas fecundas;\n\n16.   Thou didst give virtue to the waters to quicken souls;\n\n17.   Tu aspirando das spiritales esse homines.\n\n17.   Thou, by Thine Inspiration, grantest to men to be spiritual.\n\n18.   Tu divisum per linguas mundum et ritus adunasti, Domine;\n\n18.   Thou didst unite the world, divided into tongues and rites, O\n              Lord!\n\n19.   Idolatras ad cultum Dei revocas, magistrorum optime.\n\n19.   Thou recallest idolaters to the worship of God, best of Masters!\n\n20.   Ergo nos supplicantes tibi exaudi propitius, sancte spiritus,\n\n20.   Wherefore of Thy mercy hear us who call upon Thee, Holy Ghost:\n\n21.   Sine quo preces omnes cassae creduntur et indignae Dei auribus.\n\n21.   Without Whom, as the faith teaches, all our prayers are in vain,\n              and unworthy of the ears of God,\n\n22.   Tu, qui omnium saeculorum sanctos Tui numinis docuisti instinctu\n              amplectendo, spiritus,\n\n22.   Thou, O Spirit, who by embracing the Saints of all ages, dost\n              teach them by the impulse of Thy Divinity;\n\n23.   Ipse hodie apostolos Christi donans munere insolito et cunctis\n              inaudito saeculis\n\n23.   Thyself, by bestowing upon the Apostles of Christ a gift immortal,\n              and unheard of from all ages,\n\n24.   Hunc diem gloriosum fecisti.\n\n24.   Hast made this day glorious.\n\n  Tr. John Mason Neale, _Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences_, London.\n  Masters, 1867, p. 29.\n\n\n            XII.    _Cantemus cuncti melodum nunc Alleluia_\n\n1.   Cantemus cuncti melodum nunc,\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n1.   The strain upraise of joy and praise,\n          Alleluia.\n\n2.   In laudibus aeterni regis\n    haec plebs resultet\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n2.   To the glory of their King\n  Shall the ransomed people sing\n          Alleluia.\n\n3.   Hoc denique caelestes chori\n    cantant in altum\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n3.   And the Choirs that dwell on high\n  Shall re-echo through the sky\n          Alleluia.\n\n4.   Hoc beatorum\n    per prata paradisiaca\n    psallat concentus\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n4.   They through the fields of Paradise that roam,\n  The blessed ones, repeat that bright home\n          Alleluia.\n\n5.   Quin et astrorum\n    micantia luminaria\n    iubilant altum\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n5.   The planets glitt\u2019ring on their heavenly way,\n  The shining constellations, join, and say\n          Alleluia.\n\n6.   Nubium cursus,\n    ventorum volatus,\n    fulgurum coruscatio\n    et tonitruum sonitus\n    dulce consonent simul\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n6.   Ye clouds that onward sweep!\n  Ye winds on pinions light!\n  Ye thunders, echoing loud and deep!\n  Ye lightnings, wildly bright!\n  In sweet consent unite your\n          Alleluia.\n\n7.   Fluctus et undae,\n    imber et procellae,\n    tempestas et serenitas,\n    cauma, gelu, nix, pruinae,\n    saltus, nemora pangant\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n7.   Ye floods and ocean billows!\n  Ye storms and winter snow!\n  Ye days of cloudless beauty!\n  Hoar frost and summer glow!\n  Ye groves that wave in spring,\n  And glorious forests, sing\n          Alleluia.\n\n8.   Hinc, variae volucres,\n    creatorem\n  laudibus concinite cum\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n8.   First let the birds, with painted plummage gay,\n  Exalt their great Creator\u2019s praise, and say\n          Alleluia.\n\n9.   Ast illinc respondeant\n    voces altae\n    diversarum bestiarum\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n9.   Then let the beasts of earth, with varying strain,\n  Join in Creation\u2019s Hymn, and cry again\n          Alleluia.\n\n10.   Istinc montium\n    celsi vertices sonent\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n10.   Here let the mountains thunder forth, sonorous,\n    Alleluia\n  There let the valleys sing in gentler chorus,\n          Alleluia.\n\n11.   Illinc vallium\n    profunditates saltent\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n11.   Thou jubilant abyss of ocean, cry\n          Alleluia.\n  Ye tracts of earth and continents, reply\n          Alleluia.\n\n12.   Tu quoque, maris\n    iubilans abysse, dic\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n12.   To God, Who all Creation made,\n  The frequent hymn be duly paid:\n          Alleluia.\n\n13.   Necnon terrarum\n    molis immensitates:\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n13.   This is the strain, the eternal strain, the Lord of all things\n              loves:\n          Alleluia.\n  This is the song, the heav\u2019nly song, that Christ Himself approves:\n          Alleluia.\n\n14.   Nunc omne genus\n  humanum laudans exsultet\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n14.   Wherefore we sing, both heart and voice awaking,\n          Alleluia.\n  And children\u2019s voices echo, answer making,\n          Alleluia.\n\n15.   Et creatori\n  grates frequentans consonet\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n15.   Now from all men be outpour\u2019d\n  Alleluia to the Lord;\n  With Alleluia evermore\n  The Son and Spirit we adore.\n\n16.   Hoc denique nomen audire\n    iugiter delectatur\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n16.   Praise be done to Three in One.\n    Alleluia! Alleluia! Alleluia! Alleluia!\n\n17.   Hoc etiam carmen caeleste\n    comprobat ipse Christus\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n18.   Nunc vos, O socii,\n    cantate laetantes\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n19.   Et vos, pueruli,\n    respondete semper\n    _Alleluia_.\n\n20.   Nunc omnes canite simul\n    _Alleluia_ Domino,\n    _Alleluia_ Christo\n    Pneumatique _Alleluia_.\n\n21.   Laus trinitati aeternae:\n    _Alleluia, Alleluia,_\n    _Alleluia, Alleluia,_\n    _Alleluia, Alleluia._\n\n  Tr. John Mason Neale, _Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences_, London.\n  Masters, 1867, p. 43.\n\n  Stanzas 10-13 translate Latin 10-21.\n\n\n                    XIII.    _Heri mundus exultavit_\n\n1.   Heri mundus exultavit,\n  Et exultans celebravit\n  Christi natalitia:\n  Heri chorus angelorum\n  Prosecutus est caelorum\n  Regem cum laetitia.\n\n1.   Yesterday, with exultation\n  Joined the world in celebration\n    Of her promis\u2019d Saviour\u2019s birth;\n  Yesterday the Angel nation\n  Pour\u2019d the strains of jubilation\n    O\u2019er the Monarch born on earth.\n\n2.   Protomartyr et Levita,\n  Clarus fide, clarus vita,\n  Clarus et miraculis,\n  Sub hac luce triumphavit,\n  Et triumphans insultavit\n  Stephanus incredulis.\n\n2.   But to-day, o\u2019er death victorious,\n  By His faith and actions glorious,\n    By His miracles renown\u2019d,\n  Dared the Deacon Protomartyr\n  Earthly life for Heav\u2019n to barter,\n    Faithful midst the faithless found.\n\n3.   Fremunt ergo tanquam ferae,\n  Quia victi defecere\n  Lucis victi adversarii:\n  Falsos testes statuunt,\n  Et linguas exacuunt\n  Viperarum filii.\n\n3.   In a hopeless strife engaging,\n  They like savage beasts are raging,\n    Adversaries of the light;\n  False the witnesses they set;\n  Tongues like swords the rabble whet,\n    Viper brood of darkest night.\n\n4.   Agonista, nulli cede;\n  Certa certus de mercede,\n  Perservera, Stephane:\n  Insta falsis testibus,\n  Confuta sermonibus\n  Synagogam Satanae.\n\n4.   Forward, champion, in thy quarrel!\n  Certain of a certain laurel,\n    Holy Stephen, persevere!\n  Perjur\u2019d witnesses confounding\n  Satan\u2019s Synagogue astounding\n    By thy doctrine true and clear.\n\n5.   Testis tuus est in caelis,\n  Testis verax et fidelis,\n  Testis innocentiae.\n  Nomen habes coronati,\n  Te tormenta decet pati\n  Pro corona gloriae.\n\n5.   Lo! in Heaven thy Witness liveth:\n  Bright and faithful proof He giveth\n    Of His Martyr\u2019s blamelessness:\n  Thou by name a Crown impliest;\n  Meetly then in pangs thou diest\n    For the Crown of Righteousness!\n\n6.   Pro corona non marcenti\n  Perfer brevis vim tormenti,\n  Te manet victoria.\n  Tibi fiet mors, natalis,\n  Tibi poena terminalis\n  Dat vitae primordia.\n\n6.   For a crown that fadeth never,\n  Bear the torturer\u2019s brief endeavour;\n    Victory waits to end the strife:\n  Death shall be thy birth\u2019s beginning,\n  And life\u2019s losing be the winning\n    Of the true and better Life.\n\n7.   Plenus Sancto Spiritu\n  Penetrat intuitu\n  Stephanus caelestia.\n  Videns Dei gloriam\n  Crescit ad victoriam,\n  Suspirat ad praemia.\n\n7.   Whom the Holy Ghost endueth,\n  Whom celestial sight embueth,\n    Stephen penetrates the skies;\n  There God\u2019s fullest glory viewing\n  There his victor strength renewing\n    For his near reward he sighs.\n\n8.   En a dextris Dei stantem\n  Iesum, pro te dimicantem,\n  Stephane, considera.\n  Tibi caelos reserari,\n  Tibi Christum revelari\n  Clama voce libera.\n\n8.   See, as Jewish foes invade thee,\n  See how Jesus stands to aid thee!\n    Stands to guard His champion\u2019s death:\n  Cry that opened Heaven is shown thee:\n  Cry that Jesus waits to own thee:\n    Cry it with thy latest breath!\n\n9.   Se commendat Salvatori,\n  Pro quo dulce ducit mori\n  Sub ipsis lapidibus.\n  Saulus servat omnium\n  Vestes lapidantium,\n  Lapidans in omnibus.\n\n9.   On his Saviour\u2019s aid relying,\n  Sweet to him the pain of dying,\n    \u2019Neath the fearful rain of stone:\n  Paul amidst the stoning throng,\n  Guarding garments, makes the wrong\n    Of the angry Jews his own.\n\n10.   Ne peccatum statuatur\n  His, a quibus lapidatur,\n  Genu ponit et precatur,\n  Condolens insaniae:\n  In Christo sic obdormivit,\n  Qui Christo sic obedivit,\n  Et cum Christo semper vivit,\n  Martyrum primitiae.\n\n10.   As the dying Martyr kneeleth,\n  For his murderers he appealeth,\n  And his prayer their pardon sealeth,\n    For their madness grieving sore;\n  Then in Christ he sleepeth sweetly,\n  Who His pattern kept completely,\n    Martyr first-fruits, evermore!\n\n  Tr. John Mason Neale, _Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences_, London.\n              Masters, 1867, p. 134.\n\n  St. 3, tr. Stephen A. Hurlbut. Quoted by permission of author. Stanzas\n              11, 12 omitted.\n\n\n                   XIV.    _Ad perennis vitae fontem_\n\n1.   Ad perennis vitae fontem mens sitivit arida;\n  Claustra carnis praesto frangi clausa quaerit anima:\n  Gliscit, ambit, eluctatur exul frui patria.\n\n1.   To the fount of life eternal cries the soul with longing thirst,\n  And the spirit, flesh-imprisoned, seeks the bars of flesh to burst;\n  Strives to gain that heavenly country, exiled now and sin-accurst.\n\n2.   Dum pressuris ac aerumnis se gemit obnoxiam,\n  Quam amisit, dum deliquit, contemplatur gloriam,\n  Praesens malum auget boni perditi memoriam.\n\n2.   Sore beset with care and danger, groans the spirit for release,\n  Still beholds, though lost in Eden, glory forfeited and peace;\n  Former good, in memory dwelling, doth the present ill increase.\n\n3.   Nam quis promat summae pacis quanta sit laetitia,\n  Ubi vivis margaritis surgunt aedificia,\n  Auro celsa micant tecta, radiant triclinia?\n\n3.   Who can tell how great the joy of that Peace surpassing all,\n  Where of living pearls constructed rise the stately buildings tall,\n  Where with gold the rooftree glitters, shines with gold the\n              banquet-hall.\n\n4.   Solis gemmis pretiosis haec structura nectitur;\n  Auro mundo, tamquam vitro, urbis via sternitur;\n  Abest limus, deest fimus, lues nulla cernitur.\n\n4.   All of precious stones compacted rise those structures of delight;\n  Purest gold as crystal shining paves the heavenly city bright;\n  Never mire nor filth defiling stains the streets of radiant light.\n\n5.   Hiems horrens, aestas torrens illic numquam saeviunt;\n  Flos perpetuus rosarum ver agit perpetuum;\n  Candent lilia, rubescit crocus, sudat balsamum.\n\n5.   Chilling winter, burning summer, neither rages in that land,\n  But the crimson bloom of roses doth an endless spring demand;\n  White the lilies, red the crocus, fragrant doth the balsam stand.\n\n6.   Virent prata, vernant sata, rivi mellis influunt;\n  Pigmentorum spirat odor, liquor et aromatum;\n  Pendent poma floridorum non lapsura nemorum.\n\n6.   Green the pastures, flower-besprinkled, fed by streams with honey\n              filled;\n  All the air is sweet with incense from the odorous herbs distilled;\n  Never fails the ripened fruitage, nor is bloom by winter chilled.\n\n7.   Non alternat luna vices, sol, vel cursus siderum;\n  Agnus est felicis urbis lumen inocciduum;\n  Nox et tempus desunt ei, diem fert continuum.\n\n7.   Waxeth not the moon nor waneth, need not sun or stars to be,\n  But the Lamb in that blest city shines a Sun eternally;\n  There the daylight is unbroken, night and time have ceased to be.\n\n8.   Nam et sancti quique velut sol praeclarus rutilant;\n  Post triumphum coronati mutuo coniubilant,\n  Et prostrati pugnas hostis iam securi numerant.\n\n8.   Shine the blessed with a splendor like the splendor of the sun;\n  Crowned in triumph stand they singing that the race of life is run;\n  Now secure, they count the glories of the contest they have won.\n\n9.   Omni labe defaecati carnis bella nesciunt,\n  Caro facta spiritalis et mens unum sentiunt;\n  Pace multa perfruentes scandalum non perferunt.\n\n9.   Cleansed from every stain of evil, they from carnal strife are\n              free;\n  Flesh made spirit, with the spirit doth for evermore agree,\n  There, released from all temptation, they shall Peace unbroken see.\n\n20.   Probes vires inexhausto laboranti proelio,\n  Nec quietem post procinctum deneges emerito,\n  Te que merear potiri sine fine praemio!\n\n20.   Strength supply, in heat or conflict, ceaseless struggle to\n              maintain;\n  Grant thy servant, warfare ended, well-deserved rest to gain;\n  Grant that I, Thyself deserving, may Thyself as prize attain!\n\n  Tr. Stephen A. Hurlbut. Quoted by permission of author.\n\n\n                    XV.    _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem_\n\n1.   Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem,\n  Lauda ducem et pastorem\n  In hymnis et canticis:\n  Quantum potes, tantum aude,\n  Quia maior omni laude,\n  Nec laudare sufficis.\n\n1.   Praise, O Sion, praise thy Saviour,\n  Shepherd, Prince, with glad behavior,\n    Praise in hymn and canticle:\n  Sing His glory without measure,\n  For the merit of your treasure\n    Never shall your praises fill.\n\n2.   Laudis thema specialis,\n  Panis vivus et vitalis\n  Hodie proponitur;\n  Quem in sacrae mensa cenae\n  Turbae fratrum duodenae\n  Datum non ambigitur.\n\n2.   Wondrous theme of mortal singing,\n  Living bread and bread life-bringing,\n    Sing we on this joyful day:\n  At the Lord\u2019s own table given\n  To the twelve as bread from heaven,\n    Doubting not we firmly say.\n\n3.   Sit laus plena, sit sonora\n  Sit iucunda, sit decora\n  Mentis iubilatio:\n  Namque dies est sollemnis\n  Qua recolitur perennis\n  Mensae institutio.\n\n3.   Sing His praise with voice sonorous;\n  Every heart shall hear the chorus\n    Swell in melody sublime:\n  For this day the Shepherd gave us\n  Flesh and blood to feed and save us,\n    Lasting to the end of time.\n\n4.   In hac mensa novi Regis\n  Novum pascha novae legis\n  Phase vetus terminat:\n  Iam vetustas novitati,\n  Umbra cedit veritati,\n  Noctem lux eliminat.\n\n4.   At the new King\u2019s sacred table,\n  The new law\u2019s new pasch is able\n    To succeed the ancient rite:\n  Old to new its place hath given,\n  Truth has far the shadows driven,\n    Darkness flees before the Light.\n\n5.   Quod in cena Christus gessit,\n  Faciendum hoc expressit\n  In sui memoriam:\n  Docti sacris institutis,\n  Panem, vinum in salutis\n  Consecramus hostiam.\n\n5.   And as He hath done and planned it\u2014\n  \u201cDo this\u201d\u2014hear His love command it,\n    \u201cFor a memory of me.\u201d\n  Learn\u00e8d, Lord, in thy own science,\n  Bread and wine, in sweet compliance,\n    As a Host we offer Thee.\n\n6.   Dogma datur Christianis,\n  Quod in carnem transit panis,\n  Et vinum in sanguinem:\n  Quod non capis, quod non vides,\n  Animosa firmat fides,\n  Praeter rerum ordinem.\n\n6.   Thus in faith the Christian heareth:\n  That Christ\u2019s flesh as bread appeareth,\n    And as wine His precious blood:\n  Though we feel it not nor see it,\n  Living faith that doth decree it\n    All defects of sense makes good.\n\n7.   Sub diversis speciebus,\n  Signis tamen et non rebus,\n  Latent res eximiae:\n  Caro cibus, sanguis potus,\n  Manet tamen Christus totus\n  Sub utraque specie.\n\n7.   Lo! beneath the species dual\n  (Signs not things), is hid a jewel\n    Far beyond creation\u2019s reach!\n  Though His flesh as food abideth,\n  And His blood as drink\u2014He hideth\n    Undivided under each.\n\n8.   A sumente non concisus,\n  Non confractus, non divisus,\n  Integer accipitur:\n  Sumit unus, sumunt mille,\n  Quantum isti, tantum ille,\n  Nec sumptus consumitur.\n\n8.   Whoso eateth it can never\n  Break the Body, rend or sever;\n    Christ entire our hearts doth fill:\n  Thousands eat the bread of heaven,\n  Yet as much to one is given:\n    Christ, though eaten, bideth still.\n\n9.   Sumunt boni, sumunt mali,\n  Sorte tamen inaequali\n  Vitae, vel interitus:\n  Mors est malis, vita bonis:\n  Vide, paris sumptionis\n  Quam sit dispar exitus!\n\n9.   Good and bad, they come to greet Him:\n  Unto life the former eat Him,\n    And the latter unto death;\n  These find death and those find heaven;\n  See, from the same life-seed given,\n    How the harvest differeth!\n\n10.   Fracto demum sacramento\n  Ne vacilles, sed memento\n  Tantum esse sub fragmento,\n  Quantum toto tegitur;\n  Nulla rei fit scissura,\n  Signi tantum fit fractura,\n  Qua nec status, nec statura\n  Signati minuitur.\n\n10.   When at last the bread is broken,\n  Doubt not what the Lord hath spoken:\n  In each part the same love-token,\n    The same Christ, our hearts adore:\n  For no power the thing divideth\u2014\n  \u2019Tis the symbols He provideth,\n  While the Saviour still abideth\n    Undiminished as before.\n\n11.   Ecce, panis angelorum\n  Factus cibus viatorum,\n  Vere panis filiorum,\n  Non mittendus canibus;\n  In figuris praesignatur,\n  Cum Isaac immolatur,\n  Agnus paschae deputatur,\n  Datur manna patribus.\n\n11.   Hail, angelic bread of heaven,\n  Now the pilgrim\u2019s hoping-leaven,\n  Yea, the bread to children given\n    That to dogs must not be thrown:\n  In the figures contemplated,\n  \u2019Twas with Isaac immolated,\n  By the Lamb \u2019twas antedated,\n    In the manna it was known.\n\n12.   Bone pastor, panis vere,\n  Iesu, nostri miserere,\n  Tu nos pasce, nos tuere,\n  Tu nos bona fac videre\n  In terra viventium.\n  Tu qui cuncta scis et vales,\n  Qui nos pascis hic mortales,\n  Tuos ibi commensales,\n  Cohaeredes et sodales\n  Fac sanctorum civium.\n\n  12, O Good Shepherd, still confessing\n  Love, in spite of our transgressing,\u2014\n  Here Thy blessed food possessing,\n  Make us share Thine every blessing\n    In the land of life and love:\n  Thou, whose power hath all completed\n  And Thy flesh as food hath meted,\n  Make us, at Thy table seated,\n  By Thy saints, as friends be greeted,\n    In Thy paradise above.\n\n  Tr. H. T. Henry (_Eucharistica_, Dolphin Press, Phila., 1912, p.\n  39-43. Quoted by permission of publishers.)\n\n\n                    XVI.    _Stabat mater dolorosa_\n\n1.   Stabat mater dolorosa\n  Iuxta crucem lacrimosa,\n  Dum pendebat filius,\n  Cuius animam gementem,\n  Contristantem et dolentem\n  Pertransivit gladius.\n\n1.   By the Cross her vigil keeping\n  Stands the Queen of sorrows weeping,\n    While her son in torment hangs;\n  Now she feels\u2014O heart afflicted\n  By the sword of old predicted!\u2014\n    More than all a mother\u2019s pangs.\n\n2.   O quam tristis et afflicta\n  Fuit illa benedicta\n  Mater unigeniti,\n  Quae maerebat et dolebat\n  Et tremebat, dum videbat\n  Nati poenas inclyti.\n\n2.   Sad and heavy stands beside him\n  She who once had magnified him\n    One\u2014begotten, only\u2014born;\n  While she sees that rich atoning,\n  Long the moaning, deep the groaning\n    Of her mother\u2014heart forlorn.\n\n3.   Quis est homo, qui non fleret,\n  Matrem Christi si videret,\n  In tanto supplicio?\n  Quis non posset contristari,\n  Piam matrem contemplari\n  Dolentem cum filio?\n\n3.   Who Christ\u2019s Mother contemplating\n  In such bitter anguish waiting,\n    Has no human tears to shed?\n  Who would leave Christ\u2019s Mother, sharing\n  All the pain her Son is bearing,\n    By those tears uncomforted?\n\n4.   Pro peccatis suae gentis\n  Vidit Iesum in tormentis\n  Et flagellis subditum;\n  Vidit suum dulcem natum\n  Morientem, desolatum,\n  Dum emisit spiritum.\n\n4.   Victim-priest of Jewry\u2019s nation,\n  There he hangs in expiation;\n    Scourge and nail have had their will;\n  Earth and heaven his cause forsaking,\n  Now his noble heart is breaking,\n    Now the labouring breath is still.\n\n5.   Eia mater, fons amoris,\n  Me sentire vim doloris\n  Fac, ut tecum lugeam;\n  Fac, ut ardeat cor meum\n  In amando Christum Deum,\n  Ut sibi complaceam.\n\n5.   Mother, fount whence love flows truest,\n  Let me know the pain thou knewest,\n    Let me weep as thou hast wept;\n  Love divine within me burning,\n  That diviner love returning,\n    May thy Son this heart accept.\n\n6.   Sancta mater, istud agas,\n  Crucifixi fige plagas\n  Cordi meo valide;\n  Tui nati vulnerati,\n  Tam dignati pro me pati,\n  Poenas mecum divide.\n\n6.   Mother, if my prayer be granted,\n  Those five wounds of his implanted\n    In my breast I fain would see;\n  Love exceeding hangs there bleeding,\n  My cause pleading, my love needing\u2014\n    Bid him share his cross with me.\n\n7.   Fac me vere tecum flere,\n  Crucifixo condolere,\n  Donec ego vixero;\n  Iuxta crucem tecum stare,\n  Te libenter sociare\n  In planctu desidero.\n\n7.   Till life fails, I would not fail him,\n  Still remember, still bewail him,\n    Born thy Son, and crucified;\n  By the cross my vigil keeping\n  I would spend those hours of weeping,\n    Queen of sorrows, at thy side.\n\n8.   Virgo virginum praeclara,\n  Mihi iam non sis amara,\n  Fac me tecum plangere;\n  Fac, ut portem Christi mortem,\n  Passionis fac consortem\n  Et plagas recolere.\n\n8.   Virgin, boast of all creation,\n  Heed my tears, nor consolation\n    In thy bitterness repel;\n  At thy side his livery wearing,\n  His cross bearing, his death sharing,\n    Of these wounds the beads I\u2019ll tell.\n\n9.   Fac me plagis vulnerari,\n  Cruce hac inebriari,\n  Et cruore filii;\n  Inflammatus et accensus,\n  Per te, virgo, sim defensus\n  In die iudicii.\n\n9.   Wounds of Christ, in spirit bruise me,\n  Chalice of his blood, bemuse me,\n    Cross of Christ, be thou my stay!\n  Lest I burn in fires unending,\n  Sinless Maid, my cause befriending,\n    Shield me at the judgement day!\n\n10.   Fac me cruce custodiri,\n  Morte Christi praemuniri,\n  Confoveri gratia.\n  Quando corpus morietur,\n  Fac, ut animae donetur\n  Paradisi gloria.\n\n10.   Jesus, when earth\u2019s shadows leave me,\n  Through thy Mother\u2019s prayers receive me\n    With the palm of victory;\n  When my body lies forsaken\n  Let my ransomed soul awaken\n    Safe, in Paradise, with thee.\n\n  Tr. Ronald A. Knox (_Westminster Hymnal_, Burns, Oates & Washbourne,\n  London, 1940, no. 37. Quoted by permission of publishers.)\n\n\n                      XVII.    _Salve, festa dies_\n                          (Sarum Processional)\n\n1.   Salve, festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo,\n    Qua Deus infernum vicit et astra tenet.\n\n1.   Hail thee, Festival Day! blest day that art hallowed forever;\n    Day wherein Christ arose, breaking the kingdom of death.\n\n2.   Ecce, renascentis testatur gratia mundi\n    omnia cum Domino dona redisse suo.\n\n2.   Lo, the fair beauty of earth, from the death of winter arising,\n    Every good gift of the year now with its Master returns.\n\n3.   Qui crucifixus erat, Deus ecce per omnia regnat,\n    Dantque creatori cuncta creata precem.\n\n3.   He who was nailed to the cross is God and the ruler of all things;\n    All things created on earth worship the maker of all.\n\n4.   Pollicitam sed redde diem, precor, alma potestas,\n    Tertia lux rediit; surge, sepulte Deus.\n\n4.   God of all pity and power, let thy word be assured to the doubting;\n    Light on the third day returns: rise, Son of God, from the tomb!\n\n5.   Non decet ut humili tumulo tua membra tegantur,\n    Neu pretium mundi vilia saxa premant.\n\n5.   Ill doth it seem that thy limbs should linger in lowly dishonor,\n    Ransom and price of the world, veiled from the vision of men.\n\n6.   Indignum est cuius clauduntur cuncta pugillo,\n    Ut tegat inclusum rupe vetante lapis.\n\n6.   Ill it beseemeth that thou by whose hand all things are\n              encompassed,\n    Captive and bound shouldst remain, deep in the gloom of the rock.\n\n7.   Lintea tolle, precor, sudaria linque sepulchro,\n    Tu satis es nobis, et sine te nihil est.\n\n7.   Rise now, O Lord, from the grave and cast off the shroud that\n              enwrapped thee;\n    Thou art sufficient for us: nothing without thee exists.\n\n8.   Funeris exsequias pateris vitae auctor et orbis,\n    Intras mortis iter dando salutis opem.\n\n8.   Mourning they laid thee to rest, who art author of life and\n              creation;\n    Treading the pathway of death, life thou bestowedst on man.\n\n9.   Redde tuam faciem, videant ut saecula lumen,\n    Redde diem, qui nos te moriente fugit.\n\n9.   Show us thy face once more, that the ages may joy in thy\n              brightness;\n    Give us the light of day, darkened on earth at thy death.\n\n10.   Eripis innumerum populum de carcere mortis,\n    Et sequitur liber, quo suus auctor adit.\n\n10.   Out of the prison of death thou art rescuing numberless captives;\n    Freely they tread in the way whither their maker has gone.\n\n11.   Tristia cesserunt infernae vincula legis,\n    Expavitque chaos luminis ore premi.\n\n11.   Jesus has harrowed hell; he has led captivity captive:\n    Darkness and chaos and death flee from the face of the light.\n\n  Tr. Maurice F. Bell, from _The English Hymnal_ by permission of the\n  Oxford University Press.\n\n\n\n\n                                 Notes\n\n\n                              Chapter One\n          Early Middle Ages: Latin Hymns of The Fourth Century\n\n\n[1.] Jerome, _Liber de viris illustribus_, 100 (_MPL_ 23, 699).\n\n[2.] _Hilarius autem, Gallus episcopus Pictaviensis, eloquentia\n    conspicuus, hymnorum carmine floruit primus. De ecclesiasticis\n    officiis 1_, 6 (_MPL_ 83, 743).\n\n[3.] W. N. Myers, _The Hymns of Saint Hilary of Poitiers in the Codex\n    Aretinus_ (Phila., Un. of Penn., 1928) 12, 29, 53, 67. For a\n    discussion of other hymns attributed to Hilary, see p. 14; also A.\n    S. Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_ (Cambridge, 1922) 1-4. Translations\n    by W. N. Myers.\n\n[4.] _Antiphonary of Bangor_, edited by F. E. Warren, _Henry Bradshaw\n    Society Publications_, vols. 4, 10 (London, 1893, 1895). For\n    discussion of authorship see vol. 10, 36.\n\n[5.] Or perhaps Treves.\n\n[6.] Augustine, _Confessions_ 9, 7 (_MPL_ 32, 770). Translation from\n    _Confessions of S. Augustine, Ancient and Modern Library of Theol.\n    Literature_ (London, 1886).\n\n[7.] Translations of first lines: W. J. Copeland, C. Bigg, R. E.\n    Messenger, J. M. Neale.\n\n[8.] Translations of first lines: J. M. Neale, E. Caswall.\n\n[9.] Translations of first lines: J. M. Neale, H. M. Jones, R. E.\n    Messenger, S. Hurlbut.\n\n[10.] Myers, _op. cit._ (see note 3) 18-22.\n\n[11.] G. Reese_, Music in the Middle Ages_ (New York, 1940) 104.\n\n[12.] Caelius Sedulius, 5th C., an early imitator of Ambrose, wrote a\n    well-known alphabetic hymn, _A solis ortus cardine_.\n\n\n                              Chapter Two\n                   Early Middle Ages: The Old Hymnal\n\n\n[1.] _Regula Sancti Benedicti_, IX.\n\n[2.] P. Batiffol, _Historie du Breviare romain_, translated by A. M. Y.\n    Bayley (London, 1912), chap. I.\n\n[3.] Dom A. Wilmart, \u201cLe Psautier de la Reine,\u201d (_Cod. Vat. Reg. II_),\n    _Revue Benedictine XXVIII_ (1911) 376 ff.\n\n[4.] Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_, (ch. 1, note 3), xi-xiv.\n\n[5.] Laodicea, c. 364, Canon 59. See G. D. Mansi, _Sacrorum\n    conciliorum\u2014collectio_ (Florence, Venet. et Par., 1763) ii, 573;\n    Braga, 563, Mansi ix, 778.\n\n[6.] H. F. Muller, \u201cPre-History of the Medieval Drama,\u201d _Zeitschrift f.\n    romanische Philologie_ 44 (1924) 544-575.\n\n[7.] Tours, 567, Mansi xiv, 803.\n\n[8.] H. Heimbucher, _Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen\n    Kirche_, 3 vols. (Paderborn, 1907) vol. I, 224-236, _Ausbreitung der\n    Benediktinerregel_.\n\n[9.] F. H. Dudden, _Gregory the Great_ (London, 1905), 2 vols., II,\n    chap. 8.\n\n[10.] See _A. H._ (_Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi_) 51.24-41, notes. The\n    hymns excepted are nos. 23-30; 34-40; J. Julian, _Dictionary of\n    Hymnology_. _Gregory I., St., Pope_; C. Blume, \u201cGregor der Grosse\n    als Hymnendichter,\u201d _Stimmen aus Maria-Laach_, 1908, 269 ff.\n\n[11.] H. LeClercq, _L\u2019Espagne chr\u00e9tienne_ (Paris, 1906) 304-5.\n\n[12.] Migne, _PL_ 80, 642-700, Braulio\u2019s Letters.\n\n[13.] IV Council of Toledo, 633, Canon 2, Mansi x, 616; Canon 13, Mansi\n    x, 622-3. _Sicut igitur orationes, ita et hymnos in laudem Dei\n    compositos, nullus vestrum ulterius improbet, sed pari modo Gallia,\n    Hispaniaque celebret: excommunicatione plectendi, qui hymnos\n    rejicere fuerint ausi._\n\n[14.] See R. E. Messenger, \u201cThe Mozarabic Hymnal,\u201d _TAPhA_ 75 (1944)\n    103-126.\n\n[15.] _The Irish Liber Hymnorum_, edited by J. H. Bernard and R.\n    Atkinson, _Henry Bradshaw Soc. Pub._ 13, 14 (London, 1897, 1898),\n    14, 23-6.\n\n[16.] _Antiphonary of Bangor_, chap. I, note 4; for history of the\n    manuscript now in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, p. xii-xiii.\n\n[17.] Translations of first lines, 1) J. M. Neale, 2), 3), 4) R. E.\n    Messenger.\n\n[18.] The Celtic hymns are edited in _A. H._ 51, Part II. See also J. F.\n    Kenney, _Sources for the Early History of Ireland_, 2 vols. (New\n    York, 1929) 252-3, 258-274, _Hymns_.\n\n[19.] Translations of first lines in Summary by J. M. Neale except 2) C.\n    Bigg, 7) G. R. Woodward.\n\n[20.] C. W. Douglas, _Church Music in History and Practice_ (New York,\n    1937) 168.\n\n\n                             Chapter Three\n                    The Ninth Century Revival: Hymns\n\n\n[1.] J. M. Neale and G. H. Forbes, _The Ancient Liturgies of the\n    Gallican Church_ (Burntisland, 1855) p. v.\n\n[2.] P. Jaff\u00e9, _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_ (Lipsiae, 1885-8) 2473\n    (1900).\n\n[3.] _Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Legum sectio_, II, _Capitularia\n    Regum Francorum_, I, _Capitulare primum_, 769; _Capitulare\n    Haristallense_, 779; _Admonitio generalis_, 789; _Synodus\n    Franconofurtensis_, 794; _Epistola de litteris colendis_, 780-800;\n    _Epistola generalis_, 786-800; _Capitulare missorum generale_, 802;\n    _Capitularia missorum specialia_, 802; _Synodus et conventus\n    aquisgrani habita_, 802; _Capitulare de examinandis ecclesiasticis_,\n    802; _Capitulare missorum_, 803; _Capitulare de causis etc_., 811;\n    _Capitulare aquisgranense_, 801-813; _Capitulare cum episcopis\n    etc_., 780-790; _Capitulare mantuanum primum_, no date, p. 194;\n    _Pippini capitulare Italicum_, 801-810.\n\n[4.] _MGH, Legum sectio_, II, _Capitularia Regum Francorum_, I,\n    _Epistola generalis_, no. 30, p. 80; P. Jaff\u00e9, _Bibliotheca Rerum\n    Germanicarum_, vol. IV, _Monumenta Carolina_ (Berlin, 1867) 139,\n    140.\n\n[5.] Dom R. Van Doren, _\u00c9tude sur l\u2019influence musicale de l\u2019abbaye de\n    Saint-Gall_ (Louvain, 1925) ch. vi, Metz.\n\n[6.] E. M\u00fchlbacher, _Deutsche Geschichte unter den Karolingern_\n    (Stuttgart, 1896) 211; Jaff\u00e9, _Monumenta Carolina_, 358ff.\n\n[7.] E. Bishop, _Liturgica Historica_ (Oxford, 1918) 49-55.\n\n[8.] A. Fortescue, _The Mass_ (London, 1914) 183.\n\n[9.] In _Monumenta Germaniae Historica\u2014Poetarum latinorum medii aevi_,\n    vol. iv, edited by P. von Winterfeld (Berlin, 1923).\n\n[10.] W. Turner, \u201cIrish Teachers in the Carolingian Revival of\n    Learning,\u201d _Cath. Un. Bulletin_, XIII (Washington, 1907) 384-5; J.\n    J. O\u2019Kelly, _Ireland: Elements of her Early Story_ (Dublin, 1921)\n    ch. viii, _Early Irish on the Continent_.\n\n[11.] Einhard, _Vita Caroli_, 21.\n\n[12.] L. Gougaud, _Gaelic Pioneers of Christianity, VI-XII Century_\n    (Dublin, 1923) 60-3. Translated by Victor Collins.\n\n[13.] S. Singer, _Die Dichterschule von St. Gallen_ (Leipzig, 1922)\n    _Introd._ (by Peter Wagner) 11.\n\n[14.] Turner, _supra_, 570; J. M. Clark, _The Abbey of St. Gall as a\n    Center of Literature and Art_ (Cambridge, 1926) 31.\n\n[15.] _Annales Laurissenses, anno 757_ (_MGH, SS_, I, 140).\n\n[16.] _Jaff\u00e9, Regesta_, 2346 (1799); Notker Balbulus, _Epistolae_\n    (_MPL_, 131, 1172); _Gesta Caroli_, II, 7.\n\n[17.] F. H. Dudden, _Gregory the Great_ (ch. 2, note 9) I, ch. _VI\n    Gregory at Constantinople_.\n\n[18.] P. Wagner, \u201cMorgen- und Abendland in der Musikgeschichte,\u201d\n    _Stimmen der Zeit_, Bd. 114 (1927) 138.\n\n[19.] Clark, _The Abbey of St. Gall etc._, 112; C. Diehl, _Manuel d\u2019Art\n    Byzantin_ (Paris, 1910) 359-360, 362-3; M. Hauttmann, _Die Kunst des\n    fr\u00fchen Mittelalters_ (Berlin, 1929) 51-62; J. Strzygowski, _Origin\n    of Christian Church Art_ (Oxford, 1923) 84.\n\n[20.] _Anal. Hymn._, 51, _Introduction_, xvii-xix; extended lists of the\n    later Latin hymns appear in J. Julian, _Dictionary of Hymnology_\n    (London, 1925) 546, 547.\n\n[21.] J. Mearns, _Early Latin Hymnaries_ (Cambridge, 1913).\n\n[22.] Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_, (ch. 1, note 3) xi.\n\n[23.] Walpole, _ibid_, xii; W. H. Frere, Introduction to _Hymns Ancient\n    and Modern Historical Edition_ (London, 1909); Wilmart, _Le Psautier\n    de la Reine etc_., 362-3; F. J. E. Raby, _Christian Latin Poetry_\n    (Oxford, 1927) 38-41. See also R. E. Messenger, \u201cWhence the Ninth\n    Century Hymnal?,\u201d _TAPhA 69_ (1938) 446-464.\n\n[24.] Gesta Caroli, I, 10; Einhard, _Vita Caroli_, edited by Garrod and\n    Mowat (Oxford, 1915), Appendix, p. xxxvii.\n\n[25.] Heimbucher, _Die Orden und Congregationen_ etc., vol. I, 235,\n    237-9; _Jahrb\u00fccher der deutschen Geschichte_ (Berlin & Leipzig,\n    1866-1902), _Geschichte des Ostfrankischen Reichs_, vol. II, 39, 42,\n    46.\n\n[26.] Alcuin, _De psalmorum usu_ (_MPL_, 101), _Officia per ferias MPL_,\n    101, _Epistolae_ 84, 94, 164, 227 (_MPL_, 101): Rabanus Maurus, _De\n    clericis institut\u00e9s_, II, 49 (_MPL_, 107, 362): Amalarius of Metz,\n    _De officiis divinis_ (continuation) in J. Mabillon, _Vetera\n    Analecta_ (Paris, 1723) 99; Walafrid Strabo, _De ecclesiasticarum\n    rerum exordiis_ etc., ch. xxv (_MPL_, 114, 952ff.).\n\n[27.] H. De Boor, _Die deutsche Literatur_ 770-1170 (M\u00fcnchen, 1949) 21.\n\n[28.] P. Batiffol, _History of the Roman Breviary_ (London, 1912) 143-4.\n\n[29.] _Anal. Hymn_. 51.\n\n[30.] Translation of first line, J. M. Neale.\n\n[31.] Dom P. B. Gams, _Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien_ (Regensburg,\n    1862-1879) II, Pt. 2, 302, 326-9; Z. Garc\u00eda Villada, _Historia\n    eclesi\u00e1stica de Espa\u00f1a_ (Madrid, 1929-36) V, 85.\n\n[32.] De Urbel, \u201cLos himnos moz\u00e1rabes,\u201d _Revista ecles. Silos_ 58 (1927)\n    56-61.\n\n[33.] E. Bishop, \u201cSpanish Symptoms,\u201d _Liturgica Historica_ (Oxford,\n    1918) 168.\n\n[34.] L. Wiener, _Contributions toward a History of Arabico-Gothic\n    Culture_ (New York, 1917-21) 101; H. G. Farmer, _Historical Facts\n    for the Arabian Musical Influence_ (London, 1930) 23.\n\n[35.] _Anal. Hymn_. 51, _Introduction_.\n\n\n                              Chapter Four\n                  The Ninth Century Revival: Sequences\n\n\n[1.] Fortescue, _The Mass_ (See ch. 3, note 8) 268-9.\n\n[2.] See _Introduction_ to _A. H._ 53, by C. Blume and H. M. Bannister.\n    This _Introduction_ has been used as the basis for the discussion of\n    sequence origins. Theories and opinions of others are noted from\n    time to time.\n\n[3.] W. H. Frere, Introduction to _Hymns Ancient and Modern_ (See ch. 3,\n    note 23) xxviii; P. Wagner, _Introduction to Gregorian Melodies_\n    (London, 1907) 223, translation by Orme and Wyatt.\n\n[4.] G. Reese, _Music in the Middle Ages_ (ch. 1, note 11) _passim_.\n    This book contains an excellent standard account of the musical\n    aspect of the sequence.\n\n[5.] G. Schn\u00fcrer, _Kirche und Kultur im Abendland_ (Paderborn, 1926) II,\n    88.\n\n[6.] W. Christ, \u201c\u00dcber die Bedeutung von Hirmos, etc.,\u201d _Sitzungberichte\n    der k\u00f6n. bay. Akad. der Wissenschaft zu M\u00fcnchen_, II (1870) 89f.\n\n[7.] A. Gastou\u00e9, \u201cLes Types byzantins de la Sequence,\u201d _Tribune de\n    Saint-Gervais_, Dec. 1922, 1, 2.\n\n[8.] Frere, _Introduction, supra_, xxiv.\n\n[9.] L. Gautier, _Histoire de la po\u00e9sie liturgique au Moyen \u00e2ge_ (Paris,\n    1886) 1.\n\n[10.] A. Gastou\u00e9, \u201cLes Origines liturgiques de la s\u00e9quence,\u201d _Tribune de\n    Saint-Gervais_, June, 1922. See also Wetzer and Welte,\n    _Kirchenlexicon, Sequenzen_: an important article.\n\n[11.] Amalarius, _De ecclesiasticis officiis_, III, 16 (_MPL_, 105,\n    1123).\n\n[12.] J. Ottenw\u00e4lder, \u201cGriechisch-byzantinische Einfl\u00fcsse,\u201d _Theol.\n    Quartalschr_. XCVII (1915), 564-7.\n\n[13.] Reese, _Music in the Middle Ages, supra_, 133.\n\n[14.] S. Singer, _Die Dichterschule von St. Gallen_ (ch. 3, note 13),\n    _Introduction_, 14, 15.\n\n[15.] The earliest manuscript is _Antiphonale missarum S. Gregorii_,\n    codex 239 of Laon; see _Pal\u00e9ographie musicale_, X. A. Gastou\u00e9, _Les\n    Origines du Chant Romain_ (Paris, 1907) 250f.\n\n[16.] Wetzer und Welte, _supra, Sequenzen_.\n\n[17.] Frere, _Introduction, supra_, xxviii-xxix; Notker Balbulus, _Liber\n    sequentiarum, Praefatio_ (_MPL_, 131, 1003).\n\n[18.] P. Wagner, \u201cMorgen- und Abendland in der Musikgeschichte,\u201d (ch. 3,\n    note 18) 139; Schn\u00fcrer, _supra_, II, 88.\n\n[19.] Gastou\u00e9, \u201cLes Types byzantins de la S\u00e9quence,\u201d _supra_, 2.\n\n[20.] W. Meyer, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rythmik_\n    (Berlin, 1908) 37.\n\n[21.] P. Von Winterfeld, _Stilfragen aus der lateinischen Dichtung des\n    Mittelalters_ in _Deutsche Dichter etc_. (M\u00fcnchen, 1922) 442.\n\n[22.] W. Meyer, _supra_, 41: \u201cSo ist die lyrische Dichtung des\n    Mittelalters durchaus dem Kirchengesang neu geboren worden.\u201d\n\n[23.] E. Wellesz, _Eastern Elements in Western Chant. Studies in the\n    Early History of Ecclesiastical Music_ (Oxford, 1947) Pt. IV, ch. 1,\n    _Origin of sequences and tropes_, an excellent summary of the\n    subject as investigated to 1947.\n\n[24.] Notker, _supra_, note 17.\n\n[25.] P. A. Schubiger, _Die S\u00e4ngerschule St. Gallens vom viii.-xii.\n    Jahrhundert_ (Einsiedeln, 1858); W. Wilmanns, \u201cWelche Sequenzen hat\n    Notker verfasst?,\u201d _Zeitschrift f. deutsches Altertum_, XV (1872)\n    267f.; J. Werner, _Notkers Sequenzen. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der\n    Lat. Sequenzendichtung_ (Aarau, 1901) III, IV; S. Singer, _supra_;\n    Van Doren, (ch. 3, note 5) ch. 9; Clark, (ch. 3, note 14) 175. W.\n    von den Steinen, _Notker der Dichter und seine geistliche Welt_, 2\n    vols. (Bern. 1948). This author reviews previous literature.\n\n[26.] Ottenw\u00e4lder, _supra_, 464-5.\n\n[27.] They are _Canopica_, _Styx_, _Phlegethon_, _sophia_, _herous_,\n    _Myrmidonas_, _spermologos_.\n\n[28.] P. S. Allen, _Romanesque Lyric_ (Un. of North Carolina Press,\n    1928) 66, 221, 222; Schn\u00fcrer, _supra_, 89; Wellesz. _supra_, 165; W.\n    B. Sedgwick, \u201cOrigin of Rhyme,\u201d \u201c_Revue B\u00e9n\u00e9dictine_\u201d XXXVI (1924),\n    341.\n\n[29.] Several attractive illustrations of the _modus_ may be found in\n    Karl Breul\u2019s edition of _The Cambridge Songs_ (Cambridge, 1915).\n\n[30.] Schn\u00fcrer, _supra_, 89; R. Molitor, _Die Musik in der Reichnau_,\n    reviewed in _Jahrbuch f. Liturgiewissenschaft_ VI (1926) 331.\n\n[31.] See Chapter VII.\n\n\n                              Chapter Five\n                 Late Middle Ages: Hymns and Sequences\n\n\n[1.] J. De Ghellinck, S. J., _L\u2019Essor de la Litt\u00e9rature Latine au XIIe\n    Si\u00e8cle_, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1946) II, 285.\n\n[2.] M. H\u00e9lin, History of _Medieval Latin Literature_ (New York, 1949),\n    translated by J. C. Snow from _Litt\u00e9rature d\u2019occident: Histoire des\n    Lettres latines du Moyen Age_, 79.\n\n[3.] L. Gautier, _Oeuvres po\u00e9tiques d\u2019Adam de Saint-Victor_, 2 vols.\n    (Paris, 1858-9); E. Misset et P. Aubry, _Les Proses d\u2019Adam de\n    Saint-Victor_ (Paris, 1900).\n\n[4.] Translations of first lines: R. Messenger, Anon, E. Caswall.\n\n[5.] Translations of first lines: S. A. Hurlbut, R. Messenger.\n\n[6.] _A. H._ 48. 141-232.\n\n[7.] Translations of first lines: 1 and 2, H. Waddell; 3 and 5, E.\n    Caswall; 4, R. Messenger.\n\n[8.] H\u00e9lin, _supra_, 117.\n\n[9.] P. Wagner, _Introduction to the Gregorian Melodies_ (ch. 4, note 3)\n    241.\n\n[10.] Translations of first lines: 1 and 4, R. A. Knox; 2, H. T. Henry;\n    3, W. J. Irons.\n\n[11.] Translation of first line: R. Messenger.\n\n[12.] R. E. Messenger, \u201cHymns and Sequences of the Sarum Use,\u201d _TAPhA_,\n    59 (1928) 99-129.\n\n[13.] E. Bishop, _Liturgica Historica_ (Oxford, 1918) 211-37.\n\n[14.] E. Hoskins, _Horae Beatae Mariae Virginis etc_. (London, 1901); H.\n    Bohatta, _Bibliographie des livres d\u2019heures_ (Wien, 1924), 2nd\n    edition.\n\n[15.] R. E. Messenger, \u201cHymns in the Horae Eboracenses,\u201d _Classical\n    Weekly_, 38 (Jan., 1945) 90-5.\n\n[16.] S. Singer, \u201cArabische und europ\u00e4ische Poesie im Mittelalter,\u201d\n    _Zeitschrift f. deutsche Philologie_, LII (April, 1927); K. Burdach,\n    \u201c\u00dcber den Ursprung des mittelalterichen Minnesangs, etc.\u201d in\n    _Vorspiel_ I (Halle, 1925) 311; A. F. von Schack, _Poesie und Kunst\n    der Araber etc_., 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1877) II, 101-5.\n\n[17.] C. F. Brown, _Religious Lyrics of the 14th Century_ (Oxford,\n    1924). Translations of William Herebert (d. 1333) xiii.\n\n[18.] _Ad honorem Regis summi_, translation of first line: R. E.\n    Messenger. See C. Daux, _Les Chansons des P\u00e8lerins de St. Jacques_\n    (Montauban, 1899).\n\n[19.] A. S. Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_, (ch. 1, note 3) 87-92.\n\n[20.] E. Rodgers, _Discussion of Holidays in the Later Middle Ages_ (New\n    York 1940) 33. Miss Rodgers sums up the evidence here, reaching an\n    affirmative conclusion.\n\n[21.] L. Thorndike, \u201cElementary and Secondary Education in the Middle\n    Ages,\u201d _Speculum_, 15 (1940) 400-8, p. 401.\n\n[22.] W. O. Wehrle, _Macaronic Hymn Tradition etc_. (Washington, 1933).\n\n\n                              Chapter Six\n                  Late Middle Ages: Processional Hymns\n\n\n[1.] _Matt_. 21: 4-ll; _Mark_ 11: 7-11; _Luke_ 19: 35-38; _John_ 12:\n    12-5.\n\n[2.] Basil, _Ep_. 207, _Ad Neocaes, MPG_ 32. 765; Ambrose, _Ep._ 40. 16,\n    _Ad Theodosium, MPL_ 16. 1107; Sozomen, _Hist. Eccles._ VIII, 8; see\n    also Tertullian, _Ad uxorem_, II, 4, MPL 1. 1294.\n\n[3.] _S. Silviae, quae fertur, Peregrinatio ad loca sancta, in Itinera\n    Hierosolymitana, Saeculi III-VIII_, ed. P. Geyer (Vindobonae, 1898)\n    _CSEL_ 39. 35-101.\n\n[4.] _Ibid._ XXIV, 1-7, 8-12; XXV, 7; XXVI; XXXI; XL, 1-2.\n\n[5.] A. Bludau, _Die Pilgerreise der Aetheria, Studien zur Gesch. u.\n    Kultur d. Altertums XV_, 1/2, (Paderborn, 1927) 56. Translation,\n    Robert Bridges.\n\n[6.] A. Baumstark, _Die Idiomela der byzantinischen Karfreitagshoren\n    etc._ Reviewed in _Jahrbuch f. Liturgiewissenschaft_, 10 (1930)\n    339-40.\n\n[7.] P. Batiffol, _\u00c9tudes de liturgie et d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie chr\u00e9tienne_,\n    (Paris, 1919) ch. VI, _La Chandeleur_, p. 200.\n\n[8.] Ambrose, _Ep_. 11(53), _MPL_ 17. 743-4; Augustine, _De Civ. Dei_\n    22. 8; _Conf._ 9. 7; See also the hymn _Grates tibi, Jesu, novas_,\n    attributed to Ambrose, _A. H._ 50. 17.\n\n[9.] G. H. Cobb, \u201cEarly Catholic Outdoor Processions,\u201d _The Month_, 148\n    (1926) 539-542.\n\n[10.] For Mamertus, see Greg. Turonen., _Hist. franc._ 2. 34, _MPL_ 71.\n    230-32. _Councils_. Council of Orleans, 511, canon 17, Mansi VIII,\n    355; Council of Girona, 517, _Capit._ 2 & 3, Mansi, VIII, 549; see\n    also 17th Council of Toledo, 694, _Capit._ 6, Mansi XII, 99-100.\n    _Litaniae maiores_, Greg. Magnus, _Ep._ V, 11, Litany on Feast of\n    St. John Baptist, _MPL_ 77, 732-3; _Litania septiformis_, Greg.\n    Turonen., _Hist. franc._ 10, 1, _MPL_ 71. 519-20; Joh. Diac., _Vita\n    Greg. Magn._, 1. 41, 42, MPL 75. 80.\n\n[11.] L. Duchesne, _Christian Worship_, (London, 1904) 240, 515.\n\n[12.] P. Batiffol, (note 7) 197-201; L. Eisenhofer, _Handbuch der\n    Katholischen Liturgik_, 2 vols. (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1923) I,\n    582-6.\n\n[13.] At this point the definition of _processio_ in Canon Law is of\n    interest: _Nomine sacrarum processionum significantur solemnes\n    supplicationes quae a populi fideli, duce clero, fiunt eundo\n    ordinatim de loco sacro ad locum sacrum, ad excitandam fidelium\n    pietatem, ad commemoranda Dei beneficia eique gratias agendas, ad\n    divinum auxilium implorandum_. Can. 1290. \u00e7 I.\n\n[14.] B. M. Peebles, \u201cFortunatus, Poet of the Holy Cross,\u201d _Amer. Church\n    Monthly_ 38 (1935, July-Sept.) 152-166. His account is based upon\n    Greg. Turonen., _Hist. franc._, IX, 40; Baudonovia, _Vita S. Rad._,\n    II. 16.\n\n[15.] R. E. Messenger, _Salve festa dies, TAPhA_, 78 (1947) 208-222.\n    Translation, S. A. Hurlbut; for _Salve festa dies_, traditional.\n\n[16.] Dom M. F\u00e9rotin, _Liber ordinum_, in _Monumenta ecclesiae\n    liturgica_, 5 (Paris, 1904) 178-87; Isidore of Seville, _De\n    ecclesiasticis officiis_, 1. 38.\n\n[17.] F\u00e9rotin, _supra_, 179.\n\n[18.] A. S. Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_, (ch. 1, note 3) 337-340.\n    Translation, 1st line, Walpole.\n\n[19.] Duchesne, _supra_, 162-4.\n\n[20.] Walpole, _supra_, 342-4.\n\n[21.] Translations in this chapter, unless otherwise noted, are\n    furnished by the author.\n\n[22.] L. Gautier, _Histoire de la Po\u00e9sie liturgique etc._ (ch. 4, note\n    9) ch. VI, _Versus_.\n\n[23.] Von den Steinen, _Notker der Dichter etc._ (ch. 4, note 25) I,\n    40-42.\n\n[24.] Eisenhofer (see note 12) I, 522-3.\n\n[25.] Dom A. Wilmart, _Auteurs spirituels etc._ (Paris, 1932) 26-36.\n\n[26.] R. E. Messenger, _Sancta Maria quid est?, Cath. Choirmaster_,\n    June, 1950.\n\n[27.] Eisenhofer, _supra_, I, 100-102.\n\n[28.] Du Cange, see _versarius_.\n\n[29.] Gulielmus Durandus, _Rationale divinorum officiorum_ (Lugdini,\n    1612) Bk. IV, _De accessu sacerdotis ac pontificis ad altare et de\n    Processione_.\n\n[30.] _Ibid._ fol. 102.\n\n[31.] D. Attwater, _Dictionary of Saints_ (London, 1938) 180.\n\n[32.] G. Reese, _Music in the Middle Ages_ (ch. 1, note 11) 201.\n\n[33.] L. Ellinwood, \u201cThe Conductus,\u201d _Musical Quarterly_, 27 (1941) 2.\n    165-203.\n\n\n                             Chapter Seven\n                 Influence and Survival of Latin Hymns\n\n\n[1.] W. B. Sedgwick, \u201cThe Origin of Rhyme,\u201d (ch. 4, note 28) 333.\n\n[2.] For translations see Helen J. Waddell, _Medieval Latin Lyrics_\n    (London, 1929); _The Wandering Scholars_ (New York, 1949), new\n    edition.\n\n[3.] P. S. Allen, _Romanesque Lyric_ (ch. 4, note 28), Ch. XII,\n    especially p. 223.\n\n[4.] F. J. E. Raby, _History of Secular Latin poetry in the Middle\n    Ages_, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1934) II, 332.\n\n[5.] E. M. Sanford, \u201cWere the Hymns of Prudentius actually sung?\u201d\n    _Classical Philology_ 31 (1936) 71.\n\n[6.] For the texts of liturgical plays, see K. Young, _The Drama of the\n    Medieval Church_, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1933).\n\n[7.] B. M. Peebles, \u201cO Roma nobilis,\u201d _Amer. Benedictine Review_, I\n    (1950) no. 1.\n\n[8.] R. Stroppel, _Liturgie und geistliche Dichtung_ (Frankfurt am Main,\n    1927) 53-5: S. Singer, \u201cKarolingische Renaissance,\u201d\n    _Germanisch-Romanisch Monatschrift_, 13 (1925) 200-1.\n\n[9.] K. E. Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied etc._, 5 vols.\n    (Leipzig, 1864-77) vol. I.\n\n[10.] K. Meyer, Selections from _Ancient Irish Poetry_ (London, 1911)\n    _Introd._ 13.\n\n[11.] J. Pokorny, _Die \u00e4lteste Lyrik der gr\u00fcnen Insel_ (Halle S., 1923)\n    13, 14.\n\n[12.] W. Meyer, \u201cLiturgie, Kunst und Dichtung in Mittelalter,\u201d\n    _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_ (Berlin, 1905) 371.\n\n[13.] P. von Winterfeld, \u201cStilfragen der lateinischen Dichtung des\n    Mittelalters,\u201d _Deutsche Dichter des lateinischen Mittelalters_\n    (M\u00fcnchen, 1922) 440.\n\n[14.] Washington, D. C., Catholic Un. Press, 1942, especially p. 221,\n    231, 248, 266.\n\n[15.] H. Koht, \u201cMedieval Liberty Poems,\u201d _Amer. Hist. Review_, 48 (1943)\n    no. 2, 281-290.\n\n[16.] H. Spanke, \u201c\u00dcber das Fortleben der Sequenzenform in den\n    Romanischen Sprachens,\u201d _Zeitschrift f. Rom. Philol._ 51 (1931)\n    309-334.\n\n[17.] E. A. Peers. _Ramon Lull_ (London, 1929) 140.\n\n[18.] See translation by H. C. Robbins, 1939, \u201cMost High, Omnipotent,\n    Good Lord.\u201d\n\n[19.] For a brief account, see J. Pulver, \u201cLaudi spirituali,\u201d _Musical\n    Opinion_, March, 1938, 503-4; April, 1938, 602-3; May, 1938, 691-2.\n\n[20.] See Bibliography for these titles.\n\n[21.] Dom Jean St\u00e9phan, _The Adeste fideles_, \u201cPublications,\u201d Buckfast\n    Abbey, South Devon, England, 1947. Translation, Frederick Oakeley.\n\n[22.] M. Britt, _Hymns of the Breviary and Missal_ (New York, 1922,\n    1948), a standard and indispensable work.\n\n\n\n\n                              Bibliography\n\n\n                           I. Bibliographies\n\nLeclercq, L., Article \u201cHymnes\u201d, _Dictionnaire d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie chr\u00e9tienne\net de liturgie_. Contains extensive bibliography upon the subject of\nmedieval hymnology.\n\nFarrar, C. P. and Evans, A. P., _Bibliography of English Translations\nfrom medieval sources_. New York, 1946. Hymns, 2025-2045.\n\nRaby, F. J. E., _History of Christian-Latin poetry from the beginning to\nthe close of the Middle Ages_. Oxford, 1927. Bibliography classified by\nauthors and periods.\n\nReese, G., _Music in the Middle Ages_. New York, 1941. Contains\nextensive bibliography including many periodical articles.\n\n\n                      II. Collections and Indices\n\n_Analecta hymnica medii aevi_, edited by C. Blume and G. M. Dreves, 55\nvols. Leipzig, 1886-1922. Introductions most informative.\n\n_Analecta liturgica_, part 2, vols. I, _Thesaurus hymnologicus_; II,\n_Prosae_, edited by E. Misset and W. H. J. Weale. Insulis et Brugis,\n1888-1902.\n\nBlume, C. and Dreves, G. M., _Hymnologische Beitr\u00e4ge_ (Quellen und\nForschungen zur Geschichte der lateinischen Hymnendichtungen, 2 vols.).\nLeipzig, 1897-1901.\n\nChevalier, C. U. J., _Repertorium hymnologicum_, catalogue des chants,\nhymnes, proses, sequences, tropes, 6 vols. Louvain, Bruxelles,\n1892-1920. Published as supplements to the _Analecta Bollandiana_.\n\nDaniel, H. A., _Thesaurus hymnologicus_, 5 vols. Lipsiae, 1855-1856, 2nd\nedition.\n\nGaselee, S., _The Oxford Book of medieval Latin verse_. Oxford, 1928.\n\nGerming, M., _Latin hymns_. Chicago, 1920. Text book.\n\ndel Grande, C., _Liturgiae preces hymni Christianorum e papyris\ncollecti_. Neapel, 1934.\n\nGrenfell, B. and Hunt, A., _Oxyrhynchus papyri, Part XV_. London, 1922.\n\nHarris, R. and Mingana, A., _The odes and psalms of Solomon, I. Text,\nII. Translation_. Manchester, 1916-1920.\n\nHurlbut, S. A., _Hortus conclusus, Medieval Latin hymns with English\nrenderings_, 10 parts. Washington, D. C., 1930-1936.\n\nKehrein, J., _Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters_. Mainz, 1873. The\nmost extensive collection of sequences made up to that date.\n\nMc Dougall, A. G., _Pange lingua: breviary hymns of old uses with an\nEnglish rendering_. London, 1916.\n\nMearns, J., _Canticles of the Christian Church eastern and western in\nearly and medieval times. Cambridge_, 1914.\n\nMerrill, W. A., _Latin hymns_. New York, 1917. Text book.\n\nMone, F. J., _Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters_, 3 vols. Freiburg im\nBreisgau, 1853-1855.\n\nMorel, G., _Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters_, gr\u00f6sstentheils aus\nHandschriften schweizerischen Kloster, als Nachtrag zu den\nHymnensammlungen von Mone, Daniel & Andern. Einsiedeln, 1866.\n\nNeale, J. M., _Hymni ecclesiae e breviariis quibusdam et missalibus\nGallicanis, Germanis, Hispanis, Lusitanis desumpti_. Oxford, 1851.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Sequentiae ex missalibus Germanis, Anglicis, Gallicis, aliisque\nmedii aevi, collectae_. London, 1852.\n\nNewman, J. H., _Hymni ecclesiae_, London, 1838, 1865.\n\nPhillimore, J. S., _The hundred best Latin hymns_. London, 1926.\nAttractive anthology.\n\n_Poetae latini aevi Carolini in Monumenta Germaniae Historica....\nPoetarum latinorum medii aevi_, vol. iv, edited by P. von Winterfeld.\nBerlin, 1923.\n\nRoth, F. W. E., _Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters_. Augsburg, 1887.\nIntended as a supplement to larger collections.\n\nWackernagel, K. E., _Das deutschen Kirchenlied_, 5 vols. Leipzig,\n1864-1877. Vol. I contains Latin hymns.\n\nWalpole, A. S., _Early Latin hymns_. Cambridge, 1922.\n\nWeale, W. H. J., _Analecta liturgica_, Part II, vols. I, II, _Thesaurus\nhymnologicus\u2014Prosae_. Insulis et Brugis, 1888-1902.\n\n\n                III. History and Authors of Latin Hymns\n\nAllen, P. S., _Mediaeval Latin lyrics_. Chicago, 1931.\n\nBaldwin, C. S., _Medieval rhetoric and poetic_. New York, 1928.\n\nBardenhewer, O., _Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur_, 5 vols.\nFreiburg in Breisgau, 1912-1932.\n\nBeck, C., _Mittellateinische Dichtung_. Berlin, 1927.\n\nBenson, L. F., _Hymnody of the Christian church_. New York, 1927.\n\nBiraghi, L., _Inni sinceri e carmi di Sant\u2019Ambrogio_. Milano, 1862.\n\nBlume, C., Articles \u201cHymn\u201d, \u201cHymnody and Hymnology.\u201d _Cath. Enc_.\n\nCoulter, C. C., \u201cLatin hymns of the Middle Ages\u201d, _Studies in\nPhilology_, 21 (1924) 571-585.\n\nDeGhellinck, J., S. J., _Litt\u00e9rature Latine au Moyen Age_, 2 vols.\nParis, 1939.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Litt\u00e9rature Latine au XIIe Si\u00e8cle_, 2 vols. Brussels, 1946.\n\nDe Labriolle, P., _Histoire de la Litt\u00e9rature latine chr\u00e9tienne_. Paris,\n1924. Translation by H. Wilson, _History and Literature of Christianity\nfrom Tertullian to Boethius_. New York, 1925.\n\nDonahue, D. J., \u201cThe sacred songs of the Middle Ages\u201d, _Cath. Hist.\nRev._, N. S. vol. 3 (1923) 217-235.\n\nDreves, G. M., _Ein Jahrtausend lateinischer Hymnendichtung_, Eine\nBl\u00fctenlese aus den Anal. hymn. mit literarhistorischen Erl\u00e4uterungen, 2\nvols. Leipzig, 1909.\n\nDuckett, E. S., _Gateway to the Middle Ages_. New York, 1938.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Latin writers of the 5th century_. New York, 1930.\n\nDudden, F. H., _Gregory the Great. His place in history and thought_, 2\nvols. New York, 1905.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _The life and times of St. Ambrose_, 2 vols. Oxford, 1935.\n\nDuffield, S. W., _The Latin hymn-writers and their hymns_. New York,\n1889.\n\nEbert, A., _Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im\nAbendlande_, 3 vols. Leipzig, 1880-1889. 2nd edition of vol. I.\n\nGastou\u00e9, A., \u201cProses et s\u00e9quences\u201d, _Tribune d. S. Gervais_ (1922),\n69-72; \u201cLes origines liturgiques latines de la s\u00e9quence\u201d, 153-158; \u201cLes\ntypes byzantins de la s\u00e9quence\u201d, (1923) 1-6.\n\nGautier, L., _Oeuvres po\u00e9tiques d\u2019Adam de Saint-Victor_. Paris, 1881.\n\nGillman, F. J., _Evolution of the English hymn_. New York, 1927.\n\nHeider, A. B., _The Blessed Virgin in early Christian Latin poetry_.\nWashington, D. C., 1918.\n\nH\u00e9lin, M., _History of medieval Latin literature_. New York, 1949.\nTranslated by J. C. Snow from _Litt\u00e9rature d\u2019occident: Histoire des\nlettres Latines du Moyen Age_.\n\nHughes, H. V., Dom Anselm, _Latin Hymnody_. London, 1922.\n\nJulian, J., _Dictionary of hymnology_. London, 1925.\n\nKayser, J., _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte und Erkl\u00e4rung der \u00e4ltesten\nKirchenhymnen_, 2 vols. Paderborn, 1881, 1886.\n\nKoebner, R., _Venantius Fortunatus_. Leipzig, 1915.\n\nKroll, J., _Die christliche Hymnodik bis zu Klemens von Alexandreia_.\nK\u00f6nigsburg: Prog. d. Ak. von Braunsberg, 1921-2. s. 47-98.\n\n\u2014\u2014, \u201cDie Hymnendichtung des fr\u00fchen Christentums\u201d, _Die Antike_, 2 (1926)\n258-281.\n\nKuhnmuench, O., S. J., _Early Christian Latin poets from the 4th-6th\ncentury_. Chicago, 1929.\n\nLynch, C. H., _St. Braulio, Bishop of Saragossa_. Washington, D. C.,\n1938.\n\nMac Gilton, A. K., _Study of Latin hymns_. Boston, 1918.\n\nManitius, M., _Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur\nMitte des 8. Jahrhunderts_. Stuttgart, 1891.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters_, 3 vols.\nM\u00fcnchen, 1911-1931.\n\nMaryosip, M., _The oldest Christian hymn-book_. Temple, Texas, 1948.\n\nMeyer, W., _Der Gelegenheitsdichter Venantius Fortunatus_. Berlin, 1901.\n\nMisset, E. et Aubry, P., _Les Proses d\u2019Adam de Saint-Victor_, texte et\nmusique. Paris, 1900.\n\nMyers, W. N., _The hymns of Saint Hilary of Poitiers in the codex\nAretinus_. Phila., 1928.\n\nPeebles, B. M., \u201cFortunatus, poet of the Holy Cross\u201d, _Amer. Church\nMonthly_, 38 (1935) 152-166.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _The Poet Prudentius_. Boston College Candlemas Lectures on\nChristian Literature: no. 2. New York, 1951.\n\nPhillips, C. S., _Hymnody past and present_. London, 1937.\n\nRand, E. K., _Founders of the Middle Ages_. Cambridge, 1928.\n\nSage, C. M., _Paul Albar of Cordova: Studies on his life and writings_.\nWashington, D. C., 1943.\n\nTardi, D., _Fortunat. \u00c9tude sur un dernier repr\u00e9sentant de la po\u00e9sie\nlatine le Gaule merovingienne_. Paris, 1927.\n\nTrench, R. C., _Sacred Latin poetry_. London, 1874.\n\nWeyman, C., _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen\nPoesie_. M\u00fcnchen, 1926.\n\nWilmart, A. Dom, _Auteurs spirituels et textes d\u00e9vots du moyen \u00e2ge\nLatin. \u00c9tudes d\u2019histoire litteraire_. Paris, 1932.\n\n\u2014\u2014, \u201cLe Psautier de la reine, N. XI, sa provenance et sa date\u201d, _Revue\nB\u00e9n\u00e9dictine_, July-Oct. 1911, 341 ff.\n\nWrangham, D. S., _Liturgical poetry of Adam of St. Victor_. London,\n1881.\n\n\n                         IV. Hymns and Liturgy\n\n_Antiphonarium Hartkeri, saec._ XI, St. Gall MS, 390-391, p. 15-16.\n_Pal\u00e9ographie Musicale_, Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, Tome 1.\n\n_Antiphonary of Bangor_, An early Irish manuscript in the Ambrosian\nLibrary at Milan, edited by F. E. Warren. Henry Bradshaw Society Pub.\nvols. 4, 10. London, 1893, 1895.\n\nBatiffol, P., _\u00c9tudes de liturgie et d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie chr\u00e9tienne_, Ch. VI,\n_La Chandeleur_, 193-215. Paris, 1919.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _History of the Roman Breviary_. Translated from the 3rd French\nedition by A. M. Baylay. London, 1912.\n\nBishop, E., _Liturgica historica_, Oxford, 1918.\n\n\u2014\u2014, \u201cSpanish Symptoms\u201d, _Theological Studies_, 8 (1907) 278-294.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _The Mozarabic and Ambrosian Rites_. London, 1924.\n\nBlume, C., Der cursus S. _Benedicti Nursini und die liturgischen Hymnen\ndes 6.-9. Jahrhunderts_. Leipzig, 1908.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Unsere liturgischen Lieder_. Regensburg, 1932.\n\nBohatta, H., _Bibliographie des livres d\u2019heures_ etc. Wien, 1924, 2nd\ned.\n\n_Breviarium Gothicum_, edited by A. Lorenzana. Madrid, 1775. See Migne,\n_P. L._, 86.\n\nBritt, M., _Hymns of the Breviary and Missal_. New York, 1922, 1948.\n\nBuchanan, E. S., _An early Latin song-book_. New York, 1930. 13th C. Ms.\n\nBurgess, H., _Select metrical hymns and homilies of Ephrem Syrus_.\nLondon, 1855.\n\nChambers, J. D., _Divine worship in England_ in the 13th and 14th,\ncontrasted with and adapted to that in the 19th C. London, 1877.\n\nChatfield, A. W., _Songs and hymns of the earliest Greek Christian\npoets_. London, 1876.\n\nDowden, J., _Church year and kalendar_. Cambridge, 1910.\n\nDuchesne, L., _Origines du culte chr\u00e9tien_. Translation _Christian\nworship: origin and evolution_ from the 3rd French edition by M. L.\nMcClure. London, 1904.\n\nDurandus, Gulielmus, _Rationale divinorum officiorum_ (1286). Lugduni,\n1612.\n\nFisher, A. H., _Cathedral church of Hereford_. London, 1898.\n\nFortescue, A., _Concerning Hymns_. See Introduction to A. G. McDougall,\n_Pange lingua_, above.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _The Mass: a study of the Roman liturgy_. London, 1914.\n\nGautier, L., _Histoire de la Po\u00e9sie liturgique au Moyen Age. Les\nTropes._ Paris, 1886.\n\n_Hereford Breviary_, edited by W. H. Frere and L. E. G. Brown. Henry\nBradshaw Society Pub. vols. 26, 40. London, 1904, 1911.\n\n_Horae Beatae Mariae Virginis or Sarum and York Primers_, edited by E.\nHoskins. London, 1901.\n\n_Horae Eboracenses, Prymer or Hours of the B. V. M._, edited by C.\nWordsworth. Surtees Society Pub. vol. 132. London, 1919.\n\n_Hymnale secundum usum ... ecclesiae Sarisburiensis_, edited by A. C.\nWilson and Dr. Stubbs. Littlemore, 1850.\n\n_Hymnarium Sarisburiense_. London, 1851. Incomplete.\n\n_The Hymner_, Translations of the hymns from the Sarum Breviary together\nwith sundry sequences and processions. London, 1905.\n\n_Hymns, Ancient and Modern_, historical edition. London, 1909.\nIntroduction by W. H. Frere on history of hymns, treats Latin hymns from\nliturgical point of view.\n\n_Irish Liber Hymnorum_, edited by J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson. Henry\nBradshaw Society Pub. vols. 13, 14. London, 1897, 1898.\n\n_Jahrbuch f\u00fcr Liturgiewissenschaft_, edited by O. Casel, O. S. B.\nM\u00fcnster i. W., 1921-1934. Vol. xiv (1934) was published in 1938.\nInvaluable bibliography for every field of medieval hymnology. Many\nreviews of articles otherwise unobtainable.\n\nJones, W. H., _Diocesan histories: Salisbury_. London, 1880.\n\n_Latin hymns of the Anglo-Saxon church_, edited by J. Stevenson. Surtees\nSociety Pub. vol. 23. Durham, 1851.\n\nMcClure, M. L. and Feltoe, E. L., _The Pilgrimage of Etheria_.\nTranslations of Christian literature, Series III, Liturgical texts.\nLondon, 1919.\n\n_Manuale et processionale ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis_,\nedited by W. G. Henderson. Surtees Society Pub. vol. 63. Durham, 1875.\n\nMaskell, W., _Ancient liturgy of the church of England_. Oxford, 1882.\n3rd edition.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Monumenta ritualia ecclesiae Anglicanae_, 3 vols. Oxford, 1882. 2nd\nedition.\n\nMearns, J., _Early Latin hymnaries_, an index of hymns in hymnaries\nbefore 1100, with an appendix from later sources. Cambridge, 1913.\n\n_Missale ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis_, edited by W. G.\nHenderson. Surtees Society Pub. vols. 59, 60. Durham, 1874.\n\n_Missale ad usum percelebris ecclesiae Herfordensis_, edited by W. G.\nHenderson. Leeds, 1874.\n\n_Missale mixtum_, edited by A. Lesley, S. J. Rome, 1755. See Migne, P.\nL. 86.\n\n_Mozarabic Psalter_, edited by J. P. Gilson. Henry Bradshaw Society Pub.\nvol. 30. London, 1905.\n\nNeale, J. M. and Forbes, G. H., _The ancient liturgies of the Gallican\nchurch_. Burntisland, 1855.\n\n_Ordinale and customary of the Benedictine nuns of Barking abbey_,\nedited by J. B. L. Tolhurst. Henry Bradshaw Society Pub. 2 vols. London,\n1927, 1928.\n\nOrnsby, G., _York: diocesan histories_. London, no date.\n\nPhillott, H. W., _Hereford: diocesan histories_. London, no date.\n\n_Processional of the nuns of Chester_, edited by J. W. Legg. Henry\nBradshaw Society Pub. vol. 18. London, 1899.\n\n_Processionale ad usum ... Sarum_, edited by W. G. Henderson. Leeds,\n1882.\n\n_Prymer_, edited by H. Littlehales. Early English Text Society, original\nseries 105, 109. London, 1895, 1897.\n\nRock, D., _Church of our fathers as seen in St. Osmund\u2019s rite for the\ncathedral of Salisbury_, 4 vols. Edited by G. W. Hart and W. H. Frere.\nLondon, 1903-1904.\n\n_Sarum Missal_, edited by J. W. Legg. Oxford, 1916.\n\n_Sarum missal_, done into English by A. H. Pearson. London, 1884. 2nd\nedition.\n\n_Sarum missal_, translated by F. E. Warren. London, 1911. (Library of\nliturgiology and ecclesiology for English readers, vols. 8 and 9.)\n\n_S. Silviae, quae fertur, Peregrinatio ad loca sancta, CSEL 39._ 35-101.\nVindobonae, 1898.\n\nStroppel, R., _Liturgie und geistliche Dichtung 1050-1300_. Frankfurt am\nMain, 1927.\n\nSwete, H. B., _Church services and service books before the\nReformation_. London, 1896.\n\nThalhofer, V. and Eisenhofer, L., _Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik_,\n2 vols. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1912.\n\n_Tropary of Ethelred_, published in _Missale ... Eboracensis_, above.\n\n_Winchester troper_, edited by W. H. Frere. Henry Bradshaw Society Pub.\nLondon, 1894.\n\nWordsworth, C., _Ceremonies and processions of the cathedral church of\nSalisbury_. Cambridge, 1901.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Notes on mediaeval services in England_. London, 1898.\n\n\u2014\u2014, and H. Littlehales, _The old service books of the English church_.\nLondon, 1904.\n\n_York breviary_, edited by J. H. Srawley. Surtees Society Pub. vols. 71,\n75. Durham, 1880, 1883.\n\n\n  V. Hymns and Medieval Culture, especially Art, Drama, Literature and\n                                 Music\n\n_Acta Sanctorum_ quotquot orbe coluntur ... collegit Joannes Bollandus\netc., 1643 et seq.\n\nAddison, J. T., _Medieval Missionary_. A study of the conversion of\nnorthern Europe A. D. 500-1300. New York, 1936. This book supersedes\nearlier works.\n\nAllen, P. S., _Romanesque lyric_. Chapel Hill, 1928.\n\nAltamira, R., _History of Spanish Civilization_, translated by P.\nVolkov. London, 1930.\n\n_Ante-Nicene fathers_, vol. VIII. American Reprint. Buffalo, 1886. For\nApocryphal books of the N. T.\n\n_Antiphonale monasticum_ pro diurnis horis ordinis Sancti Benedicti a\nsolesmensibus monachis restitutum. Parisiis, Tornaci, Romae. 1935. For\nGregorian music.\n\n_Apocryphal New Testament_, edited by M. R. James. Oxford, 1924.\n\nBlume, C., \u201cHymnologie und Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters\u201d, in\n_Festschrift f. Georg von Hertling_. Kempten, 1913. Pp. 117-130.\n\nBrehier, L., _L\u2019art chr\u00e9tien_. Paris, 1928. 2nd edition.\n\nBrown, C., _English lyrics of the 13th century_. London, 1932.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Religious lyrics of the 14th century_. Oxford, 1924.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Religious lyrics of the 15th century_. Oxford, 1939.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Register of Middle English religious and didactic verse_, Pt. II.\nOxford, 1920.\n\nBurdach, K., _Vorspiel_, Bd. I. \u00dcber den Ursprung des mittelalterlichen\nMinnesangs, Liebesromans und Frauendienstes. Halle S., 1925.\n\nChambers, E. K., _Mediaeval Stage_, 2 vols. Oxford, 1903.\n\nClark, J. M., _The abbey of St. Gall as a center of literature and art_.\nCambridge, 1926.\n\nCohen, G., _Histoire de la mise en sc\u00e8ne dans le th\u00e9atre religieux\nfran\u00e7ais du moyen \u00e2ge_. Paris, 1926. Fine bibliography.\n\nCreizenach, W., _Geschichte des neueren Dramas_, vol. I. Halle, 1911.\n\nCutts, E. L., _Parish priests and their people in the Middle Ages_.\nLondon, 1914.\n\nDelehaye, H., _Les legendes hagiographiques_. Bruxelles, 1905.\n\nDiehl, C., _Manuel d\u2019art Byzantin_. Paris, 1910.\n\nDill, S., _Roman Society in Gaul in the merovingian age_. London, 1926.\n\nDouglas, W. C., _Church music in history and practice_. New York, 1937.\n\nDrake, M. and W., _Saints and their emblems_. London, 1916.\n\nDuchartre, P. L., _Mittelalterliche Plastik in Frankreich_. M\u00fcnchen,\n1925.\n\nEvans, J., _Monastic life at Cluny, 910-1157_. London, 1931.\n\nFarmer, H. G., _Historical facts for the Arabian musical influence_.\nLondon, 1930.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _History of Arabian music to the XIIIth C._ London, 1929.\n\nFellerer, K. G., _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Musikgeschichte Freisings_ etc. Freising,\n1926.\n\nGams, Dom P. B., _Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien_, 5 vols.\nRegensburg, 1862-1879.\n\nGarcia Villada, _Historia eclesi\u00e1stica de Espa\u00f1a_, 3 vols. in 5. Madrid,\n1929-1936.\n\nGasquet, F. A., _Parish life in mediaeval England_. London, 1907.\n\nGautier, L., _La po\u00e9sie religieuse dans les clo\u00eetres des IXe-XIe\nsi\u00e8cles_. Paris, 1887.\n\nGougaud, L., _Les chr\u00e9tient\u00e9s Celtiques_. Paris, 1911.\n\nGourmont, R. de, _Le Latin mystique_; les poetes de l\u2019antiphonaire et la\nsymbolique au moyen \u00e2ge. Paris, 1913.\n\nHauttmann, M., _Die Kunst des fr\u00fchen Mittelalters_. Berlin, 1929.\n\nHigginson, J. V., _Revival of Gregorian chant_. Papers of the Hymn\nSociety of America, XV. New York, 1949.\n\nJacopo de Voragine, _Golden legend_. Lives of the saints as Englished by\nWilliam Caxton, 7 vols. _Temple Classics_, edited by F. S. Ellis.\nLondon, 1900.\n\nJeanroy, A., _Le th\u00e9atre religieux en France du XIe au XIIIe si\u00e8cles_.\nParis, 1924.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _Les origines de la po\u00e9sie lyrique en France au moyen \u00e2ge_. Paris,\n1925.\n\nKretzman, P. E., _The liturgical element in the earliest forms of the\nmedieval drama_. Un. of Minnesota Studies in Language and Literature,\nno. 4, 1916.\n\nK\u00fcnstle, K., _Ikonographie der Heiligen_. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1926.\n\nLang, P. H., _Music in western civilization_. New York, 1941.\n\nL\u00e9vi-Proven\u00e7al, E., _La civilization arabe en Espagne, vue general_. Le\nCaire, 1938.\n\nLuchaire, A. (D.J.A.) _Social France at the time of Philip Augustus_,\ntranslated from the 2nd French edition by E. B. Krehbiel. New York,\n1912.\n\nM\u00e2le, E., _L\u2019art religieux du XIIe si\u00e8cle en France_. Paris, 1922.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _L\u2019art religieux du XIIIe si\u00e8cle en France_. Paris, 1923.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _L\u2019art religieux de la fin du moyen \u00e2ge en France_. Paris, 1922.\n\n\u2014\u2014, _L\u2019art allemand et l\u2019art fran\u00e7ais du moyen \u00e2ge_. Paris, 1922.\n\nMeyer, K., _Selections from ancient Irish poetry_. London, 1911.\n\nMeyer, W., _Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rythmik_, 2\nvols. in 1. Berlin, 1905.\n\nM\u00fcller, H. F., \u201cPre-history of the mediaeval drama\u201d, _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\nromanische Philologie_, Bd. 44 (1924) 544-575.\n\nNelson, P., _Ancient stained glass in England_. London, 1913.\n\nOwst, G. R., _Preaching in medieval England_. Cambridge, 1926.\n\nPrior, E. A. and Gardner, A., _An account of medieval figure-sculpture\nin England_. Cambridge, 1912.\n\nPokorny, J., _Die \u00e4lteste Lyrik der gr\u00fcnen Insel_. Halle S., 1923.\n\nQuasten, J., _Musik und Gesang in den Kulten der heidnischen Antike und\nchristlichen Fr\u00fchzeit_. M\u00fcnster im W., 1930.\n\nRaby, F. J. E., _A history of secular Latin poetry in the M. A._, 2\nvols. Oxford, 1934.\n\nRia\u00f1o, J. F., _Critical and bibliographical notes on early Spanish\nmusic_. London, 1887.\n\nSchroeder, Sister M. J., _Mary-Verse in Meistergesang_. Washington, D.\nC., 1942.\n\nSedgwick, W. B., \u201cOrigin of rhyme\u201d, _Revue B\u00e9n\u00e9dictine_, 36 (1924)\n330-346.\n\nSinger, S., _Die Dichterschule von St. Gallen_. Leipzig, 1922.\n\nSpanke, H., _Deutsche und franz\u00f6sische Dichtung des Mittelalters_.\nStuttgart, 1943.\n\n\u2014\u2014, \u201cZur Geschichte der spanischen Musik des Mittelalters\u201d, _Hist.\nVierteljahrschrift_, 28 (1934), 737-66.\n\nSteinen, W. von den, _Notker der Dichter und seine geistliche Welt_, 2\nvols., Bern, 1948. Reviews and supersedes earlier literature on Notker.\nVol. II contains complete works of Notker.\n\nStrzygowski, J., _Origin of Christian church art_, translated by Dalton\nand Braunholtz. Oxford, 1923.\n\nTaylor, H. O., _The medieval mind_, 2 vols. New York, 1914.\n\nTrend, J. B., _The music of Spanish history to 1600_. London, 1926.\n\nTurner, W., \u201cIrish teachers in the Carolingian revival of learning\u201d,\n_Cath. Un. Bulletin_, XIII, Washington, D. C., 1907, pp. 382, 562.\n\nVan Doren, Dom R., _\u00c9tude sur l\u2019influence musicale de l\u2019abbaye de\nSaint-Gall_. Louvain, 1925.\n\nWagner, P., _Einf\u00fchrung in die Gregorianischen Melodien_, London, 1907.\n\n\u2014\u2014, \u201cMorgen- und Abendland in der Musikgeschichte\u201d, _Stimmen der Zeit_,\nBd. 114 (1927) 131-145.\n\n\u2014\u2014, \u201cDer mozarabische Kirchengesang und seiner \u00dcberlieferung\u201d, in Finke,\nH., _Gesammelte Aufs\u00e4tze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens_, Reihe I, Bd. I,\np. 102-141. M\u00fcnster, 1928.\n\nWard, J. B., _Gregorian Chant II_. Belgium, 1949.\n\nWehrle, W. O., _The macaronic hymn tradition in medieval English\nliterature_. Washington, D. C., 1933.\n\nWells, J. E., _Manual of the writings in middle English 1050-1400_. New\nHaven, 1916.\n\nVon Winterfeld, P., \u201cDie Dichterschule St. Gallens und der Reichenau\nunter der Karolingern und Ottonen\u201d, \u201cStilfragen der lateinischen\nDichtung des Mittelalters\u201d, _Deutsche Dichter_, p. 402-422, 423-444.\nM\u00fcnchen, 1922.\n\nWoerdeman, Dom J., \u201cThe source of the Easter play\u201d, _Orate Fratres_, 20\n(1946), Apr. 25, p. 262-272.\n\nYoung, K., _The drama of the medieval church_, 2 vols. Oxford, 1933.\n\n\n                          Ruth Ellis Messenger\n                              Publications\n\n_Ethical Teachings in the Latin Hymns of Medieval England_, Columbia Un.\nStudies in History, Economics and Public Law (New York, 1930) 210 p.\n\n\n                               _Articles_\n\n  _Papers of the Hymn Society of America_, Editor, Carl F. Price, New\n          York.\n    No. III, \u201cThe Praise of the Virgin in Early Latin Hymns,\u201d 1932,\n          reprinted 1944, 10 p.\n    No. IX, \u201cChristian Hymns of the First Three Centuries,\u201d 1942,\n          reprinted 1949, 25 p.\n    No. XIV, \u201cLatin Hymns of the Middle Ages,\u201d 1948, 14 p.\n\n  _Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological\n          Association_\n    \u201cHymns and Sequences of the Sarum Use,\u201d vol. 59 (1928) 99-129.\n    Abstract: \u201cOrigin of the Sequence,\u201d vol. 64 (1933) lxv-lxvi.\n    \u201cThe Descent Theme in Medieval Latin Hymns,\u201d vol. 67 (1936) 126-57.\n    \u201cWhence the Ninth Century Hymnal?,\u201d vol. 69 (1938) 446-64.\n    \u201cRecent Studies in Medieval Latin Hymns,\u201d vol. 71 (1940) 248-261.\n    \u201cThe Mozarabic Hymnal,\u201d vol. 75 (1944) 103-126.\n    \u201cSalve Festa Dies,\u201d vol. 78 (1947) 208-222.\n    \u201cMedieval Processional Hymns before 1100,\u201d vol. 80 (1949) 375-392.\n    \u201cProcessional Hymns of the Later Middle Ages,\u201d vol. 81 (1950)\n          185-199.\n\n  _Miscellaneous articles_\n    _Catholic Choirmaster_\n      \u201cNotker Balbulus,\u201d Sept. 1946, 101-5, 139.\n      \u201cSancta Maria quid est?,\u201d June, 1950, 59-61, 81.\n      \u201cRabanus Maurus,\u201d Summer, 1951, 55-57.\n    _Classical Outlook_\n      \u201cMedieval Easter Hymns,\u201d April, 1944, 65-6.\n      \u201cAdam of St. Victor,\u201d Feb., 1947, 49-51.\n      \u201cGreek Hymns of the Nativity,\u201d Dec., 1948, 25-6.\n      \u201cThe Eighth Day,\u201d May, 1950, 88-9.\n    _Classical Weekly_\n      \u201cThe Legend of St. Agnes in Early Latin Hymns,\u201d Nov. 29, 1943, 75.\n      \u201cThe Legend of St. Eulalia in Mozarabic Hymns,\u201d Oct. 9, 1944,\n          12-3.\n      \u201cHymns in the Horae Eboracenses,\u201d Jan. 15, 1945, 90-5.\n    _Folia_\n      \u201cSources of the Sequence Scalam ad Caelos,\u201d May, 1947, 55-63.\n      \u201cClassical Influence in the Hymns of St. Ambrose,\u201d vol. 4, nos.\n          1-3 (1949) 1-5.\n      \u201cAurelius Prudentius Clemens,\u201d vol. 6, no. 2 (1952) 78-99.\n    _The Hymn_\n      \u201cJohn Mason Neale, Translator,\u201d Oct., 1951, 5-10.\n    _Speculum_\n      \u201cHymnista,\u201d Jan., 1947, 83-4.\n    _Traditio_\n      \u201cMozarabic Hymns in Relation to Contemporary Culture in Spain,\u201d\n          vol. 4 (1946) 149-77.\n\n\n\n\n                                 Index\n\n\n                          Index of Latin Hymns\n\n                                   A\n  _Ad cenam agni providi_, 17, 34\n  _Ad honorem regis summi_, 56\n  _Ad perennis vitae fontem_, 49, 103\n  _Adae carnis gloriosae_, 1, 6\n  _Adeste fideles_, 80\n  _Aeterna caeli gloria_, 34\n  _Aeterna Christi munera_, 8, 17, 34, 86\n  _Aeternae lucis conditor_, 17\n  _Aeterne rerum conditor_, 3, 17, 33\n  _Ales diei nuntius_, 34\n  _Alleluia piis edite laudibus_, 14, 88\n  _Alma redemptoris mater_, 79\n  _Altus prosator_, 14\n  _Angelus ad virginem_, 79\n  _Annua, sancte Dei, celebramus festa diei_, 67\n  _Ante saecula qui manens_, 1\n  _Apostolorum passio_, 61\n  _Audi, iudex mortuorum_, 66\n  _Aurora iam spargit polum_, 34\n  _Aurora lucis rutilat, 17_, 34\n  _Ave maris stella_, 16, 91\n  _Ave vivens hostia_, 50\n\n                                   C\n  _Caeli Deus sanctissime_, 33\n  _Cantemus cuncti melodum nunc Alleluia_, 45, 98\n  _Certum tenentes ordinem_, 17\n  _Chorus novae Ierusalem_, 49\n  _Christe caeli Domine_, 17\n  _Christe precamur adnue_, 17\n  _Christe qui lux es et dies_, 17, 34\n  _Christo nato, rege magno_, 67\n  _Claro paschali gaudio_, 16\n  _Conditor alme siderum_, 16\n  _Congregavit nos in unum Christi amor_, 69\n  _Consors paterni luminis_, 33\n  _Corde natus ex parentis_, 4\n  _Crux benedicta nitet_, 5, 65\n\n                                   D\n  _Dei fide qua vivimus_, 17\n  _Deus aeterni luminis_, 17\n  _Deus creator omnium_, 3, 17, 33\n  _Deus immensa trinitas_, 31, 94\n  _Deus qui caeli lumen es_, 17\n  _Deus qui certis legibus_, 17\n  _Deus qui claro lumine_, 17\n  _Dicamus laudes Domino_, 17\n  _Diei luce reddita_, 17\n  _Dies irae_, 50, 60\n\n                                   F\n  _Fefellit saevam verbum factum te, caro_, 1\n  _Fulgentis auctor aetheris_, 17\n\n                                   G\n  _Gloria, laus et honor_, 29, 65\n\n                                   H\n  _Heri mundus exultavit_, 47, 101\n  _Hic est dies verus Dei_, 17\n  _Hymnum dicat turba fratrum_, 2, 14, 76\n\n                                   I\n  _Iam lucis orto sidere_, 33\n  _Iam sexta sensim volvitur_, 17\n  _Iam surgit hora tertia_, 3, 17\n  _Illuminans altissimus_, 17\n  _Immense caeli conditor_, 33\n  _Imperator magne, vivas_, 69\n  _Intende qui regis_, 17\n\n                                   J\n  _Jesu corona virginum_, 34\n  _Jesu dulcis memoria_, 49\n\n                                   L\n  _Laetetur omne saeculum_, 72\n  _Lauda Sion Salvatorem_, 50, 60, 105\n  _Laudes omnipotens, ferimus tibi dona colentes_, 68\n  _Lucis creator optime_, 16, 33\n  _Lux ecce surgit aurea_, 34\n\n                                   M\n  _Magna et mirabilia_, 17\n  _Magnae Deus potentiae_, 33\n  _Magnum salutis gaudium_, 65\n  _Martyr Dei qui unicum_, 34\n  _Mediae noctis tempus est_, 14, 17\n  _Meridie orandum est_, 17\n  _Morte Christi celebrata_, 52\n\n                                   N\n  _Nocte surgentes vigilemus omnes_, 12, 87\n  _Nox atra rerum contegit_, 33\n  _Nox et tenebrae et nubila_, 34\n  _Nunc sancte nobis spiritus_, 33\n\n                                   O\n  _O lux beata trinitas_, 33\n  _O quanta qualia_, 49\n  _O Roma nobilis_, 76\n  _O sola magnarum urbium_, 4\n\n                                   P\n  _Pange lingua, gloriosi corporis mysterium_, 50, 71\n  _Pange lingua, gloriosi proelium certaminis_, 5, 50, 64, 65\n  _Perfectum trinum numerum_, 17\n  _Plasmator hominis Deus_, 33\n  _Postmatutinis laudibus_, 17\n  _Primo dierum omnium_, 33\n\n                                   Q\n  _Quem terra pontus aethera_, 16\n\n                                   R\n  _Recordare sanctae crucis_, 50\n  _Rector potens verax Deus_, 33\n  _Rerum creator optime_, 33\n  _Rerum Deus tenax vigor_, 33\n  _Rex aeterne Domine_, 17\n  _Rex gloriose martyrum_, 34\n\n                                   S\n  _Salve festa dies.... Qua deus infernum vicit_, 73, 110\n  _Sacrata libri dogmata_, 68\n  _Salve festa dies.... Qua Christi mater visitat_, 71\n  _Salve festa dies.... Qua fuit assumpta Maria_, 72\n  _Salve, lacteolo decoratum sanguine festum_, 67\n  _Salve redemptoris mater_, 47\n  _Sancta Maria, quid est?_, 69\n  _Sancti spiritus assit nobis gratia_, 42, 95\n  _Sancti venite Christi corpus sumite_, 14, 15, 89\n  _Sanctorum meritis inclita gaudia_, 34\n  _Sator princepsque temporum_, 17\n  _Sic ter quaternis trahitur_, 17\n  _Solus ad victimam procedis, Domine_, 49\n  _Somno refectis artubus_, 33\n  _Splendor paternae gloriae_, 3, 7, 17, 33, 84\n  _Stabat mater dolorosa_, 51, 53, 60, 108\n  _Suffragare trinitatis unitas_, 14\n  _Summae Deus clementiae_, 33\n  _Summe confessor sacer_, 34\n  _Summus et omnipotens genitor_, 68\n  _Surrexit quia Christus a sepulchro_, 67\n\n                                   T\n  _Te lucis ante terminum_, 34\n  _Telluris ingens conditor_, 33\n  _Tempora florigero rutilant_, 5, 6, 65\n  _Tempus noctis surgentibus_, 17\n  _Ter hora trina volvitur_, 17\n  _Tu trinitatis unitas_, 33\n\n                                   U\n  _Urbs beata Jerusalem_, 16\n  _Urbs Sion aurea_, 49\n  _Ut queant laxis resonare fibris_, 26, 92\n\n                                   V\n  _Veni, creator spiritus_, 29, 93\n  _Veni redemptor gentium_, 3\n  _Veni sancte spiritus_, 48, 60\n  _Verbum supernum prodiens_, 16\n  _Versus ad descensum fontis_, 68\n  _Vexilla regis prodeunt_, 5, 50, 64, 85\n  _Victimae paschali laudes_, 47, 75\n  _Virginis proles opifexque_, 34\n\n\n                             General Index\n\n                                   A\n  Abelard, 49\n  Adam of St. Victor, 46-7, 51, 55, 70\n  Advent, 4, 16, 32, 44, 50\n  Aetheria, 61-2\n  Alcuin, 21, 26, 37\n  Alfonso X of Castile, 78\n  Amalarius of Metz, 26, 37, 38, 39\n  Ambrose, B. of Milan, 2, 8, 56, 63\n  Ambrosian chant, 7\n  Arabian influences, 31, 54\n  Ascension, 44, 63, 70\n  Augustine, St., 3\n  Aurelian, B. of Arles, 9\n\n                                   B\n  Bangor Antiphonary, 14, 76\n  Benedict, St., 9, 11-2\n  Benedictine Order, 9, 11, 20, 27\n  Benedictine Rule, 11, 20, 25\n  Bernard of Cluny (Morlaix), 49\n  Bonaventura, 50\n  Book of Hours, 53\n  Braulio, B. of Saragossa, 13\n  Breviary, Roman, 80, 81\n  \u201cBy the Cross her vigil keeping,\u201d 51, 108\n  Byzantine influences, 22, 23, 36, 40, 42\n\n                                   C\n  Caesarius, B. of Arles, 9\n  _Cambridge Songs_, 75\n  Canonical Hours, 9\n  _Cantico di fratre sole_, 78\n  _C\u00e1ntigas de Santa Mar\u00eda_, 78\n  _Carmina Burana_, 58, 75\n  Carol, 79\n  _Cathemerinon_, 3\n  Celtic Hymns, 14-5\n  Celtic influences, 21-2, 27, 44\n  Charlemagne, 19, 20, 22, 23, 36, 37\n  Charles the Bald, 19, 20, 21, 25\n  Columba, St., of Iona, 14\n  _Conductus_, 73\n  Corpus Christi, 50, 51, 71\n  Council of Braga (563), 10\n  Council of Laodicea (364), 10\n  Council of Orleans (511), 63\n  Council of Toledo, IV, (633), 13\n  Council of Tours (567), 11\n  Council of Girona (517), 63\n  \u201cCreator-Spirit, all Divine,\u201d 29, 93\n\n                                   D\n  Damasus, Pope St., 2\n  \u201cDraw nigh and take the body of the Lord,\u201d 15, 89\n  Durandus, B. of Mende, 70\n\n                                   E\n  Easter, 16, 32, 44, 47, 52, 65, 67, 70\n  Epiphany, 4, 32\n  Eugenius II, Primate of Toledo, 13\n  Eulogius, Archb. of Cordova, 30\n\n                                   F\n  \u201cFather we praise Thee,\u201d 12, 87\n  Fortunatus, Venantius, 4, 11, 27, 64\n  Francis, St. of Assisi, 78\n  Fulbert, B. of Chartres, 49\n  Fulda, 11, 25, 29, 30\n\n                                   G\n  _Gaudeamus igitur_, 75\n  Greek influences, 23, 27, 38, 42\n  Gregorian chant, 12, 81\n  Gregory the Gt., Pope St., 12, 14, 23, 27, 36, 63\n\n                                   H\n  \u201cHail, Sea-Star we name Thee,\u201d 16, 91\n  \u201cHail thee, festival day,\u201d 73, 110\n  Hartmann of St. Gall, 67\n  Hilary B. of Poitiers, 1, 74\n  _Horae_, 53, 58\n  Hymn cycles, 9-10\n  _Hymnarium or hymnary_, 24, 44\n\n                                   I\n  Ildefonsus, Primate of Toledo, 13\n  \u201cIn flowing measures,\u201d 26, 92\n  Isidore of Seville, 1, 13, 30, 65\n\n                                   J\n  James, St., of Campostella, 56\n  _Jumi\u00e8ges Antiphonary_, 41\n  Jerome, St., 1\n\n                                   L\n  _Later Hymnal_, 19, 23, 24-5, 28, 30, 33\n  _Laude al crucifisso_, 78\n  Laudi spirituali, 78\n  Lent, 32\n  Louis the Pious, 19, 20, 21, 25, 30\n\n                                   M\n  Macaronic verse, 58\n  Mary the Virgin, St., feasts of, 32, 44, 47, 64, 67, 69, 70, 71,\n          72\n  Metrical forms of Latin hymns, 5, 6, 26, 27, 65, 74, 76\n  Metz, 20, 37, 41\n  _Modus_, 43, 75\n  Monte Cassino, 16, 20\n  Mozarabic Hymns, 12-4, 30-1, 54, 59\n  Music, 6-7, 12, 20, 22, 27-8, 35, 39, 43, 73, 81-2\n\n                                   N\n  Nativity, 8, 32, 44, 67\n  Neumes, 27, 38-9\n  _Ninth Century Hymnal_, see _Later Hymnal_\n  Notker Balbulus, 22, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 77\n\n                                   O\n  \u201cO glorious immensity,\u201d 31, 94\n  \u201cO Splendor of God\u2019s glory,\u201d 3, 84\n  _Old Hymnal_, 10, 12, 17, 30\n  Osmund, B. of Salisbury, 52\n  Otfried the Frank, 76\n\n                                   P\n  Palm Sunday, 65, 70\n  Passion, 32, 44, 62\n  Paulus Diaconus, 21, 26\n  Peckham, John, Archb. of Canterbury, 50\n  Pentecost, 32, 44, 48\n  _Peristephanon_, 3, 75\n  Peter Damian, 49\n  _Phos hilaron_, 62\n  Pilgrimage hymns, 56\n  Pippin, 11, 19, 20, 22\n  \u201cPraise, O Sion, praise thy Saviour,\u201d 50, 105\n  _Processional_ (Book), 53, 70\n  Processions (Litany), 63, 68\n  Processions (Station), 63\n  _Primer_, 53\n  _Prosa_ or _prose_, 35, 37, 41\n  Prudentius (Aurelius Prudentius Clemens), 3, 8, 27, 74, 75\n  _Psalmi idiotici_, 10\n\n                                   R\n  Rabanus Maurus, 26, 29, 67\n  Radbert of Corbie, 26, 67, 68\n  Reichenau, 24, 25, 30, 69\n  Roman chant, 7, 20\n  Roman Rite, 12, 20, 52\n\n                                   S\n  St. Gall (monastery), 11, 22, 24, 25, 41, 42, 59, 66-70 (passim),\n          72, 73\n  St. Martial, 24, 37, 41, 77\n  Saints, feasts of, 8, 32, 44, 47, 56, 61, 67, 72, 75\n  Salisbury, 52, 53, 70\n  Sarum, see Salisbury\n  Savonarola, 78\n  Sedulius, 13, 27, 29\n  Sergius, Pope (687-701), 63-4\n  Sequence, origin of, 35-40\n  \u201cSing alleluia forth,\u201d 14, 88\n  Solesmes, 28\n\n                                   T\n  \u201cThe grace of the Holy Ghost,\u201d 42, 95\n  \u201cThe strain upraise,\u201d 45, 98\n  \u201cThe banners of the king,\u201d 5, 85\n  \u201cThe eternal gifts of Christ the King,\u201d 8, 86\n  Theodulphus, B. of Orleans, 26, 28, 31, 67\n  Thomas Aquinas, St., 50, 55, 71\n  Thomas of Celano, 50\n  \u201cTo the fount of life eternal,\u201d 49, 103\n  Trinity, 32, 44\n  _Troparium_ or _tropary_, 44, 52\n  _Trope_, 37\n\n                                   V\n  Vernacular religious lyrics, 77-9\n  _Versus_, 66\n  Villon, Fran\u00e7ois, 78\n\n                                   W\n  Walafrid Strabo, 26, 30, 67, 69\n\n                                   Y\n  \u201cYesterday with exultation,\u201d 47, 101\n\n\n\n\n                          Transcriber\u2019s Notes\n\n\n--Generated an original cover image for free and unrestricted use with\n  this eBook.\n\n--Copyright notice provided as in the original\u2014this e-text is public\n  domain in the country of publication.\n\n--Silently corrected palpable typos; left non-standard spellings and\n  dialect unchanged.\n\n--In the text version only, italicized text is delimited by\n  _underscores_.","title":"The Medieval Latin Hymn","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":43962}