{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_54903/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_54903","id":"gutenberg_54903","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54903","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Religious","Category: Music","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Hymns, Latin -- History and criticism"],"text":"THE\n                           LATIN HYMN-WRITERS\n                                  AND\n                              THEIR HYMNS.\n\n\n                              BY THE LATE\n                      SAMUEL WILLOUGHBY DUFFIELD,\n   Author of \u201cThe Heavenly Land,\u201d \u201cWarp and Woof,\u201d \u201cThe Burial of the\n         Dead,\u201d and \u201cEnglish Hymns: Their Authors and History.\u201d\n\n                        EDITED AND COMPLETED BY\n                      PROF. R. E. THOMPSON, D.D.,\n                  _Of the University of Pennsylvania._\n\n  \u201cEt semper in hunc studiorum quare munitissimum portum ex hujus\n  temporis tempestatibus lubenter confugissem.\u201d\u2014H. A. Daniel.\n\n  \u201cIn diesem Sinne betrachte ich diese, uns von der Vorzeit\n  \u00fcberlieferten ehrw\u00fcrdigen und erhabenen Kirchlichen Dichtungen als ein\n  geistiges Gemeingut.\u201d\u2014G. A. Konigsfeld.\n\n                          FUNK & WAGNALLS,\n       NEW YORK:               1889.                LONDON:\n  18 & 20 ASTOR PLACE.                          44 FLEET STREET.\n                       _All Rights Reserved._\n\n      Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1889, by\n                            FUNK & WAGNALLS,\n    In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D. C.\n\n\n\n\n                           TABLE OF CONTENTS\n\n\n  Editor\u2019s Preface                                                   iii\n  Introduction                                                      viii\n  I The Praise Service of the Early Church                            xi\n  II The Study of the Latin Hymns                                     12\n  III Hilary of Poitiers and the Earliest Latin Hymns                 19\n  IV Pope Damasus and the Beginning of Rhyme                          35\n  V Ambrose                                                           47\n  VI Prudentius, the First Christian Poet                             63\n  VII Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia                                       73\n  VIII Caelius Sedulius and his Alphabet Hymn                         83\n  IX Venantius Fortunatus the Troubadour                              88\n  X Gregorius Magnus [540-604]                                        97\n  XI The Venerable Bede                                              109\n  XII Rabanus Maurus, Author of the \u201cVeni, Creator\u201d                  114\n  XIII Notker of St. Gall, Called Balbulus                           132\n  XIV Walafrid Strabo                                                143\n  XV Hermannus Contractus and the \u201cVeni Sancte Spiritus\u201d             149\n  XVI Peter Damiani, Cardinal and Flagellant                         169\n  XVII Hildebert and his Hymn                                        179\n  XVIII Bernard of Clairvaux                                         186\n  XIX Abelard                                                        194\n  XX Peter the Venerable                                             214\n  XXI Bernard of Cluny                                               222\n  XXII Adam of St. Victor                                            227\n  XXIII Thomas of Celano                                             240\n  XXIV Thomas Aquinas and John Bonaventura                           255\n  XXV Jacoponus and the \u201cStabat Mater\u201d                               272\n  XXVI Thomas \u00c0 Kempis                                               283\n  XXVII Francis Xavier, Missionary to the Indies (1506-52)           298\n  XXVIII The Hymn-Writers of the Breviary                            316\n  XXIX The Unknown and the Less Known Hymn-Writers [Fourth to\n          Tenth Century]                                             347\n  XXX The Unknown and the Less Known Hymn-Writers [Tenth to\n          Sixteenth Century]                                         370\n  XXXI Latin Hymnology and Protestantism                             401\n  XXXII BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.                                       416\n  XXXIII Index to Translated Hymns                                   446\n  Appendix                                                           485\n  Appendix I BERNARDI MORLANENSIS DE VANITATE MUNDI ET APPETITU\n          AETERNAE VITAE, LIBELLUS AUREOLUS.                         485\n  Appendix II The Carmina Burana                                     495\n  Appendix III The Four Crazed Brothers                              497\n  General Index                                                      499\n  Index to Latin Hymns Quoted or Mentioned                           507\n\n\n\n\n                           EDITOR\u2019S PREFACE.\n\n\nSome months before the death of my true hearted friend, Rev. S. W.\nDuffield, he wrote to express his wish that I should complete this work,\nif he did not live to finish it. As I was not aware how grave, and even\nhopeless, was his illness, I did not feel that I was undertaking a\nserious responsibility in assenting to his wish. But his untimely death\nbrought to me the duty of discharging a wish which \u201cthe emphasis of\ndeath\u201d made imperative.\n\nIn our conferences over the book and its subject, which we had had for\nthree years past, I had come to appreciate Mr. Duffield\u2019s ideas as to\nits form and content, and read with much interest his preliminary\nstudies in the _Christian Intelligencer_, the _Sunday-School Times_, and\nthe _New Englander_. On coming into possession of his manuscript and\nnotes, I found that the greater part of the book had been carried almost\nto the point of readiness for the printer, although several chapters had\nnot been written and all needed careful revision.\n\nI have revised throughout the chapters Mr. Duffield left, but in doing\nso I have been embarrassed by the very vitality and personal quality in\nMr. Duffield\u2019s style. He reminds one of what Archdeacon Hare says of the\nfreshness and living force in a page of Luther\u2019s. This has constrained\nme to leave intact many a phrase or expression I should not have used,\nbut which was natural and even inevitable in him. It is my hope that I\nhave not sacrificed this admirable quality of his writing to any\npedantry of judgment.\n\nThe chapters on Pope Damasus (Chapter IV.) I have rewritten throughout.\nThat on Bernard of Cluny I have rearranged, but without much alteration.\nThat on Thomas of Celano I have rewritten to the top of page 252. That\non Hermann of Reichenau I should have liked to rewrite; but as I\ndissented from some of its arguments, I feared to more than retouch it.\nIt stands as a monument of its author\u2019s vehement conviction that in\nHermann he had found the true author of the _Veni Sancte Spiritus_.\n\nThe later chapters, from Thomas Aquinas, with the exception of those on\nJacoponus and Xavier, are the work of the editor alone. In preparing\nthem I have followed the author\u2019s own plan for the book, except (1) in\ntreating of the less-known as well as the unknown hymn-writers in\nChapters XXX. and XXXI.; (2) in inserting a chapter on the relations of\nProtestantism to Latin hymnology; and (3) in giving in the last chapter\nonly a selection from Mr. Duffield\u2019s great _Index of the Latin Hymns_,\nwhich I hope to see published complete in a separate book. Translations\nnot credited to any other person are the work of Mr. Duffield.\n\nMr. Duffield\u2019s own idea of his book is well expressed in the\nIntroduction which follows this Preface. I give it as he left it,\nalthough he had noted his purpose to prepare another which would cover\nthe ground more fully. It now remains to say something of the man\npersonally, and in this I am indebted much to the assistance of his\nfaithful coworker in his hymnological studies, Miss Lilian B. Day of\nBloomfield, who copied his great _Index of the Latin Hymns_, and who\nprepared the indexes to both his _English Hymns_ and the present volume.\n\n\nSamuel Augustus Willoughby Duffield was born at Brooklyn, on September\n24th, 1843. His family was of French Huguenot extraction (Du Field), and\nfound a home in the North of Ireland after the Revocation of the Edict\nof Nantes. Between 1725 and 1730 George Duffield, his ancestor by five\nremoves, settled in Lancaster County, as one of the great Ulster\nemigration which was flowing into Pennsylvania. His son George graduated\nat Princeton, and after several pastorates was settled in Philadelphia\nin the Pine Street church. He was an ardent patriot, chaplain in\nWashington\u2019s army, and Bishop White\u2019s associate in the chaplaincy of the\nContinental Congress. Of two sons who survived him, one became a\nminister, while the other took a prominent part in public life. His\ngrandson, Rev. George Duffield, D.D. (1796-1868) was a leader of the New\nSchool division of the Presbyterian Church, both before and after the\nseparation of 1837, and while pastor at Carlisle was arraigned for\nunsound teaching in his work on _Regeneration_. \u201cBarnes, Beman, and\nDuffield\u201d were the three names most offensive to the Aristarchuses of\northodoxy in that time. He was married to a sister of Dr. George W.\nBethune. His son, generally known in our times as Dr. George Duffield,\nJr., to distinguish him from his father, was born in 1818 at Carlisle,\ngraduated at Yale College in 1837, and at Union Theological Seminary.\nOne of his pastorates was in Brooklyn, from 1840 to 1847, during which\nhis son, Samuel Augustus Willoughby, was born. He is best known as a\nhymn-writer, two of his hymns being known and loved wherever the English\nlanguage is spoken. They are, \u201cBlessed Saviour, Thee I love,\u201d and \u201cStand\nup, stand up for Jesus,\u201d the latter being suggested by the dying words\nof Dudley Tyng in 1858.\n\nSamuel W. Duffield was of the sixth American generation of his family.\nFrom his youth he was a young giant, with an inborn love of active\nsports, quick in movement, and apparently incapable of fatigue. His mind\nshowed equal vigor and freshness, and he early developed a passion for\npoetry. By his tenth year he had mastered Chaucer, in spite of\ndifficulties much more serious to beginners in those days than in our\nown. And he very early began to find expression for his own ideas in\nverse. He united with the Church at the age of thirteen, when his father\nwas a pastor in Philadelphia, being the only one who did so at the time,\nso that the act was the result of personal decision and not of a revival\nexcitement. He graduated at Yale in 1863; and after teaching for a\nwhile, he began the study of theology under the care of his grandfather\nand his father. Not until after he had been licensed to preach, and had\nhad charge of a mission in Chicago, did he present himself as a student\nin Union Theological Seminary.\n\nHis first pastorate was from 1867 to 1870 at Tioga, one of the northern\nsuburbs of Philadelphia. As he frequently came to the office of the\n_American Presbyterian_, on which I was assisting the late Dr. John W.\nMears, I then formed an acquaintance with him, which ripened into a\nfriendship that was to be lifelong, and I hope even longer. He was an\nimpressive figure, of more than the ordinary height, and yet so\nmassively built that he was seen to be tall only when beside another\nperson. His manner was cheerful, affectionate and buoyant, giving\nevidence in various ways of his French descent. His character was\nwinning and attractive by its openness, and its entire freedom from\nselfishness. He was a man out of whose heart the child never died, and\nhe carried the freshness of his boyhood\u2019s years into the mature pursuits\nof his manhood.\n\nOur common love of poetry and our dawning interest in Latin hymnology\u2014he\nhad translated Bernard of Cluny and was trying his hand on the _Dies\nIrae_ in those days\u2014drew us closer together and gave our friendship an\nintellectual interest. When he left Tioga for Jersey City our\nintercourse became more fragmentary, but during his pastorate at Ann\nArbor (1871-74) it was renewed by correspondence. He felt himself\nespecially at home in the university city of Michigan, with a\ncongregation composed largely of the students. Here he had the delight\nof welcoming Dr. George Macdonald to his pulpit, when the poet visited\nAmerica in 1873. He worked hard to have me called to the Chair of\nEnglish Literature in the University of Michigan, but did not succeed.\n\nChicago, 1874, Auburn, 1876, Altoona, 1878, and Bloomfield, 1882, were\nhis subsequent pastorates; and in Bloomfield he remained until his\ndeath. In this New Jersey suburb of New York City he seemed to find\nhimself especially at home. It was indeed the home of his early boyhood,\nfor his father had been pastor of the same church from 1847 to 1852; he\nwell remembered his playmates and schoolmates, and kept up his\nacquaintance by correspondence and visits, until he came among them as\ntheir pastor. He was near enough to the great city to find easy access\nto its libraries, especially the Astor Library and that of Union\nSeminary, and to enjoy the friendship of scholars of tastes similar to\nhis own, especially that of Dr. Charles S. Robinson. He found a\ncongenial people in his congregation. He took a lively interest in\nmatters relating to the welfare of the town, was an active member of the\nVillage Improvement Association, labored hard to establish a public\nlibrary, and helped to set on foot a good weekly paper. He became\nChaplain of the Fire Company, and preached a special sermon every year\nto its members. He spoke always with enthusiasm of his new environment,\nand seemed to look forward to many happy and useful years there. His\nhome life, I shall only say, was especially happy and helpful to him.\nAmong his delights was to watch the dawning powers of a daughter, who\ninherits all her father\u2019s poetic gifts.\n\nHis best poetical work is still unpublished, except such parts of it as\nhave appeared in the _Sunday-School Times_ and other weeklies. His first\nventure was _The Heavenly Land, from the Rhythm of Bernard of Morlaix_\n(New York, 1867). His second and most characteristic book was _Warp and\nWoof: A Book of Verse_ (1868), in which \u201cUndergraduate Orioles\u201d and some\nother pieces at once attracted attention by their felicitous beauty and\ngenuineness. Along with his father, he prepared _The Burial of the Dead_\n(1882), a manual for use at funerals. In the long interval between these\ntwo dates he was already laboring at his book on the Latin hymn-writers.\n\u201cDuring the years 1882-85,\u201d writes Miss Day, \u201cthose of us who saw him\nmost frequently on his way to and from the New York libraries came to\nrecognize a large, square note-book and a green cloth bag as his\ninseparable Monday companions. Something of their contents we knew, for\nwith his genial disposition he could not refrain from quoting snatches\nof the old Latin hymns with translations into musical English. But no\none could appreciate the real worth of the knowledge concealed between\ncloth and board as did the student himself, who had spent the hours of\nleisure snatched from professional labors in the libraries, and among\nLatin quartos and folios, in search of the materials for his book.\nDuring the latter part of 1885 the Latin hymn-writers were laid aside\nfor a while to give time for his work on _English Hymns: Their Authors\nand History_ (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1886),\u201d which was suggested by\nthe appearance of Dr. Robinson\u2019s _Laudes Domini_ in 1884, and is mainly\nan account of the hymns included in that work, and of their authors.\nWhen this was finished he returned to his _opus magnum_, in the\nexpectation of having it soon ready for the press. From our conferences\nand correspondence I was led to hope for its early appearance. But this\nwas not to be. A failure of the vessels of the heart, evidently from\nsome constitutional weakness, as he had been making no special exertion\nwhen it showed itself, was the beginning of the end. Twelve weary months\nof illness, spent partly in Bloomfield and partly at a watering-place,\nto which he had gone for change of air, were followed by his death on\nMay 12th, 1887. He died as he had lived, in the full assurance of the\nGospel, and looking for life everlasting in Jesus Christ.\n\nThe news of his death was received with grief by the whole community,\nespecially by the young people, with whom he had so lively a sympathy.\nThe Bloomfield Fire Company displayed their flag at half-mast, placed a\nguard of honor over his remains during the forty hours they lay at the\nchurch, and attended his funeral in a body. Signs of the general\nmourning were seen everywhere, and the town felt it had lost a\npublic-spirited citizen, while his church had lost a faithful and\ndevoted pastor. Mingled with memoranda for his book, I find in his\nnote-books other indications of the breadth and energy of his work for\nthe spiritual and intellectual improvement of his people, especially\nthrough his lectures before the Young People\u2019s Society of the\nWestminster Church.\n\nIn the city of the dead at Detroit, where his kindred lie buried, there\nstands a memorial stone, which bears the inscription:\n\n                             DILECTISSIMUS\n                          EHEU PRAEMISSUS EST\n                    QUANQUAM E VITAE INTEGRAE MEDIO\n                                 RAPTUS\n                       AEVUM LONGISSIMUM PEREGIT\n                               BEATO ILLI\n                               PATER UXOR\n                          MULTIS CUM LACRIMIS\n                               HOC MARMOR\n                               DEDICAVERE\n\nBeside him lies now the mortal part of the much-loved father who wrote\nthese words. Dr. George Duffield the younger died July 6, 1888.\n\n\n\n\n                             INTRODUCTION.\n\n\nThe study of the Latin hymns is so much a thing of its own kind that one\nowes it to himself as well as to his readers to begin at the beginning.\nThis beginning in the present instance happened to be on the North\nRiver, on a bright, fresh April morning in the year of grace 1882. It\nwas at that time, with the clear sky overhead and the hearty breeze\ncoming full in our faces from the Narrows, that my friend, the Rev. F.\nN. Zabriskie, D.D., broached the following proposition:\n\nIt was, he said, a matter of great surprise to him that no one had done\nfor the Latin hymn-writers what had been done for those of later date.\nWe had their hymns, but for his part he confessed to a love for the\npersonality of the poets themselves, and for the circumstances which\nconspired to produce their poems. Now, if it seemed good to myself, who\nhad already given time and study to the hymns, he would gladly open the\ncolumns of the _Christian Intelligencer_ (the organ of the Reformed\nChurch in America) to a series of articles bearing such a character. And\nthere and then the book began.\n\nBut my original ideas modified greatly as I went on. In place of my\nmastering the subject, the subject mastered me. My previous studies went\nfor but very little, and my confidence in my ability to prepare the\narticles without taking much time from regular and important duties\ndiminished with every number. I found myself on new ground and was\nperpetually referred back to the original authorities. French and German\nand Latin\u2014I had to investigate them all in order to satisfy that\ninsatiate creature, a scholar\u2019s conscience. I discovered that, except\nfor rare and slight notices, this sort of work had neither been done nor\nwas likely to be done, and conferences with our best hymnologists only\nmade me more interested in doing it, and doing it as well as I could.\nDoubtless those whose specialities lie in mediaeval days will find much\nto criticise, but no one can be a severer critic than myself according\nto my means of information.\n\nThese chapters, like this Introduction, will be found to be written in\nthe American language. Their purpose is to reach the popular desire for\nbetter knowledge, and it would be absurd to offer these facts in any dry\nor pedantic style. Yet the scholar and the hymnologist will both find\nthat a positive value and a careful accuracy attach to the work that has\nbeen done. I found I could take nothing for granted, and I took nothing\nfor granted. Even the Archbishop of Dublin and the principal of\nSackville College have their idiosyncrasies and predilections, and a\nquite easy way of writing on these topics is to copy what has been said\nalready. A very notable case to the contrary is Lord Selborne\u2019s splendid\narticle on \u201cHymns\u201d in the new _Encyclopaedia Britannica_.\n\nTherefore life and song and color are not absent, I trust, from these\npages. I should not like to give all the authorities consulted or\nrummaged through; for, indeed, I have kept no record of them. Like the\nfamous sun-dial I have registered none but the serene hours, and many a\ntime the scarce and long-sought volume before me has been jejune enough.\nWhile, on the other hand, a book like Morison\u2019s _Life of St. Bernard_\nhas turned out to be precisely the help I was seeking, bright in its\nstyle and careful and original in its researches. I have verified its\nquotations too often not to pay it at least this faint tribute of\napproval.\n\nIt would be also beyond measure ungrateful in me if I did not here\nacknowledge the kindnesses I have received in this quest after the\nSangreal of a true psalmody. Let me name, then, the Astor Library. Its\nsuperintendent, Mr. Little, and its librarians, Mr. Frederick Saunders\n(author of _Evenings with the Sacred Poets_), and his assistant, Mr.\nBierstadt, have been uniformly courteous and obliging. So has been the\nRev. Professor Charles A. Briggs, D.D., in whose care is the fine\ntheological library of Union Seminary. So have been the authorities of\nthe Society Library (New York), and of the Philadelphia Library, and of\nthe Boston Athenaeum and Public libraries.\n\nPersonally, I am deeply indebted to the culture and friendship of Miss\nMarion L. Pelton, Assistant Professor of Literature in Wellesley\nCollege, who has made for me many valuable notes; and to the assistance\nand counsel of Professor F. A. March, LL.D., Professor F. M. Bird,\nProfessor Philip Schaff, D.D., and Judge W. H. Arnoux.\n\nIt will be readily seen that I have not concerned myself with the matter\nof the host of English translations, or with that of the comparison and\ncriticism of the text of the hymns. These branches of hymnology are in a\nscientific sense the most valuable, but in a popular sense they are the\nleast interesting. And I could not hope to rival, far less to equal,\nsuch illustrious scholarship as that of Daniel or Mone. I have therefore\nbeen content to pipe to a lesser reed, and in a more familiar and\ngossiping way to attempt the history of the hymns. And for the rest I\ncan only add what Master Robert Burton saith in his _Anatomy of\nMelancholy_: \u201cIf through weakness, folly, passion, ignorance, I have\nsaid amiss, let it be forgotten and forgiven.... I earnestly request\nevery private man, as Scaliger did Cardan, not to take offence.... If\nthou knewest my modesty and simplicity, thou wouldest easily pardon and\nforgive what is here amiss, or by thee misconceived.\u201d\n\n                                             Samuel Willoughby Duffield.\n\nBloomfield, N. J., U. S. A.\n\n\n\n\n                              LATIN HYMNS.\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER I.\n                THE PRAISE SERVICE OF THE EARLY CHURCH.\n\n\nWhen our Lord and His disciples \u201chad sung an hymn\u201d they left the place\nwhere they had observed the passover, and went out to the Mount of\nOlives. This hymn was the \u201cGreat Hallel,\u201d consisting of Psalms 113 to\n118 inclusive. The 113th and 114th were sung previous to the feast; the\nothers, after it. We thus know, with singular accuracy, what was the\nfirst hymn of praise in the Christian Church. The essence of this\n\u201cHallel\u201d is the essence of all true psalmody\u2014trust and thanksgiving and\npraise.\n\nIt may be said, and with truth, that the _Magnificat_ of Mary, the _Nunc\nDimittis_ of old Simeon, and, above all, that the _Gloria in Excelsis\nDeo_ of the angels at Bethlehem, antedate this hymn of our Lord and His\napostles. It may also be said, and with the same truth, that these\nfurnished to the early Christians their earliest expressions of praise.\nBut it appears that the Last Supper, with its pathetic union of Jewish\nand Christian ideas, was also the place at which the Psalms of David and\nthe spiritual songs of primitive Christianity were united. The thought\nthat this reveals is larger than these limits will permit us to discuss.\nIt is in brief that as Jesus Christ came, \u201cnot to destroy, but to\nfulfil,\u201d He designed to show to His Church that gratitude, love, trust,\nand adoration were to be combined in all future psalmody. The _t\u2019hillim_\nof the Jew were to become the _hymni_ of the Christian.\n\nThe noticeable fact remains that the early Church only caught the\nsimplest and most fervent forms of this worship. Their pure veneration\nof the Lord led Pliny to write (Ep. 10:97) that they \u201csung alternately\namong themselves a hymn to Christ as God\u201d\u2014_carmen Christo quasi Deo,\ndicere secum invicem_. It is this loving devotion which charms us as we\nread those verses which have been preserved. For the most part the\nsubjects are limited. We could naturally expect that, being largely\ndrawn from Jewish sources, they would express gratitude and\nadoration\u2014and this is correct. Chrysostom declared that the early\nChristians sung at prayers in the morning, at their work, and very\nusually at their meals. Jerome, writing to Marcellus, says\u2014and we quote\nCave\u2019s translation for its quaintness\u2014\u201cYou could not go into the field\nbut you might hear the _Ploughman_ at his _Hallelujahs_, the _Mower_ at\nhis _Hymns_, and the _Vine-dresser_ singing _David\u2019s Psalms_.\u201d In fact,\nChristian song was a notable feature of primitive Christianity.\n\nThe language of these hymns was either Syriac or Greek. By degrees the\nGreek obtained the precedence; and as the Latin hymns did not arise\nuntil Hilary of Poitiers (fourth century), the period between the\nAscension and that era belongs to the Greek language rather more than to\nany other. We also know from the New Testament writers some very\nimportant facts, which may properly be classified at this point.\n\n1. There were three terms for the sacred song. It might be a _psalm_, or\na _hymn_, or a _spiritual song_, as we discover from Ephesians 5:19 and\nColossians 3:16.\n\n2. From 1 Corinthians 14:23-33, it seems plain that the composition, as\nwell as the singing of these hymns and songs, might be the result of\nsudden emotion or inspiration. In any case, there is no doubt (for\nTertullian decisively states it) that the \u201cextempore,\u201d or, more\nstrictly, \u201cprivate\u201d authorship of such psalmody was not uncommon. The\ncouncil of Laodicea (_circa_ A.D. 360) interdicted private persons from\nthis privilege. Even in Paul\u2019s time it would appear to have produced an\neffect akin to the \u201cspirituals\u201d of our own freedmen\u2014much of it being\nexquisite in its simple devotion, while a certain share offended good\ntaste, and hindered the propriety and solemnity of worship.\n\n3. The alternation of prayer with praise was never better illustrated\nthan when Paul and Silas (Acts 16:25) sent up their midnight anthems\nfrom that \u201cinner prison,\u201d while their feet were \u201cmade fast in the\nstocks.\u201d This alternation was\u2014as the Fathers assure us\u2014the order in\npublic worship also.\n\n4. We have received in the very pages of the New Testament some of these\nearliest hymns. To say nothing, at present, of those great leading\nchants which bear the names of the angels, and of Mary, and of\nZacharias, and of Simeon\u2014and to pass over all those of Jewish origin\u2014we\nhave still left us such a strain as that in Acts 4:24-30. Here we have\nan impulse which expresses itself in reply to Peter and John by sacred\nsong.\n\nEphesians 5:14 has also been considered to be such a fragment:\n\n  \u201cAwake, O thou that sleepest!\n  Arouse thee from the dead!\n  And Christ shall give to thee\n  Enlightenment!\u201d\n\nSo too 1 Timothy 3:16 has been arranged by some scholars as though it\nwere a well-known strophe the Apostle quoted:\n\n  \u201cWho\u2014for the mystery is great\u2014\n  Was manifest in body,\n  Was justified in spirit,\n  Was visible to angels,\n  Was heralded to heathen,\n  Was trusted on the earth,\n  Was taken up to glory.\u201d\n\nNor is this the only instance in this very Epistle, for 1 Timothy 6:15,\n16, reads:\n\n  \u201cThe king of all the kingly ones,\n  The lord of all the lordly ones,\n  Who only hath the power of life immortal;\n  Inhabiting the unapproachable light;\n  Whom never any one of men hath seen,\n  Nor ever can behold;\n  Let glory and eternal strength be his!\n                      Amen!\u201d\n\n5. When, now, we complete our New Testament mention of this praise\u2014which\nclings like incense to the temple-curtains and sweetly perfumes the\nplace\u2014we have only to add the earliest received anthems. These are the\n_Magnificat_ (Luke 1:46-55); the _Benedictus_ (Luke 1:68-79); the\n_Gloria in Excelsis Deo_ (Luke 2:18); and the _Nunc Dimittis_ (Luke\n2:29-32). It will be observed that all these are derived from a single\ngospel, wherein, more than in any other, the \u201csweet, sad music of\nhumanity\u201d can most readily be found. It is natural, too, that the\npainter and physician, Luke, should have a poetic ear which could\ncatch\u2014as in the Acts of the Apostles\u2014this faintest and earliest praise.\nThere were, indeed, in the primitive church, eight of these classic\nexpressions of worship. These are:\n\n  (1) The Lesser Doxology (_Gloria Patri_),\n    \u201cGlory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost.\u201d\n  (2) The Greater Doxology (_Gloria in Excelsis_),\n    \u201cGlory be to God on high, and on earth peace,\u201d etc.\n    [This was also called the Angelical Hymn.]\n  (3) The _Ter Sanctus_ (the cherubical hymn),\n    \u201cHoly, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty.\u201d\n  (4) The Hallelujah.\n    [This \u201cAlleluia, Amen!\u201d was the response of the church.]\n  (5) The Evening Hymn (containing the _Nunc Dimittis_).\n  (6) The _Benedicite_.\n    [The \u201cSong of the Three Children,\u201d which is taken from the\n          Apocrypha, and which appears in the service of the Episcopal\n          Church (Order for Morning Prayer) as, \u201cO all ye works of the\n          Lord,\u201d etc.]\n  (7) The _Magnificat_.\n    [Named\u2014as these are all named\u2014from the first word of the Latin\n          Vulgate version.]\n  (8) The _Te Deum_,\n    \u201cWe praise Thee, O God, we acknowledge Thee to be the Lord,\u201d etc.\n\nWe can feel quite sure that the Latin Church merely borrowed these hymns\nfrom the earliest forms of the Greek. The _Te Deum_ was probably\ntranslated from that language, either by Hilary of Poitiers or by an\nunknown author of that date. It is, undoubtedly, a close rendering of\nmany phrases and expressions which are common to the Greek hymns, and,\nif the learned hymnologist H. A. Daniel is to be credited (_Thesaurus\nHymnologicus II._ 289), it is a real and literal translation of an\nactual chant of praise of great antiquity. His words are these: \u201cTo give\nyou my opinion briefly, the _Te Deum_, equally with the Angelic Hymn (to\nwhich it is very similar in form and expression), was born in the\nEastern Church, whence it has been translated into the Latin tongue.\u201d He\nthen proceeds to cite an ancient Greek hymn, five lines of which are\nexact with the Latin.\n\nIn 2 Timothy 2:11-13 the \u201cfaithful saying\u201d has been interpreted to be a\nsimilar quotation from one of these ancient hymns:\n\n  \u201cFor if we are dead together,\n  We shall live together;\n  If we serve together,\n  We shall reign together;\n  If we should deny Him,\n  He will deny us too;\n  If we should be faithless,\n  He is faithful still.\u201d\n\nIt does not, of course, absolutely follow that these are really such\nfragments of hymns as scholars have supposed. The late Dr. Lyman\nColeman\u2014a man of great practical good judgment\u2014comments upon these\ncitations thus:\n\n\u201cThe argument is not conclusive; and all the learned criticism, the\ntalent, and the taste, that have been employed on this point, leave us\nlittle else than uncertain conjecture on which to build an hypothesis.\u201d\n(_Primitive Church_, p. 366.) Yet the latest scholarship tends so\nstrongly in this direction, and the internal evidence is so good and\nfair, that it may be regarded as pretty well affirmed and accepted. No\none, for example, would think of comparing such passages as these with\nthe antithetic prose of Romans 3:21-23; or with the magnificent\nunrhythmic utterance in Romans 8:38, 39; or with the careful\nparticularity of 2 Corinthians 6:4-10. They are seen and felt to be\ndifferent both in tone and in form.\n\nIn the Apocalypse, where the language is naturally exalted and poetic,\nseveral such instances have been noted. They are: Revelation 1:4-8; 5:9,\n10, 12-14; 11:15, 17, 18; 15:3, 4; 21:10-14, and 22:17. Of one of\nthese\u2014the \u201cSong of Moses and of the Lamb\u201d\u2014we may be reasonably certain:\n\n  \u201cGreat are Thy works and strange,\n  Lord God, Thou Ruler of all!\n  And just are Thy ways, and true,\n  Thou King of the nations of earth.\n  For who shall not fear Thee, Lord,\n  And give to Thy name the praise,\n  For holy art Thou alone!\u2014\n  To Thee shall the nations come\n  And worship before Thy face;\n  For all of Thy righteous acts\n  Shall then be openly known!\u201d\n\nIn the same manner may be written the stanza from Revelation 22:17:\n\n  \u201cAnd the Spirit and the Bride\u2014\n  Are saying, \u2018Come!\u2019\n  And he that heareth\u2014\n  Let him say, \u2018Come!\u2019\n  And he that thirsteth\u2014\n  Let him come!\n  And he that willeth\u2014\n  Let him receive,\n  Freely, the water of life!\u201d\n\nWe have also a positive acquaintance with the order of religious worship\nin the early Church, dating back one hardly knows how far, but\ndefinitely leading us into the custom of the first three centuries.\nPublic services began, and were continued, as follows:\n\nFirst, _Prayer_\u2014or, possibly, a _Salutation_ or _Invocation_, such as is\nin common use to-day.\n\nThen the _Reading of Scripture_. The Old Testament and New Testament\nwere both employed: the one being expounded to apply to the case of the\nChristian Church; and the other for her comfort, encouragement, and\nedification.\n\nThen followed the _Hymns_ and _Psalms_. The distinction appears to have\nbeen that the _psalms_ were those of David; the _hymns_, such as the\nsong of Mary, or of the angels; and the _spiritual songs_, such as were\ncomposed by private persons, or which sprang up spontaneously in a kind\nof chant. That this was liable to abuse, and might cause confusion, is\nmade evident by Paul\u2019s advice to the Corinthians. Between these acts of\npraise was interpolated some brief Scripture lesson. And, very likely, a\nconsiderable portion of time was taken up by this part of the service.\n\nThen came the _Sermon_, which was succeeded by a _Prayer_.\n\nAnother question now meets us, and one of some importance: Did the early\nChristians employ any musical instruments? In reply, it can be noted\nthat \u03c8\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u201cto make melody\u201d (Eph.5:19), is usually taken to refer to\na musical accompaniment. In Romans 15:9 it is a quotation from Psalm\n18:50, where it means, \u201cI will _sing psalms_.\u201d In 1 Corinthians 15:15\n(\u201cI will _sing_ with the spirit, and I will _sing_ with the\nunderstanding also\u201d) and in James 5:13 (\u201cIs any merry? let him _sing\npsalms_\u201d) we have nothing decisive except that we know that the Jewish\nmethod of \u201csinging psalms\u201d was to the accompaniment of musical\ninstruments. Thus, with all these texts before us, we are not able\neither to affirm or deny the fact. The reference of Paul (1 Cor. 14:7)\nto the _pipe_ (\u03b1\u03c5\u03bb\u03cc\u03c2, flute) and _harp_ (\u03ba\u03b9\u03b8\u03ac\u03c1\u03b1, lute) gives us no\nassistance. The \u201charp\u201d of Revelation 5:8, 14:2, and 15:2, is the cithara\nor _lute_ again; but neither does this tell us what the early Christians\ndid or did not do. The inference is pretty strong that they avoided some\nthings that were Jewish\u2014and instrumental music was a marked feature in\nthe Jew\u2019s worship\u2014but it is plain that (as with the Sabbath question)\nthere was a great deal of blending at the edges between the two\ndispensations. We are told, moreover, that the Syriac Church has always\nbeen rich in tunes, having fully two hundred and seventy-five, while the\nGreek was confined to about eight.\n\nThere is another fact which comes in just here, however, to explain what\nwe would otherwise find it hard to unriddle. It is the matter of the\nvery language of the hymns themselves.\n\nWhen we observe the places where these fragments occur, or where singing\nin the church is mentioned, we find that the language naturally is\nGreek. No one doubts that Luke and the other New Testament writers\nemployed the tongue which was the educated and flexible medium of\nconveying the loftiest truth; nor that Ephesians or Corinthians chanted\nin Greek. \u201cThe Greek tongue,\u201d say Conybeare and Howson (_St. Paul_,\n1:10), \u201cbecame to the Christian more than it had been to the Roman or\nthe Jew.\u201d It lends itself most readily to that dithyrambic shape in\nwhich highly emotional natures could best express their praise. So the\nirregularity of the verse; its utter lack of metrical form (as Dr. Neale\nfound when he examined eighteen quarto volumes of it), and its\nsimplicity of diction, all combined to put the instrumental\naccompaniment aside. Perhaps there was a prejudice\u2014as Archbishop Trench\naffirms\u2014against a distinctively Jewish method. Perhaps there was a\ndisposition in this, as in other matters where art had perverted the\nmorals of men, to oppose whatever looked toward a possible laxity. Music\nand banqueting, music and luxury, music and profligacy, went together so\nmuch that the early Church reacted to the extreme of\nPuritanism\u2014forgetting that her Lord and Master had often worshipped in\nthe full-choired temple itself. In the catacombs, where every manner of\nordinary symbol may be found, there is neither pipe nor harp, nor any\nsort of musical instrument\u2014the lyre alone excepted. But neither is there\nany condescension to beauty in form or color. Everything betokens a\nrude, uncultivated simplicity\u2014a piety which contented itself with the\nbarest and meagerest representations. It rose high enough to portray the\nface of Christ, in the ancient cemetery of Domitilla, and in one carving\non a sarcophagus of the fourth century. And, remembering how repugnant\nanything heathenish was to the souls of those who associated pipe and\ntabret and harp with the bloody arena and the wild revelry of Rome, can\nwe doubt why they mingled only their unassisted voices in these chants\nof praise? It can be positively added that Ambrose, Basil, and\nChrysostom do not include _instrumental_ music in their eulogies of the\nChurch\u2019s practice upon this theme.\n\nWe are justified, however, in going one step beyond this bald statement,\nthat the early Christians _sang_ together. They sang _secum invicem_,\nalternately. The quotations already given show the adaptation of their\nhymns to this use. In this, at least, they were following the Jewish\nhabit of responses and part-singing, whatever other changes their\npoverty or prejudices or principles or persecutions might have produced.\n\nIt remains for us to speak of the ancient hymns which have come down to\nour day. We have some information as to Harmonius and Bardesanes, who\nwrote Syriac hymns in the first century, but the hymns themselves are\neither lost or unidentified. Ephrem Syrus (died 378) furnishes the\nearliest authentic hymns in that language. One of these (Daniel,\n_Thesaurus Hymnologicus_, III. 145) is on the Nativity of our Lord, and\nmay be thus rendered, following Zingerle\u2019s German version:\n\n  \u201cInto his arms with tender love\n    Did Joseph take his holy son,\n  And worshipped him as God, and saw\n    The babe like any little one.\n  His heart rejoiced above him there,\n    For now the only Good had birth;\n  And pious fear upon him came\n    Before this Judge of all the earth.\n  Oh, what a lofty wonder!\n\n  \u201cWho gave me then this precious Son\n    Of highest God, to be my child?\n  For I against thy mother here\n    Had almost been by zeal beguiled;\n  And I had thought to cast her off\u2014\n    Alas, I saw not truly then\n  How in her bosom she should bear\n    The costliest treasure known to men,\n  To make my poverty, so soon,\n    The richest lot in mortal ken!\n\n  \u201cDavid, that king of ancient days,\n    My ancestor, had placed the crown\n  On his own head, and there it lay;\n    But I sank deep and further down:\n  I was no king, but in its stead\n    A carpenter, and that alone.\n  But now may crown my brow again\n    That which befits a kingly throne,\n  For here upon my bosom lies\n    The Lord of lords, my very own!\u201d\n\nThere is a trifle of doubt as to which is the very oldest Greek hymn.\nOne cited by Basil (died 379),\n\n  \u201c\u03a6\u1ff6\u03c2 \u1f31\u03bb\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f01\u03b3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b4\u03bf\u03be\u03ae\u03c2\u201d\u2014\u03ba. \u03c4. \u03bb.\n\nhas been by some considered the most ancient, and is known to us as,\n\u201cHail, gladdening Light.\u201d It is wrongly credited to Athenagenes (died\n169), for Basil explicitly denies that authorship. That which it is\nsafest for us to receive is one found in the works of Clement of\nAlexandria, and by him ascribed to an earlier author. It was probably\ncomposed about 200 A.D.; and while it is too long to quote, it may be\ncharacterized as dithyrambic, and almost Anacreontic, in rhythm. It\nbegins:\n\n  \u201c\u03a3\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u00b5\u03af\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03ce\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u1f00\u03b4\u03b1\u1ff6\u03bd.\u201d\u2014\u03ba. \u03c4. \u03bb.\n\nand is known as \u201cShepherd of Tender Youth,\u201d from its best English\nversion, by the Rev. Dr. H. M. Dexter, of Boston. The \u03a6\u1ff6\u03c2 \u1f31\u03bb\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd is also\naccessible in Longfellow\u2019s beautiful translation in the Golden Legend,\ncommencing, \u201cO gladsome light.\u201d\n\nAs we turn the pages on which Daniel and Mone have recorded these hymns\nof the earliest age of the Church, we observe that they are either in\npraise of Christ or of God, or are songs of worship for the morning or\nthe evening. Their simplicity is admirable. Here is one called \u1f26\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2\u2014an\n\u201cEcho\u201d\u2014literally rendered:\n\n  \u201cWe who have risen from our sleep\n  Worship before thee, O Good One.\n  And, of the angels the hymn\n  We cry aloud to thee, thou Mighty One;\n  Holy, holy art thou, O God,\n  And of thy mercy have pity on us!\n\n  \u201cFrom my couch and from my sleep\n  Thou hast raised me, O Lord;\n  Enlighten my mind and my heart,\n  And open thou my lips\n  To praise thee, Holy Trinity,\n  Holy, holy, holy art thou!\n\n  \u201cSuddenly shall come the Judge,\n  And the deeds of each shall be laid bare;\n  But guard us from fear in the midst of the night,\n  Holy, holy, holy art thou!\u201d\n\nAnother of these unplaced, anonymous, and possibly very ancient hymns,\nmay be given in full for comparison:\n\n  \u201c\u03a8\u03c5\u03c7\u03ae \u00b5\u03bf\u03c5, \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u03ae \u00b5\u03bf\u03c5,\n  \u1f08\u03bd\u03ac\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1, \u03c4\u03af \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5\u03cd\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2;\n  \u03a4\u1f78 \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9,\n  \u039a\u03b1\u1f76 \u00b5\u03ae\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b8\u03bf\u03c1\u03c5\u03b2\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9;\n\n  \u201c\u1f08\u03bd\u03ac\u03bd\u03b7\u03c8\u03bf\u03bd \u1f40\u03c5\u03bd, \u1f35\u03bd\u03b1\n  \u03a6\u03b5\u03af\u03c3\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03a7\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2\n  \u1f49 \u0398\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2, \u1f41 \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f7c\u03bd\n  \u039a\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd.\u201d\n\n  \u201cO soul of mine, O soul of mine,\n    Arise, why sleepest thou?\n  The end of earth is drawing near\n    And art thou fearful now?\n  Be sober therefore, O my soul,\n    That He who filleth space\n  And filleth time, our Saviour, God,\n    May spare thee by His grace.\u201d\n\nAnd this beautiful little doxology:\n\n  \u201cMy hope is God,\n  My refuge is the Lord,\n  My shelter is the Holy Ghost;\n  Be thou, O Holy Three, adored!\u201d\n\nIn such sweet and simple language did the early Christians sing their\n\u201cpraise to Christ, as God.\u201d They understood the true meaning of a hymn\nas Ambrose and St. Bernard also understood it\u2014and as Gregory Nazianzen\nand Adam of St. Victor never knew it at all. In 1866 Professor Copp\u00e9e\ncould truly declare that there was no collection of sacred verse in\nwhich this thought of adoration and of worship was \u201cthe leading\nfeature.\u201d It is better now; but even to-day there is an honored place\nfor any book of praise in which the formal and didactic shall be done\naway, and where nothing shall be found but the pure reverence of a\nloving and trusting soul.\n\nOf old, in the temple, there was kept\u2014said the rabbins\u2014a flute of reed,\nplain and straight and simple, but of marvellous sweetness. It came down\nfrom Moses\u2019 day. But the king commanded his goldsmiths to cover and\nadorn it with gold and gems. And, lo, the sweetness of the reed flute\nwas forever gone! Thus, perchance, in our later art and our foolish\nwisdom, it may be we have often spoiled the ancient hymns!\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER II.\n                     THE STUDY OF THE LATIN HYMNS.\n\n\nThe genealogy of the song of praise in the mediaeval and modern\nChristian Church is both simple and beautiful. It begins far back, as we\nhave seen, in the chants and psalms of the Hebrew. Then it changes to\nthe Syriac and the Greek. Then it emerges into the Latin. Next it is\ncaught up in the old High-German poetry, and at length it becomes the\nmodern English hymn. The line of direct descent is like that of some\nhigh and puissant family whose inheritance is transferred now to one\nbranch and now to another, but whose noble lineage is never lost.\n\nWhen the reader or the worshipper is attracted to-day by some ancient\nhymn-writer\u2019s name, he naturally asks for information. He is aware that\nhymnology is called a branch of study, like any other scholastic\npursuit. He is also aware that the more usual English and German hymns\nhave their historians, and, to a limited degree, that they have been\nanalyzed, classified, compared, and their text settled. Even their\nimpelling causes and surroundings are known, as in the case of the\ntouching lyrics of George Neumark and Paul Gerhardt, or the pathetic\nstrains of Cowper, or the stirring notes of Charles Wesley.\n\nBut occasionally a bird of strange plumage flies across this peaceful\nsky or perches and sings in these religious groves. The name of some\nGreek father\u2014an Anatolius or a John of Damascus\u2014appears as the original\nauthor. The hymn-horizon widens out to an earlier age. When one sings\nthe _Te Deum Laudamus_, he discovers that it has its antecedent in the\nGreek liturgy. And when he employs that fine version of Bishop Patrick,\n\n  \u201cO God, we praise Thee and confess,\u201d\n\nhe is put upon a track of inquiry by which he discerns an even earlier\nrendering in the oldest prayer-books, beginning\u2014\n\n  \u201cWe praise Thee, God, we knowledge Thee\n            The only Lord to be.\u201d\n\nThese little hints and stray gleams of outlook through the mists of\nuninformation are intensely alluring. And when by some happy chance it\nis learned that this old Latin sequence is traditionally ascribed to\nAmbrose, Bishop of Milan; when it is accredited to the spontaneous\nutterance of Augustine and his great preceptor at the time of\nAugustine\u2019s baptism; when it is noted as a derivative from that Greek\npsalmody whence the holy Ambrose obtained so many of his hymns; and when\nit opens thus a door into the heaven of the earlier worship of the\nChurch, then indeed the reader is proportionately stimulated to further\nquestion.\n\nFor the most part it will be found that the Latin language contains the\nbest of the Greek, and the inspiration of the majority of the first\nGerman hymns. In the dead ark of the Middle Ages was kept this rod that\nbudded and this golden pot with its sacred heavenly food. It is amazing\nthat this treasure has been so well preserved, but it is none the less\ncertain that we now have it safely, never to be lost again.\n\nThere are no Latin hymns\u2014let us here say\u2014earlier than Hilary of Poitiers\n(died 366). His _Hymnarium_ has perished, and all but one of the\ncompositions attributed to himself are doubtful. The \u201cevening-song\u201d\nwhich he sent to his daughter Abra, while he was in exile among the\nfollowers of the Eastern Church, forms the connecting link between Greek\nand Latin hymnody. The true _hymn_\u2014a different thing from the rhythmic\nbut unmetrical _sequence_\u2014here takes its rise. In this small, pure\nfountain-head reappear the percolating praises of the two previous\ncenturies. The short lines drop with a gentle tinkling melody upon the\near. As yet there is no rhyme, although there is an occasional\nlightening of the lyric by some such verbal art.\n\nBut with Ambrose the full stream begins to sweep along. There can be no\ndoubt that many ungathered and traditional stanzas were in his time\ndiscoverable in the Church\u2014much as it can be observed that phrases in\nprayer or in exhortation are the inheritance of our own generation from\ndays of struggle and of trial among our Christian ancestors. And what\nbetter could a beleaguered bishop do, when he was shut up in a church\n\u201cfor the word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ,\u201d than to collate\nthese old hymns? Twelve possibly\u2014eight, or less, with moderate\ncertainty\u2014can be regarded as of his own composition. The rest of the\nninety or a hundred are commonly received as \u201cAmbrosian,\u201d since they\nshare his spirit and partake in some degree of his method. The rules of\nthe Venerable Bede are not infallible, and modern criticism frequently\nrejects what the early collectors are disposed to assign to this single\nillustrious source.\n\nAugustine wrote no actual hymns, but he was the cause of hymns in\nothers\u2014as, notably, in the case of Cardinal Peter Damiani. The Ambrosian\nmusic and the Augustinian theology served for inspiration to many later\nmen. Yet the assignment of these Latin hymns to their proper authors is,\nat the best, a most precarious undertaking. A few, quoted or mentioned\nby competent witnesses\u2014as when Augustine quotes Ambrose\u2014seem duly\nauthentic. This is, however, a rare occurrence. Generally we proceed\nupon the mere _dictum_ of the first compilers\u2014especially of Thomasius,\nGeorge Fabricius, and Clichtove.\n\nThese early compilations are sufficiently scarce. Professor Dr. H. Ad.\nDaniel gives a list of some which, except for the books of \u201cthe\nvenerable Thilo\u201d in the Yale Library, are beyond the reach of American\nstudents. Dating from 1492 and running into the first decade of the\nsixteenth century there were many \u201cExpositions\u201d of hymns, of which the\nwork of Clichtove (Basle, 1517) remains to us in the greatest number of\neditions. Up to the middle of the present century this book was\npractically indispensable to any correct knowledge of the original\ntexts. Since that time it, as well as every similar work, has received\nattention, and its contents have been often reproduced.\n\nOther and later laborers are such as Cardinal Thomasius (Rome, 1741),\nwho follows upon the traces of George Cassander, the Liberal Catholic\n(Paris, 1616). We are possibly more indebted to Cassander than to\nThomasius for the correct designation of a good deal of the authorship.\nBoth of these editors collate the text with other versions, and thus\nprepare the way for later and more accurate work. Both depend to a\nnotable degree upon the book of George Fabricius (Basle, 1564), which is\nquite rare; although Thomasius\u2019 works are said by Daniel to be\nsufficiently uncommon in Germany, as they certainly are in America. The\nrecent republication of the Mozarabic Breviary in J. P. Migne\u2019s\n_Patrologia_ brings this volume, however, within easy reach.\n\nThus we are naturally led to speak of the sources of the hymns\nthemselves\u2014sources from which these editors have secured them. As a part\nof religious worship they were incorporated into the various breviaries,\nof which hundreds must have been in use before the unification begun by\nthe Church of Rome in the sixteenth century. Besides these church books,\nthere were collections of hymns alone made by mediaeval schools, whose\nmanuscripts still exist in European libraries.\n\nThe only method by which to ascertain the number and extent of these\ntreasures was to gather and classify them. And strangely enough this\nlabor has been performed by Protestants rather than by Catholics.\nCassander\u2019s book was forbidden at Rome, as he was what now would be\ncalled an Old Catholic; Luther, George Fabricius, and Hermann Bonn were\nin no better odor of sanctity; and for our own times the standard work\nis that of Herman Adelbert Daniel, who was a Lutheran professor at\nHalle, while close behind him come several others of the same religious\nbelief.\n\nThe necessary and highly difficult task of getting the materials\ntogether has been exhaustively performed. Professor Daniel\u2019s\ninvestigations extended to the original copies in monasteries and abbeys\nalmost without number. But F. J. Mone enlarged even upon this. Daniel\u2019s\n_Thesaurus_ in five volumes was completed in 1856\u2014having been several\nyears in course of publication\u2014and it stands as yet unrivalled. Mone\u2019s\n_Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters_ appeared in 1853-55, and was\ntherefore available for the conclusion of Daniel\u2019s great work. Its value\nconsists in the fact that it is derived exclusively from manuscripts and\nfrom material hitherto untouched. The Germans, indeed, have made Latin\nhymnology a special branch of study, considering that it is profitable\nto them for its value religiously and historically. From old Flacius\nIllyricus\u2019 appendix to the _Catalogus Testium Veritatis_ has been\nrecovered the original of Bernard of Cluny\u2019s \u201cJerusalem the Golden\u201d\u2014a\npoem which would never have been known by us if this same Matthias\nFlacius had not preserved it as a testimony against the corrupt state of\nthe Church.\n\nWe must then add the German names of Schlosser, and Simrock, and\nFortlage, and Stadelmann, and Jacob Grimm, and K\u00f6nigsfeld, and B\u00e4ssler,\nand Kayser, and Kehrein, and Morel. Wackernagel and Koch, the great\nhistorians of German hymnology, have also done admirable service in\nprefixing the Latin hymns to the earlier part of their collections and\nhistories of German praise. There is a host of lesser names, and there\nhave been some separate discoveries worthy of note. Thus the English\nritualists, under the lead of Newman and Neale, unearthed some capital\nlyrics. The _Hymni Ecclesiae_ of Cardinal J. H. Newman, being half\nderived from the Paris Breviary, contain hymns which are scarcely to be\nfound elsewhere\u2014many of them, as our Index will show, being accessible\nonly in those pages. The _Sequentiae Medii Aevii_ of Dr. John Mason\nNeale also bring to us texts which are extremely scarce. Archbishop\nTrench, in his collection of eighty hymns, has avoided anything like\nRomanism even to the occasional expurgation of a phrase; but he has\ngiven us a few hymns which are difficult to procure. K\u00f6nigsfeld\u2019s\nselection of one hundred is admirable; and B\u00e4ssler\u2019s and Simrock\u2019s\nlittle books have made a very good choice. More recently still Professor\nF. A. March, of Lafayette College, has prepared a selection of one\nhundred and fifty of these hymns for the use of institutions of\nlearning; and this, for every purpose, is the finest and most\nsatisfactory series of texts at our command. The ordinary student can\nlearn much from this before he needs to attempt the larger and more\nexpensive works.\n\nIn making an exhaustive index of all the originals before us, these\ncollections soon dwindle into a very diminutive form. There are about\nthree thousand five hundred hymns in the various books. And they are of\nall sorts\u2014good, bad, and indifferent. The good are the pure and true\nutterance of pious spirits\u2014such lyrics as the _Veni, Redemptor_, and the\n_Veni, Sancte Spiritus_, and the _Vexilla Regis_. The positively bad are\nthose which are either poor in execution\u2014a common fault\u2014or decidedly\ndefective in religious tone. Many so-called \u201chymns\u201d are nothing but\nplagiaries or parodies upon older compositions. Some are debased into\nmere patchwork. There are a few which are macaronic, and a great many in\nwhich poverty of phrase is helped out by wholesale pilfering. Moreover,\nit is easy to find those which are highly objectionable in point of\ntaste and theology, to say nothing of prosody or Protestantism. And if\nProtestants are principally energetic in restoring and editing these\nhymns, to the frank and generous extent of overlooking what is\nunpleasant in them, it ought to follow that they should not be blamed\nfor preferring only those lyrics in which the broad and Christian fervor\nof devout souls can be observed.\n\nOf those hymns which are upon the border line, the pathetic _Stabat\nMater_ may stand as an example. It would be bigotry to reject it from\nthe list\u2014as one compiler has done\u2014while it would certainly not be fair\nto Protestants to utilize it, in any close translation, for the worship\nof the Church universal.\n\nPerhaps there are not less than from four to five hundred of these\nhymns, then, to which no cause of blame can attach\u2014which are as dear to\nthe Church of the Roman Catholics as to that of the Catholic\nProtestants. On such common ground the heartiest sympathy and\nco-operation can develop the riches which yet remain. Already it is\nCaswall, the priest, and Newman, the cardinal, and Neale, the ritualist,\nwho have given to our daily praise the happiest versions. It is Ozanam\nwho has discovered several unknown hymns; and Gautier and Digby S.\nWrangham who have brought out Adam of St. Victor; and the ninety-seven\npieces of Abaelard are reprinted from Cousin\u2019s text in Migne\u2019s\n_Patrologia_. The study of these sacred verses has been comparatively\nlimited in range and nationality, but it has had the incomparable\nadvantage of being thorough.\n\nThus we are to-day possessed of the text of every really fine sacred\nLatin lyric. Somewhere or other it has bloomed and has been gathered by\nsome acute hymnologist. The text, too, is tolerably clarified.\nTranslations into our own tongue have been made by such men as Caswall\nand Newman and Neale (who have rendered all the hymns of the Roman\nBreviary), and by Mant, Chandler, Pearson, Kynaston, and many others. In\nAmerica the Rev. Dr. Washburn, Dr. Coles, and Chancellor Benedict have\nbeen as prolific as any. Scattered renderings have obtained place in\nvarious hymnals. And we are now prepared at last for the general and\npopular interest which should be taken in this vast treasure of the\nLatin tongue.\n\nNothing is more surprising than the utter misinformation which prevails.\nA few scholars, like Dr. Schaff and Dr. William R. Williams, have\nendeavored to illuminate our American darkness. But, speaking only now\nof the Latin hymns, the story of their authors remains obscure and the\nromantic history of their origin remains for the most part untouched.\n\nYet Prudentius, the Spaniard, was a classic survival in Spain. And\nDamasus, the pope, was associated with certain dramatic scenes. And\nVenantius Fortunatus, troubadour and bishop, furnishes us with a most\nstriking portrait of the times in his attachment to the abbess-queen,\nRadegunda. The list presumably includes Elpis, the wife of Boethius, the\n\u201clast of the Romans;\u201d and Coelius Sedulius, the Briton; and Gregory the\nGreat and the great archbishop, Rabanus Maurus, and perhaps Robert II.\nof France. It calls into fresh life the histories of the Venerable Bede\nand of Alcuin; of the two Bernards, the one of Clairvaux and the other\nof Cluny; of Peter the Venerable and of Abaelard and Heloise; of Adam of\nSt. Victor, and Thomas of Celano; of Bonaventura and Aquinas and \u00e0\nKempis and Xavier. It shows us that mad Solomon, poor Jacoponus; and it\nleaves us with verses from John Huss, the martyr, to be read by the\nlight of the Reformation\u2019s dawn.\n\nThus largely does the subject of the Latin hymns traverse the ages. From\nthe fourth to the sixteenth centuries of the Christian era it is the one\nstream which was fed from Alpine or from Pyrenean snows\u2014a \u201criver of God\nthat is full of water,\u201d which expands into the stately movement of the\nNotkerian and Gottschalkian sequence, or gently murmurs its song of\ntrust with the missionary Xavier as he writes the exquisite melody of\nthat hymn, _O Deus, ego amo te!_ To understand and to love these lyrics\nis to be better fitted for this nineteenth century of praise. Not the\npersecutors and the injurious, not the cruel and the cold-hearted will\nthen remain to us; but the _Dies Irae_ will utter its trumpet-voice\nabove the dead phrases of a formal service, and the _Salve caput\ncruentatum_ will call us afresh to the foot of the cross.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER III.\n            HILARY OF POITIERS AND THE EARLIEST LATIN HYMNS.\n\n\nWhen Master Peter Abaelard was preparing his own hymns for use in the\nAbbey of the Paraclete, he prefaced them with a brief treatise. There\nwere ninety-three of them, arranged for all the services of Heloise and\nher nuns, and he answers the request of his abbess-wife by sending them,\nsomewhere in the neighborhood of the year 1135. \u201cAt the instance of thy\nrequests, my sister Heloise,\u201d he writes, \u201cformerly dear in the world and\nnow most dear in Christ, I have composed what are called in Greek,\n\u2018hymns,\u2019 and in Hebrew, \u2018tillim.\u2019\u201d For it is plain that she has a vivid\nrecollection of his \u201cwild, unhallowed rhymes, writ in his unbaptized\ntimes,\u201d and she would now have him tune his lyre, as Robert Herrick did,\nto a loftier strain.\n\nHence he made for these gentle sisters a hymn-book of their own, and so\nbecame the Watts or Wesley of their matins and vespers. With\ncharacteristic self-confidence he only included what he had himself\nprepared; but this introduction casts a great deal of light upon the\nknowledge and piety of the time respecting hymns.\n\n\u201cI remember,\u201d continues Abaelard, \u201cthat you asked me for an explanation.\n\u2018We know,\u2019 you said, \u2018that the Latin, and especially the French Church,\nhave in psalms, and also in hymns, followed more a custom than an\nauthority.\u2019\u201d This was quite true; and the remark is eminently\ncharacteristic of Heloise, whose scholarship was admirable, and whose\ndisposition was of a sort to crave for and cling to a stronger nature.\nHe then quotes for her the decree of the fourth Council of Toledo (A.D.\n633), by which Hilary of Poitiers and Ambrose of Milan are established\nas the great fathers of Christian song in the Western Church, and by\nwhich the praise of God in hymns is sanctioned and commended.\n\nTo much the same effect are the words of Augustine of Hippo, centuries\nearlier. His beloved mother, Monica, had died, and nothing appeared to\ncomfort him so much as one of these same holy songs. \u201cThen I slept, and\nwoke up again and found my grief not a little softened; and as I was\nalone in my bed, I remembered those true verses of thy Ambrose. For thou\nart the\n\n  \u201c\u2018Maker of all, the Lord\n    And Ruler of the height,\n  Who, robing day in light, hast poured\n    Soft slumbers o\u2019er the night,\n  That to our limbs the power\n    Of toil may be renewed,\n  And hearts be raised that sink and cower,\n    And sorrows be subdued.\u2019\u201d\n\nThis is the _Deus creator omnium_ of the great bishop of Milan; and\nthis, in consequence of Augustine\u2019s quotation, is among the best\nauthenticated and earliest hymns of the Latin Church.\n\nBut there were more ancient hymns than the Ambrosian or Augustinian.\nThey bear the name of Hilary, and with them Latin hymnology really\nbegins. It is true that in the previous century\u2014the third\u2014Cyprian of\nCarthage had written religious poetry, but he composed nothing which\ncould be sung. There is, indeed, nothing previous to Hilary.\n\nAnd now let us go back to the creation of this first and noblest light.\nFor Hilary had been a heathen\u2014a heathen of the heathen\u2014in Roman Gaul. He\nwas born in Poitiers (Pictavium) about the beginning of the fourth\ncentury. His father\u2019s name was Francarius, whose tomb\u2014although he must\nat first have lived as an idolater\u2014is said by Bouchet to have been \u201cfor\nupward of fifteen hundred years\u201d in the parish church of Clissonium\n(Clisson, near Nantes). We are indebted to Jerome for the main facts of\nHilary\u2019s life, and to Fortunatus for a large share in the filling up of\nthe outlines. Hilary was so celebrated a man that contemporary\nreferences are more abundant and helpful in his career even than in that\nof Shakespeare. In those days he was at the summit of renown, a notable\nexception to the case of the prophet, \u201cnot being without honor save in\nhis own country.\u201d \u201cFor who,\u201d says Augustine, \u201cdoes not know Hilary the\nGallic bishop?\u201d And Jerome wrote to St. Eustacia that Hilary and Cyprian\nwere the \u201ctwo great cedars of the age.\u201d\n\nHe was doubtless well educated. His Latin was good and copious, without\npossessing very great polish. His Greek was sufficient to fit him to\ntranslate the creeds of the Eastern Church, and to become familiar with\ntheir hymns. We have his own testimony that he lived in comfort, if not\nin luxury; and the inference is plain that his family were of\nconsequence in the place. It was in his leisure that he took up Moses\nand the prophets; and there, in that famous old town of his birth, the\nmists of his idolatry thinned away. We do not know that any external\npressure was brought to bear upon his mind, or that he was led by\nanything except a natural curiosity into this new learning.\n\nPoitiers itself is a noble situation for such an intellect. It is\nperched on a promontory, and surrounded on all sides by gorges and\nnarrow valleys. The isthmus, which joins it back to the ridge, was once\nwalled and ditched across. The Pictavi, and afterward the Romans,\nunderstood the military advantages of the spot. It has always been the\nabode of scholars and of warriors. Here Francis Bacon once studied. Here\nClovis, founder of the Merovingian dynasty, beat Alaric II., in 507, in\nfair battle. Here Radegunda the Holy lies buried. Here Fortunatus, the\npoet-bishop, dwelled. Here Charles Martel hammered the Saracens in 732.\nHere, in the Cathedral of St. Pierre, rest the ashes of Richard Coeur de\nLion. Here, beneath these walls, fought Edward the Black Prince against\nKing John of France, in 1356, when the English had the best of the day.\nFor they had learned\u2014as Bishop Hugh Latimer says that he himself was\ntaught\u2014how to draw the cloth-yard shaft to a head, and let it fly with a\ndeadly aim. \u201cIn my tyme,\u201d said Latimer, \u201cmy poore father was as diligent\nto teach me to shote as to learne anye other thynge, and so I thynke\nother menne dyd theyr children. Hee taughte me how to drawe, how to laye\nmy bodye in my bowe, and not to drawe with strength of armes as other\nnacions do, but with strength of the bodye. I had my bowes boughte me\naccordyng to my age and strength; as I encreased in them, so my bowes\nwere made bigger and bigger; for men shall never shoot well excepte they\nbe broughte up in it.\u201d (Sixth sermon before Edward VI.) It was such\narchery as this that laid the flower of France in the dust, and put\nJohn, their king, into prison.\n\nPoitiers is thus a noble and appropriate birthplace for one who before\nthe time of Charles the Hammerer was called the \u201cHammer of the Arians\u201d\n(_Malleus Arianorum_), and who combined fighting with praying all\nthrough his life. Places and circumstances and the untamable blood of\nheroes have more to do with the making of men than we suppose; and\nHilary was so distinctly a son of Caesar\u2019s Gaul that he became its\nlarge, true, and free expression, appropriate to its landscape and\nharmonized to its atmosphere.\n\nAnd as to his emergence from heathenism, there can be nothing more\nsatisfactory to us than his own story. He has recorded that when he\nfound, in Exodus, how God was called \u201cI am that I am,\u201d and when he read\nin Isaiah (40:12) of a deity who \u201cheld the wind in His fists,\u201d and again\n(66:1) of Him who said, \u201cHeaven is My throne and earth is My footstool,\u201d\nthen this _Deus immensus_ surpassed all his heathen conceptions of\ngrandeur and power. And when he read (in Ps. 138:7) how this great God\nloved and cared for His children, so that one could say, \u201cThough I walk\nin the midst of trouble, Thou wilt revive me; Thou shalt stretch forth\nThine hand against the wrath of mine enemies, and Thy right hand shall\nsave me\u201d\u2014then he was drawn toward this mighty being by a sentiment of\nconfidence and trust. He also\u2014turning the pages of the Wisdom of Solomon\n(13:5) in the Apocrypha\u2014found it written that \u201cby the greatness and\nbeauty of the creatures proportionately the Maker of them is seen.\u201d And\nthen, encountering the Gospel of John, its opening sentences clarified\nhis mind. All became plain. He accepted with calmness, firmness, and\ndignity the great doctrines of the Christian faith. He was imbued with\nJohn\u2019s conception of that Word, \u201cwhich was in the beginning\u201d and \u201cwhich\nwas God.\u201d From that moment he had a theology which was as pure as\ncrystal and as indestructible as adamant. There is no muddiness about\nhis ideas from this time onward, though Arians buzz and sting, and\ncalamities rain upon him, and the path of duty is deep with mire and the\nfuture is dark. Every one of these things passes away. His own language\nas to this great change in his belief is as characteristic as it is\nbeautiful: \u201cI extended my desires further, and longed that the good\nthoughts I had about God, and the good life which I built on them, might\nhave an eternal reward.\u201d Like one of his own favorite saints in the\nGospel and the Apocalypse of John, he was thus \u201cled by the Spirit of\nGod\u201d to become one of the chanting choir before the throne.\n\nIt matters very little, therefore, to us of to-day, that, in 1851, Pius\nIX., himself a man of sweet and gentle temper, made Hilary a \u201cDoctor of\nthe Church\u201d\u2014a distinction reserved for those greatest ones, like\nAugustine and Chrysostom, whose learning and eloquence are\nworld-renowned. The dead bishop did not need this posthumous\ndistinction. He has long been recognized\u2014to quote Professor Dorner\u2014as\n\u201cone of the most original and profound,\u201d albeit not the easiest to\nunderstand at all times, of the great teachers of the Christian Church.\nWe may hereafter attach more value to his work even than we do at\npresent.\n\nThis then was the man who had determined to enter upon a Christian life.\nHe was already married and had one daughter\u2014Abra by name\u2014and possessed a\ncertain repute as a man of reading and of affairs. His origin protected\nhim from a contempt of pagan learning; and his marriage protected him\nfrom that one-sided development which has Romanized the once Catholic\nChurch. The period in which he lived was one of transition\u2014from classic\nliterature to Christian literature, and from the Latin of far-off Virgil\nand Cicero to the Latin which was to become the uniting tongue of all\nscholars in that Babel of the Middle Ages. This language was now shaping\nitself to its new work and becoming, like English under the genius of\nChaucer, a living speech. In the moulding hands of these first Christian\nwriters it became flexible, not always fluent or graceful or even\nstrictly grammatical, but capable at least to carry what would otherwise\nhave been lost. Greek was gone, and French and German and English had\nnot yet appeared. As a Gallo-Roman, then\u2014a post-classic Latinist\u2014Hilary\ngives in his allegiance to Christianity, and his wife and daughter are\nbaptized with him into the true faith.\n\nSo far much is conjectural; and more is vague and to be derived from the\nshadows cast upon the screen of history by the \u201cspirit of the years to\ncome yearning to mix itself with life.\u201d We emerge, however, into\nhistorical certainty about the year 351. Then, on the death of their\nbishop\u2014who is thought to have been Maxentius, the brother of St. Maximin\nof Trier\u2014his townspeople clamored for Hilary. The _Histoire Litteraire\nde la France_ sets this election down for the year 350; but that\nauthority, in this and a great many other instances, is profuse and\nmultitudinous and not absolutely safe. We are certainly not far out from\nthe correct date in saying 351.\n\nIt illustrates a condition of things which are suggestive of the\nsimplicity of the early Church, when we find that in spite of his being\na married man and a father\u2014and in spite of Cyprian\u2019s and of Tertullian\u2019s\npraises of celibacy\u2014Hilary was heartily chosen and almost forced into\nthe episcopate. In this position he exhibited \u201call the excellent\nqualities of the great bishops.\u201d We are told that he was \u201cgentle and\npeaceable, given particularly to an ability to persuade and to\ninfluence.\u201d With these he joined \u201ca holy vigor which held him firm\nagainst rising heresies.\u201d And Cassian says that Hilary \u201chad all the\nvirtues of an incomparable man.\u201d The fact, after all, speaks for itself\nmore loudly than these commendations. He was so much one of themselves\nthat the people of Poitiers would not have selected him, if they had not\nknown him to be the best man for the mitre.\n\nFrom this time began that career of stainless honor which has outlasted\nthe very walls which echoed his voice. He was known from Great Britain\nto the Indies. He ranks second only to Athanasius as a defender of the\nfaith; and\u2014as we already noted\u2014he is classed by Jerome with the great\nbishop of Hippo whose portrait is given to us so vividly in Charles\nKingsley\u2019s _Hypatia_. And to us of our century and of our convictions in\nfavor of charity and culture, it is particularly praiseworthy that he\nnever gave up his secular scholarship, and that he never flagged or\nfaltered in defending opinions which were as large and liberal as they\nwere undeniably orthodox. He was an oak which stood against the blast\nunshaken, and which yet held, in the heart of its great branches, sweet\nnests of singing birds and leafy coverts of shade and peace.\n\nHilary was not suffered to be inactive. It was the period at which the\nArian heresy was in full incandescence. No one holding the opinions of\nthe Bishop of Poitiers could well remain neutral. He had\u2014in conformity\nwith a custom soon to become a law\u2014separated his life from that of his\nhome; but he appears always to have cherished a warm love for his wife\nand child. This placed him, however, in perfect freedom from other\ncares, and at liberty to devote himself to the eradication of false\ndoctrine. Constantius, the Emperor, was an Arian, and this made the\nperplexity of the position very great. An honest man might ruin all by\nhis blunt independence\u2014but an honest man dare not be silent. And,\nbesides, Hilary had neither attended the Synod of Arles (353) nor that\nof Milan (355), and was somewhat out of the ecclesiastical tide.\n\nThat he was no coward was soon shown to everybody\u2019s satisfaction. He\nprepared a letter to the Emperor as brave as it was keen, and which\ntouched up with a vigorous lash the cringing sycophants and shuffling\nhypocrites about the court. Hilary is notably strong when he denounces\nthe substitution of force for reason\u2014and perhaps his doctorate came to\nhim only in 1851 (when he could not well care much for it) because this\ndoctrine of his was not altogether what Mother Church has been in the\nhabit of teaching and practising! I may refer to the recent work of the\nRev. R. T. Smith upon _The Church in Roman Gaul_ as fully confirming\nthis statement. St. Martin of Tours is there called to bear testimony\nthat the Bishop of Poitiers held such opinions just as sturdily in his\ndays of power as in these times of trial and persecution. He was, in\nshort, a thoroughly sincere man, and it took him only a few years\u2014until\n355\u2014to get into the hottest bubbling spot of all the caldron. At that\ndate, in company with other leaders of the church in Gaul, he drove out\na very pestilent fellow\u2014Saturninus, the Bishop of Arles\u2014as a seditious\nand irreconcilable element in their midst. With him was cast out Valens,\nand with Valens was cast out Ursacius. But of all these, Bishop\nSaturninus was the angriest and the most revengeful.\n\nA year of something like good order followed, when lo, the Arians came\nto the front with a synod of their own complexion at Beziers. Here\nHilary found himself in the vocative case altogether. The tables were\nturned upon him, and it was he who must now go forth a banished man. The\npower was against him, and he set out with bowed head and sad heart upon\none of those pride-humbling journeys which have not seldom brought the\ngreatest results to religion, and which not a few of the best men have\ntaken in their day. In this manner Bernard went to meet Abaelard; Martin\nLuther went to the diet at Worms; and John Bunyan took his way to\nBedford jail.\n\nPrincipal among the causes of his sadness was that he was snatched away\nfrom his constant and congenial duty of explaining the Scriptures to the\npeople of his diocese. Still he had nothing for it but to go; and so,\nsomewhere about 356, we find him in Phrygia. He is accompanied by\nRodanius, Bishop of Toulouse, who had plucked up considerable courage by\nseeing how well Hilary took his defeat.\n\nIn 357 the Church in Roman Gaul sent him their greeting, from which that\nof his own Poitiers people was not absent. And the Gallic bishops,\nhaving perceived him to be capable of much good service in his enforced\nresidence abroad, bade him inform himself and them upon the creeds and\ncustoms of the Eastern Church. This he had already, to a degree,\nundertaken. And in 359, whom do we find entering a convocation of\nbishops at Seleucia but our very Hilary, opposing with a strong and\nunflinching philosophic power all those\u2014and there were many there\u2014who\ndenied the consubstantiality of the Word.\n\nThere were one hundred and sixty of these bishops at Seleucia, of whom\none hundred and five\u2014a very handsome majority\u2014were \u201csemi-Arians.\u201d Of the\nremaining fifty-five there were nineteen classed as Anomoeans\u2014those who\nheld that the Son was _unlike_ the Father in essence, or \u1f00\u03bd\u03cc\u00b5\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\u2014and\nthe rest were heretics of different grades of badness. It was the\nnatural outcome of the difficulties with Athanasius, where the royal\nauthority was on the side of the Arians. The Roman Catholic historians\nare therefore not complimentary to this synod\u2014or rather \u201cdouble council\u201d\nof Seleucia and Rimini\u2014and this was assuredly no very comfortable body\nof Christians for a banished bishop to exhort. But he did it with\neffect, and proceeded to the council at Constantinople (360) and did it\nagain; and presently (361) Constantius died and the Nicene Creed was\nvictorious.\n\nSo was Hilary, who\u2014in 360-61\u2014returned to Poitiers, where, as soon as his\ncrozier was once more well in hand, he levelled Saturninus and compelled\nhim to abandon his diocese. He then turned upon Auxentius of Milan, who\nonly escaped the same or a worse fate by clinging to Valentinian, the\nreigning Emperor, and was denounced by Hilary as a hypocrite for his\npains. Our bishop appears in these days to have been decidedly a member\nof the Church Militant; and perhaps it was natural enough when one had\nsurvived the reigns of Constantius, Julian the Apostate, and Jovian, for\nhim to be as he was. I am not commenting upon these exciting scenes; I\ndesire rather to go back and show how they produced the hymns of which\nwe are to speak.\n\nIt was in 357\u2014at the same date with the letters from the bishops and\nfrom the churches\u2014that Abra, his daughter, wrote to him herself. From\nthis epistle we learn that her mother still lived, and we observe the\ndutiful and loving daughter apparent in every line. In reply Hilary\nsends a well-composed and even imaginative letter. Under the figures of\na pearl and a garment he charges her to keep her soul and her conduct\npure. He rather recommends a single life, but not in any such\nextravagant eulogy of celibacy as some would have us suppose. It is more\nafter the style of what Grynaeus affirmed of him\u2014that he was so moderate\nin these opinions as to suffer his canons to marry\u2014since it would be\nhard for an unbiassed mind to draw any harsh conclusions from the\nlanguage; yet all this is of small consequence compared with the\nenclosure\u2014two Latin hymns, one for the morning and one for the evening,\nwhich she may use in the worship of God. The first of these is the\n_Lucis largitor splendide_; but the second is probably lost. It is said\nthat it was the hymn, _Ad coeli clara non sum dignus sidera_\u2014\u201cTo the\nclear stars of heaven I am not worthy,\u201d etc. This is very doubtful\nindeed, so much so that we may decline to receive it on several grounds.\nIt is to be found in the superb folio edition of Hilary\u2019s works (Paris,\n1693) prepared by the Benedictines of St. Maur. Yet if internal evidence\nis to weigh at all we must reject it without scruple. It is not a hymn\nin any true sense, and certainly has no reference to the _evening_ hour\nof worship. It contains a gross phrase or two, which are not suggestive\nof Hilary, who would scarcely have said that he would \u201cdespise Arius\u201d by\n\u201cmodulating a hymn\u201d against him, nor would he have spoken of the\n\u201cbarking Sabellius\u201d or the \u201cgrunting Simon.\u201d The verses are unpleasantly\nflavored with earthliness, and to think that a young girl would be\ninclined to sing ninety-six lines of an abecedary\u2014or \u201calphabet-hymn\u201d\u2014is\nabsurd. Moreover, the editors of the edition of 1693 only print four\nstanzas, and express their own disbelief that Hilary wrote it, based\nupon these facts and upon their no less important criticism of the\nstyle, which is _masculine_ throughout, and refers to ideas highly\ninappropriate to the use intended. Mone is nearer to the correct\ndoctrine when he assigns it to a period between the sixth and eighth\ncenturies. Daniel (4:130) prints it in full and quotes Mone\u2019s remark\nthat an Irish monk is likely to have been its author. It is in the metre\nfamiliar to modern eyes in the _Integer vitae_ of Horace, but it\ndisplays neither taste nor poetry nor any religious fervor. That it\nbegins each stanza with a consecutive letter of the alphabet is no proof\nof anything except wasted ingenuity. So that, I repeat, we do well to\nreject it and to leave it rejected.\n\nAll, then, that is left us is the _Lucis largitor splendide_\u2014\u201cThou\nsplendid giver of the light.\u201d The letter went back from Seleucia to\nPoitiers and carried this hymn, at least, with it. Hilary had sent this\nand its companion, _ut memor mei semper sis_\u2014\u201cthat you may always\nremember me.\u201d And we may fancy the lovely high-born daughter of that\nearnest and scholarly man as, daily and nightly, she sits at her\nwindow\u2014perchance with her gaze wistfully turned to the eastward. There\nshe sang these simple, beautiful hymns\u2014she the first singer of the new\nhymns of the Latin Church. Among the themes for Christian art yet left\nto us there is hardly one more suggestive than this\u2014for Abra doubtless\nsang her father\u2019s hymns to her father\u2019s loyal people. It may even be\nsupposed that he gave her the tunes as well as the words, and that, by\nmorning and by night, the battle-scarred Poitiers re-echoed this voice\nof the exiled bishop.\n\nOf the hymn itself as much can be said in favor as we have just said\nagainst its pretended and ill-matched companion. It breathes the\nJohannean sentiments throughout. It celebrates the Light, the Son of\nGod, the glory of the Father, \u201cclearer than the full sun, the perfect\nlight and day itself.\u201d To one who is acquainted with the Greek hymns it\nis instantly suggestive of those pellucid songs\u2014its atmosphere is all\npeace and its trust is as restful to the tired spirit as the quiet\ncoming of the rising day. It may easily have been a translation from the\nGreek, or, even more easily, the natural up-gush of melody which was\ntouched into life by the frequent hearing of the Eastern hymns. Hilary\nnever learned it in an Arian church, nor did he find it among\ncontroversialists. Its nest, where it was first reared, was in some\ncorner of a catacomb or in some nook of the Holy Land. This hymn, then,\nwe may safely accept as the oldest authentic original Latin \u201csong of\npraise to Christ as God.\u201d\n\nWhether the Bishop of Poitiers had much or little learning, he wrote a\nvaluable book on _Synods_, and translated for us many useful and\notherwise inaccessible confessions of faith and statements of doctrine.\nErasmus\u2014himself no brave man, nor one likely to estimate moral courage\nproperly\u2014calls this letter to Abra \u201c_nugamentum hominis otiose\nindocti_\u201d\u2014the trifling production of a man lazily uneducated! Well,\nperhaps it would have been as well if some of that same \u201cluxurious\nignorance\u201d of Hilary could have secured the \u201claborious learning\u201d of\nErasmus from exhibiting, at the end of life, its own inefficiency.\nJerome said that whoever found fault with Hilary\u2019s knowledge was\ncompelled to concede his philosophic skill; and it reminds one of the\nremark of Dante Rossetti, who said that nothing in our age could stand\ncomparison with a sonnet of Shakespeare, for, rough as it might seem,\n_Shakespeare wrote it_. It was this manhood behind the Latin which went\nfor more than all Rotterdam!\n\nHilary is credited with a great deal, doubtless, that he never wrote. So\nhe is, by Fortunatus, with miracles which he never performed. Alcuin and\nothers assign to him the _Gloria in Excelsis_, but this was certainly\nmore ancient than Hilary, being quoted by Athanasius in his treatise on\nVirginity. He could at best merely have translated it. This he might\nalso have done for the _Te Deum laudamus_. And since we know that he\nprepared a _Liber Hymnorum_\u2014the first actual hymn-book of the Western\nChurch\u2014we have some reason to think that he would not have altogether\nforgotten the greatest chants of the early Christians. This hymn-book is\nutterly lost to us. This is not the same as the _Liber Mysteriorum_\u2014the\nbook of the mysteries\u2014and its existence, like that of its companion\nwork, rests upon the testimony of Jerome. Doubtless in it there were\nother poems and songs from which the Hilarian authorship has been broken\nor lost. It was not the ancient custom either to preserve the author\u2019s\nname, or even to retain the precise form of his hymn. He threw his\nlittle lyric\u2014as the Israelites did their jewelry\u2014into the common\ntreasury of the Church; and in the Breviaries, where so many of these\nhymns are to be discovered, a later and more critical scholarship may\nidentify some of them hereafter. As delicate insects are preserved in\namber, we there find much that we should otherwise have lost; but, like\nthat very amber, when its electricity is excited, his was that sort of\nreputation which attracted many anonymous trifles\u2014as, for example, the\n_Ad coeli clara_\u2014to itself.\n\nOf Hilary\u2019s other writings, with exception of his work on the Councils\nof Ariminum and Seleucia, we have the full text. His commentaries on the\nPsalms and on Matthew; his controversial pamphlets against Constantius;\nhis book of _Synods_; his twelve books _De Trinitate_\u2014these are\naccessible in the _Patrologia_ of Migne.\n\nIt was undoubtedly believed at the time of the fourth Council of Toledo\nthat he had written many pieces \u201cin favor of God, and of the triumphs of\napostles and martyrs;\u201d and both Jerome and Isidore of Seville declare\nhim to have been the first among the Latins to write Christian verse.\nBut to show how uncertain is the conjecture that is thus started, I may\nmention that the _Ut queant laxis_ of Paul Winfrid, the \u201cDeacon,\u201d is\ncredited to Hilary by the _Histoire Litteraire_. The same authority also\nclaims for him the first _Pange lingua_ (_Pange lingua gloriosi,\npraelium certaminis_), which is sometimes assigned to Claudianus\nMamertus, but is the well-authenticated composition of Venantius\nFortunatus, the troubadour and friend of Radegunda, the wife of\nClotaire. We may as well admit that a great man did not necessarily do\nall the great things of his day.\n\nBesides, the search after truth in this matter is complicated\nmarvellously by the trade of the hymn-tinkers, who put new bottoms and\ntops and sides to a great many religious lyrics. Here is a case in point\nin Mone (vol. iii., p. 633). The hymn begins _Christum rogemus et\npatrem_\u2014\u201cWe call on Christ and on the Father.\u201d It has seven stanzas. The\n_first_ stanza is from a morning hymn, supposed to be by Hilary. The\n_second_ is from an Ambrosian hymn. The _third_ and _fourth_ are from\nanother Ambrosian hymn to the Archangel Michael. The _fifth_ is from a\nvery noble Ambrosian hymn\u2014the _Aeterna Christi munera_\u2014of which Daniel\nsays that it itself has been \u201cwretchedly torn to pieces by the Church\u201d\n(_ab ecclesia miser e dilaceratum_). The _sixth_ and _seventh_ stanzas\nare also Ambrosian\u2014from the _Jesu corona virginum_. Thus this single\nhymn of seven stanzas is mere patchwork, gathered from that Ambrosian\nhymnody which the Breviaries supply. And finding all the rest of it\ncredited to Ambrose and to his century, we are inclined to doubt that\nHilary should be considered as the author of any portion at all.\n\nIndeed the identification of Hilary\u2019s hymns\u2014except the _Lucis\nlargitor_\u2014is purely conjectural. It rests mainly on the hymnological\nacumen of Cardinal Thomasius, which may or may not be liable to error.\nKayser refuses, on one ground or another, to positively endorse any,\nexcept the one which all now concede. Next to this in probability stands\nthe _Beata nobis gaudia_ (though it is doubted by Professor March), and\nthen the _Deus pater ingenite_, which is taken from the Mozarabic\nBreviary. The _Jam meta noctis transiit_, the _In matutinis surgimus_,\nand the _Jesu refulsit omnium_, have only the authority of Thomasius.\nThe _Jesu quadragenariae_, Daniel says, is an old hymn, but very\ncertainly composed later than the time of Hilary. The _Ad coeli clara_\nwe have already rejected. Thus we have one authentic and five\nconjectural Hilarian hymns. There is, however, great doubt resting on\nthe _Jesu refulsit omnium_; and if I consulted merely my own judgment, I\nshould declare against it, if only in view of the _rhymes_\u2014a\ncharacteristic which it would scarcely possess if it were genuinely of\nthe fourth century. And while we are upon this somewhat ungrateful duty\nof trying to set matters right, shall we pass over the slip which Mrs.\nCharles makes in her capital little book? (_Christian Life in Song._ Am.\ned., p. 74.) For she says that \u201cThe Hilary who wrote the hymns was the\ncanonized Bishop of Arles.\u201d There was, much later, a Hilary of Arles;\nand there was another Hilary of Rome, and there were also others of the\nsame name; but none of them wrote hymns. He of Arles assuredly did not.\n\nOf our own Hilary it may be added that the rest of his life was earnest,\nbut comparatively quiet. We shall find Gregory of Tours and Fortunatus\nasserting that he raised the dead and healed the sick, and cast out\ndevils (some of them in the shape of snakes) from a boy\u2019s stomach; but\nthese stories belong naturally to a credulous and superstitious age.\nMore to the purpose is it to find that the bishop had entered upon the\ncomposition of tunes for his hymns, and had taken up calligraphy and the\nornamentation of manuscripts. There was a book of the Gospels found, on\nwhich was indorsed, \u201c_Quem scripsit Hilarius Pictavensis quondam\nsacerdos_\u201d\u2014\u201cwhich Hilary of Poitiers, formerly a priest, wrote.\u201d A\nsimilar book was left by St. Perpetuus, Bishop of Tours, to Bishop\nEuphronius, Fortunatus\u2019s friend. This is attested by his will, executed\nin 474. \u201cI saw,\u201d says Christian Druthmar (ninth century), \u201ca book of the\nGospels, written in Greek, which was said to have been St. Hilary\u2019s, in\nwhich were Matthew and John,\u201d etc. But whether Hilary wrote this is\nnaturally an open question.\n\nThe good bishop died at Poitiers\u2014as Jerome and Gregory of Tours\ndeclare\u2014but the date is still a matter of some uncertainty. Valentinian\nand Valens were upon the throne, and it is safe to say that 367-68 was\nthe year. January 14th has also been assigned by some authorities, but\nwith no better reason than a generally received tradition to this\neffect, and the fact that this is his day in the Roman calendar. His\nbody was, however, scattered rather widely. It was removed from its tomb\nin the time of Clovis\u2014a bone of his arm was in Belgium, and some other\nportions of his anatomy were in Limoges. About the year 638, Dagobert is\nstated to have placed his remains in the Church of St. Dionysius, and so\nconfident of this fact were the people of Poitiers, in 1394, that they\nvehemently asserted that they had his relics there in perfect safety.\n\u201cCalvinistic heretics\u201d were said to have burned the mortal remnants of\nthe great \u201chammer of the Arians,\u201d and the Pictavians took this method to\nmeet the calumny. For aught we know to the contrary they were perfectly\nright, and the dust of their bishop is still resting peacefully in their\nmidst.\n\nFor his works, the Paris edition of 1693 is the best; but the\n_Patrologia_ of J. P. Migne contains all that any one can need or care\nto see. It is the full reprint of the Paris volumes, together with\nbiographical and critical notes, in Latin, prepared with great diligence\nand research; but, of course, from the Roman Catholic point of view.\n\n\n                          THE HYMNS OF HILARY.\n\n\n                                   I.\n                           HYMNUS MATUTINUS.\n\n  1. Lucis largitor splendide,\n  Cujus sereno lumine\n  Post lapsa noctis tempora\n  Dies refusus panditur;\n\n  2. Tu verus mundi Lucifer,\n  Non is, qui parvi sideris\n  Venturae lucis nuntius\n  Angusto fulget lumine,\n\n  3. Sed toto sole clarior,\n  Lux ipse totus et dies,\n  Interna nostri pectoris\n  Illuminans praecordia:\n\n  4. Adesto, rerum conditor,\n  Paternae lucis gloria,\n  Cujus admota gratia\n  Nostra patescunt corpora;\n\n  5. Tuoque plena spiritu,\n  Secum Deum gestantia,\n  Ne rapientis perfidi\n  Diris patescant fraudibus,\n\n  6. Ut inter actus seculi\n  Vitae quos usus exigit,\n  Omni carentes crimine\n  Tuis vivamus legibus.\n\n  7. Probrosas mentis castitas\n  Carnis vincat libidines,\n  Sanctumque puri corporis\n  Delubrum servet Spiritus.\n\n  8. Haec spes precantis animae,\n  Haec sunt votiva munera,\n  Ut matutina nobis sit\n  Lux in noctis custodiam.\n\n\n                                   I.\n                            A MORNING HYMN.\n\n  1. Thou splendid giver of the light,\n    By whose serene and lovely ray\n  Beyond the gloomy shades of night\n    Is opened wide another day!\n\n  2. Thou true Light-bearer of the earth,\n    Far more than he whose slender star,\n  Son of the morning, in its dearth\n    Of radiance sheds its beams afar!\n\n  3. But clearer than the sun may shine,\n    All light and day in Thee I find,\n  To fill my night with glory fine\n    And purify my inner mind.\n\n  4. Come near, Thou maker of the world,\n    Illustrious in thy Father\u2019s light,\n  From whose free grace if we were hurled,\n    Body and soul were ruined quite.\n\n  5. Fill with Thy Spirit every sense,\n    That God\u2019s divine and gracious love\n  May drive Satanic temptings hence,\n    And blight their falsehoods from above.\n\n  6. That in the acts of common toil\n    Which life demands from us each day,\n  We may, without a stain or soil,\n    Live in Thy holy laws alway.\n\n  7. Let chastity of mind prevail\n    To conquer every fleshly lust;\n  And keep Thy temple without fail,\n    O Holy Ghost, from filth and dust.\n\n  8. This hope is in my praying heart\u2014\n    These are my vows which now I pay;\n  That this sweet light may not depart,\n    But guide me purely through the day.\n\n\n                                  II.\n                           HYMNUS MATUTINUS.\n\n  1. Deus, Pater ingenite,\n  Et Fili unigenite,\n  Quos Trinitatis unitas\n  Sancto connectit Spiritu.\n\n  2. Te frustra nullus invocat,\n  Nec cassis unquam vocibus\n  Amator tui luminis\n  Ad coelum vultus erigit.\n\n  3. Et tu suspirantem, Deus,\n  Vel vota supplicantium,\n  Vel corda confitentium\n  Semper benignus aspice.\n\n  4. Nos lucis ortus admonet\n  Grates deferre debitas,\n  Tibique laudes dicere,\n  Quod nox obscura praeterit.\n\n  5. [Et] diem precamur bonum,\n  Ut nostros, Salvator, actus\n  Sinceritate perpeti\n  Pius benigne instruas.\n\n\n                                  II.\n                            A MORNING HYMN.\n\n  1. Eternal Father, God,\n    And sole-begotten Son,\n  Who with the Holy Ghost\n    Art ever Three in One.\n\n  2. None calleth Thee in vain,\n    Nor yet with empty cry\n  Doth he who seeks Thy light\n    Lift up his gaze on high.\n\n  3. Do Thou, O God, behold\n    With mercy them that pray;\n  Receive their earnest vows\n    And take their guilt away.\n\n  4. The kindling sky forewarns\n    Our souls what praise we owe\n  To Him at whose command\n    The night has ceased below.\n\n  5. We ask a happy day,\n    That Thou shouldst guide our ways\n  In constant faithfulness,\n    O Saviour, to Thy praise!\n\n\n                                  III.\n                         HYMNUS PENTECOSTALIS.\n\n  1. Beata nobis gaudia\n  Anni reduxit orbita,\n  Cum Spiritus paraclitus\n  Illapsus est discipulis.\n\n  2. Ignis vibrante lumine\n  Linguae figuram detulit,\n  Verbis ut essent proflui,\n  Et charitate fervidi.\n\n  3. Linguis loquuntur omnium;\n  Turbae pavent gentilium:\n  Musto madere deputant,\n  Quos Spiritus repleverat.\n\n  4. Patrata sunt haec mystice,\n  Paschae peracto tempore,\n  Sacro dierum circulo,\n  Quo lege fit remissio.\n\n  5. Te nunc, Deus piissime,\n  Vultu precamur cernuo:\n  Illapsa nobis coelitus\n  Largire dona Spiritus!\n\n  6. Dudum sacrata pectora\n  Tua replesti gratia,\n  Dimitte nostra crimina,\n  Et da quieta tempora!\n\n\n                                  III.\n                            WHITSUNDAY HYMN.\n\n  1. What blessed joys are ours,\n    When time renews our thought\n  Of that true Comforter\n    On the disciples brought.\n\n  2. With light of quivering flame\n    In fiery tongues He fell,\n  And hearts were warm with love\n    And lips were quick to tell.\n\n  3. All tongues were loosened then,\n    And fear, in men, awoke\n  Before that mighty power\n    By which the Spirit spoke.\n\n  4. Achieved in mystic sign\n    Has been that paschal feast,\n  Whose sacred list of days\n    The soul from sin released.\n\n  5. Thee then, O holiest Lord,\n    We pray in humble guise\n  To give such heavenly gifts\n    Before our later eyes.\n\n  6. Fill consecrated breasts\n    With grace to keep Thy ways;\n  Show us forgiveness now,\n    And grant us quiet days.\n\n\n                                  IV.\n                           HYMNUS MATUTINUS.\n\n  1. Jam meta noctis transiit,\n  Somni quies jam praeterit\n  Aurora surgit fulgida\n  Et spargit coelum lux nova.\n\n  2. Sed cum diei spiculum\n  Cernamus, hinc nos omnium\n  Ad te, superne Lucifer,\n  Preces necesse est fundere.\n\n  3. Te lucis sancte Spiritus\n  Et caritatis actibus\n  Ad instar illud gloriae\n  Nos innovatos effice.\n\n  4. Praesta Pater piissime\n  Patrique compar unice,\n  Cum Spiritu paraclito\n  Nunc et per omne saeculum.\n\n\n                                  IV.\n                            A MORNING HYMN.\n\n  1. The limit of the night is passed,\n    The quiet hour of sleep has fled;\n  Far up the lance of dawn is cast;\n    New light upon the heaven is spread.\n\n  2. But when this sparkle of the day\n    Our eyes discern, then, Lord of light,\n  To Thee our souls make haste to pray\n    And offer all their wants aright.\n\n  3. O Holy Spirit, by the deeds\n    Of Thine own light and charity,\n  Renew us through our earthly needs\n    And cause us to be like to Thee.\n\n  4. Grant this, O Father ever blessed;\n    And Holy Son, our heavenly friend;\n  And Holy Ghost, Thou comfort best!\n    Now and until all time shall end.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER IV.\n                POPE DAMASUS AND THE BEGINNING OF RHYME.\n\n\nContemporary with Hilary of Poitiers, but probably a younger man, as he\nsurvived him by seventeen years, was Damasus of Rome. Like many other\nRomans of the imperial period, he was a Spaniard by birth; or, at least,\nhe was the son of a Spaniard who had removed to Rome and had become a\ndeacon or presbyter of the church dedicated to the memory of the Roman\nmartyr, St. Lawrence. Of his own earlier life we know very little. An\nextant epitaph records the fact that he had a sister who became a nun\nand died in her twentieth year. He himself served in the Church of St.\nLawrence until his sixtieth year, when he was chosen Bishop of Rome; and\nin the accepted catalogue, which begins with the Apostle Peter, he ranks\nas the thirty-sixth bishop of the see.\n\nHe was chosen bishop in A.D. 366, because of the position he had taken\nwith reference to the controversy which then agitated the diocese, and\nbecause of the firmness and weight of character he had displayed in the\ntroubles of the years before his election. The great Christological\ncontroversy was agitating the Church of both East and West. The West was\nsubstantially in agreement with Athanasius, against both the Arians and\nthe semi-Arians, and would have been entirely so but for the influence\nexerted by semi-Arian or Arian emperors and the courtly bishops of their\nparty. Constantius, the last surviving son of Constantine the Great, was\nexceedingly zealous for the semi-Arian doctrine, which rejected the\nstatement of our Lord\u2019s substantial identity with His Father, but was\nwilling to assert His substantial likeness. It was only the difference\nof an iota in a Greek word\u2014\u1f41\u00b5\u03bf\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 or \u1f41\u00b5\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\u2014but if there ever was\na case in which neither jot nor tittle must be allowed to pass away, it\nwas this.\n\nLiberius, who was elected Bishop of Rome in 352, was the victim of\nConstantius\u2019s policy. In 353 the East and West were united under his\nrule, and that year at Arles, as in 355 at Milan, councils were called,\nin which the condemnation of Athanasius was procured by imperial\nblandishments. In the former the presbyter sent by Liberius to represent\nthe Roman see subscribed with the majority. But in the second his three\nrepresentatives obeyed their instructions, and accepted disfavor and\nexile rather than subscribe. Then Liberius himself was summoned to\nMilan, and the weight of imperial threats and persuasions was brought to\nbear upon him. He withstood both manfully, and demanded as a preliminary\nto any discussion of the charges against Athanasius, that the Nicene\nCreed should be subscribed by all parties, and the banished bishops\nreturned to their sees. When given his choice between submission and\nexile, he chose the latter.\n\nThe Emperor now sought among the Roman clergy for a man to put into\nLiberius\u2019s place. In Rome, as in most of the cities of the West, Arians\nwere not to be found. But in the Deacon Felix the court party obtained a\ncandidate who, while himself a Trinitarian, was willing to hold\ncommunion with the Arians, and presumably to condemn Athanasius. Of the\ndetails of his election and ordination little is known, but we find him\ninstalled in the Roman see with the vigorous support of the civil\nauthority, although not with the assent of the Roman people. The great\nbody of the Christians in Rome are said to have refused communion with\nhim because he was tainted by communion with heretics; and when\nConstantius came to visit the city, he was besieged by the Christian\nladies of the city with appeals for the restoration of Liberius.\n\nIn the mean time three years of exile to Thrace, where he was thrown of\nset purpose into constant association with bishops of the semi-Arian\nparty, and isolated from his friends, had broken the spirit of Liberius.\nHe was not a man of strong character, and, unfortunately for the theory\nof papal infallibility, he yielded. He signed a creed compiled for the\noccasion, which described Christ as of _like_ substance with the Father,\nand condemned Athanasius.[1] He then was allowed to return to Rome,\nalthough Felix II. was still the recognized bishop. Constantius seems to\nhave foreseen the difficulties which would attend the presence of the\ntwo bishops in the city, and he consented to the return of Liberius\nunwillingly. The body of the people and of the clergy at once rallied\naround Liberius, and rejected Felix altogether; and of this party was\nDamasus. But while they were willing to condone his weakness in the\nmatter of condemning Athanasius, there was a party of more determined\nAthanasians who refused to do so, and the diocese now was divided\nbetween the three factions. That of Felix disappeared with his own death\nin 360 and the death of Constantius in 361. But the extreme Athanasians,\nalthough they did not attempt to set up a rival bishop while Liberius\nlived, perpetuated their party, and they probably received aid and\ncomfort from a similar party which had arisen in the East, in opposition\nto the wiser and more charitable policy of Athanasius himself. This\nparty was called the Luciferians, from Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, in\nSardinia, who was in exile in the East at the time when this question\nwas raised there after the death of Constantius.\n\nIn 367 Liberius died, and the schism at once showed itself in Rome.\nDamasus was chosen and ordained bishop in the regular form by the\nfriends of Liberius, who were the great majority. But the Deacon\nUrsicinus was chosen by the Luciferian party, and ordained by bishops of\nthat party in the basilica of St. Sicinus. Unfortunately the prefect of\nthe city was a weak and ineffective man, who was quite unable to\npreserve peace between the two factions. It soon came to blows between\nthem, and the pagan historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, tells us with what\nresult:\n\n  \u201cDamasus and Ursinus being eager beyond measure to secure possession\n  of the bishop\u2019s seat, carried on the conflict most bitterly and with\n  divisive partisanship, their supporters carrying their quarrels to the\n  point of inflicting death and wounds. As Juventius was unable either\n  to suppress or abate these evils, he yielded to the violence and\n  withdrew to the suburbs. And in the struggle Damasus overcame, as his\n  party was the more determined of the two. It is admitted that in the\n  basilica of Sicinus, which is a place of assemblage for Christian\n  worship, there were found in one day one hundred and thirty-seven\n  corpses of those who had been done to death; and also that the\n  excitement of the populace abated slowly and with difficulty after the\n  affair was over.\u201d\n\n\u201cSee how these Christians love one another!\u201d was a comment made by\npagans on the spirit which had prevailed in the earlier Church. They now\nmight have said it ironically. It is impossible to acquit Damasus of all\nresponsibility in the matter, as he was a man of eminent ability and\ninfluence, and might have put an end to these scenes of violence if he\nhad exerted his authority. It is equally impossible to believe that he\ntook any part in them. Then, as in the Reformation times, what John Knox\ncalls \u201cthe raskill multitude\u201d greatly enjoyed an opportunity to show how\ngreat their zeal for religion, in any other shape but that of obeying\nits precepts. \u201cSet Jehu to pulling down idols,\u201d said an old Puritan,\n\u201cand see how zealous he can be.\u201d\n\nThe schism did not end with the bloody struggle around the basilica of\nSt. Sicinus. It is true that the civil authority now interposed and\nbanished the bishop of the Luciferian party. But he afterward was\nallowed to return, and again the troubles revived and ceased only with\nhis second banishment. Even when the Emperor Gratian gave Damasus the\nentire jurisdiction over the bishops and priests involved in the schism,\nwith a view to the final suppression of these disputes, the extremists\nlingered on. After Ursicinus there was yet another Luciferian bishop of\nRome; and by a curious freak of controversial zeal the memory of Felix\nwas consecrated as that of an opponent of Liberius, and a mythical\naccount of their relations was given currency, which has resulted in the\nelevation of Felix to the rank of \u201cpope and martyr,\u201d on the ground that\nConstantius had him beheaded for his loyalty to the Nicene faith![2]\n\nDamasus made an excellent record in his see, after the abating of the\ntroubles which attended his accession to it. He left no room for doubt\nas to his orthodoxy. For the first time since the great controversy\nbroke out in Alexandria, the whole weight and influence of the great\nRoman see was thrown unreservedly and effectively on the Athanasian\nside. The accession of Valentinian (364-75) to the imperial authority in\nthe West once more threw the weight of court influence on the other\nside; but intolerance was not carried to the same extent as by\nConstantius. At every stage of the discussion we find Damasus outspoken\non behalf of the Nicene faith, and in support of Athanasius. In 368 he\nheld a synod at Rome, in which the Illyrian bishops Ursacius and Valens,\nwho were trying to Arianize the West, were condemned as heretics; and in\n370 another in which the same condemnation was meted out to Auxentius,\nthe Bishop of Milan. Before he died he saw the second General Council\nmeet at Constantinople and lay the ban of the Church on all the\ncompromises with Arianism.\n\nThe see of Rome already had become a place of great splendor and\ninfluence. \u201cMake me Bishop of Rome,\u201d the pagan senator Praetextatus said\nto him, \u201cand I will be a Christian to-morrow.\u201d Damasus seems to have\nenjoyed the pomp and show and opportunities for outlay and for influence\nwhich his position secured him. But there was much in his administration\nof his diocese which commends him to our sympathies and even our\nadmiration. He seems to have been the first to have taken a genuine\ninterest in the Catacombs\u2014the great underground burial-places which are\nso rich in memorials of the Church\u2019s primitive and martyr ages. He\nfostered their use as places of pilgrimage and reunion for the people of\nhis own diocese and pilgrims from others. He constructed the staircases\nwhich made them accessible, the well-lights for their illumination and\nventilation, and the chapels for collective worship. Here Christendom,\nin the day of its triumph, gathered to commemorate those who had been\nfaithful when the Church was under the cross, and Prudentius in his\n_Peristephanon_ has left us a lively picture of the eager multitudes who\nresorted thither on the festival days, some from Rome itself, others\nfrom the Etrurian and Sabine villages, thronging even the great roads to\nthe city to their utmost capacity: \u201cFrom early morn they press thither\nto greet the saints. The multitude comes and goes until evening. They\nkiss the polished plates of silver which cover the grave of the martyr.\nThey offer incense, and tears of emotion stream from the eyes of all.\u201d\n\nWhen, after long centuries of forgetfulness, the Catacombs were reopened\nin 1578 by Antonio Bosio, traces of these pilgrimages were found in the\n_graffiti_ or rude chalk-inscriptions left on the walls of the passages\nby the Italian peasants of the fourth and fifth centuries. There also\nwere found the inscriptions in verse, composed by Damasus, and cut in\nstone by his friend, Furius Filocalus, who devised an ornamental\nalphabet for the purpose. In one of these Filocalus describes himself as\none who \u201creverenced and loved Pope Damasus\u201d (_Damasi papae cultor atque\namator_).\n\nAnother side of his activity has been brought into light by more recent\nresearches in Rome. Professor Lanciani says that to Damasus belongs also\nthe honor of having founded the first public library of Christendom:\n\u201cThe finest libraries of the first centuries of Christendom were, of\ncourse, in Rome.... Such was the importance attributed to books in those\nearly days of our faith that, in Christian basilicas, or places of\nworship, they were kept in the place of honor\u2014next to the episcopal\nchair. Many of the basilicas which we discover from time to time,\nespecially in the Campagna, have the _apse trichora_\u2014that is, divided\ninto three small hemicycles. The reason of this peculiar form was long\nsought in vain; but a recent discovery made at Hispalis proves that of\nthe three hemicycles the central one contained the tribunal or episcopal\nchair, the one on the right the sacred implements, the one on the left\nthe sacred books.\n\n\u201cThe first building erected in Rome, under the Christian rule, for the\nstudy and preservation of books and documents, was the _Archivum_\n(Archives) of Pope Damasus. This just and enterprising pope, the last\nrepresentative of good old Roman traditions as regards the magnificence\nand usefulness of his public structures, modelled his establishment on\nthe pattern of the typical library at Pergamos; of which the Palatine\nLibrary in Rome had been the worthy rival. He began by raising in the\ncentre a hall of basilical type, which he dedicated to St. Lawrence,\u201d\nand which \u201cwas surrounded by a square portico, into which opened the\nrooms or cells containing the various departments of the archives and of\nthe library.\u201d A commemorative inscription, composed by Damasus himself,\nin hexameters, seven in number, was set in front of the building above\nthe main entrance. The text has been discovered in a MS. formerly at\nHeidelberg, now in the Vatican. The first four hexameters do not bring\nout in a good light the poetical faculties of the worthy pontiff\u2014in fact\ntheir real meaning has not yet been ascertained; but the last three\nverses are more intelligible:\n\n  \u2018Archibis, fateor, volui nova condere tecta;\n  Addere praeterea dextra laevaque columnas,\n  Quae Damasi teneant proprium per saecula nomen.\u2019\n\n\u201cAround the apse of the inner hall there was another distich of about\nthe same poetical value, the text of which has been discovered in a MS.\nat Verdun:\n\n  \u2018Haec Damasi tibi, Christe Deus, nova tecta levavi\n  Laurenti saeptus martyris auxilio.\u2019\n\n\u201cMention of Damasus\u2019s Archives is frequently made in the documents of\nthe fourth and fifth centuries. Jerome calls them _chartarium ecclesiae\nRomanae_.\u201d[3]\n\nBut a still more lasting monument of his fame is the Latin Vulgate,\nwhich he incited Jerome\u2014as the English-speaking world calls Sophronius\nEusebius Hieronymus\u2014to prepare for the Church of the West. From a very\nearly time Latin translations of the Scriptures from the Greek version\nof the Old Testament and the Greek original of the New Testament had\nbeen in existence. But although there were two well recognized types of\nthese early versions\u2014the Italian and the African\u2014there was so little\nuniformity that there were \u201calmost as many versions as copies.\u201d Jerome\nwas a man of classical culture and a close student of the Scriptures,\nwhich he could read in Hebrew as well as in Greek and Latin. He came to\nRome from Syria in 382, to ask the aid of Damasus in behalf of the\nLuciferian schism at Antioch\u2014a matter in which the Bishop of Rome hardly\ncould meddle. Even before his arrival he had been in correspondence with\nDamasus and had written for him an exposition of the vision of the\nSeraphim in Isaiah 6. Damasus called a synod in which the schism at\nAntioch was discussed, but no result reached. It is said that in this\nsynod he exhorted Jerome to take up the work of giving the Church a good\nLatin version of the Bible. A ninth-century writer says he put him in\ncharge of the _Archivum_, or public library, described by Professor\nLanciani. Later writers speak of him, without much warrant, as Damasus\u2019s\nsecretary. It seems probable that Damasus regarded him as a desirable\nman for the bishopric when his own death should leave it vacant. But\nwhen his death came in 384, the Dalmatian scholar was passed over,\nperhaps because he was not a Roman, and a much smaller man than either\nDamasus or Jerome was chosen instead. So Jerome went back to the East\nand established himself at Bethlehem. Between 382 and 404 he completed\nhis version of the Scriptures, which is of especial importance to the\nstudent of Latin hymnology, as it stands in much the same relation to\nthe Latin hymns of the fifth and later centuries as does the English\nBible to the English hymn-writers. It controls their vocabulary and\nexplains their allusions.\n\nAs a poet Damasus does not take very high rank. We have seen Professor\nLanciani\u2019s opinion of his inscriptions. Some forty poems are attributed\nto him, but only a very few of these concern us here. In the Cottonian\nMSS. there is a copy of rhymed \u201cVerses of Damasus to his Friend\u201d\n(_Versus Damasi ad Amicum suum_), which would be interesting to us if we\nwere sure that Sir Alexander Croke is right in assuming that this is our\nDamasus. But the name \u201cRainalde\u201d in the first line would hardly occur in\na Latin poem by a Roman author of the fourth century.\n\nThere is no reason, however, to call in question the two hymns\u2014one to\nthe Martyr Agatha and the other to the Apostle Andrew\u2014which are ascribed\nto him in the collections. And the former is especially remarkable as\nbeing the oldest hymn in which rhyme is employed intentionally and\nthroughout. Of course if it were true that Hilary wrote the _Jesu\nrefulsit omnium_ or the _Jesu quadrigenariae_, which sometimes are\nprinted as his, we should be obliged to assign to him the honor thus\nclaimed for Damasus. But the preponderance of evidence and of\npresumption is against ascribing these hymns to him. Koch assigns the\nlatter to the fifth century and not to the fourth. Mone ascribes the\nformer to one of the early Irish hymn-writers, whose name is lost to us.\nHe finds in it a tendency to alliterative construction, which indicates\neither Celtic or Teutonic authorship; and he is decided for the former\nby the mixture of Greek words, which was a favorite practice with the\nIrish hymn writers. Also the metrical form is one affected by them. On\nthese grounds it is fair to claim that the hymn of Damasus marks the\nintroduction of end-rhymes into the Latin hymns.\n\nRhyme was by no means unknown in the poetry of the Greeks and the\nRomans. But in languages which occupied that stage of grammatical\ndevelopment in which the relations of words are expressed by\nterminations, the resemblances in these were so numerous and so constant\nthat rhyme must have appeared rather a cheap form for poetry. So in this\nstage we find the Southern Aryans of Europe employing the quantity of\nsyllables and those of Northern Europe the coincidences of initial\nsounds (_stabreim_ or alliteration) and assonance in their verse. It was\nwhen the development of languages substituted auxiliary and connecting\nwords for terminations that the coincidences of final sounds became so\nmuch a source of pleasure to the ear as to justify their continuous\nemployment for that purpose.\n\nBut besides the occasional occurrence of rhyme in classic poetry\u2014as in\nVirgil\u2019s famous _jeu d\u2019 esprit_,\n\n  \u201cSic vos non vobis edificatis aves,\u201d etc.\u2014\n\nthere seems to have existed forms of popular Latin verse in which rhyme\nand accent held the place which quantity held in classic poetry. It is\nthis popular form of verse which the Church\u2019s hymns began to reproduce,\njust as they also in many cases are written in that _lingua rustica_, or\ncountrified speech of the peasantry of Italy and France, which was to\nbecome the basis of the Romance languages. It is a matter of dispute\nwhether the Saturnian verse-form, to whose early prevalence and\nprolonged existence among the classes not pervaded by Greek culture\nHorace alludes, was based on an accentual scansion or merely on a\nnumbering of syllables and a rude approach to quantity. The general\nconsensus of scholars is that the Saturnian metres were based on accent,\nand that rhyme, which is the natural and invariable product of the\naccentual scansion, was also in use.[4]\n\nSo this hidden current of rhymed and accented poetry of the common\npeople rose to light again after many ages in the hymns of the Western\nChurch. Thus Damasus brings us to the parting of the ways. In Hilary,\nAmbrose and his school, Prudentius, Ennodius, Fortunatus, Elpis,\nGregory, and Bede we have the perpetuation of the classic tradition of\nquantitative verse in the service of Christendom and for the ear of the\ncultivated classes. And while that tradition expires in the Middle Ages,\nwe see it revive again in the sacred poets of the Renaissance\u2014in\nZacharius Ferrari, George Fabricius, Marcus Antonius Muretus, Famiano\nStrada and the other revisers of the Roman Breviary, the two Santeuls in\nthe Breviary of Clugny, and Charles Coffin in the Paris Breviary. But\nDamasus stands at the head of a still more illustrious line. Catching,\nperhaps, from the Etruscan and Sabine peasants, who thronged the\nCatacombs on the day when the Martyr Agatha was commemorated, the\naccents of the popular poetry, he became the founder of the tradition\nwhich lives in the broader current of Latin sacred song. In this line of\nsuccession we find already a few of the Ambrosian hymns, and then a long\nseries in which the two Bernards, Adam of St. Victor, Thomas of Celano,\nThomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura are the most illustrious names. And as\nindeed the tradition of accent and rhyme seems to have made its way into\nthe literature of the modern world through the Latin hymns, Dante and\nall the great poets who have illustrated its power to give pleasure\nmight be said to belong here.\n\nThe hymn in commemoration of the Martyr Agatha\u2014whose story of suffering\nand triumph had seized on the imagination of the people as did those of\nthe martyrs Cecilia and Sebastian\u2014we give with the English version of\nthe Rev. J. Anketell, which he has kindly permitted us to use.\n\n  Martyris ecce dies Agathae\n  Virginis emicat eximiae,\n  Christus eam Sibi qua sociat,\n  Et diadema duplex decorat.\n\n  Stirpe decens, elegans specie,\n  Sed magis actibus atque fide:\n  Terrea prospera nil reputans\n  Jussa Dei sibi corde ligans.\n\n  Fortior haec trucibusque viris\n  Exposuit sua membra flagris,\n  Pectore quam fuerit valido\n  Torta mamilla docet patulo.\n\n  Deliciae cui carcer erat,\n  Pastor ovem Petrus hanc recreat,\n  Laetior inde magisque flagrans\n  Cuncta flagella cucurrit ovans.\n\n  Ethnica turba rogum fugiens,\n  Hujus et ipsa meretur opem:\n  Quos fidei titulus decorat,\n  His Venerem magis ipsa premat.\n\n  Jam renitens quasi sponsa polo,\n  Pro misero rogitet Damaso,\n  Sic sua festa coli faciat,\n  Se celebrantibus ut faveat.\n\n  Gloria cum Patre sit Genito,\n  Spirituique proinde sacro,\n  Qui Deus unus et omnipotens\n  Hanc nostri faciat memorem.\n\n  Fair as the morn in the deep blushing East,\n  Dawns the bright day of Saint Agatha\u2019s feast;\n  Christ who has borne her from labor to rest,\n  Crowns her as Virgin and Martyr most blest.\n\n  Noble by birth and of beautiful face,\n  Richer by far in her deeds and her grace,\n  Earth\u2019s fleeting honors and gains she despised,\n  God\u2019s holy will and commandments she prized.\n\n  Braver and nobler than merciless foes,\n  Willing her limbs to the scourge to expose;\n  Weakly she sank not by anguish oppressed,\n  When cruel torture destroyed her fair breast.\n\n  Then her dark dungeon was filled with delight,\n  Peter the shepherd refreshed her by night;\n  Forth to her tortures rejoicing she went,\n  Thanking her God for the trials he sent.\n\n  Barbarous pagans, escaping their doom,\n  Honor her virtues that brighten their gloom;\n  They whom the title of faith hath adorned,\n  Like her, earth\u2019s possessions and pleasures have scorned.\n\n  Radiant and glorious, a heavenly bride,\n  She to the Lord for the wretched hath cried;\n  So in her honor your praises employ,\n  That ye too may share in her triumph and joy.\n\n  Praise to the Father and praise to the Son,\n  Praise to the Spirit, the blest Three in One;\n  God of all might in Heaven\u2019s glory arrayed,\n  Praise for thy grace in thy servant displayed.\n\nIt will be observed that Mr. Anketell, in the second line of the sixth\nverse, follows the reading preferred by Daniel: _Pro miseris supplica\nDomino_, which omits the Pope\u2019s name. But it seems much more unlikely\nthat this line should be altered to the line as given above, than that\nthe contrary change should have been made. Emendators generally pass\nfrom the concrete to the vague, from the specific to the general.\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER V.\n                                AMBROSE.\n\n\nIt would appear that the Ambrosian hymns obtained much of their earliest\nrecognition in Spain. At least so runs the statement of Cardinal\nThomasius, who edited the Mozarabic (Spanish) Breviary. He says: \u201cIt is\nnot doubtful that in the seventh century of the Church, when the Spanish\nChurch especially flourished, the Ambrosian hymns were everywhere in\nvogue.\u201d The _Concilium Agathense_ (Council of Agde in Southern France,\nA.D. 506), which concerned itself chiefly with matters of discipline,\nordained that hymns should be sung morning and evening, and at the\nconclusion of matins, vespers, and masses. These and similar enactments\nhad reference to the body of hymns which had received the name of the\nBishop of Milan. Then, as now, they formed the true fragrant cedar-heart\nof the old psalmody, and it is from their structure that the Council of\nToledo (633) drew its famous definition. The Council said: \u201c_Proprie\nautem hymni sunt continentes laudem Dei. Si ergo sit laus, et non sit\nDei, non est hymnus. Si sit et laus Dei laus_ [_sic_] _et non cantatur\nnon est hymnus. Si ergo laudem Dei dicitur et cantatur, tunc est\nhymnus._\u201d That is to say: \u201cHymns properly contain the praise of God. If\ntherefore there be praise, but not of God, this is no hymn. If there be\npraise, praise of God, but not capable of being sung, this is no hymn.\nIf therefore the praise of God be both composed and sung, it is then a\nhymn.\u201d\n\nThe author who is thus honored as the first great leader of the Church\u2019s\npraise was born at Treves, in Gaul, about the year 340 (or, as some say,\n334). His father was a Roman noble who became praetorian prefect of the\nprovince of Gallia Narbonensis; and as Hither Gaul was an important\nregion, it can be easily seen that the young Ambrose was reared in the\nmidst of wealth and power. His mother was a learned woman and he\nnaturally imbibed letters as he grew up. A tradition, which is probably\nbased on fact, assures us that even in his cradle he was marked for\nfame. A swarm of bees came down upon him, and the amazed nurse saw them\nclustered about his very mouth without harming him. This was the same\nprodigy which had been related of Plato, and hence his parents imagined\na high destiny for the lad. It was indeed a singular and suggestive\ncommentary on his future life. He preserved his equanimity amid a great\ndeal of buzzing; and the sweetness of his speech won to him no less a\nconvert than the great Augustine. His entire career was worthy of the\nsainted Sotheria, his ancestress, who was martyred for the faith under\nDiocletian.\n\nHe appears to us a man of both character and conscience. His education\nwas given him at Rome, and his brother Satyrus and himself went to Milan\nto practice at the bar. His success as a pleader was great. He became\nfirst assessor to the prefect with the rank of _Consularis_, whose\nheadquarters were now at Milan; and subsequently he took charge of\nLiguria and Emilia. For in 369 we find him, by appointment of the\nEmperor Valentinian, prefect of Upper Italy and Milan. His position is\nsometimes styled that of \u201cconsular,\u201d sometimes that of \u201cgovernor,\u201d and\nsometimes that of \u201cpraetor\u201d or imperial president, which last perhaps\nthe easiest designation for modern ears and carries the plainest meaning\nwith it.\n\nNow Milan was the capital of Liguria and it was the business of the\npraetor to preside in the stead of the Emperor over the choice of a\nbishop. Auxentius, an Arian, who had held this office, died in 374 and a\nnew election was necessary. This was not an easy matter, for the feud\nbetween the Catholics and the Arians was at fever-heat, and rioting and\nbloodshed were very certain to occur.\n\nThe praetor called to mind the advice of Probus, prefect of Italy, who\nhad once charged him to administer the affairs of his region \u201clike a\nbishop.\u201d He therefore tried to cast oil upon the waters. His genial\ngravity and calm serenity of spirit aided the impression he meant to\nproduce. Both factions gazed upon him with delight. His attitude was so\nunpartisan as to charm everybody, and it was very natural that this\neloquent representative of the Emperor should carry the suffrages of the\nthrong. And just when the interest was most intense and the confidence\ngreatest, a child cried out, \u201cLet Ambrose be bishop,\u201d and the crowd\ncaught the contagion at once.\n\nIn later days it was maliciously said that Ambrose had himself contrived\nthis scene with an eye to the stage effect\u2014that for all his apparent\nhumility the coming bishop set store by the office and wanted to obtain\nit\u2014that, in short, his reluctance to receive it and even his precipitate\nflight from the city were prearranged! More than this, it has been\nasserted that the various schemes and subterfuges to avoid becoming\nbishop were known to and abetted by his friends, who were of the\northodox party and desired to have their candidate elected. The best\nreply that can be given is the character of the man himself. Such a\nperson must have entertained the highest reverence for such an office.\nIn his administration of its cares and duties he showed a conscious\nsupremacy over every worldly consideration. In his final acceptance of\nit he evinced no less of self-denial than of sincerity. And it is\nincredible that so mighty a mind as that of Augustine could have been\ncaught by the glittering emptiness of a hypocritical or self-seeking\nnature. We may well charge these calumnies to their proper\nsources\u2014those, namely, of disappointed ambition or of envious malignity.\n\nThe record of this endeavor to escape office reads singularly enough. He\nfirst put some criminals to the torture, hoping by this means to shock\nthe people through his hard-hearted justice. When this would not do he\navowed philosophic rather than Christian sentiments. Having again\nfailed, he welcomed some very profligate persons\u2014men and women\u2014to his\npalace in a way to invite scandal. This expedient being also detected he\nactually escaped from the city by night, but lost his way and found\nhimself in front of the gates when morning dawned. This being his fourth\nunavailing effort, he fled to a friend\u2019s house in the country, begging\nthat he might lie hidden there until the first rush of feeling had been\nstemmed and he could hope for calmer consideration of his refusal. But\nthe friend immediately betrayed him for his own good, and this\nwell-meant treachery fastened the mitre firmly on his brow. Basil the\nGreat gloried in this new coadjutor; and at the age of thirty-four or\nthereabouts, he himself became convinced that he could struggle no\nlonger against his fate.\n\nIt was thus that Ambrose finally assumed the episcopate, and it was soon\nevident that this catechumen\u2014for he had not even been previously\nbaptized\u2014respected its dignities and meant that others should be of the\nsame mind as himself. He gave up his private fortune, selling his large\nestates and personal property, and reserving from them only a proper\nallowance to his sister Marcellina, who had early taken the vow of\nvirginity. He associated with this proceeding the most strict method of\nliving. \u201cHe accepted no invitations to banquets; took dinner only on\nSunday, Saturday, and the festivals of celebrated martyrs; devoted the\ngreater part of the night to prayer, to the hitherto necessarily\nneglected study of the Scriptures and the Greek fathers and to\ntheological writing; preached every Sunday and often in the week; was\naccessible to all, most accessible to the poor and needy; and\nadministered his spiritual oversight, particularly his instruction of\ncatechumens, with the greatest fidelity.\u201d\n\nThis is the character, admirably condensed, of a model bishop. To its\nfulfilment it requires the fervent piety of a true Christian and the\nconstant zeal of an acute student together with the large prudence of a\nman of affairs. All these are abundantly found in Ambrose. And if it\nhappened that in other and worse times his assertion of the spiritual\nindependence of a bishop gave a foundation for what became the authority\nof the pope, it may be properly retorted that for him not to have done\nso then would have prevented many another better thing in later ages.\n\nHe was a more polished scholar than Hilary, and a more devout Christian\nthan Damasus. Hence it was that his energy and skill contributed largely\nto the success of the Nicene orthodoxy in the West. Those times were\ntroublous, and a cheerful and sunshiny temper like that of Ambrose was a\nvast auxiliary to the cause. He had been consecrated in 374, eight days\nafter his election; and in 382 he presided at the synod in Aquileia\nwhich deposed Palladius and Secundianus, the Arian bishops. By so doing,\nand by his general attitude, he incurred the anger of Justina, whose\nson, the younger Valentinian, he always upheld and shielded. The\nEmpress, however, determined to deal with him a good deal as Ahab\u2019s wife\ndealt with Elijah. This comparison takes additional point from the use\nwhich Ambrose himself made of the story of Naboth in his defence of the\nPortian Church.\n\nHe had already encountered the smouldering idolatry of old Rome, headed\nby the rhetorician, Symmachus; but the eloquence of Ambrose had borne\ndown all opposition and that conflict was now at an end. A vindictive\nwoman was, however, a greater danger than a clever orator, and he found\nthis true when Justina, the Empress-mother, allied herself with the\nheretical Arians. His pious zeal was kindled in a moment. Give up\nchurches to such a schismatic set as these? _Never!_\n\nIt was at Easter in the year 386 that the Portian Church and its holy\nvessels were demanded for the use of the other party. Then stood up both\nthe old Roman and the new Christian in the single person of the Bishop\nof Milan. He compared the demand to that of Ahab for Naboth\u2019s vineyard;\nand it may well be supposed that with the rush of such a torrent of\nspeech a current of inference was also borne along which involved\nJustina herself. The sermon, which has survived to us, was preached on\nPalm Sunday, and in it he said that he would hold every religious\nedifice against heresy to the very death. Let them take his property;\nlet them depose or destroy himself; let them do their worst\u2014but for his\npart he would stand there unshaken for the truth. He would not incite\nriot and confusion, but he would not yield. It was the anticipation of\nLuther\u2019s \u201c_Hier stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders! Gott helfe mir!_\u201d For\nAmbrose proclaimed, almost in these actual words, \u201cHere I stand, I\ncannot do otherwise. God help me!\u201d\n\nHe made one magnificent point in this discourse\u2014the focal centre it was\nof the entire outburst of eloquent declamation. It was when he quoted\nwhat our Lord Himself had said. \u201cYes,\u201d cries Ambrose, \u201cgive to Caesar\nwhat is Caesar\u2019s, but give to God what is God\u2019s. Is the Church the\nproperty of Caesar? Never! It belongs unalterably to God. For God, then,\nit shall be kept. It shall never be surrendered to Caesar.\u201d\n\nThe fight was really a siege. The sacred character of the churches\nprotected their defenders. Ambrose invigorated the multitude who flocked\nto help him, and who organized relief parties to keep possession by day\nand by night. To relieve the monotony of their watches, he frequently\naddressed them words of encouragement. His fine equanimity triumphed\nover the impending disaster. He taught the people there and then the\nhymns of the early Church. He composed tunes and instructed them in\nsinging. And when at last he was able to discover the bodies of\nGervasius and Protasius, the ancient martyrs, he kindled in the spirits\nof his hearers such a fire that the popular voice was heeded even by the\nthrone itself, and Justina was defeated and gave up the struggle. The\ncourt actually retreated before the authority of the Church. And from\nthat moment, and that other memorable moment when he arraigned\nTheodosius, Ambrose delivered the power of the bishop\u2019s crozier from any\ninterference coming from the Emperor\u2019s sceptre. Those were the days when\nthe pastoral staff might be of wood, but the man who wielded it was of\npure gold.\n\nThis account needs the story of Theodosius to be immediately attached to\nit in order to make it stand out in its true relation to the character\nof Ambrose. The bishop met three great enemies during his career. First\nappeared Idolatry, championed by Symmachus; then followed Heresy,\nchampioned by Justina; and now came Despotism, behind which stood the\nbeloved Theodosius, the Emperor-pupil, with his hands red from the\nmassacre of Thessalonica. The facts were these: a tumult had arisen in\nthe circus at that place; Botheric, an imperial officer, had been\nkilled; and the Emperor had in revenge put very many people to death.\nSome have even run the figures up to the incredible altitude of thirty\nthousand, and the massacre has been always regarded as involving seven\nthousand victims at the lowest estimate. It was a brutal and a horrible\nact, and Ambrose came out as Nathan did before David and denounced it\nwith the most withering reproaches. The Emperor cowered and bent before\nthis sirocco of the truth. The speaker was poised so high above him in\nthe assured calm of a steady rectitude that Theodosius could do nothing\nexcept yield. And yield he did; and for eight months he paid penance\nbefore he was restored. It was the penance of the German Henry which\nhastened the Reformation; it was the humiliation of Theodosius which\npreserved both rights and dignities to the Church.\n\nThere is another side of Ambrose, and one on which Protestants will love\nto dwell. While his great disciple Augustine lent the weight of his\nauthority to the doctrine that civil constraint might be used to bring\nmen to orthodox beliefs, Ambrose always denounced that. When Valentinian\nII. sent him to Trier to negotiate with the rebel Maximus, in the winter\nof 383-84, Ambrose\u2014like his contemporary, Martin of Tours\u2014refused to\nhave any communion with the bishops who recognized Maximus as Emperor,\nnot on political grounds, but because they had obtained the execution of\ncertain Spanish Priscillianists for heresy. This was the first\nblood-stain on the white garments of the Church\u2014the first in the long\nline of such sins against the Word and Spirit of Christ. Yet Adrian VI.\nappealed to it as a precedent against Luther, and described the usurper\nas one of \u201cthe ancient and pious emperors.\u201d In this he followed the\nexample of his infallible predecessor, Leo I., who, in 447, declared\nthere would be an end of all law, human and divine, if such heretics\nwere allowed to live!\n\nAs an orator and writer, Ambrose\u2019s strength lay in the simple direct\nplunge of his sentences, wide and grand and forceful as the launching of\na great bowlder down a mountain path. And Mr. Simcox has noticed that\nthe words which are used to describe his rhetorical power are almost all\nderived from _eloqui_. The other assemblage of expressions, drawn from\n_disertus_ and the like, refer to the logical or learned weight of an\nargument. But what struck every one in the case of Ambrose was that he\nlet the truth come mightily, just as he felt and believed it, with a\nswing and a vigor which was the outburst of his own majestic soul. It\nwas this which won his victories. It was this power of sincerity which\nmade him the counsellor of Theodosius and the instructor of Gratian as\nwell as the guardian of Valentinian II. It was this unshrinking\nforwardness of movement which led him to oppose the rebuilding of the\nJews\u2019 synagogue; they had denied the Lord Jesus\u2014let their house burn!\nBut a victory more Christian was gained when thirty days of respite were\nfixed by his intercession between the sentence and execution of\ncriminals. And although the defence of \u201cVirginity,\u201d as Ambrose conducted\nit, was the mainspring of the conventual idea, and was afterward\nvigorously used for that purpose, it is again plain that he advocated\nwhat he believed and what he himself devoutly practised. He shines upon\nus, from every angle of vision, as a character most pure, serene, and\nbrave.\n\nThe siege in the basilica at Milan had an important bearing on the whole\nfuture of the Christian Church. Augustine tells us how his mother Monica\nhad followed him to Milan, and how when there \u201cshe hastened the more\neagerly to the church and hung upon the lips of Ambrose.\u201d (_Aug. Conf._,\nB. vi.) \u201cThat man,\u201d he continues, \u201cshe loved as an angel of God because\nshe knew that by him I had been brought to that doubtful state of faith\nI now was in.\u201d She evidently anticipated that so eloquent a preacher\nwould complete the work that he had been permitted to begin. As for\nAugustine himself, he felt \u201cshut out both from his ear and speech by\nmultitudes of busy people whose weaknesses he served.\u201d\n\nHow finely, by the way, this very expression illustrates the greatness\nof Ambrose\u2019s character and the unselfishness of his life! We get also a\npicture of the man as a student\u2014one whose voice would become worn by any\nextended public speaking, and who therefore read to himself in his\nprivate studies in a manner unusual apparently in that age\u2014namely, as we\ndo now, without opening his lips or articulating the words. The effect\nof Justina\u2019s persecution is also given most graphically. (_Aug. Conf._,\nB. ix.) For Augustine, having first told us how these heavenly voices\nfell upon his ear, says that his mother \u201cbore a chief part of those\nanxieties and watchings\u201d and \u201clived for prayer.\u201d At this date, he\nemphatically declares, \u201cit was first instituted that after the manner of\nthe Eastern churches, hymns and psalms should be sung lest the people\nshould wax faint through the tediousness of sorrow; and from that day to\nthis the custom is retained, divers (yea, almost all) congregations\nthroughout other parts of the world following herein.\u201d It is he,\nmoreover, who tells us that the two martyrs\u2019 bodies were transferred to\nthat Ambrosian church erected in 387, and where afterward were placed\nthe bones of its great founder; which was spared by Barbarossa in 1162,\nand which, as the church of San Ambrogio, still occupies its old site in\nMilan. Thus we have the most important of contemporary testimony to some\nof these troublous scenes.\n\nOf the Ambrosian hymns themselves a great deal may be said. It is better\nto confine one\u2019s self rather, therefore, to results than to the long\nprocesses which have led thither. But it is impossible to agree with Dr.\nNeale and Archbishop Trench, who say of them that \u201cthere is a certain\ncoldness in them\u2014an aloofness of the author from his subject.\u201d This is\none of those bits of critical misapprehension which lead us to doubt the\ninfallibility of even so admirable a judgment as that of the warden of\nSackville College. The truth is that Dr. Neale admired gorgeousness and\nthe splendor of ritual. He praises the _Pange lingua_ of Aquinas\naltogether too much and he praises Ambrose altogether too little. A\nsimple and reverent spirit cannot be said to experience, as he does, a\n\u201cfeeling of disappointment\u201d before this which he calls \u201can altar of\nunhewn stone.\u201d This single phrase exposes the delusion. \u201c_Unhewn_ stone\u201d\nis not to Dr. Neale\u2019s nor to Archbishop Trench\u2019s churchly taste, while\nit is precisely upon such an altar as that (Ex. 20:25) that God was\nready to let His flame descend. The latest judgment\u2014that of Mr.\nSimcox\u2014(_Latin Literature_, vol. ii., 405) is decidedly preferable:\n\u201cThey all have the character of deep, spontaneous feeling, flowing in a\nclear, rhythmical current, and show a more genuine literary feeling than\nthe prose works.\u201d To any one who is at all familiar with the Ambrosian\nhymns this will at once commend itself as the better criticism.\n\nWe may pause a moment to inquire about the chants which bear his name,\nbut we shall have slight enough information. Four tunes are traditional:\nthe Dorian, Phrygian, Lydian, and Mixed Lydian. What these were and how\nthey were sung, we do not accurately know. We do know, however, that\nAmbrose employed but four notes (the _tetrachord_) where we have\nsubdivided the various tones into the octave. The Germans do not profess\nto tell us anything more definite than this.\n\nThe actual hymns are to be reckoned up in several ways. First comes the\nmass of _Ambrosiani_, including hymns of Gregory the Great and of other\nand much later authors. Many have been foisted into this category\nbecause they were found in old breviaries and manuscripts. Then from\nthese we may separate the _presumed originals_\u2014of which a large\nproportion are now known to belong to other writers. These\nmisapprehensions are due to such compilers as Fabricius, Cassander,\nClichtove, and Thomasius, who were not invariably correct and who\nperpetuated their designations through later works. Still a third class\nare the _possible originals_, selected by the judicious but not always\naccurate zeal of the Benedictines of St. Maur when they edited the\ncollected works of the great bishop. And last of all can be placed the\n_probable originals_\u2014those hymns which are authenticated by Augustine\nand by St. Caelestin (A.D. 430), together with those in structure\nclosely resembling them.\n\nFor our own purposes a fifth class can even yet be formed from the last\nnamed group\u2014the _undoubted originals_, which will comprise only those\nattested by contemporary authority.\n\nThe list would stand then in the order of authenticity, about as\nfollows:\n\n\n                                   I.\n\n  Attested by St Augustine.\n    _Deus Creator omnium_,\n    _Aeterne rerum conditor_,\n    _Jam surgit hora tertia, Qua_\n  Referred to directly by St. Caelestin.\n    _Veni Redemptor gentium._\n\nThese are the _undoubted_ hymns and the only hymns to be safely assigned\nto Ambrose.\n\n\n                                  II.\n\n  _Aeterna Christi numera, et martyrum_,\n  _Illuminans altissimus_,\n  _Orabo mente dominum_,\n    (from _Bis ternas horas_,)\n  _Splendor paternae gloriae_.\n\nThese are the _probable_ hymns.\n\n\n                                  III.\n\n  _Apostolorum passio_,\n  _Conditor alme siderum_,\n  _Consors paterni luminis_,\n  _Hic est dies verus Dei_,\n  _Jam lucis orto sidere_,\n  _Nunc sancte nobis Spiritus_,\n  _O lux beata Trinitas_,\n  _Obduxere polum nubila coeli_,\n  _O rex aeterne domine_,\n  _Rector potens, verax Deus_,\n  _Rerum Deus tenax vigor_,\n  _Somno refectis artubus_,\n  _Squalent arva soli pulvere multo_,\n  _Summae Deus clementiae_,\n  _Tristes erant apostoli_.\n\nThese have, for one reason or another, been assigned to Ambrose. It is\nto be remembered that the _Tristes erant_ is a part of the _Aurora lucis\nrutilat_, and that in many cases the hymns are very much intermingled. A\nrigid designation is therefore impossible. The fourth class comprehends\nwhat may be called _Ambrosiani_\u2014the Sedulian and Gregorian and other\nhymns being simply excluded from the list.\n\n\n                                  IV.\n\n  _Aeternae lucis conditor_,\n  _Agnis beatae virginis_,\n  _Apostolorum supparem_,\n  _A solis ortus cardine Et usque_,\n  _Aurora lucis rutilat_,\n  _Bis ternas horas explicans_,\n  _Certum tenentes ordinem_,\n  _Christe coelorum conditor_,\n  _Christe cunctorum dominator alme_,\n  _Christe qui lux es et dies_,\n  _Christe rex coeli domine_,\n  _Christe redemptor gentium_,\n  _Cibis resumptis congruis_,\n  _Coeli Deus sanctissime_,\n  _Convexa solis orbita_,\n  _Dei fide, qua vivimus_,\n  _Deus aeterni luminis_,\n  _Deus qui certis legibus_,\n  _Deus qui claro lumine_,\n  _Deus qui coeli lumen es_,\n  _Dicamus laudes Domino_,\n  _Diei luce reddita_,\n  _Fulgentis auctor aetheris_,\n  _Gesta sanctorum martyrum_,\n  _Grates tibi Jesu novas_,\n  _Hymnum dicamus Domino_,\n  _Immense coeli conditor_,\n  _Jam cursus horae sextae_,\n  _Jam lucis splendor rutilat_,\n  _Jam sexta sensim volvitur_,\n  _Jam surgit hora tertia, Et nos_,\n  _Jam ter quaternis trahitur_,\n  _Jesu corona celsior_,\n  _Jesu corona virginum_,\n  _Jesu nostra redemptio_,\n  _Magnae Deus potentiae_,\n  _Magni palmam certaminis_,\n  _Mediae noctis tempus est_,\n  _Meridie orandum est_,\n  _Miraculum laudabile_,\n  _Mysteriorum signifer_,\n  _Mysterium ecclesiae_,\n  _Nox atra rerum contegit_,\n  _Optatus votis omnium_,\n  _Perfectum trinum numerum_,\n  _Plasmator hominis Deus_,\n  _Post matutinas laudes_,\n  _Rerum creator optime_,\n  _Sacratum hoc templum Dei_,\n  _Saevus bella serit barbarus horrens_,\n  _Stephano primo martyri_,\n  _Telluris ingens conditor_,\n  _Te lucis ante termium_,\n  _Tempus noctis surgentibus_,\n  _Ter hora trina volvitur_,\n  _Ternis ter horis numerus_,\n  _Tristes nunc populi, Christe redemptor_,\n  _Tu Trinitatis unitas_,\n  _Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre_,\n  _Victor, Nabor, Felix pii_,\n  _Vox clara ecce intonat_.\n\nWhile these are often known to be mere paraphrases of Ambrose\u2019s own\nhomilies, or imitations of his hymns, they are as frequently found to\npossess his spirit and almost the very forms of his verse. Thus Daniel\nsays of the _Ter hora trina_ that it is \u201cnot unworthy of Ambrose\nhimself.\u201d We also find many cases where the Roman Breviary has altered\nthe first line as well as changed the arrangement of the stanzas.\n\nThe last class are those hymns, formerly called Ambrosian, but now known\nto be the work of other hands. They are given with their authors\u2019 names\nappended.\n\n\n                                   V.\n\n  _Ad coenam Agni providi_.(_Ad     An ancient hymn, older possibly than\n  regias Agni_.)                    Ambrose or Hilary.\n  _Aeterna Christi unmera nos_.     A mediaeval patchwork.\n  _Aeterna coeli gloria_.           An Abcedary of later date.\n  _Agathae sanctae virginis_.       Found at Milan among Ambrosian hymns.\n  _Almi prophetae progenies_.       Time of Ennodius, sixth century.\n  _Amore Christi nobilis_.          Versification of Ambrose on the\n                                    Incarnation, cap. 3.\n  _A solis ortus cardine, Ad        \u201cAn Abcedary arranged by\n  usque_.                           Sedulius.\u201d\u2014Neale.\n  _Aurora jam spargit polum_.       \u201cIncognitus auctor.\u201d\u2014Cassander.\n  _Bellator armis inclytus_.        \u201cEin altes Lied.\u201d\u2014Mone.\n  _Ex more docti\n  mystico_.\u2014Gregory.\n  _Fit porta Christi pervia_.       Part of _A solis ortus_.\u2014Sedulius.\n  _Jam Christus astra ascenderat_.  \u2014Gregory.\n  _Lucis creator optime_.           \u2014Gregory.\n\nHere, then, we have what may be called substantially the earliest\nhymn-book of the Latin Church. Of course there were other hymns which\nwere very soon separated and properly assigned, but not until the\nfifteenth century was any intelligent analysis attempted, and it is even\nnow\u2014as can be easily seen\u2014a matter not of dogmatic certainty, but of\nscholarly authority and inherent probability. It may not be improper to\nadd, however, that in these hymns we find some of the purest and most\npious of praises. The _honor_ of the Virgin Mother and of the saints has\nnot yet been attempted. The martyrs, Stephen and Agnes and Agatha, are\nalone mentioned, if we except an occasional and somewhat doubtful\ntribute to others. These are hymns of worship and of prayer\u2014of adoration\nand of fellowship.\n\nAs a handful of grain from a great granary, here are four versions of\nhymns counted as among Ambrose\u2019s best:\n\n\n                          DEUS CREATOR OMNIUM.\n\n  Maker of all, the Lord,\n    And ruler in the height,\n  Thy care doth robe the day in peace,\n    Thou givest sleep by night.\n\n  Let rest refresh our limbs\n    For toil, though wearied now,\n  And let our troubled minds be calm,\n    And smooth the anxious brow.\n\n  We sing our thanks, for day\n    Is gone and night appears;\n  Our vows and prayers in contrite hope\n    Are lifted to thine ears.\n\n  To thee the deepest soul,\n    To thee the tuneful voice,\n  To thee the chaste affections turn,\n    In thee our minds rejoice.\n\n  That when black depths of gloom\n    Have hid the day from sight,\n  Our faith may tread no darkening path,\n    And night by faith be bright.\n\n  And let no slumber seize\n    That mind which must not sleep,\n  Whose faith must keep its virtue fresh,\n    Whose dreams may not be deep.\n\n  When sensual things are done\n    Our loftiest thought is thine,\n  Nor fear of unseen enemies\n    Can break such peace divine.\n\n  To Christ and to the Father now,\n    And to the Spirit equally,\n  We pray for every favoring gift,\n    One God supreme, a Trinity.\n\n\n                       SPLENDOR PATERNAE GLORIAE.\n\n  O splendor of the Father\u2019s face,\n    Affording light from light,\n  Thou Light of light, thou fount of grace,\n    Thou day of day most bright.\n\n  O shine upon us, perfect Sun,\n    With lasting brightness shine;\n  Let radiance from the Spirit run,\n    Our senses to refine.\n\n  To thee, our Father, do we pray,\n    Whose glory endeth not,\n  That thine almighty favor may\n    Remove each sinful spot.\n\n  He fills our deeds with heavenly strength,\n    He blunts the look of hate,\n  He ends our weary lot at length,\n    Or gives us grace to wait.\n\n\n                        HIC EST DIES VERUS DEI.\n\n  This is the very day of God,\n    Serene with holy light,\n  On which the pure atoning blood\n    Has cleansed the world aright.\n\n  Restoring hope to lost mankind,\n    Enlightening darkened eyes,\n  Relieving fear in us who find\n    The thief in Paradise.\n\n  Who, changing swiftly cross for crown,\n    By one brief glance of trust,\n  Beheld God\u2019s Kingdom shining down,\n    And followed Christ the Just.\n\n  The very angels stand amazed,\n    Beholding such a sight,\n  And such a trusting sinner raised\n    To blessed life and light.\n\n  O mystery beyond our thought,\n    To take earth\u2019s stain away,\n  And lift the burden sin hath brought,\n    And cleanse this coarser clay.\n\n  What deed can more sublime appear?\n    For sorrow seeks for grace,\n  And love releases mortal fear,\n    And death renews the race.\n\n  Death seizes on the bitter barb,\n    And binds herself thereto,\n  And life is clad in deathly garb,\n    And life shall rise anew.\n\n  When death through earth has made her path,\n    Then all the dead shall rise,\n  And death, consumed by heavenly wrath,\n    In groans, and lonely, dies.\n\n\n                         O LUX BEATA TRINITAS.\n\n  O blessed light, the Trinity,\n    In Unity of primal love\u2014\n  Now that the burning sun has gone,\n    Our hearts illumine from above.\n\n  Thee, in the morn with songs of praise,\n    Thee, at the evening time, we seek;\n  Thee, through all ages we adore,\n    And, suppliant of thy love, we speak.\n\n  To God the Father be the praise,\n    And to his sole-begotten Son,\n  And to the Blessed Comforter,\n    Both now and while all time shall run.\n\nThe closing scenes in the life of the great bishop were such as became\nhis past. His funeral address over his brother Satyrus is like that of\nBernard over his brother Gerard, or like that of Melanchthon above the\ndead Luther. His eulogy of Theodosius, whom he survived but two years,\nis conceived in a strain of lofty poetry, several paragraphs opening\nwith the repeated phrase _Dilexi virum illum._ I loved that man!\n\nAmbrose died on the night after Good Friday, A.D. 397. Paulinus, his\nbiographer, was taking notes of the commentary pronounced by his dying\nmaster on the 43d psalm. It was a scene like that at the deathbed of the\nVenerable Bede. The failing bishop said that he heard angelic voices and\nsaw the smiling face of Christ; and the reverent scribe avows that the\nface which looked on his own was bright, and that around that aged head\nshone until the very last an aureole of glory.\n\nLet us allow much charity to the miracles and to the superstition of\nthat time, but let us also remember the gravity and sweetness of the\npoet-bishop. For it is no wonder that when he lay in state in the great\ncathedral with quiet, upturned face, little children were moved by his\ngentle dignity of countenance and men and women, affected by this holy\npresence, put away their sins, and were baptized as followers of the\ndead man\u2019s faith.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER VI.\n                  PRUDENTIUS THE FIRST CHRISTIAN POET.\n\n\nAurelius Prudentius Clemens has received rather more than his due share\nof renown. His works have been edited by the most careful scholars.\nThere is a beautiful little \u201cElzevir\u201d upon which Heinsius expended his\nlabor and which was printed at Amsterdam in 1667. There is an \u201cAldine,\u201d\n4to, Venice, 1501. But the most elegant is that of Parma (1788, 2 vols.,\n4to), edited by Teoli; and the best is regarded as that of Faustinus\nArevalus, the Spaniard, Rome 1788-89, also in 2 vols. 4to. If to these\nwe add the most _accessible_ collection of his writings, we shall find\nit in the fifty-ninth and sixtieth volumes of Migne\u2019s _Patrologia_. The\ntext of these various editions is derived from what is called the Codex\nPuteanus, now in the Paris Library\u2014a manuscript dating into the fifth or\nsixth century. In all, there have been nearly a dozen of them, of which\nthat of R. Langius (1490, 4to) is the true _princeps_\u2014the very earliest.\nAnd in the matter of editorship, it is worthy of note that Erasmus did\nnot disdain to expend his fine classical skill upon the hymns for\nChristmas and the Epiphany.\n\nIf we ask Bentley his opinion of Prudentius he tells us that he is \u201cthe\nHorace and Virgil of the Christians.\u201d Milman declares that he was \u201cthe\ngreat popular author of the Middle Ages,\u201d and that \u201cno work but the\nBible appears with so many glosses [commentaries] in High German.\u201d \u201cT.\nD.,\u201d away back in 1821, when dear old Kit North was editing _Blackwood_,\nfurnished that periodical with some poetical translations and remarked\nthat Prudentius was \u201cthe Latin Dr. Watts.\u201d In La Rousse he obtains the\ncredit of being \u201cthe first Christian poet.\u201d Among the earlier\ncontemporaneous, or slightly subsequent references his name is preceded\nby the magic letters, \u201cV. C.,\u201d standing not, as some have thought, for\n_Vir Consularis_, a man who had enjoyed the consulship, but for _Vir\nClarissimus_, a person of high distinction. It is reserved for the\n\u201cworthy and impartial\u201d Du Pin to formulate a judgment more in accord\nwith the true facts of the case. \u201cPrudentius,\u201d saith Du Pin, \u201cis no very\ngood poet, he often useth expressions not reconcilable to the purity of\nAugustus\u2019s Age.\u201d\n\nThe value of his poetry turns largely upon its theological and\nhistorical merits\u2014both of which are considerable. It is not structurally\nperfect by any means, and yet it has furnished several very lovely hymns\nto the Church\u2014graceful and delicate, rather than strong or inspiring.\n\nIn giving him his name it is safe to take that which is usually adopted:\n_Aurelius Prudentius_, surnamed _Clemens_ or the Merciful. To this has\noccasionally been prefixed _Quintus_ or _Marcus_, but neither has\nsufficient authority in its favor. He was a Spaniard, and the main facts\nconcerning his life are learned from his own metrical preface to his\npoems. Probably few questions have been more closely discussed by the\nlearned than this of his birthplace. The internal evidence is heaped up\non either side until it is seen that Calahorra [Calagurris] is probably\nwhere he was born, while Saragossa [Caesarea-Augusta] was \u201chis city\u201d and\nthe place with which he was most identified.\n\nHe was doubtless of good family. Those industrious and microscopic\neditors who have devoted themselves to his fame have laid great stress\nupon the names _Aurelius_ and _Clemens_. The _Aurelii_, they say, were\ndistinguished and well-born people. The _Clementes_ were also of notable\nmemory. And there were two _Prudentii_ beside himself who obtained\nrather more than ordinary distinction. Indeed, there were some five\n_Prudentii_, early and late, and one of them, _Prudentius Amoenus_,\ntried, indifferently badly, to climb to fame by an abridgment of his\npredecessor\u2019s history of the Old and New Testaments. In this he was so\nsuccessful that the original is now lost, the condensation alone\nremains, and our Prudentius is often known as _Prudentius Major_, to\ndifferentiate him from this troublesome _Minor_, who was a preceptor of\nWalafrid Strabo. In regard to two other hymns\u2014the _Corde natus_ and the\n_Vidit anguis_\u2014an element of doubt has been introduced by this same\nperson. Faustinus Arevalus was nothing if not a hymn-tinker (see\n_Christian Remembrancer_, vol. xlvi., p. 125 _ff._), and it is possible\nthat these by such careless editorship have been incorporated into the\ntext of the true Prudentius from the pages of his namesake and imitator.\nThe hymn _Virgo Dei genitrix_ (of the fifteenth century) is ascribed to\nanother of the five Prudentii.\n\nThis sort of blunder is by no means unusual. We have an instance in\npoint with reference to the very Consul Salia in whose consulship our\npoet tells us that he was born. A similarity between _Coss. Salia_ and\n_Massalia_ misled the learned. They saw in this a proof that Massilia\n(Marseilles) was his birthplace, and Prudentius was at once claimed for\nFrance. But we have now unravelled and disentangled the greater part of\nthis obscure coil. Flavius Philippus and Flavius _Salia_ are known to\nhave served conjointly in the year 348, and hence the industry of Aldus\nManutius and Labbeus (Labb\u00e8e) has been thrown away and their false\nconjecture has been abandoned.\n\nPrudentius himself tells us nothing about his family, beyond what we\nderive by inference. The deeper that we plunge into this labyrinth of\nguesses the further we are from being settled in opinion. The\nexhaustive\u2014and, let us add, the exhausting\u2014editor of the latest edition\nfinally calls a halt in the middle of his complicated Latin sentences\nand avows himself utterly at a loss about the truth. There is then some\ncomfort left to us in cutting and untying these knots; for whatever view\nwe may advance has found distinguished and earnest championship already!\nOn the whole, Teoli appears a reliable leader, and him we have mostly\nfollowed, as later authors, such as Professors Fiske and Teuffel, seem\nto have done before us.\n\nLet us say, then, that he was born in 348, Philippus and Salia being\nconsuls, at Calahorra, which lies up the Ebro and to the northwest of\nSaragossa. To-day Calahorra is a small place of a few thousand\ninhabitants, but it furnishes two other notable facts to history in\naddition to its claim to be the birthplace of Prudentius. It was this\nlittle fighting town which resisted Afranius, whom Pompey sent to take\nit in 78 B.C., and it was then that the citizens ate their wives and\nchildren sooner than surrender. Besides this somewhat doubtful glory it\nproduced Quinctilian; while Tudela, which is between it and Saragossa,\ngave a name to the learned Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, whose ideas about\nthe Tower of Babel have become as classic as Prudentius\u2019s hymns or as\nthe Maid of Saragossa herself. It may be added that paganism was very\nearly abandoned in all this region.\n\nThe parents of Prudentius gave him a good education. He possessed, says\nTeoli, _ingenium acre, disertum, ferax_\u2014talent that was keen, eloquent,\nand fruitful. But at the rhetoricians\u2019 schools, which he attended about\nthe age of seventeen, he found little that was commendable in manners or\nmorals. It would appear that he gave the rein to his vices and that his\nlife was not very rapidly turned into the ways of Christianity.\n\nHe was at first called to the bar and made judge in two towns of\nconsiderable size, which may perhaps have been Toledo and Cordova. About\nthe year 400 he is supposed to have gone to Rome and to have been\nfavorably received by Honorius the Emperor, who then promoted him to\nsome sort of honorable office in his native country. At fifty-seven\nyears of age, as he himself tells us, he began to cultivate literature.\nHe had retired from active life, much as Chaucer did in later days. From\nthis period onward he lived in quiet; he \u201cfled fro\u2019 the presse and dwelt\nin soothfastnesse,\u201d like the father of English verse. He gave himself to\nsacred things\u2014to hymns in honor of God and of the saints, and to poems\nagainst paganism and in favor of Christian duty.\n\nHis poems have Greek titles. First comes the _Psychomachia_ (the Battles\nof the Soul)\u2014in hexameter\u2014treating of the conflict in a Christian soul\nbetween virtue and vice. The contrasts are arranged somewhat like those\nof Plutarch between the Greek and Roman leaders, only, of course, the\nantithesis is decidedly against the vices. Here stand Faith opposed to\nIdolatry, and Chastity facing Impurity, and Patience resisting Anger,\nand Humility contrasted with Pride, and Sobriety pre-eminent over\nExcess, and Liberality vanquishing Covetousness, and Concord healing the\nwounds caused by Dissension. There are nine hundred and fifteen lines in\nthe poem.\n\nThe _Peristephanon_ (Concerning Crowns) has twelve hymns in honor of\nvarious martyrs. Mr. Simcox notes that these are almost idyllic in form,\nand that there is much made of the white dove which flies from the\nburning pile about St. Eulalia and of the violets which the girls should\nbring to the tombs of the virgin martyrs. It may be interesting to name\nthe martyrs thus celebrated. There were two from Calahorra; then\nLaurentius and Eulalia; eighteen who suffered at Saragossa; Vincentius,\nand finally Fructuosus and Quirinus, bishops both.\n\nThen comes a poem on the Baptistery at Calahorra (translated in\n_Blackwood_, vol. ix., p. 192), with a description of the deaths of\nCassian, Romanus, Hippolytus, Peter and Paul the apostles, Cyprian and\nAgnes. These poems, it should be said, are various in metre and some are\nquite long.\n\nThe _Cathemerinon_ (a Book of Hours) is the real mine whence the most of\nthe hymns which were composed by Prudentius are taken. In this we have\nhymns for cock-crowing and morning; before and after food; at the\nlighting of the lamp; and before retiring to rest. With these are joined\nothers for the use of those who are fasting, and at the conclusion of\nthe fast; for all hours and at the burial of the dead; the work ending\nwith hymns for Christmas and Epiphany.\n\nThe _Apotheosis_ consists of poems relating to the errors of all the\nheretics that can be named\u2014Patripassians, Arians, Sabellians,\nManichaeans, Docetae, etc. The value of this to ecclesiastical history\nis easily perceived. It has more than a thousand hexameters and it\ntreats additionally of the nature of the soul and of sin and of the\nresurrection.\n\nThe _Hamartigenia_ (the Origin of Evil) takes up original sin as against\nMarcion; and the _Dittochaeon_ (which possibly means Double Food) is the\nabridgment of Old and New Testaments. This last is a sort of religious\npicture gallery ranging from Adam to the Apocalypse in hexametrical\nepigrams. There is reason to doubt whether it be what Prudentius\noriginally composed. If he followed his usual vein of abundant verse,\nthere is no question but that these half a hundred epigrams would be\nmore popular than his very extensive poetical treatment of such\nsubjects.\n\nIt is left us to mention the two books against Symmachus, the Roman\nsenator, whom Ambrose so earnestly and successfully opposed. Symmachus\nhad purposed to restore the idols, revive the revenues of the pagan\ntemples, and generally to cast out Christianity from Rome. The poetry of\nPrudentius is again valuable here, for it plunges into the origin and\nbaseness of idolatry, describing the conversion of Rome, and presenting\na picture of the times which is invaluable to the historian. It is from\nthe pages of Prudentius that we learn the cruelty of the purest of the\nRoman women, when\n\n  \u201cThe modest vestal, with her down-turned thumb\n  Urges the gladiator to his stroke\n  Lest life may lurk in any vital place!\u201d\n\nOne line in our author\u2019s hymn in honor of St. Lawrence preserves an\nhistorical fact which was not appreciated in its full significance until\nour own times. He says, _Aedemque Laurenti tuam Vestalis intrat\nClaudia_\u2014\u201cClaudia, the Vestal Virgin, enters Thy House.\u201d In 1883 there\nwas discovered in the _Atrium_ of the Vestals a pedestal of a statue\ndedicated to one of the heads of the order, from which her name had been\neffaced purposely. Nothing of it was left except the initial C., while\nthere still remained the praise of \u201cher chastity and her profound\nknowledge in religious matters\u201d (_Ob meritvm Castitatis Pvdicitiae adq.\nin Sacris Religionibusqve Doctrinae Mirabilis_). The statue was erected\nin the year 364, and the order was abolished by the younger Theodosius\nin 394, so that her conversion must have taken place between those two\ndates. The conversion of a person filling a place of such high honor in\npagan eyes, of a _Vestalis maxima_, must have been a severe blow to the\npagan party, which in Rome was making a fierce but hopeless fight for\nthe old worship. Yet we find no other reference to it in literature,\nunless the letter of Symmachus to a Vestal, of whom he had heard that\nshe meant to withdraw from her order, was addressed to Claudia. See\nProfessor Lanciani\u2019s _Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries_,\npp. 170-72 (Boston, 1888).\n\nIt is uncertain in what year or in what part of Spain Prudentius died.\nConjecture varies between 410 and 424 A.D. This infinitude of filmy\nparticulars causes one to feel as if he were walking through spider-webs\nof a morning in the country. This hard, practical nineteenth century\nonly experiences a sense of annoyance as it encounters the elaborate\nnothings of that strangely laborious, all-gathering scholarship which\nprevailed in the sixteenth and seventeenth. To create any intensity of\ninterest to-day requires an imagination which would sacrifice truth to\nattractiveness.\n\nBut certainly, from what we can see of the man in his works, we can have\nno hesitation in pronouncing a verdict highly favorable both to his\npoetry and his piety. As governor of important towns he merited\u2014or he\nwould scarcely have received\u2014his title of \u201cthe Merciful.\u201d As a close\nobserver of his time and a student of its thought, he has preserved for\nus what we cannot spare. It is he who in the _Jam moesta quiesce\nquerela_ struck the first notes which were to vibrate in the _Dies\nirae_. It is he again who in the _Ales die nuntius_ anticipated Henry\nVaughan and his\n\n  \u201cFather of lights, what sunny seed,\n  What glance of day hast thou confined\n  Into this bird!\u201d\n\nThe hymn is as follows:\n\n  \u201cThe bird, the messenger of day,\n    Cries the approaching light;\n  And thus doth Christ, who calleth us\n    Our minds to life excite.\n\n  \u201cBear off, he cries, these beds of ease\n    Where lie the sick and dumb;\n  And let the chaste and pure and true\n    Watch, for I quickly come.\n\n  \u201cWe haste to Jesus at his word,\n    Earnest to pray and weep,\n  Such fervent supplication still\n    Forbids pure hearts to sleep.\n\n  \u201cDisturb our dream, thou holy Christ,\n    Break off the night\u2019s dark chain;\n  Forgive us all our sin of old,\n    And grant us light again.\u201d\n\nAnd so it is still he who casts the ray of his fancy upon Bethlehem and\nupon the Transfigured Christ. Here is the _Quicumque Christum quaeritis_\nin proof of his real genius:\n\n  \u201cO ye who seek your Lord to-day,\n    Lift up your eyes on high,\n  And view him there, as now ye may,\n    Whose brightness cannot die.\n\n  \u201cHow gloriously it shineth on\n    As though it knew no dearth:\n  Sublime and lofty, never done,\n    Older than heaven and earth.\n\n  \u201cThou art the very King of men,\n    Thy people Israel\u2019s King,\n  Promised unto our fathers when\n    From Abraham all should spring.\n\n  \u201cTo thee the prophets testified,\n    In thee their hearts rejoice\u2014\n  Our Father bids us seek thy side\n    To hear and heed thy voice.\u201d\n\nI have changed the two last stanzas into the second person instead of\nthe third. Otherwise the rendering is a faithful and literal version of\nthe hymn. This, then, is a good proof of the genuine ring of true metal\nto be found in Prudentius.\n\nThe variety and flexibility of his measures, in spite of archaic or\npost-classical words and phrases, deserves our highest praise. He is a\nwriter of the \u201cBrazen Age,\u201d but he has not sunk far from the \u201cSilver,\u201d\nnor exactly into the falchion sweep of the more brutal \u201cIron\u201d time.\n\nHere is another of his hymns, the _Nox et tenebrae et nubila_, which has\nobtained a place in the Roman Breviary:\n\n  \u201cNight, clouds and darkness, get you gone!\n    Depart, confusions of the earth!\n  Light comes; the sky so dark and wan\n    Brightens\u2014it is the Saviour\u2019s birth!\n\n  \u201cThe gloom of earth is cleft in twain\n    Struck by that sudden, solar ray;\n  Color and life return again\n    Before the shining face of day.\n\n  \u201cThee, Christ, alone we seek to know,\n    Thee, pure in mind, and plain in speech;\n  We seek thee in our worship, so\n    That thou canst through our senses teach.\n\n  \u201cHow many are the dreams of dread\n    Which by thy light are swept apart!\n  Thou, Saviour of the sainted dead,\n    Shine with calm lustre in the heart!\u201d\n\nThe same leading idea of the analogy of the natural light with the\nspiritual runs through the following:\n\n  \u201cLo the golden light appears,\n    Lo the darkness pales away\n  Which has plunged us long in fears,\n    Wandering in a devious way.\n\n  \u201cNow the light brings peace at last,\n    Holds us purely as its own;\n  All our doubts aside are cast,\n    And we speak with holy tone.\n\n  \u201cSo may all the day run on\n    Free from sin of hand or tongue,\n  And our very glances shun\n    Every form and shape of wrong.\n\n  \u201cHigh above us One is set\n    All our days to know and mark,\n  And our acts he watches yet\n    From the dawning to the dark.\u201d\n\nPrudentius undoubtedly exhibits the early traces of observances which\nare peculiar to the Roman Catholic Church. In one of his hymns (the\n_Cultor Dei memento_) he advises that the sign of the cross be made upon\nthe forehead and above the heart:\n\n  \u201cFrontem locumque cordis\n  Crucis figura signet.\u201d\n\nBut we have not the space, nor is this the proper occasion, to follow\nhim through those matters which belong to the church historian more than\nto the hymnologist. We must leave him to end his days in undisturbed\nquiet, a good deal after the manner of Chaucer, as indeed we have\nalready hinted. He is said to have died in the neighborhood of the year\n405 in Spain. Our information is largely conjectural and affords us no\ncertainty about his closing years.\n\nThat a poet who still dwelt amid the sculptured coldness of the pagan\npast should have written such hymns, is a proof of what Christianity was\nthen achieving. She had banished from the chilly apartments of\nliterature the ancient _focus_ with its feeble charcoal and its mephitic\nsmoke. Instead of this she had created the cheerful _hearth_, on which a\npure fire of devotion was kindled and whose ascending flame swept off\nthe immoral vapors of the time. Prudentius, in a word, made scholarship\nand religion companions instead of enemies; and brightened classic\nprosody by the presence of a living faith.\n\nTo Prudentius also more hymns have been ascribed than he ever wrote, but\nafter these have been weeded out, there are left:\n\n  _Ales diei nuntius_,\n  _Nox et tenebrae et nubila_,\n  _Sol ecce surgit igneus_,\n  _Intende nostris sensibus_,\n  _O crucifer bone, lucisator_,\n  _Pastis visceribus, ciboque sumpto_,\n  _Inventor rutili dux bone luminis_,\n  _Ades pater supreme_,\n  _Cultor Dei memento_,\n  _O Nazarene lux Bethlem verbum Patris_,\n  _In Ninivitas se coactus percito_,\n  _Christe servorum regimen tuorum_,\n  _Da puer plectrum_,\n  _Corde natus ex parentis_,\n  _Deus ignee fons animarum_,\n  _Jam moesta quiesce querela_,\n  _Quid est quod arctum circulum_,\n  _Quicumque Christum quaeritis_,\n  _O sola magnarum urbium_,\n  _Audit tyrannus anxius_,\n  _Salvete flores martyrum_,\n  _Qui ter quaternus denique_,\n  _Felix terra quae Fructuoso vestiris_,\n  _Lux ecce surgit aurea_,\n  _En martyris Laurentii_,\n  _Beate martyr prospera_,\n  _Noctis terrae primordia_,\n  _Obsidionis obvias_,\n  _Hymnum Mariae Virginis_,\n  _Germine nobilis Eulalia_,\n  _Scripta sunt coelo duorum_,\n  _Innumeros cineres sanctorum_.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER VII.\n                       ENNODIUS, BISHOP OF PAVIA.\n\n\nRambach says, in his Anthology, that none of the hymns of Ennodius have\nbeen adopted by the Church. \u201cNor have I,\u201d adds Daniel, \u201cfound in any\nbreviary a verse of Ennodius. Yet,\u201d he continues, \u201csince there are many\nof them in the collection of Thomasius, which have been taken from the\nMozarabic Breviary, it seems to me certain that in some countries they\nwere formerly employed by the Church.\u201d Some corruption has also taken\nplace in the text. And, in short, these hymns have never appeared either\ndevout or original enough to secure the suffrages of the faithful.\n\nThe reason for their emptiness is not far to seek. Their author was a\nman of great celebrity but of little piety. His reputation, too, is that\nof an ardent ecclesiast, who managed to climb the heights of saintship\nby working in the interest of the Roman pontiff. He labored to maintain\nthe supremacy of the Pope\u2014upon whom, it is said, on good authority, that\nhe was the first to bestow the world-wide appellation of Papa (Pope)\u2014and\nto effect the union under this one religious head of both Greek and\nRoman churches. To this single cause, with its double aspect, Ennodius\ngave his talents and his zeal. He was so far successful that he gained\nhonor and position for himself, however he was prospered in his other\nplans.\n\nHe was a person of sufficient prominence for Italy and Gaul to contest\nthe honor of his birth. It would appear, however, that Gaul has the best\ntitle to whatever credit his nationality may give. The works on\nhymnology do not mention him, and the only notices of his life and\nwritings are to be found in out-of-the-way corners of books on Latin\nliterature and in the controversial pages of Church historians. Those\nwho attack and those who defend the papal claims, are in the habit of\nmentioning the two embassies of Ennodius as notable points in their\nargument; but the man is lost from sight in the paramount importance of\nhis mission. It cannot be so with us, to whom his personal character is\nthe topic of interest, and who care only for his circumstances as these\ndevelop him to us upon his hymnologic side.\n\nEnnodius has himself informed us that he regarded Arles as his native\nplace. We also know that he was born in 473, because he died in 521 at\nthe age of forty-eight. His family was highly respectable, if, indeed,\nit was not actually illustrious. Our poet always shows a familiarity\nwith the affairs of good society; and in those times good society had\nonly one meaning. It was a society which educated its scions in the\npolite learning of Greece and Rome, and which made much of the ability\nto speak and write the Latin tongue. It is scarcely to be questioned\nthat this was the theory on which the early education of Ennodius\nproceeded. He was sent to Milan in order to become versed in what was\ncalled humane learning. If he is himself to be believed he acquired both\nbad and good in this school. He laments with a mock humility (for so it\nwould appear by his later literary derelictions) that he had obtained a\ngreat deal of wicked and ungodly information; and really no one can read\nsome of his nasty epigrams and doubt his assertion. For, whether it was\npermissible to a saint or not, it is a fact, that the editors of his\nworks have not scrupled to print some exceedingly profane and improper\npieces which are undoubtedly the product of his pen.\n\nHis aunt, who was bearing the cost of this admirable instruction, died\nin 489\u2014that is, when he was sixteen\u2014and he was left without means to\nproceed with his studies. He avows that he had come to detest the very\nname of liberal education, and this, under the circumstances, cannot\nwell be regarded as anything very surprising. We soon after find him\nmarried to a lady who is described as of a \u201cmost noble\u201d and therefore\nhighly appropriate family. She was, moreover, \u201cvery rich\u201d\u2014another\nsatisfactory point. With this wealthy and fashionable wife, Ennodius\nrapidly obtained a view of earth, and what earth can give, which was so\nfar limited in that the money did not equal the desires of the married\npair. It ran low and the bitterness of financial perplexities mingled\nwith the cup of their happiness. Judging the husband by his epigrams he\nwas pretty fairly exhausted by the speed of their career, and was quite\nready to shake off the encumbrance of a family and devote himself to the\nlofty purpose of being supported by somebody else. An unprejudiced mind\nfails to see in this any particular \u201cadmonition\u201d or \u201cexample\u201d to his\nage. It is merely the selfish escape of a worldly but embarrassed man.\nDivorces were not available then with the ease with which a less\nscrupulous and more intellectual generation can now procure them. The\nproper, and, indeed, the meritorious way, was to slip into a cloister\nand become one of that vast army which was soon to be the tower of\nstrength of the Pope. He himself ascribes this step to a serious illness\nin which he had been healed through the miraculous interposition of St.\nVictor, after the doctors had given up his case.\n\nEnnodius now attached himself to the person and fortunes of Epiphanius,\nthe Bishop of Pavia. He was placed under the tutelage of one Servilio,\nwho taught him theology according to the methods and opinions then in\nvogue. His wife meanwhile had made the best of it after the same\nfashion, and had gone into a convent, where all trace of her vanishes in\nthat monotone of gray walls, chanted services, and ceaseless devotion.\nAt least no individuality resembling her ever henceforth emerges from\nthat uniform procession which passes by us, in this and later centuries,\nas the long line of hooded figures moves athwart Dante and Virgil in the\n\u201cPurgatorio.\u201d\n\nBut the career of Ennodius now begins. He is the bishop\u2019s chosen\ncompanion, the associate of his expedition to Brian\u00e7on in Burgundy in\nbehalf of certain prisoners; for in those days the spiritual hand was\noften laid with a mighty grip on the secular arm. The poet was by this\ntime a deacon, having been ordained thereto by his kind friend the\nbishop. And the duties of this private secretaryship were so pleasant\nthat it is evident no one would willingly surrender them for a cold cell\nand matins early in the morning. The glimpses which we get of Ennodius\ndo not encourage us to esteem him an ascetic, or to think him lacking in\nzeal for personal comfort. He was the literary adjunct of a remarkably\namiable prelate, with whom he was on terms of intimacy which made his\nown life no care at all, and his meat and drink no problem whatever!\nFrom 494, then, he continued still to occupy this post of trust and\nease. We are told that the bishop persuaded him to it, but there can be\nno reasonable objection to our believing that the bishop had no\nunwilling listener.\n\nThe literary capacity of Ennodius next attracts attention. His patron\n(who must not be confused with the great Bishop of Salamis, the author\nof the famous _Heresies_, who belongs to the previous century) died\nbefore 510. Maximus III. had succeeded Epiphanius, and after his death\nour Ennodius, in 510 or 511, was selected for the vacant diocese. The\nname of this episcopate was Ticinum, or, as we now style it, Pavia. It\nis plain that the bestowal of this dignity was hastened by the fact that\nour scholar while still a deacon had defended Pope Symmachus before the\nRoman synod called \u201cPalmare,\u201d and so effectually that the discourse was\nentered on the acts of the council, where it still appears. The Pope had\nbeen charged with crimes, and a synod convoked by the heretical\nTheodoric was to decide the case. The date was October, 501. The place\nwas a portico of the church of St. Peter at Rome to which this name of\nPalmare was usually given. And the speech is historic inasmuch as it is\nthe earliest recorded instance of that assertion of supremacy on the\npart of the Roman pontiff which frees him from any responsibility to\nearthly rulers. Ennodius thus became the advocate of this dogma, and\nupon the broad wings of papal favor he soared to the high station which\nhis patron Epiphanius had quitted.\n\nThis burst of declamatory eloquence did not come without preparatory\ntraining. Ennodius had been exercised in the art of declamation in his\nyouthful days and, as a deacon, he was able to utilize his knowledge. In\n510 or 511, not long after his elevation to the mitre, he wrote the life\nof his friend and predecessor. And this he followed with divers\nperformances of a literary character which were generously applauded. He\nbecame a sort of hero in the world of letters, and whatever he was\npleased to compose was heartily commended.\n\nIn 515 it was natural that such an advocate of the absolute domination\nof the Roman pontiff should be selected to help in the effort to reunite\nthe Eastern Church to the Western. The ambassadors were himself, the\nBishop of Pavia; Fortunatus, Bishop of Catania; Venantius, a presbyter;\nVitalis, a deacon, and Hilarius, a notary and scribe. These names\nthemselves reveal a not infrequent source of confusion to students of\nthat distressingly barren period, when it was regarded as a very\npleasant compliment to call the son of a nobody by the distinguished\nappellation of some great person in the Church. In this manner Hilary\nand Fortunatus suffered then, and modern scholars have been often vexed\nand perplexed since, especially when dates come near together. It hardly\nneeds to be added that these wearers of illustrious names have only that\nmeed of renown, such as it is.\n\nThe purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Byzantine Emperor\nAnastasius, at that time a man of great age, the recognition of\nHormisdas, the ruling Pope, as the supreme religious head of both\nempires. It was a delicate negotiation, and it demanded a perfectly\nincorruptible adherence to the interests of Rome. In this respect\nEnnodius stood pre-eminent as what Mosheim styles an \u201cinfatuated\nadulator of the Roman pontiff,\u201d and as a master of the style then\nrequired in a diplomat. He had (in 503) eulogized Pope Symmachus,\ncalling him \u201cone who judged in the place of God\u201d (_vice Dei judicare_)\nand again (in 507) he had published a panegyric on Theodoric, the Gothic\nKing of Italy, which had all the absurd flattery of that species of\ncomposition. To crown these he was the obedient occupant of the see of\nPavia. He was therefore just the man to do the work of the relentless\nand uncompromising Pope.\n\nCaelius Hormisdas was a man who never yielded, never forgot, and never\nrelaxed a purpose. Such men, backed by a sufficient power, wring from a\nreluctant world about all that they have determined to secure. But to\nthe obstinate will of the Pope was opposed the no less obstinate will of\nthe old Emperor\u2014now fully eighty-five years of age\u2014and quite as grim in\nhis methods as any Hormisdas. It was to be a battle of giants and the\nintermediates might look for little favor. The opportunity for the\nnegotiation itself happened to occur in an unusual way. Vitalianus,\ncommander of the Imperial Byzantine cavalry, had taken arms against the\nEmperor; had defeated and put to death Cyril, the opposing general, and\nhad then marched to the very gates of Constantinople. The victor was\nproposing to color his rebellion by a pleasant pretext of helping the\northodox; and the old Emperor, therefore, turned the edge of his own\nhumiliation by agreeing to a correspondence with the Pope.\n\nAnastasius began to carry out his share of this unpleasant business by\nappointing a council to meet at Heraclea, in Thrace, on July 15th, 515,\nand asking for commissioners to be sent from Rome. The venerable fox\nknew perfectly well that he had not allowed time enough for the proper\ninstruction of these delegates, nor for them to make the long journey.\nBut Pope Hormisdas appointed them, and they proceeded to the imperial\ncourt, utterly indifferent as to the time of the council, and without\nany apologies for their delay which history deigns to record. They went,\nindeed, in a very haughty spirit, and did not even commence their\nexpedition before August 12th.\n\nWhen they reached the Emperor they asked, or rather demanded, that he\nshould assent to the letter of Pope Leo, who was the first to claim this\nsubmission from the East. They insisted, furthermore, that this\nheterodox monarch should accept the definitions of the famous Council of\nChalcedon, A.D. 451, which relate to the nature and personality of\nChrist. The schism between East and West had now lasted for thirty-one\nyears, and a certain Acacius, Bishop of Constantinople, who had been a\nmost persistent opponent of the demands of Leo the Great, was still a\nthorn in the Roman pontiff\u2019s side.\n\nBut Anastasius received the ambassadors with just as proud a spirit as\nthey had shown to him. He would neither yield to Leo nor to Chalcedon,\nnor would he anathematize Acacius. Ennodius and his companions returned\nto Rome without accomplishing their mission, and the Emperor sent\nletters after them by Theopompus and Severianus, principal men of his\ncourt. When these reached Rome they were badly received by Hormisdas,\nand found that nothing would answer except the excommunication of\nAcacius. With this _ultimatum_ they got back, somewhat crestfallen; and\npoor Acacius (who was not half so bad as his papal foe) was once more\nthreatened with banishment to eternal fires.\n\nAnastasius, however, was not at all inclined to hand over his bishop to\nthe mercies of Hormisdas. He stoutly refused and continued to refuse\nthroughout the ensuing correspondence. About two hundred monks and\narchimandrites (heads of monasteries) sent from Syria a letter to the\nPope which was directed against the patriarch of Antioch, Severus by\nname, and which gave in their own allegiance to the Western Church.\nNevertheless, the Emperor still maintained the cause of Acacius,\nalthough he must have seen that the Pope was as determined as ever to\ncarry his point and that there was now a great deal which was working in\nfavor of the papal plans. When the Syrians addressed their letter to the\n\u201cMost holy and blessed Hormisdas, Patriarch of the whole earth, holding\nthe see of Peter the prince of the apostles,\u201d it spoke volumes for what\nthe Pope had been able to effect by his agents and representations in\nthe East. But the Emperor would not yield the point and act upon the\nconciliatory policy of the heretical Theodoric of Italy, which was that\nthey might settle religious matters in their own fashion, provided they\nhonored absolutely his temporal sway.\n\nA second embassy was set on foot consisting of Ennodius and Peregrinus,\nBishop of Misenum. By these ambassadors letters were sent renewing the\nold conditions and avowing that nothing would be satisfactory short of\nthe complete banishment of that pestilent wretch Acacius. This was too\nmuch for the Emperor to bear. He angrily dismissed the legates, shipping\nthem off in an old and leaky vessel, and giving a special order to\nDemetrius and Heliodorus to see that they did not set foot in his\ndominions after they had once sailed for home. Behind the flying\nambassadors followed a document which expressed the royal mind with\nforce and vigor. After comparing the conduct of the Pope very\nunfavorably with that of Jesus Christ, the Emperor proceeds to say: \u201cWe\nshall give you no further trouble, it being in vain for us to pray or\nentreat you, since you are obstinately determined not to hearken to our\nprayers and entreaties. We can bear to be despised and affronted, but we\nwill not be commanded.\u201d\n\nThis was dated July 11th, 517, and reveals an unexpected dignity in the\nold Emperor, and it makes us glad to record that, while he lived, the\nBishop of Constantinople was at least preserved in a salvable state.\n\nBut when Anastasius died, then Hormisdas began again upon Justin, his\nsuccessor, and never stopped until Acacius was struck from the roll of\nbishops and until the East acknowledged the spiritual supremacy of the\nWest. That the victory was of no long continuance or of any enormous\nvalue, does not prevent us from noticing that it gave to Magnus Felix\nEnnodius his permanent place in the Roman calendar, and did everything\nfor his literary and ecclesiastical comfort. He was well rewarded for\nhis devotion to the cause.\n\nAnastasius reigned 491-518, and Hormisdas, who had once been married and\nhad a son, who also became Pope, ruled in his sphere from 514 to 523.\nThus he had nearly five years wherein to rejoice over his obstinate dead\nenemy. And Ennodius possessed his soul in peace and turned his attention\nonce more to polite literature.\n\nOf the writings which he has left to us, the principal are the life of\nEpiphanius; another of Antonius of Pannonia, a hermit at Lake Como and\nthen a monk at Lerins; together with a _Eucharisticum de Vita sua_ and\nthe apology and panegyric mentioned above. Add to these nine books of\nletters, \u201cweighed down with emptiness,\u201d and various itineraries,\ndeclamations, and poetical pieces, and you have all he did. The letters\nare most unsatisfactory when we remember that he was the friend, and\nperhaps the relative, of men like Boethius, Faustus, Avienus, Caesar of\nArles, Aurelian, and of bishops and other prelates without number, and\nlived in Italy under the great Theodoric. He is utterly lacking in\ncontemporary portraits, and his accounts of his three journeys give us\nnothing valuable. All is stilted, unnatural, and dull. He was not much\nof a traveller at best. A trip into Burgundy, another across the Po to\nsee his sister, and one from Rome by sea, make up the list of which he\nkept any trace in his writings. He is in no haste to detail the sayings\nand doings at Constantinople! But it should be said that these\nperformances with the pen were previous to his elevation to the mitre.\nAfterward he doubtless composed only hymns and epigrams\u2014the hymns being\ndecent and the epigrams very much the reverse. The German scholar\nTeuffel looks upon his productions as an \u201cimportant source of history\u201d\nfor some enigmatic reason of his own, but Simcox very justly scouts\nthem; and the Romanist Berington asserts that he rises \u201cwith weariness\u201d\nfrom their perusal. I must personally declare that they exhibit neither\nskill, taste, nor information. They are jejune and empty to a marvellous\ndegree; and for complication of sentences and unclassical phraseology,\nthey are equal to the stupidest books of a later day. And nothing worse\nthan this can be said by any critic.\n\nThe _Eucharisticum_ is an insincere sort of thanksgiving for his\nrestoration to health, and very far behind the style of Augustine which\nit copies. It gives us a few particulars of his personal history, but it\nis prosaic and Pharisaic, and full of a mock humble glorification of the\nblessed Victor the Martyr, by whose intercession he is now convalescent.\n\nThe hymns are a trifle more hopeful, and really merit our notice. They\nare by no means the \u201cdozen tame hymns\u201d of which Simcox speaks so\ncontemptuously. There are sixteen of them and three are quite good.\nHere, for instance, is the _Christe lumen perpetuum_:\n\n  \u201cO Christ, the eternal light\n    Of every sun and sphere,\n  Illumine thou our mortal night\n    And keep our spirits clear.\n\n  \u201cLet nothing evil smite,\n    Nor enemy invade;\n  And let us stainless be, and white,\n    By nothing base betrayed.\n\n  \u201cGuard thou the hearts of all,\n    But chiefly of thine own;\n  And hold us, that we may not fall,\n    Through thy great might alone.\n\n  \u201cThat so our souls may sing,\n    When favoring light they see;\n  And every vow and tribute bring\n    To God in Trinity.\u201d\n\nThe _Christe precamur_ is quite as good:\n\n  \u201cTo thee O Christ we ever pray\n    And blend our prayer with tears;\n  Thou pure and holy One, alway\n    Protect our night of years!\n\n  \u201cOur hearts shall be at rest in thee;\n    In sleep they dream thy praise,\n  And to thy glory, faithfully,\n    They hail the coming days.\n\n  \u201cGive us a life that shall not fail;\n    Refresh our spirits then;\n  Let blackest night before thee pale,\n    And bring thy light to men!\n\n  \u201cOur vows in song we pay thee still,\n    And, at the evening hour,\n  May all that we have purposed ill\n    Be right through sovereign power!\u201d\n\nThere is yet one more hymn which seems worthy of a place in our regard.\nIt is the _Christe salvator omnium_:\n\n  \u201cO Christ, the Saviour of all,\n    Thou Lord of the heavens above;\n  We ask thy glorious aid\n    Before the day shall remove.\n\n  \u201cThe sun is hastening down;\n    His light is sunk in the west;\n  He hideth the world in gloom,\n    According to God\u2019s behest.\n\n  \u201cDo thou, most excellent Lord,\n    As we thy followers pray,\n  To us, all weary with toil,\n    Grant quiet night on our way.\n\n  \u201cThat day, from our darkening hearts,\n    May never withdraw her light;\n  But, safe in thy guardian grace,\n    Thy love illumine our night.\u201d\n\nThe poetical and spiritual range of these lyrics is not extensive, of\ncourse, but it is a vast improvement on those \u201cuncleanly imitations of\nMartial,\u201d or such involved and heartless tricks of verse as he sometimes\nessays. But he became a saint, and that must suffice! His life has been\nwritten by Sirmond; and his times and life together have occupied the\nattention of Fertig (Passau, 1855). He died at Padua, as we are credibly\ninformed, on July 17th (XVI. Kal. Aug.), 521, and this date is assigned\nto him in the Roman Catholic calendar of saints. His epitaph, according\nto Despont, who wrote in 1677, was still to be found in the church of\nSt. Michael, and testimonies to his services are among the acts of the\nFifth Synod of Rome, and are included in the public papers of Hormisdas.\n\nWhen you break open the important historical facts with which he was\nidentified, then like the toad from the stone, comes forth Ennodius. And\nlike that toad, though \u201cugly and venomous,\u201d he yet \u201cwears a precious\njewel in his head.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER VIII.\n                CAELIUS SEDULIUS AND HIS ALPHABET HYMN.\n\n\nLatin hymnology gives a distinguished place to a hymn of twenty-three\nstanzas, each stanza containing four lines and beginning with a letter\nof the alphabet in regular order. Thus from A to Z all the letters\nappear except J, U, and W. Caterva is spelled Katerva, to answer for K.\nY is represented by _Ymnis_, which is another form of _Hymnis_. And at\nlast _Zelum_ concludes the list. The author struggles with a difficulty\nwhen he takes _Xeromyrrham_ to answer for X, but otherwise the ideas and\nversification are so excellent as to have made the hymn classic. The\nRoman Breviary uses two selections from it. One commences _A solis ortus\ncardine, ad usque_, and the other, _Hostis Herodes impie_. The general\nsubject is the Nativity, but the poem soon proceeds to the Miracles of\nour Lord, and closes with an ascription of praise for His Resurrection.\n\nThere can be no doubt about the authorship. Old manuscript codices, and\nthe tradition of the Church, assign it definitely to Caelius\nSedulius\u2014sometimes called Caius Caelius Sedulius\u2014who flourished near the\nmiddle of the fifth century. But his personal history is much harder to\ncome at, and the few facts which we possess only stimulate our curiosity\nto know more. And besides, he is so entangled with another Sedulius\u2014also\na poet, also a celebrated author, also a Scot, and also involved in much\nobscurity\u2014that nearly every notice of his name contains more or less of\nerror. This second Sedulius, however, wrote no hymn which has survived,\nand therefore needs no further mention. He is always named Sedulius\n_Scotus_, to distinguish him from our Sedulius, who is invariably called\n_Caelius_ Sedulius. He flourished somewhere between 721 and 818, while\nthe best ascertained date of his predecessor\u2019s life appears to be 434.\n\nOur sources of information regarding Sedulius are Isidore of Seville and\nFortunatus of Poitiers. Jerome (Hieronymus) left a catalogue of authors\nfrom the time of St. Peter to his own day. This was continued by\nGennadius, as Notker of St. Gall tells us, and then it was still further\nextended by Isidore. Neither Jerome nor Gennadius mention our poet; the\nfirst because he died in 420, before Sedulius had achieved distinction,\nand the second possibly for the same reason, as his death occurred about\n496 at Marseilles. Isidore (who died 636) then undertook to supply the\ndeficiencies of the catalogue and inserted a brief note respecting\nSedulius.\n\nEarlier than Isidore, however, is Fortunatus (530-609), who names our\nauthor as one of the five first Christian poets. Juvencus he dates at\n330 A.D.; Sedulius flourished in the first half of the fifth century;\nPrudentius was converted in 405; Paulinus died in 458, and Arator was at\nhis zenith in 560. This would seem to fix pretty closely the period to\nwhich Sedulius belongs.\n\nReferences in the manuscripts are of no additional value. They tell us\nthat he was a \u201cGentile layman,\u201d or, in other words, a person not of\nItalian birth; that he learned philosophy in Italy; was converted and\nbaptized by Macedonius, a presbyter; and that he wrote his theological\nworks in Arcadia, or, as some say, Achaia. The Vatican \u201cCodex of the\nQueen of Sweden\u201d calls him a \u201cverse-maker\u201d and \u201cteacher of the art of\nheroic metre.\u201d Another codex adds that he also taught other varieties of\nmetrical composition, and that all this happened in the days of the\nyounger Theodosius, son of Arcadius, and of Valentinian, son of\nConstantine. Of his specific writings still another codex states that he\n\u201cput forth in Achaia this book against error and composed in verse a\ncommendation of the Christian faith.\u201d\n\nSome Sedulius, \u201cnotable for his writings,\u201d appears to have found his way\ninto Spain where, in the year 428, Isicius, a Palestine monk, who had\nbecome Bishop of Toledo, detained him for his good fellowship at Toledo.\nWith him is said to have tarried a certain Bishop Oretanus, and the\ninference is that these three worthies held numerous symposia upon\ntheology and literature. But the story is denied by Nicolaus Antonius,\nthe historian of old Spanish scholarship.\n\nThose minute and laborious investigators, the Benedictines, have, with\nant-like patience, threaded every corner of the labyrinth in which these\nstray facts are gathered. They assert that Macedonius probably received\nhim after he had been baptized by some one else. And while we do not\nknow under what master he studied theology, nor even where the school\nwas located, we know that Sedulius became presbyter in a church whose\nbishop\u2019s name was Ursinus, and where Ursicinus, Laurentius, and\nGallicanus were his co-presbyters.\n\nUssher relates that the epithet _Scotigena_\u2014the Scot\u2014was frequently\napplied to him. Trithemius gives us to understand that he was led by\nlove of learning to visit France, then Italy, then Asia, and then\nAchaia, and that his reputation was gained in the city of Rome. Sixtus\nSenensis compares him to Apollonius of Tyana in his zealous pursuit of\nwisdom; and enlarges the list of countries which he traversed by adding\nBritain and Spain. Under Theodosius and at Rome, he too declares\nSedulius to have been famous in prose and verse. But Ussher first\nclaimed him for Britain; and Ussher it was who maintained that he was a\npupil of that Hildebert who ranks among the earliest of the Irish\nbishops. It must not be forgotten that somewhere in Britain in those\ndays there was the light of Christianity, for in 432 St. Patrick set out\nfrom Scotland \u201cto convert Ireland.\u201d Nor can we omit to notice that\nUssher styles Sedulius \u201cScotus Hybernensis,\u201d thus originating the\nexpression \u201cScotch-Irishman,\u201d but using it in exactly the reverse of its\nmodern sense.\n\nSo far as these partial facts and conjectures go we are safe in\naffirming that Sedulius was a learned and studious person, probably an\nIrishman\u2014for at that time Scot and Irishman were synonymous\u2014and that he\ngained renown about the year 434, having studied in Italy, travelled\nextensively, and been a resident in Achaia. The temptation is, however,\nirresistible to make him Irish rather than Scotch, upon the strength of\nthe most ancient \u201cbull\u201d on record. It is found in the Alphabet Hymn and\nreads thus:\n\n  \u201cQuarta die jam foetidus\n  Vitam recepit Lazarus,\n  Cunctisque liber vinculis\n  Factus superstes est sibi.\u201d\n\n  \u201cUpon the fourth day Lazarus\n  Revived, though all malodorous;\n  And freed from the enchaining ground\n  Himself his own survivor found!\u201d\n\nThe writings of Sedulius are more numerous than might be supposed. Those\nwhich have been preserved are nine, two in verse and the rest in prose.\nThe most elaborate is a commentary on the four Gospels, dedicated to the\nabbot Macedonius and to which he prefixed his _Carmen Paschale_. He also\nwrote on the Pauline Epistles, as did his namesake of the ninth century.\nTo Theodosius he addressed a book. He wrote treatises on the books of\nPriscian and Donatus, the grammarians. He also treated of the miracles\nof Christ in prose and sent out many \u201cepistles of Sedulius Scotigena.\u201d\nHis poetry is comprised in the Alphabet Hymn; in the _Carmen Paschale_\nwhence we get nothing for hymnology except the hexameter _Salve Sancta\nParens enixa_ (_puerpera regem_); and in the Elegy, from which comes the\n_Cantemus socii_.\n\nThe _Carmen Paschale_ is an epic in the Virgilian style. The Elegy is an\nexhortation to the faithful. But the Alphabet Hymn has enriched the\nChurch with two lyrics, one on the Nativity and one on the Slaughter of\nthe Innocents. By placing the first stanza side by side with the first\nstanza of the famous Ambrosian hymn, it is easily seen that they are the\nsame.\n\n\n                              _Ambrosian._\n\n  \u201cA solis ortus cardine\n  Et usque terrae limitem\n  Christum canamus principem\n  Natum Mariae virginis.\u201d\n\n\n                              _Sedulian._\n\n  \u201cA solis ortus cardine\n  Ad usque terrae limitem\n  Christum canamus principem\n  Natum Maria virgine.\u201d\n\nBut this is no unusual occurrence in days when the language of the\nPsalms was employed in the Ambrosian hymns, and when the Ambrosian hymns\nthemselves furnished a convenient foundation for the later praises of\nthe Church. Not only did Sedulius imitate them closely, but Ennodius,\nFortunatus, Gregory, Bede, Rabanus, and Damiani\u2014with many other unknown\nwriters\u2014studied and copied their metre and expression. A curious\ninstance of this same copying and following can be found in our own\nhymn. In it the stanza, _Ibant magi quam viderant_, contains two lines\nwhich have been inserted bodily in a production of the fourteenth or\nfifteenth century. It is true that they are very suggestive and\nbeautiful, but when Sedulius wrote\n\n  \u201cStellam sequentes praeviam\n  Lumen requirunt lumine,\u201d\n\nhe wrote what was original with him, but which was sheer theft in the\nhands of the author of _Hymnis laudum preconiis_, who nevertheless takes\nthe couplet to grace the feast of the Three Kings.\n\nLatin hymns are by no means all beautiful or all graceful. The earlier\npieces appear and reappear\u2014fragments from the better workmanship of the\npast\u2014throughout the Dark Ages. And here we must leave Sedulius. If he\nwas indeed the companion of Hildebert, his story belongs to that\nfabulous age of the British Church when bishops were but simple pastors\nand when great purity and truth prevailed. In the Alphabet Hymn there\nare references to the direct Scripture narrative; to the \u201cenclosed John\u201d\nwho greets the Saviour; to Him fed with a little milk, who Himself feeds\nthe birds; to the great Shepherd revealed to shepherds; to Herod who\nseems to fear a King who does not covet earthly dignities; to the Magi\nwho seek their Light from the light; to the healing of the sick and the\nraising of the dead; to the water that blushes into wine, as perhaps\nCrashaw had read; to Peter who fears by nature and walks the wave by\nfaith; to Lazarus \u201chis own survivor;\u201d to Judas the _carnifex_ who\nprofessed peace by his kiss which was not in his soul; to Him who\ntriumphing over Tartarus returned of Himself to heaven. Such is the\nhymn, and upon reading it one is not surprised that Fortunatus called\nits author _Sedulius dulcis_\u2014the sweet Sedulius. Nay, Rudolph of\nDunstable goes so far as to perpetrate a pun, and declares that Sedulius\n_sedulously_ sings of things that are old and new. And the dear man of\nGod, Dr. Martin Luther of blessed memory, who had no relish for\nAmbrose\u2019s hymns, called our Irishman a _poeta Christianissimus_, and\ntranslated into his massive German both the hymns the Breviary had\nextracted from his chief poem.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER IX.\n                  VENANTIUS FORTUNATUS THE TROUBADOUR.\n\n\nVenantius Honorius Clementianus Fortunatus was a man not satisfied with\nfour names. In jest or earnest he assumed another, Theodosius. In point\nof time he had an interesting position; in regard to residence his story\nbecomes really valuable; and when we add that he gave to the Church\nseveral of her best-known hymns, he appears before us as a person\nunfamiliar, but highly attractive.\n\nIf, as we have reason to think, he came into France in 566 or 567, at\nthe age of thirty-five or thirty-six, we must suppose him to have been\nborn about 531. He was an Italian of Treviso, which is not far northwest\nof Venice and northeast of Padua. Of his parentage and early education\n(except the fact that he was trained at Ravenna) we are ignorant; but he\nis said to have been acquainted with Boethius, a thing hard to believe,\nfor the philosopher perished in 524. We are left in some doubt whether\nhe had set forth from Italy because the Lombards were about to invade\nhis part of it, or whether religious motives were at the bottom of this\n\u201cexile,\u201d as he is very ready to call it.\n\nJudging his unknown past by his better-known later history, he was a man\nof affable and genial character, who could pay for all favors in the\nsmall coin of panegyric, and whose pen filled his pocket and procured\nhim the hospitality of the rich and the great of the earth. We know he\ncould sing, for he says so himself; and he could also turn verses so\nsweet and mellow that even the poorest of them were learned by his\nadmirers and recited again with much delight. Now it happened that his\neyes were affected, and his friend Gregory of Tours sent him some of the\nblessed St. Martin\u2019s holy lamp-oil. When this was rubbed upon them\u2014and\nit was doubtless good oil, and therefore not an objectionable\nointment\u2014he was greatly helped. He consequently showed his gratitude in\ntwo ways: by making a pilgrimage to the blessed St. Martin\u2019s own town,\nand by writing the blessed St. Martin\u2019s biography. This last he\naccomplished to the extent of four books of verse, employing, without\nany apparent scruple, the much more classic and elaborate treatise of\nSulpicius Severus as the groundwork of his own. It was this journey\nwhich raises the question whether he was avoiding the Lombards or\nperforming a pious vow when he entered France. Perhaps in this, as in\nother events of his life, the religious garment covered the secular\ndesire.\n\nFrom his native country, then, he made his way into another and less\ncultivated region. There was a Gallo-Roman society at the time, very\nmuch as there now are groups of educated persons in Siberia, or in the\nseaboard cities of China. A certain freemasonry of intelligence passed a\nliterary man along from castle to cloister and from cloister to court.\nIt was a period when classic learning was at its lowest ebb, and when\nthe Romance tongues, like the second growth of a forest, were thickly\nclustering in upon the few survivors of the ancient groves of\nliterature. The sixth century was removed from the past, but had not\nattained to much on its own account.\n\nYet we must not think that this century was barren of beginnings. The\nMerving kings\u2014Clovis, and Childebert, and Clotaire the First, and\nCharibert\u2014had now given place to Chilperic on the throne of France.\nIndeed, some writers are inclined to make this sixth century the true\ncommencement of the Middle Ages, and it is very certain that we can see\na great deal in the story of Fortunatus which is mediaeval. Moreover,\nMohammed was born in 570, at Mecca, while our future bishop was\ntraversing Gaul. And nearly contemporary with our author\u2019s birth\u2014that\nis, in 533\u2014comes the announcement of the supremacy of the Roman bishop,\nwhich culminated in 590 in the strong administration of Gregory the\nGreat. Fortunatus lived, therefore, in days when Latin Christianity was\ntaking shape, and when the most aggressive of false religions was\nspringing up. We have indeed said, in effect, that the Western Empire\nwas at an end, and that the Monarchy of France had begun in 476.\n\nThus, as he looked backward, the Italian refugee could recall the\nsuccessive blows of barbarian swords\u2014the swords of Alaric, and Genseric,\nand Attila, and Odoacer\u2014under which Rome had fallen. When Alboin started\nhis raid from Pannonia in 568, with Lombards (Longobardi) and Gepidae\nand twenty thousand Saxons, it was surely enough to make a troubadour\ntake refuge at Tours.\n\nOur materials for the biography of Fortunatus from this point in the\nstory become more available. He kept an itinerary, which was lost; but\nhe wrote often to Gregory of Tours, and this seems to be the only\ncorrespondence which he conducted in a natural and ordinary manner. From\nit we learn that he crossed the mountains in a \u201csnowy July,\u201d and had\nwritten either \u201con horseback or half asleep.\u201d He passed some time at\nMetz and Rheims. His days and nights were spent in travelling and\nfeasting and in preparing songs and odes, to the consternation of his\nmodern biographer, Luchi, who does not find much evidence of piety in\nthese proceedings.\n\nFortunatus is his own exponent, and his language, literally translated,\ngives us a vivid picture of the way in which he made friends with\neverybody. \u201cTravelling among the barbarians\u201d (he writes to Gregory), \u201con\na long journey, either weary of the way or drunk beneath the icy chill,\nat the exhortation of the muse (I know not whether more cold or sober),\na new Orpheus I gave voices to the wood, and the wood replied.\u201d The\nsentence illustrates not merely his experience but also his style of\ncomposition, which is turgid and frequently obscure. His panegyrics, for\nexample, abound in the most fulsome flattery, arrayed bombastically in a\nstring of nouns, verbs, and adjectives half a page long. The real idea\nwalks within much of his Latin, like a pigmy in a great court train,\nridiculously small and ridiculously pretentious.\n\nSometimes these same expressions of our poet betoken a convivial\nfamiliarity with his friend Gregory of Tours, which is not precisely\ncanonical. Many post-classical words appear, and phrases which no\ngrammarian would easily justify. The man is full of sly hints of good\neating and drinking, and has a high-flown style of compliment, as when\nhe writes to Lupus, \u201cAs often as I put together the parts of your\ndiscourse, I thought that I reclined upon ambrosial roses.\u201d To Sigismund\nand Aregesles, two brothers, he declares that, \u201cThis sweet letter\nreveals to me the names of friends. Here is the brilliant Sigismund, and\nhere is the modest Aregesles. After Italy, O Rhine, thou givest me\nparents, and by the coming of these brothers I shall be no longer a\nstranger.\u201d In fact, he picked up \u201cbrothers\u201d and \u201cparents\u201d with charming\nfacility, and had a dexterity in drawing a corner of the mantle of royal\nfavor over him which any courtier might covet.\n\nThus he went\u2014we cannot well detect in what order or by what method, but\npretty conclusively as a troubadour might have done\u2014all through France.\nLike Chamisso, he proposed to\n\n  \u201cTake his harp in his hand\n  And wander the wide world over,\n  Singing from land to land.\u201d\n\nWith Sigebert, King of Austrasia, he contracted quite a friendship, and\nbeing at Poitiers when Gelesuintha was put to death, he lamented her in\nverses which pleased Sigebert, her brother-in-law and avenger, greatly.\nHe also became well acquainted with Euphronius of Tours, nephew of St.\nGregory, the bishop, and thus laid a good foundation for ecclesiastical\npreferment. But it was to Poitiers that he gradually drifted, and there\ncircumstances fixed him for the most of his life.\n\nWe may safely conclude that Tours, which is not a great distance off,\nfirst attracted his wandering feet. He had a duty to the blessed St.\nMartin\u2019s holy lamp and to the blessed St. Martin\u2019s holy memory, and\nthese devout proceedings were more than sufficient to commend him to a\nhospitable bishop. Contemporary accounts of him are lacking, if we\nexcept the brief notice of Paul the Deacon, which cannot properly be\ncalled contemporary, as it is in his history of the Lombards, which was\nprepared in the first half of the eighth century. But Fortunatus again\ncomes to our rescue with quite a goodly supply of verses and with some\nepistles which show that the life of that period was a curious resultant\nbetween the Roman and barbarian ideas. It ought in honesty to be added\nthat Brunehilda was no saint, and that the court of the Merovingians was\nso barbaric that it stood by and saw her torn to death, at eighty, at\nthe heels of a wild horse; and this was later even than Fortunatus\u2019s\nday.\n\nBy this time Treviso (Trevisium) had been regularly attacked by the\nLombards, and the pilgrimage, which had changed to a pleasure-trip,\nchanged again to a residence. He speaks of himself later as having been\n\u201cfor nine years an exile from Italy,\u201d and his only reference to his\nfamily that is discoverable is when he tells the Abbess Agnes that she\nis as dear to him as his own sister Titiana. He is a poet driven like a\nleaf before the storm, and he is whirled first into Tours and then into\nthe safe eddy of Poitiers, which he celebrates reverently in song as the\nhome of the great Hilary.\n\nHis royal friendships are made apparent by _epithalamia_\u2014especially that\non the marriage of Sigebert and Brunehilda\u2014and by various odes. But now\ncomes the real romance of our poet\u2019s life. Clotaire the First had\nmarried a fair woman named Radegunda, whose piety gave him not a little\ntrouble. She was determined to keep all her vigils and fasts and to\nexert herself in works of charity, even to the scrubbing of the base of\nthe altar with her own hands. It was one of her greatest pleasures to\ntake leprous women in her arms and kiss them, and when one of the lepers\nsaid to her, \u201cWho will kiss you after you embrace us?\u201d she \u201canswered\nbenevolently, that if others will not kiss me, it is truly no affair of\nmine.\u201d\n\nIt would be beneath the dignity of this narrative, if it were not a\nportion of her own life in the Latin, for us to record the incident\nwhich helped to cause her separation from her husband. She had arisen at\nnight and came back thoroughly chilled, and with her feet properly cold.\nClotaire growled out that he would sooner have a nun for a wife\n(_jugalem monacham_) than such a queen. So she took him at his word,\nfounded a convent at Poitiers, and distinguished herself to later\ngenerations by many noble works.\n\nOver this convent she placed her maid Agnes, and served her former\nservant with profound humility and obedience, albeit she must always\nhave been herself the ruling spirit of the place. With Fortunatus she\nformed a close friendship. And as this is the beginning of the\nconventual and ecclesiastical side of his career, we may as well bring\nthe story up to its parallel point in current history.\n\nGregory, Archbishop of Tours and historian of France, always addresses\nhis friend Fortunatus as _presbyter Italicus_. That Fortunatus embraced\nthe monastic life at Aquileia (about 558-59) has been maintained, and\nthe opinion is also fairly defended that he was enrolled as a \u201ccleric\u201d\nat Poitiers, although he was _novus_, or a \u201cnew-comer,\u201d there. He had\nevidently some _quasi_ ecclesiastical connection, and those were days\nwhen the celibacy of the clergy was much mooted, but when the wandering\nmonks had not yet been held to the stringencies of the monastic orders.\nIf we ask Fortunatus why he remained in Gaul, he replies that Radegunda\nretained him there \u201cby her prayers and vows.\u201d It is conjectural that he\nwas first chaplain to the convent, and it is certain that then he was\nelevated to the rank of Bishop of Poitiers.\n\nTo this daughter of Berthar, King of the Thuringi, our troubadour now\npaid his devoirs. Often at \u201cthe convivial banquets of the barbarians\u201d he\nhad \u201cpoured forth his verses.\u201d He was now to become the devoted cavalier\nof a queen and an abbess, and to furnish literature with some very\nunique specimens of religio-amatory verse.\n\nThe life of Radegunda, written by Fortunatus and amplified by the nun\nBandonivia, furnishes many interesting facts about this holy woman. She\ntook her final resolution to separate from her husband after he had\nunjustly put her brother to death. On this she went to St. Medard and\ndeclared her intention of celibacy, and thence to the church of St.\nMartin, at Tours, where she made her formal vows. From this she retired\nto her villa called Suedas, near Poitiers, which she turned into a\nconvent. Thither in 569 the Emperor Justinus (Justin II.) sent rich\npresents, one being a portion of the true cross. This inspired\nFortunatus with a new song, and he broke out in the _Vexilla Regis_,\nwhich is surely one of the most stirring strains in our hymnology.\n\nThe following version expresses literally and without modification the\nideas set forth in the Latin:\n\n\n                       \u201cVEXILLA REGIS PRODEUNT.\u201d\n\n  The royal banners forward fly;\n  The cross upon them cheers the sky;\n  That cross whereon our Maker hung,\n  In human form, by anguish wrung.\n\n  For he was wounded bitterly\n  By that dread spear-thrust on the tree,\n  And there, to set us free from guilt,\n  His very life in blood he spilt.\n\n  Accomplished now is what was told\n  By David in his psalm of old,\n  Who saith,[5] \u201cThe heathen world shall see\n  God as their King upon the tree.\u201d\n\n  O tree, renowned and shining high,\n  Thy crimson is a royal dye!\n  Elect from such a worthy root\n  To bear those holy limbs, thy fruit.\n\n  Bless\u00e8d upon whose branches then\n  Hung the great gift of God to men;\n  Whose price, of human life and breath,\n  Redeemed us from the thrall of death.\n\n  Thy bark exhales a perfume sweet\n  With which no nectar may compete;\n  And, joyful in thine ample fruit,\n  A noble triumph crowns thy root.\n\n  Hail, altar! and thou, Victim, hail!\n  Thy glorious passion shall not fail;\n  Whereby our life no death might lack,\n  And life from death be rendered back.\n\n  O Cross, our only hope, all hail!\n  In this the time when woes assail,\n  To all the pious grant thy grace,\n  And all the sinners\u2019 sins efface!\n\nAt this time Fortunatus also composed a long poem of thanks to Justin\nand Sophia for gifts sent to himself, by which it would appear that he\nwas tolerably well identified with the interests of Radegunda and her\nconvent.\n\nFrom this date onward his friendship with Agnes and Radegunda exposed\nboth him and them to very considerable comment. He even refers to it in\none of his poems, addressed to the abbess, in which he protests the\npurity of his conduct. But it is not hard to see how his expressions\nmight be misunderstood. They are frequently fervid beyond the courtesies\nof compliment, and they remind us all the while of those singers of the\neleventh and twelfth centuries who begin with William, Count of this\nvery city of Poitiers (1071-1127), and who have made the name of\n\u201ctroubadour\u201d synonymous with the praise of love and beauty. Fortunatus\ncalls on Christ, and Peter, and Paul, and Mary to witness the entire\npropriety of his love for Agnes and Radegunda, but he follows it with\nlines which Bertrand de Born or Alain Chartier might have composed.\n\nReally there is a great deal of this exuberant poetry in the worthy\nchaplain. He wrote every sort of odd acrostic on the holy cross,\nreminding us in more ways than one of Damasus, or of the later cavalier\npoets of England. He tells Radegunda, who seems his principal star, that\neverything is alike when he does not see her; that although the sky is\ncloudless, yet, if she is absent, \u201cthe day stands without a sun.\u201d He\nexcuses himself in other verses for sending her violets instead of\nlilies and roses. Any incident in which Radegunda plays a part is enough\nto turn the poetic stream upon the mill-wheel of his verse. If there are\nflowers on the altar; if there are flowers sent by her to himself; if\nshe has retired from the world to perform her vows; if she has returned\nagain to the public gaze, and especially if he has been at a little\ndinner or has received some agreeable little dishes\u2014then the bard\nstrings his harp!\n\nIt is quite amusing to read some of these effusions. He advises\nRadegunda, as Paul did Timothy, to drink wine on occasion. And when the\nqueen and the abbess conspire to make his life pleasant he has plenty of\nmetrical gratitude to offer. They send him butter (_butyr_) in a lordly\ndish; they furnish chestnuts in baskets woven by their own hands; they\nprovide milk, and prunelles, and olives, and eggs. For all these he\nrenders thanks in kind. Never were eggs and butter sung in a loftier\nstrain! But sometimes the poet descends a trifle from his elevated\nphrases. He says pathetically in one of these effusions that they sent\nhim \u201cvarious delicacies for his full stomach\u201d (_tumido ventre_), and\nthat he got asleep after it and failed to furnish the appropriate\nverses. He laments this in proper metre, declaring that he had opened\nhis mouth and shut his eyes (the old gormandizer!) and had eaten on,\nregardless of his duty. And for this he craves forgiveness from his\n_beata domnia_ [it ought to be _domina_] _filia_\u2014his blessed\nqueen-daughter. But be good enough to observe that his own gifts in\nreturn are very small, and that he is always apologizing and hoping that\nthey may not be rejected. Truly this was such a man as Sir Walter Scott\nhas sung, for\n\n  \u201cThe best of good cheer and the seat by the fire\n  Was the undenied right of the barefooted friar.\u201d\n\nOnly it may be safely questioned whether our Fortunatus was any more of\nan ascetic than Damasus himself. One almost wishes for an historical\npicture\u2014and it should be a good theme, by the way\u2014in which Fortunatus\nand his two friends appear. It should be that celebrated feast which he\ndescribes [J. P. Migne: _Patrologia_; _Opera Fortunati_, Lib. xi., cap.\nii.], where Agnes had adorned the tables and the apartment with \u201cevery\nspecies of blossoming plant;\u201d where the rich wines, and the generous\nfare, and the crystal, and the gold, and the flowers should brighten the\nfine hall of the chateau; and where, perhaps, the ecclesiastic should\ntake his small harp and strike its strings with a delicate hand, while\nthe fair face of Agnes and the darker beauty of Radegunda should inspire\nhis song.\n\nOne traces to this mellow undercurrent of human life the swing of his\nbest lyrics\u2014the _Pange lingua gloriosi praelium certaminis_ and those\nhymns to the Virgin of which he was the earliest promoter. No ene can\ndoubt the influence of these women upon the _Ave maris stella_ or the\n_Quem terra pontus aethera_. Say what we please about his piety, he has\nwritten what will live with the best. And to compare him to the\nmelancholy Cowper, as Mrs. Charles has done, can only be characterized\nas a most amusing misconception.\n\nWe know nothing of him as bishop further than the fact that the office\nbecame vacant in 599, and he was an available as well as distinguished\ncandidate. Surviving Radegunda, who passed away in 587, he died about\n609, full of years and honors\u2014the last of the classics and the first of\nthe troubadours; the connecting link between Prudentius and the Middle\nAges; the biographer of some of the saints and the interested collector\nof many legends of their miracles; and, finally, the first of Christian\npoets to begin that worship of the Virgin Mary which rose to a passion\nand sank to an idolatry. Venantius Fortunatus was neither a bad man nor,\nin the highest sense, a holy man. But he was a poet in spite of his\nbarbaric Latin, and a writer of hymns which live to-day, long after the\nparticulars of his career are forgotten.\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER X.\n                      GREGORIUS MAGNUS [540-604].\n\n\nThe materials which are at hand for the life of Gregory the Great are,\nif anything, too numerous. In their original form they include all that\nPaul the Deacon (quoted by the Venerable Bede) and John the Deacon\n(quoted by everybody) have chosen to relate. And these have been so\nanxious to do entire justice to the great Pope that they fill their\npages with miracles, wonders, and signs, as well as with the authentic\nfacts of history. But Gregory carved for himself such a niche in the\ntemple of fame that we are not likely to go very far astray in searching\nfor the proper estimate of his work.\n\nIt may be safely assumed that from this pontificate dates the supremacy\nof the Roman see. It was Gregory whose missionary spirit opened the\ndoors of Britain to the truth. It was he who, without asserting any\nsuperior claim, opposed successfully the encroachments of the Greek\npatriarchs. And it was again he who gave to the Church her sacred\nmelodies.\n\nHe was born, says Paul the Deacon, in the city of Rome, of a father\nnamed Gordianus and a mother named Sylvia. These people were of the\nAnician family and were also of distinguished religious descent.\nFelix\u2014fourth of the name and Pope under the title of Felix III.\u2014was his\n_atavus_, or great-great-great-grandfather. The very name Gregorius our\nworthy deacon declares to be the Greek equivalent of the word\n\u201cWatchful.\u201d\n\nThe child of such a house would be well nurtured in all the learning of\nthe time. Hence, he was trained in grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics\u2014the\nancient _trivium_ or complete course of liberal education. Naturally,\ntoo, he became an excellent scholar. And when he grew up he was called\nto an important post in Roman civil affairs. He became praetor of the\ncity\u2014a city which was subject to Byzantium and exposed to incursions of\nvarious barbarian invaders. The Lombards, indeed, attacked it during his\npraetorship.\n\nAt this period of his life his love for display was as remarkable as his\nsubsequent simplicity. He delighted in rich attire and surrounded\nhimself with the pomp and circumstance of his position. A rich man and a\nrich man\u2019s son, he was thoroughly in sympathy with passing affairs, and\nas Rome bloomed the more vigorously above her own decay, he was himself\none of those \u201cflowers of evil\u201d whose gaudy hues brightened the scene.\nBut at the same time he became accustomed to the management of large\naffairs, and his administration secured to him the good will of his\nassociates and subordinates. It can often be noticed that these early\nFathers came to their power in the Church after having been strictly and\ncarefully trained in the world. Hilary and Ambrose were as conspicuous\nexamples of this foreordination as was Gregory the Great.\n\nNot long previous to this time\u2014for it had been about the year of\nGregory\u2019s birth\u2014Benedict had reformed the monastic order. His work, to\nput it briefly, consisted in guarding the entrance to monasticism and in\nregulating the hours, habits, and customs of those celibates who\nprofessed such a vocation for the religious life. From his wise and\nsystematic arrangements, which have been but little improved upon though\noften reinforced by \u201creformations,\u201d monasticism derived that adaptation\nto the active and practical life of the West, which it had lacked in the\npreceding centuries. Indeed, he so far reacted against the contemplative\nidleness of the East, as to aim rather at an industrial than a learned\norder. But his successors corrected this defect, and gave the order the\nliterary and educational character which has been its greatest claim to\nthe gratitude of Christendom. Thus it came to be that the Benedictine\nFathers became the order of scholars, the editors of the Fathers, of the\n_Acta Sanctorum_, and of the _Histoire Litteraire de France_. The\npermanent revenues, the fixity and quiet of these monastic lives, the\nslow coral-building of these unknown workers, have resulted in gathering\nfor us all that the mediaeval historian can desire upon the religious\nside. And it is here that, delving amid the dust of these mountainous\nmasses of literature, the student of Latin hymnology will find his\nrarest delight. For these acute scholars have literally picked up and\nprinted, yea, and what is more to the purpose, they have indexed and\nclassified\u2014whatever he can wish in the way of productions in prose and\nverse by any known author. The old MSS. are strained through into\nreadable type. Their contents are sorted and sifted. And he who pores\nover these pages will rise from them at length with a profound\nconviction that the scholarship of the Latin Church, and particularly\nthe Benedictine Order, deserves well from the world of letters and\nmerits the admiration of the Church Universal.\n\nInto such an order as this\u2014an order of which he was to be one of the\nmost illustrious lights\u2014a divine impulse was pressing Gregory. He grew\nmore closely attached to the Benedictines of Monte Cassino. His\nreligious relatives encouraged his evident zeal. And thus after\nvibrating like a bee between the odorous rose and the honey-giving\nclover, he settled upon the humbler and sweeter flower and let the world\ngo by.\n\nThe Arian Lombards had encamped upon that region which we after their\nname now call Lombardy. The Roman bishops were already the prop of the\nheathen state against the semi-Christian invaders; but with Lombards,\nand those whose religion was only a fiction, their influence was\ndeplorably slight. Yet as Christianity increased, according to George\nHerbert\u2019s simile,\n\n  \u201cLike to those trees whom shaking fastens more,\u201d\n\nthe Church became doubly influential through the skill of Gregory. He\nfelt religion to be the source of the truest strength and thus he turned\nhis wealth and his life into its treasury.\n\nIn the year 575 he took his great revenues and endowed six new\nmonasteries in Sicily. Then he established a seventh, devoting it to the\nhonor of St. Andrew; and this was at Rome, in his own palace on the\nCoelian hill. The populace who had seen him in silk and jewels now\nbeheld him, a poor monk of the Benedictine Order, serving the beggars at\nthe gate. In humility of demeanor and in simplicity of food he became a\nmodel to his fellow-monks. He attended the sick in his new hospital. He\nate only the dried corn, or pulse, which his mother sent to him already\nmoistened in a silver bowl. This bowl or porringer was the only relic of\nhis departed splendor, and we are told that he did not keep even this,\nbut gave it at last to a shipwrecked sailor for whom he had no money,\nand who begged importunately from him when he was writing in his cell.\n\nThe intensity of his devotion led him into great austerities of fasting\nand prayer and study of the Scriptures. He outdid the others in his\nabstinence from food and ended by ruining his health, so that he entered\nthe papacy with a broken constitution. When he most needed the support\nof a vigorous body it was therefore denied to him.\n\nThe history of his gradual elevation is suggestive. Pope Benedict I.\nmade him one of the seven cardinal deacons, and gave him charge of one\nof the seven principal divisions of the city. Pelagius II. chose him to\nhead an embassy to Constantinople in 578 to congratulate Tiberius on his\naccession to the throne. For six years he remained abroad on this and\nsimilar service, and returned to Rome to be elected abbot of St.\nAndrew\u2019s monastery. Here he was perfectly happy. In his _Dialogues_ he\nspeaks of the serene life and death of several of his brethren, and his\nlatest biographer (Rev. J. Barmby) is never tired of relating how the\ngreat Pope perpetually looked back with regretful love to those quiet\nand happy days of peace with God and man.\n\nIt was then that the famous incident occurred which has made historic\nhis missionary zeal, and has handed down three Latin puns as a proof\nthat a man can be witty as well as earnest.\n\nThe slave market at Rome had received some new captives\u2014alas! when was\nit not the scene of fresh wretchedness in those awful times? But these\nwere of remarkable beauty and fairness of skin, and John the Deacon\nshall tell us of them in his own words:[6]\n\n\u201cPerceiving among the rest certain boys for sale, white of body, fair in\nform, and handsome in face, distinguished moreover by the brightness\n(_nitore_) of their hair, he asked the merchant from what country he had\nbrought them. He answered, \u2018From the island of Britain, whose\ninhabitants all display a similar beauty (_candore_) of face.\u2019 Gregory\nsaid, \u2018Are those islanders Christians or do they yet hold to their pagan\nerrors?\u2019 The merchant replied, \u2018They are not Christians, but are\nentangled in their pagan delusions\u2019 (_laqueis_). Then Gregory, groaning\ndeeply, said, \u2018Alas! for shame! that the prince of darkness should own\nthose splendid faces; and that such glorious foreheads (_tantaque\nfrontis species_) should express a mind vacant of the inward grace of\nGod!\u2019 Then he asked the name of their tribe. The merchant responded,\n\u2018They are called Angli.\u2019 Then he said, \u2018They are well called Angli, as\nthough they were angels (_angeli_) for they have angelic faces; and such\nas these should be fellow-citizens of the angels in heaven.\u2019 Again,\ntherefore, he inquired what was the name of their province. The merchant\ntold him \u2018Those provincials are called Deiri.\u2019 Then Gregory said, \u2018They\nare well called Deiri, for they must be snatched from wrath (_de ira_)\nand gathered to the grace of Christ. The king of that province,\u2019 he\ncontinued, \u2018how is he named?\u2019 The merchant replied, \u2018He is called\nAelle.\u2019 And Gregory, alluding to the name, said, \u2018It is well that the\nking is called Aelle. For _Alle_luia in praise of the Creator must be\nsung in those parts.\u2019\u201d\n\nSuch was the commencement of that Christianizing process which\neventually brought Anglo-Saxon monks to Rome for education\u2014not that Rome\nwas the chief source and centre from which the work of Christianizing\nthe English was effected. That strangely organized Church, which Patrick\nhad established in Ireland and Columcille (Columba) had propagated to\nCeltic Scotland, was the missionary Church of that age. Its zeal carried\nthe faith to Scandinavia in the person of its royal converts, the two\nOlafs, besides Christianizing the Norsemen of Ireland and the lesser\nislands. Its missionaries poured southward across the lines that\nsundered Saxon from Celt, and co-operated mightily with the more languid\nefforts of the Kentish Church established by Augustine. And up to the\nSynod of Whitby in 664, Patrick rather than Peter was the saint who\nstood the highest in the esteem of English Christians.\n\nYet it would be unfair to rob Gregory and Augustine of the honor of\nhaving begun the work, and begun it on a higher and more permanent level\nthan was possible to the Irish Church. After all, Rome stood for a wider\nconception of Church and social order and a broader Christian culture.\nIt is to her victory that we owe Bede and the great Churchmen, who\nadapted the learning and lore of the Latin world to the needs of English\nChristendom. And so in Augustine\u2019s mission we may see the apostolic\nsuccession, in a broader sense of the word than the technical, carried\nto England, to be transmitted in turn to America. England acknowledged\nthe gift in the establishment of the tax called \u201cPeter\u2019s Pence\u201d for the\ncare and support of pilgrims to Rome, and the support of clerics, who\nwent to study in the Saxon school established in Rome. To this we may\ntrace, perhaps, the spread of hymn-writing from Rome to England, whose\nresults are gathered into the Missals and Breviaries of Sarum, York, and\nHereford, and that elaborate compilation, \u201cThe Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon\nChurch,\u201d which Rev. J. Stevenson edited for the Surtees Society.\n\nThe mission of Augustine led to far-reaching consequences. One was that\nthe higher classes of Great Britain turned toward Rome as the centre of\nthe world, and one of the remoter consequences of this missionary\nexpedition was the recognition of the papal supremacy. But in his\nhighest flight of authority Gregory the First never assumed nor felt the\nconsciousness of power which caused Gregory the Second to write to Leo,\nthe Isaurian: \u201cAll the lands of the West have their eyes directed upon\nour humility; by them we are considered as a God upon earth.\u201d No, nor\ndid he press his claims as did his other successor, Gregory VII., some\ntimes known as Hildebrand.\n\nIndeed, Gregory I. in his desire to save these beautiful captives\noffered himself to Pope Pelagius as a missionary, and even obtained his\nconsent to the expedition. But we are informed that the people\nsurrounded the pontiff on his way to St. Peter\u2019s and begged him to\nrecall their favorite. So that Gregory had gone but three days\u2019 journey\nbefore he was overtaken and brought back, almost forcibly, to his\nmonastic home. The scheme of saving Britain was thus deferred but not\ngiven up; and when the cardinal-deacon became Pope it was again revived,\nand with success.\n\nIn the year 590 Pelagius II. died of the plague. His chair was no sooner\nempty than Gregory was seen to be the choice of everyone\u2014senate and\npeople and clergy. He was accordingly elected, and then\u2014for such was the\nfeeling in those days\u2014he resisted the honor with all his might. Like\nAmbrose he fled from the city; he disguised himself; he even wandered in\nthe woods. But it was one of the old principles that the more the elect\nrefused the more their calling and election were to be made sure to\nthem. And therefore, he was found at last, after a thorough search, and\nwas led, literally in tears, back to Rome. He had begged the Emperor\nMaurice not to confirm this appointment, but it was to no effect that he\npleaded for release. His quiet, peaceful days were over, and he was\nplaced at the helm of the ship of the Church to steer her, and the\ncommonwealth which was her freight, through floods of barbarians and\ninto safer seas. I am using his own figure: \u201cI am so beaten by the waves\nof this world,\u201d he wrote, to his friend Leander, \u201cthat I despair of\nbeing able to guide to port this rotten old vessel with which God has\ncharged me. I weep when I recall the peaceful shore which I have left\nand sigh in perceiving afar what I cannot now attain.\u201d\n\nHe took his seat in the midst of the plague. Eighty persons in the\nprocessions which he organized at seven points in the city to pray at\nthe church of Santa Maria-Maggiore for its cessation, died of the\ndisease during their very progress. Each procession met the others at\nthis church of St. Mary. One consisted of secular clergy; another of\nabbots and monks; a third of abbesses and nuns; a fourth of children; a\nfifth of laymen; a sixth of widows, and a seventh of matrons. And thus\narose the story about the angel whom Gregory believed that he saw above\nthe summit of the Mole of Hadrian, and who there stood and sheathed his\nsword. This legend gave to that structure the name of the Castello di\nSan Angelo, the Castle of the Holy Angel.\n\nThe Lombards were Gregory\u2019s first care. He corresponded with\nTheodolinda, their queen, and she became his constant friend and his\nadvocate with the king. He finally obtained from King Agilulf (her\nsecond husband) a special truce for Rome and its neighboring territory\u2014a\nmost delightful relief from the terrors of the last thirty years.\n\nMoreover, he directed his attention\u2014as Hormisdas had done before him\u2014to\nthe struggle which was never at rest between the Greek and Roman\nchurches. The Patriarch of Constantinople was determined to assert his\nown superior claims to the veneration of the faithful. Hormisdas had\navowed\u2014but never vindicated\u2014the supremacy of the Pope. But his title of\n_Papa_ was the result of mere adulation and never of general consent.\nAnd the patriarch happened to be at this time the strong-willed John the\nFaster\u2014an austere and pugnacious man. It was natural therefore that he\nshould claim the title of Universal Bishop, and it was equally natural\nthat Gregory, without demanding anything especial for himself, should\nresist John.\n\nIn this controversy\u2014and in those others where his works bear testimony\nto his literary and political skill\u2014we see Gregory at his best. He is\nnot deficient in satire; occasionally he indulges in playful humor; but\nhe never forgets principle nor flinches from the prosecution of his\ncause. It cannot be said of him that he proposes to overrule the civil\nauthorities, but he unquestionably tells them some exceedingly plain\ntruths. To the Emperor Maurice he wrote remonstrating against his\nrefusal to allow a soldier to become a monk: \u201cTo this by me, the last of\nHis servants and yours, will Christ reply, \u2018From a notary I made thee a\ncount of the body-guard; from a count of the body-guard I made thee a\nCaesar; from a Caesar I made thee an emperor; nay, more, I have made\nthee also a father of emperors; I have committed My priests into thy\nhand; and dost thou withdraw thy soldiers from My service?\u2019 Answer thy\nservant, most pious lord, I pray thee, and say how thou wilt reply to\nthy Lord in the judgment, when He comes and thus speaks.\u201d In this style\nhe alternately appealed and remonstrated in his dealing with the powers\nthat be.\n\nTo John the Faster, however, he administered gall and honey\u2014sometimes\nseparately and sometimes mixed together. \u201cYour holy Fraternity,\u201d he\nsays, on one occasion, \u201chas replied to me, as appears from the signature\nof the letter, that you were ignorant of what I had written about. At\nwhich reply I was mightily astonished, pondering with myself in silence,\nif what you say is true, what can be worse than that such things should\nbe done against God\u2019s servants and he who is over them should be\nignorant?\u201d Two monks had in fact been beaten with cudgels for heresy and\nfinally resorted to Rome in defiance of John, where Gregory pardoned and\nrestored them. The Pope continues: \u201cBut, if your holiness did know both\nwhat subject I wrote about and what had been done, either against John,\nthe Presbyter, or against Athanasius, monk of Isauria and a presbyter,\nand have written to me, \u2018I know not,\u2019 what can I reply to this, since\nScripture says, \u2018The mouth that lies slays the soul?\u2019 I ask, most holy\nbrother, has all that great abstinence of yours come to this, that you\nwould, by denial, conceal from your brother what you know to have been\ndone?\u201d\n\nIf we are, in spite of this plainness, disposed to be severe upon\nGregory\u2019s subservience to the civil power of the Byzantine Court, we\nshall find an instance in his behavior toward Phocas. This man had\nmurdered the Emperor Maurice, gouty and helpless as he was; and had\npreviously put his six sons to death before his eyes. The good old\nemperor died like a hero, repeating the words of the psalm, \u201cThou, O\nLord, art just, and all Thy judgments are right.\u201d And we need only to\nturn to Gregory\u2019s writings to prove that the dead man was his friend and\nhad done him many a kindness.\n\nNotwithstanding these gracious and excellent memories of the late\nemperor, the Senate and people had hailed the advent of Phocas with\nrapturous delight. His image and that of his wife had been sent to Rome,\nand now, with the uproar rising to his windows, Gregory descended to the\ncommon level of detestable approbation, and caused these images to be\ncarried into the oratory of the Lateran palace. \u201cThis,\u201d says one of his\nbiographers, \u201cis the only stain upon the life of Gregory. We do not\nattempt either to conceal it or to excuse it.\u201d True, Maurice had been a\nvexatious old man, and his piety, while it was undeniable, was\nnevertheless somewhat acrid. But the Bishop of Rome should have had\nsufficient strength at least to repress any tumultuous joy over an act\nof murderous ambition and hateful selfishness. This, however, is the\nweakness of many a prelate. In the hour of trial he bends like a reed to\nthe blast, when we should expect him to be an oak, and trust to his\nroots to grapple him safely down to the firm earth of principle. This\ngreat blot, conceded by all candid historians, remains upon his memory.\n\nIt is a better picture for us to view when, forsaking his trust in the\nmercy of barbarians or the senility of despotic power, Gregory looked\noutward to the new nations and sought to furnish the Roman Church with\nfresh vigor and vital help from this unwasted source of strength. He\ncorresponded with Childebert II., the unfortunate young King of\nAustrasia, the son of the notorious but intellectual Brunehilda. With\nhim and with the French bishops he labored to secure the destruction of\n\u201csimony,\u201d by which was meant the bargain and sale of ecclesiastical\npositions. He also strove to prevent laymen from being elevated to the\nepiscopate, though he should have remembered that Hilary of Poitiers was\na notable argument against his fears.\n\nHe also attended to the religious matters of Spain. This province had\nceased to be Arian in 587 with the accession of Recared; and with it and\nwith Istria he was entirely successful in his methods of unity and\npeace. He also overcame the Donatist party in Africa, who had for years\nbeen ordaining their own bishops side by side with the regular\nsuccession, and sometimes in actual alternation with them.\n\nTo crown all, he organized a mission to the distant island of the\nfair-faced Angli in 596, the very date at which the young Childebert\nperished by poison in the twenty-sixth year of his age. Then it was that\nAugustine, after one recoil which showed that he was not quite up to the\nmark of Gregory\u2019s zeal, finally set out in earnest with forty\ncompanions. The month was July. The mission was almost an embassy. It\nwent through the intervening kingdoms endorsed to and by their kings.\nAnd it went to cheer the little feeble remnant of the Celtic Christians\nwho had escaped the Saxon sword, and to draw from the Venerable Bede his\ngrateful tribute to the man who had already well deserved the title of\ngreat. \u201cFor,\u201d says Bede, \u201cif Gregory be not to others an apostle, he is\none to us, for the seal of his apostleship are we in the Lord.\u201d\n\nWhen we remember, also, his secular services in saving Rome from sack\nand pillage, we cannot but perceive that he was laying, broad and deep,\nthe foundations of that temporal authority which the Pope of Rome was\nsoon to claim. The revenues of the Roman bishop were growing enormously.\nHe had in Sicily and elsewhere his agents and stewards (_defensores_).\nHe was rapidly arising to a position of almost independent dignity. His\ndeference to kings was only that of Christian courtesy and love. In\nanother man some of this might have been disfigured by self-seeking and\nmoral obliquity of purpose. In Gregory we find, throughout his career, a\nnoble integrity which was certainly austere enough, but which was in the\nmain pure and free from spot. His weakness was that of overconciliation,\nof which the case of Phocas is a flagrant example. But his strength was\nin his just judgment and in his masterful manipulation of the materials\nbefore him.\n\nIn his way, too, he saved Christian art as well as Christian music. He\ncondemns the Bishop of Marseilles (Massilia) for having broken some\nstatues of the saints. And while his remonstrance may perhaps be quoted\nin favor of image-worship, it certainly cannot be quoted for that blind\niconoclasm which would destroy pagan beauty before the shrine of\nChristian ugliness. In the association of his name with the Gregorian\nchant he did almost as great a kindness to the Church as did Ambrose\nwhen he brought to her services the Greek hymns of the East.\n\nHe was a sick man while he labored at these matters of devotion and\nduty. Rheumatic gout attacked him and crippled his joints. We must add\nto this that he was not without enemies, and not without many a little\nsting and thrust of vicious tongues and pens. But he endured to the end,\nand he probably was sincere when he wrote himself down as _Servus\nservorum_\u2014though there have been other popes since his day to follow the\ncustom, and who were the \u201cservants of servants\u201d only according to the\n\u201cdevil\u2019s darling sin, the pride that apes humility.\u201d\n\nThirteen years he held the keys of St. Peter. Busy until the last\nmoment, he wrote or dictated the correspondence which was required. But\nthe disease which was upon him steadily increased until, on March 12th,\n604, he was released from suffering and from care. His portrait shows\nhim as a man with high and wrinkled forehead; a thin beard around the\ncheeks and chin; large, deep-set eyes; straight and manly nose, and a\nsingular lock\u2014almost like that in the conventional portrait of Father\nTime\u2014upon his brow. There are a great many doctors of divinity who do\nnot a little resemble him to-day. It is a good face, but a somewhat\nstern and severe one\u2014of the sort to make credible the story that he had\na special whip for his choristers, and used it when it was needed.\n\nHis works fill several volumes in the _Patrologia_. His _Morals_, a\ncommentary upon Job, is the very best of his books; but he was probably\nignorant of both Hebrew and Greek, and hence his comments on Scripture\nare rather more homiletical and practical than scholarly. The _Pastoral\nRule_ was translated into Saxon by King Alfred, who admired its\npractical wisdom, and sent a copy to every bishop in his kingdom; under\nCharles the Great also it was much esteemed in France. His _Letters_ are\nthe great mine of information upon his personal opinions and methods.\nThe _Dialogues_ were addressed to Theodolinda, and in these we find some\nsuperstition; and indeed a fondness for saints\u2019 miracles and a weakness\nfor relics were characteristic of his otherwise sensible conduct. He\nwrote but nine hymns which are authentically traceable to his pen. They\nare the _Primo dierum omnium_; the _Nocte surgentes vigilemus_; the\n_Ecce jam noctis_; the _Lucis Creator optime_; the _Clarum decus\njejunii_; the _Audi benigne Conditor_; the _Magno salutis gaudio_, the\n_Jam Christus astra ascenderat_, and the _Rex Christe, factor omnium_.\nWith a lesser degree of probability he has been named as the author of\nthe _Aeterne Rex altissime_; the _En more docti mystico_; the _Lignum\ncrucis mirabile_; the _Noctis tempus jam praeterit_; the _Nunc tempus\nacceptabile_; and the _Summi largitor praemii_.\n\nOf these the _Rex Christe, factor omnium_ delighted Luther so much that\nhe declared it in his impetuous way \u201cthe best hymn ever written\u201d\u2014an\nopinion which he would find few nowadays to endorse. Gregory disliked\npagan literature and cultivated the style and prosody of Ambrose. It is\npossible, therefore, that among the Ambrosian hymns there may be those\nwhich he has written and which are credited to an earlier date. But the\ncause of hymnology suffers little by the loss. He was not a poet; but as\nthe man who made the papacy a thing and not a name\u2014as the man who\nevangelized Britain\u2014and as the man who gave the Gregorian tones to the\npraises of the Church, he will be held in kindly and lasting\nremembrance. There was in him a vein of peculiar sarcasm as well as of\ndeep earnestness and of great sagacity, yet his literary merits are not\nto be weighed against those words and actions written viewlessly on the\nair, but which still effectually vibrate through the polity of the Roman\nCatholic Church.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XI.\n                          THE VENERABLE BEDE.\n\n\nIt happened with Bede as with some other Latin hymn-writers\u2014there were\nseveral persons who had the same name as himself. Hilary and Fortunatus\nand Notker are not the only cases of confusion, for there were certainly\nthree Bedes, and they were not long removed from each other in point of\ntime. Beda Major\u2014the elder or greater Bede\u2014was a presbyter and monk of\nLindisfarne, commemorated by his more celebrated namesake. Another was a\nholy man of the time of Charles the Great. But our own Beda or Bedan was\na presbyter and monk of Jarrow, and is distinguished from the rest by\nthe title of \u201cVenerable,\u201d which he shares with Peter the Venerable of\nCluny.\n\nThere are few finer figures in early English history. Sprung from pagan\nand utterly illiterate ancestry, he has taken his place as an historian,\na scholar, a natural philosopher, and a poet; and in every department of\nthis varied knowledge he has shown his ability and industry. English\nliterature recalls him; English history praises him; English scholarship\nhas elaborately edited his writings, and English patriotism has\naffectionately honored his memory.\n\nCuthbert, his disciple, who wrote his life, begins his narration in the\nfollowing words:\n\n\u201cThe presbyter Beda, venerable and beloved of God, was born in the\nprovince of Northumbria, in the territory of the monasteries of the\nApostles Peter and Paul, which is in Wearmouth and at Jarrow, in the\nyear of our Lord\u2019s incarnation the six hundred and seventy-seventh,\nwhich is the second year of the solitary life of St. Cuthbert.\u201d It also\nwas the ninth year after the reduction of Saxon England to the Roman\nobedience at the Synod of Whitby.\n\nBede himself relates that when he was seven years of age the care of his\neducation was committed by his relatives to the Abbot Benedict and\nafterward to the Abbot Ceolfrid. He adds that from that date to the time\nat which he prepared the accompanying list of his works he had spent his\ndays in the same place. His existence was passed in meditating upon the\nHoly Scriptures; and he \u201cfound it sweet,\u201d in the midst of his observance\nof the conventual discipline and daily chanting in the church, \u201ceither\nto learn, or to teach, or to write.\u201d The choice of this word \u201csweet\u201d\n(_dulce_) is significant, for no man could more carefully have mingled\nthe sweet with the useful. A gentle spirit breathes across his studious\npages, as over the rough beards of the yellow grain a breeze moves and\nsways them, harsh though they are, in graceful waves. For he loved\nlearning with a perfect avidity. His works reveal his desire to\naccumulate it\u2014to teach it again in plain and simple fashions\u2014and this\nbenevolent desire redeems many a tedious discourse.\n\nThis life of his was devoid of personal incident. He includes nothing of\nhis individual history in the little notices which he makes of\ncontemporary events, and he is singularly silent even about the affairs\nof which we should think he would naturally speak. The light which we\nget upon his surroundings and circumstances we must, therefore, derive\nfrom other sources, but fortunately these are at hand. We know, for\nexample, that Benedict Biscop, who founded those twin monasteries in\nwhich Bede dwelled all his life, was himself a remarkable person. He was\nof noble birth, and gave up place and ambition in the court of the king\nto proceed to Rome, there to be trained as a monk, and then to return\nand found Wearmouth in 674 and Jarrow in 682. To the second of these\nreligious establishments, situated upon the Tyne, Bede was transferred\nunder Ceolfrid, its first abbot, and there thenceforth he remained. We\nare even able to determine his usual food as a school-boy, for, says his\nlatest biographer, Rev. G. F. Browne, \u201cwe have a colloquy in which a boy\nis made to describe his daily food in his monastery. He had worts\n(_i.e._, kitchen herbs), fish, cheese, butter, beans, and flesh meats.\nHe drank ale when he could get it, and water when he could not; wine was\ntoo dear.\u201d There is, indeed, in these Saxon monasteries the honest and\nhearty food which belonged to their age and people. Cedric the Saxon, in\nSir Walter Scott\u2019s novel of _Ivanhoe_, represents very fairly the\npopular feeling on the subject. Chaucer, too, can be quoted upon this\nsame profusion and the generosity of the time. Of the Franklin he says:\n\n  \u201cIt snowed in his house of meat and drink.\u201d\n\nWith such a patron as Biscop the monasteries never lacked any good\nthing. He brought back from the Continent the best matters of the\nperiod\u2014books, pictures, relics, skilled mechanics, makers of stained\nglass, and choir-masters. He saw before him a land in which the monk was\nto be the conservator and promoter of learning. And in carrying out this\npurpose he did more than plant a monastery, for he planted and reared a\nman. We have the word of that historian whose life and death so nearly\napproach those of his favorite author, when we declare that \u201cprose took\nits first shape in the Latin history of Baeda.\u201d For John Henry Greene\nclosed his history of the English people much as Bede ended his own\ncareer, weary with his labor and yet completing what he had begun.\n\nThat which lies before us is what Greene finely styles \u201cthe quiet\ngrandeur of a life consecrated to knowledge.\u201d It was no hoarding,\navaricious, trilobite life to be fossilized for future ages in the dead\nstrata of ecclesiastical records. Instead, it concerned itself with all\nlearning; and though it perished in the blackness of a general\nignorance, it is a source of light and force to-day.\n\nBut let us return to Bede\u2019s brief points of change. While he was still a\nboy, the monastery was desolated by one of the great plagues which\nfollowed the Synod of Whitby, and every monk who knew how to sing in the\nchoir, except the Abbot and Bede, were among the victims. Unaided these\ntwo struggled with the double task of teaching the others to sing and\nkeeping up the monastic services in the mean time. The antiphons they\nhad to abandon, but they struggled through the Psalms, often weeping and\nsobbing as they sang. At nineteen\u2014six years before the usual age\u2014he\nbecame a deacon; at thirty he was a priest; at fifty-nine he died. He\nacquired his Greek through the agency of Archbishop Theodore, who had\ncome from Paul\u2019s city of Tarsus in Cilicia. There were many in England\nwho actually spoke in that tongue, owing to his encouragement of it. And\nBede was no mean nor small factor in its diffusion, for he taught at\nJarrow a school of six hundred monks, besides an uncounted number of\nstrangers who sought his instruction. The genealogy of school masters is\ntruly suggestive. From Bede to Alcuin, from Alcuin to Rabanus Maurus,\nfrom Rabanus and his liberal methods on to the times of Abelard and the\nfree inquiry; so the torch of learning passes down the generations. And\nwhen we remember Alcuin\u2019s commendation of Bede and Rabanus Maurus\u2019s\ninstruction by Alcuin, we cannot doubt the close connection of these\nthree earliest names. Abelard really revived the bolder and broader\nstyle which had been opposed at first in the Abbey of Fulda.\n\nHow the monk ever found time for his accomplishment of study and writing\namong his constant labors\u2014his chanting and his teaching and his frequent\npreparation of homilies\u2014it is indeed hard to discover. But he wore away\nthe thin scabbard of the body by the keen edge of his sheathed and\nunsheathed mind, until he died before his days were truly done. How\noften must we lament the incredible monotony and weary routine of these\nnoble lives! How much more, we say to ourselves, they could have\nachieved under better and freer conditions! But perhaps not. Perhaps\nthis very constriction was a source of strength; and perhaps the severe\nstress which finally broke this noble student was, after all, the\ncreator of his best powers and the director of his finest energy.\n\nDid he ever visit Rome? Monks from the Anglo-Saxon monasteries went on\npilgrimage back and forth, but if he went with them neither he nor they\nhave mentioned it. Yet there is a letter of Pope Sergius to Ceolfrid\nwhich hints at such a journey, and might easily furnish a ground for the\nopinion. On the whole, we must consider Bede as an unflickering light,\nburning itself away at Jarrow, but illuminating all England with its\nrays. It is not because of deficiency in acquirement that we deny these\ntraditions. He knew all that was then current. His writings are an\nencyclopaedia of universal learning. Honorius of Autun says of him,\n_scripsit infinita_\u2014he wrote incalculably much. Lanfranc cites his\n_Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation_. Alcuin compares him to\nthe Younger Pliny, and quotes him with great delight as \u201cMagister Beda.\u201d\n\nThe hymns ascribed to the Venerable Bede, on what appears to be good\nauthority, are the following:\n\n  _Adesto, Christe, vocibus_,\n  _Apostolorum gloriam_,\n  _Emitte, Christe, Spiritum_,\n  _Hymnum canamus gloriae_,\n  _Hymnum canentes martyrum_,\n  _Illuxit alma seculis_,\n  _Nunc Andreae sollemnia_,\n  _Praecessor almus gratiae_,\n  _Praecursor altus luminis_,\n  _Primo Deus coeli globum_,\n  _Salve tropaeum gloriae_.\n\nAlso, but more doubtfully:\n\n  _Apostolorum passio_,\n  _Inter florigeras_.\n\nHis Ascension hymn,\n\n  _Hymnum canamus gloriae_,\n\nin its abbreviated form, spread beyond the bounds of English use, and\nfound favor with the Churches of the Continent. It has simplicity and\ndirectness, if not much poetic force and is too prolix for Church use in\nits original form. Mrs. Charles\u2019s version, \u201cA hymn of glory let us\nsing,\u201d is well known. Next to it stands his\n\n  _Hymnum canentes martyrum_,\n\nknown to English readers by the admirable version in _Hymns Ancient and\nModern_, which begins, \u201cA hymn for martyrs sweetly sing.\u201d A third\nnotable hymn is that to the Cross:\n\n  _Salve tropaeum gloriae_,\n\nin which he embodies the beautiful legend of St. Andrew\u2019s death.\n\nThe notable thing about all Bede\u2019s hymns is the influence which the old\nforms of Teutonic poetry\u2014the alliterative staff-rhyme\u2014have exerted on\ntheir construction. We can even trace an approximation to alliteration\nin his verses, while rhyme is rather an accident than an object. The\nverses of Beowulf and of Caedmon were in his mind when he wrote. That he\ncould use the classic metres also, we see from his poem in hexameters on\nthe life of Cuthbert of Lindisfarne, the great Scoto-Irish saint, whose\ndeeds still filled the North with their echoes.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XII.\n             RABANUS MAURUS, AUTHOR OF THE \u201cVENI, CREATOR.\u201d\n\n\nNone of the great Latin hymns is more regarded than the _Veni, Creator\nSpiritus_. The _Dies Irae_ may be grander; the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_\nmay be sweeter; the _Ad perennis vitae fontem_ may be lovelier; the\n_Stabat mater_ may be more pathetic, but, after all, the _Veni, Creator_\nholds a place of equal honor in the estimation of the Church. The Church\nof England, while rejecting every other Latin hymn from her services,\nnevertheless retained this in the offices for the ordering of priests\nand consecration of bishops. This is only the carrying out, indeed, of\nthe account given by the famous but unknown monk of Salzburg who\nrendered so many of the Latin hymns into the old High-German tongue. He\nsays, \u201cWhoever repeats this hymn by day or by night, him shall no enemy\nvisible or invisible assail.\u201d This has always been the repute of the\nhymn, and there is no doubt that this attended it on its journey down\nthe ages in the worship of the Church.\n\nIts authorship, however, has been less carefully preserved than its\ntext, which is notably free from mutilation and obscurity. It is really\nsingular to find a hymn which has been so universally employed, and\nwhich has escaped in such a marvellous manner from the profane meddling\nof prosaic or bigoted revisers. Its doxologic final stanza is one which\nis not often to be found elsewhere\u2014as though the hymn had taken and\nmaintained a place apart. If it were the product of the Ambrosian age\nthis would not be likely to have occurred, for all those doxologies are\nformal and interchangeable to a marked degree. But this is the\nappropriate conclusion of a unique ascription of praise to the third\nperson of the Trinity.\n\nIts date is thus, to some extent, fixed for us. We cannot refer it to\nthe days of Ambrose, and, since it is found in nearly all the twelfth to\nfourteenth-century breviaries, we are unable to attribute it to the\nperiod of the Renaissance. Its very verse would prevent this, if nothing\nelse did. The word _spiritalis_ is a barbarism\u2014an altogether\npost-classical expression. The true usage is that in which the genitive\ncase is employed, thus \u201cspiritual delight\u201d would be _animi felicitas_,\nnot _spiritalis_ (or _spiritualis_) _felicitas_. _Perpetim_ is also a\nword which purists of the new classic revival would avoid if they could.\nSo, too, there is a certain amount of stress to be put upon the scanning\nof _Paraclitus_\u2014where the _i_ is long, though Prudentius in the fifth\ncentury and Adam of St. Victor in the twelfth both make it short. It has\ntherefore been said that the hymn was composed by a person who was\nskilled in the Greek language. This altogether depends on the question\nwhether he pronounced the word by accent or by quantity. But still it is\nnot to be denied that the prosody of the poet gives us reason to think\nthat he did pronounce the word with the accent on the \u03b7. If this be so,\nit would follow that he was a man of rare and fine scholarship in\ncomparison with the contemporaneous learning.\n\nAnother criticism is purely theological and aids in fixing the date by\nthe history of doctrine itself. At the Council of Toledo A.D. 589, the\nword _filioque_ was added to the Creed to indicate the faith of the\nChurch in the procession of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and the\nSon. This hymn preserves this point of the orthodox belief with such\ncare that there can be no doubt of its being subsequent in time to the\ndate of that council.\n\nIn coming more particularly to the various authors who have been\ncredited with its composition, it may be well to attend to each claim as\nit is put forward in some sort of chronologic order.\n\nGeorge Fabricius of Chemnitz (1564) was ready enough to ascribe it to\nAmbrose himself. The only ground for this conjecture is the structure of\nthe verse. And this is no more a proof of authorship than that a hymn\nwritten in what we call \u201clong metre\u201d must be, because of that fact\nalone, the production of Isaac Watts. On the other hand, it is plain\nthat the theological allusion and the doxology, when taken together,\nremove the hymn far enough away from the days of the great Bishop of\nMilan.\n\nIn later times of more critical scholarship the learned and accurate\nProfessor Hermann Adalbert Daniel has devoted much study to the hymn,\nand has reached the conclusion that it belongs to that king whom the\nGermans are never tired of praising\u2014Charles the Great (Karl der Grosse),\nby the French called Charlemagne. Led by his illustrious opinion the\ncompilers and translators have, without another question, set it down\nfor Charles\u2019s work. So it has gone; the minor German collators, like\nK\u00f6nigsfeld and others, following peacefully in the rear of an original\ninvestigator. This was not true, however, of men who hunted for proof on\ntheir own account, as, for instance, Mone and Wackernagel. But it is\ndistinctly true of the English scholars, among whom Archbishop Trench\nappears to carry the most prevalent influence. They usually assent\nwithout a murmur to this conjecture of Daniel indorsing Thomasius, who\nwas, so far as can be discovered, the parent of the opinion. The only\nreal exception is the Scotch hymnologist, Dr. H. M. MacGill, who doubts,\nbut conforms to the opinion which is in vogue.\n\nThe grounds of this general confidence in Charles\u2019s authorship it may be\nproper to mention here in brief. We know it is said that he was a patron\nof learning, a friend of scholars, and a devout believer in the orthodox\ntheology. In the year 809 he took an active part in a synod at\nAquisgranum which affirmed the doctrine that the Holy Spirit proceeded\nfrom both the Father and the Son. There is, furthermore, a statement,\nquoted by Cardinal Thomasius from the _Acta Sanctorum_, which goes in\nthe direction of a positive assertion. In the life of the Blessed Notker\nit is said that this hymn was composed by Carolus Magnus.\n\nNow it has never been established that Charles was even a ready writer\nof prose, to say nothing of verse. Berington, following Einhard,\nCharles\u2019s secretary, says in his _History of the Literature of the\nMiddle Ages_ (1814), that Charles was not a literary man. \u201cHe seems\nnever to have acquired the easy practice of writing,\u201d is his strong\nlanguage (p. 102). The hymn, on the contrary, bears the evident marks of\naccustomed skill and practice in the art of verse as well as the\naccuracy of a mind trained in theologic discriminations. Moreover, if\nMaitland (he of the Dark Ages) is to be credited, then this life of the\nBlessed Notker, by Ekkehard Junior, is full of errors, of ignorance, and\nwilful design. It naturally celebrates whatever is likely to add to the\ncredit of St. Gall. Hence we need not be astonished when it tells us\nthat Notker composed the sequence, _Spiritus Sancti adsit nobis gratia_,\nand sent it to Charles the Great, receiving in return his composition\nthe _Veni, Creator Spiritus_. Nor should we be surprised when this turns\nout (as it is now conceded to be) a mere legend without any historic\nbasis. When Thomasius follows this story, and Daniel follows Thomasius,\nand Trench follows Daniel, and the compilers follow Trench, it really\nappears that but little independent judgment has been exercised on the\nsubject.\n\nNotker died in 912, and as Charles the Great was dead in 814, the absurd\nanachronism of the Ekkehard legend is clear to a glance. It should\nperhaps be added that Trench, although allowing Charles as author,\nbelieves the hymn to be possibly of earlier date.\n\nMone takes a new departure when he gives up the common opinion and\nannounces that the hymn ought to be assigned to Gregory the Great\n(540-606). In his first volume he taxes Daniel with having been\naltogether too prompt to agree to the cardinal\u2019s dictum. He finds no\nreason to give the hymn to Charles, but he regards the classical style\nof its composition to be very fitting to the culture and well-known\npowers of Gregory. He rejects the doxology _Sit laus_, etc., and\nconsiders, very justly, that the stanza _Per te sciamus_, etc., is the\ntrue conclusion of the hymn.\n\nWackernagel agrees with Mone. He thinks that the only way in which\nCharles could have secured the authorship would have been by getting the\ncomposition effected by the intervention of Alcuin. He therefore\nbelieves that Gregory was the poet of the _Veni, Creator_, and so\npublishes it in his exhaustive work upon the German church hymns.\nProfessor March, always careful and scholarly in his assignments, adopts\nthis opinion also.\n\nAgainst the Gregorian authorship, supported as it is by such eminent and\nindependent scholars, one must be slow to contend. But in fact there is\nno great similarity between the hymn before us and those of Gregory. The\ngreat Pope is not a great poet. He has not written one hymn which has\nreally endured. The _Audi benigne Conditor_ is quoted freely, and the\n_Rex Christe, factor omnium_ received Luther\u2019s highest approbation. But\nthese and other hymns from his pen are imitations of Ambrose\u2014almost\nslavish imitations. The lofty and grand largeness of the _Veni, Creator_\nis wanting to them all. The argument, good as it may seem, is only\nnegative. The inference is that the hymn was written by him\u2014nothing\nmore. On the same grounds we might as well go back to old George\nFabricius and give it into the hands of Ambrose as he did. The truth is\nthat Gregory\u2019s writings do not contain it, and why they should not, if\nhe were its actual author, it is hard for any one to understand.\n\nBut we are not at the end of the inquiry yet. We positively know certain\nfacts. These are: That the earliest mention of the hymn is in the\n_Delatio S. Marculfi_, A.D. 898; that it is found in the breviaries of\nthe twelfth to fourteenth centuries; that its author was a skilled\ntheologian and probably a master of the Greek language; that he was a\npoet in the true sense and therefore quite certain to have written other\nhymns and poems; that it was so soon and so generally adopted as to\nprevent any corruption of its text; that all these ascriptions of it to\nthis or that person are nothing but tradition; and, finally, that the\nhymn has such spiritual worth and power as to mark it for the production\nof a devout as well as scholarly mind. All these requirements are met in\nRabanus Maurus, Bishop of Mainz, pupil of Alcuin, and laureate after\nAlcuin and Theodulphus.\n\nThere was a certain Christopher Brower, a Jesuit and a profoundly\nlearned scholar, who was born in 1559 at Arnhem in Gelderland. In the\nyear 1580 he went to Cologne in pursuit of his studies. Then he studied\nphilosophy at Trier, and eventually became rector of the college at\nFulda. Here he wrote four books upon antiquarian topics. His diligent,\nexhaustive style can be judged by the fact that he spent thirty years\nupon a history of Trier. His _Antiquitates_ were printed in 1612, but in\n1603 he had edited the writings of Fortunatus, and this book was\nreissued in 1617, the year of his death, by Joannes Volmar at Cologne.\nThis edition has an appendix of 150 pp. 4to., in which is contained the\nentire series of hymns and other poetical compositions which were due to\nthe aforesaid Bishop of Mainz, Rabanus Maurus. It was edited from a very\nold MS. of undoubted veracity, and it contains the _Veni, Creator_ in\nthe precise text which we now employ. It is to be noticed that it does\nnot recognize the doxology _Sit laus_, etc., and this Mone assures us\nwas composed at a later period by Hincmar of Rheims, and is, as we have\nsaid, unique. But it accents Paraclitus upon the second _a_ and not upon\nthe _i_.\n\nThe stanza _Da gaudiorum_, etc., was rejected some time ago by the best\nscholars. It is from a hymn of later date. And we therefore find the\nversion which appears in Brewer\u2019s editions of the poems of Rabanus\nMaurus to be consonant with the most intelligent criticism of the text\nof the _Veni, Creator_.\n\nThe hymn itself we can assign with very considerable certainty to the\nauthor in whose pages it again is apparent, and we may believe in the\naccuracy and scholarly acuteness of the Jesuit antiquarian.\n\nIt will not be amiss if we set our reasons in order, for a\nlong-established delusion is as hard to overthrow sometimes as the\nstubbornest fact. They are such as the following:\n\n1. The hymn is found in the writings of Rabanus Maurus, in a codex which\nBrower calls \u201cvery ancient and well approved.\u201d\n\n2. It is the precise paraphrase of the learned bishop\u2019s chapter on the\nHoly Spirit. Thus he begins the chapter with an assertion of the\nprocession of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and the Son. He then\ncalls this Spirit _donum Dei_, and several times repeats the phrase. He\nargues that the Spirit is coequal and coeternal God. He then discusses\nthe term _Paraclete_, and proceeds to speak of the _septiformis_ nature\nof His power. Next follows a most significant and unusual\nexpression\u2014namely, that the Holy Spirit is _digitus Dei_\u2014the finger of\nGod. And the consecution and coincidence of thought is still further\nincreased by an allusion to the grace which bestowed the gift of\ntongues. He then speaks of the Spirit as fire\u2014which accords with the\nword _accende_\u2014and then he explains the simile of water, which\ncorresponds with the word _infunde_ and with the previous phrase _fons\nvivus_. He also quotes from the Gospel of John to show that this \u201cliving\nwater\u201d means no more nor less than the Holy Spirit. These coincidences\nare doubly remarkable, for they not only exhibit the same ideas\u2014some of\nwhich, by the way, are quite uncommon\u2014but they also set them forth in\nthe precise order in which the good bishop employs them in his hymn. It\nis as if, being aroused and animated by his great and noble theme, he\nhad turned to verse as an appropriate medium of lofty praise and had\nsung from his heart this immortal hymn.\n\n3. To these reasons we may add a third\u2014that the internal structure of\nthe hymn shows its author to have been a person of theological\nsoundness, spiritual insight, scriptural knowledge, genuine scholarship,\nand a natural poetical capacity. These facts again agree with what we\nknow to have been the talents and learning of Rabanus Maurus.\n\n4. If Gregory had written this hymn it would have appeared at an earlier\ndate and would have been undoubtedly attributed to its illustrious\nauthor; whereas it is not in his carefully compiled writings nor is it\naccredited to him by Thomasius or any hymnologist before the time of\nMone and Wackernagel.\n\n5. Charles the Great had not the learning, and both he and his grandson,\nCharles \u201cthe Bald,\u201d are named on the strength of a long-exploded and\nalways anachronistic tradition.\n\n6. Ambrose is out of the question by the theological limitation of the\nstanza _Per te sciamus_, etc.\n\n7. Finally, we have the right to believe that a man whose other hymns\nhave been so extensively, though anonymously, introduced into the\nworship of the Church, was entirely competent to frame this present\nhymn.\n\nThis last point is worthy of more than this terse remark. Rabanus\ncomposed the hymns, _Adest dies sanctus Dei_, _Festum nunc celebre_,\n_Fit porta Christi pervia_, _Tibi Christe splendor Patris_, _Christe\nRedemptor omnium_, and _Jesu Salvator saeculi_, all of which display\ngreat powers of sacred poetry and two of which are beyond any possible\ndoubt his authentic productions. Of the twenty-nine hymns found in\nBrewer\u2019s codex there are two which have been credited to Ambrose beside\nthe _Veni, Creator_, and there are seven which are classed by Daniel and\nFabricius as belonging between the tenth and fourteenth centuries and to\nunknown authorship. The codex adds to our previous list eight entirely\nnew poems, and two others which raise a question on which we may pause\nfor a moment before conceding the current opinion.\n\nThe first of these hymns is the _Altus prosator_, of which the codex\ngives us a much fuller and longer version. It is called ordinarily the\n\u201cHymn of St. Columba,\u201d and was reprinted by Dr. Todd from the _Liber\nHymnorum_ of old Irish hymns in the library of Trinity College, Dublin.\nOur present line of inquiry would lead us to assign it to Rabanus, and\nthus do away with the mere conjecture which makes Columba its author.\n\nThe second hymn is that usually credited to Elpis, the wife of Boethius.\nBut the designation of this hymn is as fanciful as the other. Brower in\nhis loyalty to the Church will not impugn the authorship which is\ncommonly received, but he is constrained to admit that a stanza is\nappended which the popular version entirely omits. It seems far more\nreasonable to think that Rabanus composed the whole hymn than that he\nonly added a few verses at the end. What Rabanus Maurus really did was\nto construct an _hymnodia_ which had an appropriate sacred song for\nevery season. He was a poet and he lauded the verses of Hilary and of\nAmbrose. Had he intended to make selections he would not have omitted\nthem. But he has certainly put his own compositions into this list.\nTherefore it follows that he may well have included more than was at\nfirst supposed. And when it is plain\u2014for the index of hymns makes it\nplain\u2014that not one single hymn of the twenty-nine is the undoubted and\nabsolute property of any other poet, we are safe in assuming that they\nall are what the codex declares them to be\u2014the actual productions of the\nBishop Rabanus.\n\nThe hymn _Fit porta Christi pervia_ occurs in the midst of the Ambrosian\n_A solis ortus cardine, et usque_, and was there inserted by the\nBenedictines of St. Maur. Daniel says it is an entire hymn as it stands.\nAnd so say we who find it standing alone in the codex of Brower.\n\nAt once, then, Rabanus Maurus ascends from comparative obscurity to a\nfront rank among hymn-writers. And we are ready for all the light upon\nhis personal history which we can obtain.\n\n\n                        VENI, CREATOR SPIRITUS.\n\n  Veni, Creator Spiritus,\n  Mentes tuorum visita,\n  Imple superna gratia\n  Quae tu creasti pectora.\n\n  Qui Paraclitus diceris,\n  Donum Dei altissimi,\n  Fons vivus, ignis, charitas,\n  Et spiritalis unctio.\n\n  Tu septiformis munere,\n  Dextrae Dei tu digitus,\n  Tu rite promissum Patris,\n  Sermone ditans guttura.\n\n  Accende lumen sensibus,\n  Infunde amorem cordibus,\n  Infirma nostri corporis,\n  Virtute firmans perpetim.\n\n  Hostem repellas longius,\n  Pacemque dones protinus,\n  Ductore sic te praevio\n  Vitemus omne noxium.\n\n  Per te sciamus da Patrem\n  Noscamus atque Filium,\n  Te utriusque Spiritum,\n  Credamus omni tempore.\n\n  O Holy Ghost, Creator, come!\n    Thy people\u2019s minds pervade;\n  And fill with thy supernal grace\n    The souls which thou hast made.\n\n  Thou who art called the Paraclete,\n    The gift of God most high;\n  Thou living fount, and fire, and love,\n    Our spirit\u2019s pure ally;\n\n  Thou sevenfold Giver of all good;\n    Finger of God\u2019s right hand;\n  Thou promise of the Father, rich\n    In words for every land;\n\n  Kindle our senses to a flame,\n    And fill our hearts with love,\n  And through our bodies\u2019 weakness, still\n    Pour valor from above!\n\n  Drive farther off our enemy,\n    And straightway give us peace;\n  That, with thyself as such a guide,\n    We may from evil cease.\n\n  Through thee may we the Father know,\n    And thus confess the Son;\n  For thee (from both the Holy Ghost),\n    We praise while time shall run.\n\nRabanus Maurus, teacher and Abbot of Fulda and Archbishop of Mayence\n(Mainz), was commonly called the \u201cforemost German of his time.\u201d Though\nthe centuries have somewhat obscured the lustre of his renown, they have\nnot deprived him of his place in history, nor have they dissociated his\nname from that of his instructor, prototype, and model, the great\npedagogue Alcuin.\n\nOf the birthplace of Rabanus we have no certain knowledge. Some have\nsaid that he was Scotch or English, others that he was French; but the\nmore reliable authorities are convinced that he was a German, born\neither at Fulda or Mainz. The epitaph written by himself affords\nprobably the solution of the question. It was composed at Mainz while\nits author was archbishop, and contains these words:\n\n  \u201cUrbe quidem hac genitus sum, ac sacro fonte renatus,\n  In Fulda post haec dogma sacrum didici.\u201d\n\nThat is, he was born at the place where he was writing these verses\u2014most\nlikely Mainz\u2014and there he was baptized. Afterward he was educated in\nFulda. An additional reason for this belief is that his father was of a\nfamily known in the records of Mainz.\n\nTrithemius says that Rabanus was born in 788 _quarto nonas Februarii_,\nthe second of February. Mabillon adds, \u201cI do not know whence he got the\nday; the year is probably pretty close.\u201d But the year itself, on the\nstrength of internal evidence found in the man\u2019s writings and in the\nmonastic rules regarding the holding of office before the attainment of\na fixed age, Mabillon places at 776. This extension of twelve years is a\nvery important affair since it makes Rabanus a monk of thirty-three at\nthe date of the Council of Aquisgranum (Aix-la-Chapelle or Aachen),\ncalled by Charlemagne to reannunciate the doctrine of the procession of\nthe Holy Spirit.\n\nThe name of Rabanus\u2019s father was Ruthard and his mother was christened\nAldegunde. \u201cShe was a woman of the most honest conversation,\u201d as\nTrithemius declares, the fit helpmeet of a man \u201crich and powerful, who\nfor a long time served in the wars under the Frank princes.\u201d There was a\nbrother, doubtless an elder brother, called Tutin, a person \u201cnoble among\nthe first,\u201d and perhaps the father of a nephew, Gundram, whom Rabanus\nmentions as the royal chaplain of Lewis of Germany.\n\nThe lad Raban\u2014\u201cthe raven\u201d\u2014took on his dark garments at nine years of age\nand went to be a little shaveling monk at Fulda. There he continued,\npatiently toiling on at his studies according to the methods of a\nbenighted time, and it is plain that he progressed so well as to get the\nfavor of his abbot, Ratgar. Since Ratgar took office in 801 or 802, and\nAlcuin died in May, 804, it must have been at or about the twenty-fifth\nyear of his age that Rabanus was directed to put himself under the care\nof Alcuin. A record which has been preserved shows that in 801 our poet\nhad been made a deacon at Fulda, and it is natural for us to look upon\nthis journey to the monastic school of St. Martin at Tours as an honor\ngiven to one who had already earned some distinction in scholarship.\n\nBe this as it may it is certain that nearly the latest work of Alcuin\u2019s\nlife was the preparation of the successor to his own ideas who should\nhold high the torch of knowledge to his land and generation. To\nhim\u2014though the old eyes at Tours should not see it\u2014was to succeed\nWalafrid Strabo, and to Walafrid Strabo were to be added the scholars of\nSt. Gall, and notably the marvellous cripple Herman of Reichenau. Ratgar\nnow was busy building a great church, and architectural notions befogged\nhis brain. But he had built better than he was aware when he sent off\nRabanus and Hatto to sit at the feet of the man who had brought the\nsystem of Bede the Venerable into Gaul, and who was to commit his own\nenthusiasm for learning to a greater scholar than Paul Winfrid, the\nDeacon.\n\nThis Hatto was not the infamous bishop of the Rat Tower whom Southey has\nimmortalized in blood-curdling verses. That notorious prelate was indeed\nAbbot of Fulda and Bishop of Mainz, but he died in 969 or 970, and the\nswarming rats which devoured him for his avarice in keeping the corn\nfrom the poor owe their original celebrity to those curious volumes, the\n_Centuries of Magdeburg_. So far as we can discover, the Hatto who\naccompanied Rabanus became neither famous nor infamous, unless it be\nsomething to have obtained the abbacy of Fulda when his friend laid it\ndown.\n\nIn 804 Rabanus returned to Fulda. He had profited by the instruction he\nhad received, and was now the fittest person to be put at the head of\nthe school in the cloisters. To his original name the old teacher had\naffixed the honorable title Maurus, and to this again Rabanus himself\nadded the descriptive adjective Magnentius. So that Rabanus Maurus\nMagnentius is the full appellation of the man henceforth to be styled\nwith the largest truth, _Primus Germaniae preceptor_. This giving of\nnames was one of the features of those times. Alcuin was called Albinus\nFlaccus, Paul Winfrid was known as Bonifacius, and Ratbert, the advocate\nof transubstantiation, became Paschasius. Besides this, the spelling of\nproper names was very much at sea. Thus, to the R of Rabanus there was\nprefixed or suffixed a Greek \u201crough breathing,\u201d making it HRabanus or\nRhabanus, precisely as we some times find HLudovicus or HLotharius.\n\nIt is at this time that the true skill and ability of Rabanus appear\nbefore us. He was the first person to establish a school in Germany\nwhich had in it the promise of modern education. He allowed pupils to\nattend and be trained in the cloisters who had no vocation for a\nmonastic life. In point of fact he was the real founder of the school\nsystem of Germany, and his fellow-countrymen have not been slow to\naccredit him with the achievement. His life and accomplishments have\nemployed the pens of Buddeus, Schwarz, Dahl, Bach, Kunstmann, Spengler,\nK\u00f6hler, Richter, and other writers on the history of _paedagogik_.[7] It\nis beyond debate that the school at Fulda was a most remarkable place.\n\nRabanus was not the only teacher in the school. He was assisted by his\nfaithful friend Samuel of Worms, a fellow pupil under Alcuin. Together\nthese men developed and enlarged the minds of many of the future nobles\nof Germany, and laid in Bible study and in the advanced opinions which\nthey announced, the foundations for a nation the most scholarly of any\non the earth. In these classes were to be seen such disciples of the new\nlearning as Walafrid Strabo, Servatus Lupus, Einhard (who subsequently\nsent thither his son Wussin), and Rudolf who wrote the life of his\npreceptor.\n\nLeaving the manner of that ancient school life for the present, we are\nstruck with astonishment at the broad and liberal tone of the\ninstruction. Rabanus followed Bede in providing an encyclopaedia of\nhuman knowledge for his pupils. He entitled it _De Universis_ and based\nit on the previous work of Isidore of Seville. Additionally he abridged\nthe grammar of Priscian, a treatise which furnished, even as late as the\ndays of Richard Braythwaite and his _Drunken Barnabee_, the suggestive\nline,\n\n  \u201cFregi frontem Prisciani.\u201d\n\n  \u201cI\u2019ve broke Priscian\u2019s forehead mainly.\u201d\n\nHe also furnished a text-book in arithmetic, drawn mostly from Boethius,\nand an etymology in which he depends to some extent on Isidore. He\nutilized Bede for chronology, and Gregory for ecclesiastical forms, and\nAugustine for doctrine, and Cassiodorus for commentary and exegesis.\n\nMoreover, he was free from much of the superstition of his age. He\nobjected to giving the liver of a mad dog to one who had been bitten by\nit\u2014that being then held a perfect cure. His letters show an independent\nand almost an audacious mind. In all religious discussion his motto was,\n\u201cWhen the cause is Christ\u2019s, the opposition of the bad counts for\nnaught.\u201d In statecraft\u2014for ecclesiastics were chief movers in these\naffairs\u2014he held with Ludwig the Pious. He wrote a great deal in the way\nof Scripture commentary, and his intellect was of a mystical order. He\ndelighted in allegories, in enshrining the bones of saints and\nconfessors, and in making the most marvellous and intricate anagrams and\narrangements of verses and letters upon the subject of the Holy Cross,\nwhose praise he has elaborately set forth. Wimpfeling may well style\nthis production a \u201cwonderful and highly elaborate work.\u201d It dates from\nthe year 815, and no modern reader can view it without dismay at its\nenormous expenditure of labor.\n\nA man like this in the teacher\u2019s seat of Fulda would not be long in\nobscuring by his manifest talents the feebler light of his abbot. So\nRatgar found, and devoted himself and his monks with mistimed zeal to\nthe erection of a great addition to the cloister church. He grudged the\ntime given to the studies of the school. He would much prefer to have\nhad the full control of all that was passing in the cloisters, but this\nwas plainly impossible. So he devised a very satisfactory way of\ninterrupting the success of Rabanus. He took the books from the scholars\nand he even forbade them to the teacher. This was the cause of some\npathetic verses in which Rabanus sets forth his petition for their\nreturn. \u201cLet thy clemency,\u201d he exclaims, \u201cconcede me books, for the\npoverty of knowledge suffocates me.\u201d One grates his teeth in reading\nfarther on the words, \u201cWhether you do this or not, yet let the divine\npower of the Omnipotent always afford you all good things and complete a\ngood fight with an honest course, that you may ever be with Christ in\nthe height of heaven.\u201d\n\nRatgar was a tyrant; there was no doubt of that. The only question was\nhow long this tyranny would survive the loss of students and the\ndefection of the monks, who had already begun to complain and resist.\nThere was not any hope, however, that this line of conduct would be\nmaterially altered, and here again we have verses of Rabanus, lamenting\nin moving terms the loss of scholars and the demoralization of the\nschool. It is not at all unlikely that the praises of the Holy Cross\nwere the solace of the poor pedagogue who had lost his favorite volumes.\nHe could scarcely otherwise have found the leisure for this elegant\ntrifling.\n\nThe poem just mentioned is imperfect. It breaks off abruptly and the\nconclusion is missing. What it may have had to do with the outcome of\nRatgar\u2019s tyranny we therefore cannot say, but the times upon which the\nmonastery had fallen were very grievous; and in 807 there was a\npestilence which depleted the list of monks from four hundred down to\none hundred and fifty, and these must, of course, have been more pressed\nby the manual labor than ever. They toiled as did Israel in bondage, and\nyet the end had not come. It was a period of the worst sort of misrule,\nparalleled later at Cluny and not unknown in other conventual\nestablishments. In 814 Rabanus was ordained priest on December 23d, and,\nas is supposed, after his withdrawal for a time from the monastery to\nthe refuge offered by a friend\u2019s house. From a passage in one of his\ncommentaries it has been inferred that he used this suspense of his\nlabors to make a journey to Palestine.\n\nIn 811 there was, says Dahl, a great confusion (_Verwirrung_) in the\ncloister. A libel was sent to Charles the Great criticising the conduct\nof Ratgar\u2014\u201clibel\u201d being used in its old sense of \u201clittle treatise.\u201d\nNothing, as it would seem, was done about this, although the ordination\nof Rabanus may have been a link in the chain.\n\nBut when Ludwig the Pious (Ludwig der Fromme) came to the kingdom Ratgar\nwas summarily deposed, and Egil, a kindly, book-loving man, created\nabbot in his stead. This occurred in 817, three years after Ludwig began\nto reign. All difficulties were now over. The school was reopened with\ngreater prosperity than before. The library was increased. The secular\nscholars were taught outside the walls, for the number of students\nsurpassed the accommodation. And, in a word, Ratgar had merely held back\na constantly augmenting torrent which now poured itself in in an\nintrepid tide. When Martin Luther, centuries later, cries out for\nintelligent instruction and for the extension of the school system of\nGermany, he is but repeating the cry which swelled in the ears of Ratgar\nand drove him before it with execration from his abbacy.\n\nIn 822, when Egil died, by common consent Rabanus was invested with the\ndignity of abbot. For a time things went smoothly enough, and such\nscholars as Walafrid Strabo, Servatus Lupus, and Otfried of Weissenberg\nwere the glory of the Fulda schools. But the pendulum swung too far in\nthe rebound from Ratgar\u2019s illiterate policy. The monks were kept at\nwriting and teaching with too little discrimination as to their tastes\nand capacities. They began to grumble that the material interests of the\nmonastery were neglected, and that Fulda might be growing rich in books\nand in bookworms, but was in danger of becoming poor in everything else.\nThe disaffection found a support in Archbishop Otgar of Mainz, a busy\npolitical prelate, who seems to have become jealous of the prominence of\nRabanus. As a supporter of Lothar and of the policy of imperial unity,\nhe was in politics on the other side from Rabanus. Our abbot was a\nNationalist and a Home Ruler. He wished to foster the cultivation of the\nGerman tongue and to maintain the distinctness of the German nation. He\nhad stood by poor, weak Ludwig the Pious, whose sorrow it was to have\nsucceeded to the work of Charles the Great. He addressed to him a letter\nof consolation in his troubles, and wrote a treatise: _De Reverentia\nFiliorum erga Patres et Subditorum erga Reges_, to recall his unfilial\nchildren to a sense of their duty. In Ludwig the German he recognized\nthe most dutiful of the three. So when the Emperor Ludwig died in 840,\nhe supported the younger Ludwig in the demand for virtual German\nindependence against the high-handed imperialism of his elder brother\nLothar. He thus shared in the triumph of the victory at Fontanetum,\nfollowed by the Compact of Verdun (843), which practically put an end to\nKarling imperialism, and secured the national independence of France and\nGermany. But in the mean time Otgar enabled the illiterate party at\nFulda to drive Rabanus into exile, and when he came back he found the\nbrethren had chosen another abbot, Hatto, in his stead. Waiving his own\nrights, and laying aside all grudges, he betook himself to his books in\na priory or something of the sort on Mount St. Peter, not far off, and\nresumed the work of teaching. Here he is thought to have composed his\ngreat philosophical treatise on the All, which marks a distinct advance\nin the development of mediaeval metaphysics and logic. Indeed, there was\nbut one thinker of the ninth century who surpassed him in penetration\nand learning\u2014the wonderful Irish monk, John Scotus Erigena, who wrote\nLatin but thought in Greek and was filled with all the wisdom of the\nHellenes, from Plato to Dionysius the Areopagite.\n\nIn 847 Archbishop Otgar died, and Ludwig the German elevated his friend\nRabanus to the see of Mainz, the metropolitan see of Germany. Since\nBoniface, the Anglo-Saxon \u201cApostle of Germany,\u201d who had succeeded to\nthis dignity a century earlier, there had been no man of such eminence\nat the head of the German Church, nor have any of his successors\nsurpassed him. His first care was the restoration of the discipline,\nwhich had decayed under the confusions of those dark days of civil war.\nA great synod met at Mainz in October, Rabanus having been consecrated\nin June. Besides the prelates, abbots and monks of all orders attended,\nand the canons adopted had reference to stricter life as the obligation\nof the clergy.\n\nThe year was not over before news of fresh trouble reached him. One of\nhis own pupils at Fulda, the monk Gottschalk, a man of restless\nintellect, was reported as spreading an exaggerated version of\nAugustine\u2019s doctrine of absolute predestination, and one which\nthreatened to overturn the very idea of human responsibility. Gottschalk\nevidently was one of the people who love to walk on the fence rather\nthan in the road\u2014to carry every principle with ruthless logic to its\nremotest conclusion. The first news of his extravagances reached Rabanus\nin a letter from Italy setting forth the doctrines his former pupil was\nteaching. He at once responded in a letter (or rather a treatise) taking\nthe same ground as the semi-Pelagians had done in the controversy with\nthe school of Augustine, ground sanctioned by Gregory the Great, Beda,\nand Alcuin, although thought unsafe when first defended by Gennadius and\nJohn Cassian. Gottschalk seems to have accepted the reply as a sort of\nchallenge. The next year, 848, he made his way to Mainz, and when\nRabanus called together an assembly of churchmen and laymen\u2014not a\nregular synod\u2014he appeared before it with a confession of his faith in\nwhich he replied to the arguments of Rabanus. The assembly failed to\nconvince him of his being in error, and at the king\u2019s suggestion a\npledge was exacted of him that he would never return to Germany. Hincmar\nof Rheims, the metropolitan of the Church of France, made sure of his\nkeeping this pledge. As Gottschalk was handed over to him by King\nLudwig, with a letter of explanation from Rabanus, he had him condemned\nby the Synod of Quiercy (853) to deposition from the priesthood,\ncorporal chastisement until he should burn his confession with his own\nhands, and lifelong imprisonment. So ended, in 867, this Calvinist of\nthe ninth century, without much credit to anybody who had a hand in his\nfate, but with least of discredit to Rabanus.\n\nIn 852, by order of King Ludwig, another synod convened at Mainz, to\ndiscuss, it is supposed, the doctrine of transubstantiation, which\nPaschasius Radbertus of Corbie had been setting forth in his treatise,\n_De Corpore et Sanguine Christi_. Our Rabanus resisted the new dogma,\ndeclaring that the participation of the Lord\u2019s body and blood in the\nsacrament is \u201cnot carnal but spiritual.\u201d Nor is this the only point of\nhis agreement with Protestant teaching. Especially in his assertion that\nthe Bible is a book for every Christian, and clear and intelligible as a\nrule of faith, he anticipates Luther.\n\nIn 850 a great famine desolated Germany, in whose course people were\ndriven to the terrible deeds which sometimes characterize such times.\nRabanus did his possible to relieve the terrible needs of his flock.\nThree hundred of these poor people were fed daily from his resources as\narchbishop, and his heart went out in pity to the multitudes he could\nnot aid. Pitiful scenes he must have witnessed. One poor woman fell dead\nas she staggered to his threshold, with a babe at her breast. His\ncharity was too late to save her, but her child was rescued.\n\nHe lived six years more, seeing his diocese recover from the desolation\nof that terrible winter, cherishing the literary and educational work of\nthe monasteries on the lines laid down in his _De Institutione\nClericorum_, keeping his clergy up to the ideal of the priestly life as\ndefined in his _De Disciplina Ecclesiastica_, and civilizing the rude\npeople of his great diocese. He died in 856, in his eightieth year, and\nwas buried in St. Alban\u2019s church in Mainz. In the era of the Reformation\nhis bones were transferred to St. Maurice\u2019s church in Halle. As Rome has\nnot inscribed the opponent of transubstantiation in the list of her\nsaints, they are allowed to rest together in peace, instead of being\ndistributed through a long series of churches as relics.\n\nHe had composed for himself an epitaph, as was the fashion of those\ndays, but it is pleasanter to read than some of those exaggeratedly\nhumble and prosaic treatises concerning which we hardly know whether\nmost to stand amazed at the badness of the Latin or the meanness of the\npiety. Rabanus avoids these objectionable features. His language is that\nof a poet and his sentiments those of a sincere Christian. Particularly\nthere are two lines which are notable because they give us a glimpse of\nhis personality:\n\n  \u201cPromptus erat animus, sed tardans debile corpus;\n  Feci quod poteram, quodque Deus dederat.\u201d\n\n  \u201cQuick was my mind, but slow was my body through weakness;\n  That which I could I have done, and what the Lord gave me.\u201d\n\nOne of his latest bequests was that of his books, which he devised, like\na true scholar, partly to his old abbey of Fulda and partly to the\nmonastery of St. Alban at Mainz.\n\nJohn Trithemius eulogizes him in words which may, perhaps, be\ntransferred into our pages from their original Latin as a specimen of\nthe praise which Rabanus has always received\u2014praise that is indeed\nworthy of the man who wrote the _Veni, Creator_.\n\n\u201cRabanus was first among the Germans; a scholar universally erudite;\nprofound in science; eloquent and strong in discourse; in life and\nconversation he shone as most learned, religious, and holy; he was\nalways a prelate dignified, affable, and acceptable before God.\u201d\n\nThis same Trithemius gives us a little notion of the bishop\u2019s\nappearance. In body, he says that he was tolerably robust; of a\nsanguine, bilious temperament; rather fleshly in person than inclined to\nmeagreness (_macilentus_); with a \u201ccourageous and great\u201d head; and of a\nwell-proportioned figure.\n\nOf the other writings of Rabanus it is sufficient for us to name his\ncompendium of the grammar of Priscian; his great work upon _The\nUniverse_; his treatise upon the _Praises of the Holy Cross_, and his\nelaborate commentaries upon the various books of the Bible. He also\nprepared homilies and sundry compositions relative to ecclesiastical\nmatters. In the _Patrologia_ of Migne it requires six closely-printed\nvolumes to cover his contributions to sacred literature. Especially we\nhave occasion to note his theological writings, as it is in these that\nhis spiritual character is most apparent.\n\nHis works mostly are dead enough to modern interest, but not all. German\nphilology honors in him a great churchman who shared Charles the Great\u2019s\nrespect for German speech and culture, and at whose feet Otto of\nWeissenburg, the poet of the _Krist_, sat. German pedagogics recognizes\nin him the first _Praeceptor Germaniae_, who transplanted to Fulda the\ngenerous plans of education which Charles conceived, and which Alcuin\nexecuted at Tours. German philosophy recognizes in him the first\nforerunner of the great series of her metaphysicians. But to us he is\nRabanus the poet, who acquired the art of verse under Alcuin, who used\nit at times to little purpose as in his _De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis_,\nbut who in a happy hour wrote the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XIII.\n                  NOTKER OF ST. GALL, CALLED BALBULUS.\n\n\nIn the life of Notker, written by Ekkehard (Eckhardt) the Younger, who\nwas Dean of St. Gall in 1220, we have a perfect mine of garrulous gossip\nand of chattering, pleasant romance. It has been called \u201cone of the most\ndelightful of mediaeval memoirs;\u201d though we are very little disposed to\naccept a large share of it as solid fact. There is in it much confusion,\nboth of dates and names. From one of its stories came the designation of\nCharles the Great (\u201cthe Emperor Charles\u201d) as the author of the _Veni\nCreator_, a point which we have treated more fully in the chapter upon\nRabanus Maurus. The copyist is mainly accountable for these blunders,\nsome of which are so grossly anachronistic as to be at once corrected by\ntheir reader; and others are so puerile that no one can easily be\ndeceived.\n\nSince it is to Notker that we owe the \u201csequence\u201d in its full\ndevelopment, it may be as well for us to let Ekkehard sketch his\ncharacter at full length. The biography is in one of the April volumes\nof the _Acta Sanctorum_ of the Bollandist Fathers\u2014a great white-covered\nfolio which displays the immense research of its editors. For those who\nare less inclined to the Latin language in its monkish form, there is\nthe admirable abridgment by Baring-Gould, known as the _Lives of the\nSaints_\u2014a compilation which must be always distinguished from the work\nof the same title by Alban Butler. From these sources a great deal of\ntruth and falsehood, fact and fiction, real record and unreal romance,\nhave flowed forth upon the world. We cannot but speak reverently and\nkindly of such noble endeavors as those of Dr. Neale, but here, at the\nvery outset, it must be understood that he has been altogether too much\nswayed by peculiar opinions for his ideas upon sequences\u2014and upon Notker\nalso\u2014to have the weight of absolute authority.\n\nNotker himself is to be discriminated from another Notker of the same\nreligious house of St. Gall, who is generally known as \u201cthe Physician.\u201d\nThis one is Balbulus, or \u201cthe Stammerer,\u201d who is sometimes called\n\u201cVetustior,\u201d the Elder, to distinguish him from his nephew, Notkerus\nJunior. He came, Ekkehard asserts, of noble and even royal parentage,\nbeing probably born about the year 850. At an early age he entered the\nmonastery of St. Gall, in Switzerland, which had been founded by Gallus,\nthe Irish saint, a disciple of Columbanus, in the seventh century. This\ncelebrated man died, A.D. 640, at the age of ninety-five, and his life\nwas written by Walafrid Strabo in two books; the martyrology recording\nhis death upon October 16th. St. Gall itself is now a town of some\nfifteen thousand inhabitants, and the capital of the canton to which it\nhas given its own name. But the abbey was suppressed in 1805, though the\nlibrary, filled with valuable manuscripts, still remains. From these\nancient parchments P. Gall Morel, Librarian at Einsiedeln, has\nresuscitated many sequences and hymns formerly employed in their\nservices.\n\nThe Sangallensian poets are not, however, very numerous. Hartmann was\nprobably the earliest composer of a \u201csequence\u201d\u2014a style of sacred poem\nwhich we shall consider presently. Then came Notker Balbulus, who has\nthe greater renown. Tutilo and Ratpert and Walafrid Strabo complete the\nlist. St. Gall was for years a noted centre of learning. It is well\nsituated, and from its towers the waters of the Boden-See (from which it\nis distant but a few miles) can be readily discerned.\n\nHere, then, Notker began his religious life. He had probably seen the\nlight in the green and fertile Thurgau not far away from St. Gall. And\nhis talents were soon so noticeable that he rapidly advanced in the\nesteem of his associates. Meanwhile\u2014for the Irish and Scottish monks\nmade this a thoroughfare on their pilgrimages to Rome\u2014there came along\nan Irish bishop named Mark, whose nephew, Maengal, strongly aroused the\nadmiration of Notker. Maengal\u2019s music especially affected him, and he\ndevoutly prayed God to let the Irishman tarry with them at St. Gall.\nThis indeed happened, and Maengal, rechristened Marcellus, remained in\nSwitzerland.\n\nThis good tutor now undertook the musical training of Notker, Ratpert,\nand Tutilo. And from this beginning arose the choral school of St. Gall.\nEkkehard\u2019s history of it is most suggestive. It was originally begun, he\nsays, for the study of the Gregorian tones, but these Swiss people had\nby degrees lost the sweetness of the old Pope\u2019s music. And he borrows\nthe language of John the Deacon, in his life of Gregory, to satirize the\n\u201cthundering voices\u201d with which such \u201cAlpine bodies\u201d failed to secure the\nproper modulation. I borrow Baring-Gould\u2019s idiomatic rendering of this\nsignificant passage. It runs as follows:\n\n\u201cThe barbarous hugeness of those tippling throats, when endeavoring to\nutter a soft song full of inflections and diphthongs, makes a great\nroar, as though carts were tumbling down steps headlong; and so, instead\nof soothing the minds of those who listen, it agitates and exasperates\nthem beyond endurance.\u201d\n\nSuch was the character of church music when the song school of St. Gall\nwas started. The monks had already been so fortunate as to secure one of\nthe two Gregorian antiphonaries sent by Pope Adrian to the Emperor\nCharles the Great. The occurrence was curious enough to be chronicled,\nand the story merits our own repetition. Metz had been the German music\ncentre, but when the French music clashed with that which was considered\nthe correct and Gregorian method, Charles again solicited from the Pope\ntwo priests who were thorough musicians, and should put Metz and her\nschool above criticism. These two men, by name Peter and Romanus, set\nout thereupon, but took a heavy cold between them at Lago Maggiore\n(_aere Romanis contrario quaterentur_). Peter soon recovered, but\nRomanus advanced from a mere cold into an actual fever, and remained at\nSt. Gall with one of the antiphonaries, while the disgusted Peter, who\nclaimed both copies, was forced to proceed alone and with a single\nmanuscript to Metz.\n\nSt. Gall was sufficiently attractive to Romanus for him to make no\neffort to leave it when he grew convalescent. And these compositions and\nmelodies of his were the foundation upon which, in later years, Notker\nand Hartmann and the others built their sequences. That which Maengal\nnow effected was the real beginning of that system of music which is so\nelaborately treated by Dr. Neale in his preface to the second volume of\nDaniel\u2019s _Thesaurus_. Perhaps more has been made of it there than it\nreally deserves. It is certainly too far out of the line of this inquiry\nof ours for us to discuss the point technically. One of the best\ndefinitions of the sequence is, however, that of Mabillon, who calls\nsuch compositions \u201crhythmical prayers\u201d (_rythmicae preces_).\n\nNotker became easily\u2014so Ekkehard asserts\u2014the finest musician about the\nabbey. He was also a bright and rather witty man. When Augustine was\nasked what God was doing before He created the world, he replied that He\n\u201cwas building hell for such vain and frivolous spirits\u201d as that of his\nquestioner. The chaplain of Charles the Fat put a similar inquiry to\nNotker, and got quite as brief a retort. He asked, \u201cWhat is God doing\nnow?\u201d And Notker stammered out, \u201cJust what He has always done and always\nwill do; He is putting down the proud and exalting the humble!\u201d\n\nThere is another of these queer anecdotes which will serve to show that\nthe old monks were by no means destitute of a sense of humor. A certain\nyoung Salomon, son of the Count of Ramsweg, was a student of the abbey\nschool, and something of a snob among his fellow-scholars. Notker,\nRatpert, Tutilo and Hartmann were of as good family as he, and they did\nnot enjoy his behavior. Finally, through favoritism, Salomon came to be\nabbot of six monasteries and Bishop of Constance in addition. But in\nspite of these dignities he had a singular predilection for the Abbey of\nSt Gall, and was accustomed to put on a surplice and go about the place\nattending the offices like a regular monk\u2014which, by the way, he had no\nright to do. His old friends found this out, and raised so much of a\nstir about it that he ceased from the practice. But at night he still\npersisted in entering the abbey and aiding in the services.\n\nRudiger, one of the confederates, was therefore set to watch for the\ncoming of the intruding bishop, and when Salomon slipped along toward\nthe church in the darkness the watcher suddenly thrust a light in his\nface and saw who it was. Then this valiant Rudiger swore the largest\noath permitted in those sacred precincts, for he asseverated \u201cby St.\nGall\u201d that no stranger in their conventual habit should be around the\ncloisters at night. Salomon offered endless apologies, and promised to\nsecure permission from the abbot before he wore the surplice again. And\nhe even turned his discomfiture into a partial victory by begging\nRudiger to present this request in his behalf. The petition, so voiced,\ncame duly before the \u201csenate\u201d of that monkish republic, which happened,\nunfortunately for the avaricious and rapacious Salomon, to include his\nfour opposers\u2014\u201cHartmann, who composed the melody to the _Sanctus humili\nprece_; Notker the Stammerer, who made _Sequences_; Ratpert, who wrote\n_Ardua spes mundi_, and Tutilo, who was the author of _Hodie\ncantandus_.\u201d These men finally allowed him to come in as usual, provided\nhe would entirely demit his canon\u2019s raiment, and be nothing but a\nBenedictine monk while within the walls.\n\nSomehow Salomon conceded even this, and one day brought a splendid\ngift\u2014a gold box encrusted with jewels and containing relics\u2014which he\noffered to the abbey. All this looked in the direction that the monks\nfeared; and they therefore rejected his present with some scorn. But it\ndid not take long to lift Salomon the Simonist to the Abbacy of\nReichenau, and then Archbishop Sfortto contrived at length to secure the\nwealthy St. Gall for his favorite. Thus Salomon, the detested, became,\nin spite of all opposition, the abbot of that celebrated cloister.\n\nBut St. Gall itself had always prospered, apparently as the sun does\naccording to the theories of some astronomers, for it had been\ncontinually receiving cometary accessions that dropped into it\nunexpectedly. One such was an antiphonary, which, on the principle that\n\u201cto him that hath shall be given,\u201d fell into the hands of these musical\nmonks through the burning of the Abbey of Jumieges in 851. This was the\ntrue origin of the \u201csequence.\u201d It solved the problem of Notker in a\nnovel manner when he finally examined it, for he had been puzzled at the\nimmense prolongation of the final syllable _ia_ in the _Alleluia_, which\nwas sung to cover the retreat of the deacon as he ascended to the\nrood-loft to chant the Gospel. This _Alleluia_ came between the Epistle\nand the Gospel, and as the deacon had some space to traverse, the _ia_\nwas nearly interminable; for even a very few seconds became on such an\noccasion a most perceptible and wearisome interval of time.\n\nThis Jumieges antiphonary, in which words were fitted to the Gregorian\ntones, suggested another treatment of the difficulty. Notker\nconsequently composed the _Laudes Deo concinat_, and afterward the\n_Coluber Adae male suasor_. Iso, his master, approved of them, and\nMaengal afterward gave him considerable help. The \u201csequence\u201d in its\nstandard form had a \u201cnote to each syllable,\u201d as in modern church music.\nAnd this was the beginning of that Book of Sequences perfected by him in\n887, and which has gained a merited prominence for the name of Notker\nBalbulus.\n\nEkkehard tells certain legends (which may or may not be trustworthy)\nregarding the suggestion whence some of these sprung. The droning\nrotation of a slow mill-wheel gave rise, he says, to the sequence\n_Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia_; and this is far more credible than\nthe additional information that Notker sent it to \u201cthe Emperor\u201d Charles\nand got back the famous _Veni Creator Spiritus_\u2014a story which Mabillon\nutterly confutes. This Emperor was certainly _not_ Charles the Great\u2014who\nwas long ago dead\u2014and it _might_ have been Charles \u201cthe Bald\u201d or Charles\n\u201cthe Fat\u201d (the usurper), or Charles \u201cthe Simple,\u201d but there seems an\nantecedent improbability that any such nickname could belong to the\ngrave and great poet of that splendid hymn. And, indeed, we are now\npositive that it is the composition of Rabanus Maurus, Bishop of Mayence\n(Mainz), who died in 856.\n\nThere is probably some show of reason in the idea that the groaning\nmachinery of a mill should have helped to originate the extended notes\nof the sequence. The picturesqueness of the story is really its best\nclaim to our notice. I well remember a mill by which I used often to\npause in the stillness of night, listening to the wailing protracted\ncadences of the huge wheel which slowly turned in its bed as the buckets\nsuccessively filled from the shut, but leaky gates. Hearing this, and\ncomparing it with the \u201csequence\u201d of the Catholic service, or with the\nlong-drawn tones of a German choral, it is impossible not to be struck\nby the resemblance.\n\nThen there is another story\u2014indeed, there are several in the Latin which\ncould scarcely be inserted here\u2014but there is certainly one other which\nboth Baring-Gould and Maitland have had sufficient geniality to extract.\nIt refers to the manner in which Notker, Ratpert, and Tutilo\u2014\u201cthe three\ninseparables\u201d\u2014attended to the eavesdropping of one of Abbot Salomon\u2019s\nspies. This spy was Sindolf, the _refectorarius_, or steward, a\nsour-visaged, crab-appleish kind of man, who was never so happy as when\nhe had an evil speech to retail. He particularly delighted in fretting\nthe temper of the abbot with reference to these poets and musicians, but\nthey suspected his design and \u201cset a watch because of him.\u201d\n\nOne evening after \u201clauds\u201d the three were in the \u201cwriting-room\u201d\n(_scriptorium_) where the manuscripts were prepared and kept, busy with\ntheir conversation and having thereto the permission of the prior.\nSindolf sniffed scandal in the air, and flattened his ear against the\nopaque glass, where a convenient crack suffered him to listen to their\nwords. It was night, and Tutilo, a shrewd, lively fellow (_homo\npervicax_), was glad enough to get this occasion against the slinking\ntraitor. In the _Acta Sanctorum_, and again in Mabillon, copied into the\none hundred and thirty-first volume of Migne, we have old Ekkehard\u2019s\ngrim report of this monkish fun.\n\n\u201cThere he is with his ear to the glass,\u201d cried Tutilo. \u201cDo you, Notker,\nbecause you are a timid little chap (_timidulus_), go away into the\nchurch. But Ratpert, my friend, take down the whip that hangs in the\nchimney corner and run out-doors. And then comfort my heart (_cor meum\nconfortare_) by laying on to him with all your might (_esto robustus_).\nFor I, when you get close enough, will throw open the window in a hurry,\ncatch him by the hair and hang on with a will\u201d (_ad me pertractum\nviolenter tenebo_). Off went the timorous Notker; out slipped the\ncheerful Ratpert; open went the window, and the vigorous Tutilo clutched\nSindolf by ears and hair together! Then Ratpert rained on the lashes (_a\ndorso ingrandinat_), and Sindolf twisted and howled and kicked, and\nlights began to fly around, and the brethren came running. But Tutilo\nheld on and called for a light and shouted that he had caught the devil;\nwhile Ratpert vanished into the night and Notker had entirely\ndisappeared in the church. \u201cWhere are Notker and Ratpert?\u201d was the first\nquestion. \u201cOh, they smelled the devil and ran away to ask succor from\nheaven,\u201d said Tutilo. \u201cAnd here was I, left to do the best I could with\nthis thing that walks in darkness. And I believe an angel has been sent\nto chastise him in the rear!\u201d\n\nThe sneaky Sindolf was completely abashed, but his temper did not\nimprove under the chastisement. Even Salomon, his patron, laughed at him\nalong with the others, which made the matter worse. So one day, finding\na beautiful copy of the Canonical Epistles in Greek which Liutward,\nBishop of Vercelli, had sent as a present to Notker, what does the\nmalicious wretch do but cut it to pieces with his knife! Ekkehard adds\nthat the mutilated copy could still be seen in the library of St. Gall.\n\nThese two worthies, Ratpert and Tutilo, heartily deserve the place which\nEkkehard accords them in his life of Notker. Ratpert walked usually\nbetween Notker and Tutilo; a very punctual, studious man who \u201cwore out\ntwo pairs of shoes in the year;\u201d a man who seldom left the abbey walls,\nand who regarded \u201cexpeditions\u201d as being to the full \u201cas dangerous as\nkisses;\u201d a negligent fellow about the offices and masses, claiming that\nhe taught them often enough to his pupils; and finally, a composer of\ngood litanies; dying October 25th, A.D. 900.\n\nTutilo was a capital companion; genial and ingenious; capable of music\non all sorts of pipes and fiddles; who told a good story and made many a\ngood joke; active and agile in his figure, and withal a fine carver,\npainter, and goldsmith. Some of his ivory carving still exists in the\ntown library of St. Gall\u2014so one historian records in a foot-note\u2014and he\nwas evidently a most skilful musician, whose hymn tunes, composed on the\n_rota_, or small harp (the minstrel\u2019s instrument in those days), were\nalways acceptable. He wrote _Hodie cantandus_, _Omnium virtutum gemmis_,\nand _Viri Galilaei_. This last he sent to \u201cKing Charles,\u201d who himself\ncomposed a tune to which Tutilo set words called _Quoniam Dominus_. His\nroyal patron liked him well. \u201cCurse the man,\u201d he said one day, \u201che is\naltogether too good a fellow to be a monk!\u201d Ekkehard adds to this list\nof compositions the sequence _Gaudete et cantate_ as a specimen of\nTutilo\u2019s ability in a slightly different direction of music, declaring\nthat \u201cany one who understands music\u201d will notice and appreciate the\ndistinction.\n\nHartmann was abbot after Salomon; a most learned man, and one who\nperhaps contributed more to the development of the \u201csequence\u201d than we\nare now able to prove.\n\nOf Notker it is only fair to say that he gave to himself the name\n_Balbus_, or Stammerer, which was changed, owing apparently to his small\nstature, into the diminutive, _Balbulus_. When Innocent III. asked\nUadalric, then Abbot of St. Gall, what rank Notker had held in the\nconvent, the abbot replied that he was only \u201ca simple monk,\u201d but was\nborn of noble parents and was thoroughly holy and well educated. On\nwhich the Pope declared that they were wretched and wicked people\n(_nequissimi_), and would suffer for it (_infelices eritis_) if they did\nnot celebrate the festival of this man who had been \u201cso full of the Holy\nSpirit.\u201d Julius II. commanded Hugo, Bishop of Constance, to inquire into\nthe matter. The result established him as a beatified confessor, and so\ndistinguished him by the prefix \u201cBlessed\u201d from Notker \u201cthe Abbot,\u201d who\nwas his nephew, and died 973; Notker \u201cthe Physician,\u201d who died 1033;\nNotker \u201cof Liege,\u201d who died 1007, and Notker \u201cLabeo,\u201d who died 1022. B.\nNotker Balbulus himself died in 912. Salomon, who was then his abbot,\ndied in 919, and in 921 Hartmann succeeded to the dignity.\n\nIt would not be difficult to add to this account several superstitious\nstories; how Notker broke his staff over a dog-devil which went howling\nthrough the church; how he had some difficulty with another demon who\nintermeddled with pen and ink; how he severely handled a flagitious\nmonk; and, generally, how he proved to be a moderate worker of miracles\nand a pleasant colleague to the other cenobites.\n\nBut we turn with a peculiar interest to that little sequence which has\nmade his name immortal. This _Media vita in morte sumus_ is the one\nwhich meets us in the Burial Service of the Protestant Episcopal Church:\n\n  \u201cIn the midst of life we are in death:\n    Of whom may we seek for succor\n  But of thee, O Lord,\n    Who for our sins art justly displeased?\u201d\n\nIt is there found in connection with a passage from the Book of Job, and\nis followed by the _Sancte Deus; Sancte fortis; Sancte et misericors\nSalvator, Amarae morti ne tradas nos_; which is in our translation,\n\u201cYet, O Lord most holy, O Lord most mighty, O holy and most merciful\nSaviour, deliver us not into the bitter pains of eternal death.\u201d All\nthat Notker originally composed is that which is first mentioned above.\nThe rest came about as we shall presently see.\n\nThe Rev. F. Proctor, in his _History of the Book of Common Prayer_,\nstates that this brief sequence\u2014of which he does not appear to know the\norigin\u2014\u201cwas formed from an antiphon which was sung at Compline during a\npart of Lent.\u201d There is also a singular misapprehension by which the\n\u201csamphire gatherers\u201d hanging over the cliffs of England at their\n\u201cdreadful trade\u201d were credited with the suggestion. It was formerly\nsupposed that Notker watched them during their dangerous toil, and so,\nby another equally strange inadvertence, the fact was taken as a proof\nthat he must have been himself a native or resident of Britain. This,\nlike the other legend of the twenty-year debate upon sequences, proves\non inquiry to have no foundation in fact. The story itself is a\nsufficient explanation without any coloring whatever. It reveals to us\nthe poetic spirit of the devout man who beheld his fellow-creatures\npoised between life and death, and wrote this short and exquisite\nmeditation thereon.\n\n\u201cThe holy Notker,\u201d says Canisius, \u201cmade the \u2018prose\u2019 of the following\nlament when the bridge [over the chasm] at Martinstobel was being\nconstructed in a precipitous and most dangerous place. But who added the\n\u2018verses\u2019 I do not know. I have quoted it from a most ancient codex,\nwhere it is set to modern notes.\u201d He then proceeds to give it in the\nordinary form. It is, as he says, a _prose_, and must be distinguished\nfrom _verses_ of regular metre:\n\n\u201cMedia vita in morte sumus, quem quaerimus adjutorem, nisi te, Domine,\nqui pro peccatis nostris juste irasceris.\u201d\n\nThus far Notker. Then occur the \u201cverses\u201d in three stanzas:\n\n  \u201cAh homo, perpende fragilis,\n  Mortalis, et instabilis,\n  Quod vitare non poteris\n  Mortem, quocunque ieris.\n  Aufert te, saepissime,\n  Dum vivis libentissime.\n      Sancte deus.\n\n  \u201cVae calamitas inediae,\n  Vermis fremit invidiae,\n  Dum audit flentem animam\n  Mortalis esse utinam!\n  Nec Christi fati gladius,\n  Transiret, et non alius,\n      Sancte fortis.\n\n  \u201cHeu nil valet nobilitas\n  Neque sedis sublimitas,\n  Nil generis potentia,\n  Nil rerum affluentia,\n  Plus pura conscientia\n  Valet mundi scientia.\n  Sancte et misericors Salvator,\n      Amarae morti ne tradas nos.\u201d\n\nIt is perfectly plain, then, that this \u201cthird sequence\u201d\u2014the _Media vita_\nbeing the second\u2014is derived from the \u201cverses\u201d whose authorship Canisius\ncannot discover, and the date of which cannot be far from the fourteenth\ncentury.\n\nBut when we imagine the good monk watching the workmen from the brink of\nthe Goldach, which hurries down through St. Gall toward the Boden-See,\nwe can bring to mind the whole picture. The present bridge is one\nhundred and sixteen feet long and fully one hundred in height from the\nswift little stream. It is of wood, and was constructed in 1468. Here,\ndizzily balancing in mid-air, tradition says that a man, even as Notker\ngazed, lost his footing and plunged into the abyss. The eternities came\ntogether! A spark from the infinite kindled within the poet\u2019s soul.\nHeaven from on high beheld this single life suddenly hurled to ruin.\nEarth from beneath reached up and seized upon the thing of earth. And\nthus it was with us every moment! In the midst of life we were in death,\nand from none could we seek for help save from God alone\u2014that God,\ndispleased at sinners, who is the sinner\u2019s only hope!\n\nStanding once before the graves at Gettysburg, the tall gaunt figure of\nAbraham Lincoln paused upon such an eternal edge. His soul took in at\none sweep the heroic past and the historic future. And those words which\ncame, so men assure us, almost without premeditation from his lips are\nthe noblest utterance of our time. That compact, terse, brief expression\nis the essence of national strength. The phrases are vivid with a\nsupernatural brightness: \u201cGovernment of the people, for the people, by\nthe people must not perish from the earth.\u201d It was so with Notker; and\nnow, wherever that beautiful service is uttered above the dead, the\nforgotten monk of St. Gall speaks with a voice which touches unaltering\nhumanity, and utters that grave, great thought, preciously protected in\nits small casket of language, that death is beneath and God is above,\nand that all our hope must come from Him!\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XIV.\n                            WALAFRID STRABO.\n\n\nAmong the pupils of Rabanus Maurus was a boy afflicted with strabismus.\nHe was cross-eyed, or crooked-eyed in some manner, and this fixed upon\nhim the name of Strabo the \u201csquinter.\u201d Like many another monk in that\nage, he has so sunk himself into his service as to have become a man\nwithout a country and almost without parentage. Some therefore contend\nthat he was an Anglo-Saxon, once a monk in London and afterward educated\nat St. Gall, Reichenau, and Fulda. An obscure tradition even makes him a\nrelative of the Venerable Bede. Another story assigns him to Haymo\u2019s\nfamily. Now, Haymo was a monk of Fulda about 850, a man of very liberal\nopinions, learned, and truly catholic, especially in his denial of the\nuniversal authority of the Pope and the doctrine of transubstantiation.\nIt is something of an honor to have been this man\u2019s brother, and it is\nno discredit to have been related to Bede. At any rate these guesses\u2014for\nthey are little else\u2014serve to show us the repute in which Walafrid\nStrabo was held.\n\nMore accurate investigation reveals a sentence in the preface to the\nlife of St. Gall which seems conclusive. In it Walafrid speaks of \u201cus\nGermans or Suabians.\u201d Suabia is thus designated as his birthplace, and\nwe find his name among the list of those scholars who did credit to\ntheir teacher Rabanus.\n\nHis period is the middle of the ninth century, for in 842 he became\nAbbot of Reichenau in the diocese of Constance, and he died in 849.\nDates like these are not hard to verify, for we have many chronicles and\nrecords in which the Dark Ages laid the foundations of authentic\nhistory. Here lie away in their narrow niches of brief reference many\nillustrious people. And the work of the hymnologist consists often\nenough in the same sort of research as secular history demands. Now and\nthen on the dead breast there is a little withered flower ready to\ncrumble into dust.\n\nThat curious, peering Trithemius\u2014to whom we are indebted for such\nlaborious inquiries concerning the men of this time\u2014maintains that\nWalafrid was \u201crector\u201d of the school in the monastery of Hirschfeld. If\nthis be so it only confirms what we note again and again, that Alcuin\nand Rabanus were the real instigators of German scholarship. And the\nwork from which we shall presently quote becomes more interesting to us\nfor this reason.\n\nWalafrid left a long catalogue of works behind him. He wrote a valuable\nantiquarian treatise on the divine offices and usages of the Church.\nBesides, he is accredited as the author of the lives of St. Gall, St.\nOthmar, St. Blaithmac, St. Mamma, and St. Leudegaris. He also composed\nvarious poems; a preface to the Life of Ludwig the Pious, and a\ncondensation of Rabanus Maurus\u2019s Commentary on Leviticus. He compiled\nthe famous _Glossa Ordinaria_, which remained the standard commentary on\nthe Bible throughout the Middle Ages. He began the annals of Fulda,\nwhich have since been continued by competent hands, notably those of\nChristopher Brower. He has been called a \u201cpretty good poet for his\nage\u201d\u2014by which is meant that there was a scanty supply of poetry in the\nninth century\u2014a fact which no one is competent to dispute.\n\nIt goes without saying that his life was the life of an ecclesiast,\nrestricted to a Chinese minuteness of ritual, and permitting only such\nvisits and journeys as religious business justified. His death occurred\non one of these infrequent expeditions. It was in France, whither he had\ngone\u2014as we are expressly told\u2014in order to hasten some ecclesiastical\naffair.\n\nThese are the meagre and unentertaining facts connected with the name of\nWalafrid Strabo. He would not have deserved, nor would he have received\nour notice if two of his hymns (the _Laudem beatae martyris_ and the\n_Gloriam nato cecinere_) had not been preserved. These entitle him to\nmention, and he promptly rises to genuine importance if we can agree\nwith Kellner (see _Bibliotheca Sacra_, January, 1883, p. 154), that a\nrecently discovered \u201cdiary\u201d is from his pen. It is probable that,\nwhether it be authentic or not, it is strictly accurate in its relation\nof the studies pursued in those schools. And if we assume it to be\ncredible we can revise our dates to correspond.\n\nThus his school life began in 816, and after its close he went to Fulda,\nthence to return to his old monastery in 842 as its abbot. These dates\nare afforded by the document itself, which was originally published in\n1857, as a part of the educational report of the Benedictine school of\nSt. Maria of Einsiedeln in Switzerland. It appears to me that its tone\nand composition are not such as to justify the value which Kellner sets\nupon it. Walafrid\u2019s name was a convenient one, and this is doubtless no\nmore nor less than a clever historical romance. But it has been composed\nin the very neighborhood of the scenes it depicts, and the advantages of\nall the ancient MSS. and traditions have been incalculably great.\n\nThe narrative is introduced by a modern preface which speaks of St.\nMeinrad, the founder of Einsiedeln, as a contemporary of Walafrid. Then\nwe have a statement which tersely exhibits the plan and purpose of the\nstory:\n\n\u201cIn the dark hour when the Roman imperial throne collapsed on which\nTheodoric the Goth had just seated his teacher Avitus, Manlius Boethius\ncommitted his spiritual wealth to the Goth Cassiodorus, who transmitted\nit to the sons of St. Benedict,\u201d etc.\n\n\u201cThe seed of Christian instruction had been inherited by the sons of St.\nBenedict from the age of martyrs and holy fathers. Great seminaries were\nopened at Fulda, Weissenberg in the bishopric of Speyer, St. Alban in\nMainz, St. Gall, Reichenau in the bishopric of Constance, St. Maximin,\nand St. Matthias in Trier, etc. To these establishments the sons of the\nnobility resorted, while the Benedictines were their teachers and\nfathers. Whoever saw one of these schools saw them all as to everything\nessential. Accordingly, it is our purpose to describe one of\nthem\u2014namely, the school of Reichenau, from which came the founder of\nEinsiedeln, St. Meinrad, and Walafrid Strabo, who was his schoolmate in\nReichenau, and who, four years after him, assumed the Benedictine\ndress.\u201d\n\nThen follows an assurance to the \u201cintelligent reader\u201d that this account\n\u201cis not mere poetry,\u201d but is \u201csustained by authoritative documents,\u201d\namong which are named the writings of Walafrid himself, of Bede, Alcuin,\nRabanus, and the collections of Pez, Metzler, and others. It is plain,\nthen, that Kellner has been misled, and that Professor J. D. Butler, of\nMadison, Wis., who has made this clever translation from the German, has\nbeen likewise deceived. Yet the historical importance of the \u201cdiary\u201d\nremains, and the writings of Alcuin, Bede, and Rabanus, with those of\nWalafrid, give the original particulars and can be cited in proof.\nProfessor Butler adds a few pleasant details about Reichenau. It was\nfounded in 724, earlier than any neighboring convent except St. Gall. It\nis on an island in the Lake of Constance, whose lake-girt limits are\nabout two miles by three. It became so rich that it acquired many other\nproperties, and its abbot could journey to Rome and never sleep a night\noutside of his own domain. The old tower, built by Henry the Black, is\nstill standing, and among the cherished relics of the abbey is a piece\nof green glass weighing twenty-eight pounds given by Charlemagne, who\nthought it to be an emerald. There is also a supposititious water-pot\nfrom Cana of Galilee, which evidently came from Palestine and shows the\nmediaeval intercourse with the Holy Land. The revenues of the abbey were\nnot sequestrated until the year 1799. Such is a brief sketch of this\nreligious house which we shall again encounter in the story of Hermannus\nContractus.\n\nWalafrid\u2019s narrative begins with the year 815. He saw the vast buildings\nwith surprise and was greeted by a throng of future schoolmates. His\nteacher had several boys under his care to teach them to read. This he\ndid by the help of a wax tablet\u2014the old Roman method. The letters were\nscratched on the wax and erased by the blunt end of the pointed \u201cstyle.\u201d\nAlong with this elementary work came Latin, together with a German\nprimer\u2014in both of which the boys were expected to read.\n\nAt harvest time there was a short vacation. The boys rambled through the\nfields and picked fruit and enjoyed themselves generally.\n\nThe second year\u2019s work was the learning of conversational Latin. This\nwas the language of daily intercourse and was employed to express all\nwants. The grammar of Donatus was studied under a pupil-teacher, and the\ncases and tenses were rigidly committed to memory. The rod was the\npenalty for misbehavior. German phrases were translated into Latin and\nsome portion of biblical history was repeated to the scholars at night,\nwhich they were obliged to tell again in the morning.\n\nThen follows a description of the dedication of the minster and of the\nsolemn effect of the great High Mass, at which time Walafrid resolves to\nbecome a monk.\n\nThe year 817 was occupied with grammar and orthography, and the use of\nLatin was compulsory. Hitherto there had been a trifle of laxity and a\nfew lapses into German were forgiven. Now there was no exception to\nscholars of this advancement. They wrote from dictation upon their\ntablets, and the Psalter was in this manner transcribed and memorized.\n\nThe fourth year (818) was signalized by the planting of the first\ngrape-vine on the island. Doubtless the fact itself is authentic, and is\nhere introduced owing to its date. And in this year the scholars attack\nprosody. They study Alcuin (who wrote many verses), and the distichs of\nCato, and Bede\u2019s _De Arte Metrica_. The earlier Christian poets\u2014Prosper\nand Juvencus and Sedulius\u2014are mentioned. It is strange that the author\ndoes not name Prudentius, who was far more of a classic than any or all\nof these three. But it is quite correct to mention Virgil as a permitted\nbook, and the exercises in poetry in which all were engaged.\n\nIn 819, the fifth year, the boys became pupil-teachers themselves. They\nwere further instructed in rhetoric, with illustrations from the Bible\nto be paralleled from Statius and Lucan, whose works they were studying.\nOther scholars again were set to work as scribes and copyists. The\namusements were the running of foot-races, quarter-staff playing, and\n\u201cdice,\u201d by which we are probably to understand the very ancient game of\nbackgammon. And again, it is strange that no mention is made of the\ngames of ball, which were decidedly common in those days.\n\nThe year 820 is consumed with rhetoric\u2014with Cicero, Quintilian, and the\nhistories of Bede, Eusebius, Jerome, and others. The classic authors\nwere Sallust and Livy, with Virgil and (at last) Prudentius and\nFortunatus.\n\nIn 821 comes Boethius, attended by more of Cassiodorus, and the pleasant\npastime of \u201cdialectics,\u201d or debating. In these debates the enthusiasm\nwas kindled for future controversies. And in other lines\u2014as, for\nexample, in studies of the current legal codes, of the Salic and\nRipuarian Franks and Lombards\u2014those who were to be rulers were\ndiligently trained. Here (for this is the exact account of that ancient\ninstruction) we see how the Church held sway over her former pupils, and\nhow the pupils became by and by the exponents of religious opinions and\nsubservient to ecclesiastical decrees.\n\nWith 822 we have mention of rhetoric and logic, with oral and written\nexercises, and in 823 the scholars took up and pursued the studies of\ngeometry and geography according to the light of that period. Then came\nmusic with the various instruments, as organ, harp, flute, or trombone.\nFinally, Walafrid is supposed to record his initiation into the reading\nof Greek. From the MS. of Homer the boys were instructed, and the\naccount closes abruptly with a reference to the study of astronomy.\n\nSubsequent to this year, 825, Walafrid is believed to have passed\nconsiderable time at Fulda with Rabanus Maurus.\n\nThese were the ideas and educational methods of that period. Outside of\nthe monasteries and abbeys there was nothing that went on in the way of\nlearning. It needed special establishments, with great wealth, the\nprotection of kings and nobles, and the indefinable terrors of religious\nauthority to perpetuate scholarship. We may despise, as some writers\nfreely do despise, the bigotry and intolerance which obliterated fine\nmanuscripts of the classics to make room for monkish trifles. But we\ncannot fail to discover the germs of the new poetry of the Church in\nthese unpromising times. Fortunatus and Prudentius were no bad\npreceptors after all. And even if Walafrid Strabo was not much of a\npoet, he has served our occasion as a pupil when he might not have\ngained notice as a writer of hymns.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XV.\n          HERMANNUS CONTRACTUS AND THE \u201cVENI SANCTE SPIRITUS.\u201d\n\n\nOne of the surprises of history is the long-delayed honor which comes to\nthe modest and the meek. The notable and prominent attract to themselves\nmuch of the repute of any age. They even gain the credit of achievements\nto which they never put a finger. But by and by the \u201cwhirligig of time\nbrings in his revenges,\u201d and they that were last become first.\n\nThoughts like these are sure to come to us when we encounter such a name\nas this of the poor cripple of Reichenau. Whatever fame he had in his\nown day gradually disappeared and he has been only a shadowy figure for\nmany years. It is true that Ersch and Gruber, in their great\nencyclopaedia, say of him that he is \u201cone of the most meritorious men of\nthe eleventh century.\u201d It is also true that Ussermann\u2014himself an almost\nforgotten authority\u2014has labored to give Hermann his proper meed of\npraise; and that the Benedictines have patiently collated many little\nparticulars concerning him. Yet he still remains locked up in Latin or\nin German or in French; and English readers can be pardoned for being\nutterly ignorant of him and of his works.\n\nThis man merits no small share of our notice. He came of good blood, for\nhis father was the Count of V\u00f6hringen in Suabia. He traced his kinship\nto the famous St. Udalric, whose sister, named Leutgarde, is mentioned\n(971) in the saintly bishop\u2019s pages. Her son was Reginbald, slain in\nbattle against the Hungarians in 955. This Reginbald had a daughter\nBertha, who married Wolfrad, Count of V\u00f6hringen, and died in 1032.\nWolfrad, dying in 1010, had a son Wolfrad, who married a lady named\nHiltrude and became the father of fifteen children\u2014one of whom was\nHermann. This is the simplest form of a genealogy, which the learned\nchronicler protracts in a marvellous manner, to the great confusion of\nthe modern mind. I have not cared to follow him into the remoter\naffinities and alliances which add distinction to the poor little\nparalytic child, who at seven years of age was carried to the great\nschool at St. Gall.\n\nI have said that Hermann was a cripple. He was so completely helpless,\nindeed, that he could not move without assistance; and his days and\nnights were full of pain. He was \u201chump-backed and bow-breasted, crippled\nand lame.\u201d (_Gibosus ante et retro, et contractus, claudus_. Pertz:\n_Monumenta: Scriptores:_ V., 268.) But his mind triumphed over these\ninfirmities. A pathetic legend concerning him assures us that in the\nvisions of the night the Virgin stood before him, radiant and beautiful.\nAs in the old story about the choice of Hercules\u2014which was probably the\norigin of this\u2014she offers him strength of body combined with ignorance\nand weakness of mind; or wisdom and ability in a body which should be\ndeficient and sickly to the day of his death. This \u201csecond Hercules\u201d\u2014as\nthe chronicler admiringly calls him\u2014promptly chose the last.\n\nHe had been born (for his ancestral records and his own _Chronicon_ help\nus to exactness) on July 18th, 1013. He was admitted to school,\nprobably, though not certainly, at St. Gall, on September 15th, 1020.\nHitherto his education had been absolutely neglected. He could not go\nabout alone nor even speak intelligibly (_Annales Augustani_ [1042-55].\nIn Pertz: _Mon. Ger._, VII., 126) owing to his paralysis. But he had a\ndevouring desire for knowledge, and rapidly mastered Latin, Greek,\nArabic, and (probably) Hebrew, so that he possessed them equally well\nwith his vernacular speech. The convent was the only place for such a\npoor little waif as he, and thus, within the learned cloisters of St.\nGall, he followed reverently upon the shining path of Notker and Tutilo\nand Ratpert and Hartmann, and added his name to theirs in the\ndevelopment of the sequences and antiphons of the Church.\n\nNor was this all. He became an excellent historian, a distinguished\nmusician, and a renowned philosopher and theologian. In mathematics he\nwas equally skilled and ingenious. He is considered by some to have\ninvented the astrolabe, the first instrument by which the height and\ndistances of stars were calculated. Assuredly he wrote an exhaustive\ntreatise upon its use, whether he originated it or not; and it is said\nthat he added to his scientific studies the making of clocks and\nwatches. He has left us essays upon the monochord, on the squaring of\nthe circle, on computation and physiognomy and metrical rules and\nastronomy. These are marked by the inferior attainments of the age, as\nwe might expect, but they display an amount of original research for\nwhich we are unprepared.\n\nHe was also an excellent scribe, and the library of St. Gall still\ncontains a copy of a work ascribed to Anselm of Canterbury written by\nhim in the fulfilment of a vow. He resembled the Venerable Bede in the\nuniversality of his knowledge, and, like Alcuin and Rabanus Maurus, he\nis one of the great teachers of his time. Always, during these darkening\nyears, there appears to have been some ministering priest in the temple\nof education\u2014some self-devoted, God-fearing man, who patiently kept the\naltar-fire burning, and spent his life, to the utmost verge, in climbing\nthose altar-steps with fresh fuel for the flame.\n\nWe do not know how much of this work was begun or completed during his\nlife at St. Gall. We are able to say that he translated Aristotle\u2019s\nPoetics and Rhetoric from the Arabic language, and this of itself should\naward to him the very highest renown. It is impossible in a single\nsentence to do justice to this achievement and we must take it more at\nlarge.\n\nThe dictator Sylla brought the works of the great Greek philosopher,\ntogether with his library, to Rome, in the year B.C. 147. This was on\nthe capture of Athens, and these writings were still comparatively\nunknown in Greece. The philosophy of the Peripatetic school was, of\ncourse, familiar to their countrymen; but it was by and through the\nLatin race and not the Greek, that the \u201cMaster of Syllogisms\u201d was to\nbecome most potent. Aristotle\u2019s was the controlling system of the Middle\nAges. His rules of logic were imperative. They governed theology, and\nindeed every other form of metaphysics. They restrained with an iron\ngrip the expanding ideas of men. It was against Aristotle, in the person\nof William of Champeaux, future Bishop of Chalons and founder of the\nschool of St. Victor, that Peter Abelard laid his lance in rest. Even to\nthe days of Dean Swift these ideas bore sway, and when that brilliant\nman sought his degree from Trinity College, Dublin, he was met by the\nquestion whether he reasoned according to Aristotle. And his reply, that\nhe did well enough in his own fashion, was held to be little less than\natheism. Nor is this the only comparison which might be aptly instituted\nbetween Swift and Abelard.\n\nSo Aristotle had his authority and held his sceptre down almost to our\nown time. But at the commencement his writings were either used in the\nGreek language or in the Arabic. In the twelfth century the schools of\nthe Moors in Spain were the true centre of philosophy. They first\napplied his teachings to theology, and to these schools resorted many\nscholars from other parts of the continent. But such translations as\nthese travelling students brought home were probably of a sort to make\nintricacy and subtlety more intricate and subtle. A fog had gathered\nover Europe, and the Dark Ages are indeed no myth. There were few points\nof light anywhere, and among these few were the bright spots called St.\nGall and Reichenau.\n\nCharles Jourdain asserts that only a part of Aristotle was known before\n1200 A.D., and that this was through the translation of Boethius. (See\nUeberweg: Hist. Philos., I., 367.) So that if Hermannus Contractus\ntranslated Aristotle at so early a date, it shows that his rendering was\nin advance of most, if not of nearly all those which were used in the\nWestern schools. He had a brother, or uncle, Manegold, who died in\nPalestine. He had another brother Werner, who afterward became a legate\nto Gregory VII. (Hildebrand) in the fierce struggle between Pope and\nEmperor in 1077. And he was further well placed both by his family\nconnections and his situation at a centre of learning, to secure the\nbest manuscripts and the best Arabic instruction. (See an elaborate\ndissertation in Wegelin: _Thes. Rerum Suevicarum_, II., p. 120.) It\nevinces decided wisdom and toil on his part to have undertaken and\ncompleted this translation; and there is no doubt that the humble\nparalytic from his bed of suffering influenced materially the scholastic\nmovements of the coming centuries. Could he have seen the swarming\nthousands who built the abbey of the Paraclete; could he have witnessed\nin vision the uprising of such schools as St. Victor in France and\nOxford in England; could he have heard Roger Bacon confess his\nindebtedness to those pages; could he have foreseen the infinite\nconsequences both to the preservation and the hindrance of human\nthought, with what strange zeal he would have traced each painful line!\n\nBut he could not know it. He had removed at thirty years of age to his\nperpetual celibacy at Reichenau\u2014Augia the Rich, as it is called in the\nLatin tongue. It is built on an island in the western arm of the Lake of\nConstance. And there, with great mountains to gaze upon and fair waters\nto catch for him the rosy light of evening; with the brethren of the\nconvent laboring cheerfully in their fields or toiling in their cells,\nHermann of V\u00f6hringen, Hermann of Reichenau, Hermannus Contractus,\nHermann der Gebrechliche, Hermann the Cripple, spent his uneventful\nlife.\n\nHere he wrote the legends of some of the saints, and here he prepared\nhis valuable compendium of universal history. He calls it a _Chronicon_,\nand condensed into its records the story of the world from A.D. 1 to the\nyear 1054, the date of his own death. It is very brief through the first\nportion of its account of \u201cthe Six Ages.\u201d Then its statements are\nfuller. When it reaches contemporaneous events it becomes exceedingly\nimportant to the historical student, for it is in the nature of a\nchronicle. Here also the man\u2019s own personality occasionally appears. He\nspeaks of Reichenau as _Augia nostra_ and mentions the basilica which\nHenry III. (\u201cthe Black\u201d) has erected to \u201cour patron, St. Mark the\nEvangelist.\u201d This establishes the fact that Reichenau was his true\nresidence, and gives us the standpoint of the little isle in Lake from\nwhich to look out across the dark-green and sometimes stormy waters upon\nthe confusions of the time. These were the days when the Truce of God\n(1041 A.D.) was necessary in order to prevent the bloody feuds of the\nbarons during Advent, Lent, and from Wednesday evening of each week\nuntil the following Monday morning. Yet amid all these conflicts Hermann\nthe Paralytic remained secure, guarded by religion and surrounded by the\npeaceful lake. And like that lake the Rhine stream of secular affairs\nflowed always through his life clear and undisturbed.\n\nIt is during these closing scenes that a touching entry is made in the\npages of the _Chronicon_. Under the year 1052 the crippled hand slowly\ntraces these words: \u201cAt the same time, on January 9th, my mother\nHiltrude, the wife of the Count Wolfrad, a pious, meek, generous, and\nreligious woman, and one who was as devoted to and happy in her husband\nand her seven surviving children as any person could be, closed the last\nday of her life in about the sixty-first year of her age and the\nforty-fourth of her marriage, and was buried at the Villa of Altshausen,\nin a sepulchre under the chapel of St. Udalric which she had herself\nconstructed.\u201d And then follows a brief poem in which the merits and the\nlove of this dear mother are affectionately told.\n\nHermann, on the best of testimony, was a person of just this amiable and\nbeautiful spirit. He is called _hilarissimus_, as if to show his great\ncheerfulness. He was always a strict vegetarian in his diet. He hated\ninjustice; scorned every sort of vice\u2014and Heaven alone knows how much\nthere then was of nameless wickedness!\u2014and finally, he was thoroughly\nfree from all envy and malice. It is a curious testimony to his breadth\nof mind that one of his biographers says of him (quoting the old adage),\nthat he regarded nothing human as alien to his search.\n\nHe preserved this calmness and sweetness of temper to the farthest limit\nof his days. Not long before he died he said to his faithful friend,\nBerthold of Constance, \u201cDo not, I say, do not ask me about this; but\nrather attend to what I will tell you, for in you I do not a little\nconfide. I shall die doubtless in a very short time. I shall not live. I\nshall not get well.\u201d He added that he was so \u201cseized with an ineffable\ndesire and delight toward that intransitory world and that eternal and\nimmortal life,\u201d that all things of this passing existence seemed empty\nand vain and dropped like motes (_flocci_) from him, in the breath of\nthat heavenly air.\n\nAnd then he proceeded to detail a vision in which he fancied himself\nreading and rereading the Hortensius of Cicero. His mind was clear; his\nhopes for religion and for education were high; but all was now over and\nhe must depart. Therefore he quietly and pathetically ends by saying,\n\u201c_Taedet quidem me vivere_\u201d\u2014indeed it is wearisome to me to live. And\nthus, on September 24th, 1054, he ceased from earth\u2014in his forty-second\nyear, and having carried the story of the world down to the end of his\nown career.\n\nBut his works follow him. I do most firmly believe him\u2014and not Robert\nthe Second\u2014to have been the author of the _Veni Sancte Spiritus_.\n\nThe first person to attribute this hymn to the King of France is Durand,\n(_Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_, Lib. IV.) His book treats of\nceremonial observances and is among the rarest of printed volumes. The\nsplendid copy upon vellum in the Astor Library is not only beautiful in\nitself, but it is extremely valuable as the _third_ specimen of\ntypography in existence. Only two works\u2014one of them the Bible and\nanother the Psalter of Mainz\u2014had been previously printed from movable\ntypes. I have personally verified the reference and its English\nrendering is as follows:\n\n  \u201cNotker, Abbot of St. Gall, in Germany, first composed sequences with\n  notes of his own in the _Alleluia_. And Nicholaus the Pope [Nicholas\n  II., 1059-1061] granted that they should be sung at masses. But\n  Hermannus Contractus, a German, inventor of the astrolabe, composed\n  these sequences: _Rex omnipotens_ and _Sancti Spiritus_ and _Ave\n  Maria_ and the antiphons _Alma redemptoris mater_ and _Simon Barjona_.\n  Peter, Bishop of Compostella, made the _Salve regina_. And the King of\n  France, Robert by name, composed the sequence, _Veni Sancte Spiritus_\n  and the hymn _Chorus novae Hierusalem_.\u201d\n\nIt is hard to crowd into a paragraph more errors than are in this.\nNotker was _not_ Abbot of St. Gall. Innocent III. was very severe upon\nUdalric of St. Gall, because such a spiritual and able man had lived and\ndied unhonored among them; a simple monk whose labors and death received\nno special attention in their religious year.\n\nNor did Hermann write the _Sancti Spiritus adsit_; for this, on the best\nof testimony, was Notker\u2019s. It was so sung at Rome under Innocent III.;\nand Ekkehard the Younger, in his history of Notker, pointedly claims it\nfor him.\n\nIt is very doubtful whether Hermann invented the astrolabe for measuring\nthe distances of stars. His two treatises are upon its use, and he is\nevidently very familiar with it. But it was first made serviceable in\nnavigation by the Portuguese\u2014if we are to believe Evelyn (in his\n_Navigation_)\u2014and the study of astronomy was greatly cultivated by the\nArabic schools in Spain and elsewhere about this period. J. A. Fabricius\nindeed mentions that the astrolabe was \u201ccommonly employed in the days of\nPtolemy.\u201d\n\nThe _Ave Maria_ is supposed by Koch to belong to the thirteenth century\nand some have ascribed it to Adam of St. Victor. It is, perhaps, by\nHeribert of Eichstettin (died 1042). Hermann wrote the _Ave praeclara\nmaris stella_, which might have been mistaken for this other.\n\nThe _Salve regina_ is assigned by Durand to Peter of Compostella.\nGerbert names several possible authors, but evidently follows the\nleadership of Durand. (_De Cantu, etc._, II., 27.) And yet Trithemius,\nwith every really critical scholar, credits it to Hermann. It is\nexhaustively considered by Wegelin and definitely conceded to him.\n(_Thes. Rerum Suevicarum_, II., p. 120 _ff._)\n\nRobert the Second cannot claim the _Chorus novae Hierusalem_. It is the\nproduction of Fulbert of Chartres (died 1029), and is included without\nquestion in every complete edition of his works.\n\nThus the absolute authority of Durand is much shaken. He was a lawyer in\nthe thirteenth century, who studied at Bologna and taught at Modena; a\nlegate of Pope Martin IV.; dean of the church at Chartres, and Bishop of\nMende. The fact that he was dean of Chartres, and yet ascribes the\n_Chorus Novae_, not to Fulbert but to Hermannus, is suggestive, but not\nconvincing.\n\nSo Durand was the first person to affix the name of Robert II. to the\n_Veni Sancte_. Trithemius comes next in order; the Abbot of Spanheim;\nhistorian and scholar; indefatigable in researches, but erratic and\nprejudiced; born 1462 and dying 1516. His true name is Johann von\nTrittenheim and we derive this, and other information about authors and\ntheir works, from his _Liber de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis_\u2014a\nbiographical dictionary like those of Jerome, Gennadius, and Isidore, to\nwhose works he really furnishes an Appendix. Egon (sometimes known as\nEgo) in his account of Reichenau\u2019s distinguished men (_De Viris\nillustribus Augiae divitis_, quoted by Pez: _Thesaurus Anecdotorum_, I.,\n3; 68. Cf. Migne, 143) declares that Trithemius was \u201cunjustly hostile to\nthe monks of Reichenau\u201d in asserting that \u201cour Hermannus\u201d was from St.\nGall, when even Metzler conceded, on behalf of his own convent, that\nHermann had changed his residence from St. Gall to Reichenau. Be this as\nit may, the positive statement of Trithemius, which gives the _Veni\nSancte_ to Robert II. instead of to Hermann, has been generally\naccepted. Cardinal Bona (1677), Louis Archon (1704-11), and others agree\nwith him.\n\nBut there is a break in the continuity of faith. Clichtove\u2014an authority\nmuch esteemed\u2014expresses no opinion about the author of the _Veni Sancte_\nfurther than to say _quisquis is fuerit_\u2014whoever he was.\n\nRambach, in his _Anthology_, comes now to the rescue. (_Anthologie_, I.,\n227.) He says it is \u201c_ganz unstreitig von Robert;_\u201d and all the German\ncritics, with the single exception of Daniel, have followed this\nauthority blindly. Whatever the Germans said has usually been enough for\nthe English. Therefore the _Veni Sancte_ is in every collection\nattributed, without a shadow of doubt, to Robert the King.\n\nThere should have been less positiveness about this if the accurate\nDaniel had been noticed more carefully. He praises the language of\nClichtove, who says that the author, \u201cwhoever he was,\u201d must have been\n\u201cinwardly filled with light,\u201d and he italicizes the _quisquis is\nfuerit_. But as Robert, with only three others, appears to have escaped\nthe wreck of the sequences in the sixteenth century, even Daniel allows\nthe _Veni Sancte_ to him; and Archbishop Trench finds that \u201cthere exists\nno good reason why we should question\u201d that Robert wrote it.\n\nWe may dismiss any conjectures about Innocent III. having been its\nauthor, although great efforts have been made to credit this hymn to his\npen. Dom Remy Cellier and Migne seem the most strongly partisan, but\ntheir remarks and references are weak. (_Scriptores Ecclesiastici_, vol.\nxiii., p. 109, note. Also _Patrologia_, 141; 901.)\n\nA sample of the general looseness of citation can be found in Kehrein\n(No. 125), who announces that Gerbert \u201cholds Hermannus Contractus to be\nthe author\u201d of the _Veni Sancte_. Gerbert does nothing of the kind. He\nnames Hermann _with others_. It is quite true, though, that he does\n_not_ name Robert.\n\nSetting aside Innocent III. for cause\u2014although Brander of St. Gall, in\nhis _Index Sequentiarum_, grants this to him\u2014the authorship of the hymn\nrests between the king and the monk. I say \u201cfor cause,\u201d since Innocent\nwas at the summit of temporal power, and his position was a very\ntempting one to posthumous flattery. He is credited with the _Ave mundi\nspes Mariae_. He did not write the _Stabat Mater_, nor did he compose\nthe _Veni Sancte_. Let any one examine the _Ave mundi_ and he will\nrenounce all hope that the man who prepared this could ever have written\nthe others, or either of them. Besides, Wrangham is likely to be correct\nwhen he assigns this latter sequence to Adam of St. Victor. It is\nprecisely in Adam\u2019s style of metrical composition; it is not found\nbefore the fourteenth century, and its tone is modern. It can therefore\nbe said that Innocent deserves no place among the Latin hymn-writers.\n\nNow, Robert II. is much in the same condition as Innocent III. His is a\nshining name to which to affix popular hymns. He has been credited with\nthe _Ave maris stella_\u2014the parent of all hymns to the Virgin. The\nsequence _Sancti Spiritus adsit_ is not his, on the testimony already\nadduced; but in the year 1110 the \u201cancient customs of Cluny,\u201d collected\nby St. Udalric (Hermann\u2019s ancestor) gives us this \u201cat Pentecost\u201d\n(D\u2019Achery: _Spicilegium_, I., 641), with the \u201cresponse,\u201d _Spiritus\nsanctus_. This would serve to show that such praise to the Holy Spirit\nwas usual. With the _Chorus Novae_ we have already dealt. And the _Rex\nomnipotens_ belongs to Hermann though it is ascribed to Robert\u2014another\ninstance of inaccuracy, which casts a ray of light upon the present\nproblem.\n\nThose sequences of which Robert was the possible author are printed in\nMigne\u2019s _Patrologia_ (141, 959 _ff._). Only one of them merits a word of\nnotice. It is the _Te lucis auctor personent_. Daniel assigns this to\nthe fourteenth or fifteenth century, but Mone and Koch to the fifth.\nThese last are probably right. It is early found in the Anglo-Saxon\nChurch and is among the old Vatican MSS. and the hymns collected by G.\nCassander. It is scarcely possible that it comes down as late as the\neleventh century.\n\nRobert\u2019s other sequences are six in number and of no importance. His\npersonal history is pathetic enough. He was the son of Hugh Capet; born\nat Orleans in 970 and died at Melun, July 20th, 1031, having been sole\nking since 996, though he had been crowned in 988. His first wife was\nSusanne, an Italian princess; and we learn from his contemporary, Richer\nof Rheims, that one of his first public acts was to repudiate her on the\nplea that she was too old for him, and that he refused to restore her\ndowry. His next marriage was with his distant cousin Bertha\u2014a cousin\nfour times removed\u2014the widow of the Count of Blois. This marriage was\ninconvenient to the Emperor Otho, as it would have brought the House of\nCapet into the line of succession to certain lordships in the old\nKingdom of Burgundy. So Pope Gregory V., the kinsman of Otho, required\nRobert to give up Bertha, not because Susanne was still alive, but\nbecause the Church forbade the marriage of cousins in even the fourth\ndegree. At first Robert refused, but when his kingdom was laid under an\ninterdict, he showed as little manhood in standing by his second wife as\nhe had shown humanity and justice to his first. Such a ban was too\nsevere to be borne and the king yielded, though Baronius says he tried\nto take back his wife Bertha in spite of it all. His life and kingship\nbelong to French history, and can be found there. His disposition was\nthat of a monk and not of a monarch. He founded four monasteries and\nbuilt seven churches. He supported three hundred paupers entirely and a\nthousand in part. His reign lasted\u2014thanks to ecclesiastical\ninfluence\u2014for thirty-four years. It was troubled and not especially\npleasant; and for his third wife the king had married the handsome shrew\nConstance, the daughter of William Count of Arles. Pious and excellent\nman that he is reputed to have been, he had a natural son, Amauri, who\nwas great-great-grandfather to Simon de Montfort. Truly, when all is\nsaid and done, Robert II. is hardly the author in whom we would like to\nbelieve with all our hearts when we sing\u2014\n\n  \u201cHoly Spirit, come and shine\n  Sweetly in this heart of mine.\u201d\n\n_Per contra_, Hermann of Reichenau grows more interesting the more he is\nstudied. He has been so unfortunate as to be confused with other persons\nin two or three cases. By Brander he is identified with Hartmann of St.\nGall, and the sequence _Rex omnipotens_ is taken from him.[8] The pretty\nlittle sequence, _Veni Sancte Spiritus et reple_, which K\u00f6nigsfeld\nthinks to be his, is doubtless no earlier than the fourteenth century\nand by some anonymous composer who has merely imitated the great\nmasters.\n\nBeside the _Rex omnipotens_ he composed the _Ave praeclara maris\nstella_, where his name gains another misprint and becomes \u201cHeinricus,\nmonachus San Gallensis.\u201d This poem was thought worthy of the authorship\nof Albertus Magnus (Albert von Regensburg), and to him accordingly\nWackernagel and Koch credit it. Mone has vindicated the claim of Hermann\nwhich is set forth in Migne. (_Patrologia_, 143; 20 _ff._) So that we\nare again sure of a piece which has been meritorious enough to be\ncoveted.\n\nThen comes the antiphon _Simon Barjona_, which Du Meril calls _Simon\nBaronia_ and of which no trace remains. Two other sequences are,\nhowever, extant, and are beyond any question or debate. They are the\n_Salve regina_, which Daniel calls a \u201cmost celebrated antiphon,\u201d and the\n_Alma redemptoris mater_, the refrain of which Chaucer used in that\n\u201cPrioress\u2019s Tale,\u201d which Wordsworth has modernized.\n\nIn addition we must observe that the _Veni Sancte_ is attributed to\nHermann simultaneously and by the same authority as that which credits\nhim with the other sequences. Two pieces\u2014_Vox haec melos pangat_ and\n_Gratus honos hierarchia_\u2014are lost. But the _Salve regina_ was worth\ncontending for; and Gerbert names Gregory II., Peter of Compostella, St.\nBernard, and \u201cAdhemar, Episcopus Podiensis\u201d (Bishop of Puy and his own\ncandidate) together with Hermannus Contractus. Nevertheless, Trithemius,\nGerbert, and, indeed, everybody are heard to declare that Hermann was\n\u201cthe marvel of the age,\u201d the best man of his time in music and the\nauthor of a work on metrical rules. He is known as Doctor Egregius, and\nit is beyond any peradventure that he was _capable_ of writing the _Veni\nSancte_.\n\nThe only arguments that are employed to prove that Robert was the author\nare very weak. The _first_ is that there was no sufficient competitor.\nBut surely Hermannus Contractus is now a competitor of real merit and\nimportance. Then, too, the king was a kind of religious pet, and such\npersons receive more than their due. But the _second_ argument is weaker\nstill. It amounts in brief to the harmony displayed in the poem between\nthe king\u2019s life and his lovely verses. It strikes one, however, that an\ninvalid like Hermann might have had fully as deep a religious experience\nas any such king. Moreover\u2014and this is a vital fact\u2014the _Veni Sancte_ is\nfound in the _German_ hymnaries almost exclusively. This point was\ninsisted upon in the controversy about the _Veni, Creator_; and Charles\nthe Great in this respect had the advantage over Gregory the Great,\nuntil the claim of Rabanus Maurus, another German, was thoroughly\nexamined. But among all the sources carefully edited by Kehrein from\nDaniel, Mone, and elsewhere, the French collections do not present\nthemselves. On the contrary, in this elaborate list we find St. Gall,\nKreuzlingen, Freiburg, Karlsruhe, Mainz, Ebersberg, Rome (1481), Venice\n(1497), with later examples printed at Cologne, Prague, Eichstettin,\nLubeck, and Basel. Brander also found the hymn in the earliest codices\nof the three great neighboring cloisters of St. Gall, Einsiedeln, and\nReichenau. Meanwhile the only notice of it in France comes from the\nParis Breviary, which is of recent date.\n\nThere is but one consideration further. I trust that I have established\nthe perfect possibility that Hermannus Contractus might have been the\nauthor equally as well as Robert. The men lived in the same period to\nwhich, on the testimony of the best critics, the hymn is considered to\nbelong. They were alike in possibilities of Christian experience and of\nmusical and poetical temperament. But here they begin to diverge; and\nthe preference is decidedly in favor of Hermann, whose hymn is found in\nthe three oldest codices of his own neighborhood; of St. Gall, where he\nstudied; of Einsiedeln, where it is possible that he was a resident; and\nof Reichenau, where he certainly lived from the age of thirty until his\ndeath. He could scarcely have gone about very much in his helpless and\ncrippled condition; and these three conventual establishments are within\na moderate distance of each other. From his seventh year he was to be\ndiscovered always somewhere in that vicinity, and the historians of St.\nGall and of Reichenau positively claim the _Veni Sancte_ as his.\n\nIt is only left for us to lay the _Salve regina_ side by side with the\n_Veni Sancte_. A man who wrote upon metre ought to possess some\nexcellence in the art of which he wrote, and these pieces placed\ntogether display a graceful and ingenious versification which is not at\nall usual in that century. It is not claimed that either Robert or\nHermann wrote other hymns in the identical stanza form of the _Veni\nSancte_. Therefore nothing is available for direct comparison. But as to\nthe spirit of each there can be no debate. Robert never composed\nanything else like the _Veni Sancte_, and it certainly seems as if\nHermann did compose a sequence which bears a passing resemblance; and\nwhich I have endeavored to translate with its occasional rhymes and\nassonances:\n\n  Salve regina, mater misericordiae\n  Vita, dulcedo et spes nostra, salve.\n  Ad te clamamus exules filii Hevae.\n  Ad te suspiramus gementes et flentes in hac lacrimarum valle.\n  Eia ergo advocata nostra, illos tuos misericordes oculos ad nos\n              converte\n  Et Jesum benedictum fructum ventris tui nobis post hoc exilium\n              ostende,\n  O clemens, O pia, O dulcis virgo Maria.\n\n  Hail O queen, mother of pitifulness!\n  Life and delight and our confidence, hail!\n  To thee we exiles, children of Eve, are crying.\n  To thee we aspire, groaning and moaning in this the vale of our\n              sorrow.\n  Lo, thou therefore, our advocate, turn upon us those pitiful eyes of\n              thine,\n  And after this exile show us Jesus, the blessed fruit of thy womb,\n  O merciful, O pious, O sweet Virgin Maria.\n\nThis is another of his sequences, the _Rex regum Dei agne_, found by\nBrander among the antiquities of St. Gall:\n\n  King of kings, Lamb of God, mighty Lion of Judah,\n\n  The death of sin by the merit of the cross and the life of justice;\n              giving the fruit of the tree of life for the taste of\n              wisdom; the medicine of grace for the loss of glory,\n\n  Since thy blood restrained the might of the sword of flame, opening\n              the garden of paradise, the seed of obedience, the\n              medicine of grace.\n\n  This day is illustrious to the Lord; peace is on the earth, lightning\n              to the shades below and light to the saints above; the day\n              of the double baptism of law and gospel.\n\n  Christ is the passover to man; while the old passes the new arises;\n              rejoice my heart, freed from ferment, full of the bread\n              unleavened.\n\n  Since the enemy are overwhelmed, with stained door-posts eat the\n              sacrifice on the paschal night, at home, with the bitter\n              herb of the field,\n\n  Let your loins be girt and your shoes bound on, have the staff in the\n              hand, and eat the head with the legs and the purtenance\n              thereof.\n\n  Wash us this day, O Christ, cleansing us with hyssop; and make us\n              worthy of this mystery, drying the sea, boring the jaw of\n              Leviathan with a mighty hook.\n\n  Rejoice us with the cup and fill us; arouse us, drinking from the\n              brook in the way, thou our propitiation, thou priest and\n              sacrifice, thou wine-press and stone of offence and grape!\n\n        O fragrant flower of the virgin rod,\n        O light full of sevenfold dew,\n        Fairer in beauty than the juice of the grape,\n        The blush of the rose, the candor of the lily.\n\n  How camest thou with such pity to bend to the help of this little\n              world; that thou mightest share our sorrows and be our\n              Redeemer from the birthmark of sin, bearing the curse of\n              sin?\n\n  O Lord, Kinsman of thy servants,\n\n  The hope of the first and of the last resurrection,\n\n  Confirm thy covenant to the seed of Abraham, and us, O Leader\n              immortal, reviving with thyself, who are dead with thee to\n              our old father Adam, strengthen, joining us to thy\n              mightier members.\n\n  Give us the paschal feast of the life eternal, thou Paschal Lamb!\n\nThe question before us is not one of theology but of literature. Did the\nman who wrote those verses write these also?\n\n    Veni, Sancte Spiritus,\n  Et emitte coelitus\n  Lucis tuae radium.\n  Veni, pater pauperum,\n  Veni, dator munerum,\n  Veni, lumen cordium;\n\n    Consolator optime,\n  Dulcis hospes animae,\n  Dulce refrigerium:\n  In labore requies,\n  In aestu temperies,\n  In fletu solatium.\n\n    O lux beatissima,\n  Reple cordis intima\n  Tuorum fidelium!\n  Sine tuo numine\n  Nihil est in homine,\n  Nihil est innoxium.\n\n    Lava quod est sordidum,\n  Riga quod est aridum,\n  Sana quod est saucium;\n  Flecte quod est rigidum,\n  Fove quod est frigidum,\n  Rege quod est devium!\n\n    Da tuis fidelibus\n  In te confidentibus\n  Sacrum septenarium;\n  Da virtutis meritum,\n  Da salutis exitum,\n  Da perenne gaudium!\n\n\n  Come Holy Spirit,\n  And send forth the heavenly\n  Ray of thy light.\n  Come, Father of the poor;\n  Come, giver of gifts;\n  Come, light of hearts.\n\n  Thou best consoler,\n  Sweet guest of the soul,\n  Sweet coolness;\n  In labor, rest;\n  In heat, refreshment;\n  In tears, solace.\n\n  O blessedest light,\n  Fill the inmost parts\n  Of the heart of thy faithful!\n  Without thy divinity\n  Nothing is in man,\n  Nothing is harmless.\n\n  Wash what is base;\n  Bedew what is dry;\n  Heal what is hurt;\n  Bend what is harsh;\n  Warm what is chilled;\n  Rule what is astray.\n\n  Give to thy faithful,\n  In thee confiding,\n  Thy sevenfold gift.\n  Give the reward of virtue;\n  Give the death of safety;\n  Give eternal joy.\n\nThis very singular construction of clauses is apparent to the eye at\nonce. Let it be remembered that Robert uses it nowhere else, and that\nthe most of Hermann\u2019s writings are gone. This chance for the \u201chigher\ncriticism\u201d is therefore taken from us. If it could be shown, however,\nthat this was a method employed by the monk of Reichenau in his prose\nworks, the case might be regarded as absolutely proven, in so far as it\ndemonstrates that the bulk of the presumptive evidence is in his favor.\n\nBut here we are at fault. We can only add probability to probability and\nleave all absolute demonstration alone. Pez has preserved not merely\nEgon\u2019s account of Hermann\u2019s life, but he has edited Hermann\u2019s treatises\non the astrolabe (_Thes. Anecdot. Tom._, III., pt. 2, p. 94) from a MS.\ncodex in the monastery of St. Peter at Salzburg. His musical treatise is\nreprinted by Gerbert. (_Scriptores Eccl. de Musica_, vol. ii., p. 124.)\nThe didactic poem reciting the combat of the Sheep and the Flax\u2014always\nrecognized as the production of Hermann\u2014is in Migne\u2019s _Patrologia_ and\nalso in Du Meril\u2019s _Poesies Populaires_. Unfortunately none of these\nwritings are of a sort to help us. We cannot by their assistance make\nany headway in critical analysis.\n\nIt is noticeable that J. A. Fabricius in his great work on the Middle\nAge and later Latin writers, allows Hermann to be the author of the\n_Veni Sancte_, following the testimony of Egon and Metzler. And it is\nmore than noticeable that Du Meril\u2014himself a Frenchman\u2014should also\napparently concede the hymn to this German.[9]\n\nI have made an exhaustive search for everything bearing upon the life\nand writings of Hermannus Contractus. I have pursued him and Robert\nthrough the _Quellen_ of German history; through the writings and\ncompilations of Canisius and Despont and Urstitius and Martene and\nMabillon and D\u2019Achery and Pertz and the _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_\nof the \u201cSociety for Opening the Sources of German History.\u201d In these and\nin the encyclopaedias of La Rousse and Ersch-Gruber and the great\n_Patrologia_ of Migne, I have investigated every by-path and blind\nalley. It is abundantly clear that he was the most distinguished man of\nhis region, and, likely, of his period. Usserman and Possevin have\ndevoted attention to him. (_Prodromus Germ. Sacr. Tom._ I., p. 145\n_sqq._, _De Apparatu_.) His didactic poem on the \u201cEight Principal Vices\u201d\nis in Haupt\u2019s _Zeitschrift_, vol. xiii. His lives of Conrad and of Henry\nIII. have not been preserved. That he was a very voluminous writer is\nalso evident. After giving the names of some of his sequences Metzler\nadds that there were _cetera mille alia_\u2014a thousand more. So also speaks\nTrithemius; and indeed this testimony is universal.\n\nA single line of inquiry has been left to the American student. We have\nlists of the MSS. in the various libraries of Europe. If it were only\npossible to examine these with reference to the _Veni Sancte_ the matter\ncould be definitely settled. The Rheinau (Reichenau) library is rich in\nhymnaries. Haenel\u2019s \u201cNo. 53\u201d\u2014whose library number is 91\u2014is, for\ninstance, a _Liber hymnorum_ of the tenth to the twelfth centuries.\nThere are several others\u2014breviaries and collections of hymns\u2014dating to\nthe twelfth century; and one book, \u201cNo. 124\u201d (Lib. No. 75), which is\nmarked _Sequentiae propriae_, etc., and which is likely to have the\n_Veni Sancte_. In the eleventh century at St. Gall they have \u201cNo. 381\u201d\n(St. Gall No. 486) which is a _codex insignis_\u2014a very beautiful\nMS.\u2014containing the \u201cearliest collection of hymns and poems of writers\ndwelling at St. Gall.\u201d In this same century appears the Anselm, which is\nnoted as a _codex nobiliter scriptus ab Herimanno, qui se hoc libri\ndecus ex voto perfecisse testatur_ (_pag._ 6), a manuscript elegantly\nwritten by Hermann [\u201cHerimann\u201d is his own spelling of his name in the\n_Chronicon_, by the way], who says on page 6 that he has accomplished\nthis excellent volume in pursuance of a vow. Among these St. Gall MSS.\ncan be found the _Salve regina_, bearing the date 1437. If it were made\na point of investigation it might be discovered that in both Reichenau\nand St. Gall the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ is in codices which utterly\nremove it from the perplexity of its authorship, and positively join it\nto the name of Hermann.\n\nOne can sum up the whole discussion in a few sentences. Robert wrote no\nother valuable hymns; Hermann did write several. Robert was not\nspecially skilled in metrical science; Hermann was the author of a\ntreatise on the subject. Robert was a poet and a musician; Hermann was\nhis superior in both departments. Robert had trouble and sorrow and\nChristian experience; Hermann must certainly have had as much as he, and\nmore. Robert has had poems attributed to him which have failed of proof,\nand none of his own verses seem ever to have been misappropriated or\nmissing; Hermann has had more taken from him than given to him.\n\nIn the matter of authority we are to note:\n\n1. That the historians of St. Gall and of Reichenau claim for Hermann\nthe _Veni Sancte_.\n\n2. That the hymn is found in the earliest codices of both places; and of\nEinsiedeln, which is in the neighborhood.\n\n3. That Clichtove is in doubt and Daniel is in doubt; that J. A.\nFabricius and Du Meril incline toward Egon\u2019s statement; that Trithemius\nis not entirely unprejudiced; and that Migne, gathering nearly\neverything (as I have verified from the originals), leaves a strong\npresumption in Hermann\u2019s favor.\n\nI may appear to make a good deal too much of this matter of mediaeval\njealousy. But no student of those times needs to be told that the\njealousy between the various cloisters was excessive. There is a letter\nof the Reichenau monk Gunzo, written in 960. (_Martene_, I., 296.) It is\naddressed to the \u201choly congregation at Reichenau\u201d and describes his\njourney to St. Gall. The distance was great enough to exhaust the\nlearned brother; he was lifted off of his beast and carried in by\nhospitable hands. Notwithstanding which he vents his indignation upon\ntheir methods and their lack of scholarship. They are self indulgent;\nthey are a fraud on the face of the earth. _Nihil inde sed fraudis\nmolamina parabantur_\u2014they do nothing there except contrive a great mass\nof deception, says the angry Gunzo. They attacked him on his grammar;\nand he attacked them in turn on their loquacity. The epistle is grimly\nhumorous at this distance of time; but the bitterness was altogether too\ngenuine to be pleasant.\n\nFar away from the most of these noises\u2014separated by the waters of the\nlake from the trampling pilgrim-bands who went to and fro between the\nEast and West\u2014Hermann of Reichenau passed his quiet hours. His convent\nwas rich. Its abbot was said to be able to journey to Rome and not sleep\nanywhere on the way except upon his own soil. It had been founded in 724\nunder the auspices of Charles Martel. Such was the admirable situation\nof this religious house\u2014sufficient to itself in the midst of all\nchanges.\n\nThey buried Hermann in his ancestral tomb at Altshausen. In 1631 \u201cthree\nbones\u201d of him were exhumed and carried \u201cby force\u201d to the monastery of\nOchsenhausen, but who took them and who resisted the taking of them, we\nare not told. These are the meagre particulars of a life gentle,\npatient, and unassuming\u2014the life of a scholar and of a poet\u2014who mastered\ngreat obstacles by the genius of faith.\n\nThree hundred years before Christ there came into Ceylon the Buddhist\nmissionary Mahinda. The king received him kindly and built for him and\nhis monks a convent on the hill Mihintale, to the east of the royal\ncity. On the western face of this hill Mahinda had his own retreat cut\nout from the living rock. Still can be seen\u2014though after two thousand\nyears\u2014this study in which the great teacher of Ceylon \u201csat and thought\nand worked through the long years of his peaceful and useful life.\u201d\nUnder the cool shadow of his rock, with his stone couch on which to\nrepose, and with the busy plain, so far removed from him, sending its\nfaint noises up from below, there wrought the sage. And there he died at\nlast and was buried in the neighboring Dag\u0101ba. Modern times have nearly\nforgotten him, but no story of that valley or that island is complete\nwithout his name.\n\nAnd so, in this later manner, lived and died Hermann Count of V\u00f6hringen,\nwho laid down earthly honors to take up the pursuit of heavenly glory;\nwho overcame peevishness of mind and weakness of body by faith and hope\nand love; who looked out upon his times from this serene distance, and\nwho went to his last sleep beneath the shadow of the rock.\n\n\nNote.\u2014I am not ignorant that Jourdain (_Recherches critiques sur l\u2019Age\net l\u2019Origine des Traductions latines d\u2019Aristote_. Paris, 1819 and 1843)\nhas attacked the ascription of translations of Aristotle from the Arabic\nto our Hermann, denying that the cripple of Reichenau possessed any\nknowledge of that tongue. Briefly stated his arguments are these: 1.\nThat Trithemius followed Jacobus of Bergamo in ascribing to H.\nContractus a knowledge of Arabic. 2. That Metzler (whom he calls\n_Mezler_) has added the statement about the Poetics and Rhetoric. 3.\nThat every one else has followed these two authorities. 4. That \u201cH.\nAlemannus\u201d wrote in _Toledo_, to which the other Hermann could not have\njourneyed. 5. That the translations were by this \u201cH. Alemannus\u201d (Hermann\nthe German) who flourished in the first half of the thirteenth century.\n\nIt is enough of a reply to say: 1. That the concluding words of a\nmanuscript relate, not to its author, but to its transcriber. The MS.\nmentioned by Jourdain and the other MS. in the Bibliotheque Royale of\nthe fifteenth century (viz., _Doctrina Matumeti, quae apud Saracenos\nmagnae auctoritatis est, ab Hermanno latine translata._ Cod. MS., No.\n6225) are both later than their original date. This second MS. may be by\nHermann de Schildis, a monk of the thirteenth century. 2. Every one has\nnot \u201cfollowed\u201d the authority of Metzler and Trithemius. The \u201cAnonymus\nMellicensis\u201d (twelfth century) enumerates treatises by Hermannus\nContractus upon Computation, Astronomy, Physiognomy and Poetry, which at\nleast imply that Aristotle had largely affected his studies. 3. It is\nnotable also to find H. _Alemannus_ quoting Cicero in his two\nintroductions, when we know H. _Contractus_ to have been very fond of\nCicero. 4. H. Alemannus says that he has met great \u201cimpediments\u201d and\n\u201cdifficulties\u201d in accomplishing this translation, and that the\ndifference between Latin and Arabic poetry forbade a poetical rendering.\nWhich would coincide with H. Contractus\u2019s personal obstacles and with\nhis natural desire as a poet to attempt a rendering in verse. 5. H.\nAlemannus refers to \u201cJohannes Burgensis\u201d (John of Burgau, in Suabia) as\na bishop and the king\u2019s chancellor and his personal friend and the\npromoter of this work. I cannot find \u201cJohn of Burgau;\u201d but H. Contractus\nwas a Suabian, and Suabia is very near to Reichenau. H. Contractus was\nalso closely associated with Conrad and Henry III., whose lives he\nwrote.\n\nIt is a curious question this. It is only another proof of the neglect\ninto which a great man has fallen. For Hermann is called \u201cnostri\n_miraculum_ seculi\u201d by the next generation who came after him. And there\nis no _absolute_ proof that, \u201cwithout lexicon or grammar\u201d (for so\nJourdain puts it), he could not have mastered Arabic. Observing the\ntopics of his other writings cognate to those of Aristotle, I am\ntherefore not in the least inclined to yield to even M. Charles\nJourdain.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XVI.\n                PETER DAMIANI, CARDINAL AND FLAGELLANT.\n\n\nIt is not every poet who begins by keeping the swine and ends by wearing\nthe red hat and purple robe of a cardinal-bishop. Nor is it every poet\nwho commences as a forlorn and deserted foundling, to whom it is a great\nmercy to have even swine to keep by way of getting his daily bread. But\nall this and more befell Damiani.\n\nWe are not informed about his parentage, except that he had a mother who\nabandoned him, and a brother (or, more probably, an uncle) who took pity\non him. He was born in Ravenna. Some authorities say it was in 988;\nothers that it was in 1007. A modern hymnologist, anxious to be right\n(though he is frequently wrong), sets it at 1002. But 1007 has the\ngreatest weight of evidence.\n\nThis brother, or uncle, had compassion on the lad, and poor little\noutcast Peter was sent by him \u201cinto his fields to feed swine,\u201d a much\nmore honorable employment of course in Italy than in Palestine, and one\nwhich he shared with Nicholas Brakespeare, the English pope, Hadrian IV.\nWhat was his previous history we cannot discover, though the _Acta\nSanctorum_ for February 23d is full of legendary accounts. We only know\nthat his natural abilities attracted the notice of another relative\n(brother, some say), who was an archdeacon at Ravenna. He it was who\nadvanced Peter to the opportunities of education, and who proved so fast\na friend that the boy took his patron\u2019s name for his own. As Eusebius\ncalled himself Eusebius Pamphili (Pamphilus\u2019s Eusebius), so Peter became\nPeter Damiani, \u201cDamian\u2019s Peter,\u201d and this designation has adhered to him\never since. It is amusing to read now and then of _Peter Damianus_, as\nif Damiani were an Italian nominative case instead of a Latin genitive.\n\nHis birth was too obscure to lead any person to interfere with him. He\ntherefore quietly studied and improved, to the edification of his\nfellow-pupils and the admiration of his teachers. His school-training\nwas, first of all, in Faenza. Thence he was sent to Parma, and\neventually he returned to Ravenna, where he taught with distinction and\npopular approval, until he was nearly or quite thirty years old.\n\nThe age was barbarous and good professors were scarce. It seems to have\nbeen expected that brilliant minds would go on shining like those\nexhaustless lamps which are fabled to have been found in the tombs of\nthe old magicians. If such was the case, with the intense intellect of\nDamiani he must have tapped some source of real spiritual power early in\nhis course, for he burns brightly even now as we read his vivid\ntruthfulness and peruse some of his lovely verses, out from which leap,\nnevertheless, tongues of flaming scorn for hypocrites and simonists.\n\nYes, the age was barbarous, and therefore Peter Damiani was soon a\nprofessor, with many students and an abundance of fees. Knowledge in\nthose days not only meant power but wealth, and he was fast growing rich\nin Ravenna. It was a delightful life, but it did not suit him. He was,\nin fact, the \u201cspiritual kinsman, and in many respects the pioneer\u201d of\nGregory VII. Hildebrand came to be, after awhile, his personal friend,\nhis _sanctus Sathanas_, his Mephistopheles, his instigator and\nstimulant. Of a sudden, then, he departed from Ravenna to take up his\nabode with the hermits of Fonte Avellana, near Gubbio. Here he was known\nby the name of Frater Honestus, and surely he deserved the title, for he\nwas a swift witness against every sort of sin. Guy, the abbot, persuaded\nhim to undertake the instruction of the brethren, and thus he found\nhimself back at his old work of teaching once more.\n\nIt was not long before the new monk became prior of the convent. Then,\nin 1041, he rose to be abbot. And then, in 1047, he indited to Pope Leo\nIX. his famous _Liber Gomorrhianus_. This _Gomorrah Book_ is just what\nits name implies. It is one of the earliest protests uttered within the\nChurch against the awful wickedness which was everywhere prevalent.\n\nThe subject is far too unpleasant for me to deal with it at any length.\nAnd yet this disagreeable topic forces itself upon the notice of the\nstudent of that period wherever he may turn. Most ingenious and\nsophistical distinctions were made in those days relative to sin. This\nthing, for instance, was wrong; but that other was not half so wrong as\nthis was. Such an offence was to be condoned by a trifling penance, and\nsuch another was to be only met by years of contrition. Against all this\nhypocritical nastiness Damiani set his pen. No more scathing book was\never written. And the only wonder is that it has evaded the vigilance of\nthe men who suffered by it, and has made its escape into type, never\nagain to be in peril of its existence. Bayle\u2014who may be safely accounted\nunapproachable in such abstruse inquiries\u2014has given us the whole story\nof this book. It was a terrible scourge to the vices of the clergy, and\neven Baronius allows that it was not written one moment too soon.\n\nThe pope to whom this remarkable document was addressed was a man of\nappropriate spirit. He was the third in the series of five able German\npopes, who labored so hard in the cause of disciplinary reform. At\nHildebrand\u2019s advice, he had laid aside the papal insignia, which he\ndonned at his election, and came to Rome as a barefooted pilgrim in\n1048. He aimed to put down simony, to stop the barter and sale of\nbenefices, and to secure the celibacy of the clergy. To this end he used\nthe synods with vigor, and was ready for almost any proposed reform\nwhich fell in with his line of operations. He was of the German, not the\nultramontane party, and therefore was quite liberal in his construction\nof the great text, \u201cThou art Peter,\u201d and went so far as to say that the\nChurch should first of all be built upon the true rock, which was\nChrist. To him, then, the _Gomorrah Book_ went, and it made a stir.\n\nThe next four popes occupied among them no longer period of\necclesiastical rule than from the year 1054 to the year 1061. Matters\nwere unsettled. No one continued in office. But the finger of Hildebrand\nthe cardinal was mightier than the hand of any pope. Nicholas II. was\nguided by him, and Alexander II., who came forward in 1061, was\nunquestionably under his control. And when Alexander appeared, it seemed\nthat the _Gomorrah Book_ was still an element of unrest and disturbance,\nat a time when the claims of an Antipope (Honorius II.) had been set up\nby the Imperialist party, and it was necessary for even Hildebrand\u2019s\nfriends to give as little offence as possible to the clergy. For the\nelection of Alexander was clearly irregular, because it was in defiance\nof the rules laid down by Nicholas II. at a Lateran Synod in 1059. With\na genial and suave manner the new pontiff now borrowed the work for the\nostensible purpose of having it copied by the help of the Abbot of St.\nSaviour. That was the last that Damiani saw of it for some little while.\n\nIf Alexander thought that the hermit abbot of Fonte Avellana would\nsubmit to this method of suppression he flattered his soul in vain.\nDamiani, after a reasonable delay, appealed to his friend Hildebrand.\nThe book was like a part of himself, and he had no desire to have it\ntreated with neglect. One cannot here follow the windings of the story\nfurther than to say that Damiani got his book again, and now we have it\ntoo.\n\nI am surprised at the blindness which prevents some writers from seeing\nin this Peter de Honestis a most noble and consistent character. Morheim\nonly pays him a merited compliment when he says that his \u201cgenius,\ncandor, integrity, and writings of various kinds, entitle him to rank\namong the first men of the age, although he was not free from the faults\nof the times.\u201d But how could one easily avoid the extreme of severity\nwho was confronted by the grossest sins that ever carried a hissing\nsibilant in front of their names! Flagellation was a natural reaction\nfrom those fleshly lusts that warred against the soul.\n\nSomehow Hildebrand took a great fancy to this genuine reformer. His own\ngreat schemes were ripening, and Damiani was just the man to be made of\nvalue in the office of cardinal. In 1057, then, the abbot had been\ncreated cardinal-bishop of Ostia by Pope Nicholas II., and in the year\nfollowing deacon of the holy college. At first he strenuously resisted\nthe honor, but was forced to assume it by the Pope\u2019s command. In 1059 he\nhad acted as papal legate to the semi-independent Ambrosian Church of\nMilan. Here he obtained pledges from them that they would conduct their\naffairs with purity and agree to receive the authority of the Roman\npontiff.\n\nHe did not remain among the cardinals very long. His convent allured\nhim, and the display requisite to his proper duties was both irksome and\nrepugnant to him. Therefore he went home again, ardently devoted to\nHildebrand, but devoid of all ambition, and ready to denounce the Pope\nor anybody else when it appeared that the rights of the Church were\ninfringed.\n\nIn 1062 Alexander II. found use for him as legate to France, and he\ninfluenced Cluny in favor of Alexander II. In 1068-69 we find him again\na legate in Germany, impressing on young Henry IV. the importance of\nsubmission to Rome. This, too, he effected; and in 1072\u2014the last year of\nhis life\u2014he appears in the same capacity at the age of sixty six, busy\nwith the reform of the Church in his native Ravenna.\n\nThis is the outline of his story, and it bears no great marks of\ndifference from others which have been commemorated in ecclesiastical\nhistory. Upon these services, and upon his relations to Hildebrand, a\nclaim to considerable repute might be established for him. These facts,\nhowever, would not keep him in mind to-day so well as his doctrine of\nflagellation and the melody of his two grand hymns.\n\nThis matter of flagellation was older than Damiani\u2019s time. It was\npermitted in the convents to give five \u201cdisciplinary strokes.\u201d Starting\nat this point Peter the Honest asks, \u201cWhy may we not give the sixth, for\nthe same reason?\u201d If these five have been inflicted on the unwilling\nvictim, why should he not secure some credit to himself by taking a\nsixth, a seventh, an eighth? The ice once broken, it is easy to see how\nthe new custom would be seized upon by the ascetic hermits of Fonte\nAvellana. The argument is curious, as a specimen of that specious\nreasoning to which the ecclesiastic mind was tending, and which, later\non, comes into full bloom among the Jesuit fathers.\n\nDamiani inquires \u201cif our Saviour was not beaten; if Paul did not\nreceive, on several occasions, forty stripes save one; if all the\napostles were not scourged; and whether the martyrs had not received the\nsame punishment. Did not St. Jerome say that these were scourged by\norder of God? And who dares deny that they were scourged for others and\nnot for themselves? Hence, if one undertakes this discipline, willingly,\nfor himself, he must be doing a good thing.\u201d (See Fleury: _Hist.\nEcclesiastique_, XII., p. 107, _Anno_ 1062.) He then adds the example of\nGuy, his predecessor, who died 1046, and of Poppo, a contemporary, who\nhad died in 1048. The date of his own advocacy of this doctrine is about\n1056.\n\nMonte Cassino took up the practice with vigor; but in Peter\u2019s own\nconvent the most consummate example of flagellation was speedily\ndeveloped, and his disciple, Dominic of the Cuirass (_Dominicus\nLoricatus_), carries off the palm from all posterity. The method\nproposed by Damiani was that the psalter should be recited to the\naccompaniment of the blows of the scourge. Every psalm called for one\nhundred strokes; the whole psalter for fifteen thousand. By this\nspiritual arithmetic three thousand equalled one year of purgatory, and\ntherefore the complete psalter answered for five years of purgation\nremoved from either one\u2019s self or one\u2019s neighbor. But Dominic was an\ninebriate in his flogging and set himself tasks of stupendous size. He\nalso improved the art in several respects. He used both hands with\ndreadful facility, and frequently lashed his face until it was covered\nwith blood, singing his psalms the while in a harsh, cracked, and\nterrible voice. In the forty days of one Lent he recited the psalter two\nhundred times, and inflicted what one reckless calculator calls \u201csixty\nmillion stripes\u201d upon himself. The true number is three million, which\nis clearly sufficient.\n\nAt another occasion he literally flogged himself \u201cagainst time,\u201d\napparently just to see what could be done by a determined man in\ntwenty-four hours. At the end of that period he had gone through the\npsalter twelve times and a fraction over, and had given himself one\nhundred and eighty-three thousand stripes, working away with both hands\n(as a caustic writer suggests) \u201cin the interest of the great sinking\nfund of the Catholic Church.\u201d\n\nFlagellation, like the dancing mania and the strange parades of the\nTurlepins and Anabaptists in the Middle Ages, has its root in nervous\nexcitement and morbid devotion. Under Anthony of Padua, about 1210, all\nPerugia lashed themselves through the streets. Justin of Padua relates\nthat great disorders and indecency attended the processions. The madness\nspread like wildfire through Rome and Italy. In 1260 and in 1261 the\ncustom was again revived after some decadence, in the same town of\nPerugia and under one Rainer. And at this date thousands went out into\nGermany led by priests with banners and crosses. Again fading from\npublic notice, the flagellants reappeared during the progress of the\nplague in 1349. Hecker and Cooper supplement the account given by\nBoileau. The affair was itself an epidemic. The company marched and sang\nhymns\u2014among which was the _Stabat Mater_\u2014and bore tapers and magnificent\nbanners. They finally became a regular nomadic tribe, separating into\ntwo portions, one of which went to the south and the other to the north.\nThe Church was powerless, and those _pro_ and _anti_ flagellationists,\nwho happened to be in ecclesiastical authority, solemnly excommunicated\neach other!\n\nThe wild license of these scenes was far from aiding either morality or\nreligion. Clement VI. (1332-52) issued his bull against them. And,\ninasmuch as these fanatics had failed to restore a dead child to life in\nStrasburg, the malediction of Rome had some effect, and once more the\nharsh custom died out.\n\nThen there was another upheaval under Venturinus, a Dominican of\nBergamo, and ten thousand persons joined the order. Like a perennial\nplant it again perished and again sprang up in 1414, when these awful\norgies were renewed under the leadership of a person named Conrad. But\nnow the Inquisition interfered, and among the testimony taken to show\nthe lengths to which the fanaticism went is the sworn evidence of a\ncitizen of Nordhausen who, in 1446, asserted that his wife wanted to\nhave the children scourged just as soon as they had been baptized!\n\nOnce more, in the sixteenth century the Black and Gray Penitents\nappeared in France. In 1574 the Queen-mother put herself at the head of\nthe black band in Avignon, and the disorders, indecency, and general\ndepravity of manners which followed would scarcely be believed even if\nit was proper to mention them.\n\nFrom that date to the present time more or less of this old insanity\noccasionally reappears. It affords a singular commentary on our boasted\nadvance beyond those dark ages, for us to know that the _Penitentes_ of\nour own Californian coast do precisely every year what Dominic of the\nCuirass and Anthony of Padua and Conrad and Rainer all did centuries\nago.\n\nAnd this frightful enginery of fanaticism was set in motion by the man\nwho wrote one of the loveliest hymns in the Latin language!\n\nI make no attempt to analyze the feelings that have prompted this\nstrange austerity. Isaac Taylor has already done this in a most masterly\nfashion in his _Fanaticism_. But the essence of it is that wild delusion\nwhich leads men (and even women) to fancy that they can vicariously\natone for others\u2019 sins and \u201cmake merit,\u201d as the heathen do, for those\nwho are less bold than themselves. They have fastened themselves down\nlike the poor wretched geese doomed to furnish _pattes-de-fois-gras_.\nThey are before the hot fire of zeal and gorged upon indigestible\ndogmas. Hence their charity becomes as abnormal as the livers of the\ngeese, and the moral epicure, alas, finds in them dainties suitable for\nhis depraved taste!\n\nIt would be a grievous injustice to a good man if Damiani should only\nbear with us the character of an ardent zealot and not of a Christian\npoet. In this last guise he is at his best. Doubtless he often offends\nby his Mariolatry, but he will as often charm by the music of his verse.\nHe may serve also as a convenient example of this worship of Mary, for\nin one of his prayers he has given us the pith and core of that peculiar\ndevotion. It runs thus:\n\n\u201cO queen of the world, stairs of heaven, throne of God, gate of\nparadise, hear the prayers of the poor and despise not the groans of the\nwretched. By thee our vows and sighs are borne to the presence of the\nRedeemer, that whatsoever things are forbidden to our merits may obtain,\nthrough thee, place in the ears of divine piety. Erase sins, relieve\ncrimes, raise the fallen, and release the entangled. Through thee the\nthorns and shoots of vice are cut down, and the flowers and ornaments of\nvirtue appear. Appease with prayers the Judge, the Saviour, whom thou\ndidst produce in unique childbirth, that He who through thee has become\npartaker of our humanity, through thee may also make us partakers of His\ndivinity. Who with God the Father and the Holy Spirit liveth and\nreigneth, world without end. Amen.\u201d\n\nI have given this as an example of his prose. Here is a petition\n\u201cagainst a stormy time,\u201d composed in that \u201cleonine and tailed rhyme\u201d in\nwhich Bernard of Cluny, a century later, wrote the _De Contemptu mundi_.\nIt commences,\n\n  \u201c_O miseratrix, O dominatrix, praecipe dictu!_\n  O thou that pitiest, O thou the mightiest, hark to our crying;\n  Lest we be beaten down, lest we be smitten down when hail is flying.\n  Thine is a priestly breast, O thou that succorest, mother eternal\n  Therefore we pray to thee, lest we be stayed from thee, by storm\n              infernal.\n  Quiet the tempest-wrack! Give us the sunshine back for our fair\n              weather!\n  Lend us clear light again, make the stars bright again where the\n              clouds feather!\n  Virgin, oh cherish thy friends lest we perish by sickness or anger;\n  Drive all these ills away, thou whose love stills away thunder\u2019s mad\n              clangor!\u201d\n\nBy far the greater part of his hymns are addressed to the Virgin and to\nthe saints, but there are some others\u2014the _Paule doctor Egregie_, the\n_Paschalis festi gaudium_, the _Christe sanctorum gloria_, and the two\npowerful judgment hymns, _Gravi me terrore_ and _O Quam dira, quam\nhorrenda_\u2014which are worthy of note. This _Gravi me terrore_ of the\neleventh century ranks with the _Apparebit repentina_ of the seventh\ncentury. These, together with the _Dies Irae_ of the fourteenth century,\nform the great judgment triad of Latin psalmody.\n\nYet of all the hymns of that or any later time, nothing approaches the\nbeauty of the _Ad perennis vitae fontem_, of which this Peter Damiani\nsings. It is born of Augustine\u2019s thoughts and dreams of the heavenly\nland, and some of its phrases are exquisite beyond the possibility of\ntranslation. When Frater Honestus on February 23d, 1072, forever left\nthat convent of Fonte Avellana, whither Dante went upon his last\nrecorded journey, then that noble landscape might preserve these\nsixty-one lines of Latin verse among the choicest treasures of its dell\nand grove. This was no lark that sang against the sun with clarion notes\ncalling us to such praise as rings through the ancient morning hymn of\nHilary. It was the nightingale of Faenza, sending out those thrilling\ntones from the midst of the walls which beheld the eager scholar and to\nwhich the weary cardinal had returned to die. Upon his fame it is set\ntherefore not like the lark\u2019s song, but the nightingale\u2019s, not as the\nflashing diamond, but (in Daniel\u2019s very words) \u201cas a precious pearl for\nour treasury.\u201d Mrs. Charles has rendered it into English with grace and\nsuccess. Mr. Morgan appends this autograph note to the version in the\ncopy of his book which is in my possession: \u201cN. B.\u2014This hymn was printed\nwithout revision. If reprinted the metres will be made _equal_.\u201d He has\nnot attempted to follow the versification of the original. I know of no\nother translation except that of R. F. Littledale in _Lyra Mystica_.\n\nAnother beautiful hymn which was suggested by the prose of Augustine,\nand is ascribed to Peter Damiani by Anselm of Canterbury, who was his\nyounger contemporary, is the _Quid tyranne, quid minaris_. It is\ncommonly called\n\n\n       THE ANTIDOTE OF ST. AUGUSTINE AGAINST THE TYRANNY OF SIN.\n\n  What are threats of thine, O tyrant,\n    How can any torture move,\n  When, for all of thy contriving,\n    Nothing yet can equal love.\n\n  Sweet it is to suffer sorrow,\n    Futile is the force of pain;\n  I had sooner die than borrow\n    Any spot that love to stain.\n\n  Heap the fagots as thou pleasest,\n    Do what evil hearts approve,\n  Add the sword and cross together,\n    Nothing yet can equal love.\n\n  Pain itself is quite too gentle,\n    One poor death too brief must be,\n  I would suffer thousand tortures\u2014\n    Every woe is light to me!\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XVII.\n                        HILDEBERT AND HIS HYMN.\n\n\nThose who love the \u201cGolden Legend\u201d of Longfellow will remember how\neffectively he has there used the Latin songs and hymns. Friar Paul is\nso very like the famous Friar John of Rabelais, that he is probably\ncopied from that worthy. Indeed his _Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum_, with\nits dog-Latin and its broad satire on the habits of the monks, was a\nmost effective weapon in the hands of the reformers. There were a great\nmany learned men who were by no means equally as pious, and who found\ntheir bodily contentment in the cloister. Against these and all like\nthem came the constant shafts of ridicule or reproach.\n\nBut now, when this same Friar Paul \u201ctunes his mellow pipe\u201d to a\nbacchanalian solo in the refectory, we can almost forgive him, forasmuch\nas he sings in such capital measure. There is a _Gaudiolum_\u2014a regular\nmerry-making of monks\u2014down in the cellar; in which, by the way, Lucifer,\ndisguised in the gray habit, takes his appropriate place. And when Friar\nPaul begins on the praise of good liquor, he parodies the metre and\nrhyme of the current religious sequences. Listen to him:\n\n  \u201cFelix venter quem intrabis,\n  Felix guttur quod rigabis,\n  Felix os quod tu lavabis,\n  Et beata labia!\u201d\n\nOr, as we may express it in our own language:\n\n  \u201cBlessed stomach which thou warmest,\n  Blessed throat which thou reformest,\n  Blessed mouth whose thirst thou stormest,\n  Blessed lips to taste of thee!\u201d\n\nHere and there Professor Longfellow introduces also into this \u201cGolden\nLegend\u201d his own renderings from the Latin, in little transcriptions\nwhich are exquisitely felicitous. But presently, in sharp contrast to\nthe ribald Paul and the dissolute Cuthbert and the rest of the noisy\ncrew in the refectory, he allows us to hear the song of the pilgrims.\nThey are chanting the Hymn of Hildebert of Lavardin, Archbishop of\nTours:\n\n  Me receptet Sion illa,\n  Sion David, urbs tranquilla,\n  Cujus faber auctor lucis,\n  Cujus portae lignum crucis,\n  Cujus claves lingua Petri,\n  Cujus cives semper laeti,\n  Cujus muri lapis vivus,\n  Cujus custos Rex festivus.\u201d\n\nIt is the hope of the Holy City of which they are telling:\n\n  \u201cMe, that Sion soon shall pity\u2014\n  David\u2019s Sion, peaceful city!\n  Whose designer made the morning;\n  Whose are gates, the cross adorning;\n  Whose keys are to Peter given;\n  Whose glad throng are saints in heaven;\n  Whose are walls of living splendor;\n  Whose a royal, true Defender!\u201d\n\nThese pilgrims, every now and then, break in with some snatch of melody\nfrom this fine old anthem. And yet there are doubtless those who never\nhave gone back to see for themselves whence all this beauty has been\ntaken. But the Hymn of Hildebert would well repay them if they did.\n\nIt is the composition of a man who was the Admirable Crichton of his\ntime\u2014Hildebert of Lavardin, a student under Berenger and Hugo of Cluny.\nThis is the same poet who, with Wichard of Lyons, is mentioned by\nBernard of Cluny in his preface to the _Hora Novissima_. He says there,\nthat even these eminent versifiers had never dared to attempt the\nmeasure of his own three thousand lines. And we have abundant other\ntestimony that Hildebert was an accomplished orator, a successful\ncontroversialist, a brilliant rhetorician, a poet of ten thousand lines,\nand the author of this majestic and beautiful composition. He was born\nin the year 1057 (or 1055) at Lavardin, near Vend\u00f4me, in France, was\nfirst head-master of a school, then an archdeacon, then instructor in\ntheology and Bishop of Le Mans (1097), and finally (1125), Archbishop of\nTours, from which he derives his name of \u201cTuronensis.\u201d He was of humble\norigin and not connected with the celebrated family of Lavardia, except\nthrough the accident of his birthplace being in their vicinity.\n\nPerhaps\u2014if we follow one scurrilous old biographer\u2014we may fancy the holy\nHildebert to have been very little of a saint in his early days.\nBaronius indeed lends color to the assertion (made originally by\nGodfrey, the Dean of Le Mans) that the vices which Hildebert afterward\nattacked were matters of personal experience with himself. A certain\ncoarse assault was undoubtedly made upon him; but envy and malignity\nwent even to greater lengths then than now\u2014and they are not noticeably\nmoderate or truthful at present. He was a \u201cwise and gentle prelate,\u201d\nsays Trench, \u201calthough not wanting in courage to dare, and fortitude to\nendure, when the cause of truth required it.\u201d Neander\u2019s estimate of his\ncharacter (_The Life of St. Bernard_) is also kind. I doubt, therefore,\nwhether any such statements can be maintained. But we all know too well\nwhat that age was, for us to be over-enthusiastic in the defence of our\nfavorites. And still it can truly be said that Hildebert established his\ninnocence there and then. He finally died in 1134, and his works, with\nthose of Marbod, were collected and published in Paris by the\nBenedictines, at the comparatively recent date of 1708. His hymn,\n_Oratio devotissima ad tres Personas Sanctissimae Trinitatis_, first\nappeared in the Appendix to Archbishop Ussher\u2019s _De Symbolis_ (1660),\nand again was published by the Norman Jacques Hommey in 1684.\n\nThe poem is, as Chancellor Benedict has well said, almost epic in its\ncompleteness. And I can do no better than to summarize it in his own\nwords\u2014for he linked his name to it by a translation which he published\nin 1867: \u201cIts beginning [is] the knowledge of God\u2014_Fides orthodoxa_\u2014the\ntrue creed, as to the Three Persons of the Holy Trinity, exhibiting\ntheir attributes as the foundation of the Christian character; its\nmiddle, the weakness, the trials, and the temptations of the Christian\nlife, in its progress to perfect trust and confidence in God and\nassurance of His final grace; its end, the joys and glories of the\nheavenly home of the blessed.\u201d It has been greatly neglected, as any one\nwill find who looks for it outside of the most recent collections of\nsacred Latin poetry. Why this has been so, except because the praise of\nMary and of the saints was more congenial to collectors than a lofty and\npure spiritual fervor, it is not easy to discern. Hugo of St.\nVictor\u2014Hildebert\u2019s contemporary\u2014does actually quote six lines, but calls\nthe author _quidam_, or, as we would say, \u201csomebody,\u201d in referring to\nthese half dozen verses extracted to give point to his own discourse.\nYet Hildebert was in his day a most important personage, not below the\npersecution of a king of England, and not above a quarrel with a king of\nFrance. But he and the king were reconciled at last, and with honor.\n\nThat Professor Longfellow is not indebted to Trench\u2019s text for his\nlittle quotations, is shown by a curious fact. The _Sacred Latin Poetry_\nof Archbishop (then Dean) Trench was first published in 1849, and the\n\u201cGolden Legend\u201d appeared in Boston in 1851\u2014the time seeming to indicate\nthat the poet had been reading in the small book of the prelate. But\nProfessor March has very acutely noticed that the Church of England, in\nthe person of its editor, did a great deal of expurgation, and that the\nlines\n\n  \u201cCujus claves lingua Petri,\n  Cujus cives semper laeti,\u201d\n\nare not included by Trench at all! It was not proper, the Dean thought,\nto encourage Romish superstitions, and so Peter and his keys were\nomitted. It is not impossible that Longfellow took his text from a\nlittle volume published at Auburn, N. Y., in 1844, which contains \u201cThe\nHymn of Hildebert and the Ode of Xavier, with English Versions,\u201d\nprobably by Dr. Henry Mills, professor in the Theological Seminary at\nAuburn, who also published a volume of translations of German hymns\n(1845 and 1856). Dr. Mills reprints the entire hymn from Ussher, but\nignores in his translation the lines\n\n  \u201c_Deus pater tantum Dei_\n  _Virgo mater est, sed Dei._\u201d\n\nThe book is memorable as the first American publication in this field.\nBesides the American translations by Dr. Mills and Chancellor Benedict,\nthere are English versions by Crashaw, by John Mason Neale, and, best of\nall, by Herbert Kynaston in the _Lyra Mystica_ (London, 1869), copied\nfrom his _Occasional Hymns_.\n\nFurther to speak of Hildebert, it can be said that he, like others, took\nhis share of imprisonments, confiscations, and exiles.\n\nTrench quotes from his poetry two compositions in hexameter and\npentameter\u2014classic in language, but not always classic in prosody; and\ntwo complete poems, one of which is the famous hymn, and which commences\n\n  \u201c_A et \u03a9 magne Deus._\u201d\n\nThe other is a vision and lament over the Church of Poitiers. Of this\nthe editor says: \u201cI know of no nobler piece of versification, nor more\nskilful management of rhyme in the whole circle of Latin rhymed poetry.\u201d\nIt begins\n\n  \u201c_Nocte quadam, via fessus_\u201d\u2014\n\nan important hint for a person who wishes to find anything in the German\nanthologies, where, as a rule, the indexing is hideous and the\narrangement is heartrending, and the poems are designated, hit-or-miss,\nby their initial line.\n\nThe poem _De Exilio Suo_, beginning\n\n  \u201c_Nuper eram locuples, multisque beatus amicis_,\u201d\n\nis an example of the classic measures into which I have tried to shape\nmy own rendering, although I have copied Hildebert even in his\ninaccuracies and repetitions:\n\n\n                            UPON HIS EXILE.\n\n  Once I was rich and blessed with friends beyond measure,\n    And, for awhile, Fortune was prosperous too.\n  You would have said that the gods had heard my petition,\n    And that success had taught me to conquer anew.\n  Often I said to myself: \u201cWhat means this wealthy condition?\n    What does it claim, this swift great store of my gain?\u201d\u2014\n  Woe to myself! for faith and confidence perish;\n    Even my property teaches how I have heaped it in vain!\n  Lightly the wing sweeps men and the things that they cherish,\n    And from the highest station ruin pours down to the plain.\n  What you possess to-day, perchance you will lose by to-morrow,\n    Or, indeed, as you speak, it ceases perhaps to be yours.\n  These are the tricks of our fate; and haughtiest kings to their\n              sorrow,\n    And humblest slaves shall find that no future endures.\n  Lo, what is Man! and what has he right to inherit?\n    What is the thing that his wretchedness claims as its own?\n  This, this only is man; the years press down on his spirit\n    Always in saddest condition to utter his final groan.\n  It is man\u2019s lot to have nothing\u2014in nakedness coming; and going\n    Back to his mother\u2019s breast to bear her no riches again.\n  It is man\u2019s lot to decay, his dust on the desert bestowing,\n    And by sad steps to climb to the pyre of his pain.\n  Such is his heirship of good, and here upon earth he may gather\n    Nothing more certain than these, the spoils of a vanishing fate.\n  Riches and honor may greet him, yea, be his servants the rather;\n    Wealthy at morn though his station, poor shall at night be his\n              state.\n  Nor can a man discern the permanent law of possession\n    Save as he seeks to discover the nature of mortal affairs.\n  Yet does God give them their law, conferring them through his\n              concession\n    Unto the weak by his grace; and their going and coming he shares.\n  He by himself alone provides for and manages solely,\n    Nor does he doubt to provide nor vary in management still.\n  For what he sees to be done he does, and his ruling is wholly\n    Laborless, fixing the form and the time and the bounds of his will.\n  Yea, through his zeal for our growth he places our limits and changes\n    These by his occult laws, himself remaining the same.\n  Himself remaining the same, while sickness and health he arranges,\n    Swaying the world and showing how hope must be set on his name.\n  If it be right to trust thee, then, all that thou doest or takest\n    He is behind it, O Fortune, and he is the source of thy strength.\n  Nay, I affirm, O Fortune, however thou fixest or shakest\n    Thou canst not grieve me, nor overmuch cheer me at length.\n  He is almighty and tender, the concord and trust of my treasure;\n    I shall be his forever, when all his purpose is through!\n\nIt may perhaps be well for us to observe the characteristics of\nHildebert as we discover them in his hymn. They will be found to be\nthose of an oratorical repetition, and indeed of that \u201cfatal\noctosyllabic\u201d fluency, demonstrated in later times by Skelton, by\nButler, and by Scott. To a certain degree the verse is incapable of\nanything large or exultant. But it is admirable for the purpose to which\nhe puts it. Indeed, I knew no better way, when Hildebert\u2019s best admirer\npassed from this to a nobler world, than to express my own sadness in\nsimilar Latin; and I venture to close this chapter with the closing\nlines of that tribute. Mr. E. C. Benedict made it his happiest\nrecreation to turn the strains of these ancient singers into modern\nverse. And it seemed fitting that he should be commemorated in the very\nrhythm he loved so well:\n\n  \u201cVir honeste, vir praeclare!\n  Tibi quidvis possim dare\n  His versiculis confeci;\n  Hic, coronam superjeci.\n  Autem, illic, lux perennis\n  Proferet floresque pennis\n  Aves pictis puro die;\u2014\n  Nihil deest, O tu pie!\n  Tu qui terra serus abis\n  Christum unice laudabis.\n  Vale! quia non moraris;\n  Ave! quia nunc laetaris!\u201d\n\n\n  \u201cUnto thee sincere and worthy\n  Here I bring a tribute earthy.\n  In these verses I have pressed it;\n  Here upon thy tomb I rest it.\n  But thyself, in light eternal\n  Seest flowers; and birds supernal\n  Brightly flit through sunny portals\u2014\n  Thou dost lack no joy of mortals!\n  Thou who late from us dost sever\n  There shall praise the Lord forever!\n  Farewell! for thou wilt not linger;\n  Hail! for thou art there a singer!\u201d\n\nYes, when once these old monks \u201csoared beyond chains and prison\u201d\u2014when\nthey dreamed by night and talked by day of the land that is very far\noff\u2014they drew to them all loving hearts from the most distant ages.\nDoubtless Hildebert knew\u2014and rejoiced in knowing\u2014that his aspirations\nhad been caught in a modern city and by a weary lawyer, who found rest\nand peace in their strain. And doubtless in the perfectness of the\npresent rejoicing they both see and love what they once sighed to\nobtain.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XVIII.\n                         BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX.\n\n\nThere is no lack of material for a copious account of Bernard of\nClairvaux. He was a man to become distinguished in any age of the world,\nand he took and maintained the highest place of his time. His faults are\nas patent as his virtues. But, if he had not these faults, he would\nnever have enjoyed certain kinds of success. His very austerity was a\nmerit when it held his keen intellect steadily to its mark. And his\nintolerance, narrowness, ambition, and love of dialectics, were\nthemselves a part of the great demand which his generation made upon\nhim.\n\nI shall be responsible here simply for a condensation and compilation of\nfacts, a very different proceeding from that which is usually needed. In\nthe case of almost all these hymn-writers the materials are so slight\nand meagre as to require large research; in this case one is overwhelmed\nwith riches. I do not profess to say how many lives of Bernard have been\nwritten, but I know of a goodly number; and no history of his time has\nfailed to give attention to so prominent a figure in religion and in\nstatecraft.\n\nHe was singularly situated in point of time and place. Born in Burgundy,\nnot far from Dijon, of a fighting family, who owned a castle and were\nwell represented in the wars, he saw the light in 1091. His father\nTesselin was a man who had learned in the school of Christ to be more\ncareful not to wrong his neighbor than not to be wronged by him. His\nmother Alith was the model chatelaine of the times, full of kindness to\nthe poor and helpfulness to the needy. He was born at the _omphalos_ and\ncentre of the Middle Ages. Peter the Hermit whirled along his wild\nbattalions almost beside his very cradle. The little lad of four years\nmust have seen the strange excited throngs, with their red crosses and\ntheir banners, and in the dust of their passing and in the chants of\ntheir praise, he must have been conscious of a certain enthusiasm which\nwas to run throughout his life.\n\nFor several years this news was to men the staple of all conversation.\nThe body of their own duke was finally brought back from Palestine to\nhis ancient heritage, and laid, by his own desire, in the cemetery of\nthe poor monks of Citeaux. There, in this comparatively recent monastery\nnear Dijon, he had selected his last home, in preference to many more\nopulent and renowned establishments. The son of Burgundy\u2019s vassal\nTesselin beheld this and other incidents. His brothers went to the wars\nwith the next duke, but he himself grew less and less inclined toward\nsuch pursuits. Books formed his world. His cell was afterward said to be\nstored with them; and he obtained easily the credit of being the best\ninstructed person of his time in the Bible and in the works of the\nfathers of the Church.\n\nAnd already these tendencies were aroused in the youth of eighteen or\nnineteen years who had begun the old-fashioned austerities on his own\naccount. We are not surprised to find him neck-deep in ice-water; stung\ninto intellectual vigor by the recent victory of Abelard over William of\nChampeaux; aroused into an actual preaching fervor, in which he\ndenounces the sins of the age; continually mindful of his dead mother\nAlith\u2019s prayers, and finally resolved upon entering the monastic order\nand upon carrying all his friends and relations with him.\n\nThat singular mastery of other minds, which was his at every period\nhenceforth, now displayed itself. It did not matter that his brother\nGuido had a wife and family; nor that his brother Gerard loved to fight\na good deal better than he loved to pray. Into the cloister they must\ngo! Gerard indeed was something after the manner of Lot\u2019s wife, disposed\nto look back. But his brother touched him on the side, and by some\nstrange prescience or happy guess, predicted to him a spear-wound, which\nactually happened. On being thus remarkably warned, the soldier relented\nas they carried him wounded off the field, and cried, \u201cI turn monk, monk\nof Citeaux.\u201d This was the Gerard over whom, long afterward, Bernard\ndelivered that touching sermon, where he branched out from the Song of\nSolomon (1:5) to declare that this body \u201cis not the mansion of the\ncitizen, nor the house of the native, but either the soldier\u2019s tent or\nthe traveller\u2019s inn;\u201d and then poured forth his full heart in a tide of\nuncontrollable and lofty grief.\n\nSo the youth marched into the poor monastery of Citeaux, where scanty\nfood, rough clothing, harsh surroundings and occasional epidemic\ndisorders had nearly disheartened and broken up the company of monks.\nStephen Harding, their English abbot, was proudly indifferent to all\npatronage; but he was not so blind as not to perceive that Bernard, with\nthirty captives of the bow and spear of his eloquence, was a valuable\naddition to a depleted community.\n\nThese Cistercians, then and always, were rigidists. Up they got at two\nin the morning to prayer and \u201cmatins;\u201d and for full two hours were busy,\nin a cold dark chapel, over them. Then, with the first dawn of light,\nout again to \u201clauds.\u201d Before this service, and after it, the monk\u2019s time\nwas fairly his own; but at two o\u2019clock he dined, at nightfall he had\n\u201cvespers,\u201d and at six or eight (according to the season) came\n\u201ccompline,\u201d and then immediately the dormitory and bed. Such was the\nlife, with a little more of it on Sundays, and with sermons interspersed\nat intervals. There is no mention of breakfast or supper!\n\nAnd in such a life the ecstatic, mystical character of Bernard rose into\nvisions and prophecies. His body was nearly subjugated, and his taste,\nand, indeed, all his senses, appeared to have deserted him. He watched,\nhe dug, he hewed and carried wood; he kept the very letter, and more\nthan the letter of his monastic rule. And yet, as Morison acutely\nobserves, this very abstraction from people and things gave him that\ndelight in nature from which, so often in the future, he was to catch\nthe illustration or the inspiration of his discourse. \u201cBeeches and\noaks,\u201d he said, \u201chad ever been his best teachers in the Word of God.\u201d\n\nBut now Citeaux (suddenly become prosperous) must colonize; and who so\nfit to lead the swarm from the gates and found the new hive as this same\nBernard? Into his hands Abbot Stephen puts the cross, and he and his\ntwelve companions march solemnly across the interdicted boundaries of\ntheir little Cistercian home, and nearly a hundred miles to the\nnorthward. There he chooses a place which exhibits, as Bernard\u2019s actions\ngenerally do, the far-sighted sagacity which takes mean and worthless\nmatters and makes them what, with right handling, they are able to\nbecome. It is a valley\u2014the \u201cValley of Wormwood.\u201d It is grown up with\nunderbrush and is a haunt of robbers. But here, with the river Aube\nwinding down between the hills, with the hills themselves capable of\nculture, and with the future of this little vale revealed to his\nprophetic eye, he sets his cloister and calls it Clairvaux\u2014\u201cFair\nValley,\u201d or \u201cBrightdale.\u201d\n\nI wish that I could quote the beautiful picture that Vaughan (_Hours\nwith the Mystics_, Book V., chap. 1) has given of this fine enterprise.\nWe should see Bernard and his monks chopping and binding fagots;\nplanting vines and trees of goodly fruit; rearing their cloistral\nbuildings, when the time arrived, out of the very materials about them,\nand so steadily transforming purgatory into paradise. There should we\nsee the river bending its great shoulders to the wheels that drive\nfulling-mill and grist-mill; or toiling for them in their tannery, or\nfilling their _caldarium_. We should see the monks at vintage or at\nharvest; pressing the clusters from yonder hill, or gathering the hay\nfrom yonder meadow. And everywhere throughout this busy, energetic life,\nwe should behold the wasted figure of their chief\u2014austere, sincere,\nsevere. And we should feel that unaccountable personality\u2014that\nintrinsic, magnetic, controlling quality which made this the man above\nall others to be the opposer of schismatics, the counsellor of kings,\nthe establisher of popes, and the preacher of the Second Crusade.\nClairvaux was his kingdom, and from Clairvaux he ruled the mediaeval\nworld.\n\nHis personal appearance was in keeping with this idea\u2014it was the evident\ncause of an evident effect. He was taller than the middle height and\nexceedingly thin. His complexion was \u201cclear, transparent,\nred-and-white;\u201d and always he had some color in his wasted face. His\nbeard was reddish, and\u2014according to his ancestral derivation, called\n_Sorus_ or \u201cyellow-haired\u201d\u2014his own hair was light and perhaps tawny.\nThis beard grows whiter in the course of years, and these hollow cheeks\nglow with the enthusiasm of the orator as he speaks. Then he is at his\nbest! He flings aside all feebleness; he disregards every consideration\nexcept the truth; he flashes and glitters as the tremendous squadrons of\nhis brilliant logic, or still more brilliant exhortation, press down\nupon the listening soul. He had indeed a perfect confidence in himself,\nin his methods, and in his ultimate success. He was like a modern ocean\nsteamer, iron-hulled, steam-driven, sharp-prowed, cutting through all\nstorms without detention, and riding the wildest waves in his triumphant\ncourse to victory.\n\nThere is in Bernard of Clairvaux a most singular combination of the\ndreamer and the man of affairs. Vaughan has too admirably condensed the\nstory of these interruptions and occupations, for me to avoid quoting,\nat least this much, from his capital monograph:\n\n\u201cStruggling Christendom,\u201d he says, \u201csent incessant monks and priests,\ncouriers and men-at-arms to knock and blow horns at the gate of\nClairvaux Abbey; for Bernard, and none but he, must come out and fight\nthat audacious Abelard; Bernard must decide between rival popes, and\ncross the Alps, time after time, to quiet tossing Italy; Bernard alone\nis the hope of fugitive Pope and trembling Church; he only can win back\nturbulent nobles, alienated people, recreant priests, when Arnold of\nBrescia is in arms at Rome, and when Catharists, Petrobrusians,\nWaldenses and heretics of every shade, threaten the hierarchy on either\nside the Alps; and at the preaching of Bernard the Christian world pours\nout to meet the disaster of a new crusade.\u201d\n\nYet with all this he is a profound scholar, and his comments on\nScripture are of a mystical, and often of a serenely spiritual and\nthoughtful kind, as though no intrusion could jar the harmony and poise\nof his soul. His was that strange contradiction of nature which found\nits calm in tumult and its ecstasy in conflict. Obstructions pass away.\n\nLike that later mystic, Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenberg), there are no\nhindrances in his communion with the unseen world; he could, perhaps, do\nas Novalis did when Sophie K\u00fchn died. For the poor fellow records in his\ndiary: \u201cMuch noise in the house. I went to her grave and had a few wild\nmoments of joy.\u201d And of him also Just declares: \u201cNo spirit-dream was too\nhigh, no business detail too low;\u201d for Novalis in 1799 was \u201cAssessor and\nLaw-adviser to the Salt Mines of Thuringia.\u201d Pegasus in harness appears\nno worse a contradiction than a mystic in a salt-pan, or a Bernard\nepistolizing the Count of Champagne about a drove of stolen pigs.\n\nProse and poetry, poetry and prose! And yet the brain and soul that can\ndo good work in the one are by no means disqualified for the other; and\nyour truest mystics are not likely to wear long hair and talk raving\nnonsense among impractical neologists. For Bernard, even though he made\nconverts wherever he went, and drew increasing numbers into cloister\nwalls, exerted a potent and prevalent influence upon his time. He is one\nof the lighthouses, as we sail down the coast of the Middle Ages; and\nnot until we pass him and his compeers, do the real darkness and the\ndull ignorance, the shoals and the unmarked rocks appear, ready to wreck\nthe ventures of the mind. How gladly one would linger over these\nfascinating incidents in this remarkable career! The man\u2019s life was\nexpressed in some of his own aphorisms. They are such as these:\n\n\u201cThere is no truer wretchedness than a false joy.\u201d \u201cHe does not please\nwho pleases not himself.\u201d \u201cYou will give to your voice the voice of\nvirtue if you have first persuaded yourself of what you would persuade\nothers.\u201d \u201cHold the middle line unless you wish to miss the true method.\u201d\n\nThese are the maxims of an orator as well as of a statesman. And the\njunction of imagination, analysis, logic, fervor, and faith, made this\nman what he was. Already he had tried his wings in preaching to his own\nmonks at morning and evening; and they had listened to him as though he\nhad come from another world. He dealt with the great and vital questions\nof the moral nature. Like the best of our modern preachers, he aimed to\nsustain the soul, to arouse and to cheer it, and to bid it press forward\nto a victory which he himself foresaw. He might have said of such\naspiring saints as surrounded him what Roscoe says:\n\n  \u201cI see, or the glory blinds me\n    Of a soul divinely fair,\n  Peace after great tribulation\n    And victory hung in the air.\u201d\n\nHe felt, with Lacordaire, that the Gospel had a new meaning, when he\ndiscovered that it was intended for the comfort of the human heart. He\nwas at one with his monks; and as he reached out toward the social life\nabout him, and toward the turbid torrents of politics and\necclesiasticism over which he must throw the bridge of charity or of\nfaith, he simply transferred the Clairvaux method into the affairs of\nmen.\n\nIt was an age of destruction, and into it he was casting the salt of the\nGospel, hoping at least to make it salvable. Around his life needless\nlegends and superstitious traditions have combined to cluster, but the\nreal Bernard is distinct from both. He never relaxed his grip upon\nhimself or upon others. And while this is not yet the place to speak of\nthe famous controversy with Abelard, it may be properly said that\nBernard saw tendencies in that philosophy which were genuinely\ndangerous; and that he defeated them because truth (however narrow and\nselfishly employed) is always stronger than error. Such was also his\npower in preaching the crusade in 1145, when he was about fifty-five\nyears of age. It sprang from the quenchless fire of his zeal, as when at\nVezelai, standing by the side of Louis VII., he caused such enthusiasm\nin the crowd beneath, that he did nothing so long as he remained in the\ntown but make crosses for them to wear in sign of their holy purpose.\n\nHe had lived to see the Knights Templars, which had received his own\nespecial approval, become one of the most famous orders on the globe.\nThe Knights Hospitallers had been incorporated in 1113, and the Templars\nwere founded in 1118 by Hugo de Paganis and others. But in 1128, at the\nCouncil of Troyes, there were but nine of them, all told, to keep their\nvow of \u201cchastity, obedience, and poverty,\u201d to \u201cguard the passes and\nroads against robbers,\u201d and to \u201cwatch over the safety of pilgrims.\u201d Hugo\nthen appealed to Bernard, and by his influence the council recognized\nthis weak thing, destined so soon to be a mighty force, and which\ncombined two of the strongest of our instincts\u2014that to fight and that to\npray. And now as in his old age he saw the corruption which was creeping\ninto it and into other agencies on which his heart had been set, he\nrelaxed no atom of his vigilance. He had seen the failure of his\ncrusade, but it did not much affect him. His thoughts were now of\nheaven, and his watching was that he might be prepared to enter its\ngates. His principal friends had all died; Suger, in 1150, Theobald of\nChampagne, in 1152, and Pope Eugenius, his loved disciple, in 1153.\n\nIt was in this year that Bernard also made himself ready to go. On\nJanuary 12th he said the Lord\u2019s Prayer, and then, raising up what his\nadmirers were wont to call his \u201cdove-like\u201d eyes, he prayed that God\u2019s\nwill might be done. And so, quietly and peacefully, he passed away. He\nhas left behind him much as an ecclesiast, but more as a poet. I hold\nBernard to be the real author of the modern hymn\u2014the hymn of faith and\nworship. The poetry of Faber, which is now so near to the heart of the\nChurch, is peculiarly in this key. The _Salve Caput cruentatum_ came to\nus through Paul Gerhardt, and has become (through the translation of Dr.\nJ. W. Alexander, a man of kindred spirit with Bernard) our\n\n  \u201cO sacred head, now wounded.\u201d\n\nGerhardt\u2019s own hymn-writing\u2014the most efficient, except Luther\u2019s, in the\nGerman tongue\u2014is wonderfully affected by Bernard. The _Jesu dulcis\nmemoria_ was rendered by Count Zinzendorf and became famous among those\nspiritual souls, the Moravians. And Edward Caswell\u2019s translations\u2014as I\nhave already noticed\u2014are supremely fine in spirit and in expression. I\nshall not attempt here what has been so capitally done already. The\nChurch universal has made Bernard her own; and the very translations of\nhis verses have been half-inspired. And while we sing,\n\n  \u201cJesus, the very thought of thee\n  With sweetness fills my breast,\u201d\n\nwe shall sing \u201cwith the spirit and with the understanding,\u201d the very\nstrain that the Abbot of Clairvaux was sent on earth to teach! They\ncanonized him in 1174\u2014but it is better to have written a song for all\nsaints than to be found in any breviary.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XIX.\n                                ABELARD.\n\n\nFrom the foreground of the waving banners and the flashing arms of the\nCrusaders, of the dark throng of the chanting monks, and of feudal\npageantry and glitter\u2014and from that background of dead uniformity which\nequally characterized those mediaeval times\u2014emerges a figure unique and\nnotable. It is that of a man in the prime and pride of life\u2014lofty in\nstature, handsome in face, captivating in address. He is already a tried\ndebater and an unsurpassed logician. He has Aristotle at the tip of his\ntongue; he has read much and thought a little, and his ambition is\ngreat.\n\nSuch a man came one day into the lecture hall of William of Champeaux at\nParis. It was in the early part of the twelfth century, and William was\nthe most celebrated teacher of the period, his \u201cdoctrine of universals\u201d\nbeing accepted almost as though it were inspired. But this morning,\nwhile the master lectured and the disciples drank in his words without\ncriticism or debate, the visitor stirred uneasily in his place. When the\nlecture closed he availed himself of the usual freedom to ask some\nquestions. To William\u2019s dogmatic answers the stranger in his turn\nproposed shrewd difficulties. It was no longer the harmony of teacher\nand taught, but the clash of two rival minds maintaining opposite\nsystems of logic. And in that short struggle William the Archdeacon went\ndown before the free lance of Peter Abelard, the rustic challenger from\nPalais (Le Pallet) in Brittany. And from that agitation went out the\nwidening circles whose story we are now to note, and whose latest\nripples break faintly on a tomb in P\u00e8re-la-Chaise visited by thousands\nof modern tourists. Few tales are sadder or more suggestive.\n\nThe name of Abelard is variously spelled. It appears in divers\nauthorities as Abelard, Abaelard, Abaielardus, Abailard, Abaillard,\nAbelhardus, and Abeillard. The true name (on the authority of Ch. de\nR\u00e9musat) was, however, not Abelard, but Beranger or Berenger; and the\nfuture controversialist was christened Pierre or Peter. His birthplace\nis near Nantes, the house being represented a few years ago by a square\nbrier-grown ruin back of the church. The date of his birth is given as\n1079\u2014a period when the world was feudal and military. But this lad was\nborn for debate and not for battle. It may even be seriously doubted if\nhe ever possessed much physical courage of a sort to stand the rough\nshock of actual warfare. He preferred the method of those who\nintermeddle among metaphysical subtleties to those who must keep sword\nedges sharp and armor furbished. His delight was to dispute, to be\nengaged in undertakings\n\n        \u201cWhose chief devotion lies\n  In odd perverse antipathies;\n  In falling out with that or this\n  And finding somewhat still amiss.\u201d\n\nIn those days not to be a warrior was to be\u2014almost of compulsion\u2014a monk.\nBut Abelard\u2019s independence forbade the second as his disputatious spirit\nhad forbidden the first. He would neither risk his neck in the wars nor\nhis opinions in the cloister. Instead of these he preferred the\nirregular combats of the scholar, and Bayle\u2014with a touch of\npoetry\u2014beholds him as he comes shining out of Brittany \u201cdarting\nsyllogisms on every side.\u201d Such was Peter Abelard\u2014vain, handsome,\nopinionated, bound to swear by no master, a mighty voice crying in the\ndesert of the Dark Ages for \u201cfree speech and free thought.\u201d\n\nThe expedition to Paris hurt neither his reputation nor his purse. He\narrived at perihelion as quickly as a comet. William of Champeaux\u2014having\nfirst pushed him off and forced him to lecture on his own account at\nMelun and Corbeil\u2014found that he returned like a cork thrust under water.\nThe man\u2019s buoyant, aggressive self-reliance, not to say self-conceit,\nwas never contented with an inferior place. And while Alberic and\nLittulf and some of the older and more staid of his pupils held with\nWilliam, it was plain that the popular favor inclined to the other side.\nThe younger men were all for Abelard. The \u201cdoctrine of universals\u201d was\nexploded as if with some of Friar Bacon\u2019s \u201cvillainous saltpetre,\u201d and\ndoubtless the loss was small enough to mankind. His principal fort being\ntaken, there was nothing left for the opposing general but a masterly\nretreat. Hence, by a convenient arrangement, combining several\nadvantages, Guillaume des Champeaux became Bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne.\nAnd it was, of course, beneath the dignity of a bishop to hold lectures\nor to engage in logical controversies!\n\nBut, as generally happens, a sand-bag substitute was put in the bishop\u2019s\nplace; and Abelard came back to open a school on Mt. St. Genevieve and\nto bombard this professor. The battle was short and decisive, for the\nnext we learn of this nameless champion of a defeated cause, he is\nabsolutely enrolled as a humble follower of the great logician. This is\nbut a fair sample of the general success which attended the new ideas.\nEverywhere they gained currency, attracting inquiry, arousing envy,\nawaking ecclesiastical suspicion, and inflaming the hatred of his\ndefeated opponents.\n\nAbout this time of inception and premonition, say 1113, Abelard\nundertook to examine the instruction given by William\u2019s teacher, Anselm\nof Laon, who there vegetated as dean of the cathedral church. We must\nnot confuse his name with that of the great Archbishop of Canterbury,\nwhose method and science have outlasted the most of his contemporaries,\nand whom Neander styles \u201cthe Augustine of the twelfth century.\u201d Had he\nbeen the teacher and Abelard the pupil, history might have made a\ndifferent record. A profounder and a more reverent line of thought might\nhave affected the acute and daring mind of the rising dialectician. And,\nabove every other consideration, the new philosophy might have contained\nthose elements of religion whose absence neutralized for centuries that\nwholesome independence which held mere dogmatism cheap as compared to\nthe sacred light of truth. It would, indeed, have been well if such an\nAnselm had been at Laon, but the dean was a weak and futile person. And\nso it was inevitable that Abelard should again be in trouble and almost\nin disgrace, but even in his pathetic _Historia Calamitatum_ the pupil\ndid not forget to satirize his master. \u201cHe was that sort of a man,\u201d he\nsays, \u201cthat if any went to him being uncertain he returned more\nuncertain still.... When he lit a fire he filled his house with smoke,\nbut he did not brighten it with light.\u201d He adds, sarcastically, that\nAnselm\u2019s philosophy always suggested to his mind the story of the\nfig-tree that our Lord cursed because it bore plenty of leaves and no\nfruit.\n\nAbelard himself, however, was a genuine educator, and many bishops and\nother ecclesiastics, with nineteen cardinals and two popes, came from\nthe ranks of his pupils. He loved liberty, although he loved it to that\nextent to which his own will\u2014and no other authority, human or\ndivine\u2014restricted it. In this he differed from Anselm of Canterbury, who\nloved liberty, not according to license but according to law. Mere\nfreedom to inquire, to complain, or to theorize, does not invariably\ncarry with it profitable results. And Abelard\u2014whose very freedom was in\nitself a noble revelation to the shackled intellects of his\nage\u2014committed the grave error of supposing that the sweep of a free hand\nwould certainly give lines of beauty and forms of grace. Something\ndeeper than the mere distaste of false opinions is needful for this.\nArt, meditation, truth\u2014all must lie beneath the O of Giotto or the\nmasterly strokes of Apelles. And our rhetorician would have done well to\nhave confined himself to the _Trivium_\u2014grammar, rhetoric, and\ndialectics. When he undertook theology he first quarrelled with Anselm\nof Laon, and next he encountered all Christendom and Bernard of\nClairvaux. His was the fatal blunder of every \u201cfree inquirer\u201d who\nforgets reverence, and who, in his pride of intellect, may likely fall\nas the angels fell. Surely no Lucifer ever plunged more swiftly down\nfrom heaven\u2019s battlements than did poor Peter Abelard from the dizzy\nheight of his sudden success.\n\nThis is no place to criticise his \u201csystem,\u201d if system it can be properly\ncalled. The _Sic et Non_\u2014\u201cYes and No\u201d\u2014his most famous work, is really a\nmere challenge. He quotes the Bible against the Fathers and the Fathers\nagainst the Bible, touching on deep tideways and bogs and quicksands\nwhich he never attempts to ford, fathom, or bridge. The Arians,\nSabellians, Nestorians and Pelagians are resuscitated in these pages. He\nflings their doubts before us like a gauntlet cast into the arena of\ndebate. One may choose which side he will take. Such a man, arising in\nthe nineteenth century and claiming sympathy with Christianity, would be\nby some suspected as a secret enemy and his vanity would loosen his\narmor for the entrance of many a venomed shaft. His genuine ardor would\nbe misunderstood and his opinions would be heavily attacked before they\ncould deploy at their full strength. If this be true to-day how\ninfinitely more true must it have been of an age narrower, more\nilliterate, and with an arm which wielded not in vain the sword of\nexcision against heretics!\n\nThis, then, was the man who in the prime of manhood and at the topmost\npeak of prosperity found himself with money in his pocket, in Paris, and\nhis own master. He had not yet said of the dogmas of Mother Church as\nLuther said of Tetzel, \u201cBy God\u2019s help I will go down and beat a hole in\nyour drum.\u201d Hitherto he had safely kept to Aristotle\u2014at once the\nblessing and the bane of Middle-Age reasoners\u2014and he had the\nvainglorious sense that five thousand students hung breathless on his\nwords. He considered himself upon the firmest footing that one could\ndesire, and behold, he fell!\n\nThe \u201cdamned spot\u201d of Abelard\u2019s character is that which, after all, has\ninsured his fame. And, since it is indispensable, a few sentences must\nexhibit it in its repulsive ugliness. Fortunately, or unfortunately, we\ndo not need the help of any other biographer than his own bitter soul.\nHis _Historia Calamitatum_ is the sufficient history. In this he tells\nus that his life had been previously irreproachable and of the strictest\nmoral correctness. Now, however, he began to \u201clet himself go\u201d\u2014how far,\nor how fast, it is of no use for us to investigate. But Fulbert, the\nCanon of the Cathedral of Notre Dame, had a perfect Hypatia for a niece,\nand to this lady Abelard\u2019s gaze was turned.\n\nShe was eighteen, and there was an irresistible charm about her, as of\nsome fragrant white lily. She was a woman fit to lend grace and beauty\nto prosaic surroundings. And Abelard has the unspeakable audacity to\ndeclare that he, a man of thirty-eight, deliberately selected this pure\nand perfect flower and meant to take it for himself. Not to marry; for\nthe truth demands that we should perceive his own thorough appreciation\nof the fact that marriage would sink him out of the ranks of scholars\ninto those of tradesmen and would be the death-blow to his ambition. Not\nto marry; for it was a bad age, and sin sometimes clothed itself in the\ncowl of the monk and the robe of the prelate, and such a sin was better\nforgiven than such a blunder. Let all contemporaneous history bear\nwitness! For every account of the lives of Heloise and Abelard reveals\nthe impossibility of passing these unpleasant facts without notice or\ncomment. On this pivot turns the golden world of that deathless love.\n\nSo the avaricious Fulbert took Abelard to dwell in his own house, and\ngave his niece\u2019s education entirely into his care, and, as her teacher\nhimself expresses it, delivered her \u201clike a lamb to a hungry wolf.\u201d\n\nHeloise was probably the better educated of the two. She was the child\nof unknown parents. Bayle asserts that she was the daughter of a priest,\nand his facilities and laboriousness respecting such abstruse\nparticulars no one will question. The authority from which he is\npossibly quoting, says that this priest was John \u201cSomebody\u201d (_nescio\ncujus_) and a canon of the same cathedral with Fulbert at Paris.\nDoubtless the trace of her ancestry is utterly lost to us beyond these\nmeagre items. Even Fulbert\u2019s alleged relationship has been questioned.\nBut the scholarship of Heloise speaks for itself in a terse, sparkling\nLatin style, which is as pleasant beside Abelard\u2019s lumbering sentences\nas a bright mountain brook beside a turbid and turbulent stream. Count\nde Bussy-Rabutin\u2014no mean critic\u2014has put on record that he never read\nmore elegant Latin. She also understood Greek and Hebrew, with neither\nof which, strange to say, was Abelard acquainted. And at first blush it\nwould seem that the teacher should have been the pupil.\n\nAbsolute justice requires that the ugly and disgraceful slurs in the\n_Historia Calamitatum_, and even in the correspondence, should not be\noverlooked. Here is what will serve for a fair example. He says of her,\n_Quae cum per faciem non esset infima, per abundantiam litterarum erat\nsuprema_\u2014while she was not exactly the worst-looking of them, she was\nthe best educated; and therefore he selected her! The _spretae injuria\nformae_ never went further than this. But this is by no means the\nsolitary instance of that low snarl in which the currish nature of the\nBreton rustic now and then indulged.\n\nWhat, then, could have been the spell by which this charming woman drew\nChristendom after her? Popes and bishops called her \u201cbeloved daughter,\u201d\npriests entitled her \u201csister,\u201d and all laymen laid claim to her as\n\u201cmother.\u201d If she were not so beautiful as some authorities positively\nstate, she must certainly have been marvellously captivating. But\nchiefest of her many graces was her crowning loyalty and love. It showed\nitself in perfect sympathy, in entire self-devotion. Michelet, indeed,\nhas observed that the legend of Abelard and Heloise is all that has\nsurvived in France out of the story of the Middle Ages.\n\nNor has the unanimity of literary judgment upon these lovers been less\nremarkable than the interest which they have inspired. With one voice\nAbelard is condemned and with one voice Heloise is extolled. \u201cShe was,\u201d\nsays a brilliant writer, \u201ca great, heroic woman, one of those formed out\nof the finest clay of humanity.\u201d \u201cWith the Grecian fire,\u201d says another,\n\u201cshe had the Roman firmness.\u201d And even the rude picture which the\nmechanical touch of Alexander Pope has painted, leaves to us in the\n\u201cEpistle of Heloise\u201d a trace of the same beauty, and affords one line\u2014\n\n  \u201cAnd graft my love immortal on thy fame\u201d\u2014\n\nwhich only needs to be reversed in order to be prophetic. Morison\u2019s\ntribute is both nobler and more acute, for he testifies, \u201cShe walked\nthrough life with ever-reverted glances on the glory of her girlish\nlove.\u201d It was the same thought which Dante\u2014after Boethius\u2014puts into the\nlips of Francesca\u2014\n\n  \u201cThere is no greater sorrow\n  Than to be mindful of the happy time\n  In misery, and that thy Teacher knows.\u201d\n\nNay, it is even the very cameo out of Tennyson:\n\n  \u201cAs when a soul laments, which hath been blessed,\n    Desiring what is mingled with past years,\n  In yearnings that can never be expressed\n    By sighs, or groans, or tears.\u201d\n\nThis is the heart which Abelard won. Winning it he won, and forever\nheld, the woman whose it was. From that moment she merged her whole\nexistence in his with a complete and utter abandonment of self, to the\nperfectness of which let her epistles from the Paraclete bear testimony.\nAcross this story of undeviating devotion Abelard\u2019s vanity, pride, and\ncoarseness are written with smears and stains, like an illiterate monk\nwho blots his comments upon a precious missal full of saints and angels.\nFor, first of his offences, he revealed this love of his by really\nbecoming a troubadour. He composed verses in the Romance tongue,\nrecounting their loves, and set them to such stirring tunes that all the\nworld was soon singing them. Hence grew the legend that the \u201cRomance of\nthe Rose\u201d (_Roman de la Rose_) was his composition. It undoubtedly\ncontains their story, but it was not his work; it belongs to William de\nLoris and Jean de Meung. But, as for Heloise, she was delighted. What\nwould have been a crown of sorrow to other women was to her a crown of\njoy. She even announced to Abelard \u201cwith the utmost exultation\u201d the\nadvent of that unhappy being christened Astrolabe and destined to pass\nhis forsaken and lonely existence shut up in a cloister. That people\nsang of this love; that it went to the ends of the earth; that nothing\ncould prevent its being known\u2014these were the happinesses of Heloise. Of\nthe merit of the songs we cannot ourselves decide. They were originally\nanonymous, and only those familiar with the crabbed French of that\nperiod may hope to find them again.\n\nMeanwhile, though the lectures suffered, and the students saw, and all\nParis smiled, Fulbert was totally in the dark. This condition of affairs\nwas predestined to come to an end, and it came in storm and anger.\nAbelard saw himself forced, against his will, to marry secretly. It was\na sting to his egotism that ever rankled. It served, though, to pacify\nFulbert and the rest of the relations; and being too glad and too\nloose-tongued to keep this handsome alliance from the public they\npresently told everybody. Heloise, thereupon, fearing for Abelard\u2019s\nambitious schemes, did not shrink from a point-blank falsehood. She\ndenied the marriage. She had been in Brittany and was now at Argenteuil,\nof which she was by and by to become the abbess. And she added to her\ndenial the self-abnegating sentiment that Abelard, who was created for\nall mankind, ought not to be sacrificed by \u201cbondage to a woman.\u201d It was\nworthy of her who so admired the \u201cphilosophic Aspasia,\u201d and whose tutor\nand lover had done what he could to make her as \u201cfree from superstition\u201d\nas himself. Her moral ideas were what he taught her, and he could not\nunteach them.\n\nAmong the complaisant and agreeable nuns of Argenteuil she now resided.\nIt was but a few miles from Paris. Her husband frequently went thither,\nand in a short time thereafter she was enrolled as a novice. The fact\naroused her relatives, and their mutterings became ominous; Fulbert,\nespecially, taking this act in high dudgeon, as though it meant the\npremeditated repudiation of his niece. Their anger did not stop at\nwords, but, knowing Abelard\u2019s popularity, and fearing to attack him\nduring the day, they bribed his valet and assaulted him by night in his\nown apartment.\n\nIt was this blow which flung Abelard from heaven to hell. His hitherto\nimpregnable attitude; his fierce zeal for his opinions; his hopes of a\nnew philosophy which should make his name immortal, all vanished before\nit as spider-webs break before a sword. And when, conscious that he was\nno more a god and a hero, but an insulted and defeated man, he rose from\nhis bed of pain, the prospect was not improved. The outpoured\nindignation of bishops and canons and clergy\u2014the lamentations of the\nwomen and the students\u2014did not appease him. A whisper was in his soul\nlike that of Haman\u2019s wife. Mordecai, the despised, was coming to the\nkingdom and the Agagite was doomed.\n\nThere were reasons which led him to think of seeking aid from the Pope\nagainst his enemies. But Fulk of Deuil, his good friend, advised him not\nto try it. \u201cYou have no money,\u201d said honest, plain spoken Fulk, \u201cand\nwhat can you do at Rome without money?\u201d It was bitter truth. Yet the\nAbb\u00e9 Migne, forgetting the much worse things Bernard had said of the\nRoman Curia in the treatise _De Consideratione_, exscinds the passage\nfrom Fulk\u2019s letter on the ground that it would cause \u201cscandal to\nCatholic ears.\u201d Edification first, truth afterward, if at all!\n\nTherefore, with a poisoned soul, he sought the Abbey of St. Denis to\nhide himself from the gaze of the world. To a man so proud a life\nwithout imperial power was a living death. Yet from those walls he\nissues his edict that Heloise shall take the veil. His vanity led him to\ncarry out the original cause of hostility even to its unalterable\nresult. But Heloise, whatever she might have thought or felt, marched\nwith lofty resignation to her fate. Quoting aloud\u2014as his confession\npitifully recalls\u2014the words of Cornelia to Pompey from the \u201cPharsalia\u201d\nof Lucan, she takes the vows. Never was there less of religion in such a\nceremony! Henceforth she walks like the moon in distant brightness,\ncoming to meet us down the ages as comes the Queen Louise of Gustav\nRichter\u2019s superb picture. She is transfigured by her self-forgetting\nlove, and \u201call that is left of her,\u201d in the best and truest sense, is\nnow \u201cpure womanly.\u201d\n\nFor Abelard at St. Denis the case was different. He found the monks\nworldly and dissolute and he reproved them. The effect was similar to\nthe case of Lot\u2014the reformer departed with all his belongings. He then\nrenewed his old lectures. His scholars followed him to Maisoncelle,\nwhere, in their avidity of knowledge, they overcrowded every resource of\nshelter and food. He offered them that fascinating combination,\ndialectics and divinity. Like the saltpetre and the charcoal these were\nharmless when apart and explosive when together, particularly if you add\nthe sulphurous heart which now smoked in his bosom. A harsh and\nvindictive tone was given to his disposition, and it was natural that he\nshould be, at least tentatively, a heretic. These moral bruises are\nworse than any or all physical injuries; the man who has felt them can\nnever be again what he was before. And now Anselm and William and\nFulbert and everybody that he had bullied or taunted or threatened\nturned upon him. The gates to the black cavern of the winds were open\nand the blasts of fate were icy cold.\n\nThe papal legate Conan held a council at Soissons in 1121. The opinions\nof Abelard were received with disfavor. They humiliated the poor wretch\namong them and made him burn his own book, and then mumble through a\n_credo_ amid his \u201csobs and sighs and tears.\u201d These words are his own,\nand his is also the statement that he was put into the custody of the\nAbbot of St. Medard and there he was lectured, and even lashed by the\nconvent whip, until he exhibited proper submission. Poetical justice had\nbefallen him. For he confesses, to his shame, that he had coerced and\neven struck Heloise. Now he, too, was coerced, and he, too, was struck.\n\nThen back again to St. Denis, with more hatred and hard speeches than\never. But Suger, the new abbot, an easy-going lover of bric-\u00e0-brac and\ngood living, set him free, a \u201cmasterless man\u201d past forty years of age,\nwith Heloise out of reach and the spears of exultant enemies bristling\nin every hedge. Is it a wonder that he took to the banks of the Ardusson\nnear Troyes, wattled himself a rude hut and resolved to be a hermit? But\neven there in the desert the people thronged him and built a village of\nhuts about his own. His misfortunes became a portion of his strength.\nAnd there they erected for him a church and a cloister which he\ndedicated to the Paraclete, a daring innovation, since it was then\nconsidered highly heterodox thus to distinguish one person of the\nTrinity from the other two.\n\nUnder such storms and heat the nature of the man had been seriously\nwarped. He became suspicious, gloomy, and weakly unstable. His\ncorrespondence with Heloise had been completely broken off. He went into\nthe monotonous Champagne, then out into the bleak Brittany, and finally\n(1125) he received the abbacy of St. Gildas. His friends, perhaps,\ndesired to save him from homelessness and so from the dangers which the\nrelentless malice of his old enemies was constantly piling up. But their\nchoice of a refuge reveals how little their ecclesiastical influence was\nworth. The monks of St. Gildas lived in open sin, and the people around\nthe cloister were semi-barbarians. It may be that they were ready to\nwelcome Abelard because they supposed he would be charitable to their\npeccadilloes, but if they fancied this, their mistake was great. He\nreally measured himself against their vices and suffered a predestined\ndefeat. At St. Gildas he touched the nadir of his fate as at Paris he\nhad reached its zenith. The monks conspired against him. They sought to\npoison him, contaminating with their drugs even the cup of the\nEucharist. When his life was not fear it was horror, and when it was not\nhorror it was despair.\n\nAt this time, too, for calamity never comes singly, Suger had succeeded\nin routing from Argenteuil the Abbess Heloise with all her nuns. He had\ncomplained to Rome that the lands of Argenteuil were the chartered right\nof St. Denis and that the nuns were very scandalous. So Abelard roused\nhimself sufficiently to hand the deserted abbey of the Paraclete over to\nhis wife; to confirm it by every possible act and deed against invasion;\nand to secure, in the despite of Bernard of Clairvaux, who was his\npresumptive enemy, a special bull of Innocent II. to make all this\npermanent. To these walls Heloise therefore removed. They were doubly\ndear to her for Abelard\u2019s sake. She had no true \u201cvocation\u201d for her\noffice, but the Pope called her and her sisterhood his \u201cdear daughters,\u201d\nand it was the best that they could do. Abelard prepared their forms of\nservice for them, and thus again, after all these years, communication\nexisted and letters passed between them.\n\nThese forms brought on a controversy with Bernard, who did not like\nthem. The letters also are still extant, often translated, but never in\nanything except the original Latin, speaking out the real nature of the\nwriters. On the part of Heloise they reveal the depth of an unending\nlove. On the part of Abelard they are as cold and occasionally as cruel\nas anything to which a translator can turn his pen. After a careful\nsurvey of their contents the conclusion is irresistible that Heloise is\na woman whose lofty love carries with it unhesitatingly the mind, the\nwill, the senses\u2014everything. Her faults are the faults of her time and\nof her teaching, not of her soul. But, by the survival of its most\nforcible elements, Abelard\u2019s character has been developed into a selfish\ncoldness both unnatural and ungrateful. As a man, at this stage of his\ncareer, one abhors and pities him.\n\nPresently upon the dead colorlessness of this \u201cburned-out crater healed\nwith snow,\u201d the red light of a new controversy is cast. In this final\nstruggle the redoubtable force of the splendid debater flashed up once\nmore. But he was defeated by Bernard at Sens (1140), and whether this\ndefeat was by fair logic or by the hostile spirit of the age it does not\nmatter. Defeated he was, and he rushed out declaring that he would\nappeal to Rome. Happily his way led him through Cluny, and there good,\nlarge-hearted, and large-bodied Peter the Venerable took him in. For the\nfirst time, perhaps, in all his life he came into close relations with a\nman genuinely great. And Peter of Cluny himself wrote to the Pope;\ndetaining Abelard meanwhile by kind assiduities, in that genial cloister\nwhose humanity cherished neither bigotry nor license. Later he even\nreconciled the two disputants, and the broken and weary debater died at\nlast (April 21st, 1142) at St. Marcel, whither he had been sent for\nchange of climate by the care of his hospitable friend.\n\nThere is a painting\u2014a true artist\u2019s conception, but a mere daub in\nfact\u2014which hangs in a New York village and which represents a dead\nknight stretched upon the ground. He lies upon his back on the sodden\nearth in the melting snow. The sky above him is of a dull and awful\ngray, and the carrion birds are flying in a long, hurrying line to join\nthose already at the feast. A broken sword is strained in his right\nhand, his armor is hacked and darkly spotted with mire and blood, and\nhis feet have fallen into a little stream. So would have fallen Abelard\nbut for the charity and mercy of Peter the Venerable. Remembering all\nthat he had been it is somewhat comforting to read of his last days. For\ncertain letters passed between Peter of Cluny and Heloise, and these,\ntoo, are extant and accessible.\n\nThe abbot says to her, after describing the daily life of Abelard, \u201cHow\nholily, how devoutly, in what a catholic spirit he made confession,\nfirst of his faith and then of his sins! ... Thus Master Peter finished\nhis days, and he who for his knowledge was famed throughout the world,\nin the discipleship of Him who said, \u2018Learn of Me, for I am meek and\nlowly in heart,\u2019 persevered, in meekness and humility, and, as we may\nbelieve, passed to the Lord.\u201d It is in such language that this\nbenevolent man addresses his \u201cvenerable and very dear sister,\u201d\nconcerning, as he tenderly puts it, her \u201cfirst husband in the Lord.\u201d And\ndoubtless this same Abelard became, at the last, a little child, who\nthrough much tribulation had unlearned his haughty and selfish temper,\nand had gone back from subtleties and logic to say in all simplicity,\nAbba, Father! And it is not less interesting for us to discover in the\nsecond epistle of Heloise to Peter of Cluny, that the mother\u2019s heart\nyearns over her boy, and that she commends Astrolabe to the care and\nprotection of his father\u2019s benefactor, a trust which, in his next\nletter, Peter accepts and promises to discharge.\n\nOf the poetry of Abelard much has unquestionably been lost. His\ntroubadour ballads may have been conveniently suppressed; it is often\nthe fate of wise men\u2019s lighter productions. And his hymns were for long\nyears untraced, except in the instance of the _Mittit ad virginem_ and\nof another upon the Trinity, which was ascribed to him, but is now\naccredited to Hildebert. A very pretty poem, _Ornarunt terram germina_,\npreserved by Du Meril (_Poesies Populaires Lat._, p. 444) is given in\nthe collection of Archbishop Trench and again in that of Professor\nMarch. Even in English its grace and daintiness do not entirely escape\nus, and they show how possible it was for him to have written the\nlove-songs which celebrated Heloise.\n\n  The earth is green with grasses;\n    The sky is filled with lights\u2014\n  Sun, moon, and stars. There passes\n    Vast use through days and nights.\n\n  On either hand upbuilded,\n    Arouse, O man, and see!\n  Those heavenly realms are gilded\n    By help which shines for thee.\n\n  The suns of winter cheer thee\n    For lack of fire below;\n  While the bright moon draws near thee,\n    With stars, thy path to show!\n\n  Leave pride her ivory spaces;\n    The poor man on the grass\n  Looks up, from fragrant places\n    By which the song-birds pass.\n\n  The rich, with wasteful labor,\n    (For vaulted domes shall fall,)\n  Mocking his poorer neighbor,\n    Paints heaven within his hall.\n\n  But in that open chamber\n    Where all things fairest are,\n  Let the poor man remember\n    How God paints sun and star.\n\n  So vast a work and splendid\n    Is nature\u2019s more than man\u2019s!\n  No pains nor cost attended\n    Those age-enduring plans!\n\n  The rich man keeps his servant,\n    An angel guards the poor,\n  And God sends stars observant\n    To watch above his door!\n\nAt length the adage of Buddha was fulfilled that \u201cHatred does not cease\nby hatred; hatred ceaseth by love.\u201d This is an old rule. For in 1836 his\nromantic story secured an editor for the scholar\u2019s works in the person\nof Monsieur Victor Cousin, who at that date, and again in 1849,\nrepublished them. They had been issued in 1616 by Francis d\u2019Amboise at\nParis, and the city of his fame and sorrow appropriately witnessed their\nreappearance. But even then there were no more verses, and the editors\nof the twelfth volume of the _Histoire Litteraire de la France_ also\nregarded those productions as hopelessly lost. Yet they had been in\nParis, and when the _Patrologia_ of Migne reached \u201cTom. 178\u201d they had\nbeen actually recovered. The story is of the same pattern as the\nauthor\u2019s life\u2014the man and his works had infinite vicissitudes.\n\nWhen Belgium was occupied by the French, these ninety-three hymns,\nwritten for the abbey of the Paraclete between 1125 and 1134, were lying\nhid in _codice quincunciali_, whatever this may mean. The account seems\nto require a _box_ of about five inches in height, rather than an\nordinary _codex_ or bound volume. This _codex_ was brought to Paris and\nthere remained during the days of Napoleon Bonaparte. When his Empire\nfell, the box and its contents returned to Belgium. They bore the seals\nof the Republic and of the Empire and they also had the stamp of the\nRoyal Library of Brussels. They were indeed a catalogued part of that\nlibrary\u2019s treasures, but their value was unguessed. One day, after their\nreturn, a German student named Oehler, while rummaging through the\n_codex_ found in it the _libellus_, or little book, which contained\nthese three series of hymns. Like the \u201chymnarium\u201d of Hilary they were\nknown to have been in existence, and hence he immediately inferred their\nauthorship. They embraced, to his delight, a complete collection for all\nthe religious hours and for the principal festivals of the Church.\n\nIt is strikingly characteristic of the superficial nature of many\nstudies in Latin hymnology, that Oehler apparently thought of nothing\nelse that might be in the _codex_, but proceeded at once to publish\neight of the recovered hymns. These, attracting the notice of Monsieur\nCousin, he purchased a full transcript of the _libellus_ at a \u201cfair\nprice\u201d from the discoverer. It was, however, reserved for \u00c9mile Gachet,\na Belgian, to \u201cgive a not unlucky day to paleography\u201d in the course of\nwhich he lighted upon this same _codex_ and found it still to contain\nthe larger part of an epistle treating of Latin hymnology, addressed to\nHeloise, and announcing the hymns of which it was the preface. Thus the\nidentification was perfect, and the introductions and the hymns are\nagain joined with the other works of their authors. In 1838 a set of\n_Planctus_\u2014\u201cLamentations\u201d\u2014had been found in the Vatican Library. They\nare moderate in merit, and these new pieces were therefore invaluable in\ndetermining Abelard\u2019s rank as a poet. In the main, his hymns are\ndidactic and cold. But there is at least one which has held its place\nanonymously in the service of the Church and upon this his reputation\nmay safely rest. It was translated by Dr. Neale from the imperfect text\nof a Toledo breviary, and it can be found in _Hymns, Ancient and Modern_\n(No. 343), and in Mone (_Lat. Hym. des Mittelalters_, I., 382). In the\nParaclete Breviary it is \u201cxxviii., _Ad Vesperas_.\u201d\n\n  O quanta, qualia sunt illa sabbata,\n  Quae semper celebrat superna curia!\n  Quae fessis requies, quae merces fortibus,\n  Cum erit omnia Deus in omnibus.\n\n  Vere Jherusalem illic est civitas\n  Cujus pax jugis est summa jucunditas,\n  Ubi non praevenit rem desiderium,\n  Nec desiderio nimis est praemium.\n\n  Quis rex! quae curia! quale palatium!\n  Quae pax! quae requies! quod illud gaudium!\n  Hujus participes exponant gloriae\n  Si, quantum sentiunt, possint exprimere.\n\n  Nostrum est interim mentem erigere,\n  Et totis patriam votis appetere,\n  Et ad Jherusalem a Babilonia,\n  Post longa regredi tandem exilia.\n\n  Illic, molestiis finitis omnibus,\n  Securi cantica Syon cantabimus,\n  Et juges gratias de donis gratiae\n  Beata referet plebs tibi, Domine.\n\n  Illic ex sabbato succedet sabbatum,\n  Perpes laetitia sabbatizantium,\n  Nec ineffabiles cessabunt jubili,\n  Quos decantabimus et nos et angeli.\n\n  Oh what shall be, oh when shall be, that holy Sabbath day,\n  Which heavenly care shall ever keep and celebrate alway;\n  When rest is found for weary limbs, when labor hath reward,\n  When everything, forevermore, is joyful in the Lord?\n\n  The true Jerusalem above, the holy town, is there,\n  Whose duties are so full of joy, whose joy so free from care;\n  Where disappointment cometh not to check the longing heart,\n  And where the soul in ecstasy hath gained her better part.\n\n  O glorious King, O happy state, O palace of the blest!\n  O sacred peace and holy joy and perfect heavenly rest.\n  To thee aspire thy citizens in glory\u2019s bright array,\n  And what they feel and what they know they strive in vain to say.\n\n  For while we wait and long for home, it shall be ours to raise\n  Our songs and chants, and vows and prayers, in that dear country\u2019s\n              praise;\n  And from these Babylonian streams to lift our weary eyes,\n  And view the city that we love descending from the skies.\n\n  There, there, secure from every ill, in freedom we shall sing\n  The songs of Zion, hindered here by days of suffering,\n  And unto thee, our gracious Lord, our praises shall confess\n  That all our sorrow hath been good, and thou by pain canst bless.\n\n  There Sabbath day to Sabbath day sheds on a ceaseless light,\n  Eternal pleasure of the saints who keep that Sabbath bright;\n  Nor shall the chant ineffable decline, nor ever cease,\n  Which we with all the angels sing in that sweet realm of peace.\n\nThe rhythm of the Trinity, previously mentioned, is so good that it is\nusually, and, it may be, correctly, ascribed to Hildebert of Lavardin;\nand the _Planctus Varii_ have really something more than that\n\u201cinconsiderable merit\u201d which Archbishop Trench allows to them. They are\nirregular in form and metre, and their subjects (which evidently reflect\ntheir author\u2019s feelings) are: The Wail of Dinah; Jacob\u2019s Lament over\nJoseph and Benjamin; The Sorrow of the Virgins over Jephthah\u2019s Daughter;\nThe Israelites\u2019 Dirge over Samson; The Grief of David over Abner and his\nElegy upon Saul and Jonathan. Abelard also composed a long poem to\nAstrolabe, giving him plenty of good counsel in fair pentameter, but in\nrather prosaic phrases. Some of it sounds like Lord Chesterfield\u2019s\nworldly wisdom, and there are portions of the production which are\nplainly affected by the soured and saddened spirit of the author. \u201cThere\nis nothing,\u201d he tells the poor, forsaken lad, \u201cbetter than a good woman,\nand nothing worse than a bad one,\u201d and, \u201cas in all species of rapacious\nbirds,\u201d the female is the most to be dreaded!\n\nThus the poems which we possess number one hundred and two all told. But\nfor ordinary readers not more than five\u2014if we exclude the present\ncorrect Latin form of the _O quanta qualia_\u2014are available in the\noriginal, and these are scattered through three or four collections. An\nunkind fate has still pursued these poor relics of the man who took\nshelter under the broad wing of Peter the Venerable, and who, by having\nescaped into such sanctuary, has barred out from thenceforth all\nuncharitable thoughts. It may be added that of Heloise also we have a\nreputed hymn, _Requiescat a labore_, but K\u00f6nigsfeld and Daniel both deny\nthe authorship. In this they are doubtless correct.\n\nWe may best remember the great controversialist when he is lying dead in\nhis new-found peace and childlikeness. At the request of Heloise, Peter\nof Cluny delivered up his body to be buried within the walls of the\nParaclete, in defiance of any misconstruction or of any sneer. He\naccompanied the act with the absolution which she asked. It reads thus:\n\n\u201cI, Peter, Abbot of Cluny, who received Peter Abelard as a Cluniac monk,\nand who have granted his body to be delivered secretly [_furtim\ndelatum_, wrote the big-hearted bishop] to Heloise, the abbess, and to\nthe nuns of the Paraclete, by the authority of the Omnipotent God and of\nall saints, do absolve him in virtue of my office from all his sins.\u201d\nThis was to have been engraved upon a metal plate and fastened above the\ntomb of the dead rhetorician, but for some reason\u2014perhaps connected with\nthe _furtim delatum_\u2014the plan was never carried out. But the absolution\nwas probably attached to the tomb for a short time in order to make it\neffective.\n\n\u201cWomen,\u201d says Mrs. Browning, \u201care knights-errant to the last.\u201d For a\nscore of years, Heloise went each evening to that tomb to weep and pray.\nShe remembered and observed nothing of those unpleasant traits which\nlater times have noticed. If she ever cursed any one it must have been\nFulbert, or others of the dead man\u2019s enemies, and\n\n  \u201cA curse from the depths of womanhood\n    Is very salt and bitter and good.\u201d\n\nAt length, like every watching and every waiting, this, too, came to an\nend, and she died on May 17th, 1164, precisely at his age of sixty-three\nyears. And they laid her beside him in the same grave, as was meet and\nright.\n\nBut evil fate still flapped a raven wing above the pair. Even in death\nthey have scarcely rested in peace. In 1497 the tomb was opened from\nreligious motives and the bodies were removed and placed in separate\nvaults. In 1630 the Abbess Marie de Rochefoucauld placed them in the\nchapel of the Trinity. In 1792 they were again removed to Nogent, near\nParis. In 1800, by order of Lucien Bonaparte, they were transferred to\nthe garden of the \u201cMus\u00e9e des Monumens Fran\u00e7ais.\u201d This being destroyed in\n1815, they were again entombed in P\u00e8re-la-Chaise. M. Lenoir, keeper of\nthe Museum, had constructed the present Gothic sepulchre out of the\nruins of the abbey of the Paraclete, uniting with these an ancient tomb\nfrom St. Marcel in which Abelard had at first been laid. Pugin says that\nthis was transferred from the Mus\u00e9e grounds. The monument reared at the\nParaclete and ornamented with a figure of the Trinity, perished in 1794\nduring the confusion of the Revolution. General Pajol, the subsequent\nowner of the grounds, placed a marble pillar above the stone sarcophagus\nwhich yet existed, but the lead coffin had already been taken to Paris.\nThe tomb in P\u00e8re-la-Chaise has been recently repaired, and there the\nsentimental of all nations have brought flowers and scrawled names and\nscribbled verses. Even at the present day a curious collection of wire\ncrosses, immortelles, and visiting-cards can be seen constantly upon it.\n\nThe principal inscription was composed by the Academie des Inscriptions\nin 1766, at the instance of Marie de Roucy de Rochefoucauld, Abbess of\nthe Paraclete, like her namesake of 1497; and it was carved at her cost\nupon the stone.\n\nNor is this all. The story of Abelard and Heloise has a literature of\nits own. We have no authentic portraits, if we except the fine pictures\nof Robert L\u00e9f\u00e8bvre engraved by Desnoyers, which rest upon I know not\nwhat of possible likeness. But the Englishman, Berington; the Germans,\nBrucker and Carriere and Fessler and Schlosser and Feuerbach; the\nFrenchmen, De R\u00e9musat and Cousin and Guizot and Delepierre and Lamartine\nand Dom Gervaise; the Italian, T\u00f2sti; the Americans, W. W. Newton,\nWight, and Abby Sage Richardson, and a host of other authors and\nessayists and reviewers, have in one form or another told the sad, sweet\nlegend of this love. It has never lacked its audience, and its perpetual\ncharm has been the character of Heloise. Like the fair and unfortunate\nmaid of Astolat, who so pathetically loved Launcelot, it may be said of\nher devotion that she \u201cgave such attendance upon him, there was never a\nwoman did more kindlyer for man than shee did.\u201d It was a rare exhibition\nof that precious jewel, an unselfish, loyal, and flawless heart!\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XX.\n                          PETER THE VENERABLE.\n\n\nIt serves to illustrate the meshes which held the highest men of the\ntwelfth century together, when we encounter Peter the Venerable, Abbot\nof Cluny. His true name was Pierre Maurice de Montboisier and he was\nfrom Auvergne\u2014\u201cone of the noblest and most genial natures,\u201d says\nMorison, \u201cto be met with in this or in any time.\u201d What a fine old man he\nwas! Under him as abbot, Bernard of Cluny was prior, and the loving care\nof Peter prepared an epitaph for that bravest and sweetest of singers.\nIt was he who bearded the other Bernard in his very den, and who came\nout of many contests against that almost invincible ecclesiast with more\nhonor than before. Few could say this of a battle with the Abbot of\nClairvaux; and to no one but Peter does Morison, the biographer of\nBernard, concede any such victory.\n\nIt was also this admirable Peter who took Peter Abelard under his\nprotection. With a large and patient generosity he developed the better\nnature of that headstrong, conceited, unhappy man; and when Abelard died\nhe wrote to Heloise the really warmhearted and tender letter, with a\ngreat deal of humanity about it, which I have quoted already. And thus,\nto whomsoever it may fall to consider the history of France in the\ntwelfth century; or of Abelard and the new philosophy; or of Bernard and\necclesiastical polity; or of the other Bernard and the Latin hymns, it\nis inevitable that the name of Peter the Venerable shall arise and stand\nhigh above the throng of those by which he is surrounded.\n\nHis mother\u2019s name was Raingarde, and her death, long after he had\nattained his wide reputation, was deeply felt by him as that of one of\nthe best of women and dearest of mothers. For Pierre de Montboisier, in\nthose days when the stagnation and corruption of thought and morals were\nnot felt as they were felt later on, was a man as well as a monk. But\nwhen, at last, the religious people became monks and not men; when they\nwere stupid, uninteresting, fat-fleshed and gross in life; when they had\nno courage or piety; then they neither did the world any good nor made\ntheir own souls ripe for heaven. And as sportsmen tell us that the\nmellow \u201cbob-o-link\u201d ceases to sing and is only fit for slaughter when he\nbecomes the \u201crice bird\u201d of the South, so it was with them. Latin\nhymnology almost ceases to be interesting after this century. And Peter\nthe Venerable, while he wrote but little himself, is too fine a factor\nin the arousing of others for us to forget him and his work.\n\nHe must have been born in 1092 or 1094\u2014the earlier date being more\nprobable; and when he was sixteen or seventeen (1109) he became a monk\nof Cluny. These were the \u201cblack\u201d monks;\u2014as the Cistercians of Citeaux\nand Clairvaux were the \u201cwhite.\u201d He had six brothers, most of whom took\nsimilar vows. What else indeed was there to do? You must either hack and\nhew your way with a battle-axe, and risk your neck and your castle, or\nyou must become a monk. There was no middle course. Peace-loving,\nstudious people\u2014those who aimed to help the world up toward God\u2014had no\nother choice. Nowadays we should find plenty of room for Peter; but he\ndid what was then best, and entered Cluny.\n\nAt thirty years of age he was its abbot. This was in 1122. It happened\nby reason of Pontius, the former abbot, a self-sufficient and imperious\nman, being forced to resign his office and go on pilgrimage to\nPalestine; he even promised not to come back at all. Then the monks of\nCluny elected another abbot; and as he died almost immediately, they\nwere compelled to choose a third, namely Peter. But it was in a hard\nseat that they placed him; he had a mismanaged property, and a body of\nmen who needed a good deal of attention.\n\nLet us picture him to us in the fashion and habit of his appearance. He\nhad a \u201chappy face,\u201d a \u201cmajestic figure,\u201d and \u201cplenty of those other\nunfailing signs of virtues\u201d which justified his name \u201cThe Venerable.\u201d It\nwas such a big-hearted, big-bodied style of man who now undertook this\nreformation. By the help of Matthew, Prior of St. Martin in the Fields,\nnear Paris, he effected it in about three months. Then there was a\nperiod of peace. But, all of a sudden, here comes Pontius, with soldiers\nat his heels, when Peter is absent, wanting his old place again. He\nbursts in the gates, forces the monks who remain to swear allegiance,\ncarries off crosses and candlesticks and whatever was worth anything for\nmelting down into money, and plays robber-baron over all the\nneighborhood. Peter himself tells the story: \u201cHe came in my absence....\nWith a motley crowd of soldiers and women rushing in together, he\nmarched into the cloisters. He turned his hand to the sacred things....\nHe raided the villages and castles around the abbey, and, trying to\nsubdue the religious places in a barbaric way, he wasted with fire and\nsword all that he could.\u201d It was certainly a very serious matter.\n\nPeter did the best he could with it\u2014this resulting in Honorius II.\ndespatching a legate from Rome with a great curse, ready-baked and\nsmoking-hot, for the soul\u2019s benefit of that \u201csacrilegious, schismatic,\nand excommunicate usurper,\u201d Pontius. I have not read the curse; but I am\npositively certain that Pontius and Pontius Pilate must have been\nelaborately compared in its sentences. Such anathemas were supposed to\ndry the blood and wither the brain. Pontius trembled and restored his\nill gotten gains and vanished to his own place. And Peter had peace at\nlast.\n\nThere had already been a controversy with St. Bernard about Robert,\nBernard\u2019s cousin, who liked the cordiality of Cluny a good deal better\nthan the thin-visaged and almost fierce zeal of Clairvaux. For this\nreason he changed his allegiance. Consequently Bernard wanted him sent\nhome. And by this time he was, according to strict rule, actually\nrestored. However, Clairvaux chuckled very much at the confusion in\nCluny; and Bernard was ungenerous enough to take this time, of all\nothers, to publish quite an elaborate and even brilliant disparagement\nof the Cluniac rule. I shall let this also pass for the present, for it\nwill meet us again, only saying that Peter seems to have gone on wisely\nabout his own business and avoided any reply\u2014a quite unusual proceeding\nin a controversial age. In 1126 he had taken up again his previous line\nof administration; and when this \u201capology\u201d came out in 1127 he was\npractically meeting its objections in the best manner. As Frederick\nMaurice says of him, \u201cThe Abbot of Cluny would have wished the monk to\nbe rather an example to men of the world of what they might become, than\nthe type of a kind of life which was in opposition to theirs. He feared\nthat a grievously stringent rule would lead ultimately to a terrible\nlaxity.\u201d\n\nIn 1130 Pope Honorius died. Pierre de Leon (Peter Leonis), calling\nhimself Anacletus, got himself illegally elected, and seized the control\nat Rome. Cardinal Gregory of San Angelo, who was the rightful but weaker\nclaimant, assumed the title of Innocent II., and forthwith set out to\nsecure the help of the great abbeys of France. Now Anacletus had been a\nCluniac; and Bernard, Peter\u2019s and Cluny\u2019s opponent, favored Innocent.\nBut when Innocent, in 1132, appeared at Cluny, he was hailed as the true\nand genuine Pope\u2014a piece of magnanimity which he had no right to expect.\n\nAnd from this time Peter\u2019s allegiance was undoubted; although, like a\ngreat many persons in the world, Innocent II. conceded more to the stern\nwill of Bernard than to the generous conduct of the Abbot of Cluny.\nIndeed, he did but very little in the way of privilege for Peter\u2019s\nabbey; and he turned nearly all his gifts and favors toward Bernard.\nThis so exalted the Cistercians that Peter protested. It is a blot upon\nInnocent that such a protest was needed. For Peter had been the first to\nwelcome him, sending him \u201csixty horses and mules, with everything which\ncould be wanted by a pope in distress.\u201d\n\nMany a man would have wheeled around and left the ingrate. But Peter\u2019s\nrevenge was handsome and characteristic. He summoned a general chapter\nof his order; and it was held at the time that Innocent, recognized at\nlength, was going away to Rome. There were \u201ctwo hundred priors and a\nthousand ecclesiasts,\u201d delegates from France, England, Spain, Germany,\nand Italy. These cheerfully and promptly agreed to accept a more\nstringent rule in all their religious houses. And thus Innocent, and his\nWarwick of a Bernard, could see for themselves the strength and the\ncharity, and the sincere purpose of the man whom they were setting\naside. I feel that I must here add the exact words in which Morison, St.\nBernard\u2019s best biographer, justifies this estimate of the character of\nPeter the Venerable. \u201cThe relations between Peter and Bernard throughout\ntheir lives,\u201d he says (p. 222, _note_), \u201cgive rise to contrasts little\nfavorable to the latter. Peter nearly always is gentle, conciliating,\nand careful not to give offence, even when as here (in the case of the\nBishop of Langres) sorely provoked. Bernard too often made return by\nhard and even violent language and conduct.\u201d\n\nWith such a stately and well-balanced person in our mind\u2019s eye, we\ncannot be surprised to find that he had plenty of solid pluck, that he\nwas \u201cmild as he was game, and game as he was mild.\u201d In 1134, returning\nfrom the Council of Pisa against Anacletus, he and his followers were\nattacked by robbers. The abbot tucked up his sleeves, and took the sword\nof the Church militant on the spot. Perhaps he was glad to let his big\nthews and sinews have full play. At all events he so dashed and smote\nthese ungodly men, that he beat them actually back, and had therefrom\nconsiderable glory. I never read that he or his abbey was much meddled\nwith afterward.\n\nAbout this date his visits to Spain drew his attention to the Koran. He\nwas struck by the religious efficiency of it, and in order to meet it\nbetter he prepared for a full translation of it. Peter of Toledo,\nHermann of Dalmatia, and an Englishman named Robert Kennet, or perhaps\n(says the _Histoire Litteraire_) de Retines, were selected for this\nduty. To them were added an Arab scholar and Peter of Poitiers, the\nabbot\u2019s favorite private secretary. They were to render the Koran into\nLatin directly; and at it they went, accomplishing their task between\n1141 and 1144, at the time of an epidemic in the monastery. Then Peter\nhimself joined with them in a refutation of its errors\u2014albeit his\nLatinity was not first-rate, being rather that of a man of affairs than\nof a student. There was another Latin refutation of the Koran by Brother\nRichard, a Dominican who lived in the thirteenth and into the fourteenth\ncentury. Luther translated that into German in 1542.\n\nWhat a warm-blooded, good, hearty fellow Peter must have been! He had\nonly found three hundred monks at Cluny in 1122; but Hugo of Cluny, his\nsuccessor, was entitled to take rule, there and elsewhere, over ten\nthousand. Mount Tabor, the Valley of Jehoshaphat, and Constantinople\nwere among the places where the \u201cblack\u201d monks were well established. And\na large share of this was due to the sagacity and statesmanship of\nPeter. In proof of this fine humanity, take his behavior to Abelard. The\nfull story comes properly in another place; for Abelard himself was a\nwriter of hymns, and worthy of more than transient reference. But when\npoor Abelard was repudiated, disgraced, shamefully mutilated, and nearly\nat despair\u2019s edge, wearied out with St. Gildas and his refractory monks,\nand finally defeated by the purer and higher logic of Bernard, then,\nindeed, do we see Peter of Cluny at his best. He received the\ndisappointed and broken man with \u201cthe welcome of an unutterably\nguileless and sympathetic heart.\u201d Cluny\u2019s gates opened wide to take him\nin. Cluny\u2019s genial, restful spirit closed in about his own like the\nfeathers of the mother bird around her callow, shivering brood.\n\nAnd when he dies, it is Cluny\u2019s abbot who details with the loving\nparticularity, which would most help the sore heart of Heloise, all his\nlast doings. He speaks even to the kinship of every age when, after this\nlong and tender letter, whose Latin glows with a deep fervency, he\ncloses in this wise: \u201cMay God, in your stead, comfort him in his bosom;\ncomfort him as another you; and guard him till through grace he is\nrestored to you at the coming of the Lord, with the shout of the\narchangel and the trump of God descending from the heavens.\u201d\n\nIt is time that we speak of his writings, of which a full edition was\npublished at Paris in 1522, one of the Cluniac monks being its compiler.\nFrequently, during the next two hundred years, they are republished in\nwhole or in part. They are thus by no means inaccessible, though their\nmerit is not so great. One of the important works is directed against\nthe Jews, for whom he had a most pious dislike. Others are in the nature\nof epistles or of controversial replies, valuable only for their time\nand their spirit.\n\nOf his verse, however, we have left us but about fourteen specimens. One\nof these is against the detractors of the poetry of Peter of Poitiers,\nwho were nearer right than he supposed them to be. Another is a rhymed\nepistle to a certain Raimond, of some sixty-four lines. Then we have a\n\u201cprose,\u201d the word being cognate to _prosody_, in honor of Jesus Christ.\nIts structure, except for the additional short syllable, is identical\nwith the \u201cleonine and tailed rhyme\u201d of Bernard of Morlaix, his prior:\n\n  \u201cA patre mittitur, in terris nascitur, Deus de virgine\n  Humana patitur, docet et moritur, libens pro homine.\u201d\n\nIt celebrates Him, sent from the Father, born on the earth, God from a\nvirgin, wearing our mortal shape, teaching and tarrying with us, and\natoning for our sins. The best, perhaps, of all his poems is what Trench\nand March quote:\n\n  \u201cMortis portis fractis, fortis\n  Fortior vim sustulit,\u201d\u2014\n\nthe real original of those splendid lines:\n\n  \u201cNow broken are the bars of Death,\n  And crushed thy sting, Despair!\u201d\u2014\n\nwhich we find in Bishop Heber\u2019s resurrection hymn, commencing, \u201cGod is\ngone up with a merry noise.\u201d There is a life to these verses which one\nmust understand their author in order to appreciate. They follow, in the\nbest attire that I can give them. They are exultant rather than\nillustrious. It is the man and not his measures whom we celebrate!\nDaniel does not think it worth his while to include him at all.\nArchbishop Trench takes his own text from the _Bibliotheca Cluniacense_,\nParis, 1614:\n\n\n                    ON THE RESURRECTION OF OUR LORD.\n\n  The gates of death are broken through,\n    The strength of hell is tamed,\n  And by the holy cross anew\n    Its cruel king is shamed.\n  A clearer light has spread its ray\n    Across the land of gloom\n  When he who made the primal day\n    Restores it from the tomb.\n  For so the true Creator died\n    That sinners might not die,\n  And so he has been crucified\n    That we might rise on high.\n\n  For Satan then was beaten back\n    Where he, our Victor stood;\n  And that to him was deathly black\n    Which was our vital good.\n  For Satan, capturing, is caught,\n    And as he strikes he dies.\n  Thus calmly and with mighty thought\n    The King defeats his lies,\n  Arising whence he had been brought,\n    At once, to seek the skies.\n\n  Thus God ascended, and returned\n    Again to visit man;\n  For having made him first, he yearned\n    To carry out his plan.\n  To that lost realm our Saviour flew,\n    The earliest pioneer,\n  To people Paradise anew\n    And give our souls good cheer.\n\nPeter the Venerable died on December 25th, 1156; but how or with what\nsurroundings we are not told. He was buried beside his old comrade,\nHenry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester, within the walls of the church\nwhich Innocent II. consecrated upon his memorable visit to Cluny. And\nthe _Histoire Litteraire_ breaks out into an unusual eulogy; and\ndeclares that in his case the title of \u201cVenerable\u201d was no less honorable\nthan that of \u201cSaint.\u201d They did not make \u201csaints\u201d out of such men as\nPeter\u2014and I don\u2019t quite see why they should. There was too much\nflesh-and-blood reality about him, too little of musty theology and\naltogether too little bigotry. But somehow the broad-faced happy sun\nproves himself to be the \u201cgreater light;\u201d while the moon goes palely on,\na ghost in an unaccustomed sky.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XXI.\n                           BERNARD OF CLUNY.\n\n\nIn the twelfth century\u2014the time of the great Crusades\u2014we find the\nnoblest and purest of Latin hymns. It is the age of Hildebert, Abelard,\nBernard of Clairvaux, Peter of Cluny, and Adam of St. Victor. But among\nthem all I find no one who has inspired a deeper and more lovely desire\nfor the heavenly land than Bernard of Cluny.\n\nThe information about him is very meagre. He was born at Morlaix in\nBrittany, of English parents. He seems to have attained to no\necclesiastical dignity\u2014such men seldom care for baubles and trinkets.\nBut his is as true a soul as ever burned like a star on a summer night,\nagainst the warm, obscure, palpitating heaven of eternal hope. The date\nof his prominence is fixed by the fact that Peter the Venerable was his\nabbot, and it is therefore included between 1122 and 1156. I have (in\n_The Heavenly Land_) myself assigned the _Laus Patriae Coelestis_\u2014his\nfamous and only poem, which is addressed to Abbot Peter, to 1145 or\nthereabouts.\n\nHis single up-gush of melody is a lamentation over the evil condition of\nthe times in which he lives. They were indeed days to sadden the soul of\nthe saint; and he called his poem _De Contemptu Mundi_; for he despised\nthe _immundus mundus_\u2014the foul world in which he was forced to remain.\nIt consists of some three thousand lines of dactylic hexameter, and was\nfirst published (so says Trench, who is its step-parent) by Matthias\nFlacius Illyricus in his scarce and little known supplement to the\n_Catalogus Testium Veritatis_. In this \u201cCatalogue of Witnesses to the\nTruth\u201d he gathers all those who have testified against the papacy, and\nthe supplement, _Varia doctorum piorumque Virorum de Corrupto Ecclesiae\nStatu Poemata_ (1556), is made up of hymns and poems in which the pious\n_within_ the Church, as well as without her walls, sorrowed over her\ncorruption.\n\nBernard\u2019s poem is sometimes known, therefore, by his own title, _De\nContemptu Mundi_, and sometimes by that given by Trench to his cento of\nabout one hundred lines, _Laus Patriae Coelestis_, the \u201cPraise of the\nHeavenly Land.\u201d From this cento one would derive altogether an erroneous\nidea of the whole; but Dr. Neale, who wrote with the full text before\nhim, although he paraphrased but part of it, tells us that the poem, in\ngreat part, is a bitter satire on the fearful wickedness of the times.\nIt was the part Trench passed by for which Matthias Flacius Illyricus,\nits first editor, cared the most. The sins and greediness of the Court\nof Rome are the theme of the eighty-five lines he has embodied in the\ntext of the _Catalogus_ itself. By both that and the poems of his\nsupplement, he sought to justify the Protestant Reformation on the side\nof Christian discipline and morals.[10]\n\nThe translators have had a hard problem in Bernard\u2019s poem, and but few\nhave attempted to \u201cbend the bow of Ulysses.\u201d Dr. Neale has achieved the\nmost popular and useful result, in the version from which \u201cJerusalem the\nGolden\u201d has been extracted, but he does not pretend to literalness. \u201cMy\nown translation,\u201d he says, \u201cis so free as to be little more than an\nimitation.\u201d Dr. Coles has gone straight away from the dactyls and made a\nversion in anapests\u2014a metre which does not do justice to Bernard.\nArchbishop Trench has rendered a few lines in the same measure as the\noriginal. I have myself followed (in 1867) the exact metre and rhyme of\nthe original poem; but such a version is rather curious than useful. The\ntranslation signed by \u201cO. A. M., Cherry Valley,\u201d is in its typography,\nwhile fine and clear, affectedly antique. The metrical power of this\nversion is inferior. It is dactylic but not fluent, and does not at all\nrepresent the original. That by Mr. Gerard Moultrie is praised by Dr.\nTrench as metrically close and poetically beautiful. I have no\nhesitation in saying it is the best version which has appeared in\nEnglish. It seems to keep both to the spirit and the letter of the\noriginal, and is in all respects a remarkable achievement. It, however,\nomits the double rhyme, and thus avoids the chief difficulty of a\nreproduction of the form of the original. That by Rev. Jackson Mason\n(1880) will not stand a comparison with Mr. Moultrie\u2019s, as it halts and\nbreaks in its measure and produces an effect on the ear far from\npleasant.\n\nThe difficulty of translation is due entirely to the character of the\nverse. Bernard himself declares \u201cunless that spirit of wisdom and\nunderstanding had been with me, and flowed in upon so difficult a metre,\nI could not have composed so long a work.\u201d Not that this form of verse\nwas original with him. Peter Damiani has used it in one of his hymns to\nour Lord\u2019s mother:\n\n  \u201cO miseratrix, O dominatrix, praecipe dictu\n  Ne devastemur, ne lapidemur, grandinis ictu.\u201d\n\nAnd, to go farther back still, a certain Theodulus, who lived in the\nreign of the Emperor Zeno (474-91) wrote a poem of nine hundred lines on\nBernard\u2019s own theme, _De Contemptu Mundi_, in the same metre:\n\n  \u201cPauper amabalis et venerabilis est benedictus\n  Dives inutilis insatiabilis, est maledictus.\n  Qui bona negligit et mala diligit intrat abyssum;\n  Nulla pecunia, nulla potentia liberat ipsum.\u201d\n\nA glance will show the nature of this trouble which the patient Bernard\nencountered. Take the two lines:\n\n  \u201cHora _nov\u00edssima_, tempora _p\u00e9ssima_ sunt, _vigil\u00e9mus!_\n  Ecce _minaciter_, imminet _\u00e1rbiter_, ille _supr\u00e9mus_.\u201d\n\nThat is:\n\n  \u201cThese are the _l\u00e1tter_ times,\n  These are not _b\u00e9tter_ times,\n    Let us stand _waiting!_\n  Lo, how with _\u00e1wfulness_,\n  He, first in _l\u00e1wfulness_,\n    Comes, _arbitrating!_\u201d\n\nOf course it is infinitely harder to the translator who is restricted,\nthan to the composer who can eddy around his subject\u2014led by the rhyme as\nmuch and as freely as he will. And this is what Bernard always does. His\nverses are ejaculations, desires, lamentations, longings\u2014measured out by\nthe \u201cleonine hexameter\u201d which he employs. To show the beauty still\nuntranslated, as well as to exhibit more of the structure of the poem, I\nappend four of these lines:\n\n  \u201cPax ibi florida, pascua vivida, viva medulla,\n  Nulla molestia, nulla tragoedia, lacryma nulla.\n  O sacra potio, sacra refectio, pax animarum\n  O pius, O bonus, O placidus sonus, hymnus earum.\u201d\n\nThus Englished, closely:\n\n  \u201cPeace is there flourishing,\n  Pasture-land nourishing,\n    Fruitful forever.\n  There is no aching breast,\n  There is no breaking rest,\n    Tears are seen never.\n  O sacred draught of bliss!\n  Peace, like a waft of bliss!\n    Sustenance holy!\n  O dear and best of sounds,\n  Heard in the rest of sounds,\n    Hymned by the lowly!\u201d\n\nOr thus, less closely and more according to the spirit of the poem:\n\n  \u201cPeace doth abide in thee;\n  None hath denied to thee\n    Fruitage undying.\n  Thou hast no weariness;\n  Naught of uncheeriness\n    Moves thee to sighing.\n  Draught of the stream of life,\n  Joy of the dream of life,\n    Peace of the spirit!\n  Sacred and holy hymns,\n  Placid and lowly hymns,\n    Thou dost inherit!\u201d\n\nSo strange and subtle is the charm of this marvellous poem, with its\nabrupt and startling rhythm, that it affects me even yet, though I have\nbut swept my fingers lightly over a single chord. I seem to myself to\nhave again taken into my hand the old familiar harp, whose strings I\nhave often struck in times of darkness or of depression of soul, and to\nbe tuning it once more to the heavenly harmony which the old monk tried\nto catch. Perhaps some day, when the clouds are removed, I shall see\nhim, and understand even better than now the glory that lit his lonely\ncell, and made him feel that\n\n  \u201cEarth looks so little and so low\n  When faith shines full and bright.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXII.\n                          ADAM OF ST. VICTOR.\n\n\nThe school of St. Victor, in Paris, was founded by William of Champeaux,\nthe teacher and rival of Abelard, at the commencement of the twelfth\ncentury. It is known to history as having been the abode of three\ndistinguished scholars, Hugo, Richard, and Adam. Hugo and Richard of St.\nVictor were mystics, and Vaughan, in _Hours with the Mystics_, has set\nthem before us. From this and other sources, we grow more and more\namazed to find the immense influence of such a school. A century from\nits foundation showed St. Victor to be the parent of thirty abbeys and\nof more than eighty priories. Here in these cells, like bees in a hive,\nthe busy monks were laying up the only honey of the Dark\nAges\u2014multiplying manuscripts, delving into remote philosophies, muddling\ntheir brains over abstruse questions, but now and then leaving behind\nthem something to benefit mankind. Theology and dialectics were their\ngreat and indeed their only pursuits. Like the swirls of a sluggish\nstream beneath its banks, they occasionally caught and kept fresh some\nbroken flower from the shore. Thus, one may, for example\u2019s sake, put a\ncertain pretty idea of Hugo of St. Victor into modern verse:\n\n  \u201cHugo, St. Victor\u2019s prior\u2014a man\n    Gentle and sweet, contemplative and wise,\n  Makes mention in his fine and mystic plan\n    Of three great steps by which our spirits rise:\n    First, _Cogitation_\u2014when we turned our eyes;\n  Then, _Meditation_\u2014when our minds began\n  With hovering wing the kindled thought to scan;\n    Last, _Contemplation_\u2014which all doubt defies.\n  Yea, and he saith that, in the greenest wood\n    Of stubborn souls, this glory kindleth so\n    That the pure flame against the sap will glow\n  And be by nothing finally withstood\u2014\n    The smoke itself be parted to and fro,\n  Until clear light shall shine in constant good.\u201d\n\nRichard was the disciple and successor of this gentle-spirited Hugo. In\n1114 the priory became an abbacy, and when Richard was prior in 1162, he\nhad for abbot no very godly person, since under Ervisius all discipline\nwas relaxed, and scandal and sensuality began to rule. But Richard stood\nout stoutly and with good judgment; and he lived to see the old harmony\nand glory return again. In his day and in that of Adam, which was\ncontemporaneous with his, the school represented the dialectical and\ntheologic, rather than the spiritual and mystical side of religion; and\nyet it did good work, as a peacemaker, for the truth. It gives us little\nenough, however, with which to fall in love. Massive it may be, and\nintricate in its curious ability respecting useless pieces of\nchop-logic, but the profound piety which belongs to every age and clime\ndid not find much to comfort it at St. Victor. These men dug shafts and\ntunnels, they did not open foundations and sink wells down to living\nstreams.\n\nAdam of St. Victor, as I have said, lived in those days, and they\nproduced their natural effect upon his mind and upon his writings. He\ndied somewhere between 1172 and 1192; and while he was celebrated as the\nexpositor of St. Jerome\u2019s prefaces to the books of the Bible, and was\nknown as the composer of \u201csequences, rhythms, and other writings,\u201d his\nfame rests upon his modern rediscovery by Monsieur Gautier. The history\nof the preservation of his hymns is itself a suggestive commentary on\nthe difficulties of Latin hymnology, and so I give it entire.\n\nClichtove, a Flemish theologian of the period between 1500 and 1550,\nundertook to help his brethren to comprehend the offices of the Church.\nHis _Elucidatorium Ecclesiasticum_ was first published in Paris in 1515,\nand then at Basle in 1517 and 1519. There were four subsequent\neditions\u2014that of Paris (1556) being the best, and that of Cologne (1732)\nbeing the latest. Now this book was the great mine for Latin hymns\nbefore Daniel, Trench, Mone, K\u00f6nigsfeld, March, and others made them\naccessible. And of Adam of St. Victor he gives thirty-six specimens,\nwhich were supposed to be all that had remained, with one or two\npossible exceptions.\n\nIn 1855 J. P. Migne published in his _Patrologiae Cursus_, in volume\n196, these thirty-six hymns of Adam of St. Victor. Archbishop Trench,\nwho is such an admirer of our poet, has doubtless been indebted to the\nmany helpful Latin notes, with which the excellent editor of the\n_Patrologia_ has enriched the obscurity of his author. At least so it\nseems to a person who compares Trench\u2019s own notes with that Latin.\n\nMonsieur Gautier, however, determined to look further, the result being\nthat he published the _Oeuvres Poetiques d\u2019 Adam de St. Victor_ in 1858\nat Paris. This gives us one hundred and six hymns\u2014of which Trench says\nthat some of them were well known but anonymous; and others are strictly\nnew, and fully equal to his best compositions. From this source, then,\nthe two great admirers of Adam of St. Victor\u2014Archbishop Trench and Dr.\nNeale\u2014have drawn their originals.\n\nI am not surprised that theologians should enjoy such a poet as Adam. He\nis so terse, so dialectically subtle, so metaphysically accurate, so\nallegorically copious. In a line he often makes a reference which his\neditor struggles to catch in a foot-note a page long. And you must\ncomprehend the reference in order to comprehend the poem! As I read the\neulogy of Trench, I find him saying that when we remember Adam of St.\nVictor\u2019s theologic lore, his frequent and admirable use of Scripture,\nhis art and variety in versification, his \u201cskill in conducting a story,\u201d\nand his own personal feeling which permeates his poems, we must put him\n\u201cforemost among the sacred Latin poets of the Middle Ages.\u201d Dr. Neale,\ntoo, calls him \u201cthe greatest of mediaeval poets.\u201d And so, \u201cwhat shall he\ndo that cometh after the King?\u201d For, in spite of this mighty\ncommendation, and in spite of the praise which these didactic hymns have\nobtained, _we cannot and do not sing any of them_. Even Dr. Neale cannot\nmake them singable, though he would probably do it if he could.\n\nI must confess\u2014and take the risk of being charged with stupidity and\nignorance\u2014that I cannot place Adam of St. Victor where they have set\nhim. Southey\u2019s ballads and poems are legion, as we know, and they are\nlearned beyond all cavilling; but they will not live like the two or\nthree little things of Motherwell. And Adam\u2019s vast congeries of\nsequences, composed for all the saints and festivals of the calendar,\ncannot stand an instant against the sweetness of Bernard of Clairvaux,\nor the grandeur of Peter Damiani\u2019s judgment hymn. These others, it is\ntrue, wrote less, but they wrote _subjectively_, and hence they appealed\nto the heart of the Christian in every age. For _verse_ alone, however\nskilful, is not _poetry_; and the celebration of saints and angels,\nhowever beautifully accomplished, ministers nothing to \u201ca mind\ndiseased.\u201d We need to feel a genius which kindles its watch-fire in the\nline of signal\u2014as did Helena\u2019s watchers between Jerusalem and\nConstantinople. Then, as this flame flares up into the night, we know\nthat it speaks to us of the discovery of the true cross.\n\nI am thus compelled to dissent from the _cultus_ which has grown up\nabout this brilliant, epigrammatic, and altogether admirable Adam. For\nhe attracts by his obscurity and he surprises by his intricacy; and the\ninterest excited is that of the scholar and of the translator, rather\nthan that of the popular approval of the Christians of to-day. And I am\nglad to support this opinion, not merely by the rather caustic comment\nof Professor March, but by the word of Mrs. Charles, where she speaks of\n\u201chis elaborate system of Scriptural types occasionally chilling the\ngenuine fire of his verse into a catalogue of images.\u201d And I must add,\nfor my own justification, that this \u201cfire\u201d is the fire of the orator,\nand not altogether that of the poet. It is objective and not subjective;\nfor though there be two kinds of poetry in the world, we cannot doubt\nwhich kind it is that \u201cpermanently pleases and takes commonly with all\nclasses of men\u201d\u2014for this was Aristotle\u2019s unequalled definition.\n\nIt is time that we should take a glance at this laureate of St. Victor,\nwhose monumental plate of copper remained, down to the date of the first\nRevolution, near the door of the choir in that ancient cloister. The\nepitaph upon it was mainly drawn from his own work. It breathes the same\ncontempt of earth and derision of its vanities, which we find so common\nin that age.\n\n  _\u201cVana salus hominis, vanus decor, omnia vana;_\n  _Inter vana nihil vanius est homine.\u201d_\n\n  \u201cVain is the welfare of man and his fashion, for all things are\n              vanity;\n  And, in the midst of vanity, nothing is vainer than man.\u201d\n\nIt was a later hand than his own which, after selecting those ten lines\nfrom Adam\u2019s own writings, added four very inferior verses to complete\nthe inscription. These state that:\n\n  \u201cI who lie here, the unfortunate and wretched (_miser et miserabilis_)\n  Adam, ask one prayer as my highest reward: I have sinned; I confess; I\n  seek pardon; spare the contrite. Spare me, father; spare me, brethren;\n  spare me, God.\u201d\n\nHe was born in Brittany, to the best of our information. He studied in\nParis, and finally entered the walls of St. Victor, never to leave it.\nIt is a very brief record, but it illustrates the monotony and dead\nsameness of that mediaeval monastic life. The Dark Ages were mud-flats,\nfrom which the tide had gone out. And yet I think that Adam of St.\nVictor had another side to him, which Trench and Neale might well have\ndeveloped\u2014a power of livelier rhythm than is often suspected. The little\nstranded fish perchance gambolled a trifle in its small sea-water pool.\n\nThe poem which I quote is found in Migne and Gautier. It differs from\nanother sequence upon a similar theme\u2014one which Dr. Neale has\ntranslated. It is \u201cThe Praise of the Cross.\u201d\n\nThis poem, it will be seen, is abrupt, irregular, and altogether\ninferior, in some features, to the usually finished and elegant diction\nof its author. For this very reason I have selected it; it exhibits Adam\nof St. Victor when he dashes off the stanzas without revision, fired by\nthe glow of his theme. Only on this account do I render it, trying\nmerely to carry its dash and spirit into the English version.\n\n  Salve, Crux, arbor\n  Vitae praeclara.\n    Vexillum Christi,\n  Thronus et ara.\n    O Crux, profanis\n  Terror et ruina,\n    Tu Christianis\n  Virtus es divina\n    Salus et victoria.\n  Tu properantis\n    Contra Maxentium\n  Tu praeliantis\n    Juxta Danubium\n    Constantini gloria.\n  Favens Heraclio\n  Perdis cum filio\n    Chosroe profanum.\n  In hoc salutari\n  Ligno gloriari\n    Decet Christianum.\n  Crucis longum, latum,\n    Sublim\u00e8, profundum,\n  Sanctis propalatum\n    Quadrum salvat mundum\n  Sub quadri figura\n    Medicina vera.\n    Christus in statera\n    Crucis est distractus,\n    Pretiumque factus,\n  Solvit mortis jura.\n  Crux est nostrae\n  Libra justitiae\n    Sceptrum regis,\n  Virga potentiae.\n    Crux, coelestis\n  Signum victoriae.\n    Belli robur\n  Et palma gloriae.\n    Tu scala, tu vatis\n    Tu crux desperatis\n  Tabula suprema.\n    Tu de membris Christi\n    Decorem traxisti\n  Regum diadema.\n\n\n  Ter te nobis Crux beata\n  Crux, cruore consecrata\n  Sempiterna gaudia\n  Det superna gratia.\n            Amen!\n\n  Hail, thou Cross, splendid\n    Tree, of life\u2019s own place;\n  Christ\u2019s very standard,\n    Altar and throne-place.\n  Thou to the heathen\n    Ruin and terror;\n  Thou to the Christian\n    Bringing joy nearer\u2014\n    Health and success!\n  Thou when Maxentius\n    Swiftly defied\u2014\n  Thou when the Danube\n    Flowed at his side\u2014\n  Gavest to Constantine\n    Glory no less!\n  Yea, and Heraclius\u2019\n    Fight thou hast won\n  When the proud Chosroes\n    Fell, with his son.\n  So should a Christian tongue\n    Boast of the worth\n  Of this most wonderful\n    Tree of the earth.\n  This the true medicine\n    Of the whole land\n  Four-square and perfect\n    As it shall stand;\n  Four-square in breadth and height,\n    Depth and length, ever;\n  Shown to the saints of God,\n    Cure for life\u2019s fever.\n  Christ in such balances,\n    Poised on the cross,\n  Maketh death lightest,\n    Saveth from loss!\n  Yea, the cross truly\u2014\n    Justest of scales!\u2014\n  For a king\u2019s sceptre\n    And priest\u2019s rod avails.\n  Cross thou art surely\n    Our heavenly sign,\n  Strength of our battle\n    And guerdon divine.\n  Ladder and life-raft\n    And plank on the wave\u2014\n  Those that are drowning,\n    O cross, thou canst save!\n  Thou that hast carried\n    The Saviour of men,\n  Hadst the best honor\n    Of royalty, then.\n\n\n  Blessed cross, may there be given,\n  Through that blood, our way to heaven\u2014\n  Unto us eternal place\n  Unto us celestial grace!\n\nAdam\u2019s peculiarities are very marked in this production. He alludes, as\nyou perceive, to the Cross in the air which Constantine took as his sign\nin which to conquer. He refers to Chosroes, King of Persia, who, after\ngreat successes and the conquest of Jerusalem itself, was finally\novercome by Heraclius, the Eastern Emperor, about 622-29 A.D.; and he\nalso drags in a piece of mystical imagery about the \u201cfour-squareness\u201d of\nthe earth, which is hard enough to understand without a key. The key is\none with many wards. It includes the \u201cbreadth, depth, length, and\nheight\u201d of the love of Christ; it suggests the appearance of the\nheavenly city of John\u2019s vision; it reminds us of the temple in Ezekiel\u2019s\nprophecy, and of the account of the actual structure in 1 Kings; it\nrecalls the classical geographers\u2019 notions about the shape of the earth\nand about the \u201cfour quarters,\u201d which we still call east, west, north,\nsouth; it finally symbolizes all these things by the four arms of the\nCross! Is it any wonder that Adam of St. Victor is a difficult poet to\ntranslate, and that his verses are not fitted to be sung?\n\nYet it must not be forgotten that the _Heri mundus exultavit_ (St.\nStephen\u2019s Day) and the _Veni, Creator Spiritus, Spiritus Recreator_, are\nboth his. Nor must it escape notice that Dr. Neale\u2019s _Mediaeval Hymns_\ncontains eleven versions of Adam of St. Victor; while Dr. Washburn,\nChancellor Benedict, and other translators have quite made the old\nschoolman\u2019s \u201csequences\u201d and \u201cproses\u201d familiar to the most careless eye.\nRecently also we have the three volumes of Mr. Digby S. Wrangham\n(London, 1881) in which our poet is translated entire, the Latin and\nEnglish being placed upon opposite pages. He has attained such an\neminence as Drummond of Hawthornden, who has come back to us because he\nknew Ben Jonson and had kept and stratified the spirit of his age.\n\nTo me the man is always fascinating, always suggestive. He appears to\nchallenge the best that we moderns can do. His very terseness is a\ndefiance. And here, in this strange symmetry, I fancy that I see the\nalertness and skill of that wise insect which takes hold with her hands\nin kings\u2019 palaces. The web of this precise and unvarying artisan often\nsparkles with the morning dew of a pure devotion. The lines and stays\nand braces and fashioning of these illustrious verses are as accurate as\nthe spider\u2019s spinning. I look up toward the light and, yonder, upon some\nCorinthian capital of the song of songs\u2014or over there in a corner of the\ngate called Beautiful through which Ezekiel walks\u2014or again, high amid\nthe wisdom of that Solomon\u2019s Porch of the Apocalypse where stands the\nserene John\u2014there I see how Adam of St. Victor has stretched his web.\nAnd if, now and then, some dead fly of an obscure allusion, or some\ndesiccated bit of monasticism, offends the sight, I strive to think only\nof the art that has spread the fabric\u2014and God\u2019s glorious sunshine\nbrightens, upon His own temple, His little creature\u2019s toil!\n\n\n                         VERBUM DEI, DEO NATUM.\n\n  He, the Word of God, the fated\n  Son, unmade and uncreated\n    Came from heaven to be with men.\n  John beheld him, touched him truly,\n  Brought him in this gospel newly\n    Back to dwell with us again.\n\n  Where those early streams were flowing,\n  Purely from pure fountains going,\n    John breaks forth in fuller tides,\n  Pouring for the thirsty nations\n  Those life-giving, sweet libations\n    Which the throne of God provides.\n\n  Heaven he trod, wherein the golden\n  Sun of truth by him beholden\n    Filled his soul\u2019s most secret space.\n  Dreaming, with his spirit lifted\n  To the seraphim, whose shifted\n    Wings revealed God\u2019s very face.\n\n  There he heard in circle seated\n  Harpers harp their oft-repeated\n    Praise, with elders near the throne:\n  By the seal of Godhead placing\n  On our very speech the tracing\n    Of the thoughts of God alone.\n\n  As an eagle, unmolested\n  Where each seer and prophet rested,\n    Far he flies above them all:\n  Never yet was mortal smitten\n  By such secret truths unwritten,\n    Truths which never fail or fall.\n\n  There the King, in vesture splendid\n  Seen, but yet uncomprehended,\n    Passes to his palace gate;\n  To his bride, from his dominion,\n  He has sent on eagle\u2019s pinion\n    Tidings of that mystic state.\n\n  Speak thou then her bridegroom\u2019s splendor,\n  Tell of rest most deep and tender,\n    Bear thy message to the bride.\n  Tell what angels\u2019 food resembles,\n  At what feasts all heaven assembles,\n    Where their King shall still abide.\n\n  Tell again what bread is given,\n  Purchased by that side once riven\u2014\n    Christ\u2019s own bread, himself alone.\n  How that company upraises\n  To the Lamb its lofty praises,\n    When we sing before the throne.\n\n\n                          SIMPLEX IN ESSENTIA.\n\n  Single in essential place,\n  But of sevenfold power and grace,\n    May the Spirit shine on us:\n  May the light divinely shown\n  For all gloom of heart atone,\n    And temptations perilous.\n\n  Law in symbols went before us,\n  Dark with threats of judgment o\u2019er us,\n    Ere we saw the gospel rays:\n  May the spirit of the sages\n  Hidden in their lettered pages\n    Venture forth in open ways!\n\n  Law, men heard from mountain peaks;\n  Unto few the New Grace speaks\n    Softly, in a room above:\n  Thus the spot itself is teaching\n  Which are best within our reaching\u2014\n    Works of law or words of love.\n\n  Flame and trumpet sounding loud\n  Thunder through the smoky shroud:\n    Sudden-flashing lightnings\u2014those\n  Strike a terror to the soul;\n  Nourishing no sweet control\n    Which the Spirit\u2019s gift bestows.\n\n  Thus the sundered\n  Sinai thundered,\n    Fixing law and guilty man.\n  Law most fearful\n  And uncheerful,\n    Crushing sin by rigid plan.\n\n  But the fathers long selected,\n  And to power divine directed\n    How they loose the bonds of sin!\n  Words refreshing, threats astounding\n  Through new tongues in concord sounding\n    Thus their miracles begin.\n\n  Showing care for them that languish,\n  Sparing man they spare not anguish\n    In pursuit of evil things.\n  Smiting sinners, and reminding,\n  Only loosing, only binding\n    By the power which freedom brings.\n\n  Type of Jubilee returning\n  Is that day (if thou art learning\n    Mysteries of holy time)\n  On the which three thousand hearing,\n  Came in faith, no longer fearing,\n    And the Church sprang up sublime.\n\n  Jubilee, for so they knew it,\n  Who were changed and succored through it,\n  Since it freely called unto it\n    Debts and doubts, and set them right.\n  May the loving kindness spoken\n  Unto us distressed and broken,\n  Give release, and as a token\n    Make us worthy of the light.\n\n\n                         ZYMA VETUS EXPURGETUR.\n\n  Purge away the ancient leaven,\n  Let a paschal joy be given,\n    For our Lord is risen again.\n  This the day of better vision,\n  This the day of vast decision,\n    By the Word of God to men.\n\n  This despoiled Egyptian spoilers,\n  This set free the Hebrew toilers\n    From the bonds in which they lay,\n  Where, in iron furnace fastened,\n  Tyrants all their labor hastened\n    In cement and straw and clay.\n\n  Now in praise of holy living,\n  Holy triumph, godlike giving,\n    Let the free voice sound its strain.\n  This the day the Lord created,\n  This our grief has terminated,\n    Comfort bringing to our pain.\n\n  Things to come let law betoken,\n  Christ shows promises unbroken,\n    Still appearing all in all.\n  Through his blood the sword though awful\n  Blunted droops\u2014our way is lawful,\n    And the prohibitions fall.\n\n  He who gave us cause of laughter,\n  (Since the rescue followed after)\n    Glad of heart is Isaac still;\n  Joseph from the pit is lifted,\n  As from death our Lord, through rifted\n    Clouds that veiled the heavenly will.\n\n  Thus that serpent-rod, surprising\n  Malice in its worst devising,\n    Swallowed all the other rods.\n  Thus the brazen serpent vying\n  With the poison, when the dying\n    Trusted God instead of gods.\n\n  Through the jaw, with hook and cable\n  Christ to seize the foe is able;\n    On the cockatrice\u2019s den\n  He, the wean\u00e8d child, is sitting,\n  While afar in fear is flitting\n    That old enemy of men.\n\n  They who laughed at good Elias\n  Feel the cursing of the pious\n    Struck by vengeance undeferred;\n  While King David feigning madness,\n  And the goat that bears our sadness\n    Flee as does the sacred bird.\n\n  Samson with a jawbone merely\n  Slays a thousand foes, and clearly\n    Spurns alliance to their name.\n  Samson breaking Gaza\u2019s portal,\n  Bears it off, as life immortal\n    Bursts the gate of deathly shame.\n\n  Thus does Judah\u2019s Lion ever\n  Burst the bonds that none may sever,\n    When the third day glimmers on;\n  At his Father\u2019s voice awaking,\n  To the Church\u2019s bosom taking\n    Many a dear and ransomed son.\n\n  Jonah stayed when he was flying\u2014\n  This true Jonah signifying\u2014\n  Marks a day when safe, through dying,\n    Christ from depth of earth arose.\n  Now the cypress blossom brightens,\n  Now the cluster spreads and heightens,\n  Now the churchly lily whitens,\n    Waving over Jewish foes.\n\n  Death and life together striving\n  Hinder not the Christ reviving,\n  And with him are saints deriving\n    Resurrection through his blood.\n  Morning new and full of gladness,\n  How it cheers our every sadness;\n  God hath conquered Satan\u2019s madness\n    In this time of joy and good!\n\n  Jesus, victor, who hast given\n  Life; our Only Way to heaven;\n  Who by death our death hast shriven,\n  Bid us to thy feast, nay, even\n    Grant us faith with which to come.\n  Living bread, fount unabated,\n  Vine of truth, with fruit unsated,\n  Feed thou us thy new-created,\n  That from death reanimated\n    By thy grace we gain our home!\n\n\n                       PLAUSU CHORUS LAETEBUNDE.\n\n                  (Translated by Dr. A. R. Thompson.)\n\n  With abounding joy applauding,\n  Now, the men our songs are lauding,\n    Who rung out the gospel sound.\n  Like the sun\u2019s outstreaming glory\n  Chasing night away, their story\n    Carries life the world around.\n\n  For his flock the Shepherd careth,\n  And his law for them prepareth,\n    In a fourfold gift of love.\n  All the world shall know the healing\n  Of his law of life, revealing\n    Strength and beauty from above.\n\n  Toward the truth, complete in splendor,\n  Each a service has to render,\n    Given to him specially.\n  This is shown from forms created,\n  As it were anticipated\n    In a vivid prophecy.\n\n  Piercing through the clouds low lying,\n  John, upon an eagle flying,\n    Looks the very sun upon.\n  Rising to the height of heaven,\n  In the Father\u2019s bosom even,\n    He beholds the Eternal One.\n\n  Face and form of man betoken\n  Matthew, for by him are spoken\n    Words, which tell that to our race\n  God himself has now descended,\n  And the God and Man, now blended,\n    Takes in David\u2019s line his place.\n\n  Ox with open mouth, assigns he\n  Unto Luke, by him designs he\n    Christ a Victim to display.\n  Cross for altar he receiveth,\n  There our peace his death achieveth,\n    Olden rites have passed away.\n\n  Face of rugged, roused up lion\n  Is for Mark\u2014\u2019tis his to cry on\n    With an all-pervading sound,\n  Of the Christ, raised up victorious\n  By the Father\u2019s power all-glorious,\n    With immortal splendor crowned.\n\n  In this fourfold way of wonder\n  To the world God cometh; under\n    Vestments such the ark is borne.\n  Forth from paradise are flowing\n  These new streams of mercy, going\n    To refresh the world forlorn.\n\n  Never will the house fall, surely,\n  Built on fourfold wall securely,\n    Thus the house of God doth rest.\n  In this house, oh wondrous story!\n  Dwells the Blessed in his glory,\n    God with man in union blessed.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXIII.\n                           THOMAS OF CELANO.\n\n\nHymnologists have their favorites among the sacred singers of the Middle\nAges, but all concede the first place to the poet who gave the world the\n_Dies Irae_, the great sequence or \u201cprose\u201d sung in the service for the\ndead of the Latin Church. It has attracted more attention than any other\nsingle hymn. Whole books have been written about it. It is indissolubly\nassociated in the history of music with Mozart\u2019s wonderful \u201cRequiem,\u201d\nand in that of literature with the concluding scenes of the first part\nof \u201cFaust.\u201d More translations have been made of it than of any other\npoem in the Latin language, or perhaps in any language. All Christendom\nrejoices in it as a common treasure, the gift of God through a devout\nItalian monk of the thirteenth century.\n\nIt was in an age full of vitality that this \u201chymn of the giants\u201d was\nwritten\u2014the most interesting century in the history of Christendom,\nMatthew Arnold says. In all directions we encounter the play or\ncollision of great forces. The Papacy, the Empire, the Crusades, the\nMendicant Orders, and even, in its way, the Inquisition, give evidence\nof the working of a spirit of energy and movement, which places the\ncentury in sharp contrast to the less explicit development which had\npreceded, and the age of comparative exhaustion which followed. Nowhere\nwas this more visible than in the characters of the great Churchmen of\nthe thirteenth century. Popes like Innocent III. and Gregory IX.,\nfounders of orders like Dominic and Francis, theologians like Aquinas\nand Bonaventura, may excite our admiration or our censure, but they are\nmen of such magnitude as are not to be found in other centuries in the\nsame number. They were live men, and they have made a lasting impression\nupon the world by the force of their vitality.\n\nTwo of these, Aquinas and Bonaventura, we shall meet again as\nhymn-writers. But first we have to deal with one whose chief claim to\nrecollection is a single great hymn. Thomas of Celano was an Italian at\na time when Italy was stirred by the great battle of Pope with Emperor\ninto an intellectual life, which was to culminate in Dante at the close\nof the century. Exactly in its last year the writing of the _Divina\nCommedia_ was to begin. The troubles of his time must have come very\nclose to Thomas. His native city of Celano, a town of the old Marsians,\nwas one of the first to suffer under the hand of Frederick II. In 1223\nit was forced to capitulate by the Count of Acerra, Thomas of Aquinas,\nthe warlike uncle and namesake of the great theologian. The inhabitants\nwere compelled to leave their houses, taking all their movables, and the\nplace was burned to the ground, only the church of St John being left\nstanding among the ruins. The people, to punish their disloyalty to the\nEmperor, were transported to Sicily, Malta, and Calabria, whence they\nreturned to rebuild their town after their enemy\u2019s death. How old Thomas\nwas at the time of this calamity, and whether it had anything to do with\nhis becoming a monk of the Order of Francis of Assisi, we do not know.\nBut certainly it is not impossible that the spectacle of this _dies\nirae_, when the sanctities of his boyhood\u2019s home were left desolate, or\neven the news of its occurrence in his absence, may have left a\npermanent impression upon his mind, and may have suggested more or less\ndirectly his great hymn.\n\nCelano lay in the northern end of the Kingdom of Naples, as it was\nafterward called, across the Apennines from Rome and slightly north of\nit. It was not far from the northern boundary of Frederick\u2019s hereditary\ndominions, across which lay the Umbrian region, where Assisi is\nsituated. At some time and in some way Thomas made his way to Assisi,\nand came under the influence of the wonderful man whose personality has\nmade the mountain town a place of pilgrimage even for those who are not\nof the Latin communion.\n\nFrancis of Assisi is one of the strangest, if also one of the most\nbeautiful figures in the history of Christendom. Protestants vie with\nCatholics, Karl Hase and Margaret Oliphant with Frederic Ozanam and\nJoseph Goerres, in depicting this devout and childlike spirit, who took\npoverty for his bride and set himself to realize in the utmost\nliteralness the command to go forth to preach repentance and forgiveness\nof sins, taking neither scrip nor purse, and possessing no more than the\nabsolute necessaries of human existence. At first he had no thought of\nfounding an order, but only of helping the poor and the suffering for\nChrist\u2019s sweet sake. But the divine fire of loving humility and\nchildlike simplicity in the man drew others inevitably to his side,\nuntil there arose in his mind the sense of a great vocation to gather\nmen into a new form of brotherhood. \u201cFear not,\u201d he said to his earliest\ndisciples, \u201cin that ye seem few and simple-minded. Preach repentance to\nthe world, trusting in Him who hath overcome the world, that His Spirit\nspeaks through you. You will find some to receive you and your word with\njoy, if still more to resist and mock you. Bear all that with patience\nand meekness. Take no heed for your simplicity or mine. In a short time\nthe wise and the noble will come to preach with you before princes and\npeople, and many will be turned to the Lord. He has shown it to me, and\nin mine ears there is a sound of the multitude of disciples who are to\ncome to us out of every people. The French are on the way; the Spaniards\nare hurrying; the Germans and English run; and a multitude of other\ntongues hasten hither.\u201d So Thomas of Celano records his words in his\nbiography of the saint, which is the freest from exaggerations and the\nmost trustworthy of them all.\n\nAs Thomas survived Francis some thirty years, there is no reason to\nregard him as one of the group of the first disciples who began to\ngather around the founder as early as 1209. He is not named among \u201cthe\ntwelve apostles\u201d who came first. But the relation between the two men\nseems to have been more than usually close and intimate. Perhaps it was\nthe more so as being founded on contrasts rather than on resemblances in\ntheir characters. For Francis was distinguished from other teachers of\nhis age by the bright and cheerful views he entertained of God and His\nlove to mankind. This was the theme of his sayings and his songs; this\nhe preached to the poor when they streamed out of the Italian cities to\nwelcome him as one who brought comfort and joy to the downcast. They\nemphasized their sense of the difference between him and the ordinary\npreachers by saying, \u201cHe hears those whom even God will not hear!\u201d\nThomas, on the other hand, seems to have been constitutionally\npredisposed to look at the darker side of things, to sing of judgment\nrather than of mercy. But he, too, found comfort in the heart-sunshine\nof his master. \u201cHis words were like fire,\u201d he says, \u201cpenetrating the\nheart.\u201d \u201cHow lovely, splendid, glorious he appeared in innocence of\nlife, in simplicity of speech, in purity of heart, in divine delight, in\nbrotherly love, in constant obedience, in loving harmony, in angelic\naspect.\u201d He found in Francis the most perfect realization of the\nChristian ideal that he or his century could conceive of; and shall we\nnot admit with George Macdonald that a perfect monk is a very fine thing\nin his way, although much less so than a perfect man?\n\nTheir sympathies as poets must have drawn them together. Francis, as\nJoseph Goerres well says, was a troubadour as well as a saint. In his\nyouth he had won distinction as a singer of worldly songs in the\nproven\u00e7al French, which was then the language of literature in Northern\nItaly. After his conversion he burst out singing the praises of God in\nthis same foreign and exotic tongue. But as he became more directly\ninterested in the welfare of his fellow-men, he began to use his gift of\nsong in his native Italian. How many of the poems that are printed under\nhis name are really his own, and how many are the work of his disciple,\nJacopone da Todi, is matter of dispute. But even Father Affo (1777), the\nmost negative of critics on this point, does not deny his authorship of\nthe wonderful \u201cSong of the Sun,\u201d also called the \u201cSong of the\nCreatures,\u201d in which the childlike delight of the saint in God\u2019s works\nfinds such charming expression, that Matthew Arnold has singled it out\nas the utterance of what is most exquisite in the spirit of his century.\nThomas, too, it was known, had the poetic gift, and indeed was\nrecognized by his brethren as the man of most literary power in the\norder. Upon him they laid the duty of compiling the founder\u2019s biography,\nand of writing the \u201clegend\u201d of his life, which should be read in the\nbreviary service on the day of his commemoration.\n\nYet he also was recognized as possessing practical gifts. The order had\nspread into Germany as well as in the other directions of which Francis\nhad prophesied. The first attempts to establish it north of the Alps,\nmade in 1216, were not happy. The Italians sent on this mission knew\nonly one German word, \u201cJa!\u201d \u201cAre you heretics?\u201d (_Sind Sie Ketzer?_) was\nthe first question put to them on Teutonic soil; and knowing nothing\nelse to say, they said \u201cJa!\u201d So they were marched across the frontier\nagain in disgrace. But brethren better provided in the matter of their\nOllendorff had been sent five years later, and now Thomas of Celano was\none of those who had been selected for the German mission, to give\nstability and unity to the work there. He was made \u201ccustos\u201d of the\nmonasteries at Mainz, Worms and Koeln (Cologne), and even took charge of\nthe whole province when its head returned to Assisi. We find Thomas\nhimself back in Assisi by 1230, where Jordan, the \u201ccustos\u201d of the\nThuringian monasteries, came to see him.\n\nFrancis had died in 1226, but whether Thomas was actual witness of his\nlast days, or derived his knowledge of them from others, his is\nrecognized as the authentic account of the saint\u2019s departure. His own\ndeath is said to have occurred in 1255, but what events filled up the\nmeantime, besides the biographic labors we have mentioned, is not known.\nPerhaps it was in those years that he composed his great sequence, as\nhis mind, when less directly brightened by the influence of his master,\nwould be more likely to revert to those trains of thought which\ncorresponded to his natural disposition. Possibly it was as his own life\nwas drawing to a close, and the shadows of the Great Day gathered nearer\nhim, that he poured out his soul in his great hymn\u2014the greatest of all\nhymns, unless we except the _Te Deum_.\n\nBesides the _Dies Irae_, there are ascribed to Thomas two other\nsequences\u2014\n\n  _Fregit victor virtualis_\n\nand\n\n  _Sanctitatis nova signa_,\n\nboth in commemoration of Francis. As the founder of the Minor Friars was\ncanonized two years after his death by Gregory IX., there was a demand\nvery early for the hymns of this character. And as there was no one\nbetter fitted to write them than the poet who had known Francis so well,\nand whom the Pope had directed to prepare a life of the saint, there is\nno inherent improbability in the tradition which ascribes them to him.\nBut they do not take rank beside the _Dies Irae_. They are poems written\nto order, not the spontaneous outpouring of the mind of the singer in\nthe presence of the overwhelming realities of the spiritual universe.\n\nThere are no less than nine persons for whom the honor of the authorship\nof the _Dies Irae_ has been claimed. Two of these are excluded as having\nlived too early to have written a poem of its structure and metrical\ncharacter; they are Gregory the Great and Bernard of Clairvaux. Two\nothers, Augustinus Bugellensis (ob. 1490) and Felix Hammerlein (ob.\n1457) are excluded by the fact that the hymn is mentioned in a work\nwritten in 1285. This leaves four rivals to Thomas of Celano in his own\ncentury, viz., John Bonaventura (ob. 1274), his brother Cardinal, Latino\nFrangipani, a Dominican (ob. 1294), Humbert, a French Franciscan, who\nbecame the fifth general of his order (ob. 1277), and Matthew of\nAcqua-Sparta in Umbria, a Franciscan, who became Bishop of Albano and\ncardinal (ob. 1302). But it is to be noticed that for not one of these\nis there a witness earlier than the sixteenth century. The first and\nlast are named as having had the authorship ascribed to them by Luke\nWadding, the historian of the Franciscans in 1625; but he ascribes it to\nThomas of Celano. The other two are named by the Jesuit, Antonio\nPossevino (1534-1611) and the Dominican, Leandro Alberti (1479-1552),\nthe latter, of course, claiming the hymn for the Dominican cardinal, as\nto whom there is not the smallest evidence that he ever wrote any poetry\nwhatever. Besides this, the _Dies Irae_ is a Franciscan, not a Dominican\npoem. It deals with the practical and the devotional, not the doctrinal\nelements in religion. Had a Dominican written it, he would have been\nanxious only for correct doctrinal statement.\n\nThomas\u2019s claim to its authorship does not rest on the weakness of rival\npretensions. In the year 1285, when Thomas had been dead about thirty\nyears and Dante was twenty years old, the Franciscan Bartholomew of Pisa\nwrote his _Liber Conformitatum_, in which he drew a labored parallel\nbetween the life of Francis of Assisi and that of our Lord. Having\noccasion to speak of Celano in this work, he goes on to describe it as\n\u201cthe place whence came Brother Thomas, who by order of the Pope wrote in\npolished speech the first legend of St. Francis, and is said to have\ncomposed the prose which is sung in the Mass for the Dead: _Dies irae,\ndies illa_.\u201d[11] This testimony out of Thomas\u2019s own century is confirmed\nby parallel evidence. Wadding, whose big folios in clumsy Latin give us\nthe tradition which prevailed within the order, says: \u201cBrother Thomas of\nCelano sang that once celebrated sequence, _Sanctitatis nova signa_,\nwhich now has gone out of use, whose work also is that solemn one for\nthe dead, _Dies irae, dies illa_, although others wish to ascribe it to\nBrother Matthew of Acqua-Sparta, a cardinal taken from among the\nMinorites.\u201d Elsewhere Wadding says: \u201cThomas of Celano, of the province\nof Penna, a disciple and companion of St. Francis, published ... a book\nabout the _Life and Miracles of St. Francis_ ... commonly called by the\nbrethren the _Old Legend_. Another shorter legend he had published\npreviously which used to be read in the choir...; three sequences, or\nrhythmic proses, of which the first, in praise of St. Francis, begins,\n_Fregit victor virtualis_. The second begins, _Sanctitatis nova signa_.\nThe third concerning the dead, adopted by the Church, _Dies irae, dies\nilla_. And this Benedict Gonon, the Coelestine [in 1625] rendered into\nFrench verse and ascribed to St. Bonaventura. Others ascribe it to\nBrother Matthew, of Acqua-Sparta, the cardinal; and others yet to other\nauthors.\u201d[12]\n\nThese direct testimonies are confirmed by local tradition in the\nprovince of Abruzzi, in which Celano is situated, and the Franciscan\norigin of the hymn by its existence as an inscription on a marble tablet\nin the church of St. Francis at Mantua, where it was seen by David\nChytraeus, a German Lutheran, who visited Italy in 1565. That the author\nwas an Italian is indicated by the peculiar three-line stanza, which\napproximates to the _terza-rima_ structure of their poetry, but is not\nfound in poetry of the Northern nations, except in later imitations.\n\nThe statement of Bartholomew of Pisa, that already in 1285 the _Dies\nIrae_ was employed in the service for the dead, shows how early it made\nits way into church use. In earlier times there was no sequence in that\nservice, for the reason that the \u201cHallelujah,\u201d which the sequence always\nfollowed, being a song of rejoicing, was not sung in the funeral\nservice. This enables us to form an opinion on the controversy as to\nwhether it was written directly for church use, or adapted for that\nafter being written as a meditation on the Day of Judgment for private\nedification. It would seem most probable that it was the wonderful\nbeauty and power of the hymn which led the Church to break through its\nrule as to the sequence following a Hallelujah necessarily. The _Dies\nIrae_ was not written to fill a place, but when written it made a place\nfor itself.\n\nThis controversy connects itself with another as to the genuineness of\ncertain verses which are prefixed or added to the eighteen of the text\nin the Missal. There are, in fact, three texts of the hymn: (1) That of\nthe Missal, which is generally followed, and will be found at the end of\nthis chapter. (2) That of the Mantuan marble tablet, which prefixes four\nverses:\n\n  1. Cogita, anima fidelis,\n  Ad quid respondere velis\n  Christo venture de coelis.\n\n  2. Cum deposcit rationem\n  Ob boni omissionem,\n  Ob mali commissionem.\n\n  3. Dies illa, dies irae,\n  Quam conemur praevenire\n  Obviamque Deo ire.\n\n  4. Seria contritione,\n  Gratiae apprehensione,\n  Vitae emendatione.\n\nAfter these come in the Mantuan text the first sixteen verses of the\nMissal text, with slight and unimportant variations, but the seventeenth\nand eighteenth are omitted, and the following conclusion substituted:\n\n  17. Consors ut beatitatis\n  Vivam cum justificatis,\n  In aevum aeternitatis. Amen.\n\n(3) The Hammerlein text, so called because found among the manuscripts\nof Felix Hammerlein after his death, which occurred about 1457. This\nalso contains the first sixteen verses of the Missal text, but with far\nmore variations than the Mantuan text shows, although not such as\ncommend themselves by their merits. Then it proceeds, altering and\nexpanding the seventeenth and eighteenth into three and adding five\nmore:\n\n  17. Oro supplex a ruinis,\n  Cor contritum quasi cinis;\n  Gere curam mei finis.\n\n  18. Lacrymosa die illa,\n  Cum resurget ex favilla\n  Tanquam ignis ex scintilla,\n\n  19. Judicandus homo reus,\u2014\n  Hinc ergo parce Deus,\n  Esto semper adjutor meus.\n\n  20. Quando coeli sunt movendi,\n  Dies adsunt tunc tremendi,\n  Nullum tempus poenitendi.\n\n  21. Sed salvatis laeta dies;\n  Et damnatis nulla quies,\n  Sed daemonum effigies.\n\n  22. O tu Deus majestatis,\n  Alme candor Trinitatis,\n  Nunc conjunge cum beatis.\n\n  23. Vitam meam fac felicem,\n  Propter tuam genetricem,\n  Jesse florem et radicem.\n\n  24. Praesta nobis tunc levamen,\n  Dulce nostrum fac certamen,\n  Ut clamemus omnes: Amen!\n\nThat neither of these additions at the beginning and end are parts of\nthe original sequence, will be evident to any one who feels the\nterseness and power of the original. They are feeble, lumbering\nexcrescences, and are fastened to it in such an external way as to\ndestroy the unity of the poem, if left as they stand. The text in the\nMissal gives us a new conception of the powers of the Latin tongue. Its\nwonderful wedding of sense to sound\u2014the _u_ assonance in the second\nstanza, the _o_ assonance in the third, and the _a_ and _i_ assonances\nin the fourth, for instance\u2014the sense of organ music that runs through\nthe hymn, even unaccompanied, as distinctly as through the opening\nverses of Lowell\u2019s \u201cVision of Sir Launfal,\u201d and the transitions as\nclearly marked in sound as in meaning from lofty adoration to pathetic\nentreaty, impart a grandeur and dignity to the _Dies Irae_ which are\nunique in this kind of writing. Then the wonderful adaptation of the\ntriple-rhyme to the theme\u2014like blow following blow of hammer upon anvil,\nas Daniel says\u2014impresses every reader. But to all this the supplementary\nverses add nothing.\n\nOf the use of the hymn in literature I have spoken already. Sir Walter\nScott introduces a vigorous and characteristic version of a portion into\nhis \u201cLay of the Last Minstrel\u201d (1805). Lockhart, writing of the great\nWizard\u2019s death-bed, says of his unconscious and wandering utterances:\n\u201cWhatever we could follow him in was some fragment of the Bible, or some\npetition of the Litany, or a verse of some psalm in the old Scotch\nmetrical version, or some of the magnificent hymns of the Romish ritual.\nWe very often heard distinctly the cadence of the _Dies Irae_.\u201d So the\nEarl of Roscommon, in the previous century, died repeating his own\nversion of the seventeenth stanza:\n\n  \u201cProstrate, my contrite heart I rend;\n  My God, my Father, and my Friend,\n  Do not forsake me in my end!\u201d\n\nDr. Samuel Johnson never could repeat the tenth stanza without being\nmoved to tears\u2014the stanza Dean Stanley quotes in his description of\nJacob\u2019s Well. Goethe makes Gretchen in \u201cFaust\u201d faint with dismay and\nhorror as she hears it sung in the cathedral, and from that moment of\nsalutary pain she becomes another woman. Meinhold in his \u201cAmber-Witch\u201d\n(_Die Bernsteinhexe_), represents the very same verses as bringing\ncomfort and assurance to a more stainless heroine in the hour of her\nsorest distress. Carlyle shows us the Romanticist tragedian Werner\nquoting the eighth stanza in his strange \u201clast testament,\u201d as his reason\nfor having written neither a defence nor an accusation of his life:\n\u201cWith trembling I reflect that I myself shall first learn in its whole\nterrific compass what I properly was, when these lines shall be read by\nmen; that is to say, in a point of time which for me will be no time; in\na condition in which all experience will for me be too late:\n\n  \u2018Rex tremendae majestatis,\n  Qui salvandos salvas gratis,\n  Salva me, fons pietatis!!!\u2019\u201d\n\nJustus Kerner, in his _Wahnsinnige Br\u00fcder_, depicts the overwhelming\npower of the hymn upon minds hardened by long continuance in sin, but\nsuddenly awakened to reflection by its thunders of the Day of Reckoning.\nDaniel well compares it to the picture of the Day of Judgment, which was\nthe means of converting the King of the Bulgars to Christianity.\n\nThe translations of our hymn into modern languages, especially into\nGerman and English, have been numbered by the hundred. Partly no doubt\nthis is due to the entirely Evangelical type of its doctrine, its\nfreedom from Mariolatry, its exaltation of divine mercy above human\nmerit, and its picture of the soul\u2019s free access to God without the\nintervention of Church and priest. Lisco (1840 and 1843) was able to\nspecify eighty-seven German versions. Michael (1866) brought this number\nup to ninety, of which sixty-two are both complete and exact; and Dr.\nPhilip Schaff says he can increase the list beyond a hundred without\nexhausting the number. Among the German translators are Andreas Gryphius\n(1650), A. W. Schlegel (1802), J. G. Fichte (1813), A. L. Follen (1819),\nJ. F. von Meyer (1824), Claus Harms (1828), J. Emmanuel Veith (1829), C.\nJ. C. Bunsen (1833), H. A. Daniel (1839), F. G. Lisco (1840), besides\npartial versions by J. G. von Herder (1802) and J. H. von Wessenberg\n(1820).\n\nThe translations into English begin with one by Joshua Sylvester in\n1621, that of Richard Crashaw in 1646 coming second. There are four of\nthat century and two of the next, the most notable being the Earl of\nRoscommon\u2019s in 1717. In the first thirty years of the nineteenth century\nthere are but four, the notable being the partial version by Sir Walter\nScott in 1805, and Macaulay\u2019s in 1826. Since Isaac Williams published\nhis in 1831, there has been a steady succession of versions, bringing\nthe number for the United Kingdom in this century up to fifty-one. Of\nthese the most noteworthy are by John Chandler (1837), Henry Alford\n(1844), Richard C. Trench (1844), William J. Irons (1848), Edward\nCaswall (1849), Frederick G. Lee (1851), John Mason Neale (1851),\nWilliam Bright (1858), Elizabeth R. Charles (1858), Herbert Kynaston\n(1862), Richard H. Hutton (1868), Dean Stanley (1868), William C. Dix\n(1871), and Hamilton McGill (1876).\n\nIn point of numbers at least America surpasses England and approaches\nGermany. Since 1841, when two anonymous versions appeared in this\ncountry, there have been at least ninety-six complete versions by\nAmerican translators, bringing the total of enumerated versions in the\nlanguage up to one hundred and fifty-four. Of American translators may\nbe named William R. Williams (1843), H. H. Brownell (1847), Abraham\nColes (1847 and later), William G. Dix (1852), S. Dryden Phelps (1855),\nJohn A. Dix (1863 and 1875), Marshall H. Bright (1866), Edward Slosson\n(1866), E. C. Benedict (1867), Margaret J. Preston (1868), Philip Schaff\n(1868), Samuel W. Duffield (1870 and later), John Anketell (1873),\nCharles W. Elliot (1881), Henry C. Lea (1882), M. W. Stryker (1883), H.\nL. Hastings (1886), and W. S. McKenzie (1887). This certainly, both by\nthe length of the list and the weight of many of the names, constitutes\na tribute to the power of the _Dies Irae_ such as never has been offered\nto any other hymn! Only Luther\u2019s _Ein\u2019 feste Burg_, of which there are\neighty-one versions in English alone, can compare with it.[13]\n\nOf these English versions, those by Rev. W. J. Irons and Dean Stanley in\nEngland, and those of General John A. Dix and Mr. Edward Slosson in\nAmerica, have enjoyed the most popularity. They certainly are excellent,\nbut every translator seems somewhere to fail of complete success. Nor do\nthose who have returned again and again to the attempt seem to\naccomplish their own ideal of a perfect translation. Dr. Abraham Coles,\nwho has made some sixteen or seventeen renderings, is no better off than\nwhen he began. Nor do I think my own sixth version has carried me one\ninch beyond my first. The truth is that not even the _Pange lingua\ngloriosi_, which Dr. Neale calls the most difficult of poems, is in this\nrespect the equal of this alluring and baffling hymn. But the reader,\nwho has had no access to the hymn except through the poorest version,\nhas the means to discern the fact that in it a great mind utters itself\nworthily on one of the greatest of themes.\n\nIt happened to me once to enter a crowded church, where presently a\ndistinguished German divine arose to speak. Others had addressed the\naudience in English; but he, turning to his fellow-countrymen, began to\npour forth a trumpet-strain of lofty eloquence in his native tongue. He\nspoke of the \u201cbetter valley,\u201d of a happy and peaceful land. He seemed to\nsee its broad and gentle river and to hear the chiming of its Sabbath\nbells. He peopled the air with its lovely citizens and created about us\nthe presence of its glorious joy. Faintly and brokenly, as now and then\nhe uttered some familiar words, I could catch glimpses of that _besseres\nThal_, and its brightness and beauty, and the awe of its holy calmness\ncame upon me\u2014upon me, the stranger and the foreigner, in whose speech no\nword was said.\n\nBut they who were of the lip and lineage of the land, they whose country\nwas brought so near and whose hopes were raised on such strong and\nfamiliar wings\u2014they truly were moved to the soul. I saw tears in their\neyes; I heard their suppressed and laboring breath; I beheld their eager\nfaces; and the glory of that land fell on them even as I gazed. So,\nthough we cannot here perceive the fulness of the Franciscan\u2019s hymn, yet\ndo we discern the stately splendor of Messiah\u2019s throne, and\n\n  \u201cCatch betimes, with wakeful eyes and clear\n  Some radiant vista of the realm before us.\u201d\n\nThis alone can justify another attempt\u2014the resultant of four previous\nversions\u2014to express something of the grandeur of this majestic hymn:\n\n  1. Dies irae, dies illa\n  Solvet saeclum in favilla,\n  Teste David cum Sybilla.\n\n  2. Quantus tremor est futurus,\n  Quando judex est venturus,\n  Cuncta stricte discussurus!\n\n  3. Tuba mirum sparget sonum\n  Per sepulcra regionum,\n  Coget omnes ante thronum.\n\n  4. Mors stupebit et natura,\n  Quum resurget creatura,\n  Judicanti responsura.\n\n  5. Liber scriptus proferetur,\n  In quo totum continetur,\n  Unde mundus judicetur.\n\n  6. Judex ergo cum sedebit,\n  Quidquid latet, apparebit,\n  Nil inultum remanebit.\n\n  7. Quid sum miser tunc dicturus,\n  Que, patronum rogaturus,\n  Dum vix justus sit securus?\n\n  8. Rex tremendae majestatis,\n  Qui salvandos salvas gratis,\n  Salva me, fons pietatis!\n\n  9. Recordare, Jesu pie,\n  Quod sum causa tuae viae;\n  Ne me perdas ill\u00e2 die!\n\n  10. Quaerens me sedisti lassus,\n  Redemisti cruce passus:\n  Tantus labor non sit cassus!\n\n  11. Juste judex ultionis,\n  Donum fac remissionis\n  Ante diem rationis!\n\n  12. Ingemisco tanquam reus,\n  Culpa rubet vultus meus:\n  Supplicanti parce, Deus!\n\n  13. Qui Mariam absolvisti,\n  Et latronem exaudisti,\n  Mihi quoque spem dedisti\n\n  14. Preces meae non sunt dignae.\n  Sed tu bonus fac benigne,\n  Ne perenni cremer igne.\n\n  15. Inter oves locum praesta,\n  Et ab haedis me sequestra,\n  Statuens in parte dextr\u00e2.\n\n  16. Confutatis maledictis,\n  Flammis acribus addictis,\n  Voca me cum benedictis.\n\n  17. Oro supplex et acclinis,\n  Cor contritum quasi cinis,\n  Gere curam mei finis.\n\n  18. Lachrymosa dies illa,\n  Qua resurget ex favilla\n  Judicandus homo reus;\n  Huic ergo parce, Deus!\n\n  1. Day of wrath, thy fiery morning\n  Earth consumes, no longer scorning\n  David\u2019s and the Sibyl\u2019s warning.\n\n  2. Then what terror of each nation\n  When the Judge shall take his station\n  Strictly trying his creation!\n\n  3. When that trumpet tone amazing,\n  Through the tombs its message phrasing,\n  All before the throne is raising.\n\n  4. Death and Nature he surprises\n  Who, a creature, yet arises\n  Unto those most dread assizes.\n\n  5. There a written book remaineth\n  Whose sure registry containeth\n  That which all the world arraigneth.\n\n  6. Therefore when the Judge is seated\n  Each deceit shall be defeated,\n  Vengeance due shall then be meted.\n\n  7. With what answer shall I meet him,\n  By what advocate entreat him,\n  When the just may scarcely greet him?\n\n  8. King of majesty appalling,\n  Who dost save the elect from falling,\n  Save me! on thy pity calling.\n\n  9. Be thou mindful, Lord most lowly,\n  That for me thou diedst solely;\n  Leave me not to perish wholly!\n\n  10. Seeking me thy love outwore thee,\n  And the cross, my ransom, bore thee;\n  Let not this seem light before thee!\n\n  11. Righteous Judge of my condition,\n  Grant me, for my sins, remission\n  Ere the day which ends contrition.\n\n  12. In my guilt for pity yearning,\n  With my shame my face is burning\u2014\n  Spare me, Lord, to thee returning!\n\n  13. Mary\u2019s sin thou hast remitted\n  And the dying thief acquitted;\n  To my heart this hope is fitted.\n\n  14. Poorly are my prayers ascending\n  But do thou, in mercy bending,\n  Leave me not to flames unending!\n\n  15. Give me with thy sheep a station\n  Far from goats in separation\u2014\n  On the right my habitation.\n\n  16. When the wicked meet conviction\n  Doomed to fires of sharp affliction,\n  Call me forth with benediction.\n\n  17. Prone and suppliant I sorrow,\n  Ashes for my heart I borrow;\n  Guard me on that awful morrow!\n\n  18. O, that day so full of weeping\n  When, in dust no longer sleeping,\n  Man must face his worst behavior!\n  Therefore spare me, God and Saviour!\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXIV.\n                  THOMAS AQUINAS AND JOHN BONAVENTURA.\n\n\nIn Southern Italy, about midway between Rome and Naples, the road which\nconnects these two cities passes near the site of the ancient city of\nAquinum. It was a stronghold of the Volscians, although not mentioned in\nthe account of their wars with the Romans. As a Roman municipality it\nrose to greater importance than the other cities of the district, and\nbecame the birthplace of the satirist Juvenal and other eminent men. But\nin the seventh century it was destroyed by the Lombards, and the site\nnever re-occupied. What were left of its inhabitants found another site,\nmore capable of defence in those wild days, and built Aquino on a\nmountain slope. It runs along the cliff in a single street, like our own\nMauch Chunk, and the remains of its oldest buildings show that its\nmediaeval architects drew freely upon still earlier structures for their\nmaterials.\n\nIn one of these old structures, still known as the _Casa Reale_ or royal\nhouse, lived the noble family who were the lords of Aquino. Here Thomas\nAquinas was born in the year 1225, being one of the five children of\nCount Landulf of Aquino, and his wife, Theodora Caraccioli, Countess of\nTeano. The family was not a royal house, but it was connected by\nintermarriage with the royal caste of Europe. It is said, but I have not\nbeen able to verify the statement, that Thomas\u2019s grandfather had married\na sister of the Emperor Barbarossa. His mother was descended from the\nTancred of Hauteville, whose sons, Roger and Robert Guiscard, effected\nthe Norman conquest of the two Sicilies. Sibylla, Queen of the Tancred\nwho ended the first line of Norman sovereigns, is said to have been a\ndaughter of the family. But the real importance of the lords of Aquino\nwas due to their strategic position on the northern frontier of Apulia\nand to their military spirit. Richard of Aquino, the grandfather of\nThomas, was the mainstay of Tancred\u2019s cause on the mainland of Italy,\nand merited, by his treachery and barbarity, the cruel death the Emperor\nHenry VI. inflicted on him after the final conquest of the two Sicilies.\nHis father, Landulf, seems to have been a man of less warlike character;\nbut his uncle, Thomas of Aquinas, who succeeded Richard in the countship\nof Acerra, was the ablest of the Ghibelline chiefs of Southern Italy,\nand one of Frederic the Second\u2019s most trusted captains. That emperor\nenlarged the dominions of the family, and gave ample scope to their\nfighting propensities in his wars with the popes. And Thomas\u2019s two\nbrothers, who were older than himself, embraced the opportunity of a\nmilitary life. His sisters formed illustrious alliances with the noble\nfamilies of Southern Italy. Pope Honorius III. is said to have been his\ngodfather.\n\nThomas\u2019s youth seems to have been uneventful, with the exception of the\ncalamity by which he lost a younger sister, who was killed by lightning\nwhile sleeping by his side. In his fifth year his education began. Less\nthan five miles away, as the bird flies, lay the Monte Casino, the\ngreatest and first of the monasteries of the Benedictine order. Here it\nwas that Benedict of Nursia in 529 laid the foundation of the first\ngreat order of Western Christendom. And although Monte Casino had shared\nin the calamity of Aquino at the hands of the Lombards, and had lain\ndesolate for a hundred and fifty years, it had been rebuilt with new\nsplendor, and was at this time the grandest ecclesiastical establishment\noutside the city of Rome. And here, in 1227, Landulf Sinibald, himself\nof the Aquino family, had become abbot, thus attaining one of the\nhighest dignities open to a Churchman. To his care the young Thomas was\nintrusted, and on Monte Casino he spent the next seven years of his\nlife, undergoing the discipline and receiving the instruction for which\nthe schools of the Benedictine fathers had always been famous. Probably\nit was the hope of the family of Aquino that the young man would enter\nthe order and rise to the same dignity as his uncle, becoming a prince\nof the Church, and thus more powerful and wealthy than any of his uncles\nor brothers.\n\nIn 1239 the second outbreak of hostilities between the Pope and the\nEmperor led to the conversion of Monte Casino into a great fortress, in\nwhich were left but eight monks to carry on the routine of monastic\nservices. The rest found a home in other Benedictine houses, the schools\nwere suspended, and Thomas returned home. But the same year he seems to\nhave proceeded to Naples to study in the university which Frederic had\nestablished in 1224, and amply endowed with wealth and privileges, and\nhad revived in 1234, after its suspension during his first war with the\npapacy. He had forbidden his Italian subjects to leave the kingdom to\nattend foreign universities, and he had used every available means to\nmake them contented with that of Naples, one of these being the\nemployment of the ablest teachers he could secure in all the sciences\nthen recognized as belonging to the higher education. We are told that\nThomas pursued his studies two years in Naples, when the influence of\nhis Dominican teachers led him to form the purpose to become a Dominican\nfriar,[14] and to put on the garb of a novice. This step was a most\nmomentous one. Whether his family looked forward to his becoming a\nBenedictine monk and abbot, or contemplated his embracing the offers of\npromotion in the civil service of the kingdom, which Frederic II. had\nheld out to the graduates of his pet university, they could not but\nregard his adoption of the life of a mendicant friar with indignation\nand disgust. To be a Benedictine _Pater_ was to be a gentleman and a\nscholar, to have a share in the influence, wealth, and power of the\norder, and possibly to rise to the dignity of the _Dux et Princeps\nomnium Abbatum et Religiosorum_, the Abbot of Monte Casino. But the\nMendicant orders were affairs of yesterday, with all the rawness if also\nthe effusive enthusiasm of youth. Francis of Assisi died within a year\nof Thomas\u2019s birth; Dominic, five years earlier. And the mendicant mode\nof life was most offensive to the proud Italian nobles, who must have\nrecoiled from the idea that one of their race should carry the beggar\u2019s\nwallet in his turn, and live always upon alms. In this respect the\nrequirements of the orders were far stricter and more humiliating than\nin later times, when the practice, if not the rule, was relaxed. Those\nwho were unaffected by their enthusiasm thought of the Mendicants as the\naverage man thinks of the Salvation Army, or thought of the Methodists\nat the middle of the last century.\n\nNo notice was sent to Aquino of the step Thomas had taken. The monks\nalways had their share of the wisdom of the serpent, and they were to\nshow it in this case. But some of the vassals of the family had\nrecognized the young novice under his Dominican garb on the streets of\nNaples or in the church; and through them the news reached his family.\nLandulf seems to have been dead; I can find no mention of him later than\n1229. But the Countess Theodora hastened, with all a man\u2019s energy, to\nrescue her son from the career of a mendicant. The friars learned of her\ncoming and hurried their novice off to Rome, and to Rome his mother\npursued him. To avoid her he was sent forward to France, but he had to\npass the lines of the imperial army then engaged in the war with the\nLombards. The influence of the powerful Ghibelline family roused the\nvigilance of the imperial authorities. At Acquapendente, on the\nfrontiers of Tuscany, Thomas and the friars who escorted him were\narrested, and the young noble was sent back to his family at Aquino.\n\nEvery means, foul as well as fair, seems to have been used to break him\nfrom his purpose to join the Dominicans, while he remained a prisoner at\nAquino, or in some of the mountain castles of the family. But Thomas was\nassured of his vocation, and he had a fund of obstinacy in his character\nwhich showed to good purpose. It is said that the Pope interfered in his\nbehalf, but this is hardly probable, as the Pope was waging war at the\ntime on the Emperor and his vassals, the Lords of Aquino. At last the\ncountess and her children abandoned the attempt to influence him, and at\nleast connived at his escape to Naples, where he took the vows of\nobedience, celibacy, and poverty, which sealed his connection with the\nDominican order, in 1243.\n\nWe have looked at this step through the eyes of his family, and seen its\noffensiveness. But if we regard it more impartially, we are impressed\nwith its wisdom. It was among the Dominicans, not the Benedictines, that\nThomas could serve his day and generation the best. The Benedictines, in\nthe new age which the era of the Crusades opened to Europe, had fallen\nbehind the times. It was because of this that that century saw the rise\nof the two great orders founded by Dominic and by Francis, and their\nrapid growth, until \u201ca handful of corn on the top of the mountains\u201d\nshook like the forests which clothe Lebanon. The Dominican order was\nstill in the blossom of youth; the Benedictine had rather \u201cgone to\nseed.\u201d Thomas felt the difference when he met the Dominicans as\nprofessors of theology in the Studium at Naples. Scholarship rather than\nthought had been the strong point with the Benedictines. They would be\napt to meet the questions which welled up in the mind of the eager youth\nby an inapposite quotation from some Church father, or to repress them\naltogether, as tending to vanity. What, indeed, could Abbot Landulf and\nhis brethren on the hill-top do with a deep-eyed boy, who went from one\nto another with the question, \u201cWhat _is_ God?\u201d But at Naples, and in\ncontact with the more lively intellectual life of his age, his acute and\nalert intellect found a satisfaction and an encouragement which the\nBenedictines could not give him. He was encouraged to ask questions\ninstead of being snubbed. There were opened to him vistas of research\nand speculation, which could not but attract a hungry and active mind\nlike his. The Dominicans were the order which had undertaken to face and\nanswer the questions of the age, and in Thomas these questions were\ncraving a solution. What wonder if he fell in love with the preachers,\nand they with him! They discovered what capacity lay in the young noble,\nand knew that they had better use for him than his hum-drum uncle on the\nhills and among the hawks. And any scruples as to his admission to the\nnovitiate without the consent or against the will of his family were set\naside by the belief that his \u201cvocation\u201d was directly from God, and\ntherefore set aside all merely human authority.\n\nHaving secured their prize, the Dominicans showed that they knew how to\nuse it. The order was, on one side of it, a great educational\ninstitution to select and train young men to fight the intellectual\nbattles of the Church. The young Dominican at once put on the yoke of\nthe \u201ccourse of study\u201d (_Ordo Studiorum_), which had been prescribed by\nthe General Chapter, and proceeded as far toward the highest dignities\nand responsibilities of learning as his abilities were thought to\nwarrant. The decision on this point rested with the General of the\nOrder, who at this time was John of Germany, the fourth in the\nsuccession begun by Dominic. He selected for Thomas as his best teacher,\nAlbert of Bollstadt, better known as Albert the Great (Magnus), who was\nteaching in the monastic school at Koeln (Cologne), and who had the\nreputation of having absorbed all that Aristotle knew, and worked up his\nteaching into a harmony of Christian theology with Greek philosophy.\nAccording to his biographers generally, Thomas was sent at once to Koeln\nin 1245, and accompanied Albert when he proceeded to Paris in that same\nyear to take his degree as Doctor of Theology, returning with him in\n1248. Dr. Heinrich Denifle, however, assigns 1248 as the year when\nThomas came to Koeln from Italy, and limits their intercourse as master\nand scholar to the two years required by the rules of the order. Whether\ntheir relations as such extended over five years or were limited to two,\nthey were enough for the formation of a life-long friendship based on\nmutual respect and admiration. Strangely enough the young Italian from\nthe garrulous South was noted more for silence than for speech among the\nstudents at Koeln. He had found a teacher whom he thought worth hearing\nin silence, and he heard to better purpose than his associates. _Bos\nmutus_, a dumb ox, they called him. Albert foretold that \u201cthe sound of\nhis bellowing in doctrine would yet go through the whole world.\u201d\n\nIn 1250, the year when Frederic II. died, Thomas proceeded to Paris by\ndirection of the General of the Order. In that mother university of\nChristendom the Dominicans were allowed by their rule to receive the\ndoctorate\u2014in that and no other. For one year the candidate must hear and\ndispute in the Dominican school on St. Jacques Street; for another he\nmust teach, but without ascending the cathedra, from which authoritative\ndecisions were expected. But in Thomas\u2019s case these two years of his\nParisian apprenticeship were prolonged to seven. The university\nquarrelled with the representatives of the Mendicant orders just as\nThomas was about to take his degree, and in the five years\u2019 struggle\nwhich ensued all ordinary relations and procedures were suspended. For\nsome time, indeed, the university itself was dissolved, to evade the\nbull of excommunication which the Pope aimed at it in the interest of\nthe Mendicants.\n\nIn 1656 William of St. Amour sent the Pope his treatise _Concerning the\nDangers of these Last Times_ (_De Periculis Novissimorum Temporum_), in\nwhich he pleaded the cause of the university against the Mendicants, and\ntold some home-truths about the greediness, the lawlessness, and the\nencroachments of the friars, but in an angry and excited tone, which\nharmed his cause. Both the assailed orders put forward their ablest men\nto make answer. For the Franciscans spoke John Fidanza, better known as\nJohn Bonaventura, who had come to Paris in the heat of the conflict, and\nhad been delayed, as Thomas was, in obtaining his degree.\n\nJohn was older than Thomas by several years, having been born in 1221.\nHe had been recovered from an apparently mortal illness through the\nprayers of Francis of Assisi in his third year, and then received the\nname Bonaventura from the good man\u2019s own lips. He entered the order in\nhis twenty-second year, and studied in Paris under Alexander of Hales\nand John of Rochelle. The devout humility of the man, and his purity of\ncharacter, produced as deep an impression upon his teachers as Thomas\nhad produced upon his by the force and keenness of his intellect.\nAlexander used to say that \u201cin Brother Bonaventura Adam seems not to\nhave sinned.\u201d John was probably the most perfect exemplar of the spirit\nof Francis of Assisi that was to be seen in the second generation of the\norder. Not by intellectual force, but by humble ministry to the\ncommonest human needs, by the infection of an all-embracing love and the\nclose imitation of our Lord\u2019s humanity, he would save the world from its\nwanderings. Thomas and he were the best possible representatives of\ntheir respective orders, and it speaks well for both men that their\ndifferences only bound them more intimately in friendship. Each\nreverenced what was strongest in the other. When Thomas asked to see the\nbooks by whose help John had acquired his Christian erudition, the\nFranciscan pointed him to a crucifix, and said that from that he had\nlearned all that he ever knew.\n\nTheir answers to William of St. Amour reflect the character of the men.\nBonaventura defended the mendicant form of the monastic life as an\nideal; but without admitting the truth of the dark picture William had\ndrawn, he conceded that serious abuses had crept in, and that already\nthere was need of a reformation unless matters were to be let grow\nworse. Thomas makes no concessions whatever. He entitles his book\n_Against those who Assail the Worship of God and the Monastic Life_\n(_Contra Impugnantes Dei Cultum et Religionem_). William and all who\nhold with him are the enemies of God and of His Church. The critics of\nthe Mendicant rule are standing in the way of the forces which are sent\nof God to win the world to Christ. The monk, and especially the\nmendicant friar, is the only thorough Christian who keeps to the\n\u201ccounsels of perfection\u201d our Lord gave His disciples, as well as to the\nprecepts of obedience obligatory upon all. William uttered false and\ndamnable doctrine when he tried to limit them to a purely ascetic life.\nThey have the right to teach as well as to pray and mourn, and the Pope\nhas power to open to them the doors of every secular college by his\nmandate.\n\nThe controversy was brought to an end in 1257, when Pope Alexander IV.\nat Anagni formally condemned the book of William of St. Amour, and bound\nthe plenipotentiaries of the university by an oath to admit the\nMendicants to their former footing in the university. And to signalize\nthe victory of the friars, Thomas and Bonaventura were admitted to the\ndoctorate on the same day, October 23d, 1257.\n\nFrom the masters the head of the school in St. Jacques Street was chosen\nby the General of the Order, and naturally the choice fell on Thomas.\nUsually the place was held for a year only, and its occupant then\ntransferred to some other field of labor. Thomas held it for four years,\nlecturing, preaching at least every Lent in the adjacent church, and\nexercising the discipline of the order over its students. The number who\nheard his lectures must have been great. The school at Paris, unlike\nthat at Koeln, being a branch of the university, its lectures were open\nto all comers, and the renown of the Italian who had been more than a\nmatch for the ablest of the secular doctors would draw hearers. And\nthose who came once, if they had any love for the play of pure\nintelligence and the fearless handling of great questions, would come\nagain. Thomas, with all his orthodoxy, was a pretty thorough\nrationalist. He had full faith in the capacity of the human\nunderstanding to deal fruitfully and safely with the deepest mysteries.\nIf his conclusions always are with the Church, it is not because he has\nshrunk from attending to, and even suggesting, what might be said\nagainst the doctrine under consideration. It is because he has satisfied\nhimself that the balance of logical argument, after all objections have\nbeen weighed, is on the side of orthodoxy. In this respect his writings\nrepresent the highest point reached by the rationalistic tendency in the\nMiddle Ages, just as Abelard represents its initiation. We find Duns\nScotus, his great Franciscan rival, shrinking from his rationalism, and\nremoving some of the mysteries of theology out of the field of logical\ndiscussion.\n\nOf course, his most devoted hearers were the young men of the order. Of\nthese some ninety were sent up every year from the schools in the\nprovinces outside France; and in addition to these picked men, who came\nfor the master\u2019s degree, Paris had the training of all the students of\nNorthern France. Some of the former were from Spain, where the order was\nengaged in combatting the Mohammedan doctors. Their needs drew Thomas\u2019s\nattention to the subject of his first systematic work, the _Summa contra\nGentiles_. Thomas puts himself upon the level of one who has no\nChristian convictions, but argues simply from principles of philosophic\ntruth and of natural religion accepted by both parties. Besides these\nand other literary labors he attended the annual General Chapters of his\norder at Valenciennes in 1259, where he and Albrecht drew up the new\norder of studies for the young Dominicans.\n\nIn 1261 Michael Palaeologus, the Greek Emperor of Nicea, conquered\nConstantinople, and thus put an end to the Latin Empire established by\nthe Fourth Crusade. But the wily Greek feared a general movement in\nLatin Christendom to recover the city from him, and to gain time by\ndiplomacy he opened negotiations for the reconciliation of Eastern and\nWestern Christendom with Urban IV., then newly chosen to the papacy. The\nPope summoned Thomas Aquinas from Paris to Rome, to aid in these\nnegotiations by his erudition and acuteness. The subject was one into\nwhich his previous studies had not conducted him, but a scholastic\nphilosopher must be prepared to write on any topic. _De omni scibili_\nwas his scope. So Thomas wrote his _Treatise against the Errors of the\nGreeks_ (_Opusculum contra Errores Graecorum_) by the papal order. In\nits preparation he became at once the victim and the instrument of one\nof the most memorable forgeries in ecclesiastical literature. The\nDominicans had followed the Latin Empire into the East, but found\nthemselves at a loss for authorities to prove to the Greeks that the\nautocratic papacy was a venerable, much less a primitive institution, of\nthe Christian Church. One of them conceived the bright thought of\nmanufacturing a supply. So he sent to Urban IV. a long _catena_ of\nquotations from the Greek fathers, especially the two Cyrils and the\nCouncil of Chalcedon, in which the papal authority and infallibility\nwere set forth with a boldness never used even in the West. The Pope\nfully believed in their genuineness and handed them over to Thomas, who\nincorporated many of them into his _opusculum_, besides using them in\nhis greater work. He knew too much about the teachings of the Greek\nfathers not to be staggered by the quotations as to the Procession of\nthe Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son, and he expressed his doubts\nin a letter to Urban. But he was not staggered by the forger\u2019s showing\nthat the Greeks accepted the universal jurisdiction and infallible\nauthority of the papacy. In this way the notion of a universal\nepiscopate and an infallibility in the Bishop of Rome, from being the\naudacious whim of a few canonists, passed into the dogmatic theology of\nthe Church, and came to be made an article of faith in our own time.\n(See Acton-D\u00f6llinger-Huber\u2019s book, _Janus, or the Pope and the Council_,\nchap, iii., section 18.)\n\nUrban IV. having brought Thomas to Italy, Clemens IV. kept him there as\nlong as he lived, making him a professor in the university established\nby Innocent IV. within the Roman Curia, and as such carried him about\nfrom city to city as the Papal Court removed, and had him lecture on\ntheology wherever the Court was staying. He also set him to the work of\nwriting commentaries on part of the Scripture: Job, the Psalms,\nCanticles, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Paul\u2019s Epistles, besides his _catena_\nof comments on the Gospels gathered from the Latin fathers. Most\nimportant of all for our purposes, he asked him to prepare the service\nfor Corpus Christi Day\u2014a festival established in 1264. It was for this\nthat Thomas wrote four of the hymns which have given him his place in\nthe annals of hymnology, and those are his finest. And it is said that\nhe also began his _Summa_ in these years, but that I doubt. But in 1269\nClemens died, and it was two years before another Pope was elected.\nThomas took the opportunity to escape out of the throng and noise of the\nCuria, and made his way back to France and to his old manner of life. He\ncame back to Paris and lectured in St. Jacques Street, but not as the\nhead of the school. At Paris he now found critics as well as admirers.\nHis doctrine that individuality is dependent upon matter was censured as\ninvolving a denial of immortality, and in 1269 he wrote a treatise,\n_Contra Averroistas_, to show that this was not a necessary or even a\nfair inference. In the same year we find him in London attending a\nChapter General of his order.\n\nIn 1271 the vacancy in the papacy ended with the selection of Gregory\nX., one of the best of the popes. Thomas was recalled to Italy and\noffered the Archbishopric of Naples, doubtless at the suggestion of\nCharles of Anjou, whose hands were red with the blood of the young\nConradin. Thomas wisely declined it, and when, in 1272, he agreed to go\nto Naples as a teacher of theology, it was with the reservation that\nthis should not bring him into close relations with the Court. Enough of\nhis Ghibelline traditions clung to him to make him abhor the murderer of\nhis kinsman. So in Naples he taught, and wrote at his _Summa_, and\nprayed and saw visions\u2014his biographers say\u2014until one day the Pope\nsummoned him to a General Council at Lyons, with the view of proclaiming\na new crusade. He obeyed the summons, but when he reached the Cistercian\nmonastery of Fossa Nuova, on the hills above the Pontine Marshes, below\nRome, he fell ill and died, March 7th, 1274. Of course the Italians knew\nhe was poisoned, and even Dante countenances the report. The Pontine\nMarshes in spring are so wholesome that no other hypothesis could\naccount for his death! His friend Bonaventura reached Lyons, but died\nduring the sessions of the council. His earlier friend and master,\nAlbert the Great, although his senior by thirty years, outlived him by\nsix, dying in 1280.\n\nThe position of Thomas Aquinas in history is determined by the fact that\nhe is the greatest of the scholastic philosophers. What his master and\nother earlier thinkers had attempted, he more nearly did than ever has\nbeen done by any one else. He took the two great bodies of knowledge,\nsecular and sacred, and fused them into a system more nearly consistent\nwith itself than any other. On the one side was the encylopaedic\nphilosophy of Aristotle, and the parallel but less perfect tradition of\nPlatonic speculation; on the other the Scriptures, the dogmatic\ndecisions of the councils and popes, and the teachings of the recognized\nauthorities among the ecclesiastical writers, especially as these had\nbeen summarized by Peter Lombard. To blend these into one great system\nof theology, to subsidize the weapons of the Greek philosophy in defence\nof Christian truth, and to draw the line with accuracy between what\nreason can prove and faith accepts without proof\u2014this was what he\nundertook in the _Summa_. And never was a more acute intellect employed\non the great task of reconciling faith with reason. If he failed, it is\nnot because he shrank from anticipating any and every kind of objection\nto the truths he was defending; his works are a perfect storehouse of\nsuch objections. If he failed, it was not from any want of confidence in\nthe powers of the human mind to deal with the highest subjects of\nthought. No modern rationalist ever surpassed him in that respect. He\nfailed because neither then nor now do the materials exist for such a\nwork, and because his truths lost and his errors gained force by being\nworked into a system.\n\nIt would take a whole chapter even to describe the _Summa_. Of its three\nparts, the first, concerning God, and the second concerning man, were\ncompleted in the four years he gave to the work. In the third, which\ntreats of the God-Man, he got no farther than the ninetieth question,\nand the discussion was completed by extracts from his commentary on\nPeter Lombard. But the completed part contains nearly _two million_\nLatin words, or with the supplement, two million one hundred thousand.\nIt is six times as large as Calvin\u2019s _Institutio_, or four times as\nlarge as the Latin Bible! And the _Summa_ fills only two of the\nseventeen folios of his works, all written within the space of\ntwenty-six years by a man actively engaged in teaching, lecturing, and\nadvising popes and princes.\n\nThat so much of the formative period of his life was spent in a\ncontroversy, in which he was the applauded spokesman of a party whose\ncause he regarded as the cause of God, could not but affect his\nintellectual character. Professor Maurice thinks the delay in obtaining\nthe master\u2019s degree worked in the same direction. The master in those\ndays was expected to pronounce decisions; those who had not attained\nthat rank were occupied in disputations only. \u201cThus our author was a\ntrained arguer,\u201d and \u201cthe old habits remained with him when his\ndecisions were most accepted as authorities. From first to last he was\nthinking of all that could be said on both sides of the question he was\ndiscussing.\u201d I believe that he was conscious of the narrowing and\ndwarfing tendency of this habit of mind, even though he did not detect\nthe source of the evil. We read of his seeking to prepare himself for\nhis work by humble devotion. But to the last line of his last work the\ncontroversial habit and attitude of mind clings to him. It is only in\nhis catechetical expositions, written before he left Koeln for Paris,\nthat you find a different atmosphere, and escape the heretic-crushing\nAristotelian dialectic of the scholastic disputant.\n\nEven in his few hymns, which constitute his title to rank among the\nsacred poets, he is the great scholastic doctor, with his eye on the\nheresies which may distract the believer. He writes with the full\npanoply under his singing robes. All his hymns are concerned with the\ngreatest of the Christian sacraments. It was in 1215, a year before the\nconfirmation of the Dominican Order, and twelve years before Thomas was\nborn, that the fourth Lateran Council made the transubstantiation of the\nelements into the body and blood of Christ an article of faith. But a\nBelgian ecstatic, Juliana of Liege, had a vision which called for a\nspecial annual festival in honor of the mystery. Urban IV. complied with\nthis request in 1261, by requiring that the Thursday next after Trinity\nSunday should be observed as Corpus Christi Day. This involved the\npreparation of an additional services for the Missal and Breviary, with\nsuitable prayers and hymns, and the work was laid upon Thomas. For the\nMissal he wrote the sequence\n\n    _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem;_\n\nand for the Breviary the three hymns\n\n    _Pange, lingua, gloriosi Corporis mysterium,_\n    _Sacris solemniis juncta sint gaudia,_\n\nand\n\n    _Verbum supernum prodiens, Nec Patris._\n\nThe Paris Breviary connects a fifth hymn of his with the same festival,\nthe\n\n    _Adoro Te devote, latens Deitas,_\n\nassigning it for late (_serotinas_) services in the octave of Corpus\nChristi. So Newman; but Daniel declares he finds it in none of the\nbreviaries of modern use, and in the missals only as a part of the\npriest\u2019s private preparation for saying Mass. Even this rank has not\nbeen attained by the sixth hymn ascribed to him, the beautiful\n\n    _O Esca viatorum,_\n\nwhich Dr. Ray Palmer has made familiar to American worshippers by his\nexquisite version, first published in the _Andover Sabbath Hymn-Book_:\n\n    O Bread to pilgrims given.\n\nMoll denies that Thomas wrote this, and says it is by a Jesuit poet,\nwhich is most probable. March calls it \u201ca happy echo\u201d of the undisputed\nhymns of Thomas Aquinas. But the echo is softened; the hymn is less\nmasculine. _Lympha fons_ alone would serve as a note to show that\nAquinas never wrote it.\n\nIt has been said by Dr. Neale that the\n\n    _Pange, lingua, gloriosi_\n\n\u201ccontests the second place among those of the Western Church, with the\n_Vexilla Regis_, the _Stabat Mater_, the _Jesu dulcis memoria_, the _Ad\nRegias Agni Dapes_, the _Ad Supernam_, and one or two others, leaving\nthe _Dies Irae_ in its unapproachable glory.\u201d But this judgment is the\nprejudiced one of a High Churchman, sufficiently in sympathy with the\nRoman doctrine of the sacraments to relish keenly Thomas\u2019s concise and\nvigorous statement of that doctrine, and to mistake the relish for\ncritical appreciation of the poetry. Dr. Neale even praises Thomas\u2019s\ntreatise _On the Venerable Sacrament of the Altar_ as the finest\ndevotional treatise of the Middle Ages, finer therefore than the\n_Imitation_ itself! A calmer estimate will put the hymn decidedly below\nBernard\u2019s exquisite _Jesu dulcia memoria_, or the _Veni, Creator\nSpiritus_ of Rabanus Maurus, or the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ of Hermann\nContractus. It is true that it excels all these in its peculiar\nqualities, its logical neatness, dogmatic precision, and force of almost\nargumentative statement; but these qualities are not poetical. In this\nrespect it is not altogether unlike Toplady\u2019s \u201cRock of Ages,\u201d a hymn in\nwhich the intellect has cut a channel for the emotions to flow. That was\nwritten as a tail-piece to a controversial article in which Toplady\ndiscussed John Wesley\u2019s doctrines in the matter of faith and works, and\nis a terse statement of theological discriminations on that point.\n\nThe _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem_, as it is a much longer hymn, gives more\nscope for the exposition of the Roman doctrine. For this reason Martin\nLuther abhorred it, probably also because he had no good opinion of\nThomas himself. He accuses him of perverting the Scripture in this hymn,\n\u201cas though he were the worst enemy of God, or else an idiot.\u201d But this\nharsh judgment did not succeed in expelling the hymn from the use of the\nLutheran churches, and since the Oxford revival it has found its way\ninto other Protestant churches. But the sixth, seventh and eighth verses\nexpress the doctrine of transubstantiation so distinctly, that one must\nhave gone as far as Dr. Pusey, who avowed that he held \u201call Roman\ndoctrine,\u201d before using their words in any but a non-natural sense. In\nthe fine version made by Dr. A. R. Thompson, first published in the\n_Sunday-School Times_ in 1883, and included in Dr. Robinson\u2019s _Laudes\nDomini_, only half the hymn is given, those verses being taken which\ndeflect least from the general current of Christian thought about the\nsacrament. By the author\u2019s kind permission, we give it here with his\nlatest revision:\n\n  \u201cSion, to thy Saviour singing,\n  To thy Prince and Shepherd bringing\n    Sweetest hymns of love and praise,\n  Thou wilt never reach the measure\n  Of his worth, by all the treasure\n    Of thy most ecstatic lays.\n\n  \u201cOf all wonders that can thrill thee,\n  And with adoration fill thee,\n    What than this can greater be,\n  That himself to thee he giveth?\u2014\n  He that eateth, ever liveth\u2014\n    For the bread of life is he.\n\n  \u201cFill thy lips to overflowing\n  With sweet praise, his mercy showing,\n    Who this heavenly table spread.\n  On this day so glad and holy,\n  To each longing spirit lowly\n    Giveth he the living Bread.\n\n  \u201cHere the King hath spread his table,\n  Whereon eyes of faith are able\n    Christ our Passover to trace.\n  Shadows of the law are going,\n  Light and life and truth inflowing,\n    Night to day is giving place.\n\n  *   *   *   *   *\n\n  \u201cLo, this angels\u2019 food descending\n  Heavenly love is hither sending,\n    Hungry lips on earth to feed!\n  So the paschal lamb was given,\n  So the manna came from heaven,\n    Isaac was his type indeed.\n\n  \u201cO good Shepherd, Bread life-giving,\n  Us, thy grace and life receiving,\n    Feed and shelter evermore!\n  Thou on earth our weakness guiding,\n  We in heaven with thee abiding,\n    With all saints will thee adore.\u201d\n\nThomas\u2019s Franciscan friend, John Fidenza, better known by his nickname\nof John Bonaventura, was a hymn-writer also, but he did a good many\nother things better. To many Protestants his name has been made\noffensive through its association with the _Psalter of Our Lady_, a\ntravesty of the Book of Psalms, with which he had nothing to do, and\nwhich was made in a later century. Indeed, as Martin Chemnitz pointed\nout three centuries ago, Bonaventura protested against the excessive\nreverence for the Virgin, which had already become common, as likely to\nlead to idolatry. That he was called the Seraphic Doctor shows that men\nfelt in him a warmth of heart and a tenderness of devotion, which they\nmissed in his greater contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, the Angelical\nDoctor. Indeed he was the incarnation of the Franciscan spirit of love\nand helpfulness, as Thomas of the Dominican spirit of theological\nresearch and orthodox defence. Yet Bonaventura\u2019s _Breviloquium_ has been\npraised by good judges as the best compend of Christian doctrine that\nthe Middle Ages have left us.\n\nBonaventura\u2019s Latin poems are rather devout meditations than hymns. They\nare not the voice of the Christian congregation in song, but of the monk\nmeditating before his crucifix. To him is sometimes ascribed the\nChristmas hymn,\n\n    _Adeste fideles,_\n\nbut not on sufficient authority. His best known hymns are the\n\n    _Christum Ducem, qui per crucem,_\n\nand\n\n    _Recordare sanctae crucis,_\n\nof which latter we have English versions by Dr. Henry Harbaugh, Dr. J.\nW. Alexander, and E. C. Benedict. Five other hymns are ascribed to him\nin the collections. They all have the Franciscan note; they turn on our\nLord\u2019s human sympathy and sufferings. This explains the ascription to\nhim of a long hymn on the members of our Lord\u2019s body as affected by the\npassion, which is found in Mone (I., 171-74), but which is more\nfrequently and quite as erroneously ascribed to Bernard of Clairvaux. It\nis not worthy of either, although Mone thinks the ascription to\nBonaventura \u201cworthy of attention.\u201d The hymn furnishes the point of\ncontact of the Latin hymnology with that of the later Moravians, the\nFranciscans of Protestantism.\n\nSo we leave the two great scholars, thinkers, doctors, and poets, each\nrepresenting one of the two chief streams of spiritual influence in the\nChurch of the thirteenth century. \u201cThey were lovely and pleasant in\ntheir lives, and in death they were not divided.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XXV.\n                   JACOPONUS AND THE \u201cSTABAT MATER.\u201d\n\n\nJacoponus, known to us sometimes as Jacobus de Benedictis, and sometimes\nas Jacopo di Benedetto, or as Giacopone da Todi from his Italian\nbirthplace, is a most quaint and singular singer. The name Jacoponus is\na mere title of reproach, and signifies either \u201cBig James\u201d or \u201cSilly\nJames.\u201d It was called after him on the street and he adopted it in a\nspirit of humility and as a badge of self abnegation. The man himself\nwas an Italian jurist and nobleman, who lived in the thirteenth century.\nHe led a wild life, lost his property, and eventually regained it by\nindustry and ability. Evidently he neither cared nor scrupled about his\nways of making money. A crisis came in his life in consequence of his\nwife\u2019s sudden death. She was killed at the city games of Todi in the\nyear of grace 1268, where with other women she had been watching the\nsports from a scaffold of wood. It was insecure and fell, killing her\ninstantly. Poor Benedetto, on hurrying to the spot, found that beneath\nher garments she had been wearing a hair girdle next to the\nskin\u2014according to the harsh custom of the time\u2014and he was deeply\naffected by this evidence of her anxiety to please God. In those days\nsuch an action spoke volumes for the victim\u2019s piety, and no one was more\nopen to conviction than this erratic, sensitive, and brilliant man.\n\nBut it would seem that for a long time he struggled against his\nfeelings, since we have a record that by 1298 he had been a religious\nperson about twenty years. Indeed, there is a story that he was not\nreceived at once by the Minorites, and that he finally produced certain\npoems before they grew satisfied to take him in. However, when he was\nfairly within their walls he outdid all the other Franciscans in\nausterity. He had given up his position as Doctor of Laws and had\nsurrendered his property; now it would appear that he was determined to\nadvance beyond the rest in ascetic devotion. His penances and prayers\nwere greatly in excess of prescribed rules, and he must have proved as\nsore a trial to any easy-going brother, as Simeon Stylites was when he\ntoo led the whole convent to denounce his ascetic habits. There is small\ndoubt that the brain of Jacoponus was decidedly off its balance, even in\nthese earliest days, and his subsequent conduct gave full evidence of\nhis insanity. Still, we find in this self-abasement of his nothing that\nlooks like pride or egotism. Where others display a complacency which is\nvery Pharisaic, he only shows the monomania of a gifted soul. Some of\nhis expressions are remarkable for their spiritual depth and power. Thus\nwhen he was pressed to explain how a Christian can be sure that he loves\nGod, he replied, \u201cI have the sign of charity; if I ask God for\nsomething, and He refuses me, I love Him notwithstanding; and when He\nopposes me I love Him twice as much.\u201d \u201cI would,\u201d he says, \u201cfor the love\nof Christ, suffer with a perfect resignation all the toils of this life,\nevery grief, anguish, pain, which word can express or thought conceive.\nI would also readily consent that, on leaving life, the demons should\nbear my soul into the place of tortures, there to endure all the\ntorments due to my sins; to those of the just who suffer in purgatory,\nand even of the reprobates and demons if this could be; and that until\nthe day of the last judgment, and longer still, according to the good\npleasure of the Divine Majesty. And, above all, it would be to me a\ngreat pleasure and supreme satisfaction that all those for whom I should\nhave suffered should enter heaven before me, and, finally, if I came\nafter them that all should agree to declare to me that they owe me\nnothing.\u201d Surely no modern theologian has ever stated the doctrine of\n\u201cself-emptiness\u201d in any shape which at all compares with this!\n\nNor was he deficient in wit. \u201cI enjoy the realm of France,\u201d he once\nsaid, \u201cmore than does the King of France; for I take part in all the\nhappiness that comes to him and I haven\u2019t the care of his business.\u201d At\nanother time he entered the market-place on all fours naked, a saddle on\nhis back and a bit between his teeth, for what symbolic purpose no one\nhas ever explained. Again, he literally tarred and feathered himself,\ncovering his body with a sticky oil and then rolling in feathers of\nvarious colors and kinds. In this elegant wedding attire he made his\nappearance at his brother\u2019s house to honor the marriage of his niece.\nThe guests, as might be expected, departed in confusion and disgust. But\nto all remonstrances upon his conduct he retorted, \u201cMy brother thinks to\nillumine our name by his magnificence; I shall do it by my folly.\u201d He\nwas really a leaf taken out of Rabelais or Boccaccio\u2014a jester whose\nfolly and wisdom were mingled unequally, much in the fashion of that\nWamba son of Witless, immortalized for us in the pages of _Ivanhoe_.\n\nThe man\u2019s great mind had doubtless been shaken by his affliction and by\nthe gloomy theology of his time. Otherwise these performances, so\ninconsistent with his genius, could never have taken place. The\nirregularity of his productions, sometimes delicate as the most graceful\nstanzas of the troubadours, and some times as coarse and rough as Villon\nat his worst, are in exact proof of this assertion.\n\nIn theology he was, to quote Ozanam, \u201cno longer a dogmatic but a\nmystic.\u201d He really became the leader of a band of pure and elevated\nminds which continued, by direct genealogy, through Hugo and Richard of\nSt. Victor, and Tauler down to St. Theresa, Madame Guyon, F\u00e9nelon, and\nour own Thomas C. Upham. It is an honor of no slight consequence to have\ninspired so much of the spirit of the Apostle John into that turbid\ncurrent of mediaeval religion. And it does not surprise us, therefore,\nto find the _Cur mundus militat_ of Jacoponus credited to Bernard of\nClairvaux, nor the _Jesu, dulcis memoria_ of Bernard attributed to\nJacoponus. The two men were very similar, but the opportunities of the\nFrench abbot were infinitely superior to those of the Italian monk. And\nafter a very careful inquiry I remain convinced, like other\nhymnologists, that these two great hymns have already been properly\nassigned. It is certainly a staggering piece of testimony when the\nlatter is found in an old MS. of Jacoponus\u2019s poems, precisely in the\nform in which it appears in the most critical edition of the writings of\nBernard. And it is equally unsettling for us to come upon the _Cur\nmundus militat_ in the works of the saint, when we know, on no doubtful\nevidence, that this was the passport of the sinner into his Franciscan\nconvent. Once more it is worth our while to repeat the warning that any\npositive designation of Latin hymns by their authors\u2019 names must rest\nupon a firmer foundation than the mere fact that they can be discovered\nin this man\u2019s or that man\u2019s printed works.\n\nJacoponus also interests us in view of his Protestant spirit. He never\nfancied Boniface VIII., and when that pope had a dream in which he saw a\ngreat bell without a tongue, and consulted the keen-witted friar upon\nits meaning, he received the reproof valiant, \u201cKnow, your holiness,\u201d\nsaid the undaunted monk, \u201cthat the great size of the bell signifies the\npontifical power which embraces the world. But take heed lest the tongue\nbe that good example which you will not give.\u201d For this and other\nliberties which he took it is no wonder that he presently found himself\nin prison, where he suffered everything patiently, and announced that he\nwould go out when Boniface was ready to come in. And this, indeed,\nactually occurred. He was excommunicated, too, but from this sentence\nBenedict XI. released him on December 23d, 1303.\n\nI cannot refrain from quoting some more of his religious aphorisms and\nmeditations which instinctively suggest to us the pious musings of \u00c0\nKempis. Here is one: \u201cI have always thought, and I think now, that it is\na great thing to know how to enjoy God. Why? Because in these hours of\njoy, humility is exercised with respect. But I have thought, and I think\nnow, that the greatest thing is to know how to rest deprived of God.\nWhy? Because in these hours of trial, faith is exercised without\nevidence, hope without attempt at fulfilment, and charity without any\nsign of the divine benevolence.\u201d And here is a fragment from his last\npoem: \u201cLove, I see that thou art transfiguring me, and making me become\nLove like thee, so that I dwell no longer in my own heart and that I\nknow no longer how to find myself again. If I perceive in a man any\nevil, or vice, or temptation, I am transformed and I enter into him; I\nam penetrated with his pain.\u201d\n\nIt must not be supposed that these poems were in the Latin language in\nevery instance. Very few of the entire number are truly within our own\nsphere of research, and all those composed in Italian are accessible to\nus only through a French prose translation. But his \u201cPraise of Poverty\u201d\ndeserves a place even in these pages, for it reveals the nature of the\npoet and helps us to comprehend the pathos and tenderness of his\nunregulated genius:\n\n  \u201cSweet Poverty, how much in truth\n      Should we love thee!\n  For, child, thou hast a sister named\n      Humility.\n  A common bowl, for food and drink,\n      Is all thy need;\n  Bread, water, and a few poor herbs,\n      Suffice indeed.\n\n  \u201cAnd, if a guest should come, she adds\n      A pinch of salt;\n  She travels fearless, and no foe\n      Can bid her halt;\n  Thieves do not plunder her; she dies\n      At length in peace;\n  She makes no will; no grasping hands\n      Clutch her increase.\n\n  \u201cPoor little thing! Behold thou art\n      Heaven\u2019s citizen;\n  No vulgar earthly wishes draw\n      Thee down to men;\n  Thine is the greatest sceptre, thine\n      The kingdom here,\n  For what thou carest not to seek\n      Still crowdeth near.\n\n  \u201cO science most profound and deep!\n      For thus we rise,\n  And gain our freedom by the things\n      We most despise!\n  O gracious Poverty, supplied\n      With joy and rest,\n  Thine is the plenty of the heart,\n      And that is best!\u201d\n\nIt is strangely incongruous with this almost idyllic gentleness for us\nto find such a man hanging a coveted bit of meat in his cell until the\nodor of its putrefaction disgusted the rest of the monks, as well as put\nan end to his own craving for the forbidden dainty. Then, too, we have\nseveral other anecdotes of his grim humor and bold denunciation of sin.\nTake, for example, the story told of his peculiar half-satirical conduct\nin an instance which Wadding, the historian of the Franciscan Order,\nrelates with great gusto. A citizen of Todi, a relative of the poet, had\nbought a pair of chickens, and not wishing to be inconvenienced by them,\nhe said to Jacoponus, \u201cTake them and carry them for me, if you please; I\ndon\u2019t care to burden myself with them.\u201d To which Jacoponus answered,\n\u201cTrust me! I\u2019ll carry your chickens home.\u201d He then went direct to the\nchurch of Fortunatus, in which his own monument was afterward placed,\nand pulling up a gravestone he thrust the chickens in and replaced the\nslab. The worthy citizen on his return of course found no chickens, and\ntherefore at once hunted out Jacoponus in the public square and\nreproached him. \u201cI took them to your house,\u201d retorted the Franciscan.\n\u201cBut I have just come from it and my wife says she has not seen you,\u201d\nthe Tudescan asserted. Thereupon Jacoponus took him to the church and\nhaving removed the stone, said to him: \u201cFriend, isn\u2019t that your home?\u201d\nThe citizen, says Wadding, took his chickens, being a man evidently of\nfrugal mind, and, \u201cnot without fear, went his way absorbed in thought.\u201d\n\nThis mad Solomon is at times so keen in his denunciations of the\ncorruption of the Church, and so evidently sincere in his own religion,\nthat more than one hymnologist has thought that his folly was largely\nassumed as a guise under which he had greater freedom. The court fool\nwas a \u201cchartered libertine\u201d as to his language, and when we read the\nepitaph of Jacoponus it seems as if he had reversed the saying of\nShakespeare and had stolen Satan\u2019s livery to serve Heaven in. There is\nno question but that this satirical freedom actually cost the poor\njester some considerable share of imprisonment, and this heightens the\nlikelihood that he was playing Brutus in order to abolish Caesar.\nBoniface VIII., whom he had very plainly rebuked, was the one who\nimprisoned him, and he was not released before the case\u2014as he had indeed\npredicted\u2014was precisely reversed. Let me record my own conviction, based\nupon the poem of which I append a translation, and upon the other facts\nof his life, that this view of his career has much in its favor. Those\ndays and these are not to be compared in respect to liberty. Where\nBernard of Cluny swung his sling about his head and let the pebbles fly\nto right and left with no very tangible result, Jacoponus took bow and\narrows and drove his shaft into the target. No one meddled with Bernard;\nbut Jacoponus, a century later, was a Tell for the ecclesiastical\nGessler.\n\nOf the _Stabat Mater Dolorosa_, carried by the Flagellants into every\ncorner of Europe as they flogged themselves in public to its anthem, it\ncan be said that it is one of the very greatest hymns\u2014if not actually\nthe greatest\u2014of the Roman Catholic Church. The _Dies Irae_, the _Veni,\nSancte Spiritus_, and the Hymn of Bernard of Cluny, are catholic rather\nthan Roman. This is Roman rather than catholic. It is full of\nMariolatry. Take a stanza from a prose translation by way of example:\n\n\u201cVirgin of virgins, illustrious, be not now bitter to me, make me mourn\nwith thee, make me carry about the death of Christ, make me a sharer in\nHis passion, adoring His suffering.\u201d And again: \u201cO Christ, when I go\nhence, give me, through Thy mother, to attain the palm of victory,\u201d etc.\n\nFor this reason the Protestant metrical versions of the _Stabat Mater_\nare few in number and generally accompanied by disclaimers of one kind\nor another. Of course the music, on whose wings the hymn has now flown\nworld-wide, will need no word of mine. If the _Stabat Mater_ itself\nreceives commonly the second rank among hymns, it follows that Rossini,\nPergolesi, Palestrina and Haydn have not detracted from its glory. And\nthough in the terse language of one of our best hymnologists, we say,\n\u201cIt is simple Mariolatry, most of it,\u201d the human pathos of the verses\nappeals strongly to those who refuse the added errors of the poem.\n\nOf the _Stabat Mater Speciosa_ I confess to a decided doubt. It is in\nthe nature of a paraphrase, almost of a parody. It is unworthy of the\nbrain that formed the _Mater Dolorosa_, and the jester must have gone\nbeyond common folly if he descended to this imitation of himself. It is\nmore likely\u2014and there is good ground for the opinion\u2014that it is the work\nof some later hand. Archbishop Trench, by the way, will not include\neither of them in his collection.\n\nOf the other writings of Jacoponus it may be interesting to say that he\ncomposed hymns and satires in great abundance, both in Latin and in\nItalian, which were collected by Franciscus Tressatus, a Minorite\nbrother, and published in seven books. The _Cur mundus militat_ (which\nWadding quotes at length) meets this editor\u2019s highest praise. Of the\nItalian poems we can say that they are now regarded by Symonds and\nothers as the fountain-head of Italian literature, and that they\ncontained many of the crude expressions of the common people mixed with\nan elegance of phraseology to which Dante and Petrarch were accustoming\ntheir mother tongue. Indeed, I know no other similar poet, unless it be\nJohn Skelton, rector of \u201cgloomy Dis\u201d in England, who about a century\nlater shot the same kind of shafts at the same manner of target and with\nmuch the same bitter, gibing wit.\n\nBut of all the compositions of our mad monk which I have seen, I am most\nespecially interested in this _Cur mundus militat_. Its attractiveness\nconsists, first of all, in its dactylic measure and in its singular\nadaptation to the character of Jacoponus. It is hard, in the\ntranslation, to catch that strange jingle of the cap and bells and that\ntossing of the fool\u2019s bauble which accompany the exhortation. Only in\nthe last stanza does it appear as if he deigned to be serious. All that\nprecedes this is the quaint world-weariness of the man too wise for his\ntime, and who is therefore well pleased to be _stultus propter\nChristum_\u2014a \u201cfool for Christ\u2019s sake.\u201d\n\n\n                          THE VANITY OF EARTH.\n\n  Why should this world of ours strive to be glorious\n  Since its prosperity is not victorious?\n  Swiftly its power and its beauty are perishing\n  Like to frail vases which once we were cherishing.\n\n  Trust more to letters carved fair on some frostiness\n  Than to this brittle world\u2019s empty untrustiness.\n  False in her honors, in semblance of purity,\n  Never as yet had she time for security.\n\n  More should be trusted to glass, which is treacherous,\n  Than to Earth\u2019s happiness wretched and venturous\u2014\n  Filled with false vanities, lured by false madnesses,\n  Worn with false knowledges, sick of false gladnesses.\n\n  Where now is Solomon, once so pre-eminent?\n  Where is that Samson, so valiantly prominent?\n  Where the fair Absalom, stalwart and beautiful?\n  Where the sweet Jonathan, lovely and dutiful?\n\n  Whither went Caesar, that monarch illustrious?\n  Or the proud Dives, at table industrious?\n  Tell me of Tullius, lofty in eloquence;\n  Or Aristoteles, first in grandiloquence.\n\n  So many heroes, such spacious activity,\n  Dancers and mountebanks, kingdoms and levity;\n  Rulers of earth who were tyrannous o\u2019er us all\u2014\n  Swift as a glance they are gone from before us all!\n\n  What a short holiday this of Earth\u2019s best estate!\n  Joys, which to man are like dreams that attest his fate;\n  Which, the rewards of eternity banishing,\n  Lead him through paths where his comfort is vanishing.\n\n  Food of the worm thou art\u2014clod of the common clay!\n  O dew! O vanity! Why praise thy common way?\n  Thou who art ignorant whether the morrow come!\n  Do good to all ere the time of thy sorrow come.\n\n  Much though we value this glory of earthiness,\n  Scripture declareth, as grass, its unworthiness;\n  Like the light leaf, by the mighty wind hurried off,\n  So is this life, by the darkness soon carried off.\n\n  Nothing is thine which thy spirit may lose again\u2014\n  What this world gave it intendeth to choose again;\n  Lift up thy thought where the heart hath its treasure-house\u2014\n  Happy art thou to despise this Earth\u2019s pleasure-house!\n\nWe are not to imagine that these stirring verses, whether in Latin or in\nItalian, went unnoticed. In the various productions of his muse the\nhumble monk enjoyed a popularity like that of Abelard. Numerous\nmanuscripts of his writings were scattered through Italy, France, and\nSpain, and translations in these different languages helped to increase\nhis fame. Between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries at least eight\neditions appeared. But for critical purposes they are not so valuable as\nmight be supposed, since there are interpolations by other hands which\nconfuse and deter the investigator. They were supplemented in 1819 by\nthe publication of a number hitherto unknown, which were edited by\nAlessandro da Mortara.\n\nOf the Latin poetry ascribed to him the _Jesu dulcis memoria_ is\ncertainly Bernard\u2019s, for Morel discovered it in an Einsiedeln MS. \u201colder\nthan 1288.\u201d There are two hymns\u2014_Crux te, te volo conqueri_ and _Ave\nregis angelorum_\u2014of which we merely know the opening lines and have no\naccessible originals. The _Verbum caro factum est_, the _Ave fuit prima\nsalus_, and the _Cur mundus militat_ are doubtless his own. The _Mater\nSpeciosa_ I take the liberty to discredit because of its gross\nLatinity\u2014a point which Ozanam concedes in spite of his belief in its\ngenuine character. The _Mater Dolorosa_ itself has not escaped question,\nfor Benedict XIV. declared it to be the work of Innocent III., to whom,\nwith about the same amount of truth, has also been attributed the _Veni,\nSancte Spiritus_.\n\nIn the year 1306, after imprisonment and excommunication had both passed\nover his head and spent their force harmlessly, the aged Jacoponus drew\nnear his end. His companions urged him to ask for the final sacrament,\nbut he was in no haste. He would wait, he said, for John of Alvernia,\nhis true friend, and from his hands only would he receive it. They\nconsidered this another proof of his untamed and rebellious nature, and\nloudly lamented around his bed. But the dying man gave no heed to their\nweakness. He raised himself upon his arm and with lifted face began to\nchant the _Anima benedetta_\u2014the song of a blessed soul. Scarcely had his\nvoice uttered the closing words ere two men were seen hastening across\nthe field. One was that very John of Alvernia, moved by some strange\npresentiment to visit his friend. He entered the room and greeted\nJacoponus with a kiss of peace. Then he administered the sacrament of\nthe Eucharist. And thereupon the failing singer, his desire being at\nlast fulfilled, sang the _Jesu nostra fidanza_ and relapsed into silence\nfor a time. Then he exhorted those about him to live holy lives, and,\nlifting his hands toward heaven, gently expired. It was on Christmas eve\nand, in the neighboring church, the choir had just begun to chant the\n_Gloria in Excelsis_.\n\nTwo hundred and ninety years after his death his tombstone and its\ninscription were placed. The words, when rendered from Latin into\nEnglish, are these:\n\n\u201cThe bones of the blessed Jacoponus de Benedictis of Todi, who, a fool\nfor Christ\u2019s sake, deluded the world by a new art and took heaven by\nforce.\u201d\n\nThere is in the Lenox Gallery a small picture by Zamacois, which\nrepresents a jester leaning against a head of Pan. The rude, broken bust\nstands on an antique pedestal, its mouth, in its half-tragic, half-comic\ncurves, appearing to whisper into the ear of its companion. He,\nscarlet-clad and with his bauble swinging idly in his hands, inclines\nhis head toward it and seems in a sad gravity to listen to its words.\nThere, indeed, do I see Jacoponus! The eager heart of the great\nmisunderstood, inconsistent, vain, and empty World tells him of its\nnothingness\u2014a broken and abandoned deity deserted in its garden of Eden.\nAn inexpressible sadness comes over me. Quietly I put by the _Stabat\nMater_; I do not love it!\u2014but I close the page softly over the poor mad\nprophet who rests his weary head on the steps of Solomon\u2019s throne.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXVI.\n                            THOMAS \u00c0 KEMPIS.\n\n\nThe contributions of Holland to the devotional poetry of Christendom\nhave not been extensive; but in the Middle Ages she could show several\nLatin hymn-writers. The best known of these, however, is by far more\nfamous for his prose works. Thomas Hemerken, called afterward Thomas \u00e0\nKempis, was not by birth a Hollander. He was born in 1379 or 1380 at\nKempen, a small city in the diocese of Koeln (Cologne), not far from\nwhat became the boundary line between the two nations. But in those\ndays, and, indeed, until the Peace of Westphalia, Holland, like\nSwitzerland, was reckoned a part of Germany. His father, John Hemerken,\nwas an artisan of the poorer class, probably a silversmith; and both his\nparents were devout and God-fearing people. His elder brother John had\ngone to Deventer to obtain an education, after the fashion of the times,\nwhen boys wandered from city to city in search of instruction, and\nsupported themselves by singing, begging, and sometimes by thieving. But\nat Deventer John had fallen in with some good people who had pity upon\nthese wandering scholars, and had made arrangements to furnish them\nlodgings and copying-work in addition to what they would earn by singing\nin the choir.\n\nThe chief person in this group was Gerard Groote, a man of wealthy\nfamily and some strange vicissitudes in life. He had studied at the\nuniversities of Paris and Prague, and had taken minor orders to qualify\nhimself to hold the two canonries family influence secured to him, but\nwithout giving any indication of a vocation to the sacred office. He\nseems even to have led a dissolute life. Then a great change came over\nhim, chiefly through the influence of a friend of his youth named Henry\nEger, now the prior of a Cistercian convent at Munkhuisen. Gerard\nresigned his benefices, and spent five years in a monastic retreat, from\nwhich he emerged as a zealous preacher of the Gospel to the clergy and\npeople of what now is Holland, using both Latin and Dutch as occasion\nserved. He especially dwelt on the utter worldliness of that dreary\ntime, when priests, nobles, and tradesmen alike had lost all idea of\nserving God and men, and had set up gain and pleasure as the recognized\nends of life. His sharp rebukes, and his exaltation of humility,\nsimplicity, and poverty, attracted the lower classes, but roused the\nopposition of both the burghers and the Mendicants against him. After a\nbrief and stormy career he was silenced by the Archbishop of Utrecht,\nand was obliged to find vent for his zeal in some other channel.\n\nHis purity and unworldliness had gathered around him, in his native\nDeventer, men and women like-minded with him, who, according to the\ntendency of the time, drifted naturally into a kind of monastic life.\nBrother-houses and sister-houses were organized, and they became known\nas the Brethren and Sisters of the Common Life. They took no vows, and\nyet practised celibacy, common ownership and labor, and obedience to the\nrector of the house. They adopted no common dress, but came to wear the\nsimplest gray robe of the same cut. Both laymen and clergy lived\ntogether in the brother-houses, and each took his turn in the common\nservices of the brotherhood. They observed no canonical hours beyond\nwhat the Church exacted of the priests among them. They assumed none of\nthe professions of the monks, and yet they realized the monkish ideal\nbetter than did the monks themselves. The four principles which governed\nGerard\u2019s own life and became the four corner-stones of this fraternity,\nwere \u201ccontempt of the world and of self, imitation of the lowly life of\nChrist, good-will, and the grace of devoutness\u201d (_contemptus mundi et\nsui ipsius, imitatio humilis vitae Christi, bona voluntas, gratia\ndevotionis_). All this was summed up in the phrase _moderna devotio_,\nused both by the brethren and the outside world to designate the\ndistinctive character of the order.\n\nThe experience Christendom had had of the results of mendicancy led\nGroote and his associates to base the new brotherhood on honest labor.\nThe shape this took reflects his own character. He was a great\nbook-lover\u2014_semper avarus et peravarus librorum_, he says himself. When\nin peril of his life in a storm by sea, he managed to save the six books\nhe had with him. He possessed a considerable library, and when the\nbrotherhood came to adopt the principle of community of goods, he and\nthe rest put their books into the common stock. And all who were able to\nwrite were to labor in copying books for sale\u2014the clergy in Latin, the\nlaymen in Dutch. It was this employment he extended to the poor scholars\nof the Deventer school. Indeed, it seems not improbable that he began it\nwith them, and that the first brotherhood was composed of young friends\nof this class, who had grown to manhood in this employment. It is\ncertain that in Deventer, in Zwolle, and for all we know in the other\ncities where the brotherhood took root, near by the brother-house stood\na poor-scholars\u2019 house, in which the boys attending the school of the\ncity were lodged, kept under discipline, and to some degree given work\nalso. But the Brethren of the Common Life were not an educating body, as\nhas been very generally supposed. They aimed only at saving boys from\nthe moral injury which too often attended their homeless life, at\nkeeping good discipline over them, and at imparting moral and religious\ntraining. They aimed to do for the school-boys what the founders of\ncolleges in the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Paris tried to do\nfor the myriads of students who lived like vagrants in those seats of\nlearning.\n\nBut before Gerard Groote died the question was raised whether it would\nnot be advisable to establish a strictly monastic order of life for\nthose of the brethren who felt a vocation to it. To this he agreed, but\ndissuaded his friends from adopting the severe rules of the Cistercians\nand the Carthusians for the new order. Rather he suggested that of the\nCanons Regular under the rule of St. Augustine as preferable, since it\nwould be more in keeping with the spirit of the brotherhood, and would\nbind on no one too heavy burdens. This advice marks an advance upon\nDominic, Francis, and the \u201creformers\u201d of the Benedictine and Mendicant\norders, in an evangelical direction. They all sought progress to\nperfection in deeper austerity. In his case the preference perhaps was\ncaused by his friendship for the monastery of Canons Regular at\nGroenendal, in Flanders, whose prior was Jan Rusbroek, the great Flemish\nmystic. Gerard made several visits to Groenendal after his conversion,\nand translated two of his friend\u2019s books into Latin.\n\nGerard Groote was carried off by the great pestilence of 1384, in his\nforty-fourth year. But he left the work in good hands, for a Deventer\npriest named Florens Radewinzoon succeeded him as rector of the\nbrother-house, and proceeded with the building of the new monastery at\nWindesheim, near Deventer. It was opened in 1386, and John \u00e0 Kempis, who\nhad become a member of the brotherhood, was one of the six who first\nassumed the monastic vows.\n\nIt was six years later, in 1392, that Thomas set out to seek his brother\nat Deventer; for although the distance was not much over a hundred\nmiles, he had heard nothing of John\u2019s profession at Windesheim, so\nuncertain and irregular were the means of communication. On learning\nwhat had happened, he proceeded to Windesheim, where his brother\nwelcomed him warmly. But there was no school at Windesheim, and John\nadvised him to return to Deventer to attend the city school and place\nhimself under the care of Florens. He did so and became an inmate of the\npoor-scholars\u2019 house, which had been given to the brotherhood by a\ndevout matron of the city. Here he lived for six years, attending school\nunder Master Johann Boehme, singing in the choir of the church of which\nFlorens was vicar, and earning a little money by copying books for him.\nThe good rector showed him very great kindness, and in 1398, when his\nschool studies were complete, he received him into the brotherhood. The\nyear before this another pestilence had visited Deventer, carrying off\nJohann Kessel, the saintly cook of the brother-house, and prostrating\nThomas himself, who recovered with difficulty. Indeed, it seemed as\nthough the brotherhood would become extinct, and Florens and six others\nwithdrew for a time from the plague-smitten city to guard against this\ncatastrophe.\n\nIn 1399 Thomas, at Florens\u2019s instance, decided to assume the monastic\nvows. A second house of the order had been established at Agnietenberg\n(or Mount St. Agnes) near the city of Zwolle. Of this John \u00e0 Kempis had\nbeen made the second prior in 1398, and held that office until 1408.\nThither Thomas proceeded in 1399, stopping at Zwolle to obtain the\nindulgence lately proclaimed by the Pope for the benefit of a new church\nin that city. After a novitiate of seven years he took the vows in 1406,\nand in 1414 was ordained to the priesthood.\n\nThe monastic life is studiously and intentionally monotonous. It aims at\nthe exclusion of all that gives zest and interest to ordinary existence,\nand at the reduction of life\u2019s employments to a routine. Its variety and\ncolor are to be sought in the inner life of its members, and that of\nThomas was not wanting in these elements. If his inner experience be\nreflected in his _Soliloquy of the Soul_, he passed through those\nshifting seasons of gloom and gladness which characterize the experience\nof an introverted religion. His religious character was formed on the\nlines of the modern devotion, as defined by Gerard Groote, and as\nreflected in the lives and the writings of Florens Radewinzoon, Gerard\nZerbolt, Johann Mande, Gerlach Peterszoon, and Johann Brinckerinck, the\nearlier notable men of the brotherhood or of the Windesheim\ncongregation. His was not a bold and originative mind to strike out new\npaths for himself. He had not even those gifts of practical\nadministration for which Florens, John \u00e0 Kempis, and others of the order\nwere notable. Even when he had attained recognition as the most eminent\nman at Agnietenberg, his brethren twice passed him by in selecting their\nprior, and never gave him any dignity higher than the sub-priorate,\nwhich probably was a sinecure. An early biographer goes so far as to\ndescribe him as sitting silent whenever ordinary and worldly matters\nwere discussed, because of his ignorance of the very terms used at such\ntimes. But this is an exaggeration. His _Chronicle of the Monastery of\nMt. St. Agnes_ shows him taking a mild and not unintelligent interest in\nthe secular side of the monastic life, and sharing the joy of his\nbrethren in the fine apple-crop or the large take of fish, and the like.\nBut this _Chronicle_ shows how limited his range of vision and interest.\nHe lived through the Papal Schism, the Asiatic conquests of Timour, the\nCouncil of Constance, the Hussite wars, Henry the Fifth\u2019s invasion of\nFrance, the exploits of Jeanne d\u2019Arc, the Council of Basle, the rise of\nthe Medici in Florence, and of the Duchy of Burgundy, the Council of\nFlorence, the exploits of Scanderberg and Hunyadi Janos, the Wars of the\nRoses, the revival of letters, the invention of printing, the fall of\nConstantinople, the Florentine Academy, the Portuguese discoveries in\nthe Atlantic, and much more that might be thought likely to be discussed\neven within the walls of a Dutch monastery. But the record is silent as\nto all these things; for the most part they are part of the doings of\nthat \u201cworld\u201d which the disciples of the modern devotion trained\nthemselves to despise.\n\nNo doubt the great question of the Papal Schism was of interest at\nAgnietenberg, and also the two great councils which brought it to an\nend. At the Council of Constance the Brethren of the Common Life were\narraigned by a zealous Mendicant as violating Church law by observing\nthe three rules of the monastic life without belonging to any recognized\norder. But this Mendicant notion was declared heretical, thanks to two\ngreat French doctors, Pierre d\u2019Ailly and John Gerson, the second of whom\nwas to be associated so closely with Thomas in a famous controversy.\n\nIn 1427 the troubles of the outside world did reach the convent at\nAgnietenberg and its associates. There had been a disputed election to\nthe princely diocese of Utrecht, then one of the largest and wealthiest\nin Latin Christendom. The Pope recognized one candidate and the people\nof the cities another. To break down their obstinacy the diocese was\nlaid under an interdict, which put an end to every act of public\nworship. Thereupon the brotherhood and the order were given their choice\nby the citizens, either to go on with their services as usual in church\nand chapel, or to leave the diocese. With one consent they chose the\nlatter alternative, and in 1429 they distributed themselves among the\nassociated brother-houses and monasteries outside the diocese. The\ntwenty-four clerical and lay brethren of Agnietenberg found a home at\nLuvenkerk in Friesland, in a disordered monastery which had been placed\nunder the rule of the Windesheim congregation, and which they used this\nopportunity to reform. After three years of exile they were allowed to\nreturn, a new Pope having yielded to the people. But Thomas did not\nreturn so soon, for he had been called away to Arnheim to the death-bed\nof his brother John, the brother he had found at Windesheim instead of\nDeventer, and under whose priorship at Agnietenberg he took the vows.\n\nIn 1451 Deventer was visited by a great Churchman and notable thinker,\nthe Cardinal Nicolas of Cusa, who, like Thomas, was born east of what is\nnow the German frontier, but had received his schooling in Deventer,\nwhere he learned to love and honor the Brethren of the Common Life. He\ncame now as papal legate to reform the abuses which had arisen in the\nchurches of Germany during the great schism; and when he came to his\nloved Deventer he hastened to indicate his especial regard for his old\nfriends. He granted a special indulgence to both the brotherhood and the\norder, and permitted the Windesheim congregation to establish a second\ncongregation, with equal privileges, to accommodate the rapidly\nincreasing number of convents of Canons Regular.\n\nThomas survived his brother by nearly forty years. His cloister life\nmoved on through three decades with the external monotony of an\nexistence subjected to rule. Five years of the forty were years of\npestilence and popular distress, which he duly chronicles. But the only\nreal interruption of his routine which still has a living interest was\nhis acquaintance with young Johan Wessel, who came to pursue his studies\nin Zwolle, being drawn by the charm of the _Imitation_ into the\nneighborhood of its author. This probably was about 1460, when he sought\nand made Thomas\u2019s acquaintance, and often conversed with him upon the\ngreatest of themes. But the earliest biography of Wessel belongs to the\nnext century, and is by a Protestant pastor in Bremen; so the statements\nthat Wessel found Thomas and his brother monks all too superstitious,\nand rebuked the Mariolatry of the author of the _Imitation_, are open to\ndoubt. That Wessel, the forerunner of Luther, influenced Thomas in the\nwriting of the _Imitation_ is a palpable absurdity.\n\nFor a short time he was procurator or steward of the monastery, a task\nwhich must have been uncongenial to him, but which he would discharge\nwith his best diligence, as his first biographer, Jodocus Badius\nAscensius, says he did. Then he was sub-prior a second time in 1448.\n\nThe chronicle of Mount St. Agnes ends with January 17th, 1471; its\nauthor died July 26th of the same year. His health had been singularly\ngood, but toward the close of his life he suffered from dropsy. His\neyesight never failed him, and he retained all his faculties in full\nvigor to the last. As the end drew near, the sense of all he had been to\nhis brethren as a friend and counsellor deepened in them at the prospect\nof losing him. All that their love could do and his ascetic principles\nwould permit, they did to lighten the burdens and relieve the pains of\nhis illness. He died in his ninety-second year, after having been\nsixty-three years in the order and fifty-eight in the priesthood.\n\nHe was buried within the cloisters of the monastery. There his bones\ncontinued to rest even after the dissolution of the monastery at the\nReformation in 1573, and thence they were disinterred in 1672 and placed\nin a shrine. But no miracles were wrought at his grave or by his bones.\nWhatever the faults of the Brethren of the Common Life, it was not in\nthe atmosphere of the modern devotion that men learned to crave after\nsuch evidence of sanctity in the servants of God. So the brotherhood and\nits affiliated order have made no contributions to the list of Roman\nCatholic saints. There is room in that long and motley list for Giovanni\nda Capistrano, the cruel and implacable inquisitor, whose path across\nEurope was marked with blood and fire. But none has been found for the\ngentle and loving Thomas \u00e0 Kempis, who has wooed millions of souls to a\ncloser communion with his Master, and whose own life preached humility,\npatience, gentleness, renunciation of the world, conformity to the will\nof God, and likeness to Christ, as distinctly as does his great book.\nWell, he is content. _Ama nesciri_\u2014love to be unknown\u2014was a precept\noften on his lips and illustrated in his life. Of small matter to him\nwould have been the attempt to deny his authorship of the _Imitation_,\nand the controversy of two centuries\u2019 duration it provoked. Of no\ngreater moment the refusal of the name of saint to one whose only\nmiracles were wrought upon the spirits of his brethren. But the Church\ncatholic says of him, \u201cSurely this was a holy man of God.\u201d\n\nWhile the copying of books was the general employment of the brotherhood\nand of the order, there was from the first a good deal of independent\nauthorship among them, and always on the lines of the \u201cmodern devotion.\u201d\nGroote himself labored chiefly by preaching and correspondence. But some\nof his letters are tracts in that form, and had a wide circulation as\nsuch. Florens was not much even of a letter-writer, but he wrote one\ndevotional tract which has been discovered. It was in Gerard Zerbolt of\nZutphen, his _altera manus_, that he found a fit organ for the\nexpression of his ideas in writing. To us Protestants Zerbolt is\nmemorable as the author of a treatise asserting the right and duty of\nunlearned men to have good books\u2014the Bible and their prayer-books\nincluded\u2014in their own tongue. But he was much better known by his\nwriting certain widely circulated books of devotion\u2014modern, of course.\nHendrik Mande, the Seer, was a Windesheim monk whose mysticism took the\nbolder and more ecstatic flight of Rusbroek, and like Rusbroek he found\nhis native tongue more suitable than Latin. Lastly, Gerlach Peterszoon,\nsometimes called \u201cthe second Thomas \u00e0 Kempis,\u201d although he died in 1411,\nbefore Thomas himself had become an author, wrote in both Latin and\nDutch sundry works, one of which still is reprinted for edification even\nby Protestants. Through all this literature runs the same strain of\nthought and feeling, in spite of personal differences. They all insist\non a deeper renunciation of the world than is satisfied by any external\nmonastic compliances. They all hold forth the imitation of Christ\u2019s\nhumility and meekness as the essence of the Christian life. They all\ninsist on devotion to the will of God and good-will to men as the two\nessential channels in which the Christian life must run.\n\nThomas \u00e0 Kempis\u2019s works as a whole fit into the writings of this group\nof disciples of Gerard Groote, just as his _Imitation of Christ_ fits\ninto the rest of his works. He simply is the best writer they had, as\nthe _Imitation_ is the best thing he ever wrote. If none of the many\nmanuscripts of the _Imitation_ bore his name, as nearly all of them do;\nand if none of the contemporaries who knew him had certified to his\nauthorship of it, as so many of them do; and if none of the printed\neditions bore his name, as twenty-one of the fifteenth century and forty\nof the sixteenth do, we still would have been obliged to ascribe it to\nhim. No other century than his could have produced it. It reflects the\nideas of no other group than that of the disciples of Gerard and\nFlorens. The very title, _De Imitatione Christi, et de Contemptu Omnium\nVanitatum Mundi_, expresses the twofold aspect of the _moderna devotio_\nof which Gerard and Florens were the sponsors. Among those disciples\nthere is no one but the author of the _Soliloquy of the Soul_ and the\n_Valley of Lilies_, to whom we could give it. It differs no more in\npoint of worth from Thomas\u2019s other books than does the _Pilgrim\u2019s\nProgress_ from Bunyan\u2019s other writings, _Grace Abounding_ always\nexcepted.\n\nWhile it is by his formal hymns Thomas \u00e0 Kempis acquires his right to a\nplace here, it is true at the same time that the _Imitation_ itself is a\ngreat Christian poem, not only in substance but in form. A Belgian, who\nwas his contemporary, says he had written the book _metrice_, or in\nrhythm and rhyme. As it was printed always as prose until our own times,\nthis statement was somewhat puzzling, as was the title, _Musica\nEcclesiastica_, found in some of the manuscripts. But Rev. Karl Hirsche,\nLutheran pastor in Hamburg, has vindicated both expressions by showing\nthat Thomas has followed such models as the sequence, _Victimae\npaschali_, in the composition of his work. And he has given us an\nedition based on Thomas\u2019s autograph of the year 1441, in which this\npeculiarity is made visible.[15] It is true that this way of writing\nwhat we may call rhymed and rhythmical prose is not confined to Thomas\nor to the _Imitation_ among his works. Among others Jan van\nSchoonhooven, a Belgian disciple of Jan Rusbroek\u2019s, uses this form\nfrequently; and Pastor Hirsche has pointed out its frequency in others\nof Thomas\u2019s works. But in no other book approaching the _Imitation_ in\nlength is the restriction of rhythm and rhyme so steadily accepted. As\nan instance, take this brief passage from the fifth chapter of the third\nbook:\n\n  \u201cAmans volat, currit, et laetatur;\n  Liber est, et non tenetur\n  Dat omnia pro omnibus,\n  Et habet omnia in omnibus;\n  Quia in uno summo super omnia quiescit\n  Ex quo omne bonum fluit et procedit.\n  Non respecit ad dona\n  Sed ad donantem se convertit super omnia bona.\n  Amor modo saepe nescit,\n  Sed super omnem modum fervescit.\n  Amor onus non sentit,\n  Labores non reputat;\n  Plus affectat quam valet;\n  De impossibilitate non causatur\n  Quia cuncta sibi posse et licere arbitrator.\u201d\n\nOr in Rev. W. Benham\u2019s admirable version: \u201cHe who loveth flyeth,\nrunneth, and is glad; he is free and not hindered. He giveth all things\nfor all things, and has all things in all things, because he resteth in\nOne who is high above all, from whom every good floweth and proceedeth.\nHe looketh not for gifts, but turneth himself to the Giver, above all\ngood things. Love oftentimes knoweth no measure, but breaketh out above\nall measure; love feeleth no burden, reckoneth not labors, striveth\nafter more than it is able to do, pleadeth not impossibility, because it\njudgeth all things which are lawful for it to be possible.\u201d[16]\n\nThe _Imitation_ has obtained a place next to the Bible in the devotional\nliterature of Christendom. The fact that the author was a Roman Catholic\nand that the fourth book is a preparation for the devout reception of\nthe Eucharist in accordance with the Roman Catholic theory of its\nnature, has not prevented stanch Protestants from translating and\ncommending it. Dr. Chalmers wrote a commendatory preface to a Scotch\nreprint of John Payne\u2019s translation. And in Germany, Holland, and\nEngland the Protestant versions have far exceeded those made by Roman\nCatholics. The first Protestant version was that from the mediaeval into\nCiceronian Latin, by Sebastian Castellio (Basle, 1556); the second was\ninto German by the great and good John Arndt. But the book has achieved\na still more notable conquest than this. In Corneille\u2019s metrical version\n(1651) it was a favorite with Auguste Comte, who recommended it to the\nBenthamist, Sir William Molesworth, as well worth reading. It has\nobtained a sort of recognition among Comtists as a canonical work, and\nselections from it often are read at the Positivist services. And\nEnglish readers will remember the passage in which George Eliot, writing\nin Comte\u2019s spirit, describes its effect on the sensitive spirit of\nMaggie Tulliver:\n\n\u201cShe knew nothing of doctrines and systems\u2014of mysticism or quietism; but\nthis voice out of the far-off Middle Ages was the direct human\ncommunication of a human soul\u2019s belief and experience, and came to\nMaggie as an unquestioned message.\n\n\u201cI suppose that is the reason why the small, old-fashioned book, for\nwhich you need pay only sixpence at a book-stall, works miracles to this\nday, turning bitter waters into sweetness, while expensive sermons and\ntreatises, newly issued, leave all things as they were before. It was\nwritten down by a hand that waited for the heart\u2019s prompting; it is the\nchronicle of a solitary hidden anguish, struggle, trust, and triumph\u2014not\nwritten on velvet cushions to teach endurance to those who are treading\nwith bleeding feet on the stones. And so it remains to all time a\nlasting record of human needs and consolations; the voice of a brother\nwho, ages ago, felt and suffered and renounced, in the cloister,\nperhaps, with serge gown and tonsured head, with much chanting and long\nfasts, and with a fashion of speech different from ours, but under the\nsame silent, far-off heavens, and with the same passionate desires, and\nwith the same strivings, the same failures, the same weariness.\u201d\u2014_The\nMill on the Floss, Book IV., chap._ 3.\n\nAll true; but less than the truth; for Thomas\u2019s power lies not in these\nnegations, but in his personal relation to \u201cthe supreme, invisible\nTeacher, the pattern of sorrow, the source of all strength,\u201d from whom\nMarian Evans turned away to fill up her life with \u201cyearnings and\nstrivings and failures,\u201d while her only comfort was in the consideration\nthat she had stilled her pain by no \u201cfalse anodynes.\u201d\n\nIt is a little uncertain at what time the _Imitation_ was written. It\nseems not improbable that it was begun in Thomas\u2019s youth, when he had\nassumed or was about to assume the responsibilities of the priesthood. A\nlofty regard for the sanctity of that office was one of the traditions\nof the brotherhood. Groote himself, in view of the stains of his earlier\nlife, never would assume it, although his ordination would have enabled\nhim to resume his work of preaching through the Archdiocese of Utrecht.\nHe never was more than deacon, and the order which silenced him merely\nforbade deacons to preach without especial permission. It is not\nimpossible that in the case of Thomas, as in that of Luther, the\nresponsibility seemed greater than he could bear, and that it drove him\ninto a closer and more consecrated fellowship with his Master, which\nbore fruit in the first book of this wonderful manual. He was ordained\npriest in 1414; there seems good reason to believe that this first\nbook\u2014the _Imitation_ proper\u2014was known and read at Windesheim, and even\ntranslated into Dutch by Jan Scutken, as early as the year 1420; and\nthat the other three were written, each as an independent work, before\n1425, and then united as one manual of devotion.[17] The oldest\nmanuscript of the Latin still in existence bears the date 1425, and\ntestifies to his authorship. The oldest in Thomas\u2019s own handwriting was\nmade in 1441, and forms part of a series of his works, which he then\ncollected probably for the first time.\n\nOf Thomas\u2019s purely poetical works, besides a few hortatory poems and\nanagrams on the names of the saints, there were known until recently\nsixteen _Cantica Spiritualia_, to wit:\n\n    _Adversa mundi tolera_,\n    _Agnetis Christi virginis_,\n    _Ama Jesum cum Agnete_,\n    _Ave florens rosa_,\n    _Christe Redemptor omnium, Vere salus_,\n    _Christe sanctorum gloria, Et piorum_,\n    _Cives coeli attendite_,\n    _En virginis Caeciliae_,\n    _Gaude, mater Ecclesia, De praecursoris_,\n    _Jesu Salvador seculi_,\n    _O dulcissime Jesu_,\n    _O Jesu mi dulcissime, Spes et solamen_,\n    _O qualis quantaque laetitia_,\n    _O vera summa Trinitas_,\n    _Tota vita Jesu Christi_,\n    _Vitam Jesu stude imitari_.\n\nIn 1882 Father O. A. Spitzen found in a manuscript in Zwolle ten other\n_Cantica Spiritualia_, which he published that year as the work of\nThomas \u00e0 Kempis, to wit:\n\n    _Angelorum si haberem_,\n    _Creaturarum omnium merita_,\n    _Cum sub cruce sedet moerens_,\n    _Jerusalem gloriosa_,\n    _Mirum est si non lugeat_,\n    _Nec quisquam oculis vidit_,\n    _O quid laudis, quis honoris_,\n    _Quanta Mihi cura de te_,\n    _Serve meus noli metuere_,\n    _Ubi modo est Jesus, ubi est Maria_.\n\nSix of these had already appeared in Mone\u2019s collection, and credited to\na fifteenth century manuscript found at Carlsruhe, a fact which does not\nmilitate against Spitzen\u2019s view of their authorship. The latter found\nthem along with the hymns generally ascribed to Thomas in a MS. which\nhad belonged to the brother-house in Zwolle, and had been written in the\nlatter half of that century, probably between 1477 and 1483. Most of\nthem bear the ear-marks of Thomas\u2019s style, and have a congruity with the\nmatter of his works which lends probability to Father Spitzen\u2019s\nconjecture.\n\nOf all these hymns two only have attained any recognition as\ncontributions to the sacred songs of Christendom. These two are the\n\n    _Adversa mundi tolera_,\n\nwhich is rather an exhortation in the tone of the _Imitation_ than a\nhymn; and the\n\n    _O qualis quantaque laetitia_,\n\nbetter known, through the general omission of its first verse, as the\n\n    _Adstant angelorum chori_.\n\nDr. Trench well says that the whole of our author\u2019s poetry will not\nyield a second passage at all to be compared in beauty with this.\nIndeed, most of Thomas\u2019s poetry lacks the inspiration which\ncharacterizes his best prose. He is a poet in prose and a prosy poet,\nand writes in verse because he has been required to fill up some empty\nplace in the hymn-list of his monastery. His acquaintance with the\nhymn-writer\u2019s art is bounded by his daily familiarity with the hymns of\nhis breviary, and he betrays the fact by starting from the first lines\nof well-known hymns in his own work. But in this hymn on the joys of\nheaven he for once struck the right key, although even here he shows\nsome stiffness of the joints, like a monk more used to a seat in the\nScriptorium than to the saddle of Pegasus. The hymn is known to English\nreaders by the admirable version of Mrs. Charles:\n\n  \u201cHigh the angel choirs are raising\n  Heart and voice in harmony.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXVII.\n          FRANCIS XAVIER, MISSIONARY TO THE INDIES (1506-52).\n\n\nNo man, since the days of the Apostles, has been more commended for his\nzeal than Xavier. He has been the moon of that \u201cSociety of Jesus\u201d of\nwhich Ignatius Loyola was the guiding sun. His privations, heroism, and\nsuccess have been the constant theme of the Roman Catholic Church. And\nit is impossible to study his life without a conviction that there was\nin it a devout and gallant purpose to bless the world.\n\nOur limits and our line of thought alike demand of us that we shall not\nattempt, in any exhaustive form, to treat of Francis Xavier from the\ntheologic or controversial side. He interests us, apart from his\npersonal character, simply because two Latin hymns have been accredited\nto his pen. These have the same opening line,\n\n    \u201c_O Deus ego amo Te_,\u201d\n\nbut, after this exordium, they proceed quite differently. The second of\nthem, as we find it placed in Daniel\u2019s collection, has received the\ngreatest share of esteem, and is known to the entire world of\nEnglish-speaking Christians by the admirable translation of Mr. Caswall:\n\n  \u201cMy God, I love thee, not because\n  I seek for heaven thereby,\u201d etc.\n\nThere is good reason to discredit its authorship, if this be a question\nof accuracy with us. Schlosser\u2019s language (Vol. i., p. 407) would\nindicate that he regarded it as \u201cgenerally conceded\u201d to be the\n\u201clove-sigh [_Liebesseufzer_] of the holy Francis Xavier.\u201d But no proof\nhas yet been offered which positively identifies this hymn with its\nreputed composer. Its spirit\u2014and that of its companion lyric\u2014is\nprecisely his own. But so, it may be added, is the spirit of that\ntouching poem,\n\n  \u201cI am old and blind\u2014\n  Men point to me as stricken by God\u2019s frown,\u201d\n\nthe same as that of John Milton, its once reputed author. No true\nstudent of Milton\u2019s times or of Milton\u2019s language was ever deceived by\nit; and the innocent and amiable Quaker lady of our own century, who\nwrote it, was perfectly guileless in this impersonation of his grief.\nBut, nevertheless, it passed current for a long time on the strength of\nsome one\u2019s literary sagacity.\n\nThis species of argument is a very common inheritance to the editors of\nLatin hymns, from Thomasius and Clichtove downward. But it is quite as\nunsafe as to assign\n\n  \u201cI am dying, Egypt, dying,\u201d\n\nto the actual Mark Antony when we know it to have been written by\nWilliam Henry Lytle, an American, born in 1829 and dying in 1863.\nTherefore, it is scarcely proper authoritatively to accredit these hymns\nto Xavier, or, indeed, to any other poet. The utmost that we can say for\nthem is that no one can prove the converse of the proposition, and that\ntheir style and form are appropriate to the period at which he lived. He\nis not known to have written other verses. These may have been the only\nexudations of that bruised and wounded spirit which have hardened into\namber and thus have become precious to us. And we would prefer to\nbelieve that he truly appears in these lines in such an exquisite mystic\napotheosis rather than to intermeddle with lower questions, and so,\nperhaps, prevent any discussion of himself in these pages at all.\n\nWe have been prohibited by much the same destructive analysis from\ntreating of Augustine, who never wrote a hymn, and to whom the _Ad\nperennis vitae fontem_ has been wrongly ascribed, for we know it now to\nbe the undoubted composition of St. Peter Damiani. In this and in other\nsimilar cases where there is any literary question concerned, it may be\nworth our while to investigate with great carefulness. As a rule,\nhowever, the internal evidence offered in the hymns themselves will set\nus on the true path. They range in structure from the lowest _corundum_\nup to the choicest diamond, and are as various as any gems in their\nprosodic form and spiritual color. Like these gems, also, they are\nnotable for varieties of crystallization\u2014the Dark Ages showing imperfect\nangles and crude attempts, and the Renaissance exhibiting again the old\nsharp-cut classicism of a time anterior even to Hilary and Ambrose.\n\nFrom the higher critical standpoint, then, these hymns are not\nunacceptable as Xavier\u2019s own work. They _feel_ as if they belonged to\nhis age and to his life. They are transfused and shot through by a\npersonal sense of absorption into the divine love, which has fused and\ncrystallized them in its fiercest heat. It is proper to inquire,\nmoreover, if Xavier did _not_ write them, who _did_? Their author must\nhave been as much superior to his own circumstances and surroundings as\nXavier was to his; and he must also have been as much possessed by this\nsame holy zeal. It is absolutely incredible that, with these qualities\ngiven, he should not have been known to us in other relations, and,\nsooner or later, identified as the true source of their being. The\nsixteenth century was a time when literary knowledge was closer and\nkeener than it had been in the twelfth, and a hymn of that period could\nnot be attributed to Heloise without exposing its own fallacy; for in\nthe _Requiescat a labore_ we have such a comparatively modern lyric,\nwhich Daniel rightly tests and finds wanting. \u201cIt seems to me,\u201d he says,\n\u201cthat this song is the production of a later age.\u201d And he might well say\nit, for its crystallization, so to speak, is too accurate, too\nmany-sided, for it to belong in the twelfth century and to the sad\nAbbess of the Paraclete.\n\nOne cannot, however, declare this so positively of Xavier\u2019s two hymns.\nIn style and composition the first is inferior to the second; but both\nhave a simplicity and directness of utterance which may easily secure\nthat pardon which their rhythm is faulty enough to require. If one were\nto assign any special date to them, it would naturally be in the\nneighborhood of that pathetic little petition which comes from the\nprayer-book of Mary Queen of Scots. The _Domine Deus, speravi in Te_ is\npitched in the same key with these. And as Mary lived from 1542 to 1587,\nand Xavier from 1506 to 1552, there is certainly room for these two\ncompositions to have been prepared by another hand, in the days of\nenthusiasm over his triumphant successes and of sorrow over his early\ndeath.\n\nWith these arguments for and against the authenticity of the hymns, we\nmust rest content. Bartoli and Maffei, in their Life of Xavier, are\nsilent upon the subject; and the careful K\u00f6nigsfeld enters the better\nhymn in his collection as anonymous. If we retain the reputed authorship\nourselves, it must be, therefore, rather as Christians than as scholars.\n\nBut, having done so, we are entitled to speak of Francis Xavier, and of\nhis life and his work. The date of his birth is apparently fixed by a\nmanuscript note in Spanish in a family record possessed by the Xaviers,\nwhich places it upon April 7th, 1506. His father was Don John Giasso, a\nman of legal acquirements and of good social position. He was at one\ntime auditor of the royal council under King John III. For a wife he\nchose Donna Maria d\u2019Azpilqueta y Xavier, and the child Francis was born\nat the castle of Xavier, a few miles distant from Pampeluna in Navarre,\non the southern slope of the Pyrenees. He was the youngest of a large\nfamily, and the castle where he saw the light gave to him the patronymic\nby which he is always known. The family were originally called Asuarez,\nbut altered their name to Xavier when King Theobald gave them this\nproperty. The mother\u2019s title was thus perpetuated in one of her sons,\nbut there seems to be some confusion still remaining, for a brother of\nthe missionary was Captain John Azpilqueta, who also apparently had\nexchanged his father\u2019s name of Giasso for one of the designations borne\nby his mother.\n\nThe biographies of Francis Xavier are naturally of a kind to excite the\ncritical instincts of a scholar. They are, from the original life by\nTorsellini, to the latest Jesuit compilation, remarkable for their\nenthusiasm and unlimited credulity. It is only in such calmer treatises\nas those of Nicolini, Stephen, Venn, and others, that we get the more\njust conception of his character. But to be entirely fair to him we\nshould take him from the picture painted by his co-religionists,\nrefusing only those things which are manifestly incongruous or absurd.\nThe work of Bartoli and Maffei may, for example, be regarded as entirely\nsafe in its general statements.\n\nFrom the portraits left to us and preserved in the pages of Nicolini and\nMrs. Jameson, we derive a vivid impression of the man\u2019s personal\nintensity. His eyes are deep and thoughtful; his nose strong, rather\nblunt, and withal sagacious; and his face is that of a mystic. He is\nusually represented as gazing upward in religious rapture and his lips\nare parted. His features are more rugged and forcible than refined. They\nindicate a rude strength of body and of will rather than a delicate and\nsensitive nature. Should we have met him personally, he would have given\nus the impression of an enthusiast, deeply affectionate and profoundly\nloyal to anything like a military organization. These opinions would\nhave been approved by the fact.\n\nWe read that his parents desired to educate him as a cavalier, and that\nhe was at first instructed at home in the usual topics. But as he showed\nzeal and intelligence he was sent, in his eighteenth year, to the\nCollege of Ste. Barbe at Paris. Here he completed the study of\nphilosophy, received the degree of Master, and began to give instruction\nto others. His most intimate friend was Peter Faber, afterward to become\none of the earliest adherents of Ignatius Loyola. And the biographers\nare unwearied in their eulogy of Xavier\u2019s and Faber\u2019s purity of life and\nmorals in the midst of the great temptations of a corrupt city.\n\nTo these two young men, ardent of mind and eager in their ambition, now\nenters the influence which shapes their destiny. Faber was a Savoyard,\npoor and of humble birth, while Xavier was well-to-do and possessed the\nhaughty spirit of a Spanish grandee. They were, however, kindling each\nother up to some scheme of future glory when Ignatius Loyola made his\nway to Paris. He had been converted a few years before this and had\nalready begun to gather proselytes to his opinions. His purpose in\nvisiting Paris was not merely to avail himself of better facilities for\nstudy, but also to secure more followers. It is not strange to us that\nLoyola, with his great sagacity, should have singled out the two\ncompanions and have set himself to win them. Faber\u2019s allegiance, indeed,\nit was an easy matter to obtain. But Xavier did not so readily fall in\nwith the wishes of the great general of the Jesuits.\n\nFaber\u2019s conversion was rapidly accomplished. He was supplied with the\n_Spiritual Exercises_, which is, of all books, the best adapted to\nproduce the proper self-abandonment and plastic condition of soul which\nbefit the neophyte of the Society of Jesus. And this work, composed, say\nthe Roman Catholic authorities, in the cavern of Manresa with the help\nof the Virgin Mary, may be regarded as the keenest instrument by which\nmen\u2019s lives were ever carved into the patterns designed by a superior\nwill. We have no space for a discussion of Jesuitism further than to\nindicate its methods when they affect the subject before us, but Faber\u2019s\nbehavior undoubtedly had its weight upon Xavier. The Savoyard took to\nfasting with a perfect fury. In his debilitated condition he was the fit\nvehicle for spiritual impressions, for ecstasies, and for mystical\ndreams. He would kneel in the open court in the snow, and sometimes\nallow himself to be covered with icicles. His bundle of fuel he made\ninto a bed and slept upon it for the few hours of what one biography\n\u201cscarcely knows whether to call torture or repose.\u201d In fact, he so\noutran the instruction of Loyola, that that keen observer checked him\nand prevented what would have reacted against his own designs. \u201cFor,\u201d\nsaith quaint Matthew Henry, speaking of another subject, \u201cthere is a\ngreat deal of doing which, by overdoing, is altogether undone.\u201d\n\nXavier was, however, more important to Loyola than Faber. And Xavier was\nof tougher material and harder to reach. Upon him the intense Loyola\nbent the blow-pipe flame of his own spirit. He had failed to touch him\nby texts or by austerities. He therefore changed his tactics altogether\nand began to soften him by praise, by judicious cultivation of his\nsympathies, by procuring new scholars for him, and even by attending his\nlectures and feigning a deep interest in whatever he did. In short, he\napplied flattery and deference in such a way that he insinuated himself\nvery soon into the confidence of Xavier, and allowed the haughty Don to\nrecognize the high birth and good breeding which he could also claim.\nThis was a master stroke. Faber was after all only a Savoyard; but\nLoyola was born in a castle, had been a page at the court of Ferdinand,\nand had led soldiers into the deadliest places of battle. He had also\nthe advantage of being Xavier\u2019s senior by fully fourteen years, for his\nbirth had been contemporaneous with Columbus\u2019s expedition in search of\nthe new world.\n\nHere, then, the influence of this strong, undaunted, unflinching spirit\nbegan to focus itself upon the young teacher of philosophy. \u201cResistance\nto praise,\u201d says the bitter La Rochefoucauld, \u201cis a desire to be praised\ntwice.\u201d And to so acute a student of human nature as Loyola it soon grew\nevident that he was making progress. This was proved even by the modesty\nof Xavier. Therefore he redoubled his energies and utilized that\nmarvellous power of adaptation, which was his chief legacy to his order,\nin obtaining a definite result. He gained ground so fast that Michael\nNavarro, a faithful servant of the young scholar, became determined to\nbreak off this dangerous fascination, and even attempted to kill Loyola\nin his private apartments. But he, too, was dealing with a brain which\nnever relaxed its vigilance and with a magnetic personality which felt a\ndanger, and moved safely, cat-like, through the dark. He was halted and\nchallenged by the man he came to kill, and being crushed down in\nconfusion was thereupon treated with magnanimity, and went away\nrevolving many things in his mind.\n\nThis was the power of Loyola\u2014a power which sprang, first of all, from\nhis peculiar constitution, and, second, from his fanatical ambition. It\nhas been the key by which the Jesuit has ever since unlocked the doors\nof palaces and contrived to whisper in the ears of kings. Its extent has\nbeen that of the civilized and uncivilized world. In the matter of\norganization no human fraternity has ever equalled the Society of Jesus.\nThe germs which we behold at Ste. Barbe in Paris have grown into a tree\nwhose roots have taken hold on every soil, and whose fruit has dropped\nin every clime. The order has invariably employed strategy, intrigue,\ningenuity, and perfect combination to secure its ends. It is, as a\nsystem, far from being either dead or insignificant. And its real\nvitality has always sprung from its maxim that its associated members,\nvowed to celibacy and to the accomplishment of its purposes, should be\n_Perinde ac si cadavera_\u2014absolutely subordinate and dead to any other\nwill\u2014in the hands of the \u201cgeneral\u201d who is at the head of its affairs. It\nhas worked, first for itself, second for the Roman Catholic Church, and\nthird for the proselytizing of the heathen and the heretics. It has\nnever neglected to procure in every manner the information it needed to\nthe full extent or to employ its principle that the end to be gained\njustifies the means that are taken to gain it. Thus it is the legitimate\noutgrowth of the soldier-courtier-fanatic mind of its founder. And this\nwas the mind which was now spending its splendid resources upon Xavier,\nplaying with him like a trout upon the hook, until it should land him, a\ncompletely surrendered man, within its own control.\n\nIn another sphere and under other influences, Xavier might have been a\nfar different person. He, at least, was sincere in his devotion to the\ncause. He identified Jesuitism with Christianity and Loyola with Jesus\nHimself. Hence his character and labors have blinded many persons to the\nmethods which he used and to the results which he sought.\n\nIt must be sufficient for us that Ignatius Loyola had now gotten the\nmastery of Francis Xavier so perfectly that he could be \u201capplied to the\n_Spiritual Exercises_, the furnace in which he [Loyola] was accustomed\nto refine and purify his chosen vessels.\u201d A sister of the future\nmissionary had become one of the Barefooted Clares, and had aided in\ndissuading her father from interference. And now we behold Xavier\npraying with hands and feet tightly bound by cords; or journeying with\nsimilar cords about his arms and the calves of his legs until\ninflammation and ulceration ensued. There were now nine of these\nconverts, but this man outdid the others in his austerities, and finally\ntravelled on foot with them to meet Loyola at Venice in 1537. The\nsociety had really been formed on August 15th, 1534, at Montmartre near\nParis, and this was but its natural outward movement.\n\nAt Venice, on January 8th, 1537, they again met their leader and were\nassigned for duty to the two hospitals of the city. That of the\n\u201cIncurables\u201d fell to Xavier\u2019s share, and we read that with the morbid\ndevotion characteristic of a devout student of the _Exercises_, he\ndetermined now to conquer his natural repugnance to disease. In the\ncourse of his duties he had an unusually hideous ulcer to dress for one\nof the patients. And the authentic history relates that \u201cencouraging\nhimself to the utmost, he stooped down, kissed the pestilent cancer,\nlicked it several times with his tongue, and finally sucked out the\nvirulent matter to the last drop.\u201d (Bartoli and Maffei, p. 35.) There\ncould be nothing worse than that certainly. And a man who had resolutely\nsounded this deepest abyss of self-abandonment was marked for the\nhighest honor that the new society could bestow. We cannot doubt\nXavier\u2019s sincerity, but the gigantic horror of this performance is of a\nsort to place the man who has achieved it upon an eminence apart from\nless daring minds. It was Loyola\u2019s way of facing human nature and\nforcing it to concede the supreme self-devotion of his followers. The\nworld looks with amazement upon such actions, but when it sees them, it\nyields a kind of stupefied allegiance to those who have thus rushed\nbeyond the bounds. And to a close analysis there is as much concealed\nspiritual pride about this nastiness as there is an unnecessary shock\ngiven to the sense of decency. Thus, as Mozoomdar says, in his _Oriental\nChrist_, \u201cInstead of abasing self, in many cases it serves the opposite\nend.\u201d It \u201cimposes a sort of indebtedness upon Heaven\u201d (p. 66). Yet the\npoor wretch who felt those lips upon his awful wound could not but\nworship the frightful hero who plunged into such nauseous contact with\nhis loathsomeness.\n\nYes, this was and is the power of it all. It was and it is the key-note\nof much that is potent with the world. When Victor Hugo pictures Jean\nValjean in the toils of the Thenardiers laying that white, hot, hissing\nbar of iron upon his arm and calmly standing before them while they\nshrink\u2014ogres as they are\u2014from the stench and the sight, he merely uses\nthis same element. Whatever, in short, among us brings out the old\nsavage nature; whatever plunges outside of the conventionalities, the\nproprieties, or even the common decencies of life; whatever defies the\nlightning, or dares the volcano, or tramples upon the coiled serpent,\nthat is the thing which controls the world.\n\nIt is worthy of note that this is not a Christian but a Jesuit act. It\nis born of that exaggerated sentimentalism which chooses to go beyond\nChrist and His apostles in its fallacious abnegation of self. But\nwherever such acts are performed they rank as the marks of saintship and\nas the _stigmata_ of a crucifixion which proudly places itself on the\nsame Golgotha with another and nobler cross. The records, not merely of\nXavier\u2019s life, but of the lives of the saints, swarm with these\ncreeping, slimy frogs of Egypt, raised up by enchanters of the human\nmind to make Pharaoh believe them to be equal to a far higher\nProvidence. And if we say little in these pages about such strange\ndevelopments and morbid growths of piety, it need not be forgotten that\nthey existed, and that they have been fostered and encouraged by the\nRoman Church. The Breviary, for instance, commends a roll of\nself-flagellators who used the whip upon their naked backs, and Xavier\nheads the list with his iron flail. Cardinal Damiani, who wrote one of\nour loveliest hymns, introduced this fashion of scourging in 1056, and\nthe holy nun, St. Theresa, after such exercises and an additional repose\nupon a bed of thorns, was \u201caccustomed to converse with God.\u201d [_Aliquando\ninter spinas volutaret sic Deum alloqui solita._] This topic, with its\nallied suggestions, is altogether out of our present scope; but in order\nto see Xavier as he was, we must appreciate to what extent his spirit\nwas subdued before his belief.\n\nThis was the man, tested and edged and tempered, to whom was now\ncommitted the \u201csalvation of the Indies.\u201d It was during the papacy of\nPaul III., the same Pope who excommunicated Henry VIII. of England. And\nXavier, who had practised many austerities both in life and in behavior,\nwas at first sent to Bologna, while Loyola, with Faber and Laynez, went\nto Rome. It was subsequently at Rome that Xavier had his famous vision,\nin which he awoke crying, \u201cYet more, O Lord, yet more!\u201d for he fancied\nthat\u2014as the Apostle Paul once did\u2014he had beheld his future career and\nwas glorying in trials and persecutions. Especially did he often have a\ndream in which he seemed to be carrying an Indian on his shoulders and\ntoiling with him over the roughest and hardest roads. And when at last\nGovea, the Rector of the College of Ste. Barbe, happened to be in Rome,\nIgnatius and his companions were brought by him to the notice of John\nIII. of Portugal, and the king desired to have six of them for use in\nIndia. The Pope did not show any special desire to secure their\nservices, and when the question came up he referred it to Ignatius to\ndecide it as he pleased. That sagacious general objected to taking six\nfrom ten and leaving only four to the rest of the world, for his\nambition now extended to the orb of the earth. He accordingly chose\nRodriguez and Bobadilla for India, men who were evidently well selected,\nfor the first became a great propagandist in Portugal, and the other was\na decided obstacle to the Reformation in Germany. When Rodriguez,\nhowever, fell ill with an intermittent fever Xavier naturally occurred\nto Loyola as the proper substitute. He therefore commissioned him for\nthe service, and the worn and wasted ascetic patched up his old coat,\nsaid farewell to his friends, and having craved the Pope\u2019s blessing, set\noff from Rome with the Portuguese Ambassador, Mascarenhas, on March\n16th, 1540. He started in such poverty that Loyola took his own\nwaistcoat and put it upon him, and he left behind him a written paper of\nconsecration to the society, expressing in it his desire that Loyola\nshould be its head, with Faber as alternate, and in which he took the\nvows of poverty, chastity, and obedience to the order under whose\nauspices he was going forth.\n\nAt the Portuguese Court in Lisbon, both Xavier and his companion were\ndiligent in their religious work. The morals of the capital were quite\nreformed, and when it came time for the ships to sail to the East the\nking would only spare Xavier and detained Rodriguez, by the advice of\nLoyola, further to improve the affairs at home.\n\nXavier now sailed as Nuncio with papal commendation and with a poverty\nof outfit which had its due effect upon his companions on board the\nship. The vessel itself was one of those great galleons of Spanish or\nPortuguese origin, carrying often a thousand persons, and having from\nfour to seven decks. They were huge, unwieldy constructions and were\ngenerally freighted with large amounts of rich merchandise. The course\nwas that pursued by Vasco da Gama\u2014around the Cape of Good Hope and into\nthe Indian Ocean\u2014and the voyage often lasted beyond eight months. It is\nquaintly related of travellers by these precarious sea-paths that they\nused to take their shrouds and winding-sheets with them in case they\ndied by the way.\n\nThe company on shipboard was as bad as the provisions, which were often\nexecrable. The peninsular sailors never had the art either of discipline\nor of storing a ship and supplying what was needful for a voyage, as the\nEnglish sea-kings had it. Hence their vessels were great floating\ncaravansaries of human beings, full of the scum and offscouring of\nsociety\u2014with lords and ladies on the quarter-deck, and robbers and\nmurderers, harlots and gamblers down below. The crew was as prompt as\nthat of Jonah\u2019s ship to cry upon their gods whenever the wind blew. Such\ninventions as the ship\u2019s pump, the chain-cable, and the bowsprit were\nnot known to them. And when we see Sir Richard Grenville in the little\nRevenge fighting fifteen great Dons for as many hours, or Sir John\nHawkins beating his way out of the harbor of Vera Cruz when the _Jesus_\nof Lubec was lost by Spanish treachery, we see how utterly cumbrous and\nawkward these galleons were when compared with English vessels.\n\nSickness also, in the form of fevers and scurvy, was very frequent. And\nthere was such laxity of discipline that a six months\u2019 voyage generally\nturned the great hulk into a hell of misery and riot. Here, therefore,\nXavier was in his element. He slept on the deck; he begged his own\nbread, and the delicacies pressed upon him by the captain he divided\namong the neediest of the poor sufferers; he invented games to amuse\nthose who were inclined toward amusement; and by degrees he commingled\nhis sympathy and friendly offices with the necessities of the crew and\npassengers until they called him the \u201choly father.\u201d He constantly\npreached, taught, and labored in this manner until he finally succumbed\nto an epidemic fever which broke out when they were not far from\nMozambique. Here he was landed and for a time was in hospital, at length\ncompleting his voyage to India in a different ship from that in which he\nhad first embarked.\n\nScattered through his story, both then and afterward, we have accounts\nof various miracles, of his exhibition of a spirit of prophecy, and\neventually of his raising the dead. These demand a moment\u2019s\nconsideration. He is said, for instance, to have predicted the loss of\nthe _San Jago_, in which he sailed from Portugal and which was wrecked\nafter he left her. He did the same with one or two other vessels and\nassured several persons of their own impending death or misfortune.\nSometimes he was observed to speak as though he were holding\nconversation with unseen companions, and he was apparently conscious of\nevents which were afterward found to have occurred at the very time in\ndistant places. There is also a series of phenomena connected with the\n\u201cgift of tongues\u201d in his case, by which this power appears to have been\nintermittent, or at least dependent to a great degree upon a remarkable\nintensity of scholarship and keenness of analysis combined with a\npowerful memory. It is not claimed that he exercised this gift in such a\nmanner as \u201cto converse in a foreign tongue the moment he landed in this\nforeign country.\u201d And then there is a further class of remarkable\nexperiences connected with fevers and diseases and the raising of the\ndead.\n\nOf these latter miracles it may be well to treat first. He is said to\nhave raised up Anthony Miranda, an Indian, who had been bitten by a\ncobra; to have restored four dead persons at Travancore; to have\nresuscitated a young girl in Japan and a child in Malacca, and to have\nactually brought to the ship, alive and well, a lad who had fallen\noverboard and been apparently lost. These incidents are related with\ngreat gravity by the biographers and are accepted by the faithful as\nbeing strictly true. To impugn them is as if one impugned the\nScriptures. Nevertheless there is an opening for scepticism in sundry\ncases, and it may be that we shall do well to agree with the saint\u2019s own\nstatement made to Doctor Diego Borba. \u201cAh, my Jesus!\u201d he answered, \u201ccan\nit be said that such a wretch as I have been able to raise the dead?\nSurely, my dear Diego, you have not believed such folly? They brought a\nyoung man to me whom they supposed to be dead; I commanded him to arise,\nand the common people, who make a miracle of everything, gave out the\nreport that a dead man had been raised to life.\u201d For the rest, we may\nwell believe that the same exaggeration and lack of scientific attention\nto details have accompanied the various accounts, in some such manner as\nappears in the little sketch of his personal characteristics which a\nyoung Coquimban named Vaz has given to us. This enthusiastic admirer\ndescribes his going afoot with a patched and faded garment and an old\nblack cloth hat. He took nothing from the rich or great unless he\napplied it to the uses of the poor. He spoke languages fluently without\nhaving learned them, and the crowds which flocked to hear him often\namounted to five or six thousand persons. He celebrated Mass in the open\nair and preached from the branches of a tree when he had no other\npulpit. But of this healing of the sick and raising of the dead we are\nnot offered any better testimonials than the \u201cActs of his Canonization.\u201d\nMoreover, in a manner quite contrary to the experiences recorded in the\nGospels, these various miracles seem to be looked upon as the decisive\nstroke of Christian policy. Upon their occurrence tribes and kingdoms\nbow before the truth\u2014a thing which did not happen at the tomb of\nLazarus, or before the walls of Nain, or within the house of Jairus. In\nthose cases the evangelists are content to tell us that the influence\nwas limited and confined to a very moderate area.\n\nYet when we come to the cures of sick people, to the singular\npredictions, and to the exalted condition into which Xavier must often\nhave been lifted, we must allow to the man a very high degree of\nmystical and mesmeric and even clairvoyant power. We are wise enough\nnowadays to observe the influence of a devoted personality, as when\nFlorence Nightingale traverses the hospital wards at Scutari, or David\nLivingstone moves through savage tribes, to his dying hour at Lake\nLincoln. And when profound Church historians will not altogether\ndiscredit the miracles of the Nicene Age which Ambrose and Augustine\nrelate, it causes us to be charitable even toward the miracles of\nBernard of Clairvaux, who recorded at large his own sense of uneasiness\nrespecting his power of curing the sick. But it somewhat relieves the\nmind when the very chapters which relate these experiences of St.\nFrancis Xavier, mention also that a crab came out of the sea and brought\nhim his lost crucifix, and that after he had lived in a certain house\ntwo children and a woman fell out of the window at different times and\nreceived not so much as a single bruise, though they dropped from an\nimmense height upon the sea-wall. The credulity which includes such\npalpable absurdities must surely have exposed itself to misstatements\nand exaggerations in other directions.\n\nIt is far pleasanter for us to follow Xavier from his arrival at Goa,\nMay 6th, 1542, to the fisheries of Cape Comorin; thence to Malacca, and\nso to the Banda Islands, Amboyna, and the Moluccas in 1546; again to\nMalacca in 1547; to Ceylon and back to Goa in 1548, and finally to\nJapan. In 1551 he planned a visit to China, but was disappointed, and at\nthe moment when he was hoping to accomplish a great purpose he died on\nthe island of San Chan, December 22d, 1552, at the early age of\nforty-six years.\n\nClosely studying himself and his methods we find him greatly and always\ndevout, his breviary, however, being his Bible. He prayed much and\nlabored incessantly. His charity to small and great was untiring. He\nwould go through the streets ringing a little bell and calling people to\ncome to religious worship, being frequently attended by a throng of\nchildren who seem to have loved him and been beloved by him. He had\nnoble and sweet and modest traits in his character. But we often notice\nthe reliance he places on baptism\u2014sometimes conferring this rite until\nhis arm dropped from weariness. And we observe how much of the wisdom of\nthe serpent can be discerned in his ways with the people whom he desired\nto secure.\n\nThe indefatigable exertions of Xavier are above all praise. He never\nappears to have slackened in his zeal, nor does he ever show hesitation,\ndoubt, or uncertainty of any kind. On one occasion when roused by a\ngreat crisis he displayed a military authority worthy of Loyola himself.\nHe stood once in front of an invading host of Badages and forbade them\nto attack the Paravans, shouting to them, \u201cIn the name of the living God\nI command you to return whence you came.\u201d No wonder that the\nsemi-barbarous people were affected by this fearless and singular\npresence, and spoke of Xavier as a person of gigantic stature dressed in\nblack and whose flashing eyes dazzled and daunted them.\n\nBut upon other occasions he was gentle and amenable to every agreeable\ntrait in his companions. He could even take the cards from a broken\ngamester, shuffle them to give him good fortune, and send him back to\ntry his luck with fifty reals borrowed from another passenger. The man\u2019s\nsuccess is thereupon made a basis for his penitence. And so with the\nwicked cavalier of Meliapore, whose friendship he gained by being\nunconscious of his vices until the time for exhortation arrived. In\nthese and similar instances we cannot fail to observe a thorough\nknowledge of human nature, and a Jesuit\u2019s keen power of using it for his\nown purposes.\n\nHe was not always prospered in his enterprises. Once at least he\nliterally shook off the dust from his shoes against an offending tribe.\nAt another time he was wounded by an arrow. But, as a rule, he had a\ncomplete moral victory in whatever he undertook. In one of his letters\nhe speaks of the people being maliciously disposed and ready to poison\nboth food and drink. But he will take no antidotes with him, and is\ndetermined to avoid all human remedies whatsoever. It is in such superb\nexamples of his absolute trust in God that he presents to us the really\ngrand side of his character. He did not know what fear was, and as for\ndeath, he was too familiar with daily dying to be concerned at it. His\npersonal faith was such as to beget faith in others, as when an\nearthquake interrupted his preaching upon St. Michael\u2019s Day, and he\nannounced that the archangel was then driving the devils of that unhappy\ncountry back to the pit. This was said so earnestly as to produce a\nprofound conviction of its truth and to remove all alarm from his\naudience.\n\nBut when we are asked to believe that the two Pereiras ever beheld him\nelevated from the earth and actually transfigured, or when it is stated\nthat he lifted a great beam as though it had been a lath, we must be\nexcused for being doubtful of the statement. There is nothing more\ndestructive of religion than superstition, and nothing which kills faith\nlike credulity. Xavier, with all his false notions, was a most sincere\nand even majestic figure\u2014a hero of the faith, who shows us the power of\na thoroughly devoted spirit unencumbered by any earthly tie and\nunobstructed by any earthly want. The entire self-immolation of this\ncareer constitutes its amazing power. It is the missionary spirit\ncarried to its loftiest height.\n\nPerhaps one of his most ingenious ways to secure the good-will of his\ncompanions was by endeavoring to excite their benevolence. He would\nencourage them to little acts of kindness and would repay these by\nsimilar favors and services. Particularly he used persuasion rather than\ndenunciation, and personal efforts rather than general harangues. He was\n\u201call things to all men,\u201d going \u201cprivately to those of reputation,\u201d as\nPaul, his great model, was wont to do. He once wrote: \u201cIt is better to\ndo a little with peace than a great deal with turbulence and scandal.\u201d\n\nOn April 14th, 1552, he set sail from Goa for Malacca where a pestilence\nwas raging. This delayed him awhile from China, and he was held back\nstill longer by the envious quarrellings of those who aspired to the\nhonor of attending him on his voyage. Xavier was reduced to the\nnecessity of producing the papal authority which constituted him Nuncio,\nand of threatening with excommunication Don Alvaro Ata\u00efde, the most\ntroublesome person. In addition to this difficulty he found himself\ninsulted and reviled in the open street, but accepted everything with\nmeekness and patience; which, however, did not prevent his finally\nexcommunicating Ata\u00efde in the regular form. The vessel on which he\nembarked was manned mostly by those in the pay of Ata\u00efde, but he did not\nshrink from the voyage. The voyage itself is decorated with many\nlegends, as might be expected. The saint is reported to have changed\nsalt water into fresh; to have rescued a child from death in a\nmiraculous manner, and to have become suddenly so much taller and larger\nthan those about him as to have been compelled to lower his arms when he\nbaptized the converts. They sailed from Chinchoo to San Chan, an island\nin which the Portuguese had some trading privileges. It was here that\nXavier uttered a prediction which may serve to explain other singular\noccurrences. He would seem to have possessed more than an ordinary\namount of medical skill in diagnosis, and looking earnestly upon an old\nfriend named Vellio, he bade him prepare for death whenever the wine he\ndrank _tasted bitter_. This might easily be from either of two\ncauses\u2014poison, or a disorganized state of the system. And it is recorded\nthat the result fulfilled the prophecy. Nor is there much doubt that\nVellio\u2019s entire faith in the prediction helped on his death.\n\nFrom San Chan Xavier now proposed to cross to China. He arranged to be\nsmuggled thither in a small boat, but the residents of San Chan, English\nas well as Portuguese, became alarmed at the consequences which they\nforesaw from this desperate scheme of intrusion into the forbidden\nempire. And to crown all his woes he fell sick with a fever, from which,\nhowever, he convalesced in a fortnight. He was now more anxious than\never to go on with his project. But all the Portuguese ships had sailed\nback again except the Santa Cruz, on which he had arrived. And now he\nwas truly deserted and neglected. He had scarcely the bare necessaries\nof life, sometimes being deprived entirely of food. The sailors were\nmostly in Ata\u00efde\u2019s pay and inimical to his purpose. At length he became\nconvinced that he would himself soon die, and so would often walk in\nmeditation and prayer by the seashore gazing toward the prohibited\ncoast.\n\nAt this time the young Chinese Anthony was his only hope as an\ninterpreter; and he was now deprived of the services of the merchant and\nhis son who had agreed to row him over to Canton. They had deserted him,\nand only Anthony and one more young lad remained true to the dying\nmissionary. On November 20th the fever again seized him after he had\ncelebrated Mass. He was taken to a floating hospital, but being\ndisturbed by its motion he begged to be landed. This was done and he was\nleft upon the beach in the bleak wind. A poor Portuguese named George\nAlvarez then took pity on him and removed him to his own hut of boughs\nand straw. Rude medical care was given him, but on December 2d, about\ntwo o\u2019clock in the afternoon, he had reached the limit of his life. His\nlatest words were, _In te, Domine, speravi\u2014non confundar in aeternum_\u2014O\nLord, I have trusted in Thee, I shall never be confounded, world without\nend.\n\nThus died Francis Xavier, for ten years and seven months a missionary in\nthe most dangerous and deadly regions of the earth. At the date of his\ndeath he was of full and robust figure in spite of his privations, with\neyes of a bluish-gray, and hair that had changed its dark chestnut color\nsomewhat through his toils and sufferings. His forehead was broad, his\nnose good, and his expression pleasant and affable. His beard, like his\nhair, was thick, and his temperament was nearly a pure sanguine.\n\nThey buried him first at San Chan, then removed him to Goa, where in\nsolemn procession they conducted his mortal body to its final rest. But\nhis right arm was taken off and it is to be observed that \u201cthe saint\nseems not to have been pleased at the amputation of his arm,\u201d which,\nhowever, did not prevent the Jesuit, General Claude Acquaviva, from\ninsisting upon the mutilation.\n\nDown to the present time his memory has received many honors. Churches\nhave been erected, prayers have been offered, and much religious worship\nhas been transacted in his name. But to us who are looking upon him from\nanother angle altogether, there are apparent in him a piety, a zeal, a\ncourage, and a \u201chot-hearted prudence\u201d (to quote F. W. Faber\u2019s words)\nwhich arouse our admiration. And in the two hymns which bear his name we\nare able to discover that fine attar which is the precious residuum of\nmany crushed and fragrant aspirations, which grew above the thorns of\nsharp trial and were strewn at last upon the wind-swept beach of that\npoor Pisgah island from which he truly beheld the distant Land.\n\n\n                          O DEUS, EGO AMO TE.\n\n  O Lord, I love thee, for of old\n    Thy love hath reached to me.\n  Lo, I would lay my freedom by\n    And freely follow thee!\n\n  Let memory never have a thought\n    Thy glory cannot claim,\n  Nor let the mind be wise at all\n    Unless she seek thy name.\n\n  For nothing further do I wish\n    Except as thou dost will;\n  What things thy gift allows as mine\n    My gift shall give thee still.\n\n  Receive what I have had from thee\n    And guide me in thy way,\n  And govern as thou knowest best,\n    Who lovest me each day.\n\n  Give unto me thy love alone,\n    That I may love thee too,\n  For other things are dreams; but this\n    Embraceth all things true.\n\n\n\n\n                            CHAPTER XXVIII.\n                   THE HYMN-WRITERS OF THE BREVIARY.\n\n\nThere are three principal liturgical books in use in the Roman Catholic\nChurch. Originally there were two: the Ritual, which contained all the\nsacramental offices, and the Breviary, which contained the rest. But for\nconvenience the eucharistic office in its various forms now has a book\nto itself called the Missal, and the other six sacraments recognized in\nthe Church of Rome make up the Ritual.\n\nIt is with the Breviary, however, that hymnology is especially\nconcerned, as it is in it that the hymns of the Church are mostly to be\nfound, while the sequences belong to the Missal. It contains the prayers\nsaid in the Church\u2019s behalf every day at the canonical hours by the\npriests and the members of the religious orders. Originally there were\nonly three of these canonical hours, and they were based on Old\nTestament usage. These were at the third, sixth, and ninth hour of the\nScriptures (nine o\u2019clock, noon, and three in the afternoon), and in the\nWestern Church are called Tierce, Sext, and Nones, for that reason. The\nnumber afterward was increased to five and then to seven. To these three\nday hours were added three night hours, with two at the transition from\nnight to day (Prime), and from day to night (Vespers). But to get up\nthrice in the night was too much for even monastic discipline, so they\nsaid two night services together at midnight, and then they slept till\ndawn. As this daily service differs in its contents according to the\nseasons of the Church year, and also is adapted to the commemoration of\nthe saints of the Calendar, the Breviary is the most voluminous\nprayer-book known to Christendom. It generally is published in four\nsubstantial volumes, one each for the four natural seasons. It is used\nin such public services as are not accompanied by a celebration of any\nsacrament and in the choir service of the religious houses. In theory,\nhowever, the Church is present even at the solitary recitation of the\nhours by a secular priest; and when two say them in company they must\nsay them aloud.\n\nHymns were not in the services of the Breviary from the beginning. As\nlate as the sixth century there was a controversy as to admitting\nanything but the words of Scripture to be sung. We find a Gallic synod\nsanctioning their use, and a Spanish synod taking common ground with our\nPsalm-singing Presbyterians. But in the next century even Spain, through\nthe Council of Toledo (A.D. 633), appeals to early precedent in behalf\nof hymns, and decides that if people may use uninspired words in prayer,\nthey may do the same in their praises\u2014_Sicut ergo orationes, ita et\nhymnos in laudem Dei compositos nullus vestrum ulterius improbet_\u2014which\nwent to the core of the question and silenced the exclusive\nPsalm-singers. Twenty years later another Council of Toledo required of\ncandidates for orders that they should know both the Psalter and the\nhymns by heart. Yet in the Roman Breviary no hymns were introduced\nbefore the thirteenth century, when Haymo, the General of the Franciscan\nOrder, reformed it in 1244 with the sanction of Gregory IX. and Nicholas\nIII.\n\nIn the view of Roman Catholic liturgists, the Psalms set forth the\npraise of God in general, while hymns are written and used with\nreference to some single mystery of the faith, or the commemoration of\nsome saint. This harmonizes with their use in the Breviary, and their\ndivision into hymns _de tempore_ for the festivals of the Church year,\nor the days of the week, or the hours of the day; and hymns _de sanctis_\nfor the days of commemoration in the Church Calendar. Even when the same\nhymn is used on a series of days, its conclusion is altered to give it a\nspecial adaptation to each of these days. This classification, of\ncourse, does not describe the whole body of the Latin hymns. Some few\neven of those in the Breviary, as, for instance, the _Te Deum_, have to\nbe classed as psalms, and are called Canticles (_Cantica_); and many\noutside it will not fit into any such definition of what a hymn is. But\nit illustrates the general character and purpose of the hymns of the\nRoman and other breviaries, as designed for a special temporal or\npersonal application by way of supplement to the Psalter.\n\nAt present the Roman Breviary, prepared with the sanction of the Council\nof Trent, has driven nearly all the others out of use. But at the era of\nthe Reformation there was a great number of breviaries, every diocese\nand religious order having a right to its own. Panzer enumerates no less\nthan seventy-one which were printed before 1536, some of them in several\neditions.[18] Even now the Roman Breviary is supplemented by special\nservices in honor of the saints of each order or country, and by\nservices of a more general kind which are peculiar to some localities.\nBut in Luther\u2019s time the endless variety in breviaries and missals\nformed a striking feature of the confusion which to his mind\ncharacterized the Church of Rome.\n\nWith the development of a more fastidious taste, through the study of\nthe Latin classics as literary models, there arose in the sixteenth\ncentury, and even before the Reformation, a demand for a reformation of\nthe Breviary. Besides its defects of form, such as violations of Latin\ngrammar, the constant use of terms which grated on the ears of the\nhumanists, and the use of hymns in which rhyme rather added to the\noffence of want of correct metre, the contents of the Breviary were\nfound faulty by a critical age. The selections from the Fathers to be\nread by way of homily were in some cases from spurious works; and the\nnarratives of saints\u2019 lives for the days dedicated to them were not\nalways edifying, and in some cases palpably untrue. It became a\nproverbial saying that a person lied like the second nocturn office of\nthe Breviary, that being the service in which these legends are found.\nBut the badness of the Latin and the metrical faults of the hymns\ncounted for quite as much with the critics of that day. We hear of a\ncardinal warning a young cleric not to be too constant in reading his\nBreviary, if he wished to preserve his ear for correct Latinity.\n\nAs might have been expected, it was the elegant Medicean Pope Leo X. who\nfirst put his hand to the work of reform. He selected for this purpose\nZacharia Ferreri, Bishop of Guarda-Alfieri, a man of fine Latin\nscholarship and some ability as a poet. By 1525 Ferreri had the hymns\nfor a new Breviary ready, and published them with the promise of the\nBreviary itself on the title-page.[19] Clement VII., also of the house\nof Medici, was Pope when the book appeared, and he authorized the\nsubstitution of these new hymns for the old, but did not command this.\n\nThe book is furnished with an introduction by Marino Becichemi, a\nforgotten humanist, who was then professor of eloquence at Padua. It is\nworth quoting as exhibiting the attitude of the Renaissance to the\nearlier Christian literature. He praises Ferreri as a shining light in\nevery kind of science, human and divine, prosaic and poetical. He cannot\nsay too much of the beauty of his style, its gravity and dignity, its\npurity, its spontaneity and freedom from artificiality. \u201cThat his hymns\nand odes, beyond all doubt, will secure him immortality, I need not\nconceal. Certainly I have read nothing in Christian poets sweeter,\npurer, terser, or brighter. How brief and how copious, each in its\nplace\u2014how polished! Everywhere the stream flows in full channel with\nthat antique Roman mode of speech, except where of full purpose it turns\nin another direction.\u201d That means how Ciceronian Ferreri\u2019s speech,\nexcept where he remembers that he is a Christian poet and bishop writing\nfor Christian worshippers. \u201cMore than once have I exhorted him that it\nbelonged to the duty and dignity of his episcopal (_pontificii_) office\nto make public these Church hymns.\u201d\n\n\u201cYou know, my reader, what hymns they sing everywhere in the temples,\nthat they are almost all faulty, silly, full of barbarism, and composed\nwithout reference to the number of feet or the quantity of the\nsyllables, so as to excite educated persons to laughter, and to bring\npriests, if they are men of letters, to despise the services of the\nChurch. I say men of letters. As for those who are not, and who are the\ngluttons of the Roman curia, or who have no wisdom, it is enough for\nthem to stand like dragons close by the sacred ark, or to drift about\nlike the clouds, to live like idle bellies, given over to the pursuit of\nsleep, good living, sensual pleasures, and to gather up the money by\nwhich they make themselves hucksters in religion and plunderers of the\nChristian people and practice their deceits upon both gods and men\nequally, until the vine of the Lord degenerates into a wild plant.\u201d\n\nThe Italianized Greek would see no difference between a Tetzel and a\nFerreri. But there still were sincerely good people who relished the old\nhymns better than the polished paganism of the Bishop of Guarda-Alfieri.\nFerreri\u2019s hymns struck no root in spite of the favor of two Medicean\npopes. They seem never to have reached a second edition. Their frankly\npagan vocabulary for the expression of Christian ideas seems to have\nbeen too much for even the humanists.\n\nBishop Ferreri does not seem to have lived to prepare his shorter and\neasier Breviary after the same elegant but unsuitable fashion as his\nhymns. So Clement VII. put the preparation of a new Breviary into the\nhands of another and a better man, Cardinal Francesco de Qui\u00f1onez. He\nwas a Spanish Franciscan, had been general of his order, and was made\nCardinal by Clement in acknowledgment of diplomatic services. He enjoyed\nthe confidence of the Emperor Charles V., and used it to rescue the Pope\nfrom his detention in the Castle of San Angelo, when he was besieged\nthere after the taking of Rome by the Imperial troops in 1529. This is\nhardly the kind of record which would lead us to look for a reformer\nunder the red hat of our cardinal. But, so far as the Breviary was\nconcerned, he proved himself too rigorous a reformer, if anything. His\nwork was governed by two leading principles. The first was to simplify\nthe services by dropping out those parts which had been added last. The\nsecond was to use the space thus obtained to insert ampler Scripture\nlessons and more Psalms, so that, as in earlier times, the Bible might\nbe read through once a year and the Psalter once a week. It is this last\nfeature which has elicited the praise of Protestant liturgists, and it\nis known that the Breviary of Qui\u00f1onez furnished the basis for the\nservices of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, excepting, of course,\nthe Communion Service. But unfortunately hymnologists are not able to\njoin in this praise. To get the Psalms said or sung through once a week,\nhe dealt nearly as ruthlessly with the hymns as if he were a Seceder.\n\nHis Breviary appeared in 1535,[20] and for thirty-three years its use\nwas permitted to ecclesiastics in their private recitation of the hours.\nIt appeared in a large number of editions in different parts of Europe,\nso that its use must have been extensive. But it did not pass\nunchallenged. The doctors of the Sorbonne at Paris hurried into the\narena with their condemnation of it before the ink was fully dry on the\nfirst copies. They declared it a thing unheard of to introduce into\nChurch use a book which was the production of a single author, and he\u2014as\nthey wrongly alleged\u2014not even a member of any religious order.\nFurthermore, he had so shortened and eviscerated the legends for the\nsaints\u2019 days, besides omitting many, that nobody could tell what virtues\nand what miracles entitled them to commemoration. Above all he had\nomitted Peter Damiani\u2019s Little Office of the Blessed Virgin! Much better\nfounded was the objection to the omission of parts long established in\nuse, such as the antiphons and many of the hymns. Here we must side with\nthe Sorbonne against Qui\u00f1onez.\n\nIt was not until 1568 that the present Roman Breviary appeared. When the\nCouncil of Trent met in its final session in 1562, the first drafts of a\nreformed Breviary and Missal were transmitted to the Fathers by Pius\nIV.; but they were too busy with questions of discipline to do more than\nreturn these with their approbation. The work was published by Pius V.\nin July, 1568, and its use was made obligatory upon all dioceses which\nhad not had a Breviary of their own in use for two hundred years\npreviously. This is in substance the Breviary now in use throughout the\nRoman Catholic Church. It underwent, however, two further revisions.\nThat under Clement VIII., finished in 1602, was by a commission in which\nCardinals Bellarmine, Baronius, and Silvius Antonianus were members.\nThat under Urban VIII., completed in 1631, concerns us more directly,\nand especially the part of it which was effected by three learned\nJesuits: Famiano Strada, Hieronimo Petrucci, and Tarquinio Galucci, who\nhad in their hands the revision of the hymns.\n\nThe three revisers, all of them poets of some distinction, and the first\nfamous for his history of the wars in the Low Countries, had to steer a\nmiddle course in the matter of revision. None of them were radical\nhumanists after the fashion of Zacharia Ferreri; that fashion, indeed,\nhad gone out with the rise of the counter-reformation and of the great\norder to which they belonged. Yet in the matter of \u201cmetre and Latinity,\u201d\nof which Ferreri boasted on his title page a hundred years before, the\nrevival of classical scholarship had established a standard to which the\nold hymns even of the Ambrosian period did not conform. The revisers\nprofess their anxiety to make as few changes as possible; but Pope\nUrban, in his bull _Psalmodiam sanctam_ prefixed to the book, announces\nthat all the hymns\u2014except the very few which made no pretension to\nmetrical form\u2014had been conformed to the laws of prosody and of the Latin\ntongue, those which could not be amended in any milder way being\nrewritten throughout. Bartolomeo Gavanti, a member of the Commission of\nRevision, but laboring in another department, tells us that more than\nnine hundred alterations were made for the sake of correct metre, with\nthe result of changing the first lines of more than thirty of the\nninety-six hymns the Breviary then contained; that the three by Aquinas\non the sacrament, the _Ave Maris stella_, the _Custodes hominum_, and a\nvery few others, were left as they were.\n\nThis, then, is the genesis of the class of hymns designated in the\ncollections as traceable no farther back than the Roman Breviary. Some\nof them are original, being the work of Silvius Antonianus, Bellarmine,\nor Urban VIII. himself, or of authors of that age whose authorship has\nnot been traced. But the greater part are recasts of ancient hymns to\nmeet the demands of the humanist standards of metre and Latinity.\n\nIt is not easy to give a merely English reader any adequate idea of the\nsort of changes by which Strada and his associates adapted the old hymns\nto modern use. But for those who can read Latin some specimens are worth\ngiving. Take first the great sacramental hymn of the eighth or ninth\ncentury:\n\n  Ad coenam Agni providi\n  Et stolis albis candidi,\n  Post transitum maris Rubri\n  Christo canamus principi,\n\n  Cujus corpus sanctissimum\n  In ara crucis torridum,\n  Cruore ejus roseo\n  Gustando vivimus Deo\n\n  Protecti paschae vespero\n  A devastante angelo\n  Erepti de durissimo\n  Pharaonis imperio.\n\n  Jam pascha nostrum Christus est\n  Qui immolatus agnus est,\n  Sinceritatis azyma\n  Caro ejus oblata est.\n\n  O vera digna hostia\n  Per quam fracta sunt tartara\n  Redempta plebs captivata,\n  Reddita vitae praemia\n\n  Cum surgit Christus tumulo\n  Victor redit de barathro,\n  Tyrannum trudens vinculo,\n  Et reserans paradisum\n\n  Quaesumus, auctor omnium\n  In hoc paschali gaudio:\n  Ab omni mortis impetu\n  Tuum defende populum.\n\n\n  Ad regias Agni dapes\n  Stolis amicti candidis\n  Post transitum maris Rubri\n  Christo canamus principi:\n\n  Divina cujus charitas\n  Sacrum propinat sanguinem,\n  Almique membra corporis\n  Amor sacerdos immolat\n\n  Sparsum cruorem postibus\n  Vastator horret angelus:\n  Fugitque divisum mare\n  Merguntur hostes fluctibus.\n\n  Jam Pascha nostrum Christus est\n  Paschalis idem victima,\n  Et pura puris mentibus\n  Sinceritatis azyma\n\n  O vera coeli victima\n  Subjecta cui sunt tartara,\n  Soluta mortis vincula,\n  Recepta vitae praemia\n\n  Victor subactis inferis\n  Trophaea Christus explicat,\n  Coeloque aperto, subditum\n  Regem tenebrarum trahit.\n\n  Ut sis perenne mentibus\n  Paschale, Jesu, gaudium:\n  A morte dira criminum\n  Vitae renatos libera.\n\nNow it is impossible to deny to the revised version merits of its own.\nNot only does it use the Latin words which classic usage requires\u2014as\n_dapes_ in poetry for _coena_, _recepta_ for _reddita_, _inferis_ for\n_barathro_\u2014but it brings into clearer view the facts of the Old\nTestament story which the hymn treats as typical of the Christian\npassover. The (imperfect) rhyme of the original is everywhere sacrificed\nto the demands of metre, which probably is no loss. But the gain is not\nin simplicity, vigor, and freshness. In these the old hymn is much\nsuperior. The last verse but one, for instance, presents in the old hymn\na distinct and living picture\u2014the picture Luther tells us he delighted\nin when a boy chorister singing the Easter songs of the Church. But in\nthe recast the vividness is blurred, and classic reminiscence takes the\nplace of the simple and direct speech the early Church made for itself\nout of the Latin tongue.\n\nTake again the first part of the dedication hymn, of which _Angulare\nfundamentum_ is the conclusion:\n\n  Urbs beata Hierusalem\n  Dicta pacis visio\n  Quae construitur in coelis\n  Vivis ex lapidibus\n  Et angelis coronata\n  Ut sponsata comite\n\n  Nova veniens e coelo\n  Nuptiali thalamo\n  Praeparata, ut sponsata\n  Copulatur domino,\n  Plateae et muri ejus\n  Ex auro purissimo\n\n  Portae nitent margaritis\n  Adytis patentibus,\n  Et virtute meritorum\n  Illuc introducitur\n  Omnis, qui pro Christi nomine\n  Hoc in mundo premitur\n\n  Tunsionibus, pressuris\n  Expoliti lapides\n  Suis coaptantur locis\n  Per manum artificis,\n  Disponuntur permansuri\n  Sacris aedificiis.\n\n\n  Coelestis urbs Jerusalem\n  Beata pacis visio\n  Quae celsa de viventibus\n  Saxis ad astra tolleris,\n  Sponsaeque ritu cingeris\n  Mille angelorum millibus.\n\n  O sorte nupta prospera,\n  Dotata Patris gloria,\n  Respersa Sponsi gratia\n  Regina formosissima,\n  Christo jugata principi\n  Coelo corusca civitas.\n\n  Hic margaritis emicant\n  Patentque cunctis ostia,\n  Virtute namque praevia\n  Mortalis illuc ducitur\n  Amore Christi percitus\n  Tormenta quisquis sustinent.\n\n  Scalpri salubris ictibus\n  Et tunsione plurima,\n  Fabri polita malleo\n  Hanc saxa molem construunt,\n  Aptisque juncta nexibus\n  Locantur in fastidia.\n\nDaniel in his first volume prints fifty-five of these recasts in\nparallel columns with the originals, and to that we will refer our\nreaders for further specimens. It is gratifying to know that not all the\nscholarship of that age was insensible to the qualities which the\nrevisers sacrificed. Henry Valesius, although only a layman and a lover\nof good Latin\u2014as his versions of the historians of the early Church\nshow\u2014uttered a fierce but ineffectual protest in favor of the early and\nmediaeval hymns. And the Marquis of Bute, a convert to Catholicism, who\npublished an English translation of the Breviary in 1879, says that the\nrevisers of 1602 \u201cwith deplorable taste made a series of changes in the\ntexts of the hymns, which has been disastrous both to the literary merit\nand the historical interest of the poems.\u201d He hopes for a further\nrevision which shall undo this mischief, but in other respects return to\nthe type furnished by the Breviary of Qui\u00f1onez.\n\nThe translations from the hymns of the Roman Breviary have been very\nabundant. Those by Protestants have been due to the fact that the texts\neven of ancient hymns were so much more accessible in their Breviary\nversion than in their original form. Among Roman Catholics, of course,\nother considerations have weight; and in Mr. Edward Caswall\u2019s _Lyra\nCatholica_ and Mr. Orby Shipley\u2019s _Annus Sanctus_ will be found some\nvery admirable versions. The latter book is an anthology from the Roman\nCatholic translators from John Dryden to John Henry Newman.\n\nFrom the Breviary text Mr. Duffield has made the following translations\nof two hymns by Gregory the Great:\n\n\n                         JAM LUCIS ORTO SIDERE.\n\n  Now with the risen star of dawn,\n    To God as suppliants we pray,\n  That he may keep us free from harm,\n    And guide us through an active day.\n\n  May he, restraining, guard the tongue,\n    Lest it be found to strive and cry,\n  And, lest it drink in vanities,\n    May he protect the wayward eye.\n\n  Let all our inmost thoughts be pure,\n    And heedlessness of heart be gone;\n  Let self-denying drink and food\n    Hold pride and flesh securely down,\n\n  That when the day at length is past,\n    And night in turn has come to men,\n  Through abstinence from earth, we may\n    Give thee the only glory then.\n\n  To God the Father be the praise,\n    And to his sole-begotten Son,\n  And to the Holy Paraclete,\n    Now and until all time be done.\n\n\n                    ECCE JAM NOCTIS TENUATUR UMBRA.\n\n  Lo, now, the shadows of the night are breaking,\n    While in the east the rising daylight brightens,\n  Therefore with praises will we all adore thee,\n            Lord God Almighty!\n\n  How doth our God, commiserating mortals,\n    Drive away sorrow, offering them safety,\n  Since he shall give us, through paternal kindness,\n            Rule in the heavens!\n\n  This let the blessed Deity afford us,\n    Father and Son and equal Holy Spirit,\n  Whose through the earth be glory in all places\n            Ever resounding.\n\nAlso this translation of the Breviary recast of the _Urbs beata\nHierusalem_ of the seventh or eighth century:\n\n\n                       COELESTIS URBS JERUSALEM.\n\n  O heavenly town, Jerusalem,\n    Thou blessed dawn of peace,\n  How lofty from the living rock\n    Thy starry walls increase,\n  Where thousand, thousand angels stand,\n    And praises never cease.\n\n  O bride, whose lot is aye serene,\n    The Father\u2019s state is thine;\n  Thou art the ever-fairest queen\n    Adorned with grace divine;\n  United unto Christ, thy Head,\n    Thy heavenly form doth shine.\n\n  How softly gleam thy pearly gates\n    Which open wide to all,\n  Here virtue entered long ago,\n    And unto men doth call,\n  Who loved the Lord through mortal pain,\n    And fought and did not fall.\n\n  Thy beauty came by chisel stroke\n    And many a hammer-blow;\n  The workman\u2019s hammer wrought the stone\n    Which buildeth thee below;\n  And joined with bonds of aptest skill\n    Thy splendid turrets glow.\n\n  Then honor unto God most high\n    As it was due of yore;\n  And thus the Father\u2019s only Son\n    And Spirit we adore,\n  To whom be glory, power, and praise\n    Through ages evermore.\n\nTo these Dr. A. R. Thompson permits us to add, as a specimen of the\nlater hymns of the Latin Church, his translation of\n\n\n                      CUR RELINQUIS, DEUS, COELUM.\n\n  O God, why didst thou put aside\n    For this vile earth thy heaven above?\n  Didst thou expect there would betide\n    Thee here the ministry of love?\n  That earth had honor, Lord, for thee?\n  Honor and love! nay, verily,\n  Lying in wickedness, earth knows\n  Not how to love thee, but thy foes.\n\n  Bethlehem proved what love for thee\n    This present evil world hath, when\n  She shut against thee cruelly\n    The doors left wide for other men,\n  And forced thee to the hovel, where\u2014\n  Wide open to the winter air\u2014\n  The very beasts could scarcely live;\n  No other shelter would she give.\n\n  Come, Jesus, from that hovel cold,\n    Exposed to all the winds that blow,\n  Chilled by discomfort manifold,\n    From the poor couch all wet with snow.\n  My all a couch for thee I make,\n  My heart the shelter thou shall take.\n  I give it all, I give my best,\n  That were for thee a better rest.\n\n  My heart to love thee, Lord, desires,\n    And, loving, proffers love\u2019s warm kiss.\n  The kiss, to give which she aspires,\n    Honor and adoration is.\n  Take thou from me this honor true;\n  Take thou the love which is thy due;\n  For this, my loyal offering,\n  Out of my very heart I bring.\n\n  My heart, all burning with the fire\n    Of love to thee, would cherish thine;\n  But thou that love canst kindle higher,\n    And thou wilt rather cherish mine.\n  For thou art Love, and canst inflame\n  The hearts of them that love thy name\n  With thine own self, and not with wood;\n  Thou art the very Fire of God.\n\n  Come, then, O Fire of God, to me!\n    Come, Love, and never more depart!\n  Enter the place prepared for thee,\n    The shelter of my loving heart!\n  I\u2019ll spread thee there a couch of rest,\n  And deem myself supremely blest,\n  If I may evermore abide\n  Loving, belov\u00e8d, at thy side.\n\nWhile we have to treat rather of hymns than of hymn-writers in dealing\nwith the Roman Breviary, there is much of personal interest attaching to\nthe Breviary of Paris, its great rival in hymnological interest. A\nslight revision of the hymns of this Breviary was effected in 1527\u2014of\nwhich the _Urbs Jerusalem beata_ is a type\u2014and only with the idea of\ncorrecting corruptions of the text. But the Roman revision of 1568-1631\naffected the Gallican Church\u2019s services very slightly. In no part of the\nRoman Catholic world were the rights of the national Church guarded so\ncarefully as in France, until Napoleon bargained them away by the\nConcordat of 1801. The French bishops and monastic orders continued to\nretain their old service-books long after uniformity had been\nestablished, under plea of unity, in other parts of the Church; and they\nmade such alterations in them as they thought necessary to the\nedification of their people.\n\nIt was the Order of Cluny which first took steps toward the substitution\nof new hymns for those whose use had been sanctioned by long tradition.\nThe general chapter of that branch of the great Benedictine family in\n1676-78 charged Paul Rabusson and Claude de Vert with the preparation of\na new Breviary. On Rabusson, who was teaching theology in the monastery\nof St. Martin des Champs in Paris, the labor chiefly fell. He applied to\nClaude Santeul, a pensioner of the ecclesiastical seminary attached to\nthe Abbey of St. Magloire, asking him to prepare the new hymns. Claude\nSanteul (_Santolius Maglorianus_) agreed to do so, and made some\nprogress in the work. He finished six hymns, which were inserted in the\nnew Breviary, and at his death (1684) he left two manuscript volumes of\nunfinished hymns among his papers. But he found that his being selected\nhad excited the jealousy of his younger brother, Jean Santeul, a canon\nof the monastery of St. Victor (_Santolius Victorinus_), who already was\nrecognized as the finest, but by no means the most edifying of the Latin\npoets of the France of his time.\n\nClaude gladly gave place to his brother\u2014who was accepted by the Cluny\nFathers\u2014in the hope that the work of writing hymns would divert him from\nthe pagan poetizing, which was regarded as unbecoming to his cloth. Jean\nSanteul is the oddest figure in the annals of Latin hymnology, which is\nsaying a good deal. He is \u201ca man of whom it is hard to speak without\nfalling into caricature,\u201d Sainte-Beuve says (_Causeries de Lundi_, XII.,\n20-56). He combined the talent of a poet of nature\u2019s making with the\nsimplicity of a child and the vanity and wit of a genuine Frenchman. He\nrecalls La Fontaine by many of his traits, and, under the name of\n\u201cTheodas,\u201d he has furnished La Bruy\u00e8re with the materials for one of the\ncleverest portraits in the _Caract\u00e8res_ (1687). His mode of life was a\nscandal to De Rance and other severe Churchmen, who were laboring for\nthe restoration of strict monastic discipline. His love of good living\nand the charm of his society and his talk carried him off from his\nmonastery and his hours, sometimes for weeks together. His Latin\ninscriptions, which adorned the fountains, bridges, and public monuments\nof Paris, at once gave him recognition as the poet laureate and\npensioner of the _grande monarque_, and as a priest whose poetry dealt\nmore in the pagan deities than in any distinctively Christian\nreferences. He was not an immoral man in any gross sense. Even as a _bon\nvivant_, he does not seem to have transgressed what were recognized as\nthe bounds of sobriety, and his poetry is as free as was his life from\nlicentiousness. But he was frivolous, gay, reckless, and as worldly as\nwas consistent with his being a grown-up child. Everybody, even severe\nand silent De Rance at La Trappe, liked him, but everybody shook his\nhead over the inconsistency of his life with his monastic vocation, and\nnone more sorrowfully than his good brother Claude at St. Magloire.\n\nNow at last there seemed to be the opportunity to reclaim him by\noccupying his mind and his art with serious subjects, and by bringing\nhim into edifying associations with good men. That he was not enough of\na theologian to discharge the task satisfactorily of himself, was rather\nan advantage from this point of view. The eloquent and learned\nJansenist, Nicolas le Tourneux, undertook the work of coaching him. The\npartnership worked reasonably well. Of course hymns produced by this\nkind of division of labor, in which one took care of the sense and\nanother of the expression, have the defects of their method. But Le\nTourneux was as careful of the poet as of his verse. His severe eye\ndetected the play of Santeul\u2019s vanity even in the work of writing hymns.\n\u201cReflect, my dear brother,\u201d he wrote, \u201cthat while in the visible and\nmilitant Church one may sing the praises of God with an impure heart and\ndefiled lips, it will not be so in heaven. You have burnt incense in\nyour verse, but there was strange fire in the censer. Vanity furnishes\nyour motive where it ought to be charity.\u201d He objects to Santeul\u2019s\ncalling himself \u201cthe poet of Jesus Christ,\u201d while he admits that vain\nglory leads him to write hymns. \u201cIf you and I were all we ought to be,\u201d\nwrote the severe Jansenist, \u201cwe would quake with fear at having dared,\nyou to sing and I to preach of the holiness of God, without a right\nsense of it. We shall be only too happy if He pardon our sermons and our\nverses.\u201d Perhaps the severity was needed and did good.\n\nSo Le Tourneux suggested and all but wrote the prayer in which Santeul\ndedicated his hymns to our Lord: \u201cReceive what is Thine; forgive what is\nmine. Thine is whatever I have uttered that is good and holy. Mine that\nI have handled Thy good things unworthily, and not from desire to please\nThee, but from an undue pride of poetry, of which I am ashamed. Thou\nhast given me songs to praise Thee. Give me prayers, give me tears to\nwash away the stains of a life less than Christian.\u201d\n\nHis hymns must have circulated in manuscript before their publication,\nfor we find De Rance in 1683 praising those in commemoration of St.\nBernard, while noticing that the old hymns, if less excellent as\nliterature, had a more reverential spirit. In 1685, a year in advance of\nthe new Breviary, Santeul published them in the first collection he made\nof them.[21] Their merits made a much deeper impression than their\ndefects. Scholars and Churchmen alike were struck by their rhetorical\nvigor, the frequent boldness of their conception, the beautiful\nsuccession of sentiments and images, the exquisite clearness of the\nsense, and not by the factitious character of their enthusiasm, as\nSainte-Beuve puts it, or the frequent monotony in the treatment of\ncognate themes. The Breviary, in fact, had ceased to be the voice of the\nChristian congregation. The supersession of Latin by the national\nlanguages of Western Europe had made it the prayer-book of a class\neducated to relish only the classic forms of Latin verse, and to regard\nthe simplicity of the early hymn-writers as barbarous. Santeul wrote for\npriests whose tastes had been formed on Horace and Virgil, and he\nbrought into these rigid forms as much of genuine Christian feeling and\ndoctrine as the age required. He was all the happier in these respects,\nas Le Tourneux, who himself contributed to the new Breviary, was of that\nJansenist school in which religion, belittled by the pettiness and the\ncasuistry of the Jesuits, once more presented itself in its grandeur and\nits severity.\n\nThe excellence of Santeul\u2019s hymns at once created a demand for their\nintroduction in other churches and dioceses, and for his services as a\nhymn-writer. Several of the best were introduced by Archbishop Harlay\ninto the later editions of his revised Paris Breviary, which had\nappeared in 1680. So the bishops of many other French dioceses\u2014Rouen,\nSens, Narbonne, Massillon of Clermont, and others\u2014adopted his hymns into\ntheir breviaries after his death. And as he gallantly said, he had the\npleasure while still living of hearing them \u201csung by the angels at Port\nRoyal.\u201d Other orders begged him to commemorate their founders and their\nespecial saints; dioceses and churches in other parts of France invoked\nhis good offices. Hence it is that of his two hundred and twenty-eight\nhymns not one in five is occupied with the great festivals of the Church\nyear, but are specific or general hymns to the honor of the saints,\nmartyrs, and doctors of the Church of France especially.\n\nThe rush of popularity\u2014not unaccompanied by solid rewards, for the good\nfathers of the Cluny Order gave him a pension\u2014seems to have turned\nSanteul\u2019s not very well-balanced head. Le Tourneux\u2019s admonitions were\nforgotten. He ran from church to church to hear his hymns sung, and\nscandalized congregations by his demonstrations of delight or disgust as\nthe music was appropriate or otherwise; he declaimed them in all sorts\nof places, suitable and unsuitable, to extort the admiration he loved so\ndearly. He did not forget to tell that even the severe De Rance had\nwritten from La Trappe to thank him for his hymn on St. Bernard, but\nthat for his own part he valued the general hymn on the Doctors of the\nChurch above any other. Naturally he had little good to say of the hymns\nhis were to displace. If anything could make a pagan of him, it would be\nthe bad grammar of those old monkish poets, who sacrificed sense and\ngrammar alike to their stupid rhymes. And so he would run on by the hour\nto anybody who would listen, with an egotism whose very childishness and\nfrankness made it inoffensive.\n\nOf course he claimed the distinction of being the best Latin poet in\nFrance. French poetry he despised, as being written in a language\nincapable of the terse elegance of Latin. But in Latin verse he would\nhear of no rival. Du P\u00e9rier, who had quite as much vanity, with only a\nfraction of his genius, challenged his pretensions. The two poets wrote\nverses on the same theme, and then set out to find an arbiter. The first\nfriend to whom they appealed was M\u00e9nage, who evaded the responsibility\nby declaring them equally excellent. The next they met was Racine. He\nfirst got possession of the stakes and deposited them in the poor\u2019s box\nat the door of a church near by, and then gave the poets a round\nscolding for their absurd rivalry!\n\nThe hymns of Santeul are best known to English readers through _Hymns\nAncient and Modern_, which contain some very fine versions, original and\nselected. Not included there is that which Sainte Beuve pronounces his\nfinest hymn, and for whose retention in the Breviary he pleads against\nthe crusaders, who in the name of antiquity insist on replacing Santeul\nand Coffin by Strada and Galucci. Out of respect for the greatest of\nmodern critics, we reprint it, with a translation from the pen of Dr. A.\nR. Thompson. It commemorates the Presentation of our Lord in the Temple.\n\n  Stupete gentes, fit Deus hostia:\n  Se sponte legi Legifer obligat:\n  Orbis Redemptor nunc redemptus:\n  Seque piat sine labe mater.\n\n  De more matrum, Virgo puerpera\n  Templo statutos abstinuit dies.\n  Intrare sanctam quid pavebas,\n  Facta Dei prius ipsa templum?\n\n  Ara sub una se vovit hostia\n  Triplex: honorem virgineum immolat\n  Virgo sacerdos, parva mollis\n  Membra puer, seniorque vitam.\n\n  Eheu! quot enses transadigent tuum\n  Pectus! quot altis nata doloribus,\n  O Virgo! Quem gestas, cruentam\n  Imbuet hic sacer Agnus aram.\n\n  Christus futuro, corpus adhuc tener,\n  Praeludit insons victima funeri:\n  Crescet; profuso vir cruore,\n  Omne scelus moriens piabit.\n\n  Sit summa Patri, summaque Filio,\n  Sanctoque compar gloria Flamini:\n  Sanctae litemus Trinitati\n  Perpetuo pia corda cultu.\n\n  Wonder, ye nations! divine is the sacrifice.\n    Lo, his own law the Lawgiver obeys!\n  Now the Redeemer redeemed is, and purifies\n    Herself the mother pure. Look with amaze!\n\n  All the days set by the law for a mother,\n    She from the temple of God hath delayed.\n  Why should she stay without, as might another,\n    She who the temple of God hath been made?\n\n  At the one altar threefold is the sacrifice.\n    Mother, who offers her pure virgin heart;\n  Babe, his fair body that in her fond arms lies;\n    Aged saint, life, ready now to depart.\n\n  Oh but what sword through her heart shall be going!\n    Oh to what sorrow is born her fair child!\n  Over what altar his blood will be flowing!\n    He whom she bears, the Lamb holy and mild.\n\n  Christ, in his infantile body so tender,\n    Spotless in purity, here hath foreshown,\n  Sign of the sacrifice he shall yet render,\n    Dying the sin of the world to atone.\n\n  Now to the Father in glory supernal,\n    Now to the Son, and the Spirit above,\n  Now to the Triune, all holy, eternal,\n    Worship be ever in faith and in love!\n\nAs a poet Santeul fell from grace in 1689, when he fell back on his\npagan divinities in a poem addressed to the keeper of the royal gardens.\nBossuet made a great ado over it, but F\u00e9nelon and others judged him more\ngently. Next year he goes to see La Trappe, and writes a fine poem on\nHoly Solitude (_Sancta Solitudo_), which extorted fresh praise from De\nRance, and afterward from Sainte-Beuve. But four years later he got into\nthe worst scrape of his life by a flattering epitaph on the great\nArnauld, who died in 1694. Santeul always had been more or less\nassociated with the Jansenist party, a fact which was not forgotten when\nhis hymns were expelled from the churches of France in our own century.\nThere is preserved an account of a visit he paid to Port Royal, in which\nhe chattered to the nuns with equal freedom of his own hymns and of\ntheir virtues. But he was not of the stuff of which martyrs are made.\nThe Jesuits had the king\u2019s ear, and he was a pensioner of the king\u2019s\nbounty. They assailed him for his eulogy of the arch-Jansenist, and\nthreatened him with the disfavor of Louis XIV.; and he hastened to make\namends in a poetical epistle, of which he made two copies. By the adroit\nchange of the tense of a single word he made the copy for the Jesuits\nretract his praises of his great friend, while that for the general\npublic did nothing of the sort. As a consequence he came off with no\ncredit on either side. Both Jesuits and Jansenists resented his\nduplicity, and a fine shower of squibs and pamphlets fell on him from\nboth the hostile forces, until he was forced to cry for quarter, and\nBourdaloue made his peace.\n\nHe died in 1697 in Burgundy, whither he had accompanied the younger\nCond\u00e9 to the meeting of the Estates. St. Simon has told a very\nunpleasant story of the cause of his death. He ascribes it to Cond\u00e9\u2019s\nhaving made him drink a bowl of wine into which he had emptied his\nsnuff-box, \u201cjust to see what would come of it.\u201d But the prince of\nscandalmongers has been disproven on this point. Santeul\u2019s death was due\nto no such cause, but to an inflammation of the bowels and to the\nmalpractice of his doctors, who gave him emetics under the false\nimpression that he was suffering from a surfeit. He made a good end,\ndying with resignation, and begging pardon for the scandal his life had\ncaused.\n\nHis hymns were not without their critics in his own age. Jean Baptiste\nThiers, a parish priest of great learning and bad temper, assailed the\nBreviary of Cluny (in his _Commentarii de novo Breviario Cluniacensi_,\nBrussels, 1702), and did not spare Santeul\u2019s hymns, which he declared to\nbe much inferior to those which had come down from the earlier days of\nthe Church. He declared that Santeul had a greater abundance of words\nthan of sense, that he had almost no powers of thought, and that some of\nhis images, such as that in which he wreathes a garland of stones for\nthe martyr Stephen, were simply ridiculous. He was answered not by\nRabusson, but by his associate, Claude de Vert, after what fashion I do\nnot know.\n\n\nIt was in 1736 that the Breviary of the Diocese of Paris was published\nin its third and final revision by a commission of three ecclesiastics:\nFran\u00e7ois-Antoine Vigier, Fran\u00e7ois-Philippe Mesengui, and Charles Coffin.\nIt is a significant fact that the second belonged to that Jansenist\nparty in the Church which the relentless efforts of the Pope, the\nhierarchy, and the kings of France had not been able to exterminate.\nArchbishop de Vintimille was as eager to accomplish that as his\npredecessors had been, and he was ably seconded by that pious and\northodox prince, Louis XV. But this revision, like that of 1670-80, was\na concession to the historical criticism which the Jansenists had\nbrought to bear upon the Church books both as to the legends of the\nsaints and the extravagances of the growing devotion to the Mother of\nour Lord. Mesengui had been dismissed from the post Coffin had given him\nin the University of Paris for his opposition to the bull _Unigenitus_,\nwhich condemned Quesnel\u2019s Jansenist _Reflections on the New Testament_.\nCoffin\u2019s sympathies lay in the same direction.\n\nCharles Coffin is the man of the three who chiefly concerns us here.\nBorn at Buzancy, hard by Rheims, in 1676, he very early distinguished\nhimself as a Latin poet and an educator. He graduated at Paris in 1701,\nand became a teacher in the College of Dormans-Beauvais, and then its\nprincipal in 1713. Five years later he was chosen to succeed Rollin as\nRector of the University of Paris. He at once showed his force of\ncharacter by revolutionizing the relation of the university to the\npublic through abolishing the fees exacted of the students. To replace\nthem he extended and developed the system of posts and messages, which\nthe university had established in the thirteenth century and which\ncoexisted with the post-office system of the government, of which it was\nthe forerunner. He devoted its revenues to the support of the colleges.\nHe must have been a character of great administrative capacity, as his\nplans had entire success, and probably did much to foster the\ndevelopment of the post-office system of France. After remaining rector\nfor three years, he went back to his place at the head of the\nDormans-Beauvais College, and remained there till his death.\n\nIt was in 1727 that Charles Coffin published his first volume of Latin\npoetry. The most notable piece in the collection was a fine ode in\npraise of Champagne. So much were the people of the Champagne country\npleased with it, that they sent him a hamper of every vintage as long as\nhe lived, which was twenty-two years. He also had a hand in carrying\nCardinal de Polignac\u2019s great poem, _Anti-Lucretius_, to the state of\ncompleteness in which it was given to the public in 1745, three years\nafter its author\u2019s death. He undertook the work of revising the old\nhymns and preparing new with great reluctance, yielding only to the\nentreaties of the archbishop.\n\nIt was in 1736 that the Breviary Commission finished their labors and\nthe archbishop gave to the diocese the new Breviary, which was adopted\nby more than fifty French dioceses. Its general character does not\nconcern us here. It is with its hymns alone we have to do. About seventy\nof the primitive and mediaeval hymns still held their place in the\nBreviary of 1680, nearly half of them the work of Ambrose and his\nschool. The revisers spared very few of these. Only twenty-one hymns of\nthe earlier period were left, while eighty-five of Jean Santeul\u2019s,\nnearly a hundred by Coffin himself\u2014including some recasts of old\nhymns\u2014and ninety-seven by other authors, chiefly Frenchmen of later\ndate, were inserted. There were eleven by Guillaume de la Bruneti\u00e8re, a\nfriend of Bossuet\u2019s; six each by Claude Santeul, Nicolas le Tourneux,\nand Sebastian Besnault, a priest of Sens; five by Isaac Habert, Bishop\nof Vabres; four by the Jesuit Jean Commire; two each by the Jesuit\nFrancis Guyet and Simon Gourdan of the Abbey of St. Victor; one each by\nMarc Antoine Muretus, Denis Petau, and Guillaume du Plessis de Geste;\none (or three) by M. Combault, a young friend of Charles Coffin\u2019s. This\nwas modernism with a vengeance! New hymns were nearly thirteen to one in\nproportion to those from the great storehouse of the ages before the\nReformation. It is not wonderful that so extreme a policy called forth a\nreaction as soon as the Romanticist movement, with its juster\nappreciation of the Middle Ages, had reached France. But by the end of\nthe eighteenth century the old Latin hymns were banished practically\nfrom France.\n\nAs compared with Jean Santeul, Charles Coffin displays much less poetic\naudacity than his predecessor. You do not feel that poetry filled the\nsame place in his intellectual existence, or that he was under the same\nnecessity to write it. He has less genius, but a great talent for verse.\nAnd\u2014what the critics of that age valued the most\u2014he was more correct in\nhis handling of the vocabulary and the metre of Latin versification.\nSanteul found classic Latin, much as he admired it, something of a\nfetter to the free movement of his genius. It was a dead language he was\ntrying to put intense life into\u2014an old bottle for his new wine\u2014and at\ntimes the bottle burst. Just because Charles Coffin\u2019s wine is not so\nnew, his inspiration not so fresh, the bottle holds out better. And then\nhe had the greater advantage of a closer familiarity with the ideas he\nwished to embody in his hymns, and with their sources in the Scriptures,\nand a more practical capacity for the application of his powers to the\nobject in hand. His hymns are always in place; they are hymns of the\nBreviary, not brilliant poems on Breviary subjects by a poet writing for\nglory. I do not say that Charles Coffin was the better man; God only\nknows; and I must confess to a liking for \u201cthe gay canon of St. Victor\u201d\nwhich the rector of the university does not inspire in me. There is a\nBurns-like humanity in him and his harmless vanities which wins our love\nstill, as it did that of his contemporaries. But Charles Coffin had a\ncertain suitableness to his work which Jean Santeul lacked. He was an\neminently dignified, respectable, and useful character, who impressed\nhimself upon a whole generation of young Frenchmen, many of whom rose to\neminence at the bar, in the public service, and even in the army. They\nall looked back to him with great respect. I wonder if they loved him as\nMark Hopkins and George Allen are loved by those who studied under them.\nAnd in Charles Coffin\u2019s hymns you meet the same admirable traits as in\nhis public work. He is a man of enlightenment, dignity, devoutness, and\neminent usefulness, without a touch of Rabelaisian _abandon_ to remind\nyou of B\u00e9ranger\u2019s saying: \u201cAll we _Fran\u00e7ais_ are children of the great\nFran\u00e7ois.\u201d Of that he reminds you only in his sparkling, effervescent\node to Champagne, in reply to B\u00e9nigne Grenan\u2019s overpraise of Burgundy.\nIt was to be expected that when the advocates of liturgical uniformity\nmade their attack upon the Paris Breviary, beginning with Gueranger\u2019s\n_Institutions Liturgiques_ (1840-42), it was Santeul whom they\nespecially attacked, although not he but Coffin was responsible for its\nhymnology.\n\nCharles Coffin\u2019s hymns have a high level of excellence, which makes it\ndifficult to anthologize among them. Certainly not the worst are the\nfour Advent hymns (_Instantis adventum Dei_; _Jordanis oras praevia_;\n_Statuta decreto Dei_; and _In noctis umbra desides_); that for\nChristmas (_Jam desinant suspiria_) and the Vesper hymn (_O luce qui\nmortalibus_); the Passion hymn (_Opprobriis Jesu satur_); the fine\nseries of seven hymns for the nocturn services throughout the week,\nbased on the seven days of Creation; and the hymn for Epiphany (_Quae\nstella sole pulchrior_). These and most of his acknowledged hymns are\nknown to us in the translations of Williams, Chandler, and Mant, and\nseveral of these are in _Hymns Ancient and Modern_.\n\nAs an editor he altered and even tinkered, as well as adapted and wrote\nhymns. Even Jean Santeul did not escape his hand. One of the hymns\nascribed to him in the Paris Breviary is a cento from no less than\ntwelve of his own hymns. From the wrath he showed when such changes were\nmade in his lifetime, we may infer that he would have liked this as\nlittle as did John Wesley. And the older hymns were handled in the same\nway. A good example of Charles Coffin\u2019s method of recasting old hymns is\nfurnished by his version of the _Ad coenam Agni providi_, which already\nhas been given in its original shape and in that of the Roman Breviary.\nWith these the reader may compare Coffin\u2019s revision, which will be seen\nto vary very widely from the old text of the ninth century:\n\n  Forti tegente brachio,\n  Evasimus Rubrum mare,\n  Tandem durum perfidi\n  Jugum tyranni fregimus.\n\n  Nunc ergo laetas vindici\n  Grates rependamus Deo;\n  Agnique mensam candidis\n  Cingamus ornati stolis.\n\n  Hujus sacrato corpore,\n  Amoris igne fervidi,\n  Vescamur atque sanguine:\n  Vescendo, vivimus Deo.\n\n  Jam Pascha nostrum Christus est,\n  Hic agnus, haec est victima\n  Cruore cujus illitos\n  Transmittit ultor angelus.\n\n  O digna coelo victima,\n  Mors ipsa per quam vincitur,\n  Per quam refractis inferi\n  Praedam relaxant postibus.\n\n  Christi sepulchri faucibus\n  Emersus ad lucem redit;\n  Hostem retrudit tartaro,\n  Coelique pandit intima.\n\n  Da Christe, nos tecum mori\n  Tecum simul da surgere:\n  Terrena da contemnere;\n  Amare da coelestia.\n\nIt will be observed that while the ideas, and even to some extent the\nphraseology of the old hymn are retained in the first six verses, their\norder is so changed as to suggest that we have an original hymn before\nus, if we do not look closely. But the last verse is altogether\ndifferent. The old poet prayed that the paschal joy might be made\nunending through the deliverance of the regenerate from the death\neternal. The modern prays that we may share mystically in the death and\nresurrection of Christ, and learn thereby to set our affections on\nthings above. Similar are his recasts of the _Salvete flores Martyrum_\nof Prudentius, and the Ambrosian _Jam lucis orto sidere_.\n\nMr. Duffield has left only one completed version of a hymn from the\nParis Breviary, and that one whose authorship I am unable to determine.\nIt attracted him as one of the surprisingly few hymns in which the\ncomparison of the Christian life to a warfare, so frequently used by our\nLord and the Apostle Paul, is employed as a leading idea. His interest\nin such hymns no doubt was first awakened by his father\u2019s admirable and\npopular one:\n\n  \u201cStand up, stand up for Jesus,\u201d\n\nsuggested by the dying words of Dudley Tyng. We give both the Latin and\nhis English version:\n\n  Pugnate, Christi milites,\n  Fortes fide resistite:\n  Immensa promisit Deus\n  Pio labori praemia.\n\n  Non ille fluxas ac leves\n  Palmas dabit vincentibus;\n  Sed lucis aeternae decus,\n  Et pura semper gaudia.\n\n  Mentes beatas excipit\n  Formosa coelitum domus:\n  Hic turba, coelis altior,\n  Subjecta calcat sidera.\n\n  Caduca vobis praemia\n  Offert levis mundi favor:\n  Vultus ad astra tollite;\n  Hic ipse fit merces Deus.\n\n  Qui nos coronat, laus Patri,\n  Laus qui redemit, Filio;\n  Alma juvans nos gratia,\n  Sit par tibi laus, Spiritus.\n\n\n  Fight on, ye Christian soldiers,\n    And bravely keep the faith,\n  For great reward shall follow,\n    As God\u2019s own promise saith.\n\n  Not palms that wave and flutter\n    Shall be the victor\u2019s crown,\n  But grace of light eternal,\n    And joy of pure renown.\n\n  That blessed heavenly mansion\n    Shall take each happy soul;\n  Their throng, high raised in glory,\n    Shall tread the starry pole.\n\n  Earth\u2019s honor is but failing,\n    Her gifts are light as air;\n  Lift up your eyes to heaven,\n    For God\u2019s reward is there.\n\n  Praise God, who crowns the battle,\n    And Christ, who comes to save,\n  And praise the Holy Spirit,\n    Whose grace our spirits crave.\n\nBy kindness of Dr. A. R. Thompson we add two translations from Charles\nCoffin\u2019s hymns:\n\n\n                       QUA STELLA SOLE PULCHRIOR.\n\n  What star is this whose glorious light\n        Outshines the morn,\n  The herald of the King new-born!\n        Its radiance bright,\n        A heavenly sign,\n  Streams o\u2019er the cradle of the Babe divine.\n\n  Faith, standing with the prophets old,\n        Sees down the skies\n  The promised Star from Jacob rise.\n        The sign foretold\n        She knows full well,\n  And straightway seeks the wondrous spectacle.\n\n  The lustrous star gives warning fair\n        To all the earth,\n  But chiefly men of Eastern birth,\n        With pious care,\n        The warning heed,\n  And seeking Christ upon their journey speed.\n\n  Their eager love knows no delay;\n        Danger nor toil\n  Their purpose resolute can foil.\n        They haste away\n        From home and kind,\n  And country, at God\u2019s call, the Christ to find.\n\n  O Christ our Lord, thy star of grace\n        Leads us to thee!\n  Help these dull hearts of ours to be\n        First at the place,\n        Intent to prove\n  To thee, O Lord, our faith and hope and love.\n\n\n                           LABENTE JAM SOLIS.\n\n  Now with the declining sun,\n  Day to night is passing on.\n  So doth mortal life descend\n  Swiftly to its destined end.\n\n  From the cross, thine arms spread wide\n  Fold the world, O Crucified!\n  Help us love the cross. In thy\n  Dear embrace help us to die!\n\n  Glory to the Eternal One,\n  Glory to the only Son,\n  Glory to the Spirit be,\n  Now and through eternity.\n\nOf the other writers of the Breviary only a few need detain us. Most of\nthem are poets of the conventional sort, whose verse evidences the care\ntaken with their education rather than their possession of any native\ngenius, although Jean Commire (1625-1702) was of wide reputation in his\nday. Even of good Claude Santeul the best that can be said is that\nseveral of his hymns have passed for the composition of his brother, and\nthat the two Trinity hymns (_Ter sancte, ter potens Deus_ and _O luce\nquae tua lates_) and the three on Lazarus (_Redditum luce, Domino\nvocante, Panditur saxo tumulus remoto_, and _Intrante Christo Bethanicam\ndomum_) deserve the honor. They make us regret the loss of these two\nmanuscript volumes. An unfinished translation of one of these, left by\nMr. Duffield, has been completed for us by Dr. A. R. Thompson. The\nasterisk marks the transition from the one translator to the other\u2014\n\n\n                         O LUCE QUAE TUA LATES.\n\n  O hidden by the very light,\n    O ever-blessed Trinity,\n  Thee we confess, and thee believe,\n    With pious heart we long for thee!\n\n  O Holy Father of the saints,\n    O God of very God, the Son,\n  O Bond of Love, the Holy Ghost,\n    Who joinest all the Three in One!\n\n  That God the Father might behold\n    Himself, *coeval was the Son;\n  Also the Love that binds them both;\n    So, God of God, the perfect One.\n\n  Complete the Father in the Son,\n    The Son, the Father in complete,\n  And the full Spirit in them both;\n    The Father, Son, and Paraclete.\n\n  As is the Son, the Spirit is.\n    Each as the Father, verily.\n  The Three, One all transcendent Truth,\n    One all transcendent Love, the Three.\n\n  Father, and Son, and Holy Ghost\n    Eternally, let all adore;\n  Who liveth and who reigneth, God,\n    Ages on ages, evermore!\n\nNext we have Nicolas le Tourneux (1640-1686), the severe Jansenist,\nwhose preaching drew such crowds in Paris that the King asked the\nreason. \u201cSire,\u201d replied Boileau, \u201cyour Majesty knows how people run\nafter novelty; this is a preacher who preaches the Gospel. When he\nmounts the pulpit, he frightens you by his ugliness, so that you wish he\nwould leave it; and when he begins to speak, you are afraid that he\nmay.\u201d It was his _Ann\u00e9e Chr\u00e9tienne_ which suggested the _Christian Year_\nto John Keble. We have seen how he coached Jean Santeul both as to the\nmatter of his hymns and the right spirit for a Christian poet. But the\ngreat preacher\u2019s own hymns are _sermoni propriores_, \u201cproperer for a\nsermon,\u201d to borrow Lamb\u2019s mistranslation. Verse was a fetter to him, not\na wing. His best are the Ascension hymn, _Adeste, Coelitum chori_, and\nthat on the Baptist, _Jussu tyranni pro fide_. The former we give in the\nexcellent translation of Rev. A. R. Thompson, D.D.:\n\n\n                         ADESTE COELITUM CHORI.\n\n  Hither come, ye choirs immortal,\n    Singing joyful canticles!\n  Christ hath passed the grave\u2019s dark portal,\n    With the dead no more he dwells.\n\n  All in vain doth malice station\n    Watchful guards the tomb before,\n  All in vain the faithless nation\n    Sets the seal upon the door.\n\n  Fruitless terror, from this prison\n    None have stolen him away,\n  But by his own strength arisen,\n    Victor, ends he death\u2019s dread fray.\n\n  Prisoned, and the seal unbroken,\n    He can leave at will the tomb,\n  As at first\u2014behold the token\u2014\n    He could leave the Virgin\u2019s womb.\n\n  When he on the tree hung dying,\n    Raving men, who round him stood,\n  \u201cCome down from the cross,\u201d were crying,\n    \u201cThen we own thee Son of God.\u201d\n\n  But, his Father\u2019s will obeying\n    Even unto death, he dies;\n  Priest and Victim, \u2019tis the slaying\n    Of the world\u2019s great Sacrifice.\n\n  Nay, the cross was not forsaken;\n    Dead, yet greater thing did he,\n  By himself, his life retaken\n    Proved him Son of God to be.\n\n  With thee dying, with thee rising,\n    Grant, O Christ, that we may be,\n  Earthly vanities despising,\n    Choosing heaven all lovingly!\n\n  Praise be to the Father given,\n    To the Son, our Leader. He\n  Calleth us with him to heaven;\n    Spirit, equal praise to thee!\n\nA man of very different powers is the Abb\u00e9 Sebastian Besnault, of whom\nnothing is told us except that he was chaplain of the parish of St.\nMaurice in Sens, and died in 1726. The six hymns ascribed to him in the\nParis Breviary are among the finest in that collection. Three are hymns\non the Circumcision (_Debilis cessent elementa legis_; _Felix dies, quam\nproprio_; and _Noxium Christus simul introivit_); one is an Ascension\nhymn (_Promissa, tellus, concipe gaudium_), and two are Dedication hymns\n(_Ecce sedes hic Tonantis_ and _Urbs beata, vera pacis_), the latter\nbeing a recast of the _Urbs beata Hierusalem_. Quite justly does A.\nGazier (in his thesis _De Santolii Victorini Sacris Hymnis_, Paris,\n1875) say that if Besnault equalled Jean Santeul in the volume of his\nhymns, he would not rank below him as a sacred poet, since he quite\nequals him in his Latinity and is his superior as a spiritual writer. We\ngive Dr. A. R. Thompson\u2019s version of his recast of the _Urbs beata\nHierusalem_:\n\n\n                        URBS BEATA, VERA PACIS.\n\n  Blessed city, vision true\n    Of sweet peace, Jerusalem,\n  How majestic to the view\n    Rise thy lofty walls, in them\n  Living stones in beauty stand,\n  Polished, set, by God\u2019s own hand.\n\n  Every several gate of thine\n    Of one pearl effulgent is,\n  Golden fair thy wall doth shine,\n    Blended lustrously with this,\n  And thy wall doth rest alone\n  Upon Christ the Corner-stone.\n\n  Thy sun is the martyred Lamb,\n    God thy temple. Angels vie\n  With the saints, a joyful psalm\n    Ever lifting up on high,\n  And the Holiest worshipping,\n  Holy, Holy, Holy sing.\n\n  Evermore stand open wide,\n    Heavenly city, all thy gates.\n  But, who would in thee abide,\n    Who thy walls to enter waits,\n  Must, that meed of life to win,\n  Agonize to conquer sin.\n\n  To the Father, to the Son,\n    Endless adoration be!\n  Spirit, binding both in One,\n    Endless worship unto thee!\n  Hallowed by thy chrism divine,\n  We become thy living shrine.\n\nAlong with Coffin should be named one of his friends, a young advocate\nnamed Combault, who possessed something of the spirit and energy of Jean\nSanteul. How far he contributed to the Breviary of 1736 I am unable to\nsay, but a well-founded tradition designates him as the author of a\nsplendid rhetorical hymn in commemoration of the Apostles Peter and Paul\n(_Tandem laborum gloriosi Principes_), which has been much admired.\nCombault died in 1785.\n\nThe whole impression which this school of hymn-writers makes upon us is\nlike that of the Greco-French architecture of our own age. Both reflect\nthe critical and useful, but somewhat exclusive spirit of the\nRenaissance. Both are capable of fine effects, great structural beauty,\nand a certain grandeur not of the highest order. But a Greco-French\nchurch will not bear comparison with Notre Dame; and the hymns of\nSanteul and Coffin will hardly better endure a comparison with the\nChristian singers who wrote when Notre Dame was new.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXIX.\n              THE UNKNOWN AND THE LESS KNOWN HYMN-WRITERS.\n                       [Fourth to Tenth Century.]\n\n\nThe known is but a fragment broken from the unknown. This is eminently\ntrue as regards the authorship of the Latin hymns. When we have dealt as\ntenderly as the historical conscience will permit with the traditions\nwhich assign hymns to this and that author, we still find ourselves\nunable to affix any name to the great majority. And while it is true\nthat the most part of the very great hymns are not left in this plight\nof anonymity, it is true that no small number of the best are on the\nrecord like Melchizedek\u2014\u201cwithout father or mother,\u201d and many of them\nalso \u201cwithout beginning of years,\u201d for we can determine only\napproximately the century of their origin. Nor is this at all\nsurprising. Fame was neither the object nor the expectation of the\nwriters of the Latin hymns of the early and Middle Ages. Their utmost\nexpectation, probably, was to be valued a little by their brethren in\ntheir own and their sister monasteries as the author of a fine sequence\nor an appropriate hymn for a yearly festival. It was enough for that\npurpose that the report of their authorship passed from mouth to mouth\nin the choir, without any record made of it. The love of glory as a\nliterary motive, came in, as Mr. Symonds reminds us, with the\nRenaissance, which borrowed it from the old pagans. Many a devout singer\nof the centuries before that practised the wisdom of \u00e0 Kempis\u2019s saying,\n_Ama nesciri_, \u201cLove to be unknown.\u201d They wrote not for gain in renown,\nbut for use in the edification of their brethren and of the Church. And\nto live for use rather than gain is to live Christianly, for, as\nSwedenborg says, \u201cThe kingdom of heaven is a kingdom of uses.\u201d\n\nThis and the next chapter we shall give partly to some of these orphaned\nhymns, touching only on the greatest. And as we come down the centuries\nwe shall speak also of the less notable hymn-writers, some of them not\nless notable as men or as Churchmen, but such as have made less of a\nmark in hymnology.\n\nAt the outset we are met by two of the greatest of the sacred songs of\nthe Church, which are none the less hymns although classed technically\nas canticles. Who wrote the _Gloria in Excelsis_ and the _Te Deum\nlaudamus_? As everybody knows, the opening words of the former are the\nsong of the angels who brought the good news to the shepherds\u2014words\nwhich authenticate their heavenly origin by their simplicity, beauty,\nand force\u2014\u201ca master-song,\u201d as Luther says, \u201cwhich neither grew nor was\nmade on earth, but came down from heaven.\u201d But the much longer\nsupplement, which evidently reflects the situation of the Church in the\ndays of the Arian controversy, must either have originated in the fourth\ncentury and in the East, or must have been altered to adapt it to that\ntime. The original still exists in Greek, but in three forms, which\ndiffer somewhat; and the Latin version is defective in that it follows a\nlater form than that which is given in the so-called _Apostolical\nConstitutions_; and, of course, the English follows the Latin, except in\nthe part taken from the Gospel, where \u201cgood will to men\u201d takes the place\nof \u201cto men of good will\u201d (_hominibus bonae voluntatis_), the latter\nbeing the reading adopted by the English translators of 1611, but\nrejected by the revisers of 1883.[22]\n\nWho made the Latin version? An untrustworthy tradition ascribes it to\nTelesphorus, who was Bishop of Rome in 128-38. It is possible that he\nprescribed the chanting of the Scripture words in the Church service;\nbut the whole hymn is of later date in Latin. There is much more\nlikelihood that it was, according to a tradition recorded by Alcuin in\nthe ninth century, the work of Hilary of Poitiers, the first Latin\nhymn-writer.\n\nThe _Te Deum laudamus_ has some claims to be regarded as the greatest of\nChristian hymns. Like the _Gloria in Excelsis_ it belongs to that first\nperiod of Christian hymn-writing, when the Hebrew psalms still furnished\nthe models for Christian poets, and the same free movement of rhythmical\nprose was all that was required or even tolerated. There is no mention\nof it in Church literature before the sixth century, when the monastic\nrules of both Caesarius of Arles (_c._ 527) and of Benedict of Nursia\n(_c._ 530) prescribe its use, and the Council of Toledo mentions it. As\nit uses the words of the Vulgate in verses 22-25 and 27 to the end, it\ncannot, as it now stands, be much more than a century older than this,\nas the date of the Vulgate is 382-404. Yet a tradition recorded by Abbot\nAbbo of Fleury in the ninth century, ascribes this hymn also to Hilary\nof Poitiers, who died fifteen years before Jerome put his hand to the\nwork of revising the Latin Bible. Daniel thinks to reconcile the\ndiscrepancy by ascribing it to Hilary of Arles, who was born the year\nbefore Jerome had finished his work, and by regarding it as a\ntranslation from the Greek, as verses 22-26 certainly are. They are\nfound in the Appendix to the Alexandrian manuscript of the Greek New\nTestament, where they follow the _Gloria in Excelsis_ with the\ninterruption only of an Amen. But is it not possible to regard the last\neight verses as a separate hymn, made up, with the exception of the\nstrong verse\u2014\n\n   26. Dignare, Domine, die isto sine peccato nos custodire\u2014\n\nof verses from the Scriptures? These last verses have no internal\nconnection with the first twenty-two, and they differ decidedly in\nstyle, form, and source. Those contain no Scripture quotations, except\nthe _Ter-Sanctus_ in verses 5 and 6, which is not taken from the Vulgate\nversion,[23] but apparently from the Itala. If, therefore, we consider\nthose twenty-two verses as a hymn by themselves, this may have been the\nwork of Hilary of Poitiers, and there is no necessity for assuming that\nit was not an original Latin hymn. This becomes more probable if we drop\nout verse 13, which interrupts the flow of the Christological thought,\nand evidently was interpolated to make the hymn complete from a\nTrinitarian point of view. When the _Gloria in Excelsis_ and the _Te\nDeum_ were composed, it was the relation of the Son to the Father which\noccupied the mind of the Church. Both hymns are the expression of \u201cthe\npresent truth\u201d on that subject; the mention of the Holy Spirit in both\nis probably by interpolation at a later date.\n\nAs the form, and in some places the meaning of the _Te Deum_ is\nmisrepresented in the current version, it may be worth while to\nreproduce the original in a more literal version:\n\n  1. Thee as God we praise,\n    Thee as Lord we own,\n\n  2. Thee as eternal Father all the earth doth worship,\n\n  3. Thee all the angels\u2014\n    To thee heaven and all its powers,\n\n  4. To thee cherubim and seraphim with unceasing voice cry aloud,\n\n  5. Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of Sabaoth,\n\n  6. The heavens and the earth are full of the majesty of thy glory!\n\n  7. Thee the glorious choir of the apostles,\n\n  8. Thee the praiseworthy company of the prophets,\n\n  9. Thee the white-robed army of the martyrs praiseth.\n\n  10. Thee, through the circle of the lands, the Holy Church confesseth\n\n  11. Father of unbounded majesty;\n\n  12. Thy adorable, true and only Son.\n\n  13 (14). Thou King of glory, O Christ,\n\n  14 (15). Thou of the Father art the Son eternal.\n\n  15 (16). Thou, to deliver us, tookest manhood,\n        Thou didst not dread the Virgin\u2019s womb.\n\n  16 (17). Thou, since thou hast overcome the sting of death,\n        Hast opened to believers the kingdom of heaven.\n\n  17 (18). Thou, at the right hand of God, sittest in the glory of the\n              Father;\n\n  18 (19). As our judge thou art believed to be coming.\n\n  19 (20) Thee therefore we beg,\n        Assist thy servants whom thou hast redeemed with precious blood.\n\n  20 (21). Cause us to be gifted, among thy saints, with eternal glory.\n\n            Amen.\n\nThere are no other unfathered hymns known to be of this century, and few\nless notable hymn-writers. To Jerome is ascribed a hymn, _Te Bethlehem\ncelebrat_, which is not in any of the collections. His great\ncontemporary, Augustine of Hippo, has had more than one fine hymn\nassigned to him, probably because his works have furnished the\nsuggestion for so many. Notably Peter Damiani and Hildebert of Tours\ndrew upon him. But the great theologian was not a poet, as we can see\nfrom his one essay in that form, viz., his \u201cpsalm\u201d against the\nDonatists, in which he gives a popular and metrical exposition of the\nparable of the net (Matt. 13:47-50). It is quite enough to prove that he\ndid not write the _Ad perennis vitae fontem_ (Damiani), or the _Quid,\ntyranne, quid minaris_ (Damiani), or the _O gens beata coelitum_, or\neven the _Domine Jesu, noverim me_, all of which have been given to him\nat times.\n\nTo the fifth century\u2014the century of Prudentius and Ennodius\u2014we may\nascribe the earlier in the large group of hymns classed as Ambrosian,\nwhich are the work of a series of writers who may be described as\nconstituting a school. It is one of the hardest problems in Latin\nhymnology to distinguish between Ambrose\u2019s own work and that of his\nimitators, and to arrange the hymns composed by the latter between the\nfifth and the eighth century in any chronological order. What can be\nsaid positively has been shown in Chapter V. The chief authorities on\nthe subject are the early collectors, Clichtove, Cassander, and\nThomasius. Of considerable importance is the MS. given by Francis Junius\nin the seventeenth century to the University of Oxford, and published in\n1830 by Jacob Grimm. It contains a collection of twenty-six hymns by\nAmbrose and the Ambrosians, with a translation into old High German,\nprobably made at St. Gall in the ninth century. But these do not exhaust\nthe list. Others have been pointed out by Mone and other collectors, as\nproving their kinship to the school by their metrical form or their\ncontents and style. Schletterer enumerates ninety hymns of the school,\nand of these he assigns fifteen to Ambrose himself.\n\nClosely related to the group, and yet not assigned to it, are several\nhymns to which a very early date is assigned by Mone at least. To this\nfifth century he gives the _Unam duorum gloriam_, which he also claims\nas of German origin, and describes as one of the oldest hymns of the\nGerman Church. It is in commemoration of two martyrs, to whose honor a\nchurch near M\u00fcnster was dedicated, and is strictly classic in metre.\nHere also he assigns the _Christi caterva clamitat_, an Advent hymn of\nclassic metre and primitive tone. He probably would agree with\nWackernagel in selecting the same century for the hymn on Stephen, the\nprotomartyr, _Primatis aulae coelicae_, in which he finds reminders of\nthe style of Prudentius. Lastly, he assigns this date to the Paschal\nhymn, _Te lucis auctor personat_, which became obsolete when its special\nreference to Easter as the time of the baptism of adult catechumens lost\nits significance. It was used in France and probably other countries.\n\nTo the same fifth century belongs Paulinus, Bishop of Nola (353-431),\nwho has many better claims to remembrance than his hymns. He was one of\nthose men of whom their contemporaries cannot speak without enthusiasm,\nand as Augustine, Jerome, and Ambrose are among his eulogists we may\nassume that the praise was not undeserved. He came of a noble Gallic\nstock; he inherited wealth and acquired from the teaching of the poet\nAusonius all the culture of his time; he filled high office in Italy and\nSpain; he spent the last twenty-two years of his life in administering\nwith a faithful laboriousness the affairs of a Campanian bishopric. He\ndid not receive baptism until his thirty-fifth year, so that he may have\nbeen brought up a pagan, although the inference is not necessary. In 378\nhe was made Roman consul to fill an unexpired term (_consul suffectus_),\nand was sent into Campania at the end of the year. There he was so\ndeeply impressed by a festival in honor of the martyr Vincent of Nola,\nthat his affections were drawn strongly to the city. But soon after he\nmarried a Spanish wife and went to live first at Bordeaux and then at\nBarcelona. At the former in 389 he was received into the membership of\nthe Church; at the latter he and his wife, after the death of their\ninfant son, resolved to renounce the \u201csecular\u201d life and to give\nthemselves to asceticism and charity. He was ordained to the priesthood\nin response to a general demand of the people during the Christmas\nfestivities. He removed to Nola, where he and his wife lived in the\nservice of the poor, in an age when the incursions of Goths and Vandals\nwere producing frightful wretchedness. He seems to have held right views\nof the responsibility of property, and instead of divesting himself of\nit at once, he kept it to use for his brethren. Nor did he separate from\nhis wife after the fashion of Ennodius and others of the age. They\nlabored together to the end. About 409 he was elected Bishop of Nola,\nand occupied that see until his death. Among his gifts to his people was\na new aqueduct to supply their town with pure water, an evidence of his\nbreadth of mind and genuine humanity. When he died he was added to the\nlist of the recognized saints, and few with better right.\n\nHis literary achievement was not great, although everything he has\nwritten has its interest. His epistles and poems are reflections of both\nhis excellence and his faults. They show at once the good heart of the\nman and his proneness to superstition. But his contemporaries thought\nhis poems wonderful, and even some of the moderns have re-echoed this\nestimate. Erasmus calls him \u201cthe Christian Cicero,\u201d a title more\nfrequently assigned to Lactantius. Caspar Barth, in his _Adversaria_\n(1624), declines to rank any other Christian poet above him. His poems\nexhibit the decadence of Latin verse, in that quantity is often\nneglected and accent used to replace it. Only a few of them are hymns in\nany sense, and these are narrative or reflective rather than lyric.\nBjorn gives two of them in his collection.\n\nThis fifth century also brings us the first woman among the Christian\nsingers. Elpis, identified by a somewhat doubtful tradition with Helpes,\nthe first wife of the pagan philosopher Boethius, has left a florid hymn\nin honor of the Apostles Peter and Paul, which holds its place in\nmodified form in the Roman Breviary, and is divided into two hymns. She\nemploys accentuated verse, while the verses in Boethius\u2019s classic work,\n_De Consolatione Philosophiae_, conform to the quantitative prosody of\nclassic poetry. Another hymn on the same Apostles, _Felix per omnes\nfestum mundi cardines_, is ascribed to her and also to Paulinus of Nola.\nThe Breviary hymn, _Miris modis repente liber_, is a recast of part of\nit.\n\nThere are several poems and chronicles which are ascribed to Prosper\nTyro, whom some identify with Prosper of Aquitaine (403-65), the Gallic\nchampion of strict Augustinian orthodoxy against the semi-Pelagian party\nin that province\u2014John Cassian, Vincent of Lerins, etc. This is the more\nlikely, as Prosper loved to \u201cdrop into poetry\u201d even in his controversial\ntreatises. George Cassander includes a hymn from Prosper Tyro\u2019s works in\nhis collection.\n\nMany of the finest of Ambrosian hymns, which have taken rank among the\nfavorites of Western Christendom, as sharing the noble spirit and the\ntorrent-like power of utterance of the great Bishop of Milan, are\ncredited by the hymnologists to the sixth century\u2014the age of Benedict of\nNursia, Caesarius of Arles, Belisarius, and Gregory the Great. We give\nMr. Duffield\u2019s translation of two of the finest, regretting that he did\nnot live to translate others which he had marked with that view in his\nIndex:\n\n\n                        CHRISTE QUI LUX ET DIES.\n\n  Christ who art the light and day,\n  Drive the shades of night away,\n  Thou, who art the Light of light,\n  Make our pathway glad and bright.\n\n  Now we pray thee, holy Lord,\n  Keep us safely by thy word;\n  Night and day at peace in thee\n  May our spirits rested be.\n\n  Let no evil dream appear,\n  Let no enemy draw near,\n  Let us bow to thee alone,\n  Thou who pitiest thine own!\n\n  While in sleep we close our eyes,\n  May our hearts forever rise\n  Unto thee, whose mighty hand\n  Keeps thine own in every land.\n\n  Look upon us, our Defence!\n  Drive all lurking traitors hence,\n  Rule thy children, O most Good,\n  Who are purchased with thy blood.\n\n  Be thou mindful of our state,\n  In this body profligate;\n  Guard our minds, and ever be\n  Near us, Lord, as we to thee.\n\n\n                       TELLURIS INGENS CONDITOR.\n\n  Thou mighty Maker of earth\u2019s frame,\n  Who gavest land and sea their name,\n  Hast swept the waters to their bound,\n  And fixed for aye the solid ground.\n\n  That soon upspringing should be seen\n  The herb with blossoms gold and green,\n  And fruit which ripely hangeth there,\n  And grass to which the herds repair.\n\n  Relieve the sorrows of the soul!\n  Our wounded spirits make thou whole,\n  That tears may sinful deeds allay,\n  And cleanse all baser lusts away.\n\n  Let us be swayed by thy decree,\n  From many evils set us free;\n  With goodness fill the waiting heart,\n  And keep all fear of death apart!\n\nTo the same sixth century belong some notable hymns which have not even\na school to which to assign their paternity. The most famous of these is\nthe\n\n    _Ad coenam Agni providi_,\n\nwhich has been twice rewritten in conformity with the laws of classic\nprosody, reappearing in the Roman Breviary as the _Ad regias Agni\ndapes_, and in the Paris Breviary as the _Forti tegente brachio_. In\nEnglish there have been at least twelve versions since 1710. The great\nmerit of the hymn is the vigorous and terse way in which the mystical\ncorrespondence of the Christian sacrament to the Jewish passover, and of\nour deliverance from the yoke of Satan to the Jewish deliverance from\nthe Egyptian bondage, are worked out. As Daniel suggests, its first\nstanza refers to the old usage that the catechumens, who had received\nbaptism just before Easter, partook of the other sacrament on the first\nSunday after Easter (_Dominicus in albis_), wearing the white robes of\ntheir baptism (_stolis albis candidi_). Another notable but fatherless\nhymn of this age is the _Sanctorum meritis inclyta gaudiis_\u2014a beautiful\ncommemoration of the martyrs whose sufferings were still so vividly\nremembered by the Church. Quite worthy of mention also is the Lenten\nhymn, _Jam Christe, sol justitiae_, which expresses the early Christian\nattitude toward God\u2019s works, connecting the looked-for Easter with the\nrenewal of the world by the spring\u2014\n\n  \u201cDies venit, dies tua\n  In qua reflorent omnia.\u201d\n\nThe hymn for All Saints Day, _Psallat plebis sexus omnis voce corde\ncarmina_, is notable not only for its own vigor, but as being one of the\noldest in which the alliterative principle of the early Celtic and\nTeutonic verse is employed in Latin. It therefore comes from the North\nof Europe, with the chances in favor of Ireland.\n\nOf known but less important hymn-writers of the sixth century we have\nonly two, Columba and Flavius. The former is the great Irish missionary\nknown to his countrymen as Columcille (the Dove, or the Dove of the\nChurch), who lived A.D. 521 to 597. He was one of the O\u2019Donnells of\nDonegal, whose chiefs, something more than seventy years before his\nbirth, had offered especial opposition to Patrick\u2019s preaching. He\nstudied in the great school founded at Clonard, on the upper waters of\nthe Boyne, by Finnian, the first of those teachers who made the Ireland\nof this and the following centuries \u201cthe land of schools,\u201d to which\nstudents flocked from Great Britain and even the Continent. Finnian sent\nhim to Clonfad to obtain ordination as a bishop; but the bishop, who was\nploughing in the field when he came, made a mistake and gave him\nordination as a priest. And he never rose higher than this in\nhierarchical dignity. Not that it mattered much in the very elastic\nsystem of Church government Patrick had established in Ireland. The\ntribal or sept system was copied in the Church arrangement. At the head\nof each church sept stood a _coarb_, who might be a woman, and\nfrequently was a priest or deacon. Under this jurisdiction the bishops\ntook the same relative place that the bards held to the chiefs in the\ncivil tribes. Sometimes there would be a dozen of these right reverend\nfathers in God in one small Irish town, all under the direction of a\nfemale _coarb_, miscalled an abbess by later authors, as the Church sept\nhas been miscalled a monastery.\n\nAs a penance for having been the cause of a faction fight or civil\nwar\u2014one hardly knows which to call it\u2014over the ownership of a psalter,\nColumba banished himself from Ireland and took up his abode at Iona (or\nHy), from which centre he preached the Gospel to the Scots (_i.e._,\nIrish) and Picts (_i.e._, Welsh) of the Highlands and the Western\nIslands. The former had conquered this region in the fifth century and\nwere yet to give their name to the whole country, although up to A.D.\n1198 there is no instance of Scotus meaning Scotchman rather than\nIrishman. But while Christianity had penetrated even the wilds of\nDonegal in Ireland, these Irish of Scotland and their Cymric subjects\nstill were pagans. So as Patrick was Scotland\u2019s gift to Ireland,\nColumcille was Ireland\u2019s to Scotland. He was the type of those\npersuasive and successful missionaries which the Church of Patrick sent\nthrough Great Britain and to the Continent. He used the power of song\nvery freely in his missionary labors, confounding the Druids and\nattracting the people by the grave, sweet melody of the Church\u2019s chants.\nLike Whitefield and Summerfield, he had a wonderful, because pure voice\nand could sing so as to be heard a mile away. He, too, was a poet of no\nmean merit. The sorrows of his voluntary exile from the land of his\nbirth\u2014the land which exercises such a weird fascination over her\nchildren that all other lands are to her what prose is to poetry or\nwater to wine\u2014seem to have wakened in him the gift of song. Less\nbeautiful than these patriotic elegies is the abecedarian hymn on the\nspiritual history of our world, _Altus prositor, vetustus dierum, et\ningenitus_, which is given in the Appendix to the _Lyra Sacra Hibernica_\n(Belfast, 1879) and in the second part of Dr. J. H. Todd\u2019s _Liber\nHymnorum_. It is written in a very rude Latinity, and is intended for\ninstruction and edification rather than lyric expression. But it is an\ninteresting monument of the faith of the great missionary, as it brings\nus nearer him than does the wonderful biography by Abbot Adamnan, his\nseventh successor at Iona. It was first printed in 1657 by the Irish\nscholar Colgan, and with it two other and shorter hymns (_In Te,\nChriste, credentium_ and _Noli, Pater, indulgere_), which also may be\nColumcille\u2019s.\n\nFlavius was Bishop of Chalons in the year 580, and has left one hymn,\n_Tellus et aeth\u2019ra jubilent_, which Daniel calls an excellent poem\n(_carmen eximium_). Its theme is our Lord\u2019s washing the feet of the\nApostles, and for this reason it was commonly sung after meals in some\nmonasteries.\n\nOf the seventh century, the century of Heraclius and Mahomet, there is\nnot one great hymn-writer known as such, but there are some great hymns.\nThe greatest is the _Urbs beata Hirusalem, dicta pacis visio_, of which\nthe _Angulare fundamentum_ is a part, and which is of the seventh or\neighth century. Daniel, however, with the support of Schlosser, regards\nthis hymn as not certainly older than the tenth century, and has Neale\u2019s\nsupport in asserting that the last two verses are a later addition to\ngive it suitableness for singing at a dedication of a church.[24] The\nearliest mention of its use in the tenth century is in the church of\nPoitiers at the annual blessing of the font on Easter Sunday, which\ntends to confirm the supposition that two verses have been added. He\nthinks it of Spanish origin, as the metrical form is one usual in the\nMozarabic Breviary. In later days it underwent three revisions. In the\nold Paris Breviary of 1527 it becomes the _Urbs Jerusalem beata_; in the\nnew Breviary of 1736 it becomes the _Urbs beata, vera pacis visio_ under\nthe hands of Abb\u00e9 Besnault (_ob._ 1726). In the Roman Breviary of 1631\nit is the _Coelestis Urbs Jerusalem_, the form, as usual, best known to\nmodern readers and translators, but not the best worth knowing. Along\nwith the _Urbs beata_ we may place the _Gloriosa Jerusalem_, probably of\nSpanish origin, and of the same century as well as similar in contents,\nbut unequal in beauty and poetic worth.\n\nNext in worth is the abecedarian judgment hymn, _Apparabet repentina\ndies magna Domini_, which Neale speaks of as containing the germ of the\n_Dies Irae_. It is little more than a rehearsal in a trochaic metre of\nour Lord\u2019s prediction of the Day of Judgment. It follows the Scripture\ntext much more closely than does Thomas of Celano. Bede mentions it in\nthe next century. Mrs. Charles has translated it.\n\nTo this seventh century or the next Mone refers the _Salvator mundi,\nDomine_, which is most probably an Anglo-Saxon hymn, although of the\nAmbrosian school. It reappears in the Anglican _Orarium_ of 1560 and the\n_Preces Privatae_ of 1564, and is said to have been familiar to Sir\nThomas Browne and Bishop Ken through its use at Wykeham\u2019s school in\nWinchester. It, along with the _Te lucis ante terminum_, also sung at\nWinchester, may have suggested both Bishop Ken\u2019s \u201cGlory to thee, my God,\nthis night,\u201d and Browne\u2019s \u201cThe night is come, like to the day,\u201d given in\nhis _Religio Medici_. To the seventh century we also may refer the\n_Quicunque vultesse salvus_, a hymn better known as the Athanasian\nCreed.\n\nBesides these there are two groups of hymns whose temporal limits do not\nlie within the seventh century on either side, but which may be as well\ndiscussed here as anywhere. The first are the early Spanish\nhymn-writers. We know by name three of the seventh century. The first is\nIsidore, Archbishop of Seville (570-636), the scholar of encyclopaedic\nrange, who did so much to adapt the learning of the Romans to the wants\nof the Gothic community in Spain. To him are ascribed, somewhat\ndoubtfully, three ballad-hymns in honor of as many martyrs and two\nabecedarian poems on repentance. More certainly authentic are three or\nfour ascribed to his contemporary Eugenius, who was Archbishop of Toledo\nfrom 646 to 657. He has left us thirty-two Latin poems in classic\nmetres, none of which, strictly speaking, are hymns, but his _Rex Deus\nimmense_ has found its way into the collections. In his day he worked\nhard to improve the singing and other services of the Church. Lastly,\nthere is the Spanish magistrate Cyxilla, who built a church in honor of\nthe martyr Thyrsus of Toledo, and wrote a hymn for the dedication,\nthough some say he got Isidore to do it for him. Daniel (I., 190) gives\nit in full from the Mozarabic[25] Breviary. But far more important are\nthe anonymous hymns of that Breviary, which constituted the hymnary of\nthe old Spanish Church at the date of the conquest of the country by the\nSaracens (711-14), and which through the temporary prostration of the\nChurch\u2019s energy was preserved from additions and alterations. The\ncollection therefore is interesting as containing nothing of later date\nthan the eighth century, and probably very little that is later than the\nseventh. Besides a large number of hymns traceable to other authors,\nfrom Hilary to Gregory\u2014most of them from Ambrose and his school\u2014there\nare forty-eight hymns peculiar to this ancient Breviary. Of these the\nbest known are the _Alleluia piis edite laudibus_, the _Cunctorum rex\nomnipotens_, the _Jesu defensor omnium_, the _O Dei perenne Verbum_ of\nBishop Arturus Serranus of Toledo, the _Sacer octavarum dies_, the\n_Sacrata Christi tempora_, and the _Surgentes ad Te, Domine_. It is well\nknown that the hymns of Ambrose and his school enjoyed great repute in\nSpain. These unnamed writers evidently have studied at his feet, their\nmode of dealing with the great themes of Christian praise having much in\ncommon with his. The country, however, which gave Seneca, Lucan, and\nQuinctilian to Latin literature was under no necessity merely to imitate\nan Italian model; and we find these Spanish poets departing widely from\nAmbrose\u2019s school as regards the form of their verse. The four-lined\nstanza, with four iambic feet (u -) in each line\u2014a line used by the\ntragedian Seneca before it was adopted by the Christian poets\u2014is the\nform of verse employed almost exclusively by the Ambrosian school. The\nMozarabic writers also use it (_Convexa solis orbita_), but they also\nemploy as a substitute a trochaic verse of eleven syllables (_Lucis\nauctor clemens, lumen immensum_) and more complex choriambic forms\n(_Alleluia piis edite laudibus_, etc.). But their hymns, as a whole,\nlack pith and force; not one of them has earned a place by itself in the\naffections of Latin Christendom.\n\nThe second national group is that of the early Irish writers of Latin\nhymns. There are not so many of these, and still fewer names have been\npreserved. But they deserve notice as monuments of that aggressive\nChurch whose missionary labors rendered such grand service in the\nChristianization of Western Europe. Of Caelius Sedulius there is enough\nsaid in the chapter devoted to him and his acrostic hymn. Of Columcille\nand the _Altus Deus prositor_ we have spoken above. The next name which\nmeets us is that of Ladkenus or Lathacan, an Irishman of the seventh\ncentury, to whom is ascribed a hymn of the class called in Irish\n_Luireach_ (or _lorica_), meaning a shield. There are two hymns of this\nclass ascribed to Patrick and to Columcille. The former, best known by\nJames Clarence Mangan\u2019s version,\n\n  \u201cAt Tara to-day, in this awful hour,\n    I call on the holy Trinity!\u201d\n\nis probably not the work of the Apostle of Ireland; but as it, like that\nof Columcille, is in Irish, it need not detain us here. The latter\nbegins,\n\n  \u201cAlone am I upon the mountain,\n  O King of heaven, prosper my way,\n  And then nothing need I fear,\n  More than if guarded by six thousand.\u201d\n\nThat of Lathacan, while possessing the same general character, as aiming\nat a Christian substitute for the Druidical charms of the pagans, is on\na lower level both religiously and poetically. No less than eleven of\nits twenty-three quatrains are occupied with the enumeration of the\nparts of the human body, which are placed under divine protection, and\nthese may be not without interest to the students of the history of\nphysiological knowledge.\n\nMany of the early Irish hymns are in the national language, which was at\nthat time the vehicle of a vigorous native poetry. Of those in Latin the\nmost beautiful is the Communion hymn,\n\n  \u201cSancti venite,\n  Christi corpus sumite,\u201d\n\nwhich both Daniel and Neale praise for its noble simplicity. An old\nIrish legend, to which we need not pin our faith, represents Patrick and\nhis nephew Sechnall as hearing the angels sing it first, during the\noffertory before the communion, and adds, \u201cSo from that time to the\npresent that hymn is chanted in Erinn when the body of Christ is\nreceived.\u201d Singing at the communion was not unusual in the early Church,\nand Gregory of Tours has preserved an antiphon used at that sacrament\nwhich closely resembles the Irish hymn. But it is now disused.\n\nThe hymn is found in the Bangor Antiphonary, an old Irish manuscript of\nthe seventh century, first published by Muratori in his _Anecdota_\n(1697-98). From Bangor it had been carried to Bobbio, the famous\nmonastery founded on Italian soil by the Irish missionary Columbanus\nafter he had been driven out of Burgundy by the reigning powers. From\nBobbio it made its way to the Ambrosian Library at Milan, where Muratori\nfound it. It is one of the most interesting monuments of the early Irish\nChurch, and its hymns are given or indicated by Daniel in his fourth\nvolume. The first is a series of quintains, each for one of the\ncanonical hours. Then the _Hymnum dicat turba fratrum_, which already\nBeda described as _hymnus ille pulcherrimus_, is found in a mutilated\nform in the Antiphonary, and ascribed to Hilary. It is a terse rehearsal\nof the facts of our Lord\u2019s birth, life, passion, and resurrection.\nDaniel suggests that it is one of the primitive hymns of the martyr-ages\nof the Church to which Pliny refers, and brought into Latin from the\noriginal Greek by some scholarly Briton or Irish man. Then a hymn in\ncommemoration of the Apostles (_Precamur Patrem_), of which also Daniel\nthinks that Irish scholarship may have rendered from the Greek. Then a\nmorning hymn based on the Constantinopolitan creed (_Spiritus divinae\nlucis gloriae_); and another in honor of the martyrs (_Sacratissimi\nMartyres summi Dei_); the _Lorica_ of Lathacan; and two hymns in honor\nof St. Patrick, one by Sechnall and the other by Fiacc. Daniel gives\nonly the former, which is an abecedary hymn. Both are full of the\nmarvellous\u2014an element not wanting even in the contemporary documents of\nPatrick\u2019s life, and quite abundant in those of later date.\n\nBesides these there are four other hymns which Mone has shown to be of\nIrish authorship. The first is the _Jesus refulsit omnium_, which has\nbeen ascribed to Hilary, but is shown not to be his not only by the\nrhyme, but by the alliteration which marks it as originating in the\nNorth of Europe. It is found in manuscripts, German and English, of the\neleventh century; but Mone ascribes it to an Irish author both because\nof the strophe employed and because of the mixture of Greek words with\nthe Latin, the Irish being the best Greek scholars of the West, and\nbeing not disinclined to show off their erudition in this way. Another\nis an abecedary hymn, _Ad coeli clara non sum dignus sidera_, famous as\nhaving been supposed by some stupid critic to be the lost evening hymn\nwhich Hilary sent from the East to his daughter along with the _Lucis\nlargitor splendide_. It probably is as old as the sixth or seventh\ncentury, both the structure of the verse and the allusions to pagan\nbeliefs and Christian heresies indicating that antiquity. The use of\nalliteration and other peculiarities indicate an Irish author, but\nprobably a monk of Bobbio, as the accentuated Sapphic verse was in use\nin that country. Here are seven of its most characteristic stanzas:\n\n  To the clear stars of heaven I am not worthy\n    The base eyes of my most sad behavior\n  Even to lift: weighed down with sorrows earthy,\n        Spare me, O Saviour.\n\n  Boon which I ought to show I have neglected,\n    Evil I did: no limit might resist me;\n  Crime by no secret conscience was rejected;\n        O Christ, assist me.\n\n                    *    *    *    *    *    *    *\n\n  Leave me, O Lord, alone with my repenting,\n    Me from my birth all evil who inherit,\n  Give me but tears from depths of my consenting\n        Penitent spirit.\n\n  Mine, as I think, are vices so appalling\n    That the worst torments still will not withhold me,\n  Save as thy pity on a wretch is calling,\n        Glad to enfold me.\n\n                    *    *    *    *    *    *    *\n\n  Rescue of earth, the only hope of mortals,\n    Equal with Father and with Holy Spirit\n  Three, and yet one beyond those viewless portals\n        Save by thy merit.\n\n                    *    *    *    *    *    *    *\n\n  Xrist have I ever, in the faith most holy,\n    Praised with my lips and made a true confession;\n  Purely I spurned all heresy, nor slowly\n        Wrought my profession.\n\n  HYmns have I sung in Arius\u2019s derision,\n    Barking Sabellian dog I have not favored,\n  Simon the swine, whose covetous base vision\n        Mine never favored.\n\n                                                                S. W. D.\n\nBesides this we have the _Cantemus omni die concenentes variae_, which\nfurnishes a remarkable combination of sustained rhyme with a free use of\nalliteration; and two hymns in honor of Michael the Archangel, of which\nthe first is an abecedary, and has the same structural peculiarity.\nBesides these there are other hymns in the _Leabhur Jomann_, or \u201cBook of\nHymns,\u201d in honor of St. Brigid (often confounded with the St. Birgitta\nof Sweden) and other Irish saints\u2014some in Latin and some in Irish. They\nhave been edited for the Irish Archaeological Society by Dr. J. H. Todd\n(Dublin, 1855-69).\n\nTo the eighth century, the age of the Iconoclasts, of John of Damascus\nand of Beda, we trace but few anonymous hymns. As we have said, the\n_Urbs beata Hirusalem_ (with the _Angulare fundamentum_) may belong\nhere, and so may some in the Mozarabic Breviary. But as only the\nmanuscripts we have named and the \u201cPsalter of the Queen of Sweden\u201d\u2014so\ncalled because it once was the property of Queen Christine\u2014go back to\nthis time, we can only guess which of the hymns marked as \u201cvery old\u201d in\nmanuscripts of the eleventh and later centuries date back to this.\nNiebuhr found in a tenth-century manuscript the pilgrim hymn _O Roma\nnobilis, orbis et domina_, and published it in the _Rheinisches Museum_\n(1829), and traced its accentual form of verse back to the old\nfolk-songs of Rome, such as the Roman soldiers may well have sung at the\ntriumph of Camillus, and certainly did so behind the golden triumphal\nchariots of Caesar and Aurelian.\n\nTo this century some ascribe the hymn for martyrs, _Sanctorum meritis\ninclyta gaudia_, which holds its place in a recast in the Roman\nBreviary, and has occupied the attention of at least four English\ntranslators. In the history of theology it is memorable as giving\nGottschalk a point by its use of the phrase _trina deitas_, to which\nArchbishop Hincmar strongly objected.\n\nOf the less notable hymn-writers of this century three belong to the\ngroup of literary men whom Charles the Great gathered at his court or\nemployed in his administration. That Charles himself was a poet in any\nsense we have no evidence, much less that he wrote the _Veni, Creator\nSpiritus_. His biographer, Eginhard, tells us that although he spoke\nLatin fluently\u2014his native language, of course, being German\u2014he never\nfully acquired the art of writing, although he kept a tablet under his\npillow for the sake of practising. He was a keen lover of learning and a\ngenerous patron of education. In one of his trips to Italy he\nencountered at Parma an Englishman, chief of the Cathedral school at\nYork, and then on his way to Rome to obtain the _pallium_ for Archbishop\nEanbald. Charles offered him sufficient inducement to remove to the\nContinent, and for fourteen years (782-96) Alcuin of York (735-804) was\nCharles\u2019s minister of education and head of the palace school, in which\nboth the king and his children studied. He was rewarded with various\nabbacies, and in 796 he retired to one of them\u2014that of St. Martin at\nTours\u2014withdrawing from the not very admirable court of his patron to\nspend his eight last years in study and devotion. He was succeeded by an\nIrishman named Clemens, who brought over the Irish preference for Greek\nphilosophy, especially that of Plato, to Alcuin\u2019s keen annoyance. In the\ncollections there are some half-dozen hymns ascribed to Alcuin, none of\nwhich have made any marked impression. He was an honest, plodding,\nunimaginative Englishman, such as still writes Latin verses at Eton or\nHarrow, _invit\u00e2 Minerv\u00e2_, and as a matter of duty, not of necessity.\n\nMore notable for personal qualities was the Lombard, Paul Warnefried\n(730-96), better known as Paul the Deacon (_Paulus Diaconus_), who had\nwitnessed the overthrow of the Lombard kingdom by Charles in 774, and\nthen withdrew to Monte Casino, where he became a Benedictine monk. He\nattracted Charles\u2019s attention in 781 by a poetical petition in behalf of\nhis brother Arichis, who had been carried beyond the Alps as a prisoner;\nand the king invited him to his court. He returned to Monte Casino in\n787. His most important work, the _De Gestis Longobardorum Libri Sex_,\nis marked by a lively and patriotic interest in the legends, habits, and\nfortunes of his own people. He has preserved for us much early Teutonic\nlore, such as the poetical explanation of the origin of the name\n\u201cLombard,\u201d which Kingsley has worked into a poem in _Hypatia_. A Frank\nhe never became, and the rough soldiers of Charles\u2019s court proposed to\ncut off his hands and put out his eyes by way of resenting this. \u201cGod\nforbid,\u201d replied Charles, \u201cthat I should thus treat so excellent a poet\nand a historian.\u201d There are but two hymns which bear Paul Warnefried\u2019s\nname: one in commemoration of John the Baptist, and the other on the\nmiracles of Benedict of Nursia. The former, which frequently is divided\ninto three parts for different services on St. John\u2019s day, is a hymn of\nmuch merit, and still holds its place in the Roman Breviary. Its widest\nfame is in connection with the history of music, as from its first verse\nwe derive the ordinary names of our musical notes. The verse runs,\n\n  _Ut_ queant laxis\n  _Re_sonare fibris\n  _Mi_ra gestorum\n  _Fa_muli tuorum,\n  _Sol_ve polluti\n  _La_bii reatum,\n  Sancte Johannes.\n\nThe tune composed for the hymn in the Middle Ages, or adapted to it, had\nthe peculiarity that each half verse began on one of the bars of the\nstaff, and each a note higher than the last. This suggested, possibly to\nGuido of Arezzo in the eleventh century, the possibility of using these\nfirst syllables as a mnemonic device to fix the pitch of each note on\nthe memory of those who were learning to sing. Guido, in a letter to his\nfriend Michael, describes the device in terms which suggest that it was\nhis own. But there is no warrant for the assumption often made in this\nconnection that he devised the musical staff. That was in use in England\nas early as 1016, while Guido wrote about 1067.\n\nA third of Charles\u2019s _prot\u00e9g\u00e9s_ was Paulinus, whom he made patriarch of\nAquileia (726-804), and who is specified by George Cassander as the\nauthor of three extant hymns. One of these, the _Refulgit omnia luce\nmundus aurea_, is thought by Mone to belong to the sixth or seventh\ncentury. It is in the ornate style of his namesake of Nola and his\nimitator Elpis, so that it may be the work of the older Paulinus. It\npossesses a philological interest as being written in the _lingua\nrustica_, or provincial and countrified Latin, out of which the Romance\nlanguages were developed. Paulinus of Aquileia was a German, who took an\nactive part in the controversies of his times, as may be seen from his\nprose works. Walafrid Strabo in the next century speaks of him as a\nhymn-writer; but it is impossible to say how many, if any, of the hymns\nwhich stand in his name are his work.\n\nThe ninth century is much more fertile in hymns than either the seventh\nor the eighth. It is the age of Charles the Great as Emperor, of Rabanus\nMaurus and Hincmar, and of John Scotus Erigena; and it witnessed the\nfounding of the school of sequence-singers at St. Gall. To this century\nhas been traced the beautiful paschal sequence _Victimae paschali laudes\nimmolent Christiani_, one of the few which hold their place in the Roman\nMissal. Kehrein, on what seems to him good authority, ascribes the\nsequence to Wipo, the Burgundian chaplain of the Emperor Conrad II., and\nthe tutor of Henry II., who has left us several poems on historical\nevents of his time, besides a prose life of Conrad and two didactic\npoems for the edification of Henry. He was a man of unusual acquaintance\nwith classical literature, which probably led to his selection as tutor\nto the young prince. All this makes Kehrein\u2019s ascription of the sequence\nto him have an air of probability, which, however, is weakened, if not\ndestroyed, by a comparison of this with his undoubted poems. These\nemploy both the classic hexameter and the rhymed verse of his own age;\nbut in neither does he show the fine ear for rhythm which the author of\nthe _Victimae paschali laudes_ must have possessed. The sequence was one\nof those Easter hymns in which Luther took such delight, and which he\ndescribes in general terms in his _House-Postill_: \u201cIn the time of\npopery many fine hymns were sung! He that broke up hell, and overcame\nthe very Devil therein, therewith the Lord redeemed his Christendom.\u201d\nElsewhere in the same book he calls this \u201ca very beautiful hymn,\u201d\nespecially finding delight in the second verse, _Mors et Vita duello\nconflixere mirando: Dux vitae mortuus regnat vivus_. \u201cMake it who will,\nhe must have had a high and Christian understanding to have painted this\npicture with such fine gracefulness.\u201d In his commentary on Hosea, he\nagain quotes it with especial praise.\n\nTo this ninth century Koch assigns the _Virginis proles opifexque\nmatris_, which still holds its place in the Roman Breviary in a revised\nform. Less offensive to Protestant ears is the brief and beautiful\nsequence, probably of this century, _Quod chorus vatum_, which Mr. Blew\nhas translated for his _Church Hymn and Tune-Book_ (1855), and the\neditor of the _Lyra Messianica_ has copied. Here also belongs the _Ad\nDominum clamaveram_, which is one of the earliest attempts at a metrical\ntreatment of the Psalms. It consists largely of extracts from the\nfifteen Psalms of Degrees. Here also belongs the _Iste confessor\nDomini_, which still holds its place in the Roman Breviary.\n\nOf the less-known hymn-writers we may name the younger Prudentius, who,\nlike his greater namesake, was a Spaniard by birth, his family probably\nbeing one of the many which took refuge in France from the rule of the\nSaracens. Indeed, he assumed the name out of compliment to the elder\npoet\u2014a practice very reprehensible in the eyes of hymnologists, as\nincreasing the amply sufficient confusion which hangs around the\nidentity of hymn-writers. He was one of the most learned men of his\ntime, and had the manliness to defend the Augustinian doctrine of\npredestination against Hincmar of Rheims, at the time when Gottschalk\nhad brought it into ill repute by his paradoxical statement of it. But\nhe and Hincmar found common ground in opposing John Scotus Erigena, who\nasserted that the whole controversy grew out of the ascription of\ntemporal existence to the divine and eternal mind. His hymns are lost to\nus, those ascribed to him being certainly not of his authorship, unless\nperhaps the _Virgo Dei genetrix_.\n\nServatus Lupus (805-63), abbot of Ferri\u00e8res, was one of the many pupils\nof Rabanus Maurus, who rose to eminence in the Church of this age, and\nwere employed by the Karling kings in public affairs. His best monument\nis his letters, which give us a vivid picture of a time of disorder, and\nof a man of genuine capacity and honest purpose. His hymns in praise of\nSt. Wigbert are of less worth.\n\nMuch more important is Theodulph of Orleans (_ob._ 821), the author of a\nsingle hymn, which has preserved his memory not less by its own merits\nthan by its association with a beautiful but unhistorical legend of its\nauthorship. He, too, was of Spanish birth and Gothic stock. He was\nhonored and trusted by Charles the Great, and was one of the witnesses\nto his will. He was strongly imperialist in his politics, both before\nand after Charles\u2019s death opposing the inevitable separation of France\nfrom Germany, especially in his poems to Charles and his sons, which are\namong the best of that age. In 818, however, he was implicated justly or\nunjustly in the rebellion of Bernard, King of Italy, against his uncle\nthe emperor, and was imprisoned three years. While in prison he\ncomposed, tradition says, the hymn for Palm Sunday, _Gloria, laus et\nhonor_, together with other poems, as the pastime of weary hours. The\nstory runs that it was to the hymn he owed his liberation. On Palm\nSunday of 821 the Emperor Lewis the Pious was at Angers, where the\nBishop of Orleans was imprisoned in a monastery. Through an open window,\nwhen the emperor was within hearing, he sang the hymn, which so moved\nhis heart that he gave orders to set the prisoner at liberty. Another\nversion of the story is that he had taught it to the children of the\nchurch, who sang it before the emperor. The legend is discredited by the\nfact that in 821 there was a general amnesty for political offenders,\nwhich must have given him his liberty. He died within the year, by\npoison it is said.\n\nTo make the list complete we add the names of Ermanrich (_ob._ 840),\nabbot of Ellwangen in W\u00fcrtemberg; Drepanius Florus (_ob._ 860), deacon\nof the church of Lyons; Eric, a monk at Saint-Germain at Auxerre, and\nPaul Alvarez of Cordova (_ob._ 861)\u2014all of whom have left us hymns in\ncommemoration of saints.\n\nIn the chapter on Notker a full account has been given of the three\nprincipal singers of St. Gall\u2014Notker Balbulus, Tutilo, and Hartmann.\nThere are two lesser sequence-writers of that monastery who belong to\nthe same (ninth) century\u2014Ratpert and Waltram. Ratpert (_ob._ 900), like\nNotker, was a pupil of the Irishman M\u00f6ngal. He was of noble family and\nborn in the neighborhood of Zurich, and made such proficiency that he\nwas entrusted with the oversight of the outer school at St. Gall. His\n\u201cproses\u201d were composed especially for processional use and for\npilgrimages, and therefore are not sequences in the strict sense. To\nadapt them to this use he fitted them with refrains, which might be\ncaught up by those who had little familiarity with Latin. The _Rex\nsanctorum angelorum_ is the best known of them. But most important is\nhis position as the first in point of time of the German hymn-writers.\nHe wrote a German hymn in honor of St. Gall (_fecit carmen barbaricum\npopulo in laude Sancti Galli canendum_), of which unfortunately we have\nonly Ekkehard\u2019s Latin translation, made a century later.\n\nWaltram never rose above the rank of deacon at St. Gall. He was more\nfamous for his poems on secular themes, written to the music of the\nsequences, than for sequences proper. But one of the latter is ascribed\nto him.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XXX.\n              THE UNKNOWN AND THE LESS KNOWN HYMN-WRITERS.\n                     [Tenth to Sixteenth Century.]\n\n\nThe tenth century\u2014the century of the Danes, of the Normans, of the\nOthos, of the Olafs, of Dunstan, and of Cordova as a centre of\nphilosophic and scientific culture\u2014saw the general establishment of\nChristianity among the Teutonic peoples of Northern Europe. It was not\nrich in great Churchmen, great men of letters, or great hymn-writers. We\nfind in it no name great enough to deserve a separate chapter. Yet Odo\nof Cluny and Fulbert of Chartres, the two Ekkehards, and Rupert of St.\nGall are enough to show that it was not altogether barren.\n\nThis dark age was a time when the worship of Mary and the saints,\nalready on the increase in previous ages, made rapid advances. The\npractice of formal canonization of the saints dates from 993. Perhaps\nthe most characteristic hymn of the century is the _Ave Maris stella_,\nwhich has been ascribed to Venantius Fortunatus of the sixth century,\nbut cannot be older than the tenth. Daniel\u2019s final judgment was that a\nSt. Gall MS. proves it to belong here, although he formerly had thought\nit might be as early as the sixth century. Moll and Mone, however, would\nput it even later, on the theory that it borrows from one of Hermann of\nReichenau\u2019s sequences. It is one of the favorite hymns of the Roman\nCatholic Church, being found in all the breviaries, and assigned for use\nnot only at the Annunciation, to which it properly belongs, but to\nothers of the many festivals in honor of our Lord\u2019s mother. In the\nfollowing version Mr. Duffield has given the easy form of the original:\n\n  Hail, thou star of ocean,\n    God\u2019s own mother mortal,\n  Virgin ever perfect,\n    Heaven\u2019s own blessed portal.\n\n  Bright with such a message,\n    Gabriel gave thee greeting;\n  Grant us, then, thy favor,\n    Eve\u2019s defeat defeating.\n\n  Loose the prisoner\u2019s bondage,\n    Give the blind their vision,\n  Drive all evils from us,\n    Pray for our condition.\n\n  Show thyself our mother,\n    Let thy prayer avail us\n  With thy Son, our Saviour,\n    Born that naught should fail us.\n\n  Virgin pure and only,\n    Mild among all others,\n  Make us free from sinning,\n    Meek beyond our brothers.\n\nTo this century or later we must assign the _Martyr Dei qui unicum_,\nwhich (as _Invicte Martyr unicum_) still holds its place in the Roman\nBreviary; and the _Jesu Redemptor omnium_, which is similarly honored.\n\nOdo of Cluny (879-943) is the first of the three poets who have adorned\nthat famous monastic house. He was dedicated before his birth to St.\nMartin, by his father, a courtier of the Duke of Aquitaine, and became a\nmonk at Tours in fulfilment of this vow. He got such education as the\ntimes furnished, going to Paris for the sake of finding the best\nschools. He then joined the congregation of three monasteries recently\nfounded by Bernon, who was abbot of them all. At the death of Bernon he\nbecame the second abbot of Cluny, and it speaks ill for either Bernon or\nthe age that he found his work to be that of a monastic reformer even in\na young monastery. He was the most considerable figure in the French\nChurch of his time, and his advice and mediation were sought on all\nsides. As his name was a very usual one, a long series of books he did\nnot write has been fathered on him, what he really left being a\ncollection of addresses to his monks (_Collationes_), some sermons, and\na few hymns, about four in all. Of these Dr. Neale has translated the\n_Lauda, mater ecclesiae, lauda Christi_, and Mr. Chambers the _Aeterni\nPatris unice_. They commemorate Mary Magdalene, identifying her, of\ncourse, with Mary of Bethany, as Church tradition does.\n\nFulbert of Chartres (950-1028) was to France, in the second half of this\ncentury of disorder and transition, what Odo was in the first. He also\nwas from Aquitaine, and possibly of a noble family, although he seems to\ncontradict his biographers on that point when he says,\n\n            \u201cnon opibus nec sanguine fretus\n  Conscendi cathedram, pauper, de sorde levatus.\u201d\n\nHe studied at Rheims under the great scholar Gerbert, afterward Pope\nSylvester II.\u2014\u201ca pope,\u201d as Dr. D\u00f6llinger says, \u201cwho was held in great\nhonor as the most learned scholar and the most enlightened spirit of his\ntime,\u201d but afterward was regarded as an expert in the black art, and\neven as having sold himself to Satan. From him Fulbert at least learned\nno black arts. Transferred in 968 to Chartres as chancellor of the\ncathedral, with charge of its school, he made the place a centre of\nattraction to students from three nations. His scholars called him \u201cthe\nFrankish Socrates,\u201d and frequent is the reference in writers of the next\ngeneration to the delightful fellowship they had with this bright-minded\nand devout master, who taught the science of both natural and divine\nthings, entering into right human relations with each of them, and\npointing them to that knowledge which is life eternal. Even after Robert\nII. elevated him to the bishopric of Chartres, in 1007, he found time to\ntake part in the work of teaching, which he so much loved. He died in\n1028.\n\nHis letters are his chief monument, and they give us an unattractive\npicture of his age. One of them denounces bishops who have become\nsoldiers as unworthy of the name. Others tell of the murder, in the very\nporch of the cathedral, of a priest he had made the sub-dean of the\ncathedral at Sens. The friends of a rival candidate killed him, with the\nalleged connivance of the bishop of Sens! In yet another he takes to\ntask Constance, the shrew whom a just Providence awarded to Robert II.\nas his last wife. His sermons are less notable, and much given to\nMariolatry. His hymns are few in number, but one of them, the _Chorus\nnovae Hirusalem_, is a Whitsunday hymn of much beauty, yet it has not\ncommended itself to the compilers of the Roman Breviary. Mone remarks\nthat it unites classic metre with rhyme, which is true also of his hymn\nin commemoration of Martin of Tours, _Inter patres monachalis_.\n\nThe fifth abbot of Cluny, Odilo (962-1048), was a dear friend of\nFulbert\u2019s, and lamented his death. He continued the work of monastic\nreform begun by Odo, which made Cluny the centre of monastic energy and\nlife in this age. Especially was the severity of the restored rule of\nBenedict, as practised at Cluny, opposed to the laxer order established\nby the Irish monks in Germany. So absorbed was he in this work that he\nrefused to be made Archbishop of Lyons. Fulbert called him \u201cthe\narchangel of the monks.\u201d He also wrote hymns, but there are none that we\ncan attach with certainty to his name.\n\nThe same is true of Salvus, abbot of a cloister in the Christian kingdom\nof Navarre. Heriger, abbot of Lobbes (940-1009), a Flemish Benedictine\nand hagiologist, of great renown as an educator and a scholar, has left\none hymn, _Ave per quam_, and two antiphons, in honor of the Apostle\nThomas. Theodoric of Monte Casino wrote a hymn in honor of St. Maurus.\n\nTo the eleventh century we owe the beginnings of many things\u2014rag paper,\nGothic architecture, our modern musical notation, the crusades, the\ntroubadours, the peace of God, the Norman rule in England. It is the\ncentury of Hildebrand, of Peter Damiani, of Anselm of Canterbury, of the\ngreat struggle to establish the celibacy of the clergy and to abolish\nlay patronage in the Church. It is not rich in hymn-writers, but it has\nsome minor names and anonymous hymns worthy of notice.\n\nTo this century belongs the manuscript collection of old English hymns\nin Latin which the Rev. Joseph Stevenson edited for the Surtees Society\nin 1851 (_Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church, with an Interlinear\nSaxon Gloss. From a manuscript of the Eleventh Century in Durham\nLibrary_). While many of them are found equally in the breviaries and\nhymnaries of the Continent, there is a large number which seem to be\npeculiar to the English Church, and have not been traced to any\ncontinental source. None of these are very great hymns, and their\nimportance to us is partly from our interest in the work of our English\nancestors, and partly from the preference shown to them by modern\nEnglish translators. But such work as _Annis peractis mensibus_ and\n_Nuntium nobis fero de supernis_ is more than respectable. In this\nmanuscript is found the beautiful hymn for Septuagesima and succeeding\nSundays, _Alleluia, dulce carmen_, which therefore may be an old English\nhymn. It was written in accordance with the old usage that \u201cAlleluia!\u201d\nshould be sung frequently on that and the following Sundays in\npreparation for Lent. To this century Koch assigns the abecedarian hymn,\n_A patre unigenitus_, which gets almost through the alphabet in twenty\nlines, but is better than this would indicate, or Mr. Chambers would not\nhave translated it. Here belongs the _Audi, tellus, audi_, which\nunfortunately is only partly preserved in its original and unexpanded\nform. It is a judgment hymn, but not one of the greatest. The Lutherans\nused it for some time after the Reformation, and Dr. Washburn has\ntranslated it. The enlarged form recalls the _Cur mundus militat_ of\nJacoponus. Du M\u00e9ril has published a Christmas hymn of this century,\n_Congaudeat turba fidelium_, whose first six verses indicate its popular\nuse by their refrain, \u201cIn Bethlehem!\u201d It bears a close resemblance to\nmany of the fifteenth century, and may have been their model. To the\nsame editor we owe the terse and spirited Easter hymn of this same\ncentury, _Mitis agnus, leo fortis_, which has found several English\ntranslators. To this century or, at latest, to the next, we must assign\nthe very beautiful hymn in commemoration of Stephen the Protomartyr,\n_Sancte Dei pretiose_, whose popularity seems to have made it especially\ntempting to the hymn-tinkers of the Middle Ages. It is found in two\nother forms, both of them much watered; \u201cbut nobody likes inspiration\nand water,\u201d as Lowell says.\n\nTo Anselm of Canterbury, the great archbishop and theologian, seven\nhymns are assigned in the collections. They are so much below the level\nof the _Cur Deus Homo_, the _Monologion_, and the _Prosologion_ of that\ngreat master, as to suggest that they are the work of one of the lesser\nAnselms\u2014for the name was a common one in that age\u2014and that they have\nbeen assigned to him by the eagerness of his editors to swell his works,\nas has been done with many prose treatises. One of the best is a long\n\u201cPrayer to the Lord and all His Saints,\u201d beginning _Deus, pater\ncredentium_, of which Mr. Duffield says, in a manuscript note, that it\n\u201ccontains many excellent stanzas.\u201d There is another, \u201cTo Mary and all\nthe Saints,\u201d nearly as long, which shows the author\u2019s training in a\nFrench school by its use of the assonance. Yet another on Mary\nalone\u2014_Lux quae luces in tenebris_\u2014which has been broken into eight\nbrief hymns for the canonical hours. Christ as the Son and Mary herself\nare invoked in alternate verses.\n\nBetter than any of these is a little hymn which is his in the sense of\nbeing based on a fine passage of his prose meditations. This \u201csecond\nAugustine,\u201d like the first, was happier as an occasion of poetry in\nother men, than in his own verses. Here it is:\n\n\n                          TO THE HOLY SPIRIT.\n\n  Veni jam veni\n  Benignissime,\n  Dolentis animiae\n  Consolator,\n  Promptissimus\n  In opportunatibus\n  Et tribulationibus\n  Adjutor!\n\n  Veni fortitude fragilium,\n  Relevator labentium\n\n  Veni doctor humilium\n  Destructor superborum,\n  Pius pater orphanorum,\n  Dulcis vindex viduarum.\n\n  Veni spes pauperum,\n  Refocillator deficientium!\n\n  Veni navigantium\n        Sidus,\n  Naufragantium\n        Portus!\n\n  Veni omnium viventium\n  Singulare decus,\n  Morientium\n  Unica salus,\n  Veni Sancte Spiritus!\n\n\n  Come, yea and quickly come,\n    Thou gentlest guest,\n  To them of sorrowing mind,\n    Consoler blest!\n  Thou swiftest help and guide\n    In every chance,\n  And in our sharp distress\n    Deliverance.\n\n  Come, courage of the coward breast,\n  Who raisest them that sink oppressed!\n\n  Come, teacher of the humble, thou\n    Who bringest pride to dust,\n  Thou Father of the fatherless,\n    The widow\u2019s stay and trust.\n\n  Come, thou hope of poverty,\n  Reviving from despondency.\n\n  Come, thou of sailing souls\n          The Star;\n  Come, thou the port of them\n    Which shipwrecked are!\n\n  Come, thou the one renown\n    Of all that live;\n  Come, thou the single trust\n    Which death can give;\n  Come, Holy Spirit!\n\nAnother Anselm of this century is the Bishop of Lucca, who died 1086,\nand to whom is ascribed a long meditative poem on our Lord\u2019s life, in a\nkind of rhymed verse which is much more frequently met in the narrative\nor humorous poems of the next century, called Goliardic. It does not\nbelong to the lyric poetry of the Church, although a spirited hymn has\nbeen extracted by Herbert Kynaston from the passage given by Trench.\n(See _Lyra Messianica_, pp. 283, 284.) Anselm was a weak man caught in\nthe storm of the controversy over investitures, and would have ended his\ndays as a monk of Cluny, if Gregory VII. had not forbidden him. It is\nsaid that, although he had written in defence of the claims of Gregory\nagainst the anti-pope Guibert, he finally joined Guibert\u2019s party before\nhis death.\n\nGodefroy or Geofroy, Abbot of Vendome, is another hymn-writer who was\nmixed up in that controversy, but remained steadfast on the papal side.\nHe belongs both to this and the next century, having been made abbot in\n1094, and lived on till 1129 at least. Twelve times he crossed the Alps\nin the interest of the papacy, and was rewarded for his zeal by a\ncardinalate. His letters still preserve for us the picture of a zealous\nultramontane churchman; but his four \u201cproses\u201d\u2014one about our Lord\u2019s\nmother and three on Mary Magdalene\u2014are of less importance.\n\nTo Heribert (_ob._ 1042), Bishop of Eichstetten, in modern Baden\n(anciently part of Swabia), Migne (_Patrologia_, 141) ascribes a number\nof hymns, which previously had borne no other name in the collections.\nHis dominant tendency as a hymn-writer is shown by the fact that he\nwrote five hymns beginning _Ave Maria, gratia plena_, none of which,\nhowever, is the well-known hymn beginning with those words. That belongs\nto a later century. The best of his hymns are that to all saints, _Omnes\nsuperni ordines_, and that to the cross, _Salve crux sancta, salve mundi\ngloria_, of which Prior Aylward has furnished a spirited version to Mr.\nShipley\u2019s _Annus Sanctus_. Of the author we can learn nothing more than\nhis date and location.\n\nThe succession of sequence-writers in Southern Germany was kept up\nthrough this century by Gottschalk and the fourth Ekkehard of St. Gall.\nOf Gottschalk we know little more than that he studied under a master,\nHeinrich, in an unnamed monastery of South Germany, to whom Schubiger\n(_Die S\u00e4ngerschule St. Gallens_, 1858) assigns the _Ave praeclara Maris\nstella_ (see p. 163), on the authority of a manuscript he believes to be\nolder than Hermann Contractus. Of Gottschalk\u2019s own sequences there are\nbut three which certainly are his, and they all are prosy. If he and not\nsome French Gottschalk of this century be the author of the _O Deus,\nmiseri misereri servi_, which Daniel (IV., 173) copies from Du M\u00e9ril, it\nis better than any of his sequences. Du M\u00e9ril inclines to ascribe it to\nthe Gottschalk of the ninth century, whom we met in the history of\nRabanus Maurus. Ekkehard IV. is memorable only for his Latin version of\nthe German hymn by Ratpert in honor of St. Gall, of which the original\nis lost.\n\nThe twelfth century is that of the great Crusades, of Bernard and\nAbelard, and Peter the Venerable, and Hildebert and Adam of St. Victor.\nThe age also of Thomas Becket, Peter Lombard, and Saladin. The Civil Law\nwas rediscovered at Amalfi; the Canon Law digested by Gratian; the\nage-long conflict of Guelphs and Ghibellines began, to end only with the\npolitical ruin of Germany and the dismemberment of the Empire.\n\nIt was a time of great intellectual activity in Western Europe. The\nuniversities took their rise now, although not known by that name till\nthe next century. In the national literatures of France and Germany it\nwas the springtime of a new age\u2014the age of the troubadours and the\ntrouv\u00e8res, of the Minnesingers, and the popular romances. In Latin\nhymnology no century was more fertile in great things than this.\n\nOf the anonymous hymns traced to this century there are several of great\nbeauty. The hymn on the Apostles, _Exultet coelum laudibus_, holds its\nplace in the Roman Breviary in a much diluted revision. It shows a close\nstudy of Scripture and great command of terse expression. The Easter\nhymn, _Finita jam sunt praelia_, generally is given with a double\nAlleluia prefixed. Daniel refers it to this century; Neale to the next.\nIt is known to English readers by the versions of Rev. Francis Pott\n(\u201cThe strife is o\u2019er, the victory won!\u201d) and of Dr. Neale (\u201cFinished is\nthe battle now\u201d), both of great merit. Exactly the same difference of\nauthorities we find as to the date of the _O filii et filiae_, another\nEaster hymn of great beauty and still more honored by the preferences of\nthe translators, but ignored by the collectors, Professor March\nexcepted. The Passion hymn, _Patris Sapientia, veritas divina_, has been\nbandied about among many supposed authors, two popes of the fourteenth\ncentury included. It is in the \u201cGoliardic\u201d metre we find in Anselm of\nLucca, which was widely used in the satirical poetry of this century. It\ntherefore probably belongs here, and may be the work of the \u201cEgidius\nEpiscopus\u201d specified in one copy of the hymn. A third Easter hymn, the\n_Surrexit Christe hodie_, may be as old as this century, as there is a\nGerman hymn of this century which borrows from it, _Christus ist\nerstanden_. In its Latin, indeed, lies the germ of many later Easter\nhymns, including that of Charles Wesley, \u201cChrist the Lord is risen\nto-day.\u201d It is itself the simplest and truest expansion of the Easter\nmorning greeting of the early Christian Church, when its members, as\nthey met each other on the street on that Sunday, substituted \u201cChrist is\nrisen!\u201d for the usual \u201cPeace be with you!\u201d That was the word of\nconfession by which the Church\u2019s Easter joy in the triumph of good over\nevil, light over darkness, the spiritual springtide over spiritual\nwinter, was proclaimed to a joyless and despairing world.\n\nTo this century also belongs the Advent sequence, _Veni, veni Emmanuel!_\nSo Dr. Neale thinks, but Professor Daniel hesitates. It undoubtedly is\nbased on the eight \u201cGreater Antiphons,\u201d which were sung at the Vesper\nservice on the eight days preceding Christmas (_O Sapientia_, etc.), of\nwhich a metrical version by Lord Nelson and others is in the Hymnal of\nthe Episcopal Church. At least as old as this century is the very\nbeautiful sequence on the life of Christ, _In sapientia disponens\nomnia_, which Mone found in a MS. of this century, and Trend (_Lyra\nMystica_) and Crippen have translated. The two halves of the sequence\ndiffer in a marked way in their metrical structure.\n\nOf the lesser hymn-writers of the century, Marbod is the most\nproductive. Like Fulbert and Odilo, he might as well be credited to the\nlast century as to this. He was the son of a fur dealer at Angers, named\nRobert, became Bishop of Rennes, and died a monk at St. Aubin in 1123.\nHe had the fighting qualities of the Angevins, whose churches are full\nof the tombs not of saints, but of armed warriors, Michelet says. He\ntook such an active and aggressive part in a dispute over the election\nof a bishop of Angers that the other party made him their prisoner and\ncarried him out of the _m\u00e9l\u00e9e_. But it was his eminence as a Latin poet\nfor which his age most valued him. When he died the monks of St. Aubin\nannounced the fact in a circular letter, and Ulger, Bishop of Angers,\nanticipated the extravagance of Dryden\u2019s epigram on Milton in his\npraises of his friend:\n\n  \u201cCessit ei Cicero, cessit Maro\n            Junctus Homero.\u201d\n\nBeaugendre in 1708 collected his poems and published them along with\nthose of his contemporary, Hildebert of Tours. They are mostly versified\nlegends of the saints, with a long poem, _De Gemmis_, interesting and\ncurious as showing the \u201cmystical\u201d associations of the mediaeval mind\nwith precious stones. From this Mone gives the interpretation of the\nprecious stones in the heavenly Jerusalem, beginning _Cives coelestis\npatriae_. More hymn like in character is the _Deus-Homo rex coelorum_,\nwhich Chancellor Benedict has translated from Trench\u2019s anthology:\n\n  Deus-Homo, Rex coelorum,\n  Miserere Miserorum;\n  Ad peccandum proni sumus,\n  Et ad humum redit humus;\n  Tu ruinam nostri fulci\n  Pietate tua dulci.\n  Quid est homo, proles Adae\n  Germen necis, dignum clade.\n  Quid est homo nisi vermis,\n  Res infirma, res inermis.\n  Ne digneris huic irasci,\n  Qui non potest mundus nasci\n  Noli Deus, hunc damnare,\n  Qui non potest non peccare;\n  Judicare non est equum\n  Creaturam, non est tecum;\n  Non est miser homo tanti,\n  Ut respondeat Tonanti.\n  Sicut umbra, sicut fumus,\n  Sicut foenum facti sumus;\n  Miserere, Rex coelorum,\n  Miserere miserorum.\n\n\n  Thou God-man in heaven above us,\n  Look upon us, Lord, and love us.\n  We to sin are always tending,\n  Earth with earth is always blending.\n  Thou, O Lord, from ruin save us\n  Through the hope thy goodness gave us.\n  What is man from Adam springing?\n  Born of sin, destruction bringing.\n  What is man but worm degraded,\n  Weak and helpless when unaided?\n  Make not him thy wrath inherit,\n  Who cannot thy favor merit.\n  Born to be a sinful being;\n  Damn him not, thou God all-seeing.\n  To condemn thy helpless creature\n  Is not worthy of thy nature;\n  Wretched man is not sufficient,\n  Lord, to answer the omniscient.\n  Made like smoke and shadow fleeting,\n  Like the hay the tempest meeting,\n  Pity, Lord in heaven above us,\n  Wretched sinners! save and love us.\n\nThere are two notable sequences attributed to the nun Hildegard of\nBingen (1104-78), a visionary and prophetess who commanded the respect\nof Bernard and his pupil, Pope Eugenius, by her castigations of the\ndisorders of Christendom, as did Birgitta of Sweden and Catherine of\nSienna in a later period. There is extant a letter of hers to Bernard,\nwritten during his visit to Germany to preach the second crusade, in\nwhich she explains in very imperfect Latin the nature of her gift. Her\nlife was begun by Gottfried and finished by Theodorich, monk of Trier. A\ncomparison of her works\u2014the _Scivias_ and the _Liber Divinorum\nOperum_\u2014with the letter to Bernard on the one hand, and Theodorich\u2019s\npart of the biography on the other, makes it very evident that the monk\nwrote her works as well as her life; and how much of her genuine\nprophecies he worked into them we are unable to say. It therefore is not\ndecisive as to her authorship that the _O ignis Spirit\u00fbs Paracliti_ and\nthe _O virga ac diadema_ are found in the manuscripts of her works, and\nthat Theodorich vouches for the former. The author of these sequences\nhad no acquaintance with the metrical principles of the school of St.\nGall, and seems to have taken the Latin psalter as a model. Dr.\nLittledale, in his version of the former, substitutes a stricter\nmetrical form.\n\nPierre de Corbeil was successively teacher of theology at Paris\u2014where he\nhad Innocent III. among his pupils\u2014Bishop of Cambray, and in 1200\nArchbishop of Sens. Innocent employed him on important missions, and he\nwas a man of note in the Church and State of his age. A manuscript still\npreserved in the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale of Paris contains a satire on\nmarried men which is ascribed to him (_Satyra adversus eos qui Uxores\nducunt_). But it is a very different kind of poem which entitles him to\nmention here, his hymn\n\n\n                       TRINITAS, UNITAS, DEITAS.\n\n          Trinity, unity, Deity\n            Eternal;\n          Majesty, potency, purity\n            Supernal!\n\n  Stone and mountain, rock and fountain,\n        Breath and bridge most certain,\n              Travelled way;\n  Sun and light and brightness, snowy peak in whiteness,\n              Perfect day!\n\n      Thou art lover and giver,\n      Creator, receiver,\n      Redeemer,\n          And door unto life;\n\n      Thou art favor and fitness\n      And splendor and brightness\n      And fragrance,\n          Where deadness is rife.\n\n      Thou art highest and nighest;\n      Of monarchs the king, and of statutes the spring,\n      And the judge\u2014\n          Whom angels adore:\n\n      These laud thee, applaud thee,\n      And chant in their song, as they praise loud and long,\n      Whom they love\u2014\n          Thy saints evermore.\n\n      Thou art greatness and oneness\u2014\n      The flower as it shineth, the rose as it twineth;\n      Then rule us and save us\n          And bring us before thee\n                In glory\n          And joy, we implore thee.\n\n      Thou art God in thy justice\n      And trueness and goodness;\n      Thou art wholly and solely\n          The Lord!\u2014\n      To thee be the glory\n          Which saints, in the highest, accord.\n\nPietro Gonella, a Franciscan monk of Tortona in Piedmont, is the reputed\nauthor of a long meditative poem on the miseries and follies of life and\nthe certainty of death and judgment, which Du M\u00e9ril found in a\nmanuscript of this century. If he be not mistaken as to the date of the\nmanuscript, of course, Eug. de Levis (_Anecdota Sacra_, Turin, 1789) is\nwrong in ascribing it to Pietro, as there were no Franciscans in the\ntwelfth century. The chronology is important because of the relation of\nthe poem to the _Dies Irae_. In point of metrical form they differ only\nin this _Heu! Heu! mala mundi vita_ (better known as the _Cum revolvo\ntoto corde_, from the opening line of its second part), having four\nlines to the verse instead of three. In point of sense the resemblances\nare so striking as to suggest that Thomas of Celano has ploughed with\nthe heifer of his earlier countryman. In proof of this take these\nstanzas:\n\n  Terret me dies terroris,\n  Irae dies et furoris,\n  Dies luctus et moeroris,\n  Dies ultrix peccatoris.\n\n      Veniet Judex de coelis,\n      Testis verax et fidelis,\n      Veniet et non silebit,\n      Judicabit nec timebit.\n\n\n  Expavesco quidem multum\n  Venturi Judicis vultum,\n  Cui latebit nil occultum,\n  Et manebit nil inultum.\n\n      Juste quidem judicabit,\n      Nec personam acceptabit,\n      Pretio non corrumpetur,\n      Sed nec precibus flectetur.\n\n\n  Et quis nostr\u00fbm non timebit,\n  Quando Judex apparebit,\n  Ante quem ignis ardebit,\n  Peccatores qui delebit.\n\n      Judicabit omnes gentes\n      Et salvabit innocentes,\n      Arguet omnes potentes\n      Et deliciis fluentes.\n\nEspecially notable are the stanzas:\n\n  Dies illa, dies vitae,\n  Dies lucis inauditae,\n  Et mors ipsa morietur,\n  Qua nox omnis destruetur.\n\n      Jam festinat rex coelestis,\n      Judex noster atque testis,\n      Festinanter apparebit,\n      Omnis caro quem videbit.\n\n\n  Ecce Rex desideratus\n  Et a justis expectatus\n  Jam festinat exoratus,\n  Ad salvandum praeperatus.\n\n      Apparebit nec tardabit,\n      Veniet et demonstrabit\n      Gloriam, quam praestolantur,\n      Qui pro fide tribulantur.\n\nIf nothing whatever had been known as to the date of the two poems, we\nshould have pronounced this an expansion of the _Dies irae, dies illa_\nby a later poet, who had two objects in view: the first, to sharpen to\nthe conscience of his readers the warnings of the impending judgment;\nthe second, to complete the poem by bringing the joys of the judgment\nmore prominently into view. And with all respect for Edelestand du\nM\u00e9ril\u2019s judgment, we would like to have more light on the date of his\nmanuscript.\n\nA manuscript still preserved at Liege in Belgium contains the letters of\nGuido of Basoches, which is either Bas-oha, a village near that city,\nor, as Mone thinks, a place near Ch\u00e2teaudun in France. Among these\nletters are given a number of hymns, which he sends to his\ncorrespondents. They show some power of versification, but nothing more,\nand are defaced by conceits and puns. Thus he puts the name of Stephen\nthrough the six cases of the Latin grammar in as many verses of a hymn.\n\nThere are five writers of this century, each of whom is credited with a\nsingle hymn. Rudolph of Radegg, a schoolmaster of Einsiedeln, wrote a\nhymn in honor of St. Meinrad, which begins _Nunc devota silva tota_. To\nThomas Becket is ascribed the _Gaude Virgo, Mater Christi, Quia..._. It\nis said to be his in a manuscript of the fifteenth century. To another\nEnglishman, Bertier, is ascribed the only Latin hymn in the collections\nwhich relates directly to the Crusades, _Juxta Threnos Jeremiae_. It\nfirst appears in the chronicle of Roger of Hoveden, with the statement\nthat Bertier wrote it in 1188. Last is Aelred (1104-66), who seems to\nhave been a lowland Scotchman by birth, and to have shared the education\nof Henry, son of King David of Scotland. King David wished to make him a\nbishop, but he preferred the life of a monk. He made his way to the\nCistercian monastery at Rievaulx in Yorkshire (not Revesby in\nLincolnshire, as some say), and there spent his days, becoming abbot in\n1146. That he was a most lovable man we must infer from his sermons to\nhis monks. He is one of the few preachers in Dr. Neale\u2019s _Mediaeval\nPreachers and Preaching_ (London, 1856), of whom we wish for more. His\nepitaph likens him, among others, to Bernard of Clairvaux, and the\ncomparison is apposite. He was an English Bernard, with less personal\nforce and grasp of intellect, but with the same gentleness and\nfriendliness. His one hymn is the _Pax concordat universa_, which is\nfound in his works, but not in any of the collections. The theme is\ncongenial.\n\nThe thirteenth century, the century of Francis and Dominic, of Aquinas\nand Bonaventura, of Thomas of Celano and Jacoponus, is the age of the\ngiants.\n\nIts anonymous hymns worthy of special mention are few in number. One of\nthe most beautiful is the Easter hymn, _Cedit frigus hiemale_, in which\nthe coincidence of Easter with spring furnishes the starting-point. It\nis probably French. The _Ave quem desidero_ is a rosary hymn, which\nrehearses our Lord\u2019s life, with a verse for each of the beads, which\nsurely is better than the usual _Ave Marias_. The use of rosaries is\nvery ancient\u2014pre-Christian even\u2014but it was with the rise of the\nDominican Order in this century that it became a sanctioned practice.\nThe _Jesu Salvator seculi_ and the _O Trinitas laudabilis_ have been\ntraced no further back than to this age; but they preserve the tone and\nstyle of the school of Ambrose. So the _Mysteriorum signifer_, in honor\nof the Archangel Michael, recalls an earlier age, while the _Jesu dulce\nmedicamen_ suggests the school of Bernard. This beautiful hymn has both\nthoughtfulness and unction to commend it. It represents the sounder\ntradition of Christian teaching in the mediaeval Church, and has been\nneglected unduly by Protestant translators. Mr. Crippen is the only one\nwho has rendered it, and also the _Juste judex Jesu Christe_, a hymn of\nthe same age and much the same character. Notable Marian hymns are the\n_Gaude virgo, stella Maris_, _Salve porta chrystallina_, and the _Verbum\nbonum et suave_; with which may be named that to St. John, _Verbum Dei\nDeo natum_, often ascribed to Adam of St. Victor, and certainly of his\nschool. Also of that school is the vigorous hymn in commemoration of St.\nPaul, _Paulus Sion architecta_. We add the terse and forceful hymn in\ncommemoration of Augustine of Hippo, _Salve pater Augustine_, and the\nstill finer in commemoration of the martyrs of the Church, _O beata\nbeatorum martyrum certamina_, which has found translators in both Dr.\nNeale and Mr. Chambers. It is defective, as making them and not Christ\nthe central theme.\n\nSt. Edmund, the archbishop who gave up the see of Canterbury because his\nheart was broken between the demands of the Pope and the exactions of\nthe king, and died (1240) an exile in a French monastery, is credited\nwith two Marian hymns, one of which is a \u201cpsalter,\u201d or hymn of one\nhundred and fifty stanzas. They are not of great importance. Another is\nascribed to Robert Grosstete, Bishop of Lincoln (died 1253), one of the\ngreat Churchmen who spoke the truth to the see of Rome. He was the\nfriend of Simon de Montfort and of the Friars, and the foremost\nChurchman of England in his time, as zealous for the reformation of the\nclergy of his diocese and the maintenance of the Church\u2019s rights against\nthe King as for its relative independence of the Roman curia. The _Ave\nDei genetrix_ ascribed to him exists only in a revised and not improved\nshape. Its twelve verses each begin with a word from the angelic\nsalutation. The author seems to have borrowed from a hymn of Peter\nDamiani.\n\nTo Hugo, a Dominican monk, who was Bishop of Strasburg toward the close\nof the century, and had taught theology with success, is ascribed the\n_Ave mundi domina_, in which Mary is greeted as a fiddle\u2014_Ave dulcis\nfigella_!\n\nThe fourteenth century, like the seventh, furnishes us with the name of\nnot a single hymn-writer of real eminence, and of very few who are not\neminent. Yet this century and the next exceed all others in the number\nof the hymns, which either certainly were written in this age, or can be\ntraced no farther back. But the quality falls short as the quantity\nincreases. Mary and the saints are the favorite themes; and those two\ngreat repositories of perverted praise, the second and third volumes of\nMone\u2019s collection, bear emphatic witness to the extent to which the\nhierarchy of saints and angels had come to eclipse the splendors of the\nWhite Throne and even of the Cross. There is not a single hymn of the\nhighest rank which we can ascribe to these centuries of decay, when the\nMiddle Ages were passing to their death, to make way for the New\nLearning and the Reformation. But the great revival, which first swept\nover Italy and then reached Germany about 1470, which showed its power\nin the revival of \u201cstrict observance\u201d in the mendicant orders, in the\nmultiplication of new devotions and pilgrimages, and the accumulation of\nrelics\u2014that revival which laid such a powerful grasp on young Martin\nLuther and made a monk of him\u2014bore abundant fruit in hymns both in Latin\nand the vernacular languages. It is a sign of the new age that the\nlanguage consecrated by Church use no longer has a monopoly of\nhymn-writing, but men begin to praise as well as to hear in their own\ntongues the wonderful works of God.\n\nThe reverence for the Virgin reaches its height in the _Te Matrem\nlaudamus_ and the _Veni, praecelsa domina_, parodies of the _Te Deum_\nand the _Veni, sancte Spiritus_, which have nothing but ingenuity and\noffensiveness to commend them to Protestant readers. Of genuine poetical\nmerit are the _Regina coeli laetare_ and _Stella maris, O Maria_. Of the\ndeluge of hymns in commemoration of the saints, we notice only the\n_Nardus spirat in odorem_, which indicates the growing worship of our\nLord\u2019s grandmother, by which Luther was captivated; the _Collaudemus\nMagdalena_ of the Sarum Breviary, which Daniel calls \u201ca very sweet hymn\u201d\n(_suavissimus hymnus_). From it is extracted the _Unde planctus et\nlamentum_, of which Mr. Duffield has made the following translation.\nBoth Mr. Chambers and Mr. Morgan have translated the whole hymn.\n\n\n                       UNDE PLANCTUS ET LAMENTUM.\n\n  Whence this sighing and lamenting?\n    Why not lift thy heart above?\n  Why art thou to signs consenting,\n    Knowing not whom thou dost love?\n  Seek for Jesus! Thy repenting\n    Shall obtain what none might prove.\n\n  Whence this groaning and this weeping?\n    For the purest joy is thine;\n  In thy breast thy secret keeping\n    Of a balm, lest thou repine;\n  Hidden there whilst thou art reaping\n    Barren care for peace divine.\n\nIn the _Spe mercede et corona_ we have the Churchly view of Thomas\nBecket\u2019s career and its bloody end; and the _O Rex, orbis triumphator_\nand _Urbs Aquensis, urbs regalis_ represent the German effort to raise\nCharles the Great to a place among the saints of the calendar.\n\nHymns which deal with much greater themes are the metrical antiphon,\n_Veni, sancte Spiritus, Reple_, whose early translations hold a high\nplace in German hymnology; the _Recolamus sacram coenam_, which Mone\nwell characterizes as a side-piece to the great communion hymn of Thomas\nAquinas, _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem_. Like that, it aims at stating the\ndoctrine of Transubstantiation in its most paradoxical form (_stat esus\ninteger_). The century furnishes several pretty Christmas hymns\u2014_En\nTrinitatis speculum_, _Dies est laetitiae_, _Nunc angelorum gloria_,\n_Omnis mundus jucundetur_, and _Resonet in laudibus_\u2014all of German\norigin seemingly and early known to the German people by translations.\nThis is the festival which the childlike and child-loving Teutons always\nhave made the most of; and these hymns, with others of the next century,\nare among the earliest monuments of the fact. To this, or possibly the\nnext century, belongs the mystical prayer-hymn, _Anima Christi,\nsanctifica me_, which came to be ascribed to Ignatius Loyola, because it\nwas a favorite with him.\n\nThe most notable hymn-writer of the century is Conrad, prior of Gaming,\na town in Lower Austria, where he lived during the reign of Charles IV.\n(1350-78). We have his manuscript collection in a copy made in the next\ncentury and preserved at M\u00fcnchen. It contains thirty-seven hymns which\nprobably are his, and many of them certainly so. Some certainly are\nrecasts of earlier hymns. Thus he has tinkered Hildebert\u2019s great hymn,\nwithout at all improving it. Most of his hymns relate to Mary, the\napostles, and the other saints of the Church. His hymns show a certain\nfacility in the use of Latin verse, but no force of original\ninspiration. They are correct metrically and, from the standpoint of his\nChurch, theologically. The _O colenda Deitas_ is the most notable.\n\nFrom the same quarter of Germany and the banks of the same Ems River,\nEngelbert, Benedictine abbot of Admont in Styria (died 1331), offers us\na Marian psalter, which has been ascribed to Thomas Aquinas, but of\nwhich two verses content even Mone. Aegidius, Archbishop of Burgos in\nSpain, from 1295 to 1315, has written a hymn to the alleged portrait of\nChrist impressed on the handkerchief of Veronica. It is in the\nrollicking Goliardic metre, but the subject is handled with skill and\nsuccess. It has been conjectured that he is the author of the _Patris\nsapientia_ in the same metre, which some put back to the twelfth century\nand others ascribe to Pope Benedict XII., who died in 1342. This is one\nof the many hymns to whose recitation an indulgence was attached.\n\nThat the fifteenth century saw the invention of printing is a cardinal\nfact for the hymnologist. It was especially in the service of the Church\nthat the new art found employment, and more missals, breviaries, and\nother Church books were printed between its discovery, in 1452, and the\nbeginning of the Reformation, than of any other class of books. From\nthis time, therefore, we have to deal with both written and printed\nsources, and printing was the means of saving a multitude of good hymns\nand sequences which else might have been lost utterly. The century also\nwitnesses that great revival of learning to whose advancement printing\ncontributed greatly, and which in its turn prepared men for the\nReformation. We have seen in the chapter on the two breviaries how it\naffected the editing of old hymns and the writing of new. But this does\nnot begin until the sixteenth century.\n\nAs in the case of the preceding century, we are embarrassed by the\nabundance of bad, mediocre, and middling good hymns, by the fewness of\nthose which are really good, and the absence of such as would be\nentitled to take the highest rank. The best of the anonymous which we\ncan trace farther back than to the printed breviaries are the\ncontinuation of the series of German Christmas hymns, whose beginning we\nnoticed in the fourteenth century. Such are the _In natali Domini_, the\n_Nobis est natus hodie_, the _Quem pastores laudav\u00eare_, the _Puer nobis\nnascitur_, the _Eia mea anima_, the _Verbum caro factum est_, and the\n_Puer natus in Bethlehem_. Of the last, Dr. A. R. Thompson\u2019s translation\nis as follows:\n\n\n                        PUER NATUS IN BETHLEHEM.\n\n  The child in Bethlehem is born,\n  Hail, O Jerusalem, the morn!\n\n  Here lies he in the cattle-stall\n  Whose kingdom boundless is withal.\n\n  The ox and ass do recognize\n  This Child, their Master from the skies.\n\n  Kings from the East are journeying,\n  Gold, frankincense, and myrrh they bring.\n\n  Who, entering in turn the place,\n  The new King greet with lowly grace.\n\n  Seed of the woman lies he there,\n  And no man\u2019s son, this Child so fair.\n\n  Unwounded by the serpent\u2019s sting,\n  Of our own blood comes in the King.\n\n  Like us in mortal flesh is he,\n  Unlike us in his purity.\n\n  That so he might restore us men\n  Like to himself and God again.\n\n  Wherefore, on this his natal day,\n  Glad, to our Lord, we homage pay.\n\n  We praise the Holy Trinity,\n  And render thanks, O God, to thee!\n\nWhat Ruskin remarks of the disposition of the art of the time to dwell\non the darker side of things\u2014to insist on the seeming preponderance of\ndarkness over light, death over life\u2014is seen also in its hymns. The\nAdvent hymn, _Veni, veni, rex gloriae_, is as gloomy a lucubration as\never was associated with a Church festival. The _Homo tristis esto_,\nwhich is a study of the Lord\u2019s passion apart from His resurrection, is\nhardly more gloomy. But other poets have more joyful strains. In the\n_Haec est dies triumphalis_ we have an Easter hymn, and an Ascension\nhymn in the _Coelos ascendit hodie_, which are fittingly joyful; and in\nthe _Spiritus sancte gratia_ an invocation of the Comforter more prosaic\nthan its great predecessors, but with its own place in the presentation\nof that great theme. A rather fine Trinity hymn is the _O Pater, sancte,\nmitis atque pie_, written in a sort of sapphic verse with iambic feet\nbefore the caesura, and trochaic following it, the feet in each case\nbeing determined by accent, not quantity. Mr. Chambers and Mr. Hewett\nboth have translated it.\n\nOf the innumerable hymns and sequences to the saints, we notice that our\nLord\u2019s grandmother comes in for an increasing share. Mone in his third\nvolume gives twenty-five, of which sixteen belong to this century and\neight to the fourteenth. It is significant that one of them, _O stella\nmaris fulgida_, is a hymn to Mary, which was altered to the new devotion\nto her mother. She is hailed in others as the \u201crefuge of sinners\u201d\n(_peccantibus refugium_), and declared immaculate (_Anna labe carens_),\nand exalted in a way which suggests that the other members of the\ngenealogical line which connects our Lord with Adam have been neglected\nmost unfairly. Why stop with His grandmother and exclude His\ngrandfather? It was in the next century that the cult of Joseph came to\nthe front. Of the Marian hymns of this time the _Virginis in gremio_ is\nabout the best, and the _Ave hierarchia_ comes next. The _Ave Martha\ngloriosa_, in commemoration of Martha of Bethany, is a fine hymn in\nitself, and interesting as one of a group of hymns composed in Southern\nFrance in honor of this particular saint. A Church myth brings her to\nProvence to kill the monster (_\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2_) from which Tarascon takes its\nname, and the Church at Arles still bears a sculptured representation of\nthe victory. Her real function in Provence was to take the place of the\nMartis or Brito-Martis, who was the chief loyal deity, and from whom\nMarseilles probably took its name. She was either of Cretan or\nPhoenician origin, and corresponded to the Greek Artemis, her name\nmeaning Blessed Maiden. So her myth was transferred to the over-busy\nwoman of Judea\n\n    _Per te serpens est subversus,_\n\nwhich saved a great deal of trouble.\n\nA hymn to the crown of thorns, _Sacrae Christi celebremus_, is quite in\nthe manner of Adam of St. Victor; the same marvellous ingenuity of\nallusion to remote Scripture facts, and the same technical mastery of\nflowing verse. The _Novum sidus exoritur_ is the oldest Transfiguration\nhymn\u2014that being now a Church festival\u2014and by no means the worst.\n\nThe sequence on the Three Holy Kings (or Magi), who brought offerings to\nthe infant Saviour, which begins _Majestati sacrosanctae_, is referred\nby some critics to the next century. But as it occurs in the list of\nsequences which Joachim Brander, a monk of St. Gall, drew up in 1507 for\nAbbot Franz von Gaisberg of that monastery, it probably belongs to the\nfifteenth century. Brander enumerates three hundred and seventy-eight\nsequences, specifying their subjects and authors, the latter not always\nsuccessfully, and closes with that which Franz von Gaisberg composed in\nhonor of Notker Balbulus. His list will be found in Daniel\u2019s fifth\nvolume. Of this, in commemoration of the three kings, whose relics are\nsupposed to rest in the cathedral at Koeln (Cologne), he says that it is\nbeautiful and one of the best. Mr. Duffield has left a translation of\npart:\n\n  \u201cA threefold gift three kings have brought\n  To Christ, God-man, who once was wrought\n      In flesh and spirit equally;\n  A God triune by gifts adored\u2014\n  Three gifts which mark one perfect Lord,\n      Whose essence is triunity.\n\n  \u201cThey bring him myrrh, frankincense, gold;\n  Outweighing wealth of kings untold\u2014\n      A type in which the truth is known.\n  The gifts are three, the emblems three:\n  Gold for the king, incense to deity,\n      And myrrh, by which his death is shown.\u201d\n\nOf hymn-writers, the most prolific is Jean Momboir, generally known by\nhis Latin name Johannes Mauburnus. He was born in 1460 and died in 1503,\nand was a Canon Regular in the congregation founded by the Brethren of\nthe Common Life in the Low Countries. He lived for a time at Mount St.\nAgnes, which makes his emphatic testimony as to the authorship of the\n_De Imitatione_ of especial importance. His huge ascetic work, the\n_Spiritual Rosegarden_ (_Rosetum spirituale_) made him famous, and he\nwas invited to France to reform the Canons Regular, according to the\nstrict observance used in the Low Countries. He was thus, like John\nStaupitz, a representative of the current revival of that age, which\ntended to greater austerity, not to faith and joy. He spent the last six\nyears of his life in this labor, dying at Paris in 1503. He was the\nfriend and correspondent of Erasmus. His hymns generally begin with an\nO, and seem to be written on a system like that of the scholastic\ntreatises. Indeed, his _Rosegarden_, both by its bulk and its method,\nsuggests a _Summa_ of Christian devotion. From his poem, _Eia mea\nanima_, given, there has been extracted the pretty Christmas hymn, _Heu\nquid jaces stabulo_, which has been translated several times into\nEnglish and German.\n\nNext to him comes Casimir, Crown Prince of Poland, whose _Omni die dic\nMariae_ is a Marian hymn in one hundred and twenty six verses. Father\nRagey, however, asserts in _Les Annales de Philosophie Chretienne_ for\nMay and June, 1883, that Casimir is not the author but the admirer of\nthese verses, that they are an extract from a poem in eleven hundred\nverses, and that Anselm of Canterbury is the probable author. On this he\nbases an argument for the reconciliation of England to the Church, which\nis devoted to the cult of our Lord\u2019s mother. The poem, whosoever wrote\nit, is a fine one\u2014too good, Protestants will think, for the theme, and\ntoo good to take its place among the other verses ascribed to Anselm of\nCanterbury. Here also there is room to ask a close examination of the\nmanuscripts to which Father Ragey appeals, with reference to their\ndates. The controversy over the antiquity of the _Quicunque vult salvus\nesse_ and the authorship of the _Imitation_ suggest caution in taking\nthe _ipse dixit_ of diplomatists.\n\nTo an unknown Babo, and to Jacob, schoolmaster of Muldorf, are\nattributed Marian hymns of no great value. More important is Dionysius\nRyckel (1394-1471), a Belgian Carthusian, the character of whose\nmultitudinous writings is indicated by his title, _Doctor Ecstaticus_.\nHe wrote a _Comment on Certain Ancient Hymns of the Church_ (_Enarratio\nin Hymnos aliquot veteres ecclesiasticos_), which puts him next to\nRadulph de Rivo (_ob._ 1403) among the earliest of the hymnologists. To\nDionysius is ascribed also the long poem on the Judgment, from which\nMone has given an extract\u2014_Homo, Dei creatura_, etc.\u2014by way of\ncomparison with the _Dies Irae_ and the _Cum revolvo toto corde_. It\nevidently has been influenced by the former, but is devoted to a picture\nof eternal torment.\n\nTo John Huss we owe the beautiful Communion hymn, _Jesus Christus,\nnoster salus_, which shows that his alleged heresies did not touch the\nChurch doctrine on this point.\n\nTo Peter of Dresden, schoolmaster of Zwickau in 1420, and afterward\ndescribed as a Hussite or a Waldensian, is ascribed the\n\n  \u201cIn dulci jubilo\n  Nu singet und seit fro,\u201d\n\nwhich is the type of the mixed hymns of this age. It was his purpose to\nsecure the introduction of hymns in the vernacular into the Church\nservices, as his friend Jakob of Misa sought to do in Bohemia. In mixed\nhymns of this kind he seems to have tried to find the sharp end of the\nwedge. Some ascribe to him the _Puer natus in Bethlehem_, which also\nexists in the mixed form. Both hymns long stood in the Lutheran\nhymn-books in the mixed form,\u2014for instance, in the _Marburg Hymn-Book_,\nwhich was used by the Lutherans of Colonial Pennsylvania.\n\nThe invention of printing from movable types, about 1452, by Johann\nGutenberg of Mainz marks an era in Latin hymnology, because of the\nprompt use of the new method to multiply the Church books in use in the\nvarious dioceses. In every part of Western Europe, from Aberdeen, Lund,\nand Trondhjem, on the north, to the shores of the Mediterranean, the\nmissals, breviaries, and hymnaries were given to the early printers,\nwith the result of bringing to light many fine hymns and sequences whose\nuse had been merely local. The Sarum Breviary and Missal and those of\nRome and Paris were printed more frequently than any other. To the Sarum\nBreviary we owe the fine Transfiguration hymns\u2014_Coelestis formam\ngloriae_ and _O nata lux de lumine_ and _O sator rerum reparator aevi_,\nwhich Anglican translators have made into English hymns; to the Missal\nthe fine sequence on the crown of thorns, _Si vis vere gloriari_, of\nwhich Dr. Whewell published a translation in _Frazer\u2019s Magazine_ for\nMay, 1849. To the York Processional (1530) we owe the four \u201cproses\u201d\nwhich begin _Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo_, which suggest to\nDaniel that \u201cin England also there was no lack of those who celebrated\nthe divine majesty in very sweet hymns.\u201d\n\nTo the Breviary and Missal of Trondhjem (Drontheim, anciently Nidaros)\nwe owe some of the finest hymns and sequences recovered at this time. Of\nthese the _Jubilemus cordis voce_ is the most characteristic and perhaps\nthe most beautiful\u2014full of local color and characteristic love of\nnature. Mr. Morgan has translated it; but the dedication hymn, _Sacrae\nSion adsunt encaenia_, has found more favor with Anglican translators,\nand commends itself by scriptural simplicity. Of course this breviary\nhas fine hymns to St. Olaf, the king who did so much to make Norway a\nChristian country, although hardly so much as his neglected predecessor,\nOlaf Tryggveson. Similarly the Swedish missals honor King Eric and St.\nBirgitta.\n\nThe German Church books yield less that is novel probably because the\nearlier German sources have been so much more thoroughly explored. The\nbreviaries of Lubec, of Mainz, of Koeln, and of Meissen furnish most,\nbut chiefly in praises of the Mother of our Lord and the saints. The\n_Gloriosi Salvatoris nominis praeconia_ of Meissen is an exception, and\nhas found many admirers and several translators. From Mainz comes the\nfine hymn in honor of the apostles, _Qui sunt isti, qui volant_, and\nthat for the martyrs, _O beata beatorum_, and the Passion hymn, _Laus\nsit Regi gloriae, Cujus rore gratiae_.\n\nIt is different with the French Church books and those of Walloon\nBelgium. From the Breton see of Rennes, and those of Angers, Le Mans,\nand Poitiers in the adjacent provinces of Northwestern France come some\nof the best hymns of this class. From Rennes comes the pretty and\nfanciful sequence on the Saviour\u2019s crown of thorns, _Florem spina\ncoronavit_; from Angers the Christmas hymn, _Sonent Regi nato nova\ncantica_, which shows how far the French lag behind the Germans of the\nsame age in handling this theme; also the Advent sequence, _Jubilemus\nomnes una_, which suggests Francis\u2019s \u201cSong of the Creatures,\u201d but lacks\nits tenderness. From Le Mans the _Die parente temporum_, which Sir Henry\nBaker has made English in \u201cOn this day, the first of days.\u201d From\nPoitiers the fine Advent sequence, _Prope est claritudinis magnae dies_,\ntranslated by Mr. Hewett. From Noyon, in Northeastern France, the two\nChristmas hymns, _Lux est orta gentibus_ and _Laetare, puerpera_, whose\nbeauty is defaced by making the Mother and not the divine Child the\ncentral figure.\n\nFrom the Missal of Belgian Tournay we have the Easter sequence, _Surgit\nChristus cum tropaeo_, and the transfiguration sequence, _De Parente\nsummo natum_, which have found and deserved translators. From that of\nLiege several sequences, of which the best is that for All Saints Day,\n_Resultet tellus et alta coelorum machina_. In the South it is the\nbreviaries of Braga, in Portugal, and Piacenza, in Italy, which have\nfurnished most new hymns.\n\nFrom the breviaries of the great monastic orders come many hymns, those\nof the Franciscans furnishing the greater number. That of the\nCistercians furnishes the _Domine Jesu, noverim me, noverim Te_, one of\nthe many hymns suggested by passages in the writings of Augustine of\nHippo.\n\nThis notice of the early printed Church books, which Daniel, Neale,\nMorell, and Kehrein have brought under requisition, carries us over into\nthe century of the Reformation, which also is that in which the\nRenaissance began to affect the matter and manner of hymn-writing.\nAlready in the fifteenth century we have hymns of the humanist type by\nAeneas Sylvius (Pope Pius II.); by Adam Wernher of Themar, a friend of\nJohann Trithemius, a jurist by profession, and the instructor of Philip\nof Hesse in the humanities; and by Sebastian Brandt, the celebrated\nauthor of the \u201cShip of Fools.\u201d All these give careful attention to\nclassic Roman models in the matter of both prosody and vocabulary. If we\nwere to put Brandt\u2019s _Sidus ex claro veniens Olympo_ alongside the _Puer\nnatus in Bethlehem_, we should see how little of the life and force of\nsimplicity and reality there was in the new poetry.\n\nThe sixteenth century begins with the hymns of the humanist Alexander\nHegius, a pupil of the school at Deventer and a _prot\u00e9g\u00e9_ of the\nBrethren of the Common Life, who may have known Thomas \u00e0 Kempis, as he\nwas born in 1433, or at latest in 1445. He died in 1498, but his hymns\nappeared in 1501 and 1503. He was the friend of Rudolph Agricola and of\nErasmus, and introduced the new learning, especially Greek, into\nHolland. His hymns are pagan in their vocabulary, although in accord\nwith the orthodoxy of the time. Two lines of his,\n\n  \u201cQui te \u2018Matrem\u2019 vocat, orbis\n  Regem vocat ille parentem,\u201d\n\nmight have suggested two of Keble\u2019s, which have given no small offence,\n\n  \u201cHenceforth, whom thousand worlds adore,\n  He calls thee \u2018Mother\u2019 evermore.\u201d\n\nTo Zacharias Ferrari ample reference has been made in the chapter on the\nBreviaries. Specimens of his work may be found in Wackernagel\u2019s first\nvolume, as also of the hymns of Erasmus (1467-1536), of Jakob Montanus\n(1485-1588), of Helius Eobanus Hessus (1488-1540), and Marc-Antonius\nMuretus. To these Roman Catholic humanists\u2014Eobanus Hessus afterward\nbecame a Lutheran\u2014might have been added J. Ludovicus Vives (1492-1540),\nMarc-Antonio Flaminio (1498-1550), and Matthias Collinus (_ob._ 1566).\nWackernagel does add Joste Clichtove (_ob._ 1543), and Jakob Meyer\n(1491-1552), who did not attempt original hymns, but recast in classic\nforms those already in use. Clichtove was a Fleming, and one of the\nearliest collectors.\n\nThe series of Protestant hymn-writers joins hard on to that of the Roman\nCatholic humanists. In the main they belong to the same school. Their\nhymns are not, like the Protestant German hymns, the spontaneous and\ninevitable outpouring of simple and natural emotion\u2014a quality which puts\nLuther and Johann Herrmann beside Bernard of Clairvaux and Thomas of\nCelano. They are the scholastic exercises of men singing the praise of\nGod in a tongue foreign to their thought. Even the best of them, George\nFabricius of Chemnitz, whose edition of the early Christian poets has\nlaid us under permanent obligations, although the most careful to avoid\npaganisms in his hymns, and the most influenced by the earlier Latin\nhymns, never impresses us with the freedom and spontaneity of his verse.\nThe series runs: Urbanus Rhegius (_ob._ 1541), Philip Melanchthon\n(1497-1572), Wolfgang Musculus (1497-1563), Joachim Camerarius\n(1500-74), Paul Eber (1511-69), Bishop John Parkhurst of Norwich\n(1511-74), Johann Stigel (1515-71), George Fabricius (1516-71), George\nKlee, or Thymus (_fl._ 1548-50), Nicholas Selneccer (1530-92), Ludwig\nHelmbold (1532-98), Wolfgang Ammonius (1579), and Theodore Zwinger\n(1533-88). Recasts of old hymns both as to literary form and theological\ncontent we have from Hermann Bonn (1504-48), Urbanus Rhegius, George\nKlee, and Andreas Ellinger (1526-82). The last-named was a German\nphysician who graduated at Wittemberg in 1549. His _Hymnorum\nEcclesiasticorum Libri Tres_ (1578) is described by Daniel as the most\ncopious collection he has seen, but worthless as an authority in its\nfirst and second books, as the hymns in these are altered for metrical\nreasons. Hermann Bonn was a Westphalian, who became the first Lutheran\nSuperintendent in Lubeck, and introduced the Reformation into Osnabruck.\nHe published the first hymn-book in Platt-Deutsch in 1547.\n\nTo a later generation belongs Wilhelm Alard (1572-1645), the son of a\nFlemish Lutheran, who fled to Germany from the Inquisition. Wilhelm\nstudied at Wittemberg, and became pastor at Crempe in Holstein, and\npublished two or perhaps three small volumes of original Latin hymns.\nDr. Trench has extracted from one of these two hymns. Of that to his\nGuardian Angel, Chancellor Benedict, Dr. Washburn, and Mr. Duffield have\nmade translations. This is Mr. Duffield\u2019s:\n\n\n                        CUM ME TENENT FALLACIA.\n\n  When specious joys of earth are mine,\n    When bright this passing world doth shine,\n  Then in his watchful heavenly place\n    My angel weeps and veils his face.\n\n  But when with tears my eyes o\u2019errun\n    Deploring sin that I have done,\n  Then doth God\u2019s angel, set to keep\n    My soul, rejoicing, cease to weep.\n\n  Far hence be gone, ye fading joys,\n    Which spring from earth\u2019s too brittle toys!\n  Come hither, tears! for I would show\n    That penitence by which ye flow.\n\n  I would not be in evil glad,\n    Lest he, my angel, should be sad;\n  Rise then, my true, repentant voice,\n    That angels even may rejoice.\n\nAnother on the Eucharist Mr. Duffield alone has translated:\n\n\n                       SIT IGNIS ATQUE LUX MIHI.\n\n  When I behold thy sacred blood,\n    Thy body broken for my good;\n  O blessed Jesus, may they be\n    As flame and as a light to me.\n\n  So may this flame consume away\n    The sins which in my bosom stay,\n  Destroying fully from my sight\n    All vanity of wrong delight.\n\n  So may this light which shines from thee\n    Break through my darkness utterly,\n  That I may seek with fervent prayer,\n    Thine own dear guidance everywhere.\n\nA very different group are the hymn-writers of the Jesuit Order, to whom\nwe owe many hymns which have been ascribed to mediaeval authors,\nalthough they have marked characteristics which betray their authorship.\nThus the _Eia Phoebe, nunc serena_ has been ascribed to Innocent III.,\nthe _O esca viatorum_ to Thomas Aquinas, the _O gens beata coelitum_ to\nAugustine, the _Pone luctum, Magdalena_ to Adam of St. Victor; while the\nlater Middle Ages have been credited with the _Angelice patrone_, the\n_Ecquis binas columbinas_, the _Jesu meae deliciae_, and the _Plaudite\ncoeli_. The London _Spectator_ ascribes a very early origin to the\n_Dormi, fili, dormi_. All these are Jesuit hymns, collected by Walraff\n(1806) out of the _Psalteriolum Cantionum Catholicarum a Patribus\nSocietatis Jesu_. The title of that collection (_Psalteriolum_) is\nsuggestive of the contents. As the critics of the Society long ago\nremarked, there is a mark of pettiness on the literature, the art, the\narchitecture, and the theology of the Jesuits. In both prose and poetry\nthey tend to run into diminutives. No hymn of theirs has handled any of\nthe greatest themes of Christian praise in a worthy spirit. The charge\nmade against them by the Dominicans that in their labors to convert the\nChinese and other pagans they concealed the cross and passion of our\nLord, and presented Him as an infant in His mother\u2019s arms, whether\nliterally true or not, is not out of harmony with their general tone.\nChrist in the cradle or on the lap of His mother is the fit theme of\ntheir praises. In their hands religion loses its severity and God His\nawfulness. To win the world they stooped to the world\u2019s level, and\nweakened the moral force of the divine law by cunning explanations,\nuntil, through Arnauld and his fellow-Jansenists, \u201cChristianity appeared\nagain austere and grave; and the world saw again with awe the pale face\nof its crucified Saviour.\u201d\n\nSome of the Jesuit hymns are very good of their kind. The _Dormi, fili,\ndormi_ anticipates the theme of Mrs. Browning\u2019s \u201cThe Virgin Mary to the\nChild Jesus,\u201d and of Dr. George Macdonald\u2019s \u201cBabe Jesus Lay on Mary\u2019s\nLap.\u201d It is beautiful in its way, but betrays its Jesuit origin by its\ndiminutives. The _Ecquis binas columbinas_ is a very graceful poem, and\nthe best passion hymn of the school, but is below the subject. The\n_Tandem audite me_ is a hymn based on the false interpretation of\nSolomon\u2019s Song, but is very pretty. The _Pone luctum, Magdalena_ is\nperhaps the greatest of all Jesuit hymns, and has found nine Protestant\ntranslators to do it into English. It is rather a fine poem than a fine\nhymn. The _Parendum est, cedendum est_ is a death-bed hymn whose length\nand ornateness rob it of a sense of reality. Of the _Altitudo, quid hic\njaces_ and the _Plaudite Coeli_ Mr. Duffield has left versions which\nwill enable our readers to judge of their worth for themselves:\n\n\n                       ALTITUDO, QUID HIC JACES?\n\n  Majesty, why liest thou\n      In so low a manger?\n  Thou that kindlest heavenly fires\n      Here a chilly stranger!\n            O what wonders thou art doing,\n                  Jesus, unto men;\n            By thy love to us renewing\n                  Paradise again!\n\n  Strength is made of no account;\n      Space is here contracted;\n  He that frees in bonds is bound;\n      Time\u2019s new birth enacted.\n            Yes, thy little lips may touch\n                  Mary\u2019s spotless bosom;\n            Yes, thy bright eyes weep for men\n                  While heaven\u2019s joy shall blossom.\n\n\n                            PLAUDITE COELI!\n\n  Lo! heaven rejoices,\n    The air is all bright,\n  And the earth gives her voices\n    From depth and from height.\n  For the darkness is broken,\n    Black storm has passed by,\n  And in peace for a token\n    The palm waves on high.\n\n  Spring breezes are blowing,\n    Spring flowers are at hand,\n  Spring grasses are growing\n    Abroad in the land.\n  And violets brighten\n    The roses in bloom,\n  And marigolds heighten\n    The lilies\u2019 perfume.\n\n  Rise then, O my praises,\n    Fresh life in your veins,\n  As the viol upraises\n    The gladdest of strains.\n  For once more he sees us\n    Alive, as he said;\n  Our holy Lord Jesus\n    Escaped from the dead.\n\n  Then thunder ye mountains,\n    Ye valleys resound,\n  Leap forth, O ye fountains,\n    Ye hills echo round.\n  For he alone frees us,\n    He does as he said,\n  Our holy Lord Jesus\n    Alive from the dead.\n\nThe later additions to the stock of Latin hymns are important only to\nthe student of Roman Catholic liturgies, as connected with the new\ndevotions sanctioned from time to time by the Congregation of Sacred\nRites. Thus the devotion to the Sacred Heart led to the writing of the\nhymn _Quicunque certum quaeritis_, which the Roman Breviary has copied\nfrom the Franciscan, and whose translation by Mr. Caswall has found its\nway even into Protestant hymn-books. And the crowning sanction of the\nextravagant reverence for our Lord\u2019s mother, the declaration that she\nwas conceived without sin, and the institution of the feast of the\nImmaculate Conception, caused Archbishop John von Geissel of Koeln to\nwrite, in 1855, a new sequence for the Missal service, _Virgo virginum\npraeclara_.\n\nLast in the series of the Latin hymn-writers stands the present pope,\nLeo XIII., who is the third pope in the long series to whom any hymn can\nbe ascribed with any degree of certainty, the other two being Damasus\nand Urban VIII. In his Latin poems, published in 1881, there are three\nhymns in honor of two bishops of Perugia who suffered martyrdom in the\nearly age of the Church. They are not remarkable for poetical\ninspiration, although they show that his Jesuit masters imbued him with\nthe rules of classic verse and expression. All his poems have been\nreprinted in this country (Baltimore, 1886), with an English version by\nthe Jesuits of Woodstock College.\n\nIn any other field of Christian hymnology we should close our account of\nthe past by the expression of confidence in the fertility of the future.\nBut as regards Latin hymnology, we feel that the period of greatest\nvalue has passed by, and the record is sealed. While it is true that\n\n  \u201cGenerations yet unborn\n    Shall bless and magnify the Lord,\u201d\n\nas Rouse sings, we feel that it will not be in the medium of a dead\nlanguage, but in the tongues \u201cunderstanded of the people.\u201d The attempt\nto maintain Latin as the language\u2014as the exclusive speech of Christian\nworship in Western Europe, is one of those parts of the Roman Catholic\nsystem which are already condemned by results. The comparative\nbarrenness of Latin hymnology for the past hundred years is evidence\nenough that this is not the channel in which Christian inspiration now\nflows; and the attention paid even by Roman Catholic poets to\nhymn-writing in the national languages is fresh evidence of the\nreadiness of that communion to adapt itself to new conditions as soon as\nthis is seen to be inevitable.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXXI.\n                   LATIN HYMNOLOGY AND PROTESTANTISM.\n\n\nIt has been asked by both Roman Catholics and Protestants\u2014and not\nunfairly\u2014whether the interest shown for the last half century by\nProtestant writers in the hymns of Latin Christendom, is a legitimate\none. It is said by the former: \u201cYou are poaching on our preserves. All\nthis you admire so much is what your fathers turned their backs upon\nwhen they renounced the Roman obedience. You cannot with any consistency\nattempt to naturalize in your churches and their services, hymns which\nhave been written for a worship which differs in idea and principle, not\nin details merely, from your own. At best you can pick out a little here\nand a little there, which seems to suit you. But even then you are in\ndanger of adopting what teaches doctrine which your Protestant\nconfessions and their expositors denounce as idolatry, as when the\ncompilers of the hymnal in use by American Presbyterians adopted Mr.\nCaswall\u2019s English version of\n\n    _Quicunque certum quaeritis,_\n\nignoring its express reference to the devotion to the Sacred Heart. This\nis a gross instance of what you are doing all the time. If it lead you\nback to the bosom of the Catholic Church we shall be glad of it. But it\ngrates on Catholic nerves to see you employing the phrase which we\nregard as a serious statement of doctrinal truth, as though it were a\nmere purple patch of rhetoric.\u201d\n\nThis leads us to ask what the Reformation was in the idea of the\nReformers themselves. They never took the ground that the religious life\nof Protestant nations and churches was out of all relation to the life\nof the nations and churches of Western Europe, as these were before\nLuther began his work. With all their regard for the Scriptures, they\nnever assumed that out of these could be created a Christian Church upon\nground previously held by Antichrist and him alone. Luther declared that\nthe elements of the Church for whose upbuilding he was laboring were\njust those in which he had been educated. As he expressed it, these were\nfound in the Catechism taught to every child in Germany, and which\nembraced the creed, the commandments, the sacraments, and the Our\nFather. What he had learned from study of the New Testament was to give\nthese elements their due prominence, and to disengage them from the\nadditions and corruptions by which they had been obscured. It was not a\ndestructive revolution, but a change of doctrinal perspective for which\nhe was contending. He never lost his relish for the good things he had\nlearned in the Church of his childhood. While he rendered the service\ninto the German speech of the people, he followed in the main the old\norder of the service in his _Deutsche Messe_. He also rendered into\nGerman sixteen old hymns, twelve from the Latin, from Ambrose down to\nHuss, and four from the old German of the Middle Ages. In his\n_House-Postil_ he speaks with great enthusiasm of the hymns and\nsequences he had learned to sing in church as a boy; and in his _Table\nTalk_, while he censures Ambrose as a wordy poet, he praises the _Patris\nSapientia_, but above all the Passion hymn of Pope Gregory the Great,\n_Rex Christe factor omnium_, as the best of hymns, whether Latin or\nGerman.\n\nMelanchthon\u2019s gentler spirit more than shared in Luther\u2019s reverence for\nthe good in the mediaeval Church. The antithesis to Melanchthon, the\nrepresentative of the extreme party among Protestants, is Matthias\nFlacius Illyricus, a man of Slavic stock and uncompromising temper. Yet\nhe also searched the past for witnesses to the truth which Luther had\nproclaimed. He appeals to a hymn in the Breviary of the\nPremonstratensian Order, as old, he thinks, as the twelfth century,\nwhich testifies against saint worship:\n\n  Adjuvent nos eorum merita,\n  Quos propria impediunt scelera?\n  Excuset eorum intercessio,\n  Quos propria accusat actio?\n  At tu, qui eis tribuisti\n  Coelestis palmam triumphi,\n  Nobis veniam non deneges peccati.\n\nIn the same spirit he and his associates edited the first great\nProtestant work on Church history\u2014the _Magdeburg Centuries_ (1559-74, in\nthirteen folio volumes). The first Protestants had no more idea of\nsurrendering the history of the Church to the champions of the Roman\nCatholic Church, than of giving up to them the New Testament. They held\nthat down through all the ages ran a double current of pure Christianity\nand scholastic perversion of that, and that the Reformation succeeds to\nthe former as the Tridentine Church to the latter. This especially as\nregards the great central point in controversy, the part of grace and of\nmerit in the justification of the sinner. And they found the proof of\nthis continuity especially in the devotions of the early Church. They\nfound themselves in that great prayer of the Franciscan monk, which the\nRoman Missal puts into the mouth of her holiest members as they gather\naround the bier of the dead:\n\n  Quid sum miser tunc dicturus,\n  Quem patronum rogaturus,\n  Quum vix justus sit securus?\n\n  Rex tremendae majestatis,\n  Qui salvandos salvas gratis,\n  Salve me, fons pietatis!\n\n\u201cWhenever in the Middle Ages,\u201d says Albrecht Ritschl, \u201cdevotion, so far\nas it has found articulate expression, rises to the level of the thought\nthat the value of the Christian life, even where it is fruitful of good\nworks, is grounded not upon these as human merits, but upon the mercy of\nGod ... then the same line of thought is entered upon as that in which\nthe religious consciousness common to Luther and Zwingli was able to\nbreak through the connection which had subsisted between Catholic\ndoctrine and the Church institutions for the application of\nsalvation.... Whenever even the Church of Rome places herself in the\nattitude of prayer, it is inevitable that in the expression of her\nreligious discernment, in thanksgiving and petition, all the benefits of\nsalvation should be referred to God or to Christ; the daily need for new\ngrace, accordingly, is not expressed in the form of a claim based upon\nmerits, but in the form of reliance upon God.\u201d[26]\n\nThat the Latin hymns of those earlier centuries show a steadily\nincreasing amount of unscriptural devotion to the mother of our Lord and\nto His saints, and of the materializing view of our Lord\u2019s presence with\nHis Church in the Communion, is undeniable. But even in these matters\nthe hymns of the primitive and mediaeval Church are a witness that these\nand the like misbeliefs and mispractices are a later growth upon\nprimitive faith and usage.\n\nThe first generation of Protestants, to which Luther, Melanchthon, and\nZwingli belong, had been brought up on the hymns of the Breviary and of\nthe Missal, and they did not abandon their love for these when they\nceased to regard the Latin tongue as the only fit speech for public\nworship. They showed their relish for the old hymns, by publishing\ncollections of them, by translating them into the national languages, by\nwriting Latin hymns in imitation of them, and even by continuing their\nuse in public worship to a limited extent.\n\nAs collectors and editors of the old Latin hymns, the Protestants of the\nsixteenth century surpassed the Roman Catholics of that age. Over\nagainst the names of Hermann Torrentinus (1513 and 1536), Jacob\nWimpheling (1519), Joste Clichtove (1515-19), Jacob van Meyer (1535),\nLorenzo Massorillo (1547), and George Cassander (1556), the Roman\nCatholic hymnologists of the half century which followed the\nReformation, we may place the anonymous collector of Basel (1538),\nJohann Spangenberg (1545), Lucas Lossius (1552 _et seq._, with Preface\nby Melanchthon), Paul Eber (1564), George Fabricius (1564), Christopher\nCorner (1568), Hermann Bonn (1569), George Major (1570), Andreas\nEllinger (1573), Adam Siber (1577), Matthew Luidke (1589), and Francis\nAlgerman (1596). All these, with the possible exception of the first,\nwere Lutherans, trained in the humanistic school of Latin criticism and\npoetry; but only two of them found it needful or desirable to alter the\nhymns into conformity with the tastes of the age. The collections of\nHermann Bonn, the first Lutheran superintendent of Lubeck, and that of\nGeorge Fabricius, are especially important, as faithfully reproducing\nmuch that else might have been lost to us.\n\nThe work of translating the old Latin hymns fell especially to the\nLutherans. Roman Catholic preference was no stronger for the original\nLatin than that of the Reformed for the Psalms. Of the great German\nhymn-writers from Luther to Paul Gerhardt, nearly all made translations\nfrom the storehouse of Latin hymnody, Bernard of Clairvaux being the\nespecial favorite with Johann Heermann, John Arndt, and Paul Gerhardt.\nAnd even in hymns which are not translations, the influence of the Latin\nhymns is seen in the epic tone, the healthy objectivity of the German\nhymns of this age, in contrast to the frequently morbid subjectivity of\nthose which belong to the age of Pietism.\n\nMore interesting to us are the early translations into English. The\nfirst are to be found in the _Primer_ of 1545, a book of private\ndevotions after the model of the Breviary, published in Henry VIII.\u2019s\ntime both in English in 1545 and again in Latin (_Orarium_) in 1546. In\nthe next reign a substitute for this in English alone was prepared by\nthe more Protestant authorities of the Anglican Church, in which,\nbesides sundry doctrinal changes, the hymns were omitted. But the scale\ninclined somewhat the other way after Elizabeth\u2019s accession. The English\n_Primer_ of 1559 and the Latin _Orarium_ of 1560 are revised editions of\nher father\u2019s, not of her brother\u2019s publications. The parts devoted to\nthe worship of Mary are omitted, but the prayers for the dead and the\nhymns are retained. These old versions are clumsy enough, but not\nwithout interest as the first of their kind. Here is one with the\noriginal text from the _Orarium_, differing from any other authority\nknown to us:\n\n  Rerum Creator omnium,\n  Te poscimus hoc vesperi\n  Defende nos per gratiam\n  Ab hostis nostri fraudibus.\n\n  Nullo ludamur, Domine,\n  Vel somnio vel phasmate:\n  In Te cor nostrum vigilet,\n  Nec dormiat in crimine.\n\n  Summe Pater, per Filium\n  Largire quod Te poscimus:\n  Cui per sanctum Spiritum\n  Aeterna detur gloria. Amen.\n\n\n  O Lord, the Maker of all thing,\n  We pray thee now in this evening\n  Us to defend, through thy mercy,\n  From all deceit of our enemy.\n\n  Let us neither deluded be,\n  Good Lord, with dream nor phantasy.\n  Our heart waking in thee thou keep,\n  That we in sin fall not on sleep.\n\n  O Father, through thy blessed Son,\n  Grant us this our petition;\n  To whom, with the Holy Ghost, always\n  In heaven and earth be laud and praise. Amen.\n\nIt is not wonderful that when the Anglo-Catholics sought to revive the\n_Primer_ as \u201cthe authorized book of Family and Private Prayer\u201d on the\nsame footing as the Prayer book, they took the liberty of substituting\nmodern versions of the hymns for these \u201cauthorized\u201d translations.[27]\nBut the _Primer_, whatever its authority, never possessed that much more\nimportant requisite to success\u2014vitality. A very few editions sufficed\nfor the demand, and Bishop Cosin\u2019s attempt to revive it in Charles I.\u2019s\ntime only provoked a Puritan outcry against both him and it. Rev. Gerard\nMoultrie has attempted to revive it in our own time, as \u201cthe only book\nof private devotion which has received the sanction of the English\nChurch,\u201d and has not achieved even thus much of success. No Prynne has\nassailed him.\n\nIn the Book of Common Prayer, besides such \u201ccanticles\u201d as the _Gloria in\nExcelsis_ and the _Te Deum_, there is but one hymn, an English version\nof the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_ in the Ordination Service. It is the\nwordiest of all known versions, rendering one hundred and five Latin by\nthree hundred and fifty-seven English words, but is not without its\nold-fashioned felicities. The revisers of 1661 cut it down by omitting\njust half of it, and modernized the English in a number of places. Its\nvery verbosity seems to have suggested Bishop Cosin\u2019s terse version,\ncontaining but four more words than the original, which, however, it\nsomewhat abridges. This was inserted in 1661 as an alternate version.\nThe author of the paraphrase in the Prayer-Book is unknown. It is not\nBishop Coverdale, as his, although translated at second-hand from\nLuther, as, indeed, all his hymns are from some German source, is far\ncloser and less wordy.[28] It also was adopted into the old Scottish\nPsalter of the Reformation, where it appears in the appendix, along with\na metrical version of the Apostle\u2019s Creed and other \u201cuninspired\ncompositions.\u201d\n\nFrom the Reformation until about fifty years ago, there was among\nEnglish-speaking people no interest in Latin hymnology worth speaking\nof. A few Catholic poets, like Crashaw and Dryden, honored their Church\nversions from the hymns of the Breviary. But even John Austin, a\nCatholic convert of 1640, when he prepared his _Devotions in the Ancient\nWay of Offices_ after the model of the Breviary, wrote for it hymns of\nhis own instead of translating from the Latin. Some of these (\u201cBlessed\nbe Thy love, dear Lord,\u201d and \u201cHark, my soul, how everything\u201d) have\nbecome a part of our general wealth. Of course some versions of a homely\nsort had to be made for Catholic books of devotion, and I possess _The\nEvening Office of the Church in Latin and English_ (London, 1725), in\nwhich the Vesper hymns of the Roman Breviary are closely and roughly\nversified. It is notable that \u201cthe old hymns as they are generally sung\nin churches\u201d\u2014_i.e._, the hymns as they stood before the revision of\n1631, are printed as an appendix to the book, showing how slow English\nCatholics were to accept the modernization of the hymns which the papacy\nhad sanctioned nearly a century before.\n\nMr. Orby Shipley, in his _Annus Sanctus_ (London, 1884), gives a large\nnumber of these early versions from the Roman Catholic _Primers_ of\n1619, 1684, 1685, and 1706; from the _Evening Office_ of 1710, 1725, and\n1785; and from the _Divine Office_ of 1763 and 1780. The translations of\n1619 have been ascribed to William Drummond, of Hawthornden, and those\nof 1706 to Dryden. Drummond was the first Scotchman who adopted English\nas the language of literature, and although a Protestant, he belonged to\nthe Catholicizing party represented by William Forbes, the first\nProtestant bishop of Edinburgh. Three hymns are given in Sir Walter\nScott\u2019s edition of Dryden on the authority of English Roman Catholic\ntradition, the best known being his version of the _Veni Creator\nSpiritus_. These three are found in the _Primer_ of 1706, along with\nversions of the other hymns of the Roman Breviary sufficiently like them\nto suggest that they are all by the same hand. But this judgment is\ndisputed.\n\nAmong Protestants the neglect was as great. So profuse a writer of hymns\nfor the Christian year as George Wither translated only the _Te Deum_\nand the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_ into English verse.[29] Tate and Brady,\nin their _Supplement_ (1703) to their _New Version of the Psalms_\n(1696), published a translation of the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_. But\nBishop Symon Patrick was the only hymn-writer of that age who may be\nsaid to have given any special attention to Latin hymns. His hymns were\nchiefly translations from that source, especially Prudentius, and Lord\nSelborne mentions that of _Alleluia, dulce carmen_, as the best.\n\nThe Methodist revival, which did so much to enrich our store of hymns,\nand which called attention anew to those of Germany, accomplished\nnothing for us as regards Latin hymns. The Earl of Roscommon\u2019s\ntranslation of the _Dies Irae_ (1717), and Dr. Johnson\u2019s affecting\nreference to the stanza,\n\n    _Quaerens me sedisti lassus, ..._\n\nstand almost alone in that age. It was not until the Romantic movement\nin Germany and then in England broke the bonds of a merely classic\nculture, taught the world the beauty of Gothic art, and obliged men to\nrevise their estimate of the Middle Ages, that the singers of the\npraises which sounded through those earlier centuries had a fair chance\nto be judged at their real worth. The forerunner of that movement was\nJohann Gottfried von Herder, who indeed may be said to have anticipated\nthe whole intellectual movement of the past century, Darwinism not\nexcepted. From his friend and master Hamann, \u201cthe Magus of the North,\u201d\nhe had learned \u201cthe necessity for a complete and harmonious expression\nof all the varied faculties of man,\u201d and that \u201cwhatever is isolated or\nthe product of a single faculty is to be condemned.\u201d This made him as\nmuch discontented with the eighteenth century and its literature and\nphilosophy of the enlightened understanding, as Hamann himself was. It\nwas the foundation for that Catholic taste which enabled him to\nappreciate the excellence of all those popular literatures which are the\noutflow of the life of whole peoples. His _Voices of the Peoples_ did\nfor the Continent what Bishop Percy\u2019s _Reliques_ did for England, and\ndid it much better. He saw that \u201cthe people and a common sentiment are\nthe foundations of a true poetry,\u201d and the literature of the schools and\nthat of polite society are equally condemned to sterility. For this\nreason he had small respect for that classic Latin literature at whose\nbar every modern production was impleaded. He found far more genuine\nlife and power in the Latin poems of the Jesuit father, Jacob Balde, and\nstill more in the hymns of the Latin Church. His _Letters for the\nPromotion of Humanity_ (1794-96) contain a passage of classic\nimportance:\n\n  \u201cThe hymns which Christianity introduced had for their basis those old\n  Hebrew Psalms which very soon found their way into the Church, if not\n  as songs or anthems, at any rate as prayers.... The songs of Mary and\n  of Zacharias, the Angelic Salutation, the _Nunc Dimittis_ of Simeon,\n  which open the New Testament, gave character more immediately to the\n  Christian hymns. Their gentler voice was more suitable to the spirit\n  of Christianity than even the loud trumpet note of that old jubilant\n  Hallelujah, although that note was found capable of many applications,\n  and was now strengthened with the words of prophet or psalmist, now\n  adapted to gentler strains. Over the graves of the dead, whose\n  resurrection was already present to the spirit\u2019s vision, in caves and\n  catacombs, first were heard these psalms of repentance and prayer, of\n  sorrow and hope, until after the public establishment of Christianity,\n  they stepped out of the dark into the light, out of solitude into\n  splendid churches, before consecrated altars, and now assumed a like\n  splendor in their expression. There is hardly any one who can listen\n  to the _Jam moesta quiesce querula_ of Prudentius without feeling his\n  heart touched by its moving strains, or who can hear the funeral\n  sequence _Dies irae, dies illa_, without a shudder, or whom so many\n  other hymns, each with its own character\u2014_e.g._, _Veni, Redemptor\n  gentium_; _Vexilla Regis prodeunt_; _Salvete flores Martyrum_; _Pange,\n  lingua, gloriosi_, etc., will fail to be carried into that frame of\n  feeling which each seeks to awaken, and with all its humility of form\n  and its churchly peculiarities, never fails to command. In one there\n  sounds the voice of prayer; another could find its accompaniment only\n  in the harp; in yet another the trumpet rings, or there sounds the\n  thousand-voiced organ, and so on.\n\n  \u201cIf we seek after the reason of this remarkable effect, which we feel\n  in hearing these old Christian hymns, we find it somewhat peculiar. It\n  is anything but the novelty of the _thoughts_ which here touches and\n  there shakes us. Thoughts in these hymns are found but sparingly. Many\n  are merely solemn recitations of a well-known story, or they are\n  familiar petitions and prayers. They nearly all repeat each other. Nor\n  is it frequently surprisingly fine and novel sentiments with which\n  they somehow permeate us; the novel and the fine are not objects in\n  the hymns. What, then, is it that touches us? _Simplicity_ and\n  _Veracity_. Here sounds the speech of a general confession of one\n  heart and one faith. Most of them are constructed either so as to be\n  fit for use every day of the year, or so as to be used on the\n  festivals of the various seasons. As these come round there comes with\n  them in constant recurrence their rehearsal of Christian doctrines.\n  There is nothing superfine in the hymns as regards either emotion, or\n  duty, or consolation. There reigns in all of them a general popularity\n  of content, expressed in great accents. He who seeks novel thoughts in\n  a _Te Deum_ or a _Salve Regina_ looks for them in the wrong place. It\n  is just what is every day and always known, which here is to serve as\n  the garb of truth. The hymn is meant to be an ambrosial offering of\n  nature, deathless like that, and ever returning.\n\n  \u201cIt follows that, as people in these Christian hymns did not look for\n  the grace of classic expression or the pleasurable emotion of the\n  instant\u2014in a word, what we expect from a work of art, they produced\n  the strangest effects at once after their introduction. Just as\n  Christian hands overthrew the statues and temples of the gods in honor\n  of the unseen God, so these hymns contained a germ which was to bring\n  about the death of the pagan poetry. Not only were those hymns to gods\n  and goddesses, heroes and geniuses, regarded by the Christians as the\n  work of unbelievers or misbelievers, but the germ from which they\n  sprang, the poetic and sportive fancy, the pleasure and rejoicing of\n  the peoples in their national festivals, were condemned as a school of\n  evil demons; yes, even the national pride, to which those songs\n  appealed, was despised as a perilous though splendid sin. The old\n  religion had outlived its time, the new had won its victory, when the\n  absurdity of idol-worship and pagan superstitions, the disorders and\n  abominations which attended the festivals of Bacchus, Cybele, and\n  Aphrodite, were brought to the light of day. Whatever of poetry was\n  associated with these was a work of the devil. There began a new age\n  for poetry, music, speech, the sciences, and indeed for the whole\n  direction of human thought.\u201d\n\nAs the Romanticist movement gained ground in Germany, attention to the\nearly hymns increased. Even Goethe, the _weltkind_ among the prophets,\nwas influenced. Hence his use of the _Dies Irae_ in the first part of\n_Faust_, although he was pagan enough to care for nothing at Assisi\nexcept the Roman remains. A. W. Schlegel made a number of translations\nfor the _Musen-Almanach_. Then came the long series of German\ntranslators, of whom A. J. Rambach, A. L. Follen (brother of Professor\nCharles Follen of Harvard), Karl Simrock (1850 and 1866), and G. A.\nKoenigsfeld (1847 and 1865) are the most notable. Much more important to\nus are the German collectors: G. A. Bj\u00f6rn (a Dane, 1818), J. C. von\nZabuesnig (1822 and 1830), H. A. Daniel (_Bl\u00fcthenstrauss_, 1840;\n_Thesaurus_, 1841-56), F. J. Mone (1853-55), C. B. Moll (1861 and 1868),\nP. Gall Morel (1866), Joseph Kehrein (1873). To the unwearied\nthoroughness of these editors, more than of any other laborers in this\nfield, we owe our ampler access to the treasures of Latin hymnody. But\nwhat field of research is there in which the scholarship of Germany has\nnot laid the rest of the world under obligations?\n\nIn English literature the Romanticist movement begins properly with Sir\nWalter Scott. Himself a Presbyterian, he was brought up on the old\nScotch Psalm-book, for which he entertained the same affection as did\nBurns, Edward Irving, Campbell, Carlyle, and Archdeacon Hare. He opposed\nany attempt to improve it, on the ground that it was, \u201cwith all its\nacknowledged occasional harshness, so beautiful that any alterations\nmust eventually prove only so many blemishes.\u201d But his literary tastes\nled him to a lofty appreciation of the Anglican liturgy\u2014a circumstance\nwhich has led many to class him as an Episcopalian\u2014and equally for the\npoetry of the mediaeval hymns. His vigorous version of a part of the\n_Dies Irae_ inserted in _The Lady of the Lake_ (1805) gives him his\nsmallest claim to mention in the history of hymnody. It was the new\natmosphere he carried into the educated world, his fresh and hearty\nadmiration of admirable things in the Middle Ages, which had been\nthought barbarous, that makes him important to us. He gave the English\nand Scottish people new weights and measures, new standards of critical\njudgment, which emancipated them from narrow, pseudo-Protestant\ntraditions. He made the great Church of undivided Western Europe\nintelligible. No doubt many follies resulted from this novel lesson, the\nworst of all being contempt for Luther and his associates in the\nReformation. The negations which attend such revolutions in opinion\nalways are foolish exaggerations. It is the affirmations which are\nvaluable and which remain. And Romanticism for more than half a century\nhas been affecting the religious, the social, the intellectual life of\nGreat Britain and America in a thousand ways, and with, on the whole,\npositive and beneficial results. Its most powerful manifestation was in\nthe Oxford movement,[30] but both in its causes and its effects it has\ntranscended the limits which separate the divided forces of\nProtestantism.\n\nNaturally the Oxford movement was the first to turn attention to the\nhymns of the Middle Ages, or what it regarded as such. We use this\nqualified expression because its leaders at the outset were much better\npoets than hymnological scholars, and welcomed anything in the shape of\na Latin hymn as \u201cprimitive,\u201d no matter what. Isaac Williams, in the\n_British Magazine_ in 1830, published a series of translations of\n\u201cprimitive hymns\u201d which he gathered into a volume in 1839. They were\nfrom the Paris Breviary, of whose hymns only one in fourteen were older\nthan 1685, and most of them not yet a hundred years old. Rev. John\nChandler, in his _Hymns of the Primitive Church_ (1837), drew on Santeul\nand Coffin with equal freedom, evidently supposing he was going back to\nthe early ages for his originals. Bishop Mant, in his _Ancient Hymns\nfrom the Roman Breviary_ (1837), did a little better, although not\nhalf-a-dozen hymns in that Breviary are unaltered from their primitive\nforms, and many are no older than the fifteenth or sixteenth century.\nRev. Edward Caswall, an Oxford convert to the Church of Rome, naturally\nconfined his _Lyra Catholica_ (1849) to the Breviary hymns,\nsupplementing those of Rome with some from Paris. The first collection\npublished by Dr. Newman (_Hymni Ecclesiae_, Pars I., 1839) was confined\nto the Paris Breviary, but with the notice that they \u201chad no equal claim\nto antiquity\u201d with \u201cthe discarded collections of the ante-reform era.\u201d\nBut he claimed on rather slight ground that they \u201cbreathe an ancient\nspirit, and even where they are the work of one pen, are the joint and\nindivisible contribution of many ancient minds.\u201d This is an opinion of\nthe work of Santeul and Coffin in which neither Cardinal Newman nor the\nGallican Church would agree to-day.\n\nIn fact, these English scholars, with their constant habit of making\nLatin verse after classic models from their school-days, and their\nentire want of familiarity with post-classic Latin, found what pleased\nthem best in the two Breviaries of Rome and Paris. With that they seemed\nlikely to stop. It was Dr. John Mason Neale (1851-58) who, among\ntranslators, first broke these bounds, went to the older sources, and\nintroduced to English readers, both by his collections and his\ntranslations, the great hymns of the Western Church. As a translator he\nleaves much to be desired. His ideas as to faithful reproduction of the\nform of his originals are vague. His hymns too often might be said to be\nbased on the Latin text rather than to reproduce it. But they are\nspirited poems, whose own vigor and beauty sent readers to the original,\nand they were not disappointed.\n\nFrom that time we have had a series of excellent workers in this\nfield\u2014John Keble, Rev. W. J. Blew (1855), Mr. J. D. Chambers (1857 and\n1866), Rev. J. W. Hewett (1859), Sir Henry Baker (1861 and 1868), Rev.\nHerbert Kynaston (1862), Rev. J. Trend (1862), Rev. P. S. Worsley\n(1863), Earl Nelson (1857 and 1868), Rev. Richard F. Littledale (1867),\nR. Campbell, of the Anglo-Catholic party; and Dean Stanley, Mrs. Charles\n(1858 and 1866) and Dr. Hamilton Magill (1876) outside its ranks. Theirs\nhave been no inconsiderable part of those labors which have made the\nlast thirty years the golden age of English hymn-writing, surpassing\neven the era of the Methodist revival.\n\nIn America the work was begun in 1840 with a modest little volume\npublished at Auburn, in New York, and ascribed by Mr. Duffield to Dr.\nHenry Mills of Auburn Theological Seminary, who in 1856 also published a\nvolume of translations of German hymns. His earlier book was _The Hymn\nof Hildebert and the Ode of Xavier, with English Versions_, and\ncontained thirty-five duodecimo pages. Next in order came Dr. John\nWilliams, Bishop of Connecticut, with _Ancient Hymns of the Holy Church_\n(1845). Dr. William R. Williams of New York, in his address on \u201cThe\nConservative Principle in our Literature,\u201d delivered in 1843, made a\nreference to the _Dies Irae_, which gave him the occasion to publish in\nan Appendix the literary history of the great hymn, giving the text\nalong with Dr. Trench\u2019s version and his own. This seems to have given\nthe impulse which has made America so prolific in translations of that\nhymn, only Germany surpassing us in this respect. Dr. Abraham Coles may\nbe said to have led off with his volume, containing thirteen\ntranslations in 1847. But it was not until after the war for the Union\nthat the productive powers of American translators were brought into\nplay. Much, no doubt, was due to foreign impulse, especially from Dr.\nTrench and Dr. Newman; but it is notable that in America far more work\nhas been done outside than inside the Episcopalian communion.\n\nDr. Coles again in 1866, Mr. Duffield in 1867, Chancellor Benedict in\n1869, Hon. N. B. Smithers in 1879 and 1881, and Mr. John L. Hayes in\n1887 published volumes of translations. But far more numerous are the\npoets whose versions of Latin hymns have appeared in various periodicals\nor in collections like Professor Copp\u00e9e\u2019s _Songs of Praise_ (1866), Dr.\nSchaff\u2019s _Christ in Song_ (1869), Odenheimer and Bird\u2019s _Songs of the\nSpirit_ (1871), Dr. H. C. Fish\u2019s _Heaven in Song_ (1874), Frank\nFoxcroft\u2019s _Resurgit_ (1879), and Dr. Schaff and Arthur Gilman\u2019s\n_Library of Sacred Poetry_ (1881 and 1886). Of these contributing poets\nwe mention Dr. E. A. Washburn, whose translations have been collected in\nhis posthumous volume, _Voices from a Busy Life_ (1883); Dr. Ray Palmer,\nour chief sacred singer, whose versions of the _O esca viatorum_ and the\n_Jesu dulcis memoria_ are as classic as his \u201cMy faith looks up to Thee;\u201d\nDr. A. R. Thompson, to whom the present volume is under great\nobligations; Rev. J. Anketell, another of its benefactors; Rev. M.\nWoolsey Stryker, Rev. D. Y. Heisler, Rev. Franklin Johnson, D.D., and\nRev. W. S. McKenzie, D.D. Besides these we may mention the anthology of\ntranslations published by the Rev. F. Wilson (1859), of texts by\nProfessor F. A. March (1874 and 1883), and of both texts and\ntranslations by Judge C. C. Nott (1865 and subsequent years).\n\nIt is not, however, only as literature, but in the actual use of the\nAmerican churches, that the Latin hymns have made a place for\nthemselves. Since 1859, when the Andover professors published the\n_Sabbath Hymn and Tune-Book_, with original translations furnished by\nDr. Ray Palmer, there has been a peaceful revolution in American\nhymnology. Every one of the larger denominations and many of the smaller\nhave provided themselves with new hymn-books, in which the resources of\nEnglish, foreign, and ancient hymnology have been employed freely, and\nwith more exacting taste as to sense and form, than characterized the\nhymn-books of the era before the war. While the compilers have drawn\nfreely upon Caswall, Neale, Chandler, and the Anglican _Hymns Ancient\nand Modern_ (1861), in many cases original translations were given, as\nin _Hymns of the Church_ for the (Dutch) Reformed Church, of which Dr.\nA. R. Thompson was one of the editors; and Dr. Charles Robinson\u2019s\n_Laudes Domini_ (1884), to which Mr. Duffield contributed. And there is\nevidence that the hymns thus brought into Church use from the storehouse\nof the earlier Christian ages have helped thoughtful Christians to\nrealize more fully the great principle of the Communion of the saints\u2014to\nrealize that all the faithful of the present are bound in spiritual\nbrotherhood with those who held to the same Head and walked in the light\nof the same faith in bygone centuries, even though it was with stumbling\nand amid shadows, from which our path by God\u2019s good providence has been\nset free.\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XXXII.\n                         BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.\n\n\nThe first sources of the Latin hymns and sequences are the manuscript\nand printed breviaries and missals of the Western Church. Both these\nhave been explored by the collectors from Clichtove to Kehrein, although\nit cannot be said that the examination has been exhaustive either as\nregards the manuscripts or the printed books.\n\nThe following is an approximate list of the printed breviaries which\nhave been examined by modern collectors:\n\n                              LOCAL BREVIARIES.\n  Aberdonense,      Aberdeen,     1509-10,    Daniel.\n  Ambrosianum,      Milan,        1557,       Neale, Morel, Zabuesnig.\n  Argentinense,     Strasburg,    1520,       Neale.\n  Basiliense,       Basel,        1493,       Morel.\n  Bracharense,                    1494,       Neale.\n  Caduncense,       Cahors,                   Neale.\n  Coloniense,       Koeln,        1521,       Zabuesnig.\n  Constantiense,    Konstanz,     1504, 1516, Morel, Daniel.\n  Cordubiense,      Cordova,      1583,       Morel.\n  Cracoviense,      Krakau,       1524,       Morel.\n  Curiense,         Kur,          c. 1500,    Morel.\n  Eboracense,       York,                     Neale, Newman.\n  Erfordense,       Erfurt,       1518,       Daniel.\n  Friburgense,      Freiburg,                 Daniel.\n  Gallicum,         France,       1527,       Morel.\n  Halberstadtense,  Halberstadt,  1515,       Daniel.\n  Havelbergense,    Havelberg,    1518,       Daniel.\n  Herefordense,     Hereford,     1505,       Neale.\n                    Lengres,                  Daniel.\n  Lundense,         Lund,         1517,       Daniel.\n  Magdeburgense,    Magdeburg,    1514,       Daniel.\n  Merseburgense,    Merseburg,    1504,       Daniel.\n  Mindense,         Minden,       1490,       Daniel.\n  Misniense,        Meissen,      1490,       Daniel.\n  Mozarabicum,      Old Spanish,  1775,       Daniel.\n  Parisiense vet.,  Paris (old),  1527,       Neale.\n  Parisiense,                     1736,       Newman, Zabuesnig.\n  Pictaviense,      Poitou,       1515,       Daniel.\n  Placentinum,      Piacenza,     1503,       Morel.\n  Romanum vet.,     Rome (old),   1481,       Kehrein.\n                                  1484, 1520,\n                                  1497,       Daniel.\n                                  1543,       Morel.\n  Romanum,          Rome (new),   1631,       Zabuesnig, Daniel.\n  Roschildense,     Roeskild,     1517,       Daniel.\n  Salisburgense,    Salzburg,     1515,       Neale, Daniel.\n  Sarisburense,     Salisbury,    1555,       Neale, Daniel, Newman.\n  Slesvicense,      Schleswig,    1512,       Daniel.\n  Spirense,         Speier,       1478,       Zabuesnig.\n  Tornacense,       Tournay,      1540,       Neale.\n  Tullense,         Toul,         1780,       Daniel.\n\n                              MONASTIC BREVIARIES.\n  Augustinianorum,          1557,                Morel, Zabuesnig, Neale.\n  Benedictinorum,           1518, 1543,          Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Canonum Reg. Augustini,                        Zabuesnig.\n  Carmelitarum,             1759,                Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Carthusianorum,           1500,                Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Cisterciensium,           1510, 1752,          Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Franciscanorum,           1481, 1486, 1495,    Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Humiliatorum,             1483,                Neale.\n  Praemonstratensium,       1741,                Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Praedicatorum,            1482,                Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n  Servorum Mariae,          1643,                Daniel, Zabuesnig.\n\n                                LOCAL MISSALS.\n  Aboense,           Abo,          1488,        Daniel, Neale.\n  Ambianense,        Amiens,       1529,        Neale.\n  Aquiliense,        Aquileia,                  Daniel.\n  Argentinense,      Strasburg,    1520,        Neale.\n  Athanatense,       St. Yrieix,   1531,        Morel.\n  Atrebatense,       Arras,        1510,        Neale.\n  Augustense,        Augsburg,     1510,        Kehrein.\n  Brandenburgense,   Brandenburg,  C., 1500,    Daniel.\n  Bursfeldense,      Bursfeld,     1518,        Kehrein.\n  Coloniense,        Koeln,        1504, 1520,  Daniel, Kehrein.\n  Eychstadense       Eichst\u00e4dt,    1500,        Daniel.\n  Frisingense,       Freysingen,   1514,        Daniel.\n  Hafniense,         Copenhagen,                Neale.\n  Halberstatense,    Halberstadt,  1511,        Kehrein.\n  Herbipolense,      W\u00fcrzburg,     1509,        Neale, Kehrein.\n  Leodiense,         Liege,        1513,        Neale.\n  Lubecense,         Lubeck,       C., 1480,    Wackernagel.\n  Magdeburgense,     Magdeburg,    1493,        Wackernagel.\n  Mindense,          Minden,       1515,        Daniel, Kehrein.\n  Moguntinum,        Mainz,        1482, 1497,  Mone, Wackernagel.\n                                   1507, 1513,  Kehrein, Neale.\n  Morinense,                                    Neale.\n  Narbonense,        Narbonne,     1528,        Neale.\n  Nidriosense,       Trondhjem,    1519,        Neale.\n  Noviemsense,       Noyon,        1506,        Neale.\n  Numburgense,       Naumburg,     1501, 1507,  Wackernagel, Daniel.\n  Parisiense vet.,   Paris (old),  1516,        Neale.\n  Parisiense,                      1739,        Newman.\n  Pataviense,        Padua,        1491,        Daniel.\n  Pictaviense,       Poitou,       1524,        Neale.\n  Pragense,          Prag,         1507, 1522,  Neale, Daniel, Kehrein.\n  Ratisbonense,      Regensburg,   1492,        Daniel, Neale.\n  Redonense,         Rennes,       1523,        Neale.\n  Salisburgense,     Salzburg,     1515,        Neale.\n  Sarisburense       Salisbury,    1555,        Neale.\n  Spirense,          Speier,       1498,        Neale.\n  Strengnense,       Strengnaes,   1487,        Neale.\n  Tornacense,        Tournay,      1540,        Neale.\n  Trajectense,       Utrecht,      1513,        Neale.\n  Upsalense,         Upsal,        1513,        Neale.\n  Verdense,          Verden,       1500,        Neale.\n  Xantonense         Saintes,      1491,        Neale.\n\n                             MONASTIC MISSALS.\n  Benedictinorum,                1498,                Neale, Kehrein.\n  Cistercensium,                 1504,                Daniel.\n  Franciscanorum,                1520,                Kehrein.\n  Praemonstratensium,            1530,                Daniel.\n  Praedicatorum,                 1500,                Zabuesnig.\n\nOf lesser church-books Zabuesnig has used the _Processionale_ of the\nDominicans or Preachers, and Newman that of the Church of York. Morel\nhas drawn upon the Paris _Horae_ of 1519, and Daniel on the _Cantionale_\nof Konstanz of 1607.\n\nYet this shows that either only a minority of the printed church-books\nof the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries have been examined, or else\nthat the majority yielded nothing new in return for such examination.\n\nWe proceed with the bibliography of the collections and the historical\ntreatises and discussions which bear on Latin Hymnology, together with\nthe most important volumes of translations. These we shall give in\nchronological order, and where the initials S. W. D. are appended to the\ncomments, it will be understood that these are by Mr. Duffield, not by\nhis editor. The numbers marked with an asterisk (*) indicate works\nemployed in the preparation of the present volume.\n\n1. Sequentiarum Textus cum optimo Commento. (S. l. e. a.)\n\n        Printed at Koeln (Cologne) by Henry Quentell in 1492 or 1494.\n        The following is bound up with the early editions of this as a\n        kind of appendix, but afterward frequently printed by itself.\n\n2. Expositio Hymnorum cum notabili [_seu_ familiari] Commento. (S. l. e.\n    a.)\n\n        Also printed at Koeln by Henry Quentell in 1492 or 1494, and\n        1506. Later editions are: Hagenau, 1493; Basil, 1504; Koeln,\n        1596; and many others.\n\n        For the full reference, _vide_ Daniel, I.: xvii. There were many\n        of these, and the most famous was long regarded as indispensable\n        to the study of the Latin hymns. It is that of Clichtove. S.W.D.\n\n3. _Liber hymnorum in metra noviter redactorum. Apologia et defensio\n    poeticae ac oratoriae maiestatis. Brevis expositio difficilium\n    terminorum in hymnis ab aliis parum probe et erudite forsan\n    interpretatorum per Henricum Bebelium I ustingensem edita poeticam\n    et humaniores litteras publice profitentem in gymnasio Tubingensi.\n    Annotationes eiusdem in quasdam vocabulorum interpretationes\n    Mammetracti. Thubingen,_ 1501.\n\n        Henry Bebel was a humanist, and became professor at T\u00fcbingen in\n        1497. Zapf published a biography of him at Augsburg in 1801.\n\n4. _Hymni et Sequentiae cum diligenti difficillimorum vocabulorum\n    interpretatione omnibus et scholasticis et ecclesiasticis cognitu\n    necessaria Hermanni Torrentini de omnibus puritatis lingue latine\n    studiosis quam optime meriti.\u2014Coloniae, MCCCCCXIII_.\n\n        Daniel says that a second edition (1550, 1536?) has so closely\n        followed Clichtoveus that the first edition only is worthy of\n        note.\n\n        Hermann Torrentinus was a native of Zwolle, and belonged to the\n        Brotherhood of the Common Life. He was professor at Groningen\n        about 1490, and lived until about 1520. He was one of the group\n        which gathered around John Wessel Gansfort, in whom Luther\n        recognized a kindred spirit.\n\n5. _De tempore et sanctis per totum annum hymnarius in metra ut ab\n    Ambrosio, Sedulio, Prudentio ceterisque doctoribus hymni sunt\n    compositi. Groningen phrisie iam noviter redactus incipit\n    feliciter._\n\n6. _Psalterium Davidis adiunctis hymnis felicem habet finem opera et\n    impensis Melchior Lotters ducalis opidi Liptzensis concivis Anno\n    Milesimo quingentesimo undecimo XVIII die Aprilis_ [1511].\n\n7.* Iodoci Clichtovaei Elucidatorium ecclesiasticum ad Officium\n    Ecclesiae pertinentia planius exponens et quatuor Libros\n    complectens. Primus Hymnos de Tempore et Sanctis per totum Annum.\n    Secundus nonnulla Cantica, Antiphonas et Responsaria. Tertius ea\n    quae ad Missae pertinet Officium, praesertim Praefationes. Quartus\n    Prosas quae in sancti Altaris Sacrificio dicuntur continet. Paris,\n    1515; Basil, 1517 and 1519; Venice, 1555; Paris, 1556; Koeln, 1732.\n\n        The best book of its time on the subject, and long indispensable\n        to the hymnologist. Josse Clichtove was a Flemish theologian. He\n        studied at Paris under the famous Lefevre d\u2019Etaples, and enjoyed\n        the friendship of Erasmus. He was a zealous opponent of Luther.\n        He died in 1543. The Venice edition of his _Elucidatorium\u2014Hymni\n        et Prosae, quae per totum Annum in Ecclesi\u00e2 leguntur_\u2014is much\n        altered, and contains additional hymns from Italian, French, and\n        Hungarian Breviaries, while it also omits others given by\n        Clichtove.\n\n8. _Hymni de tempore et de sanctis in eam formam qua a suis autoribus\n    scripti sunt denuo redacti et secundum legem carminis diligenter\n    emendati atque interpretati. Anno Domini, MDXIX._\n\n        Jacob Wimpheling is the editor. He was an eminent theologian and\n        humanist of Strasburg, and the first to edit Rabanus Maurus\u2019s\n        _De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis_. Already in 1499 he had published a\n        tract: _De Hymnorum et Sequentiarum Auctoribus Generibusque\n        Carminum quae in Hymnis inveniuntur_. One authority gives 1511\n        as the date of his _Hymni_.\n\n9. _Sequentiarum luculenta interpretatio nedum scholasticis sed et\n    ecclesiasticis cognitu necessaria per Ioannem Adelphum physicum\n    Argentinensem collecta. Anno Domini, MDXIX._\n\n10. Jakob van Meyer: Hymni aliquot ecclesiastici et Carmina Pia.\n    Louvain, 1537.\n\n11. Liber ecclesiasticorum carminum, cum alijs Hymnis et Prosis\n    exquisitissimis a sanctis orthodoxae fidei Patribus in usum piorum\n    mentium compositis. Basil, B. Westhemerus, 1538.\n\n12. Laurentius Massorillus: Aureum Sacrorum Hymnorum Opus. Foligni,\n    1547.\n\n13.* _Hymni ecclesiastici praesertim qui Ambrosiani dicuntur multis in\n    locis recogniti et multorum hymnorum accessione locupletati. Cum\n    Scholiis opportunis in locis adjectis et Hymnorum indice Georgii\n    Cassandri. Et, Beda de Metrorum generibus ex primo libra de re\n    metrica. Coloniae Anno MDLVI._\n\n        This was reprinted in Cassander\u2019s Works (Parisiis, 1616).\n        Cassander was a Catholic, who sympathized with the Reformation,\n        and his book was prohibited by the Roman Catholic Church. \u201c_In\n        Romana ecclesia liber est vetitus_,\u201d says Daniel. With the\n        drawback that his knowledge and opportunities were limited by\n        the age in which he lived, it can still be said that this is a\n        very valuable and helpful collection\u2014the scholarly work of an\n        earnest man. S. W. D.\n\n14. Cantiones Ecclesiasticae Latinae ac Synceriores quaedam praeculae\n    Dominicis & Festis Diebus in Commemoratione Cenae Domini, per totius\n    Anni Circulum cantandae ac perlegendae. Per Johannem Spangenbergium\n    Ecclesiae Northusianae inspectorem. Magdeburg, 1543.\n\n15_a_. Carmina vetusta ante trecentos scripta, quae deplorant inscitiam\n    Evangelii, et taxant abusus ceremoniarum, ac quae ostendunt\n    doctrinam hujus temporis non esse novam. Fulsit enim semper et\n    fulgebit in aliquibus vera Ecclesiae doctrina. Cum Praefatione\n    Matthiae Flacii Illyrici. Wittemberg, 1548.\n\n15_b_. Pia quaedam vetustissima Poemata, partim Anti-Christum, ejusque\n    spirituales Filiolos insectantia, partim etiam Christum, ejusque\n    beneficium mira spiritus alacritate celebrantia. Cum praefatione\n    Matthiae Flacii Illyrici. Magdeburg, 1552.\n\n15_c_. Varia Doctorum Piorumque Virorum de Corrupto Statu Ecclesiae\n    Poemata. Ante nostram aetatem conscripta, ex quibus multa historiae\n    quoque utiliter ac summa cum voluptate cognosci possunt. Cum\n    Praefatione Matthiae Flacii Illyrici. Magdeburg, 1556. Reprinted\n    1754.\n\n        These three collections are of importance to the hymnologist.\n        From the first Wackernagel has extracted a number of fine hymns.\n        The third contains Bernard of Cluny\u2019s _De Contemptu Mundi_.\n\n16. Hymni aliquot sacri veterum Patrum una cum eorum simplici\n    Paraphrasi, brevibus argumentis, singulis Carminum generibus, &\n    concinnis Melodijs ... Collectore Georgio Thymo. Goslar, 1552.\n\n17. Psalmodia, hoc est Cantica Sacra veteris Ecclesiae selecta. Quo\n    ordine & Melodijs per totius anni curriculum cantari vsitate solent\n    in templis de Deo, & de filio ejus Iesv Christo, ... Et de Spiritv\n    Sancto.... Jam primum ad Ecclesiarum, & Scholarum vsum diligenter\n    collecta, et brevibus et pijs Scholijs illustrata per Lucam Lossium\n    Luneburgensem. Cum Praefatione Philippi Melanthonis. Wittemberg,\n    1552 and 1595; Nuremberg, 1553 and 1595.\n\nDie Hymni, oder geistlichen Lobgeseng, wie man die in der Cystertienser\n    orden durchs gantz Jar singet. Mit hohem vleis verteutschet durch\n    Leonhardum Kethnerum. Nurnberg, 1555.\n\n18. Hymni et Sequentiae, tam de Tempore quam de Sanctis, cum suis\n    Melodijs, sicut olim sunt cantatae in Ecclesia Dei, & jam passim\n    correcta, per M. Hermannum Bonnum, Superintendentem quondam\n    Ecclesiae Lubecensis, in vsum Christianae juventutis scholasticae\n    fideliter congesta & euulgata. Lubeck, 1559.\n\n19. _Pauli Eberi, Psalmi seu cantica in ecclesia cantari solita.\n    Witteburgiae_, 1564.\n\n20.* _Poetarum Veterum Ecclesiasticorum Opera Christiana et operum\n    reliquiae atque fragmenta. Thesaurus catholicae et orthodoxae\n    ecclesiae et antiquitatis religiosae ad utilitatem iuventutis\n    scholasticae, collectus, emendatus, digestus et commentario quoque\n    expositus diligentia et studio Georgii Fabricii Chemnicensis.\n    Basileae per Ioannem Oporinum MDLXIIII._\n\n        A second edition in 1572. George Fabricius, of Chemnitz, besides\n        editing this important book, was the most prolific writer of\n        Latin hymns the Lutheran Church possessed.\n\n21. Johann Leisentrit: Geistliche Lieder und Psalmen der alten\n    Apostolischer recht und warglaubiger Christlicher Kirchen. 2 parts.\n    Budissin, 1567.\n\n        Used by Wackernagel. Although Leisentrit was the Roman Catholic\n        dean of Budissin, his first part seems to have been censured as\n        of Protestant tendency. The second is made up of hymns to Mary\n        and the Saints. This part was reprinted in 1573 and 1584.\n\n22. _Cantica Selecta Veteris Novique Testamenti cum Hymnis et Collectis\n    seu orationibus purioribus quae in orthodoxa atque catholica\n    ecclesia cantari solent. Addita dispositione et familiari\n    expositione Christophori Corneri. Lipsiae cum privilegio MDLXVIII._\n    A second edition in 1571, and a third in 1573.\n\n23. Cantica ex sacris literis in ecclesia cantari solita cum hymnis et\n    collectis, etc., recognita et aucta per D. Georgium Maiorem.\n    Wittemberg, 1570.\n\n23_b_. Hymni et Collectae, item Evangelia, Epistolae, etc., quae diebus\n    dominicis et festivis leguntur. Koeln, 1573.\n\n24. Psalterium Davidis, etc., cum lemmatibus ac notis Adami Siberi.\n    Accesserunt Hymni festorum dierum insignium. Lipsiae, Iohannes\n    Rhamba excudebat Anno MDLXXVII.\n\n25. _Hymnorum Ecclesiasticorum ab Andrea Ellingero V. Cl. emendatorum\n    libri III, etc. MDLXXVIII. Francofurti ad moenum._\n\n        Daniel calls this the most ample of all the collections, but he\n        criticises the first two volumes severely for their arrangement,\n        and the changes in text made for metrical reasons. The third\n        volume he was able to use, but he felt unsafe in the others\n        except when the editor positively stated in his notes what he\n        considered the original and genuine text. S. W. D.\n\n26. Joh. Holthusius: Compendium Cantionum ecclesiasticarum. Augsburg,\n    1579.\n\n27. _In hymnos ecclesiasticos ferme omnes Michaelis Timothei Gatensis\n    brevis elucidatio. Venetiae_, 1582.\n\n28. Hymni et Collectae. Koeln, 1585.\n\n29. Lorenza Strozzi: In singula totius Anni Solemnia Hymni. Florence,\n    1588.\n\n        These hymns were adopted into the service-books of several\n        dioceses, and were translated into French by Pavillon, and set\n        to music by Maduit. The author was a Dominican nun of the famous\n        Strozzi family.\n\n30. Collectio Hymnorum per totum Annum. Antwerp, Plantin, 1593.\n\n31. Francis Algermann: Ephemeris Hymnorum Ecclesiasticorum ex Patribus\n    selecta. Helmstadt, 1596.\n\n        With German translations.\n\n32. Vesperale et Matutinale, hoc est Cantica, Hymni & Collectae, seu\n    Precationes ecclesiasticae quae in primis et secundis vesperis,\n    itemque matutinis Precibus, per totius Anni circulum, in ecclesiis,\n    & religiosis piorum congressibus cantari solent. 1599.\n\n        The author, Matthew Luidke, was deacon of the Church in\n        Havelberg, and aimed at the naturalization of the methods of the\n        old church books among Lutherans. Daniel gives this book the\n        palm among the Lutheran collections of the Latin hymns. Its\n        author also published a _Missale_, and died in 1606.\n\n33. _Divorum patrum et doctorum ecclesiae qui oratione ligata\n    scripserunt Paraphrases et Meditationes in Evangelia dominicalia e\n    diversis ipsorum scriptis collectae a. M. Ioach. Zehnero ecclesiae\n    Schleusingensis pastore et Superintendente. Lipsiae_, 1602,\n    _sumptibus Thomae Schureri._\n\n        \u201c_Liber utilissimus_,\u201d Daniel. The author was a Protestant, and\n        a diligent student of the old hymns. S. W. D.\n\n34.* Bernardi Morlanensis Monachi ordinis Cluniacensis De Vanitate\n    Mundi, et Glori\u00e2 Caelesti, Liber Aureus. Item alij ejusdem Libri\n    Tres Ejusdem ferm\u00e8 Argumenti, Quibus cum primis in Curiae Romanae &\n    Cleri horrenda scelera stylo Satyrico carmine Rhithmico Dactylico\n    miro artificio ante annos ferm\u00e8 quingentos elaborato, gravissime\n    invehitur. Editi recens, et plurimis locis emendati, studio & opera\n    Eilh. Lubini. Rostochii, Typis Reusnerianis, Anno MDCX.\n\n        One hundred and twenty unnumbered pages in duodecimo, of which\n        three are filled by a dedicatory letter to Matthias Matthiae,\n        Lutheran pastor at Schwensdorf. Professor Lubinus gives no\n        account of the sources of his edition, but says of Bernard:\n        \u201cVixit hic Bernardus Anno Christo 1130. Scripsit colloquium\n        Gabrielis & Mariae. Item hosce, quos jam edimus, & non paucis\n        locis correximus, libros.\u201d\n\n35. _Card. Ioannis Bonae, de divina Psalmodia, tractatus, sive\n    psallentis Ecclesiae Harmonia._ Rome, 1653; Antwerp and Koeln, 1677;\n    Paris, 1678; Antwerp, 1723.\n\n        Also in his _Opera_, Turin, 1747.\n\n36. Charles Guyet: Heortologia, sive de Festis propriis Locorum et\n    Ecclesiarum: Hymni propriae variarum Galliae Ecclesiarum revocati ad\n    Carminis et Latinitatis Leges. Folio. Paris, 1657; Urbino, 1728;\n    Venice, 1729.\n\n37_a_. David Greg. Corner: Grosz Katholisch Gesangbuch. Furth bei Ge.,\n    1625.\n\n37_b_. D. G. Corner: Cantionale. 1655.\n\n37_c_. D. G. Corner: Promptuarium Catholicae Devotionis. Vienna, 1672.\n\n37_d_. D. G. Corner: Horologium Christianae Pietatis. Heidelberg, 1688.\n\n        Contain many old Latin hymns. The third is used by Trench.\n\n38. Andreas Eschenbach: Dissertatio de Poetis sacris Christianis.\n    Altdorf, 1685. (Reprinted in his _Dissertationes Academicae_.\n    Nuremberg, 1705.)\n\n39. C. S. Schurzfleisch: Dissertatio de Hymnis veteris Ecclesiae.\n    Wittemberg, 1685.\n\n40. Lud. Ant. Muratori: Anecdota quae ex Ambrosianae Bibliothecae\n    Codicibus nunc primum eruit, notis et disquisitionibus auxit. 2\n    vols. in quarto. Milan, 1697-98.\n\n        Contains the Bangor Antiphonary and the hymns of Paulinus of\n        Nola.\n\n41. Hymni spirituales pro diversis Animae Christianae Statibus. Paris,\n    1713.\n\n42_a_. Polycarp Leyser: Dissertatio de ficta Medii Aevi Barbarie,\n    imprimis circa Poesin Latinam. Helmstadt, 1719.\n\n42_b_. Pol. Leyser: Historia Poetarum et Poematum Medii Aevi. Halle,\n    1721.\n\n42_c_.* J. G. Walch: De Hymnis Ecclesiae Apostolicae. Jena, 1737.\n    (Reprinted in his Miscellanea Sacra: Amsterdam, 1744.)\n\n43.* _Josephi Mariae Thomasii S.R.E. Cardinalis Opera omnia.\u2014Rome_,\n    1741, in 6 vols., folio, and 1747 et seq. in 12 vols., 4to. (The\n    Hymnarium is found in pages 351-434 of Vol. II., in the 4to\n    edition.)\n\n        \u201cThis book,\u201d remarks Daniel, \u201cis sufficiently rare in Germany,\n        but the editor of sacred hymns can by no means do without it.\u201d\n        The reason is that Thomasius had access to the Vatican MSS., and\n        was therefore able to unearth many rare and valuable texts. He\n        also designated the probable authorship of a goodly number of\n        the hymns\u2014not always correctly, but usually with considerable\n        truth. S. W. D.\n\n44. Peter Zorn: De Hymnorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Collectoribus. In\n    his Opuscula Sacra, Altona, 1731 and 1743.\n\n44_b_. D. Galle: De Hymnis Ecclesiae veteris. Wittemberg, 1736. Pp. 16,\n    4to.\n\n45. _I. H. a Seelen, de poesi Christ. non a tertio post. Chr. nat.\n    seculo, etc., deducenda.\u2014Lubecae_, 1754.\n\n46. J. G. Baumann: De Hymnis et Hymnopoeis veteris et recentioris\n    Ecclesiae. Bremen, 1765.\n\n47_a_. Mart. Gerbert: De Cantu et Musica Sacra, a prima Ecclesiae aetate\n    usque ad praesens tempus. 2 vols., 4to. St. Blaise, 1774.\n\n47_b_. Mart. Gerbert: Scriptores Ecclesiastici de Musica Sacra,\n    potessimum ex variis Italiae, Galliae et Germaniae Manuscriptis\n    collecti, et nunc primum public\u00e2 luce donati. 3 vols., 4to. St.\n    Blaise, 1784.\n\n        This product of unwearied research contains, _inter alia_,\n        treatises by Alcuin, Notker Labeo, Odo of Cluny, Guido of\n        Arezzo, Hermann the Lame, Engelbert of Admont. Martin Gerbert\n        (1720-93) was prince-abbot of St. Blaise in the Black Forest.\n\n48_a_. Faustino Arevalo: Hymnodia Hispanica ad Cantus Latinitatis,\n    Metrique leges revocata et aucta; praemittitur Dissertatio de Hymnis\n    ecclesiasticis eorumque correctione atque optima constitutione;\n    Accedunt Appendix de festo conversionis Gothorum instituendo;\n    Breviarii Quignoniani fata, etc. Rome, 1786.\n\n48_b_. Faustino Arevalo: Poetate Christiani: Prudentius, Dracontius,\n    Juvencus, et Sedulius. 5 vols., quarto. Rome, 1788-94.\n\n        The former of these works has been much used by Neale and\n        Daniel.\n\n49. (Walraff:) Corolla Hymnorum sacrorum publicae devotioni\n    inservientium. Veteres electi sed mendis quibus iteratis in\n    editionibus scatebant detersi, strophis adaucti. Novi adsumpti,\n    recentes primum inserti. Koeln, 1806.\n\n        Taken chiefly from the _Psalteriolum Cantionum_ of the Society\n        of Jesus, of which the sixteenth edition had appeared in 1792 in\n        the same city.\n\n50. _F. M\u00fcnter: Ueber die \u00e4lteste Christliche Poesie.\u2014Kopenhagen_, 1806.\n\n51.* Anthologie christlicher Ges\u00e4nge aus allen Jahrhunderten der Kirche\n    nach der Zeitfolge geordnet und mit geschichtlichen Bemerkungen\n    begleitet. Von Aug. Jak. Rambach. 6 vols. Altona, 1817-33.\n\n        The first volume is occupied with the early and Middle Ages of\n        the Church, especially the Latin Hymns, the texts being given\n        with translations and notes. It merits the high praise Daniel\n        gives it: _studia praeclara Rambachii_. S. W. D.\n\n52. M. F. Jack: Psalmen und Ges\u00e4nge, nebst den Hymnen der \u00e4ltesten\n    Kirche, uebersetzt. 2 vols. Freiburg, 1817.\n\n        Other German-Catholic translators are George Witzel (1550), a\n        M\u00f6nch of Hildesheim (1776), F. X. Jahn (1785), F. J. Weinzerl\n        (1817 and 1821), J. Aigner (1825), Casper Ett (1837), A. A.\n        Hnogek (1837), Deutschmann (1839), R. Lecke (1843), M. A. Nickel\n        (1845), H. Bone (1847), J. Kehrein (1853), G. M. Pachtler\n        (1853), H. Stadelmann (1855), a Priest of the diocese of M\u00fcnster\n        (1855), J. N. Stoeger (1857), Theodor Tilike (1862), G. M.\n        Pachtler (1868), P. J. Belke (1869), and Fr. Hohmann (1872).\n        Silbert, Zabuesnig, Simrock, and Schlosser are given in their\n        proper places in this list.\n\n53.* G. A. Bjorn: Hymni veterum poetarum Christianorum ecclesiae latinae\n    selecti. Copenhagen, 1818.\n\n        Bjorn was the Lutheran pastor of Vemmetofte, in Denmark. His\n        selection is confined to the very early writers: Victorinus,\n        Damasus, Ambrose and his school, Prudentius (the\n        _Kathemerinon_), and Paulinus of Nola. He has a good\n        introduction and notes.\n\n54.* Adolf Ludewig Follen: Alte christliche Lieder und Kirchenges\u00e4nge\n    teutsch und lateinisch, nebst einem Anhange. Elberfeld, 1819.\n\n        Chiefly hymns of the later Middle Ages or by the Jesuits. The\n        author, who was a brother of Professor Follen of Harvard,\n        ascribes the _Dies Irae_ to Malabranca, 1278, Bishop of Ostia,\n        and accepts the _Requiescat a labore_ as a funeral hymn actually\n        sung by Heloise and her nuns over Abelard.\n\n        Other German-Protestant translators, besides those given in this\n        list at their proper places, are H. Freyberg (1839), Ed. von\n        Mildenstein (1854), H. von. Loeper (1869), H. F. M\u00fcller (1869),\n        J. Linke (1884), and Jul. Thikotter (1888).\n\n55. J. P. Silbert: Dom heiliger Sanger, oder fromme Ges\u00e4nge der Vorzeit.\n    Mit Vorrede von Fr. von Schlegel. Vienna and Prague, 1820.\n\n56. F. J. Weinzerl: Hymni sacri ex pluribus Galliae diocesium Brevariis\n    collecti. Augsburg, 1820.\n\n57. Poetae ecclesiasticae Latini. 4 vols., in 12mo. Cambray, 1821-26.\n\n        Embraces Fortunatus, Prudentius, Cherius, Tertullian, Cyprian,\n        Juvencus, Sedulius, Belisarius, Liberius, Prosper, Arator,\n        Lactantius, and Dracontius.\n\n58.* Johann Christoph von Zabuesnig: Katholische Kirchenges\u00e4nge in das\n    Deutsche \u00fcbertragen mit dem Latein zur Seite. 3 vols. Augsburg,\n    1822.\n\n        A second edition, with a Preface by Carl Egger, Augsburg, 1830.\n        The collection is a large one, made from fourteen breviaries,\n        three missals, and other church-books and private collections,\n        besides one manuscript antiphonary. Although a Catholic priest,\n        Zabuesnig selects (from Christopher Corner, 1573) and translates\n        hymns by Melanchthon and Camerarius.\n\n59_a_. Gottl. Ch. Fr. Mohnike: Kirchen- und Literar-historische Studien\n    und Mittheilungen. Stralsund, 1824.\n\n59_b_. Gottl. Chr. Fr. Mohnike: Hymnologische Forschungen. 2 vols.\n    Stralsund, 1831-32.\n\n60.* Ludwig Buchegger: De Origine sacrae Christianorum Poeseos\n    Commentatio. Freiburg, 1827.\n\n61.* Sir Alexander Croke: An Essay on the Origin, Progress, and Decline\n    of Rhyming Latin Verse; with many Specimens. Oxford, 1828.\n\n62.* Jakob Grimm: Hymnorum veteris Ecclesiae XXVI Interpretatio\n    Theotisca nunc primum edita. 4to, pp. 1830.\n\n        Grimm\u2019s \u201cHabilitationsschrift\u201d on entering on his professorship\n        at G\u00f6ttingen. It is from the manuscript presented in the\n        seventeenth century by Francis Junius to the University of\n        Oxford, which contains twenty-six hymns by Ambrose and his\n        school, with a prose version in Old High German of the eighth or\n        ninth century. Four of the hymns had never appeared in any\n        previous collection.\n\n63_a_. Rev. Isaac Williams: Thoughts in Past Years. London, 1831. A\n    sixth edition in 1832.\n\n        Contains twelve versions of Ambrosian and other primitive hymns.\n\n63.* Hoffmann von Fallersleben: Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenliedes\n    bis auf Luther\u2019s Zeit. Hannover, 1832. Second edition, 1854; third\n    edition, *1861.\n\n        Shows the transition from Latin to German in popular use, and\n        discusses the history of forty-five Latin hymns in this\n        connection.\n\n64. F. Martin: Specimens of Ancient Hymns of the Western Church,\n    transcribed from an MS. in the University Library of Cambridge, with\n    Appendix of other Ancient Hymns. Pp. 36, octavo. Norwich, 1835.\n\n        Privately printed in fifty-six copies.\n\n65.* J. C. F. B\u00e4hr: Die Christlichen Dichter und Geschichtschreiber\n    Roms. Eine liter\u00e4rhistorische Uebersicht. Carlsruhe, 1836. New\n    edition, 1872.\n\n66_a_.* Rev. John Chandler: The Hymns of the Primitive Church, now first\n    collected, translated, and arranged. London, 1837.\n\n        Contains 108 Latin hymns with Chandler\u2019s translation, several of\n        which were adopted by the editors of _Hymns Ancient and Modern_.\n        Mr. Chandler died, July 1st, 1876.\n\n66_b_.* Bishop Richard Mant: Ancient Hymns from the Roman Breviary.\n    London, 1837. New edition, 1871 (272 pages).\n\n        Dr. Mant was Bishop of Down and Connor in the Irish Established\n        Church, and died November 2d, 1848. He was an original Latin\n        poet of some note, and a writer of English hymns.\n\n67.* (J. H. Newman:) Hymni Ecclesiae. Pars I., e Breviario Parisiensi;\n    Pars II., e Breviariis Romano, Sarisburiensi, Eboracensi et aliunde.\n    Oxford, 1838.\n\n        A new edition, London, 1865.\n\n        This collection, sometimes known as the Oxford Hymns, was\n        prepared by Cardinal Newman while he was still a presbyter of\n        the Anglican Church, and exhibits everywhere his cultivated\n        taste. Many of the hymns it includes are not to be found in\n        other collections. This is especially true of the hymns from the\n        Paris Breviary of 1736, which make up half the book. S. W. D.\n\n68.* Rev. Isaac Williams: Hymns translated from the Paris Breviary.\n    London, 1839.\n\n        These translations had already appeared in _The British\n        Magazine_ about 1830. Mr. Williams takes rank next after Keble\n        among the poets of the Tractarian movement. He died in 1865.\n\n69.* Ioseph Kehrein: Lateinische Anthologie aus den christlichen\n    Dichtern des Mittelalters. F\u00fcr Gymnasien und Lyceen herausgegeben\n    und mit Anmerkungen begleitet. Erster Theil. Die acht ersten\n    christlichen Jahrhunderte. Frankfurt a. M., 1840.\n\n        An anthology prepared with great labor and small judgment by a\n        prosaic scholar. S. W. D.\n\n70_a_.* Friedrich Gustav Lisco: Dies Irae, Hymnus auf das Weltgericht.\n    Als Beitrag zur Hymnologie. Pp. 156. Great 4to. Berlin, 1840.\n\n70_b_. Friedrich Gustav Lisco: Stabat Mater. Hymnus auf die Schmerzen\n    Mari\u00e4. Nebst einem Nachtrage zu den Uebersetzungen des Hymnus Dies\n    Irae. Zweiter Beitrag zur Hymnologie. Great 4to. Pp. 58. Berlin,\n    1843.\n\n71.* (Professor Henry Mills:) The Hymn of Hildebert, and the Ode of\n    Xavier, with English Versions. Auburn, 1840.\n\n72.* Hermann Adalbert Daniel: Hymnologischer Bl\u00fcthenstrauss aus dem\n    Gebiete alt-lateinischer Kirchenpoesie. 12mo. Halle, 1840.\n\n        Professor Daniel\u2019s first appearance in a field in which he still\n        is the highest authority. Besides his Thesaurus and this little\n        precursor to it, and the dissertation mentioned below, he\n        labored in German hymnology, editing an _Evangelisches\n        Kirchen-Gesangbuch_ in 1842, and Zinzendorf\u2019s hymns in 1851. He\n        also took part in the preparation of the standard German\n        hymn-book of the Eisenach Conference, which is intended to put\n        an end to the unlimited variety of hymn-books in the local\n        churches of Germany. For Ersch and Gruber\u2019s huge _Encyclop\u00e4die_,\n        he wrote the article \u201cGesangbuch,\u201d which is reprinted in his\n        _Zerstreute Bl\u00e4tter_ (Halle, 1840). And besides all this he\n        published in 1847-53 a _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae_,\n        and was a leading authority in Pedagogics and in Geography.\n\n73.* Ferdinand Wolf: Ueber die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche. Ein Beitrag\n    zur Geschichte der Rhythmischen Formen und Singweisen der\n    Volkslieder und der Volksm\u00e4ssigen Kirchen- und Kunstlieder im\n    Mittelalter. Mit VIII Facsimiles und IX Musikbeilagen. Heidelberg,\n    1841.\n\n74.* Hermann Adalbert Daniel: Thesaurus Hymnologicus sive hymnorum\n    canticorum sequentiarum circa annum MD usitatarum collectio\n    amplissima. Carmina collegit, apparatu critico ornavit, veterum\n    interpretum notas selectas suasque adiecit. V Tomi. Leipzig,\n    1841-56.\n\n        Still the chief text-book for the student of Latin hymnology.\n        Vols. I. (1841) and IV. (1855) contain the Hymns. Vols. II.\n        (1844) and V. (1856), the Sequences. Vol. III. (1846), Hymns of\n        the Greek and Syrian Churches. To Vol. V. Dr. Neale contributes\n        a Latin introduction on the nature of the Sequence.\n\n        In the two last volumes Daniel uses freely and with\n        acknowledgment the labors especially of Mone and Neale. The\n        fifth volume contains also indices to all five volumes by first\n        lines, and also a topical index. The worst defect of the book is\n        the poorness of this latter. Next to that is its author\u2019s very\n        insufficient preparation for his work when he published his two\n        first volumes; but that probably was unavoidable. Vols. IV. and\n        V. show how much he had grown in his mastery of his field of\n        labor. But his learning and his care give his book a place\n        inferior to none.\n\n75.* K. E. P. Wackernagel: Das Deutsche Kirchenlied von Martin Luther\n    bis auf Nicolaus Herman und Ambrosius Blaurer. Stuttgart, 1841.\n\n        Wackernagel\u2019s first and shorter work. Recognizing in the Latin\n        hymns the starting-point of German hymnology, he begins his book\n        with thirty-seven pages of Latin hymns and sequences, taken\n        mostly from Lossius and Rambach, with some from the _Hymni et\n        Collectae_ of 1585.\n\n75_b_. A. D. Wackerbarth: Lyra Ecclesiastica: a Collection of Ancient\n    and Godly Latin Hymns, with an English Translation. Two series.\n    London, 1842-43.\n\n76_a_.* Ed\u00e9lestand du Meril: Poesies populaires latines anterieures au\n    douzi\u00e8me si\u00e8cle. Paris, 1843.\n\n        This book, like the similar work of Thomas Aldis Wright,\n        contains the popular Latin poetry of the Middle Ages previous to\n        the twelfth century. But it also contains the first part of the\n        hymns of Abelard, and it is from this volume that Trench and\n        March took their examples of his poetry. The later discovery of\n        the entire hymnarium prepared for the Abbey of the Paraclete\n        emphasizes the importance of De Meril\u2019s researches. S. W. D.\n\n76_b_. Ed\u00e9lestand du Meril: Poesies populaires latines du Moyen Age.\n    Paris, 1847.\n\n        A continuation of his first work of 1843. Both are used freely\n        by Daniel in his later volumes and by Mone.\n\n77.* Jacques Paul Migne: Patrologiae Cursus Completus, sive Bibliotheca\n    Universalis, Integra, Uniformis, Commoda, Oeconomica omnium Patrum,\n    Doctorum Scriptorumque Ecclesiasticorum qui ab Aevo Apostolico ad\n    Innocentii III Tempora floruerunt. CCXXI Tomi Paris, 1844-55. New\n    edition begun in 1878.\n\n        For the Christian Poets, see the following volumes: Abelard,\n        168; Adam of St. Victor, 196; Alan of Lisle, 210; Ambrose, 16\n        and 17; Anselm of Canterbury, 158; Bede, 94; Bernard of\n        Clairvaux, 184; Damasus, 13; Drepanius Florus, 61; Elpis, 63;\n        Ennodius, 63; Eugenius, 87; Florus, 110: Venantius Fortunatus,\n        88; Fulbert, 141; Godeschalk, 141; Gregory the Great, \u2014\u2014; the\n        Emperor Henry, 140; Heribert of Eichstetten, 141; Hilary, 10;\n        Hildebert, 171; Hincmar, 125; Innocent III., 217; Isidore, 83;\n        John Scotus Erigena, 122; Juvencus, 19; Claudianus Mamertus, 53;\n        Marbod, 171; Notker, 131; Odo of Cluny, 142; Paulinus of Nola,\n        61; Peter Damiani, 145; Peter of Cluny, 189; Prudentius, 59;\n        Rabanus Maurus, 112; Robert II, 141; Ratpert of St. Gall, 87;\n        Coelius Sedulius, 19; Walafried Strabo, 114; Tutilo of St. Gall,\n        87; Paul Warnefried, 95.\n\n        Anonymous poems as follows: IId and IIId centuries, 2; IVth\n        century, 7; Vth century, 61; VIIth century, 87; IXth century,\n        98; XIth century, 151; XIIth century, 190.\n\n78.* C. Fortlage: Ges\u00e4nge Christl. Vorzeit. Auswahl der vorz\u00fcglichsten\n    aus den Griechischen und Lateinischen \u00fcbersetzt. Berlin, 1844.\n\n78_a_.* (John Williams): Ancient Hymns of Holy Church. Pp. 128, 12mo.\n    Hartford, 1845.\n\n        Contains original translations of forty Latin hymns, mostly\n        Ambrosian and other early hymns in the abbreviated versions of\n        the Roman Breviary. Twenty-two of Isaac Williams\u2019s translations\n        of hymns from the Paris Breviary are appended. The author was at\n        the time rector of St. George\u2019s church in Schenectady, and in\n        1851 became bishop of Connecticut.\n\n79.* K. I. Simrock: Lauda Syon, altchristliche Kirchenlieder und\n    geistliche Gedichte, lateinisch und deutsch. K\u00f6ln, 1846.\n\n        A second edition in 1868. One of the most eminent Germanists,\n        and an extremely felicitous translator (1802-76).\n\n80.* G. A. K\u00f6nigsfeld: Lateinische Hymnen und Ges\u00e4nge aus dem\n    Mittelalter, deutsch, unter Beibehaltung der Versmasse. Nebst\n    Einleitung und Anmerkungen; unter brieflicher Bemerkungen und\n    Uebersetzungen von A. W. Schlegel. Bonn, 1847.\n\n        An admirably done piece of work. Specimens from twenty-five\n        authors, with twenty anonymous hymns chiefly of the Jesuit\n        school. A second series in 1865.\n\n81.* Richard Chenevix Trench: Sacred Latin Poetry. London, 1849. Second\n    edition, 1864; third edition, 1878.\n\n        Archbishop Trench\u2019s little book has had a wide popularity, and\n        many persons have been induced by it to take a deeper interest\n        in the subject. But it is disfigured by its arrangement, which\n        excludes everything that cannot be safely employed by\n        Protestants. Lines are omitted from Hildebert; the _Stabat\n        Mater_ of Jacoponus is absent, and the _Pange lingua_ of Aquinas\n        is also missing. Moreover the notes, which have been easily\n        prepared from Latin sources, are scarcely satisfactory. Yet,\n        take it for all in all, it is a volume that may be highly\n        commended, for the archbishop is a poet, and has a poet\u2019s\n        appreciation of the beautiful. We are indebted to him for hymns\n        from Marbod, Mauburn, W. Alard, Balde, Pistor, and Alan of\n        Lisle, which are not readily found. S. W. D.\n\n        There is much in the recent biography of Archbishop Trench which\n        is of interest to hymnologists, especially his correspondence\n        with Dr. Neale.\n\n82_a_.* Edward Caswall: Lyra Catholica: containing all the Hymns of the\n    Roman Breviary and Missal, with others from various Sources. London,\n    1849; New York, 1851. New edition, London, 1884.\n\n        Mr. Caswall was one of the clergymen who left the Church of\n        England for the Roman communion with Dr. Newman. Some of his\n        translations, especially of Bernard of Clairvaux, are among the\n        most felicitous in the language. The American edition has an\n        Appendix of \u201cHymns, Anthems, etc., appropriate to particular\n        occasions of devotion.\u201d It is this edition which has been\n        abridged in the first volume of the _Hymns of the Ages_ (1858).\n\n82_b_. J. R. Beste: Church Hymns in English, that may be sung to the old\n    church music. With approbation. London, 1849.\n\n83.* D. Ozanam: Documents inedits pour servir a l\u2019Histoire litteraire de\n    l\u2019Italie depuis le VIIIe Siecle jusq\u2019au XIIIe. Paris, 1850.\n\n        Pages 221-57 is an account of a collection of two hundred and\n        forty-three Latin hymns found in a Vatican manuscript, which he\n        assigns to the ninth century, and to the Benedictines of Central\n        Italy. He prints those not found in Daniel. Reprinted in Migne\u2019s\n        _Patrologia_: 151; 813ff.\n\n84. Hymnale secundum Usum insignis et praeclarae Ecclesiae\n    Sarisburiensis. Littlemore, 1850.\n\n85.* Hymnarium Sarisburense, cum Rubricis et Notis Musicis. Variae\n    inseruntur lectiones Codicum MSS. Anglicorum, cum iis quae a Geo.\n    Cassandro, J. Clichtoveo, J. M. Thomasio, H. A. Daniel, e Codd.\n    Germanis, Gallicis, Italis, erutae sunt. Accedunt etiam Hymni et\n    Rubricae e Libris secundum usus Ecclesiarum Cantuariensis,\n    Eboracensis, Wigornensis, Herefordensis, Gloucestrensis, aliisque\n    Codd. MSS. Anglicanis excerpti. Pars prima. London and Cambridge,\n    1851.\n\n        Gives hymns and various readings from twenty-six English\n        manuscripts.\n\n86.* Joseph Stevenson: Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church; with an\n    Interlinear Anglo-Saxon Gloss, from a Manuscript of the Eleventh\n    Century in Durham Library. Edited for the Surtees Society. London\n    and Durham, 1851.\n\n        Of some value as showing what hymns were used in the early\n        English Church, before the Norman Conquest. The gloss is not\n        Northumbrian, as might be supposed from its being found in the\n        Library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham, but West-Saxon,\n        probably from Winchester.\n\n86_b_. Boetticher: Hymns of the old Catholic Church of England. Halle,\n    1851.\n\n87.* Joh. F. H. Schlosser: Die Kirche in ihren Liedern durch all\n    Jahrhunderte. 2 vols. Mainz, 1851-52. Second edition. Freiburg,\n    1863.\n\n        Translations without texts, but some valuable notes, especially\n        to later hymns. The first volume is devoted to the Latin hymns,\n        and contains the beautiful fragment of a lost sequence which\n        Schlosser heard from his brother in 1812. It represents the\n        Apostle Paul weeping over the grave of Virgil at Puteoli:\n\n        Ad Maronis mausoleum\n        Ductus, fudit super eum\n        Piae rorem lachrymae:\n        Quantum, inquit, te fecissem,\n        Vivum si te invenissem,\n        Poetarum maxime.\n\n        Dean Stanley has translated it.\n\n88_a_.* J. M. Neale: Hymni Ecclesiae e Brevariis et Missalibus\n    Gallicanis, Germanis, Hispanis, Lusitanis, desumpti. Oxford, 1850.\n\n88_b_.* J. M. Neale: Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences, translated into\n    English. London, 1851. A second edition in 1863.\n\n88_c_.* J. M. Neale: Sequentiae ex Missalibus Germanicis, Anglicis,\n    Gallicis, aliisque Mediaei Aevi collectae. London, 1852.\n\n88_d_.* J. M. Neale and Thos. Helmore: A Hymnal Noted; or Translations\n    of the Ancient Hymns of the Church set to their proper Melodies.\n    London, 1852.\n\n        These four volumes are the first of Dr. Neale\u2019s; but in the\n        pages of the _Ecclesiologist_, both before and after this, he\n        was collecting and publishing unnoticed sequences from English\n        and Continental sources.\n\n89.* Card. Angelo Mai: Nova Patrum Bibliotheca. 6 vols. Rome, 1852-53.\n\n        Vol. I. (Part II, pp. 199 et seq.) contains unpublished hymns\n        supplementary to Thomasius.\n\n90.* F. J. Mone: Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters, aus Handschriften\n    herausgegeben und erkl\u00e4rt. In Drei B\u00e4nde: I, Gott und die Engel; II,\n    Marienlieder; III, Heiligenlieder. 3 Vols. Freiburg, 1853.\n\n        Mone\u2019s book appeared while Daniel\u2019s Thesaurus was in process of\n        publication. The value of it is in its arrangement, for it\n        groups the hymns, \u201cTo God and the Angels,\u201d \u201cTo Mary,\u201d and \u201cTo\n        the Saints,\u201d in three separate volumes, and with some regard to\n        dates. It also furnishes many hymns and sequences never\n        previously published. It is deficient in taste, and very Roman\n        Catholic in its ideas. Several of the best known hymns\u2014for\n        example, the _Dies Irae_\u2014are not found in it. Daniel 5:5 gives\n        in a footnote a list of these delinquencies, embracing sixty of\n        the most ancient and celebrated hymns and sequences. Aside from\n        this, Mone is a careful and admirable editor. His pages are well\n        printed, and the notes are in German instead of Latin. Mone was\n        \u201cDirector of Archives\u201d at Carlsruhe, and died March 12th, 1871.\n        S. W. D.\n\n91.* Cl. Frantz: Geschichte der geistlichen Liedertexte vor der\n    Reformation mit besonderer Beziehung auf Deutschland. Halberstadt,\n    1853.\n\n92.* Felix Cl\u00e9ment: Carmina e Poetis Christianis excerpta. Parisiis\n    (Gaume Fratres), 1854. 564 pp.\n\n        Latin texts from the fourth to the fourteenth century, with\n        French notes.\n\n93.* Kauffer: Jesus Hymnen. Sammlung altkirchlicher lateinischer Ges\u00e4nge\n    mit freier deutscher Uebersetzung. Leipzig, 1854.\n\n        Small, but good. The selections are admirable. S. W. D.\n\n94.* H. N. Oxenham: The Sentence of Kaires, and other Poems. London,\n    1854.\n\n        Contains important translations, as does the following:\n\n95. W. J. Blew: A Church Hymn and Tune Book. London, Rivingtons, 1855.\n\n96.* J. H. Todd: Leabhar Imnuihn. The Book of Hymns of the Ancient\n    Church of Ireland. Edited from the original Manuscript in the\n    Library of Trinity College, Dublin, with Translation and Notes.\n    Dublin (Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society), 1855 and 1869.\n\n97.* John David Chambers (Recorder of New Sarum): Lauda Syon: Ancient\n    Latin Hymns of the English and other Churches, translated into\n    corresponding metres. II. Parts. London, 1857. New edition, 1866.\n\n97_a_.* Earl Nelson and others: The Salisbury Hymn-Book. London, 1857.\n\n98.* A. F. C. Vilmar: Spicilegium Hymnologicum, continens I, Hymnos\n    veteres ineditos et editorum lectionis varietatem; II, Hymnorum\n    veterum qui apud Evangelicos in Linguam Germanicam versi usu\n    venerunt Delectum. Marburg, 1857.\n\n99.* (Mrs. E. R. Charles:) The Voice of the Christian Life in Song; or\n    Hymns and Hymn-Writers of Many Lands and Ages. London, 1858; New\n    York, 1859.\n\n        Very interesting\u2014and not always accurate. There are no Latin\n        texts. Several of the translations are excellent. Six of the\n        fourteen chapters are given to the Latin hymns. S. W. D.\n\n100.* Ferd. B\u00e4ssler: Auswahl altchristlicher Lieder vom 2-15sten Jahrh.\n    Berlin, 1858.\n\n        Well chosen and good. S. W. D.\n\n101. Ans. Schubiger: Die S\u00e4ngerschule St. Gallens vom achten bis\n    zw\u00f6lften Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur Gesanggeschichte des\n    Mittelalters. Mil vielen Facsimile und Beispielen. Einsiedeln und\n    New York, 1858.\n\n        Sixty texts with the old music and fac-similes.\n\n102. Gautier: Oeuvres poetiques de Adam de St. Victor. Paris, 1858-59.\n\n103.* John Mason Neale: The Rhythm of Bernard de Morlaix, Monk of Cluny,\n    on the Celestial Country. London, 1858. Sixth edition, 1866.\n\n        The translation is reprinted by Judge Mott, and by Schaff and\n        Gilman in the _Library of Religious Poetry_.\n\n104.* Ebenezer Thomson: A Vindication of the Hymn Te Deum Laudamus from\n    Errors and Misrepresentations of a Thousand Years. With Translations\n    into various Languages, ancient and modern. And a Paraphrase in Old\n    English, now first printed from the original MS. London, 1858.\n\n105.* Frederick Wilson: Sacred Hymns; chiefly from Ancient Sources.\n    Arranged according to the Seasons of the Church. Philadelphia, 1859.\n\n106.* Dies Irae in Thirteen Original Versions by Abraham Coles, M.D.,\n    Ph.D. New York, 1859. Fourth edition, 1866.\n\n        Dr. Coles is a practising physician of Newark, N. J., who has\n        translated the _Dies Irae_ some sixteen or seventeen times, and\n        has also given versions of the _Stabat Mater_, the _Rhythm_ of\n        Bernard of Cluny, and other hymns. The merit of these\n        translations is slight; but one of the renderings of the _Dies\n        Irae_ was introduced into the _Plymouth Collection of Hymns and\n        Tunes_, and two stanzas gained currency through Mrs. Stowe\u2019s\n        novel of _Uncle Tom\u2019s Cabin_. Dr. Coles has also compared the\n        Mantuan and Roman texts of the _Dies Irae_, and has given the\n        results of his investigation. His book has passed through four\n        or five editions. S. W. D.\n\n107.* (John William Hewett:) Verses. By a Country Curate.\n    Ashby-de-la-Zouche and London, 1859.\n\n108.* Rev. Sir Henry W. Baker and others: Hymns Ancient and Modern for\n    use in the Services of the Church. London, Novello (1861).\n\n        New edition in 1868, with an Appendix, which increased the\n        number of hymns from two hundred and seventy-three to three\n        hundred and eighty-six. Revised and enlarged edition in 1874. An\n        edition annotated by Rev. L. C. Biggs in 1867.* See No. 132.\n\n109.* (C. B. Moll:) Hymnarium. Bl\u00fcthen lateinischer Kirchenpoesie.\n    Halle, 1861.\n\n        An improved edition, with biographical notices of the authors,\n        in 1868.*\n\n110_a_. Eucharistic Hymns: now first translated. Edited by a Committee\n    of Clergy. London, 1862.\n\n110_b_. Prayers and Meditations on the Passion. Edited by a Committee of\n    Clergy. London, 1862.\n\n        Contain translations of Latin hymns by L.\n\n111. H. Trend: A Hymnal for Use in the Services of the Church of\n    England. London, Rivington, 1862.\n\n        Translations from the Latin by Dr. Trend and Mr. I. C. Smith.\n\n112. Herbert Kynaston: Occasional Hymns. London, 1862.\n\n113_a_. The Divine Liturgy. Edited by the Rev. Orby Shipley. London,\n    Masters, 1863.\n\n113_b_.* Lyra Eucharistica: Hymns and Verses on the Holy Communion,\n    Ancient and Modern; with other Poems. Edited by the Rev. Orby\n    Shipley. London, 1863.\n\n113_c_.* Lyra Messianica: Hymns and Verses on the Life of Christ,\n    Ancient and Modern; with other Poems. Edited by the Rev. Orby\n    Shipley. London, 1864.\n\n        A second edition, revised and enlarged, in 1865.*\n\n113_d_.* Lyra Mystica: Hymns and Verses on Sacred Subjects, Ancient and\n    Modern. Edited by the Rev. Orby Shipley. London, 1869.\n\n        These four books, compiled while Mr. Shipley was still a\n        clergyman of the English Church, contain many original\n        translations, besides selections from other authors. Some are\n        excellent, but many are mediocre. S. W. D.\n\n114. P. S. Worsley: Poems and Translations. Edinburgh, Blackwood, 1863.\n\n115.* Philipp Wackernagel: _Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der \u00e4ltesten\n    Zeit bis zu Anfang des siebenzehnten Jahrhunderts_. 5 vols. Leipzig,\n    1864-77.\n\n        This is the greatest work except Koch\u2019s (which is more recent)\n        upon German hymns. In the first volume, which contains Latin\n        hymns only, we find many originals, and some texts which have\n        been printed from MSS. sources. Hymns by Protestants are\n        included. The order is chronological. The notes are extremely\n        valuable. S. W. D.\n\n116.* Edward Hobein: Buch der Hymnen. Aeltere Kirchenlieder, aus dem\n    Lateinischen \u00fcbertragen. Schwerin, 1864.\n\n        The Latin text (sixty-seven hymns) at the foot of the page. The\n        order is chronological. A second edition in 1870.\n\n117.* G. A. K\u00f6nigsfeld: Lateinische Hymnen und Ges\u00e4nge aus dem\n    Mittelalter. Bonn, 1865.\n\n        This, with the selection of 1847, contitutes a most admirable\n        anthology of texts translated into German verse, and with notes\n        and brief biographies. K\u00f6nigsfeld is substantially accurate, but\n        he does not attempt anything very deep or original. The second\n        volume contains a commendatory letter from the Emperor of\n        Germany. S. W. D.\n\n118_a_.* Abraham Coles: Stabat Mater: Hymn of the Sorrows of Mary,\n    translated. New York, 1865.\n\n118_b_.* Abraham Coles: Old Gems in new Settings, comprising the\n    choicest of the Mediaeval Hymns, with original Translations. New\n    York, 1866.\n\n        Contains Dr. Trench\u2019s cento from Bernard of Cluny, the _Veni,\n        sancte Spiritus_, the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_, the _Apparebit\n        repentina_, and the _Cur Mundus militat_, with versions. These\n        two books and the author\u2019s versions of the _Dies Irae_ appeared\n        in one volume in New York, 1867.\n\n119.* Seven Great Hymns of the Mediaeval Church. New York, 1865.\n\n        This collection, made by Judge Noyes, includes Dr. Neale\u2019s\n        translation from Bernard of Cluny, English versions of the _Dies\n        Irae_, the _Mater Speciosa_, the _Stabat Mater_, the _Veni\n        Sancte_, the _Veni Creator_, and the _Vexilla Regis_. The\n        originals are given. The book, though quite small, has been\n        extremely popular, and there have been some seven editions. S.\n        W. D.\n\n120_a_. Th. J. Michael: Dissertatiuncula de Hymno \u201cTe Deum laudamus,\u201d\n    praemissis paucis de Poeseos hymnicae veteris Histori\u00e2. Zittau,\n    1865.\n\n120_b_.* Th. J. Michael: Dissertatio de Sequentia Mediae Aetatis \u201cDies\n    Irae, Dies Illa.\u201d Quarto. Zittau, 1866.\n\n121.* Songs of Praise and Poems of Devotion in the Christian Centuries.\n    With an introduction by Henry Copp\u00e9e, Professor of English\n    Literature in the University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, E. H.\n    Butler & Co., 1866.\n\n        Notable for translations made by the late Rev. E. A. Washburn,\n        D. D., an accomplished and elegant scholar, whose versions are\n        among the best. S. W. D.\n\n122.* John Mason Neale: Hymns on the Glories and Joys of Paradise.\n    Translated or edited. London, 1865. Second edition, 1866.\n\n123.* H. N. Schletterer: Uebersichtliche Darstellung der Geschichte der\n    kirchlichen Dichtung und geistlichen Musik. N\u00f6rdlingen, 1866.\n\n124. J. Kayser: Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte und Erkl\u00e4rung der Kirchenhymnen.\n    Drei Hefte. Paderborn, 1866-69.\n\n125.* Ed. Emil Koch: Geschichte des Kirchenlieds und Kirchengesangs der\n    christlichen, inbesonders der deutschen evangelischen Kirche. Third\n    edition. 8 vols. Stuttgart, 1866-69.\n\n        It is in this last edition that Koch gives considerable space to\n        the Latin hymns, which got about fifty pages in his second\n        edition, in 4 volumes, 1852-53.\n\n126.* Samuel W. Duffield: The Heavenly Land, from the De Contemptu Mundi\n    of Bernard de Morlaix, monk of Cluny (XIIth century), rendered into\n    corresponding English verse. New York, 1867.\n\n        This was the first attempt to render the cento prepared by\n        Trench into the rhythm of the original.\n\n127.* Erastus C. Benedict: The Hymn of Hildebert and other Mediaeval\n    Hymns, with Translations. New York, 1867.\n\n        Chancellor Benedict (_ob._ 1878) was a judge in New York,\n        equally respected for his attainments as a jurist and his\n        character as a man and a Christian. This volume contains\n        seventeen hymns, with translations, including three of the _Dies\n        Irae_. He contributed many others to the columns of the\n        _Christian Intelligencer_, including a translation of the long\n        hymn, or rather series of hymns, on the Epiphany by Prudentius.\n\n128.* Hermann Adalbert Daniel: Die Kirchweih-Hymnen Christe cunctorum\n    Dominator alme. Urbs beata Hirusalem. Pp. 24, great quarto. Halle,\n    1867.\n\n        A defence of his view that the former hymn was not written for a\n        church dedication, but had been converted to that use by adding\n        three verses. It is in reply to a dissertation by Professor Hugo\n        L\u00e4mmer, who had published a dissertation: _Coelestis Urbs\n        Ierusalem: Aphorismen nebst Beilage_. Breslau, 1866.\n\n129.* _P. Gall Morel: Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters,\n    gr\u00f6sstentheils aus Handschriften Schweizerischer Kl\u00f6ster, als\n    Nachtrag zu Hymnensammlungen von Mone, Daniel und Andern\n    herausgegeben.\u2014Einsiedeln, New York und Cincinnati, Benzigers_,\n    1868.\n\n        Based on an examination of one hundred and thirty-six\n        manuscripts, chiefly from Rheinau, Einsiedeln, and Engelberg.\n        Edited in the style of Mone, who indeed suggested the work, but\n        without annotations of any extent.\n\n129_b_. P. Baur: Cantiones selectae ex vetere Psalteriola Rev. Patrum\n    Societatis Jesu, cum Modis musicis. Aachen, 1868.\n\n129_c_. J. Pauly: Hymni Breviarii Romani. Zum gebrauche f\u00fcr Kleriker\n    \u00fcbersetzt und erkl\u00e4rt. 3 parts. Aachen, 1868-70.\n\n130.* T. G. Crippen: Ancient Hymns and Poems. Chiefly from the Latin.\n    Translated and Imitated. London, 1868.\n\n131. Karl Bartsch: Die lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters in\n    musicalischer und rhythmischer Beziehung dargestellt. Rostock, 1868.\n\n        Karl Friedrich Bartsch was a philologist equally eminent in the\n        Germanic and the Romance fields, and was professor at Rostock.\n        He died in 1888.\n\n132.* Rev. Sir Henry Baker and others: Hymns Ancient and Modern, for use\n    in the Services of the Church; with Annotations, Originals,\n    References, Authors\u2019 and Translators\u2019 Names, etc. Re-edited by Rev.\n    Louis Coutier Biggs. London, 1868.\n\n133.* A. Thierfelder: De Christianorum Psalmis et Hymnis usque ad\n    Ambrosii Tempora. Leipzig, 1868.\n\n134.* Philip Schaff: \u0399\u03a7\u0398\u03a5\u03a3, Christ in Song. Hymns of Immanuel. Selected\n    from all Ages, with Notes. New York, 1869.\n\n        Contains translations of seventy-three Latin hymns by various\n        authors, some of them by the editor.\n\n135.* H. M. Schletterer: Geschichte der geistlichen Dichtung und\n    kirchlichen Tonkunst vom Beginne des Christenthums bis zum Anfange\n    des elften Jahrhunderts. Mit einer Einleitung \u00fcber die Poesie und\n    Musik der alten V\u00f6lker. Hannover, 1869.\n\n        Meant to be the first part of a history coming down to our own\n        times, but not continued. The author was a musician by\n        profession\u2014_Kapellmeister_ at Augsburg\u2014so his interest is\n        chiefly in the musical history. But he gives a good deal of\n        information about the hymns and their writers, and appends\n        translations of one hundred and twenty-seven by various German\n        authors.\n\n136.* J. Keble: Miscellaneous Poems. London and New York, 1869.\n\n137.* Lateinische Hymnen aus angeblichen Liturgien des Tempelordens.\n    Kritisch und exegetisch bearbeitet von Dr. Hermann Hoefig. Parchim,\n    1870.\n\n        A curiosity. The eleven hymns are partly church hymns, adapted\n        to the alchemico-mystical ideas which pervaded the order of the\n        Templars in its last years, and partly lamentations over the\n        fall of Jerusalem and other calamities of the kingdom of\n        Jerusalem.\n\n138.* David T. Morgan: Hymns of the Latin Church. Translated; with the\n    originals appended. Privately printed (London), 1871.\n\n        My own copy was presented by the author in autograph to James\n        Appleton Morgan, and bears the latter\u2019s book-plate. The range of\n        selections is moderate; the execution of the versions is fair,\n        and the text is well edited. There are numerous corrections and\n        improvements made in the author\u2019s handwriting. S. W. D.\n\n139.* Charles Buchanan Pearson: Sequences from the Sarum Missal. London,\n    1871.\n\n        In the preface is a good description of the Sequence and its\n        origin. The book is useful and well edited. S. W. D.\n\n140. Cl. Brockhaus: Aurelius Prudentius Clemens in seiner Bedeutung f\u00fcr\n    die Kirche seiner Zeit. Nebst Uebersetzung des Gedichtes\n    _Apotheosis_. Leipzig, 1872.\n\n141.* W. H. Odenheimer and Fred. M. Bird: Songs of the Spirit. New York,\n    1871.\n\n        Twenty-three translations of Latin hymns, with a much larger\n        number of English.\n\n142.* Joseph Kehrein: _Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters aus\n    Handschriften und Drucken.\u2014Mainz_, 1873.\n\n        This latest collection of the original texts of the hymns is\n        prepared by one of the most patient and laborious of scholars.\n        But there is scarcely to be found in it a single spark of the\n        divine fire. It is filled, on the contrary, with the scoriae and\n        ashes of monastic illiteracy. It contains eight hundred and\n        ninety-five hymns\u2014few of which are familiar and many of which\n        are strictly unnecessary. The classification and especially the\n        glossary of mediaeval Latin words can be highly commended. It is\n        confined to \u201csequences,\u201d but this word is used in so loose a\n        sense as to include many regularly formed hymns along with the\n        rhythmical proses. S. W. D.\n\n143.* Edward Caswall: Hymns and Poems, Original and Translated. Second\n    edition, 1873.\n\n144. S. G. Pimont: Les Hymnes du Br\u00e9vaire romaine. \u00c9tudes critiques,\n    litt\u00e9raires et mystiques. III. Tomes. Paris, 1874-84.\n\n145.* Ad. Ebert: Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im\n    Abendlande. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1874-87.\n\n        See especially the third book of Vol. I.; and Vol. II., which\n        embraces the age of Charles the Great and his successors. S. W.\n        D.\n\n146.* F. A. March: Latin Hymns, with English Notes. For use in schools\n    and colleges. New York, 1875 and 1883.\n\n        This is the first volume of the \u201cDouglass Series of Christian\n        Classics for Schools and Colleges.\u201d Professor March\u2019s text is\n        carefully edited; his selections are wisely made, and his notes\n        are judicious. This is the cheapest, fullest, and best work, if\n        the Latin texts are desired. It contains no translations, and it\n        so far mistakes its scope and purpose as to give space to Mr.\n        Gladstone\u2019s version of _Rock of Ages_, and Philip Buttmann\u2019s\n        rendering of Luther\u2019s _Ein\u2019 feste Burg_. S. W. D.\n\n147. J. H\u00fcmer: Untersuchungen \u00fcber den iambischen Dimeter bei den\n    christlichen-lateinischen Hymnendichtern. Vienna, 1876.\n\n148.* (Rich. F. Littledale:) The People\u2019s Hymnal. London, 1877.\n\n149.* Lyra Sacra Hibernica, compiled and edited by Rev. W. MacIlwaine,\n    D.D. Belfast (1878). Second edition, 1879.\n\n        An unusually poetic and capital volume. It embraces several\n        translations of early hymns, and contains the Latin of the Hymn\n        of Columba, the _Lorica_ S. Patricii in a Latin version, the\n        _Sancti Venite_, and the Hymn of Sedulius. S. W. D.\n\n150.* Frank Foxcroft: Resurgit: A Collection of Hymns and Songs of the\n    Resurrection. Edited with Notes. With an Introduction by Andrew\n    Preston Peabody, D.D. Boston and New York, 1879.\n\n151. J. H\u00fcmer: Untersuchungen \u00fcber die \u00e4ltesten lateinischen\n    christlichen Rhythmen. Vienna, 1879.\n\n152_a_. E. Dummler: Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini. Berlin, 1880-84. 2\n    vols.\n\n        Contains also hymns. II., p. 244-58.\n\n152_b_. E. Dummler: Rythmorum Ecclesiasticorum Aevi Carolini Specimen.\n    Berlin, 1881.\n\n153.* Philip Schaff and Arthur Gilman: A Library of Religious Poetry. A\n    Collection of the best Poems of all Ages and all Tongues. With\n    Illustrations. Pp. 1036, lexicon octavo. New York, 1880.\n\n        Contains many of the finest translations of the Latin hymns.\n\n154.* Digby S. Wrangham: The Liturgical Poetry of Adam of St. Victor. 3\n    vols. London, 1881.\n\n        Mr. Wrangham has compiled\u2014principally from Gautier\u2014the various\n        poems attributed to this author. He has given translation and\n        text upon opposite pages, but adds nothing to our knowledge by\n        any special scholarship. S. W. D.\n\n155.* Joh. Kayser: Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte und Erkl\u00e4rung der \u00c4ltesten\n    Kirchenhymnen. Second edition. Paderborn, 1881 (477 pp.).\n\n        This is the latest German contribution to the criticism of the\n        earliest hymns. It is a series of monographs on these and their\n        authors. It comes down only to the sixth century, and closes\n        with Fortunatus. See also his article, \u201cDer Text des Hymnus\n        _Stabat Mater Dolorosa_,\u201d in the T\u00fcbingen _Theologische\n        Quartalschrift_ for 1884, No. I., pp. 85-103. S. W. D.\n\n156.* (N. B. Smithers:) Translations of eight Latin Hymns of the Middle\n    Ages. Dover, Del., 1881.\n\n157.* Josef Sittard: Compendium der Geschichte der Kirchenmusik mit\n    besonderer Ber\u00fcchsichtigung des kirchlichen Gesanges. Von Ambrosius\n    zur Neuzeit. Stuttgart, 1881.\n\n157. O. Zardetti: Die kirchliche Sequenz. Freiburg, 1882.\n\n158_a_. J. B. Haureau: Melanges po\u00ebtiques d\u2019Hildebert de Lavardin.\n    Paris, 1882.\n\n158_b_. J. B. Haureau: \u201cPo\u00ebmes latines attribues a St. Bernard.\u201d In the\n    _Journal des Savants_, Febr.-Juli, 1882.\n\n159_a_. \u201cMediaeval Hymns\u201d in the _Quarterly Review_ for 1882. Reprinted\n    in Littell\u2019s _Living Age_ of same year.\n\n159_b_. N. MacNeil: \u201cLatin Hymns of the Celtic Church,\u201d in the _Catholic\n    Presbyterian_ for 1883.\n\n160. Anselm Salzer: Die christliche r\u00f6mische Hymnenpoesie. Br\u00fcnn, 1883.\n\n161.* (W. W. Newton:) Voices from a busy Life; or Selections from the\n    Poetical Works of the late Edward A. Washburn, D.D. New York, 1883.\n    Pp. 122-86: \u201cAncient Christian Hymns.\u201d\n\n162.* Johannes Linke: Die Hymnen des Hilarius und Ambrosius verdeutscht.\n    Bielefeld und Leipzig, 1884.\n\n        This little volume of 194 pages, 12mo, is intended to be the\n        first of a series furnishing translations (with the Latin texts\n        _en regard_) of the hymns of the Early Church. In the preface\n        Dr. Linke announces his purpose to bring out a new _Thesaurus\n        Hymnorum_, based on the labors of Daniel, Neale, Mone, and\n        Morel, and on an examination of about a hundred unused\n        manuscripts. He regards Wackernagel as the best editor of the\n        texts, and as characterized by the finest critical instinct in\n        determining authorship. As he and Wackernagel agree in assigning\n        the _Ad coeli clara_ to Hilary, there is room for a difference\n        of opinion.\n\n163.* Annus Sanctus. Hymns of the Church for the Ecclesiastical Year.\n    Translated from the Sacred Offices by various Authors, with Modern,\n    Original and other Hymns, and an Appendix of Earlier Versions.\n    Selected and Arranged by Orby Shipley, M.A. Vol. I. Seasons of the\n    Church: Canonical Hours: and Hymns of our Lord. Pp. 443, 12mo.\n    London and New York, 1884.\n\n        Important for the translations by English Roman Catholics from\n        the Reformation to our own times.\n\n164.* The Catholic Hymnal; containing Hymns for Congregational and Home\n    Use, and the Vesper Psalms, the Office of the Compline, the\n    Litanies, Hymns at Benediction, etc. The Tunes by the Rev. Alfred\n    Young, priest of the Congregation of St. Paul. The Words original\n    and selected. New York Catholic Publication Co., 1884.\n\n165.* The Roman Hymnal. A Complete Manual of English Hymns and Latin\n    Chants for the Use of Congregations, Schools, Colleges and Choirs.\n    Compiled and arranged by Rev. J. B. Young, S. J. New York and\n    Cincinnati, Fr. Pustet & Co., 1884.\n\n166. A. Meiners: Die Tropen, Prosen und Pr\u00e4fationsges\u00e4nge des\n    feierlichen Hochamtes im Mittelalter. Aus drei Handschriften der\n    Abteien Pr\u00fcm und Echternach. Luxemburg, 1884.\n\n167. Bonif. Wolff and others: Studien und Mittheilungen aus dem\n    Benedict.-Orden. Since 1884.\n\n168_a_. Leo XIII: Carmina. Rome, 1885.\n\n168_b_.* Leo XIII: Latin Poems done into English Verse, by the Jesuits\n    of Woodstock College. Published with the Approbation of his\n    Holiness. Baltimore, 1886.\n\n169. J. Linke: Specimen hymnologicum de Fontibus Hymnorum Latinorum\n    Festum Dedicationis Ecclesiae celebrantium. Pp. 24, great 8vo.\n    Leipzig, 1886.\n\n170. J. H\u00fcmer: \u201cZur Geschichte der mittellateinischen Dichtung\u201d in the\n    _Romanische Forschungen_ for 1886.\n\n171. P. Ragey: Sancti Anselmi Mariale seu Liber Precum Metricarum ad\n    beatam Virginem, primum ex manuscriptis codicibus typis manadatum.\n    London, 1886.\n\n172. Aug. R\u00f6sler: Der katholischer Dichter Aurelius Prudentius Clemens.\n    Ein Beitrag zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte des vierten und\n    f\u00fcnften Jahrhunderten. Freiburg, 1886.\n\n173. G. E. Klemming: Hymni, sequentiae et piae cantiones in Regno\n    Sueciae olim usitatae. Pp. 186, 8vo. Stockholm, 1886.\n\n174. Guido Maria Dreves: Analecta hymnica Medii Aevi. I. Cantiones\n    Bohemicae: Leiche, Lieder und Rufe des 13., 14., und 15.\n    Jahrhunderts, nach Handschriften aus Prag, Jistebnicz, Willingau,\n    Hohenfurt und Tegernsee. II. Hymnarius Moissiacensis: Das Hymnar der\n    Abtei Moissac im 10. Jahrhundert, nach einer Handschrift der\n    Rossiana. Im Anhang: (_a_) Carmina scholarium Campensium, (_b_)\n    Cantiones Vissegradenses. III. Conradus Gemnicensis: Konrads von\n    Haimburg und seiner Nachamer, Alberts von Prag und Ulrichs von\n    Wessobrun, Reimgebete und Leselieder. IV. Liturgische Hymnen des\n    Mittelalters aus handschriftlichen Brevarien, Antiphonalien und\n    Processionalien. Four volumes. Leipzig, 1886-1888.\n\n175.* Corolla Hymnorum Sacrorum, being a Selection of Latin Hymns of the\n    Early and Middle Ages. Translated by John Lord Hayes, LL.D. Pp. 211.\n    Boston, 1887. (With the texts _en regard_.)\n\n176. H. Breidt: De Aurelio Prudentio Clemente Horatii Imitatore.\n    Heidelberg, 1887.\n\n177. Ad. Meiners: Unbekannte Tropen-ges\u00e4nge des feierlichen Messamtes im\n    Mittelalter, nebst einigen Melodien der Kyrientropen. Gesammelt aus\n    ungef\u00e4hr f\u00fcnfzig Handschriften des 10-13ten Jahrhunderten in den\n    Bibliotheken zu Paris, Br\u00fcssel, London, und A. Luxemburg, 1887.\n\n178. N. Gihr: Die Sequenzen des r\u00f6mischen Messbuches dogmatisch und\n    ascetisch erkl\u00e4rt. Freiburg, 1887.\n\n179.* F. W. E. Roth: Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters. Als Nachtrag\n    zu den Hymnensammlungen von Daniel, Mone, Vilmar und G. Morel, aus\n    Handschriften und Incunabeln herausgegeben. Pp. 175, great 8vo.\n    Augsburg, 1888.\n\n180. J. Linke: \u201cRundschau auf dem Gebiete der Lateinischen Hymnologie\u201d\n    in four articles in his and Dr. A. F. W. Fischer\u2019s periodical,\n    _Bl\u00e4tter f\u00fcr Hymnologie_. Leipzig, 1888.\n\n\n\n\n                            CHAPTER XXXIII.\n                       INDEX TO TRANSLATED HYMNS.\n\n\nAmong the labors of preparation which Mr. Duffield undertook as\npreliminary to this book, the most unique was his manuscript \u201cList of\nthe Latin Hymns,\u201d as found in all the collections accessible to him,\nfrom Clichtove to Kehrein, with references to the authorship, the age,\nand the sources of each; together with notes of the names of English\ntranslators. It was his intention that the list should form an integral\npart of his book; but as it contains between four and five thousand\nreferences by first lines, it would make a book of itself, and it is the\nhope of the editor to secure its separate publication in that form. The\nwork cost so much patient labor, and is in itself so valuable to\nhymnological students, that it would be a pity if it were not made still\nmore complete, and given to the public at an early date.\n\nIt seemed best not to include the list in all its bulk in this work, but\nto make from it a selection of those hymns which have found favor in the\neyes of English translators, and to print them with the names of the\ntranslators. These are not one in five of the whole number of Latin\nhymns, but they constitute the best of them, and they are those which\nare most likely to be of use and interest to our readers. These eight\nhundred and seventy hymns, recasts of hymns, and portions of hymns which\ntranslators have treated as wholes, are a body of sacred song which will\nbear comparison with any other in the world, either as regards loftiness\nof devotion, weight of thought, or excellence as poetry. And in no\nrespect has our English hymnody been more enriched during the last fifty\nyears than by the felicitous versions made by British and American\ntranslators, from Chandler\u2019s to our own days.\n\nIt will be observed that the name of the author, or the source, or at\nleast the date of each hymn, is given on the left side of the list. This\nis followed by the first line of the hymn, and where several hymns begin\nnearly alike, enough is given to identify each. After this comes the\nreference to the source where the hymn is to be found, if this be known\nto the editor. Where it is given in any volume of Daniel\u2019s great work,\nthat is referred to by Roman and Arabic numerals simply, without\nrepetition of his name. In every case where it is to be found in\nNewman\u2019s _Hymni Ecclesiae_, or Trench\u2019s _Sacred Latin Poetry_, or\nMarch\u2019s _Latin Hymns_, this is indicated, as these are the collections\nmost accessible to American students generally. Then follow in _Italics_\nthe names of the translator or translators, either on the same line, or\non the lines below. The use of an asterisk (*) indicates that this is a\nrecast of an older hymn.\n\nThe chapter of \u201cBibliographical Notes\u201d will furnish the proper reference\nto the sources of the translations in most cases. It is necessary to\nspecify a few which are not given there.\n\nRev. John Anketell\u2019s translations are given mostly in _The Church\nReview_ for 1876 and 1877. For those of Dr. Benson, H. R. B., C. I.\nBlack, E. L. Blenkinsopp, W. C. C., J. M. H., Dr. Littledale, M., A. M.\nM., O. C. P., J. G. Smith, H. Thompson, J. S. Tute, R. E. E. W., see Mr.\nOrby Shipley\u2019s three _Lyras_. For translations by Prior Aylward, Mr. J.\nR. Beste, Lord Braye, John Dryden (?), and other versions from the old\nCatholic _Primers_ and _Evening Offices_, J. C. Earle, Provost\nHusenbeth, Charles Kent, Cardinal Newman, Professor Potter, Father\nRyder, A. D. Wackerbarth, and Dr. Wallace, see Mr. Shipley\u2019s _Annus\nSanctus_. For translations by Dr. Littledale, B., F., D. L., A. L. P.,\nF. R., and B. T., see _The People\u2019s Hymnal_ (1877); for those of Mr.\nSingleton, see _The Anglican Hymn-Book_ (1868); for those of Mr. Blew,\nsee his _Church Hymn and Tune Book_ (1851 and 1855); for those of Rev.\nW. J. Copeland, see his _Hymns for the Week and for the Seasons_ (1848).\nFor Mr. A. J. B. Hope\u2019s, see his _Hymns of the Church Literally\nTranslated_ (1844), an attempt to substitute classic metre for rhyme.\n\nH. A. M. stands for _Hymns Ancient and Modern_, which is specified where\nthe translation is materially altered by the compilers, as well as where\nan original version has been supplied. H. A. stands for the _Hymnarium\nAnglicanum, or the Ancient Hymns of the Church of England Translated\nfrom the Salisbury Breviary_ (1844).\n\nOf Dr. A. R. Thompson\u2019s hymns several were contributed to Dr. Schaff\u2019s\n\u201cChrist in Song,\u201d but they have not appeared separately in book form.\nThe same is true of Dr. W. S. McKenzie\u2019s, which have appeared chiefly in\nthe columns of two Boston weeklies\u2014_The Beacon_ and _The Watchman_. We\nare glad to learn that they are to be collected. To Mr. Anketell, Dr.\nThompson, Dr. McKenzie, Professor S. Hart, of Hartford, Mr. Stryker and\nMr. C. H. A. Esler, I am indebted for lists of their translations.\n\n Early Irish        Ad coeli clara non sum      IV. 127, 368.\n                    dignus.                     March.\u2014_Duffield_ (part),\n                                                _Hart_.\n Ambrosian          Ad coenam Agni providi.     I. 88, IV. 73, 353.\n                                                March.\u2014_Chambers, Neale, H.\n                                                A. M., Charles, Morgan,\n                                                Anketell._\n Prudentius         Ades, Pater supreme.        Bjorn.\u2014_Bp. Patrick, Neale._\n Nic. le Tourneux   Adeste coelitum chori.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Blew, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                Littledale, Chandler, I.\n                                                Williams._\n XVth or XVIth      Adeste fideles.             Briggs.\u2014_Caswall, Campbell,\n Century.                                       Oakeley, Mercer, Neale,\n                                                Earle, Anketell, Schaff,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M., Esling._\n Jean Santeul       Adeste sanctae conjuges.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n XIVth Century      Adesto sancta Trinitas.     IV. 234.\u2014_Chambers, Neale,\n                                                Pott._\n Paris Breviary     Adeste sancti plurimo.      Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall._\n XIIIth Century     Ad laudes Salvatoris.       V. 149.\u2014_S. M._\n Guill. de la       Ad nuptias Agni Pater.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n Bruneti\u00e8re.                                    Williams._\n Thos. Aquinas      Adoro Te devote, latens     I. 255. March.\u2014_Caswall,\n                    Deitas.                     Chambers, Neale, Woodford,\n                                                Hewett, Aylward, O\u2019Hagan,\n                                                Walworth, William Palmer, I.\n                                                Williams, Anketell._\n Peter Damiani      Ad perennis vitae fontem.   I. 116, IV. 203. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Anon._ 1631,\n                                                _Anon._ 1679, _Sylvester,\n                                                Caswall, Neale, Kynaston,\n                                                Charles, Littledale, Morgan,\n                                                Hayes, Wackerbarth,\n                                                Anketell, Banks, J. Dayman._\n Roman Breviary*    Ad regias Agni dapes.       I. 88. Newman, March.\u2014_Bp.\n                                                Williams, Caswall, Oxenham,\n                                                Campbell, H. A. M., Potter,\n                                                Husenbeth, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                Esling, Benedict, Mant,\n                                                Copeland, Singleton._\n Paris Breviary     Adsis superne Spiritus.     Newman.\u2014_Blenkinsopp, I.\n                                                Williams._\n                                                449\n Thos. \u00e0 Kempis     Adstant angelorum chori.    Trench, March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Washburn, McGill, H. M. C.,\n                                                Anon._\n VIth-IXth Century. Adsunt tenebrae primae.     I. 199, IV. 57.\u2014_Blew._\n Chas. Coffin       Ad templa nos rursus vocat. Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, Chandler, Caswall,\n                                                Chambers._\n Thos. \u00e0 Kempis     Adversa mundi tolera.       II. 379. March.\u2014_Benedict,\n                                                Anketell, Duffield, Caswall._\n XIVth Century      Aestimavit ortolanum.       I. 312. Newman.\u2014_Neale._\n Roman Breviary*    Aeterna Christi munera,     I. 27.\u2014_Caswall, F. R.,\n                    Apostolorum.                Hope, Chambers, Neale, Mant,\n                                                Woodford._\n Ambrosius          Aeterna Christi munera, Et  I. 27. March,\n                    martyrum.                   Trench.\u2014_Chambers, McGill,\n                                                Copeland, Campbell,\n                                                Washburn._\n Ambrosian          Aeterna coeli gloria.       I. 55, IV. 40.\u2014_Primer_,\n                                                1545 and 1559, _Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Campbell, Newman,\n                                                H. A., Bp. Williams._\n Acta Sanctorum     Aeterna coeli gloria.       \u2014_Chambers, Copeland,\n                                                Caswall._\n                    Aeterna lux, divinitas.     II. 369.\u2014_Caswall, L._\n Rob. Bellarmine    Aeterne Rector siderum.     IV. 306.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Copeland, Morgan._\n Ambrose            Aeterne rerum Conditor.     I. 15, IV. 3. March.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Charles,\n                                                Hewett, McGill, Copeland, H.\n                                                A., Bp. Williams._\n Gregory            Aeterne Rex altissime.      I. 196, IV. 79,\n                                                353.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_), _Mant,\n                                                Neale, Chambers, Caswall, H.\n                                                A. M., Copeland, P. C. E._\n Odo of Cluny       Aeterni Patris unice.       I. 287, IV. 244.\u2014_Chambers._\n Fortunatus         Agnoscat omne saeculum.     I. 159, IV. 176.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Neale._\n Copenhagen Missal  Agnus Dei collaudetur.      V. 230.\u2014_Moultrie._\n Prudentius         Ales diei nuntius.          I. 119, IV. 39.\n                                                March.\u2014_Primer_, 1545 and\n                                                1559, _Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Duffield, Copeland, Banks,\n                                                Bp. Patrick, H. A., Morgan,\n                                                McGill, Anketell._\n XIIth Century      Alleluia! alleluia! finita  II. 363.\u2014_Neale, Pott_ (_H.\n                    jam sunt praelia.           A. M._), _Hewett, Bp.\n                                                Williams._\n XIth Century       Alleluia dulce carmen.      I. 261, IV. 152, V. 51.\n                                                March.\u2014_Patrick, Neale,\n                                                Keble, Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Singleton, Chandler, H. A.\n                                                M., Edersheim, H. B.,\n                                                Morgan, Anketell._\n XVth Century MS.   Alleluia nunc decantet.     V. 335.\u2014_D. L._\n                                                450\n Mozarabic Breviary Alleluia piis edite         IV. 63. March.\u2014_Chambers,\n                    laudibus.                   Neale, Ellerton, Crippen,\n                                                Anketell._\n Hermann Contr.     Alma Redemptoris mater.     II. 318.\u2014_Wordsworth,\n                                                Caswall, Oxenham, Esling._\n Old Roman Missal   Alma virgo Christum regem.  Neale.\u2014_H. R. B._\n                    Almo supremi numinis in     \u2014_Caswall._\n                    sinu.\n                    Almum flamen, vita mundi.   II. 368.\u2014_Caswall._\n Hildebert          Alpha et O, magne Deus.     Trench, March.\u2014_Crashaw,\n                                                Mills, Neale, Kynaston,\n                                                McGill, McKenzie, Benedict._\n Jesuit             Altitudo, quid hic jaces.   II. 341.\u2014_Washburn, McGill,\n                                                Morgan, Hayes, McKenzie,\n                                                Duffield, Edersheim._\n Roman Breviary*    Alto ex Olympo vertice.     I. 240.\u2014_Mant, Caswall._\n XII-XVth Century   Amorem sensus erige.        I. 274, IV. 261.\u2014_Morgan._\n Bernard of         Amor Jesu dulcissimus.      Wackernagel.\u2014_Caswall, H. A.\n Clairvaux                                      M._\n XIVth Century MS.  Amor Patris et Filii,       V. 203.\u2014_Littledale._\n                    totius.\n French Breviary    A morte qui Te suscitans.   Neale.\u2014_Chambers, J. G.\n                                                Smith._\n                    Angele qui meus es custos.  \u2014_Chambers._\n Jesuit             Angelice patrone.           II. 376.\u2014_Caswall, Morgan._\n VII-VIIIth Century Angulare Fundamentum.       I. 239.\u2014_Benson, Neale,\n                                                Hewett, Chandler, H. A. M.,\n                                                I. Williams, Singleton, A.\n                                                R. Thompson._\n XIV-XVth Century   Anima Christi, sanctifica   I. 345.\u2014_O. C. P._ (_Lyra\n (Spanish)          me.                         Euch._), _Chadwick, Anon._\n Anglo-Saxon        Anni peractis mensibus.     Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n XIV-XVth Century   Annue Christe, saeculorum   I. 273. Newman.\u2014_Chambers,\n                    Domine.                     Neale, F. K._\n Paul Warnefried    Antra deserti teneris.      I. 209.\u2014_Chambers, Caswall._\n XIth Century (K.)  A Patre unigenitus.         I. 234. Newman.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                A. L. P._\n VIIth Century      Apparebit repentina magna   I. 194, IV. 11. March,\n                    dies Domini.                Trench.\u2014_Neale, Charles,\n                                                Benedict, Morgan, McKenzie,\n                                                Anketell, Banks, Hart, Bp.\n                                                Williams._\n Pietro Gonella     Appropinquet enim dies.     IV. 200.\u2014_F. R._\n Jean Santeul       Ardet Deo quae femina.      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler._\n C. Sedulius        A solis ortu cardine Ad     I. 143, IV. 144.\n                    usque.                      March.\u2014(_Luther_), _Dryden_\n                                                (_?_), _Chambers, Caswall,\n                                                Esling, Bp. Williams,\n                                                Schaff, Copeland,\n                                                MacIlwaine, A. L. P._\n Ambrosian          A solis ortu cardine Et     I. 21, IV. 58. March.\u2014_Mant,\n                    usque.                      Schaff, Copeland._\n                                                451\n Roman Breviary     Aspice infami Deus ipse     \u2014_Caswall, Wallace, Blew._\n                    ligno.\n Roman Breviary     Aspice ut Verbum Patris a   \u2014_Caswall, Wallace._\n                    supernis.\n Roman Breviary     Athleta Christi nobilis.    IV. 301.\u2014_Caswall._\n XVI-XVIIth Century Attolle paulum lumina.      II. 345.\u2014_Neale, Pott, H. A.\n                                                M._\n Roman Breviary     Auctor beati saeculi.       IV. 311.\u2014_Caswall, Potter,\n                                                Husenbeth, Sarum Hymnal._\n Anglo-Saxon        Auctor salutis unice.       I. 236.\n                                                Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n IXth Century       Audax es, vir juvenis.      IV. 132.\u2014_Crippen._\n Gregory            Audi, benigne Conditor.     I. 178, IV. 121.\n                                                March.\u2014_Primer of_ 1685,\n                                                _Caswall, Campbell, Kent,\n                                                Husenbeth, Mant, Potter,\n                                                Hewett, Chambers, Anketell,\n                                                Chandler, Copeland, Neale,\n                                                H. A. M., Bp. Williams, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Audimur: almo Spiritus.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Calverley, Chandler, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, I. Williams._\n XIth Century       Audi nos, Rex Christe.      IV. 171.\u2014_Neale._\n Anglo-Saxon        Audi, Redemptor gentium.    Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n XIth Century MS.   Audi, tellus, audi.         I. 350, IV. 291.\u2014_Washburn._\n Prudentius         Audit tyrannus anxius.      I. 124. Newman.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Copeland, McGill, Esling,\n                                                Benedict._\n Elpis              Aurea luce et decore roseo. I. 156. March.\u2014_Chambers._\n Roman Breviary*    Aurora coelum purpurat.     I. 83.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Caswall, Chandler, Mant,\n                                                Campbell, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                Esling, McGill, Copeland._\n Adam of St. V.     Aurora diem nuntiat.        Wrangham.\u2014_Wrangham._\n Ambrosian          Aurora jam spargit polum.   I. 56, IV. 40.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Campbell, Chambers,\n                                                Copeland, H. A., Bp.\n                                                Williams, Neale._\n Nic. le Tourneux   Aurora lucis dum novae.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Cooke, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Ambrosian          Aurora lucis rutilat.       I. 83, IV. 72.\n                                                March.\u2014_Chambers, Neale, Van\n                                                Buren, Braye, Tute,\n                                                Washburn, Charles, Anketell,\n                                                Bp. Williams, H. A. M.,\n                                                Hope._\n Jean Santeul       Aurora quae solem paris.    IV. 339.\u2014_Caswall._\n Gregory XI         Ave caput Christi gratum.   Mone, 121.\u2014_Chambers._\n XVIth Century      Ave caro Christi.           \u2014_A. M. M._\n XIVth Century MS.  Ave caro Christi cara.      I. 344.\u2014_Chambers, M._\n Prague Missal      Ave caro Christi Regis.     V. 211.\u2014_A. M. M._\n                    Ave, Carole sanctissime.    \u2014_Caswall._\n                                                452\n XIVth Century MS.  Ave Christi corpus verum.   Mone, 219.\u2014_L._\n Anglo-Saxon        Ave colenda Trinitas.       Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers, H. A.\n                                                M._\n                    Ave crucis dulce lignum.    V 183.\u2014_Morgan, M._\n XIV-XVIth Century  Ave Jesu, qui mactaris.     Koenig.\u2014_Ryder._\n Xth Century        Ave, maris stella.          I. 204, IV. 136.\n                                                March.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, Duffield, Charles,\n                                                Anketell, Oxenham, Walworth._\n Paris Missal       Ave, plena grati\u00e2, Cujus.   Newman.\u2014_Copeland._\n Franciscan         Ave regina coelorum.        II. 319.\u2014_Caswall._\n Breviary\n XIVth Century MS.  Ave Rex, qui descendisti.   Mone, 206.\u2014_L._\n XVth Century MS.   Ave rosa spinis puncta.     Mone, 136.\u2014_Washburn._\n                    Ave solitudines.            \u2014_Caswall._\n MS. of 1440        Ave Verbum incarnatum.      II. 328.\u2014_A. M. M._\n XIVth Century MS.  Ave verum corpus natum.     II. 327.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    Ave vulnus lateris nostri   \u2014_Chambers._\n                    Salvatoris.\n Bonaventura        Beata Christi passio.       IV. 220. March.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Charles._\n Ambrosian          Beata nobis gaudia.         I. 6, IV. 160.\n                                                March.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Caswall, Campbell, Aylward,\n                                                Chambers, Anketell, Blew,\n                                                Esling, Bp. Williams, Hope,\n                                                Duffield._\n Roman Breviary*    Beate pastor Petre.         I. 156.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    Belli tumultus ingruit.     \u2014_Caswall._\n Ambrosian          Bis ternas horas explicans. I. 23, IV. 13.\u2014_Copeland._\n                    Cantant hymnos coelites.    \u2014_Caswall._\n Notker             Cantemus cuncti melodum     II. 52. March.\u2014_Neale._\n                    nunc Alleluia.\n Old French (XIV)   Cedant justi signa luctus.  II. 362.\u2014_Kynaston, Kennedy._\n Hereford Hymnal    Celsorum civium inclyta     IV. 287.\u2014_Neale._\n                    gaudia.\n Fulbert            Chorus novae Jerusalem.     I. 222, IV. 180.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Keble, Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Braye, Hewett, Thompson, H.\n                                                A. M., Anketell, Copeland,\n                                                D. L., Singleton._\n Mozarabic Breviary Christe, coelestis          I. 198.\u2014_Priest\u2019s\n                    medicina.                   Prayer-Book._\n Ambrosian          Christe, cunctorum          I. 107. March.\u2014_Chambers._\n                    dominator.\n Jean Santeul       Christe, decreto Patris     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                    institutus.                 Hewett._\n VIth Century       Christe fili Jesu summi.    IV., 184.\u2014_Moultrie._\n (Mone)\n Innocent III       Christe, fili summi Patris. \u2014_G. W. Cox., M._\n Anglo-Saxon        Christe, hac hora tertia.   Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n                                                453\n Ennodius           Christe, lumen perpetuum.   I. 151.\u2014_Duffield._\n Guill. de la       Christe, pastorum caput.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n Bruneti\u00e8re                                     Williams._\n Ennodius           Christe, precamur annue.    I. 151.\u2014_Duffield._\n Ambrosian          Christe, qui lux es et      I. 33, IV. 54.\n                    dies.                       March.\u2014_Chambers, Aylward,\n                                                McGill, Duffield, McKenzie,\n                                                Charles, Wedderburn, A. L.\n                                                P., Copeland, H. A. M._\n Jean Santeul       Christe, qui sedes Olympo.  Newman.\u2014_Woodford_ (_?_),\n                                                _Cooke and Webb\u2019s Hymnary,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M., Wm.\n                                                Palmer, I. Williams._\n Ambrosian          Christe, Redemptor gentium. I. 78.\u2014_Chambers._\n Rabanus Maurus     Christe, Redemptor omnium,  I. 256, IV. 143,\n                    Conserva.                   369.\u2014_Chambers, Baker, F.\n                                                R., Hewett._\n Ambrosian          Christe, Rex coeli.         I. 46.\u2014_Woodford_ (_?_),\n                                                _Charles._\n Mozarabic Brev.    Christe rex, mundi creator. IV. 117.\u2014_F._\n Ennodius           Christe Salvator omnium.    I. 152.\u2014_Duffield._\n Rabanus Maurus     Christe, sanctorum decus    I. 218, IV. 165, 371.\u2014_Mant,\n                    angelorum.                  Caswall_ (_bis_), _Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, Copeland, Anketell._\n Vth Century (Mone) Christi caterva clamitat.   IV. 119.\u2014_Onslow._\n Anselm (?)         Christi corpus, ave.        II. 328.\u2014_A. M. M., L._\n Chas. Coffin       Christi martyribus debita.  Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chambers._\n XVth Century MS.   Christi miles gloriosus.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers._\n                    Christi nam resurrectio.    \u2014_Trend._\n Jean Santeul       Christi perennes nuntii.    Newman.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M., I.\n                                                Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    Christo profusum sanguinem. I. 27.\u2014_Caswall._\n Bonaventura (Ko)   Christum ducem, qui per     I. 340, IV. 219.\n                    crucem.                     March.\u2014_Chambers, Oakeley,\n                                                Anketell, Edersheim._\n XVth Century MS.   Christus lux indeficiens.   Mone, 204.\u2014_Chambers, L._\n                    Christus pro nobis passus   Wackernagel,\n                    est.                        476.\u2014_Wedderburn, in \u201cGuid\n                                                and Godlie Ballatis.\u201d_\n Jean Santeul       Christus tenebris obsitam.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams, Campbell._\n Marbod             Cives coelestis patriae.    Mone, 637.\u2014_Neale._\n Nic. le Tourneux   Clamantis ecce vox sonans.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Cisterc. Brev.,    Clarae diei gaudiis.        Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall._\n 1678\n Ambrosian          Claro paschali gaudio.      I. 84.\u2014_Neale._\n Gregory (?)        Clarum decus jejunii.       I. 178, IV. 180.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, Copeland, P. C. E._\n Fr. Lorenzini      Coelestis Agni nuptias.     IV. 303.\u2014_Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Coelestis ales nuntiat.     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, A. C.\n                                                C., Chambers._\n                                                454\n Jean Santeul       Coelestis aulae principes.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Baker, Chandler._\n Jean Santeul       Coelestis aula panditur.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Sarum Breviary     Coelestis formam gloriae.   I. 290, IV. 279.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Neale, H. A. M., Calverley._\n Paris Breviary     Coelestis, O Jerusalem.     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    Coelestis urbs Jerusalem.   I. 239.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Caswall, Copeland,\n                                                Duffield._\n                    Coeli choris perennibus.    Neale.\u2014_Onslow._\n Ambrosian          Coeli Deus sanctissime.     I. 60, IV. 51. March.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Benedict,\n                                                Bp. Williams, H. A.,\n                                                Copeland, Hope._\n Godeschalk         Coeli ennarant gloriam Dei. II. 44.\u2014_Neale._\n Roman Breviary     Coelitum Joseph decus       IV. 296.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    atque nostrae.\n Jean Santeul       Coelo datur quiescere.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, A. L. P._\n Jean Santeul       Coelo quos eadem gloria.    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, Pott._\n Roman Breviary     Coelo Redemptor praetulit.  IV. 308.\u2014_Caswall, H. M. C._\n XVth Century       Coelos ascendit hodie.      I. 343. March.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Hewett, Anketell._\n Peter the          Coelum gaude, terra plaude. Trench.\u2014_Onslow._\n Venerable\n Peter Damiani      Coelum, terra, pontus,      Migne.\u2014_Neale._\n                    aethera.\n XIIth Century      Coenam cum discipulis.      II. 230, V. 159.\u2014_Neale._\n                    Coetus parentem Carolum.    \u2014_Caswall._\n XIVth Century      Collaudemus Magdalena.      I. 311, IV. 245,\n                                                371.\u2014_Chambers, Morgan,\n                                                Moultrie, Duffield_ (_part_).\n Ambrosius          Conditor alme siderum.      I. 74, IV. 118,\n                                                368.\u2014_Chambers, Hewett,\n                                                Aylward, Braye, Neale, H. A.\n                                                M., H. A., Edersheim, F.,\n                                                Copeland, Anketell._\n Italian            Congregavit Deus aquas.     IV. 342.\u2014_Hayes._\n Ambrosius          Consors paterni luminis.    I. 27, IV. 37.\u2014_Primer_,\n                                                1545 and 1559, _Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Newman, Copeland,\n                                                H. A., Chambers._\n Roman Breviary     Cor arca legem continens.   II. 361.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Mulholland, Anon._\n Prudentius         Corde natus ex parentis.    I. 122, IV. 176.\n                                                March.\u2014_Chambers, Neale,\n                                                Keble, Baker, Schaff, Hope,\n                                                H. A._\n                    Cor meum Tibi dedo.         II. 370.\u2014_Palmer, Priest\u2019s\n                                                Prayer-Book._\n Roman Breviary     Corpus domas jejuniis.      IV. 310.\u2014_Caswall._\n                                                455\n Roman Breviary*    Creator alme siderum.       I. 74.\u2014_Primer_, 1685,\n                                                _Mant, Caswall, Newman,\n                                                Potter, Husenbeth, Campbell,\n                                                Copeland, Bp. Williams, Wm.\n                                                Palmer._\n Bonaventura        Crucem pro nobis subiit.    IV. 220. March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Chambers._\n Roman Breviary*    Crudelis Herodes Deum.      I. 147.\u2014_Primer_, 1685,\n                                                _Mant, Husenbeth, Potter,\n                                                Aylward, Caswall, Esling,\n                                                Copeland, Hope, Singleton,\n                                                Bp. Williams._\n Jesuit             Crux, ave benedicta.        II. 349, IV. 322. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Benedict, Worsley,\n                                                Anketell._\n Fortunatus         Crux benedicta nitet.       I. 168, IV. 152.\n                                                March.\u2014_Charles, Washburn,\n                                                McKenzie._\n Fortunatus         Crux fidelis inter omnes.   I. 164.\u2014_Caswall, Oakeley._\n Braga Breviary     Crux fidelis, terras        IV. 276.\u2014_Hewett._\n                    coelis.\n Peter Damiani      Crux mundi benedictio.      Neale.\u2014_Neale._\n Jean Santeul       Crux, sola languorum Dei.   Zabuesnig.\u2014_M._ (_Lyra\n                                                Euch._)\n Prudentius         Cultor Dei memento.         I. 129, IV. 207.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Keble, Copeland, H. A.,\n                                                Anketell._\n Wm. Alard          Cum me tenent fallacia.     Trench.\u2014_Washburn, Benedict,\n                                                Duffield._\n Pietro Gonella     Cum revolvo toto corde.     IV. 199. Trench.\u2014_Crippen,\n                                                Husenbeth._\n Mozarabic Breviary Cunctorum Rex omnipotens.   IV. 57.\u2014_I. G. Smith._\n Jacoponus          Cur mundus militat.         II. 379, IV. 288. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Tusser, Washburn,\n                                                Hayes, Duffield, Stone_\n                                                (_Catholic World_), _Banks._\n                    Cur relinquis, Deus,        IV. 347.\u2014_A. R. Thompson,\n                    coelum.                     Hayes._\n Rob. Bellarmine    Custodes hominum psallimus  II. 375.\u2014_Caswall, I.\n (?)                angelos.                    Williams._\n Prudentius         Da, puer, plectrum;         Bjorn. March.\u2014_Bp. Patrick._\n                    choreis.\n Seb. Besnault      Debilis cessent elementa    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, H. A. M.,\n                    legis.                      I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    Decora lux aternitatis      I. 156.\u2014_Caswall, Esling._\n                    auream.\n Charles Coffin     Dei canamus gloriam.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Whytehead, Chandler, H. A.\n                                                M., I. Williams._\n Ambrosian          Dei fide qu\u00e2 vivimus.       I. 71.\u2014_Chambers._\n                    Dei, qui gratiam impotes.   \u2014_Caswall._\n Tournay Missal     De Parente summo natum.     V. 287.\u2014_J. M. H._\n Liege Missal       De profundis exclamantes.   V. 320.\u2014_A. L. P._\n Anselm of Lucca    Desere jam anima.           Trench, March.\u2014_Charles._\n                                                456\n Jean Santeul       Deserta, valles, lustra,    Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    solitudines.\n Prague Missal      De superna hierarchia.      V. 211.\u2014_A. M. M._\n Ambrose            Deus Creator omnium,        I. 17, IV. 1.\n                    Polique.                    March.\u2014_Primer_, 1545 and\n                                                1559, _Parker, Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, McGill, Morgan,\n                                                Wrangham, Copeland, H. A.,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Duffield._\n Marbod             Deus-Homo, Rex coelorum.    Trench, March.\u2014_Benedict._\n Hilary (?)         Deus, Pater ingenite.       I. 2. March.\u2014_Duffield._\n Worcester Breviary Deus, Pater piissime.       Sarum Hymnary.\u2014_Chambers._\n Ambrosian          Deus, tuorum militum.       I. 109, IV. 208.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Chambers, Copeland, Oxenham,\n                                                Beadon, Neale, Hewett._\n Charles Coffin     Die dierum principe.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, McGill,\n                                                I. Williams, H. A. M.,\n                                                Chandler, Singleton._\n Ambrosian          Diei luce reddita.          I. 68.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Le Mans Breviary   Die parente temporum.       Neale.\u2014_Baker, D. L._\n XIIIth Century     Dies absoluti praetereunt.  IV. 179.\u2014_Bp. Williams._\n (K.)\n Benno of Meissen   Dies est laetitiae In ortu. I. 330, IV. 254.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Husenbeth._\n Pietro Gonella     Dies illa, dies vitae.      IV. 200.\u2014_Charles._\n Thos. of Celano    Dies Irae, dies illa.       II. 103, V. 110.\u2014March,\n                                                Trench. (See Mr. John\n                                                Edmands\u2019s _Bibliography_.\n                                                With his help, I am able to\n                                                supplement his list of\n                                                translations as follows;\n                                                John Murray (1860), Anon.\n                                                (1862), John S. Hagar\n                                                (1866), Joseph W. Winans\n                                                (1879), Edwin S. Hawley\n                                                (1886), H. L. Hastings\n                                                (1886). S. V. White, John\n                                                Lord Hayes (1887), George W.\n                                                Pierce (1887), W. S.\n                                                McKenzie (twice), 1887, H.\n                                                A. Sawtelle, Rev. Mr.\n                                                Fairbanks, John D. Meeson,\n                                                A. B. K. in _The\n                                                Presbyterian_; and in _The\n                                                Boston Advertiser_ for May\n                                                3d, 1887, four versions\n                                                signed J. A. Chambliss, Fr.\n                                                Sargent, E. C. C. and S.)\n                    Dignare me, O Jesu, rogo    II. 371.\u2014_Baker, A. L. P._\n                    Te.\n Chas. Coffin       Dignas quis, O Deus, Tibi.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler._\n Jean Santeul       Divine crescebas, puer.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler, Keble._\n Urban VIII         Domare cordis impetus.      IV. 304.\u2014_Caswall._\n Jesuit             Dormi, fili, dormi.         IV. 318.\u2014_McCarthy, Trend,\n                                                Moultrie._\n                                                457\n Milan Breviary     Duci cruento martyrum.      Neale.\u2014_Dayman._\n Bernard of         Dulcis Jesu, spes pauperis. Mone, 92. March.\u2014_Charles,\n Clairvaux                                      Crippen, Colegrove,\n                                                McKenzie, Heisler._\n Chas. Coffin       Dum, Christe, confixus      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                    cruci.                      I. Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Dum morte victor obruta.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary     Dum nocte pulsa Lucifer.    IV. 301.\u2014_Caswall._\n Adam of St. V.     Ecce dies celebris.         V. 194.\u2014_Neale, Wrangham._\n Gregory            Ecce jam noctis tenuatur    I. 177, IV. 176,\n                    umbra.                      March.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Chambers, Crippen, Hewett,\n                                                Newman, Hayes, Hedge_ (_?_),\n                                                _Esling, Anketell, Duffield,\n                                                Copeland, Anon._, 1853, _H.\n                                                A._\n Thomas Aquinas     Ecce panis angelorum.       \u2014_Caswall, Trappes._\n Jean Santeul       Ecce saltantis pretium      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    puellae.\n Seb. Besnault      Ecce sedes hic tonantis.    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n XIth Century MS.   Ecce sollemni hoc die.      Mone, 341.\u2014_D. L._\n XIIIth Century     Ecce tempus est vernale.    IV. 233.\u2014_Neale, Trend._\n Gregory            Ecce tempus idoneum.        I. 182. Newman.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Campbell, Neale, H. A. M.,\n                                                Wm. Palmer, Hewett._\n Jesuit             Ecquis binas columbinas.    II. 344. Trench,\n                                                March.\u2014_Trend, Morgan,\n                                                Anketell, Benedict, Mason,\n                                                Hayes._\n Roman Breviary*    Egregie doctor Paulus.      I. 156. Newman.\u2014_Caswall._\n Pietro Gonella     Eheu! Eheu! mundi vita.     Trench.\u2014_Onslow, Duffield._\n XIIth Century MS.  Eja, carissimi, laudes      Mone, 691.\u2014_D. L._\n                    hymnite.\n XVth Century       Eia! dulcis anima.          Mone, 231.\u2014_Chambers._\n XVth Century       Electum O frumentum.        IV. 327.\u2014_A. M. M._\n Paris Breviary     Emergit undis et Deo.       Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams, Pott._\n Roman Breviary*    En clara vox redarguit.     I. 76.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Mant, Newman, Caswall, Bp.\n                                                Williams, Copeland, Hope,\n                                                Singleton._\n XVth Century MS.   En dies est dominica.       Mone, 247.\u2014_Trench, Neale,\n                                                H. A. M._\n Prudentius         En Persici ex orbis sinu.   McGill, Bjorn.\u2014_Kynaston,\n                                                McGill, Benedict._\n Roman Breviary     En ut superba crimina.      II. 360.\u2014_Caswall, Anon._\n Francisc. Missal   Epiphaniam Domini canamus   Kehrein.\u2014_A. L. P._\n                    gloriosam.\n                    Erumpe tandem juste dolor.  II. 366.\u2014_Caswall._\n F. M. Victorinus   Est locus ex omni medium.   Trench, Bjorn.\u2014_Trench._\n                                                458\n Hereford Breviary  Excelsorum civium inclyta.  \u2014_Chambers._\n Chas. Coffin       Exiit cunis pretiosus       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    infans.\n Roman Breviary     Exite Sion filiae, Regis.   II. 360.\u2014_Caswall, Neale,\n                                                Wallace._\n                    Exite Sion filiae, Videte.  II. 348.\u2014_Chambers._\n Gregory (Mone)     Ex more docti mystico.      I. 96, IV. 121.\u2014_Dryden_\n                                                (_?_), _Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Chambers, Hewett, Copeland,\n                                                Neale, H. A. M._\n Jean Santeul       Ex quo salus mortalium.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, H. A. M.,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Hildebert          Extra portam jam delatum.   Trench.\u2014_Neale._\n Hereford Breviary  Exultet coelum gaudiis.     \u2014_Chambers._\n XIIth Century (K.) Exultet coelum laudibus.    I. 247.\u2014_Chambers._\n                    Exultet cor praecordiis.    \u2014_Chambers, Hewett, H. A.\n                                                M., F. R._\n Roman Breviary*    Exultet orbis gaudiis.      I. 247.\u2014_Mant, Oxenham,\n                                                Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Fac, Christe, nostri        Newman.\u2014_Campbell, I.\n                    gratia.                     Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Fando quis audivit Dei.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                I. Williams, Pott, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, Chandler._\n Jean Santeul       Felices nemorum pangimus    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Caswall,\n                    incolas.                    I. Williams._\n Jean Santeul       Felix dies mortalibus.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                I. Williams, Littledale,\n                                                Calverley, Chandler._\n Seb. Besnault      Felix dies quam proprio.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                H. A. M., Singleton, I.\n                                                Williams, Wm. Palmer,\n                                                Campbell._\n Jean Santeul       Felix morte tua, qui        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    cruciatibus.                Williams._\n Paulinus (?)       Felix per omnes festum.     I. 243.\u2014_Chambers._\n Prudentius         Ferunt vagantes daemones.   McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n Jean Santeul       Festis laeta sonent.        Zabuesnig.\u2014_Chambers._\n Roman Breviary     Festivis resonent compita   II. 354.\u2014_Caswall, Potter._\n                    vocibus.\n Durham Hymnal      Festivis saeclis colitur.   \u2014_Chambers._\n XVth Century       Festum matris gloriosae.    I. 310.\u2014_Chambers._\n Paris Breviary     Flagrans amore perditos.    Newman.\u2014_Caswall, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Rennes Missal      Florem spina coronavit.     V. 187.\u2014_J. M. H._\n Silvio Antoniano   Fortem virili pectore.      IV. 311.\u2014_Caswall, H. A. M._\n Jean Santeul       Fortes cadendo martyres.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n                                                459\n Chas. Coffin*      Forti tegente brachio.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Littledale, Chandler, I.\n                                                Williams, Wm. Palmer._\n XIIth Century MS.  Fregit Adam interdictum.    Mone, 37.\u2014_Crippen._\n Jean Santeul       Fumant Sabeis templa        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    vaporibus.                  Williams._\n                    Gaude, mater ecclesia.      (St. Edward.)\u2014_A. L. P._\n Roman Breviary     Gentis Polonae gloria.      IV. 310.\u2014_Caswall._\n Theodulph          Gloria, laus et honor.      I. 215, IV. 153.\n                                                March.\u2014_Evening Office_,\n                                                1703, _Caswall, Neale, H. A.\n                                                M., Hewett, Anketell._\n Roman Breviary     Gloriam sacrae celebremus   Fabricius.\u2014_Caswall, Anon._\n                    omnes.\n Meissen Breviary   Gloriosi Salvatoris.        I. 315.\u2014_Neale, H. A. M.,\n                                                Singleton, Morgan._\n Notker (?)         Grates nunc omnes reddamus. II. 5, V. 41.\n                                                March.\u2014(_Luther_), _Schaff._\n Chas. Coffin       Grates peracto jam die.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                Wm. Palmer._\n Peter Damiani      Gravi me terrore pulsas.    I. 224, IV. 291. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Neale, Worsley,\n                                                Washburn, Morgan, Benedict,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Caswall,\n                                                Anketell._\n Hildebert          Haec est fides orthodoxa.   Trench.\u2014_W. Crashaw_, 1611,\n                                                _McGill._\n Urban VIII         Haec est dies qua candidae. IV. 309.\u2014_Caswall._\n Saintes Missal     Haec est dies summe grata.  V. 289.\u2014_Black._\n XVth Century       Haec est dies triumphalis.  IV. 270. Trench.\u2014_Worsley._\n Notker (?)         Haec est sancta             V. 56.\u2014_Hewett._\n                    sollemnitas.\n Jean Santeul       Haec illa sollemnis dies.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                Neale, St. Ninian\u2019s Hymns,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Adam of St. V.     Harum laudum praeconia.     II. 251.\u2014_Neale._\n Adam of St. V.     Heri mundus exultavit.      II. 64, V. 176. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Neale, Charles,\n                                                Morgan._\n Joh. Mauburn       Heu! quid jaces stabulo.    I. 335. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Charles, McGill,\n                                                Kynaston, McKenzie._\n Bernard of Cluny   Hic breve vivitur.          Trench, March.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Moultrie, Duffield._\n Mozarabic Breviary Hic est dies verus Dei.     I. 49. March.\u2014_Charles, J.\n                                                M. H., Duffield._\n                    His reparandum generator.   \u2014_Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Hoc, jussa quondam          Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    rumpimus.\n Trondhjem Missal   Hodiernae lux diei          V. 213.\u2014_A. M. M._\n                    sacramenti.\n Roman Breviary*    Hominis superne Conditor.   I. 61. March.\u2014_Dryden_\n                                                (_?_), _Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Copeland, Hope, Bp.\n                                                Williams._\n                                                460\n Dion. Ryckel       Homo Dei creatura.          IV. 250.\u2014_Caswall._\n Anglo-Saxon        Hora nona qua canimus.      Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n Bernard of Cluny   Hora novissima, tempora     Trench, March.\u2014_Neale,\n                    pessima.                    Moultrie, Duffield, Coles,\n                                                Mason, O. A. M._\n Bonaventura        Hora qui ductus tertia.     IV. 220. March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Chambers._\n Charles Coffin     Horres superbos, nec tuam.  Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler, Chambers._\n                    Hoste dum victo triumphans. \u2014_Caswall._\n C. Sedulius        Hostis Herodes impie.       I. 147, IV. 148, 370.\n                                                March.\u2014(_Luther_), _Caswall,\n                                                Chambers, Neale, H. A. M.,\n                                                Anketell._\n XVth or XVIth      Huc ad jugum Calvariae.     II. 353.\u2014_Neale, Kynaston._\n Cent.\n Chas. Coffin       Huc vos, O miseri! surda    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    relinquite.                 Williams._\n XIIth Century MS.  Hujus diei gloria.          I. 287, IV. 176.\u2014_A. L. P._\n Paris Missal       Humani generis cessent.     Newman.\u2014_Neale._\n Jean Santeul       Hymnis dum resonat.         Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Bede               Hymnum canamus gloriae.     I. 206. March.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Charles, Thompson, Copeland,\n                                                Anketell._\n Bede               Hymnum canentes martyrum.   I. 207. March.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Charles_ (_part_), _H. A.\n                                                M., Anketell._\n Ambrosian          Hymnum dicamus Domino.      I. 81. March.\u2014_Charles._\n Chas. Coffin       Iisdem creati fluctibus.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M._\n Isaac Habert       Illaesa te puerpera.        Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Ambrosian          Illuminans altissimus.      I. 19, IV. 61.\n                                                March.\u2014_Copeland._\n Gregory (?)        Immense coeli Conditor.     I. 58, IV. 50.\n                                                March.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Mant, Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Gould, Bp. Williams,\n                                                Copeland, Hope, H. A._\n Sarum Breviary     Impleta gaudent viscera.    \u2014_A. L. P._\n Charles Coffin     Impune vati non erit:       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, W.\n                    impotens.                   Palmer._\n Prudentius         Inde est quod omnes         McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n                    credimus.\n XVth Century MS.   In diebus celebribus.       Mone, 248.\u2014_Trend._\n XVth Century MS.   In domo Patris.             Mone, 302.\u2014_H. R. B., Neale._\n Peter of Dresden   In dulci jubilo.            Wackernagel.\u2014_Wedderburn._\n Hildebert          Infecunda mea ficus.        Trench.\u2014_W. Crashaw, McGill._\n Jacoponus (?)      In hoc anni circulo.        I. 331.\u2014_Neale._\n Adam of St. V. (?) In natale Salvatoris.       Wrangham.\u2014_A. M. M.,\n                                                Wrangham._\n XVth Century       In natali Domini.           I. 329.\u2014_Washburn,\n                                                Littledale._\n                                                461\n Chas. Coffin       In noctis umbra desides.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler, H. A. M._\n Bonaventura (Mone) In passione Domini.         IV. 219.\u2014_Chambers, Oakeley._\n XIIth Century MS.  In sapientia disponens      Mone, 28.\u2014_Crippen, Trend,\n                    omnia.                      Hewett._\n Chas. Coffin       Instantis adventum Dei.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler, H. A.\n                                                M., Moultrie._\n Columcille (?)     In Te, Christe, credentium. Lyra Hibernica.\u2014_Cusack._\n Peter the          Inter aeternas super\u00fbm      Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall._\n Venerable          coronas.\n Adam of St. V.     Interni festi gaudia.       II. 250.\u2014_Neale._\n Abelard            In terris adhuc positam.    Migne, 178.\u2014_Washburn._\n Chas. Coffin       Inter sulphurei fulgura     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, Blew._\n                    turbinis.\n Simon Gourdan      Intrante Christo            Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    Bethanicam domum.\n Le Puy Missal      In triumphum mors mutatur.  Moll.\u2014_Morgan._\n Prudentius         Inventor rutili dux.        I. 131. Newman.\u2014_Bp.\n                                                Patrick, Chambers._\n Roman Breviary*    Invicte martyr unicum.      IV. 138.\u2014_Mant, Caswall._\n Roman Breviary     Ira justa Conditoris.       II. 355.\u2014_Caswall._\n Roman Breviary*    Iste confessor Domini,      I. 249.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    colentes.\n IXth Century       Iste confessor Domini       I. 248.\u2014_Chambers, D. L._\n                    sacratus.\n Roman Breviary     Iste quem laeti colimus     IV. 297.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    fideles.\n                    Ite moesti cordis luctus.   IV. 321.\u2014_Hayes._\n Modern             Ite noctes, ite nubes.      IV. 325.\u2014_Hayes, Anketell._\n Chas. Coffin       Jactamur heu! quot          Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                    fluctibus.                  I. Williams._\n Vth or VIth        Jam, Christe, sol           I. 235, IV. 218.\u2014_Chambers,\n Century            justitiae.                  Crippen._\n Ambrosian          Jam Christus astra          I. 64, IV. 83.\u2014_Dryden_\n                    ascenderat.                 (_?_), _Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Trend, Aylward, Blew,\n                                                Copeland, L., Dayman,\n                                                Esling._\n Chas. Coffin       Jam desinant suspiria.      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chambers, Wm. Palmer,\n                                                Chandler, Woodford, H. A.\n                                                M., A. L. P., Braye._\n Ambrosian          Jam lucis orto sidere (iv.  I. 56, IV. 42.\u2014_Primer_,\n                    verses).                    1545 and 1559, _Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Keble,\n                                                Newman, McGill, Duffield,\n                                                Anketell, Cosin, Neale,\n                                                Singleton, Hope, Wm. Palmer,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Anon.,_ 1847,\n                                                _H. A. M., H. A._\n Chas. Coffin*      Jam lucis orto sidere (vi.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                    verses).                    I. Williams, Copeland._\n                                                462\n Hilary             Jam meta noctis transiit.   I. 3, IV. 36.\u2014_Duffield._\n Prudentius         Jam moesta quiesce querula. I. 137. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Caswall, I.\n                                                Williams, Hewett, Charles,\n                                                Morgan, McGill, Davis,\n                                                Winkworth, Washburn,\n                                                Anketell, Bp. Patrick, A. L.\n                                                P._\n M. A. Flaminius    Jam noctis umbras lucifer.  Preces Privatae,\n                                                1564.\u2014_Rickards._\n Jean Santeul       Jam non te lacerant.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Jean Santeul       Jam nunc quae numeras.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n XIIth Century (?)  Jam pulsa cedant nubila.    Neale.\u2014_Neale._\n Chas. Coffin       Jam sanctius moves opus.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, Chandler, H. A. M.,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Paris Breviary     Jam satis fluxit cruor      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    hostiarum.\n Ambrosian          Jam sexta sensim volvitur.  I. 40. March.\u2014_Charles._\n Chas. Coffin       Jam solis excelsum jubar.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, Chandler, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    Jam sol recedit igneus.     I. 36. Newman.\u2014_Dryden_\n                                                (_?_), _Evening Office_,\n                                                1710, _Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Potter, Beste, Aylward,\n                                                Husenbeth, Campbell, Kent,\n                                                Phillips, Bp. Williams,\n                                                Copeland, Hope._\n Ambrosian          Jam surgit hora tertia.     I. 18, IV. 3.\u2014_Copeland._\n Ambrosian          Jam ter quaternis trahitur. I. 81.\u2014_Chambers._\n Roman Breviary     Jam toto subditus vesper.   IV. 307.\u2014_Caswall._\n Thos. \u00e0 Kempis     Jerusalem luminosa [_seu_   Mone, 304.\u2014_Neale._\n                    gloriosa].\n Ambrosian          Jesu corona celsior.        I. 110. Newman.\u2014_Caswall._\n Ambrosian          Jesu corona virginum.       I. 112, IV. 140,\n                                                368.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, Neale, H. A. M.,\n                                                Oxenham, D. L._\n Bernard of         Jesu decus angelicum.       I. 229. Newman,\n Clairvaux                                      Trench.\u2014_Caswall, Campbell,\n                                                Aylward, Crippen._\n Mozarabic Breviary Jesu defensor omnium.       IV. 26.\u2014_Blew._\n Bernard of         Jesu dulcedo cordium.       I. 227. Newman, March,\n Clairvaux                                      Trench.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Palmer, I. Williams,\n                                                Crippen._\n XIIth Century (K.) Jesu dulce medicamen.       IV. 285.\u2014_Crippen._\n Freiburg Breviary  Jesu, dulcis amor meus.     IV. 323.\u2014_Caswall._\n Bernard of         Jesu dulcis memoria.        I. 227, IV. 211. March,\n Clairvaux                                      Trench.\u2014_Mant, Neale,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Crippen,\n                                                O\u2019Hagan, Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Beste, Thompson, Benedict,\n                                                Campbell, Aylward, Charles,\n                                                Palmer, Alexander,\n                                                Singleton, Edersheim,\n                                                Copeland._\n                                                463\n                    Jesu dulcissime.            II. 371.\u2014_Hewett, Benedict,\n                                                Anon._ (_Independent_),\n                                                _Littledale, Parker._\n Noyon Breviary     Jesu manus, pedes, caput.   Neale.\u2014_H. Thompson._\n Jesuit             Jesu meae deliciae.         II. 350.\u2014_L._\n Anselm of Lucca    Jesu mi dulcissime.         Trench.\u2014_Kynaston._\n Ambrosian          Jesu nostra redemptio,      I. 63, IV. 78. Newman,\n                    Amor.                       March.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Charles, Hewett, Aylward,\n                                                Hope, I. Williams, H. A.,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M., Bp.\n                                                Williams, P. C. E., M. A.\n                                                G._ (_Watchman_).\n Franciscan         Jesu nostra redemptio,      I. 280.\n Breviary           Joseph.                     Zabuesnig.\u2014_Edersheim._\n Hilary (Fab.)      Jesu Quadragenariae.        I. 5.\u2014_Chambers, Neale,\n                                                Pott, Wm. Palmer, Hewett._\n Xth-XIth Century   Jesu, Redemptor omnium,     I. 249, IV. 143.\u2014_Caswall,\n                    Perpes.                     Chambers, Benson._\n Roman Breviary*    Jesu Redemptor omnium,      I. 78.\u2014_Primer_, 1685,\n                    Quem.                       _Mant, Potter, Caswall,\n                                                Esling, Bp. Williams,\n                                                Copeland._\n Charles Coffin     Jesu, Redemptor omnium,     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                    Summi.                      Chandler._\n Chas. Coffin       Jesu, Redemptor seculi.     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chambers, Campbell, Earle,\n                                                Chandler._\n Bernard of         Jesu, Rex admirabilis.      I. 228. Newman,\n Clairvaux                                      March.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Campbell, Aylward, Crippen._\n Guill. de la       Jesu, sacerdotum decus.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n Bruneti\u00e8re                                     Williams, Chandler, Caswall._\n Rabanus Maurus     Jesu, Salvator saeculi,     I. 297.\u2014_F., A. L. P., H. A._\n                    Redemptis.\n XIIth Century MS.  Jesu, Salvator saeculi,     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Neale,\n                    Verbum.                     Copeland, H. A. M._\n Bernard of         Jesus auctor clementiae.    I. 228.\u2014_Chambers._\n Clairvaux\n John Huss          Jesus Christus, nostra      II. 370.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                    salus.                      _Wedderburn, Littledale._\n Bernard of         Jesu, spes poenitentibus.   I. 227. March,\n Clairvaux                                      Trench.\u2014_McGill, Crippen._\n Early Irish        Jesus refulsit omnium.      I. 4, IV. 150.\u2014_Chambers._\n Chas. Coffin       Jordanis oras praevia.      Newman.\u2014_Chandler, Chambers,\n                                                W. M. A., I. Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Jubes: et in praeceps       Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                    aquis.                      H. A. M., I. Williams._\n Adam of St. V.     Jubilemus Salvatori.        Morel, 15.\u2014_Morgan, J. M.\n                                                H., in Lyra Messianica,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Adam of St. V.     Jucundare plebs fidelis.    II. 84, V. 142.\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Neale, Campbell,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Prudentius         Jure ergo se Judae ducem.   McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n                                                464\n Nic. le Tourneux   Jussu tyranni pro fide.     Newman.\u2014_Caswall, H. A. M.,\n                                                I. Williams, Chandler._\n XIIth Century MS.  Juste judex, Jesu Christe.  Mone, 265.\u2014_Crippen._\n Chas. Coffin       Labente jam solis rota.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                Wm. Palmer, I. Williams, A.\n                                                R. Thompson._\n Adam of St. V.     Laetabundi jubilemus.       V. 338.\u2014_A. M. M., Wrangham._\n Bernard            Laetabundus exultet         II. 61, V. 47.\u2014_Chambers,\n                    fidelis chorus: Alleluia.   Hewett, Esling._\n Benedict. Missal   Laeta quies magni ducis.    V. 250.\u2014_Caswall._\n Chas. Coffin       Laetare coelum; plausibus.  Zabuesnig.\u2014_Chambers._\n Noyon Missal       Laetare puerpera.           Neale.\u2014_Hewett._\n Liege Missal       Laetetur hodie matris       V. 285.\u2014_Black._\n                    ecclesiae.\n Meaux Breviary     Lapsus est annus; redit     IV. 319.\u2014_Hewett, Cooke,\n                    annus alter.                Pott, H. A. M., Bonar._\n Odo of Cluny       Lauda, mater ecclesia,      I. 221, IV. 244.\u2014_Neale,\n                    lauda Christi.              Chambers._\n Thomas Aquinas     Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem.    II. 97, V. 73.\n                                                March.\u2014_Crashaw_, 1648,\n                                                _Caswall, Chambers, Aylward,\n                                                Wackerbarth, Anon., Morgan,\n                                                A. R. Thompson, Benedict, H.\n                                                A. M., Esling._\n XIVth Century MS.  Laudes Christo cum gaudio.  Morel, 427.\u2014_Chambers._\n Notker             Laudes Christo redempti     II. 178.\u2014_Littledale._\n                    voce.\n Adam of St. V.     Laudes crucis attollamus.   II. 78, V. 89.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Wackerbarth, Lloyd,\n                                                Wrangham._\n York Breviary      Laudes Deo devotas.         Newman.\u2014_Blew._\n Utrecht Missal     Laudes Deo dicat per omnes. V. 288.\u2014_H. R. B._\n Notker             Laudes Salvatori voce.      II. 2, V. 51.\u2014_Plumptre._\n Cisterc. Brev.     Laudibus cives resonent.    IV. 329.\u2014_Caswall._\n XVIth Century      Laureata plebs fidelis.     \u2014_A. M. M._ (_Lyra Euch._).\n Godeschalk         Laus, Tibi, Christe, qui    II. 39.\u2014_Neale._\n                    es Creator.\n Roman Breviary     Legis figuris pingitur.     II. 360.\u2014_Caswall._\n Chas. Coffin       Linquunt tecta Magi.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Gregory            Lucis Creator optime.       I. 57, IV. 49.\n                                                March.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Mant, Caswall, Keble,\n                                                Newman, Chambers, Oxenham,\n                                                Beste, Kent, Campbell, H. A.\n                                                M., Gould, Chandler, H. A.,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Copeland._\n Hilary             Lucis largitor splendide.   I. 1. March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Washburn, Morgan, McGill,\n                                                Anketell, Duffield, I. C.\n                                                (Evangelist), McKenzie._\n                    Lugete dura marmora.        II. 351.\u2014_McGill._\n                                                465\n Chas. Coffin       Lugete pacis angeli.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Chandler, Pott, I. Williams._\n Fortunatus         Lustra sex qui jam peregit. I. 164. Newman.\u2014_Primer_,\n                                                1706, _Caswall, Mant,\n                                                Chambers, Aylward, Kent,\n                                                Campbell, Hewett, McGill,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Copeland._\n Adam of St. V.     Lux advenit veneranda.      V. 239.\u2014_H. R. B._ (_Lyra\n                                                Myst._), _Wrangham._\n Roman Breviary     Lux alma, Jesu, mentium.    IV. 305.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Caswall, Newman, Copeland._\n Prudentius         Lux ecce surgit aurea.      I. 121, IV. 40.\n                                                March.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Campbell, Hewett, Bp.\n                                                Williams, Copeland, H. A.,\n                                                Chambers._\n Noyon Missal       Lux est orta gentilibus.    Neale.\u2014_J. M. H._ and _A. M.\n                                                M., in Lyra Messianica._\n Adam of St. V.     Lux jucunda, lux insignis.  II. 71, Trench.\u2014_Kynaston,\n                                                Calverley, Wrangham._\n Ambrosian          Magnae Deus potentiae.      I. 61, IV. 52.\n                                                March.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Caswall, Mant, Chambers,\n                                                Bp. Williams, H. A.,\n                                                Copeland, Hope._\n Gregory            Magno salutis gaudio.       I. 179, IV. 152.\u2014_Copeland._\n W. Lovell          Magnum nobis gaudium.       \u2014_Blenkinsopp._\n XIIth Century      Majestati sacrosanctae.     V. 48. Trench.\u2014_Morgan,\n                                                Duffield_ (_part_), _I. G.\n                                                Smith._\n Adam of St. V.     Mane prima Sabbati.         II. 255.\u2014_Neale, Wrangham._\n Roman Breviary     Maria castis oculis.        Newman.\u2014_Caswall, Copeland._\n Jean Santeul       Maria sacro saucia.         Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Urban VIII         Martinae celebri plaudite   IV. 293.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    nomini.\n Xth-XIIth Century  Martyr Dei qui unicum.      I. 247.\u2014_Chambers._\n Roman Breviary     Martyr Dei Venantius.       IV. 300.\u2014_Caswall._\n Damasus            Martyris ecce dies Agathae. I. 9. March.\u2014_Anketell._\n                    Matris cor virgineum.       \u2014_Chambers._\n King Alfred        Matutinus altiora.          \u2014_Earl Nelson._\n Ambrosian          Mediae noctis tempus est.   I. 42, IV. 26.\n                                                March.\u2014_Charles, Caswall._\n Notker             Media vita in morte sumus.  II. 329. March.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                                                _Washburn, Anketell._\n Roman Breviary*    Memento, rerum Conditor.    I. 78.\u2014_Caswall, Oxenham._\n Hildebert          Me receptet Sion illa.      March, Trench.\u2014_W. Crashaw_,\n                                                1611, _McGill, Duffield,\n                                                Caswall_ (_?_), _Neale._\n Jean Santeul       Mille quem stipant solio    Zabuesnig.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    sedentem.\n                                                466\n Sarum Missal       Mirabilis Deus in sanctis.  Pearson.\u2014_Pearson._\n Chas. Coffin       Miramur, O Deus, tuae.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                H. A. M., Wm. Palmer, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    Miris modis repente liber.  I. 243.\u2014_Oxenham, Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Miris probat sese modis.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Wm.\n                                                Palmer, I. Williams._\n Charles Coffin     Missum Redemptorem polo.    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler._\n Adam of St. V.     Missus Gabriel de coelis.   V. 129.\u2014_Neale, Wrangham._\n XIth Century       Mitis agnus, leo fortis.    IV. 160. Moll.\u2014_McGill,\n                                                Trend._\n Abelard            Mittit ad virginem.         II. 59, V. 127.\n                                                March.\u2014_Neale, P. C. E._\n Roman Breviary     Moerentes oculi spargite    Fabricius.\u2014_Caswall, Potter._\n                    lachrymas.\n Paris Breviary     Molles in agnos ceu lupus.  Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler._\n Jean Santeul       Montes superbum verticem.   Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Mortale, coelo tolle,       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    genus, caput.\n Peter the          Mortis portis fractis       Trench, March.\u2014_Charles,\n Venerable          fortis.                     Thompson, Duffield._\n                    Multi sunt presbyteri.      Du Meril, Neale.\u2014_Neale, G.\n                                                D._\n Brander\u2019s MS.,     Mundi decor, mundi forma.   Morel, 501.\u2014_Morgan._\n 1507\n Adam of St. V.     Mundi renovatio nova parit  II. 68, V. 58. March,\n                    gaudia.                     Trench.\u2014_Charles, Washburn,\n                                                McGill, Thompson, Heisler,\n                                                Morgan, Worsley, Wrangham._\n Sarum Breviary     Mundi salus affutura.       Newman.\u2014_Chambers._\n Chas. Coffin       Mundi salus qui nasceris.   Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler, Copeland._\n Cahors Breviary    Mundo novum jus dicere.     Neale.\u2014_Trend._\n                    Mundus effusis redemptus.   \u2014_Caswall._\n Roman Breviary     Mysterium mirabile.         Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Wallace._\n Hildebert (K.)     Nate Patri coequalis.       Mone, 11. March.\u2014_McGill._\n Sarum Breviary     Nato canunt omnia Domino.   II. 56.\u2014_Chambers._\n Adam of St. V.     Nato nobis Salvatore.       II. 222.\u2014_Morgan, A. M. M.,\n                                                in Lyra Messianica,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Jean Santeul       Natus Parenti redditus      Zabuesnig.\u2014_Chandler._\n Thos. \u00e0 Kempis (?) Nec quisquam oculis videt.  Mone, 305.\u2014_Neale._\n                                                467\n Chas. Coffin       Nil laudibus nostris eges.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                McGill, I. Williams._\n Wolfg. Musculus    Nil superest vitae; frigus  \u2014_Nevin, Anon._ (_Observer_).\n                    praecordia captat.\n Jean Santeul       Nobis Olympo redditus.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                H. A. M., I. Williams,\n                                                Singleton._\n Benedict XII (?)   Nobis, sancte Spiritus.     Mone, 191.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    Nocte mox diem fugata.      \u2014_Caswall._\n Gregory            Nocte surgentes vigilemus   I. 176, IV. 176.\n                    omnes.                      March.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Keble, Newman, Hewett,\n                                                Crippen, Chambers, Copeland,\n                                                H. A., Esling, Anketell._\n Columcille (?)     Noli, Pater, indulgere.     Lyra Hib.\u2014_Cusack._\n Nic. le Tourneux   Non abluunt lymphae Deum.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Campbell._\n Roman Breviary     Non illam crucians.         \u2014_Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Non parta solo sanguine.    Newman.\u2014_Chandler, F. R., I.\n                                                Williams, H. A. M.,\n                                                Chambers._\n De la Bruneti\u00e8re   Non vana dilectum gregem.   Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    Novamne das lucis, Deus.    \u2014_Caswall._\n                    Novi part\u00fbs gaudium.        Du Meril.\u2014_Neale._\n XVth Century       Novum sidus exoritur.       IV. 280.\u2014_Onslow._\n Gregory (Mone)     Nox atra rerum contegit.    I. 54, IV. 37.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Copeland,\n                                                H. A._\n Prudentius         Nox et tenebrae et nubila.  I. 120, IV. 39.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Hedge_ (_?_), _Bp. Williams,\n                                                Bp. Patrick, H. A.,\n                                                Duffield._\n Seb. Besnault      Noxium Christus simul       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    introivit.\n Roman Breviary     Nullis te genitor           IV. 298.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    blanditiis.\n R. Bodius          Nuncius praepes mihi labra  McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n                    summo.\n Cahors Breviary    Nunc novis Christus         Neale.\u2014_Morgan._\n                    celebretur hymnis.\n Ambrosian          Nunc Sancte nobis Spiritus. I. 50, IV. 43.\n                                                Newman.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Keble, Newman, Chambers,\n                                                Anketell, Chandler, H. A.,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Copeland._\n Charles Coffin     Nunc suis tandem novus e    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, H. A.\n                    latebris.                   M., W. Palmer._\n                    Nunc te flebilis            \u2014_Caswall._\n                    concinimus modis.\n Jesuit             Nunquam serenior.           IV. 327.\u2014_Morgan._\n Fulbert of         Nuntium vobis fero de       March.\u2014_Chambers, Washburn,\n Chartres           supernis.                   Anketell._\n Hildebert          Nuper eram locuples.        Trench.\u2014_Duffield._\n                                                468\n XVth Century MS.   O amor qui extaticus.       Mone, 51.\u2014_Neale, H. A. M._\n XIVth Century MS.  O beata beatorum martyrum   II. 204.\u2014_Neale, Chambers._\n                    sollemnia.\n Ambrosian          Obduxere polum nubila       I. 29, IV. 110. March.\u2014_Bp.\n                    coeli.                      Patrick._\n Bernard of Cluny   O bona patria.              Trench, March.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Duffield, Coles, Moultrie._\n                    O caeca mens mortalium.     II. 378.\u2014_Benedict._\n Paris Breviary     O Christe, qui noster poli. Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                Black, Calverley, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Anglo-Saxon        O Christe, splendor         Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n                    gloriae.\n Conrad of Gaming   O colenda deitas.           Mone, 225.\u2014_Trend._\n Prudentius         O crucifer bone, lucisator. Mone, 149.\u2014_Crippen._\n XVth Century       O Dei sapientia.            I. 299, IV. 283.\u2014_Chambers._\n Xavier (?)         O Deus ego amo Te, Nam      II. 335.\u2014_Keble, Hewett,\n                    prior.                      McGill, Benedict._\n Xavier (?)         O Deus, ego amo Te, Nec     II. 335. March.\u2014_Pope, Sarum\n                    amo.                        Hymnal, Singleton, Mills,\n                                                Caswall, Hewett, McGill,\n                                                Anketell, Duffield,\n                                                McKenzie, Hayes._\n Queen Mary (?)     O Domine Jesu (_seu_        March.\u2014_Hewett, Hayes,\n                    Deus), speravi in Te.       Anketell, Clarke, Fawcett._\n Jesuit             O esca viatorum.            II. 369. March.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Palmer, Washburn, Morgan_\n                                                (_bis_), _Thompson, Hayes,\n                                                Trend, H. A. M., Schaff,\n                                                Anketell._\n XIIth Century (?)  O filii et filiae.          March.\u2014_Evening Office_,\n                                                1748, _Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Kent, Neale, H. A, M.,\n                                                Porter, Anketell._\n Chas. Coffin       O fons amoris Spiritus.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                H. A. M., Wm. Palmer, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       O fortis, O clemens Deus.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Jesuit             O gens beata coelitum.      March.\u2014_Chambers, Washburn,\n                                                Johnson._\n Bonaventura        O gloriosa domina.          I. 302, IV. 231.\u2014_Caswall,_\n Fortunatus         O gloriosa femina.          I. 173.\u2014_Chambers, F. R._\n Roman Breviary*    O gloriosa virginum.        I. 173.\u2014_Mant, Caswall._\n Hildegard          O ignis Spirit\u00fbs Paracliti. V. 201.\u2014_Crippen,\n                                                Littledale._\n Jean Santeul       O jam beata quae suo.       Newman.\u2014_Chandler._\n XVth Century MS.   O Jesu dulcissime, Cibus    Mone, 230.\u2014_R. W. V._\n                    salutaris.\n Bernard of         O Jesu mi dulcissime.       I. 229. March,\n Clairvaux                                      Trench.\u2014_Crippen._\n                                                469\n Claude Santeul     O luce quae tua lates.      Newman.\u2014_Oxenham, Baker,\n                                                Caswall, H. A. M., Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams,\n                                                Duffield-Thompson._\n Chas. Coffin       O luce qui mortalibus.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, H. A. M.,\n                                                I. Williams, Wm. Palmer,\n                                                Chandler, Singleton, McGill._\n Ambrosius          O lux beata Trinitas.       I. 36, IV. 47.\n                                                March.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                                                _Chambers, Neale, H. A. M.,\n                                                Duffield, H. A., Edersheim,\n                                                McGill, Anketell._\n Bernard of         O miranda vanitas.          March.\u2014_Anketell._\n Clairvaux\n Peter Damiani      O miseratrix, O dominatrix. Migne.\u2014_Duffield._\n Brander\u2019s MS.,     Omnes gentes plaudite.      V. 67.\u2014_Black._\n 1507\n Clichtove ed.      Omnes un\u00e2 celebremus.       V. 216.\u2014_Neale._\n Jean Santeul       Omnibus manat cruor ecce    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    venis.\n Casimir or         Omni die dic Mariae.        II. 372, IV. 237.\u2014_Hayes._\n Hildebert\n Meissen Breviary   Omnis fidelis gaudeat.      I. 301.\u2014_Neale._\n Alanus             Omnis mundi creatura.       Trench, March.\u2014_Washburn,\n                                                Hayes, Worsley, McKenzie._\n Sarum Breviary     O nata lux de lumine, Jesu. I. 259, IV. 161.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Blew._\n Prudentius         O Nazarene, lux Bethlehem.  I. 128.\u2014_Bp. Patrick._\n Paulus Diaconus    O nimis felix meritique     I. 210.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                    celsi.                      B._\n M. A. Muretus      O nox vel medio             Opera I. 741.\u2014_Blew._\n                    splendidior die.\n XIIth-XIIIth       O panis dulcissime.         II. 160, V. 73.\u2014_Trend._\n Cent. MS.\n XVth Century       O Pater sancte mitis atque  I. 263, IV. 270.\u2014_Chambers,\n                    pie.                        A. L. P., Hewett._\n Urban VIII         Opes decusque regium        IV. 304.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    reliqueras.\n Chas. Coffin       Opprobriis Jesu satur.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                I. Williams, Chandler._\n Ambrosian          Optatus votis omnium.       I. 62, IV. 77.\n                                                March.\u2014_Charles, Chambers,\n                                                Mason._\n Jean Santeul       O pulchras acies.           Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chambers._\n Chas. Coffin       Opus peregisti tuum.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M., Blew,\n                                                Singleton, Wm. Palmer, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Thos. \u00e0 Kempis     O qualis quantaque          Wackernagel.\u2014_Kettlewell_\n                    laetitia.                   (_Life of Thomas \u00e0 Kempis_).\n Adam of St. V.     O quam felix, quam          II. 78.\u2014_Kynaston._\n                    praeclara.\n Peter Damiani (?)  O quam glorifica luce.      IV. 188.\u2014_Chambers._\n XVth Century MS.   O quam glorificum solum     Mone, 284.\u2014_Neale, I. G.\n                    sedere.                     Smith._\n                                                470\n Jean Santeul       O quam juvat fratres.       Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler._\n Thos. \u00e0 Kempis     O quam praeclara regio.     Wackernagel.\u2014_Benedict._\n Abelard            O quanta qualia sunt illa   Mone, 282.\u2014_Neale, Chambers,\n                    Sabbata.                    Hewett, Washburn, Duffield,\n                                                Moultrie._\n Jean Santeul       O qui perpetuus nos.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Caswall,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Jean Santeul       O qui tuo dux martyrum.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Caswall,\n                                                Anon.,_ 1839, _Singleton._\n Roman Breviary     O quot undis lachrymarum.   IV. 306.\u2014_Caswall._\n Ambrosian          Orabo mente Dominum.        I. 23, IV. 13.\u2014_Copeland._\n Abelard            Ornarunt terram germina.    Trench, March.\u2014_Washburn,\n                                                Duffield._\n XVth Century MS.   O rubentes coeli rosae.     IV. 281.\u2014\u201c_Hymns and\n                                                Lyrics_.\u201d\n Paris Breviary     O sacerdotum veneranda      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    jura.\n                    O salutaris fulgens stella  \u2014_Chambers._\n                    maris.\n XVth Century MS.   O salutaris hostia.         Koch.\u2014_Caswall, Oxenham._\n                    O Sapientia, etc.           Hymnal Noted.\u2014_Oxenham,\n                                                Nelson, Neale, Benson._\n Sarum Breviary     O sator rerum, reparator    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Blew._\n                    aevi.\n Prudentius         O sola magnarum urbium.     I. 127. March.\u2014_Dryden_\n                                                (_?_), _Mant, Caswall, H. A.\n                                                M., Charles, Benedict,\n                                                McGill, Trend, Anketell,\n                                                Esling, Singleton, Copeland,\n                                                Hope, Bp. Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    O sol salutis intimis.      I. 235.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Mant, Caswall, Morgan,\n                                                Esling, Bp. Williams,\n                                                Copeland, Hope._\n Chas. Coffin       O splendor aeterni Patris.  Newman.\u2014_Campbell, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary     O stella Jacob fulgida.     \u2014_Caswall._\n Jesuit             O ter foecundas, O ter      II. 339, IV. 317. March,\n                    jucundas.                   Trench.\u2014_McGill, Anketell,\n                                                Blenkinsopp._\n Anglo-Saxon        O veneranda Trinitas.       Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n M. A. Muretus      O virgo pectus cui sacrum.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Jean Santeul       O vos aetherei plaudite.    Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    O vos fideles animae.       \u2014_Caswall._\n Paris Breviary     O vos unanimes Christiadum  Zabuesnig.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    chori.\n Claude Santeul     Panditur saxo tumulus       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    remoto.\n                                                471\n Thos. Aquinas      Pange, lingua, gloriosi     I. 251. March.\u2014_Caswall,\n                    corporis mysterium.         Wackerbarth, Campbell,\n                                                Hewett, T. A. S._\n                                                (_Churchman_), _H. A. M.,\n                                                Chambers, Oxenham, Anon.,\n                                                Neale, Pusey, Benedict,\n                                                Palmer, I. Williams, Schaff,\n                                                J. P. Brown._\n Roman Breviary*    Pange, lingua, gloriosi     I. 164. Newman.\u2014_Primer_,\n                    lauream certaminis.         1706, _Caswall, Kent,\n                                                Aylward, Oxenham, Potter._\n Fortunatus         Pange, lingua, gloriosi     I. 163, IV. 67, 353.\n                    proelium certaminis.        March.\u2014_Mant, Neale,\n                                                Chambers, Keble, McGill,\n                                                Hewett, Charles, McKenzie._\n XIVth-XVth Cent.   Panis descendens coelitus.  Mone, 203.\u2014_R. E. E. W._\n MS.                                            (_Lyra Euch._).\n Hildebert          Paraclitus increatus.       Trench, March.\u2014_McGill._\n Jesuit             Parendum est, cedendum est. IV. 351.\u2014_Morgan._\n XIV-XVIth Century  Parvum quando cerno Deum.   II. 342. March.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Banks, Washburn, Hayes,\n                                                Esling._\n Roman Breviary*    Paschale mundo gaudium.     I. 84.\u2014_Caswall, Neale,\n                                                Copeland, Esling._\n Prudentius         Pastis visceribus ciboque.  Mone, 150.\u2014_Crippen._\n Guill. de la       Pastore percusso, minas.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n Bruneti\u00e8re                                     Williams, H. A. M.,\n                                                Chandler, Pott._\n Rob. Bellarmine    Pater superni luminis.      IV. 305.\u2014_Caswall, Copeland._\n Claude Guyet       Patris aeterni soboles      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, H. A.\n                    coaeva.                     M., Sarum Hymnal._\n                    Patris aeterni unice.       \u2014_F. R._\n Charles Coffin     Patris nefando crimine.     Newman.\u2014_Blew._\n Benedict XII. (?)  Patris sapientia.           I. 337, IV. 223.\u2014_Dryden_\n                                                (_?_), _Neale, Chambers,\n                                                Aylward._\n Peter Damiani      Paule doctor egregie.       I. 225. March.\u2014_Neale._\n XIIIth Century     Paulus Sion architectus.    V. 75.\u2014_Morgan._\n Prudentius         Peccator intueberis.        McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n Jean Commire       Perfusus ora lachrymis.     Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall, W.\n                                                Palmer._\n                    Petri laudes exsequamur.    \u2014_People\u2019s Hymnal._\n Jean Santeul       Petrum, tyranne, quid       Newman.\u2014_Pott, I. Williams,\n                    catenis obruis.             W. Palmer._\n                    Piscatores hominum,         Priest\u2019s\n                    sacerdotes mei.             Prayer-Book.\u2014_Caswall._\n De la Bmneti\u00e8re    Plagis magistri saucia.     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary*    Placare, Christe, servulis. I. 256.\u2014_Caswall._\n Le Puy Missal      Plange Sion muta vocem.     \u2014_H. R. B._\n Ambrosian          Plasmator hominis Deus.     I. 61.\u2014_Chambers, H. A._\n                                                472\n Jesuit             Plaudite coeli.             II. 366. March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Hewett, McGill, McCarthy,\n                                                Duffield, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                Hayes._\n Adam of St. V.     Plausu chorus laetabundo.   II. 88, V. 140.\u2014_A. R.\n                                                Thompson, Benedict,\n                                                Duffield, Wrangham._\n Jesuit             Pone luctum, Magdalena.     II. 365. Trench,\n                                                March.\u2014_Copeland, Morgan,\n                                                Anon., Charles, Benedict,\n                                                Washburn, Duryea, A. R.\n                                                Thompson, Hayes, Anketell,\n                                                Moultrie, Banks, Hart._\n                    Popule meus, quid tibi      Daniel\u2019s\n                    feci.                       Bl\u00fcthenstrauss.\u2014_Oakeley,\n                                                Moultrie._\n Corner             Portas vestras aeternales.  Trench.\u2014_Morgan._\n Bede               Post facta celsa Conditor.  Mone, 1.\u2014_Neale._\n Adam of St. V.     Postquam hostem et inferna. Morel, 77.\u2014_Black, Wrangham._\n Servite Breviary   Praeclara custos virginum.  IV. 340.\u2014_Caswall._\n Bede               Praecursor altus luminis.   I. 208.\u2014_Neale, Calverley._\n Charles Coffin     Praedicta Christi mors      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                    adest.                      Chandler._\n                    Pressi malorum pondere.     \u2014_Caswall._\n Noyon Breviary     Prima victricis fidei       Neale.\u2014_W. H. D._\n                    corona.\n Roman Breviary*    Primo die, quo Trinitas.    I. 175.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Newman, H. A. M., Copeland,\n                                                Wm. Palmer, H. A., Esling._\n Gregory            Primo dierum omnium, Quo    I. 175.\u2014_Keble, Chambers,\n                    mundus.                     Hewett, Morgan._\n Jean Santeul       Procul maligni cedite       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    spiritus.\n Adam of St. V.     Profitentes unitatem.       V. 72.\u2014_Morgan, Wrangham._\n Claude Santeul     Prome vocem, mens, canoram. Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                Campbell, I. Williams._\n Seb. Besnault      Promissa, tellus, concipe   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    gaudia.                     Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Promittis et servas datam.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Poitiers Missal    Prope est claritudinis      V. 173.\u2014_Hewett._\n                    magnae dies.\n XVth Century       Puer natus in Bethlehem.    I. 334, IV. 258. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Hewett, Ryder,\n                                                Eddy, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                Littledale, Charles, Schaff,\n                                                Hart, Anketell._\n XIVth or XVth      Puer nobis nascitur.        I. 333, IV. 258.\u2014_Evening\n Cent.                                          Office_, 1748, _Esling._\n Paris Breviary     Pugnate, Christi milites.   Newman.\u2014_Duffield, Pott,\n                                                Hope, I. Williams, A. R.\n                                                Thompson._\n                    Pulchra tota, sine nota.    \u2014_Caswall._\n                                                473\n Jean Santeul       Pulsum supernis sedibus.    Newman.\u2014_McGill, Chandler,\n                                                Baker, Wm. Palmer, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Fortunatus         Qu\u00e2 Christus hor\u00e2 sitiit.   I. 169.\u2014_Chambers._\n Cluny Breviary     Quae dixit, egit, pertulit. \u2014_Caswall._\n De la Bruneti\u00e8re   Quae gloriosum tanta.       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary     Quaenam lingua tibi, O      \u2014_Caswall, Potter, Anon._\n                    lancea, debitas.\n Charles Coffin     Quae stella sole pulchrior. Newman.\u2014_Chandler, Chambers,\n                                                Campbell, Charles, Blew, A.\n                                                R. Thompson, H. A. M.,\n                                                Thring, Singleton, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Claude Santeul     Quae te pro populi          Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                    criminibus.                 Chambers, Earle._\n Charles Coffin     Qua lapsu tacito stella     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                    loquacibus.                 Campbell._\n Jean Santeul       Quam, Christe, signasti     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    viam.                       Williams._\n Bonaventura        Quam despectus, quam        Trench.\u2014_Worsley._\n                    dejectus.\n Adam of St. V.     Quam dilecta tabernacula.   II. 75, V. 102. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Neale, Flower,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Jean Santeul       Quam nos potenter allicis.  Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Calverley._\n XIVth Century MS.  Quando noctis medium.       Mone, 29.\u2014_Neale._\n Paris Breviary     Quantis micas honoribus.    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Jean Santeul       Quem misit in terras Deus.  Newman.\u2014_Chandler, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Jean Santeul       Quem nox, quem tenebrae.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Fortunatus         Quem terra, pontus,         I. 172, IV. 135.\u2014_Chambers,\n                    aethera.                    H. A. M., Oxenham, Neale._\n Roman Breviary*    Quem terra, pontus, sidera. I. 172.\u2014_Mant, Copeland,\n                                                Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Qui Christiano nomine       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    gloriantur.\n Franciscan Brev.   Quicunque certum quaeritis. \u2014_Caswall, H. A. M., Potter._\n Prudentius         Quicunque Christum          I. 135. Newman.\u2014_Primer_,\n                    quaeritis.                  1706, _Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Newman, Husenbeth, Potter,\n                                                Campbell, H. A. M.,\n                                                Copeland, McGill, Duffield,\n                                                Benedict._\n                    Quicunque sanus vivere.     \u2014_Caswall._\n VIIth Century      Quicunque vult salvus esse. \u2014_Anon._, 1643.\n Prudentius         Quid est quod arctum        Bjorn.\u2014_McGill, Esling._\n                    circulum.\n                                                474\n Charles Coffin     Quid moras nectis? Domino   Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    jubente.\n Jean Santeul       Quid obstinata pectora.     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler._\n Benedict. Brev.    Quidquid antiqui cecin\u00eare   Zabuesnig.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    vates.\n Jean Santeul       Quid tu, relictis urbibus.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Peter Damiani      Quid tyranne, quid minaris. II. 378, IV. 349.\n                                                March.\u2014_Morgan, McGill,\n                                                Washburn, Hayes, Anketell,\n                                                Duffield._\n Bonaventura        Qui jacuisti mortuus.       IV. 220. March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Chambers._\n Charles Coffin     Qui nos creas solus, Pater. Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Bonaventura        Qui pressur\u00e2 mortis dur\u00e2.   IV. 221.\u2014_Chambers._\n Adam of St. V.     Qui procedis ab utroque.    II. 73, V. 201. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Caswall, Morgan,\n                                                Worsley, Wrangham._\n Chas. Coffin       Qui sacris hodie sistitur   Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    aris.\n                    Quis dabit profundo nostro. \u2014_Caswall._\n Charles Coffin     Quis ille sylvis e          Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    penetralibus.\n XVth Century       Quisquis valet numerare.    Mone, 303.\u2014_Neale._\n                    Quis Te canat mortalium.    \u2014_Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Qui Te, Deus, sub intimo.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n IXth Century       Quod chorus vatum.          Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers, Blew._\n Roman Breviary*    Quodcunque in orbe nexibus  I. 244.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    revinxeris.\n Charles Coffin     Quod lex vetus adumbravit.  Newman.\u2014_Campbell, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n Jesuit             Quo me, Deus, amore.        IV. 326.\u2014_A. M. M._ (_Lyra\n                                                Euch._).\n Jean Santeul       Quo sanctus ardor te rapit. Newman.\u2014_Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Quos in hostes, Saule,      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, H. A.\n                    tendis.                     M., Chandler, Singleton._\n Charles Coffin     Quos pompa secli, quos      Zabuesnig.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    opes.\n Charles Coffin     Quo vos magistri gloria,    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    quo salus.                  Williams, Blew._\n Chas. Coffin       Rebus creatis nil egens.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                H. A. M., Hope, I. Williams,\n                                                Campbell._\n XIVth Century      Recolamus sacram coenam.    V. 212.\u2014_A. M. M._ (_Lyra\n                                                Euch._).\n                                                475\n Bonaventura        Recordare sanctae crucis.   II. 101. March.\u2014_Alexander,\n                                                Harbaugh, Washburn, Morgan,\n                                                Benedict, Hayes._\n Ambrosian          Rector potens, verax Deus.  I. 51, IV. 44.\u2014_Primer_,\n                                                1545 and 1559, _Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Newman,\n                                                Anketell, Chandler, Neale,\n                                                Bp. Williams, Copeland, H.\n                                                A._\n Claude Santeul     Redditum luci, Domino       Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    vocante.\n XIVth Cent. MS.    Redeundo per gyram.         V. 306.\u2014_Neale._\n Urban VIII         Regali solio fortis         IV. 297.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    Iberiae.\n XIVth Century (K.) Regina coeli, laetare.      II. 319.\u2014_Caswall, Esling._\n Urban VIII         Regis superni nuntia.       IV. 309.\u2014_Caswall._\n Angers Missal      Regnantem sempiterna per    V. 172.\u2014_Chambers, Hewett._\n                    secula.\n Jean Santeul       Regnator orbis summus et    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                    arbiter.                    Caswall._\n Jean Santeul       Regnis paternis debitus.    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams._\n XVIth Century      Reminiscens beati           Ecclesiologist XXI.\u2014_A. M.\n                    sanguinis.                  M._ (_Lyra Euch._).\n Chas. Coffin       Rerum Creator omnium,       Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                    Nostros labores.            Duffield._\n Ambrosian          Rerum Creator optime.       I. 53.\u2014_Primer_, 1545 and\n                                                1559, _Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Newman, Copeland, H. A._\n Ambrosian          Rerum Deus tenax vigor.     I. 52, IV. 45.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Anketell,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M., Bp.\n                                                Williams, Copeland, H. A.,\n                                                Ellerton, Hjort._\n XVth Century MS.   Resonet in laudibus.        I. 327, IV. 252.\u2014_H. E. J._\n                                                (_Lutheran_).\n Vth Century (K.)   Rex aeterne Domine.         I. 85, IV. 20.\u2014_Chambers._\n Old-English        Rex angelorum praepotens.   Morel.\u2014_Chambers._\n Gregory            Rex Christe, factor omnium. I. 180, IV. 176.\n                                                March.\u2014_Chambers, Copeland,\n                                                Palmer, Inglis._\n Gregory (?)        Rex gloriose martyrum.      I. 248, IV. 139.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                B. T., Caswall._\n                    Rex Jesu potentissime.      \u2014_Caswall, Chambers._\n Roman Breviary*    Rex sempiterne coelitum.    I. 85.\u2014_Mant, Caswall, H. A.\n                                                M., Copeland, Moultrie,\n                                                Esling._\n Mozarabic Brev.    Sacer octavarum dies        IV. 60.\u2014_Blew._\n                    hodiernus.\n                    Sacram venite supplices.    \u2014_Caswall._\n Mozarabic Brev.    Sacrata Christi tempora.    IV. 134.\u2014_H. Thompson._\n Hartmann           Sacrata libri dogmata.      IV. 83.\u2014_Crippen._\n Thos. Aquinas      Sacris sollemniis juncta    I. 252.\u2014_Bp. Patrick, I.\n                    sint gaudia.                Williams, Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Aylward._\n                                                476\n Roman Breviary     Saepe dum Christi populus.  IV. 301.\u2014_Caswall._\n Roman Breviary     Saevo dolorum turbine.      Fabricius.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Singleton._\n Sarum Missal       Salus aeterna indeficiens   II. 185, V. 172.\u2014_Caswall,\n                    mundi vita.                 A. M. M., Chambers._\n Roman Breviary*    Salutis aeternae dator.     I. 297.\u2014_Mant, Caswall._\n Roman Breviary*    Salutis humanae sator.      I. 63. Newman.\u2014_Evening\n                                                Office_, 1710, _Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Campbell,\n                                                Husenbeth, Potter, Esling,\n                                                Chandler, Copeland._\n VIth or VIIth      Salvator mundi domine.      I. 274, IV. 209.\u2014_Primer_,\n Cent.                                          1545 and 1559, _Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, Browne_ (_?_), _Ken_\n                                                (_?_), _Cosin, Hope, P. C.\n                                                E., Copeland, H. A. M., H.\n                                                A._\n                    Salve, arca foederis.       IV. 342.\u2014_Caswall._\n Bernard of         Salve caput cruentatum.     I. 232, IV. 228.\n Clairvaux                                      March.\u2014(_Gerhardt_),\n                                                (_Hermann_), _Baker,\n                                                Charles, Alford, Alexander,\n                                                Jackson, Kynaston, J. A.\n                                                Symonds._\n Adam of St. V.     Salve crux, arbor.          V. 90.\u2014_Duffield, Wrangham._\n Heribert           Salve crux sancta, salve    I. 243, IV. 185.\u2014_Aylward._\n                    mundi gloria.\n Adam of St. V.     Salve dies dierum gloria.   Morel, 73.\u2014_H. R. B.,\n                                                Wrangham._\n York Processional  Salve festa dies, toto      II. 182. Newman.\u2014_Charles,\n                    venerabilis aevo, Qua Deus  Anon._\n                    de coelo.\n York Processional  Salve festa dies, toto      II. 183, V. 211.\u2014_H. R. B.,\n                    venerabilis aevo, Qua Deus  Moultrie._\n                    ecclesiam.\n Fortunatus         Salve festa dies, toto      I. 169. Newman, March,\n                    venerabilis aevo, Qua Deus  Trench.\u2014_Neale, Charles,\n                    infernum.                   Ellerton, Schaff, Copeland._\n York Processional  Salve festa dies, toto      II. 184, V. 214. Newman.\u2014_W.\n                    venerabilis orbe, Qua       A., Moultrie._\n                    sponso.\n Bernard of         Salve Jesu, pastor bone.    IV 226.\u2014(_Gerhardt_),\n Clairvaux                                      _Krauth, H. Thompson._\n Bernard of         Salve Jesu, Rex sanctorum.  IV. 225.\u2014_Chambers,\n Clairvaux                                      Whytehead, H. Thompson._\n Bernard of         Salve Jesu, summe bonus.    IV. 226.\u2014_H. Thompson,\n Clairvaux                                      Kynaston._\n XIVth Cent. MS.    Salve mi angelice.          Mone, 312.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Mozley._\n XIVth Cent. MS.    Salve mundi domina et       Mone, 322.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    coeli.\n Bernard of         Salve mundi salutare.       II. 359, IV. 224. March,\n Clairvaux                                      Trench.\u2014_Charles, Morgan,\n                                                Kynaston._\n XVth Century MS.   Salve, O sanctissime.       Mone, 650.\u2014_Moultrie, M._\n Hermann Contr.     Salve Regina, mater         II. 321.\u2014_Caswall, Duffield._\n                    misercordiae.\n                                                477\n Conrad of Gaming   Salve saluberrima.          Mone, 233.\u2014_Chambers._\n XIIth Cent. MS.    Salve sancta caro Dei.      Mone, 215.\u2014_R. E. E. W._\n Aegidius of Burgos Salve sancta facies.        I. 341, II. 232, IV. 222, V.\n                                                158.\u2014_Chambers._\n XVth Cent. MS.     Salve suavis et formose.    Mone, 229.\u2014_L._\n Roman Breviary     Salvete Christi vulnera.    II. 355.\u2014_Caswall, Oxenham,\n                                                Z._ in _Annus Sanctus._\n Roman Breviary     Salvete clavis et lancea.   \u2014_Caswall, Wallace._\n Prudentius         Salvete Flores martyrum.    I. 124, IV. 120. March,\n                                                Trench, Newman.\u2014_Chandler,\n                                                Caswall, Neale, Keble,\n                                                Hewett, Morgan, McGill,\n                                                Chambers, Bp. Patrick,\n                                                Singleton, Oxenham, Hope, I.\n                                                Williams, Banks, Copeland,\n                                                Churton, Esling, Benedict._\n Bede               Salve tropaeum gloria.      I. 208, IV. 271. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Kynaston._\n Trondhjem Missal   Sanctae Sion adsunt         V. 215.\u2014_Onslow, Moultrie,\n                    encaenia.                   D. P._\n Xth or XIth Cent.  Sancte Dei pretiose         I. 241, IV. 177.\u2014_Chambers,\n                    protomartyr Stephane.       Hewett._\n Notker             Sancte Spiritus, adsit      II. 16, V. 170.\u2014_Neale,\n                    nobis gratia, Qua corda.    Calverley._\n Early Irish        Sancti, venite; Christi     I. 193, IV. 109.\u2014_Neale,\n                    corpus sumite.              McKenzie, McCarthy,\n                                                Anketell._\n VIth-IXth Century  Sanctorum meritis inclyta   I. 203, IV. 139.\u2014_Mant,\n                    gaudia.                     Caswall, Chambers._\n Guill. de la       Sat, Paule, sat terris      Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n Bruneti\u00e8re         datum.                      Chambers._\n Conrad of Gaming   Saturatus ferculis.         Mone, 232.\u2014_Chambers, L._\n Prudentius         Sed verticem pueri supra.   McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n Jean Santeul       Sensus quis horror          Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                    percutit.                   Chandler, S. Ninian\u2019s Hymns,\n                                                Wm. Palmer, I. Williams._\n Ambrosian          Sermone blando angelus.     I. 83.\u2014_Chambers, Neale,\n                                                Earle, Braye, Anketell._\n Anglo-Saxon        Sexta aetate virgine.       Stevenson.\u2014_Chambers._\n Adam of St. V.     Sexta passus feria.         Wrangham.\u2014_Littledale,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Prudentius         Sic stulta Pharaonis.       McGill.\u2014_McGill, Benedict._\n Adam of St. V.     Sicut chorda musicorum.     March, Trench.\u2014_Charles._\n Jean Santeul       Signum novi crux foederis.  Zabuesnig.\u2014_M._\n Adam of St. V.     Simplex in essentia.        II. 72, V. 198.\u2014_Duffield,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Jean Santeul       Sinae sub alto vertice.     Newman.\u2014_Mant, I. Williams,\n                                                Caswall, Chandler._\n Wm. Alard          Sit ignis atque lux mihi.   Trench.\u2014_Duffield._\n                                                478\n Jean Santeul       Sit qui rite canat.         Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n                    Si vis patronum quaerere.   Morel, 241.\u2014_Caswall._\n Sarum Missal       Si vis vere gloriari.       V. 186. Trench.\u2014_Whewell_,\n                                                1849, _Worsley, Black._\n XIth Cent. MS.     Sol, astra, terra, aequora. I. 257.\u2014_Benedict._\n Charles Coffin     Sollemne nos jejunii.       Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Campbell,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M.,\n                                                Singleton, I. Williams._\n Modern             Sol praeceps rapitur.       Briggs, 190.\u2014_Caswall\u2019s\n                                                English is the original._\n Ambrosian          Somno refectis artubus.     I. 26, IV. 36.\u2014_Mant, Keble,\n                                                Newman, Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, Bp. Williams, H. A.,\n                                                Copeland._\n Angers Missal      Sonent Regi nato nova       Mone, 175.\u2014_Hewett._\n                    cantica.\n Padua Missal       Speciosus forma prae natis  V. 286.\u2014_H. R. B._ (_Lyra\n                    hominum.                    Myst._).\n Ambrosius          Splendor paternae gloriae,  I. 24, IV. 20. March.\u2014_Mant,\n                    De luce.                    Chandler, Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Morgan, McGill, Campbell,\n                                                Woodford, Wm. Palmer,\n                                                Copeland, H. A., Bp.\n                                                Williams, Edersheim,\n                                                Singleton, Dayman, Duffield._\n Paris Missal       Sponsa Christi, quae per    Newman, 2.\u2014_Chandler, W.\n                    orbem.                      Palmer._\n Jacoponus          Stabat mater dolorosa.      II. 131, V. 59.\n                                                March.\u2014_Anon._, 1687, _Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Aubrey de\n                                                Vere, McCarthy, Aylward,\n                                                Monsell, Charles, O. H. A._\n                                                (_Interior_), _Coles,\n                                                Alexander, Crooke, McKenzie,\n                                                Morgan, Esling, Hayes,\n                                                Lindsay, Schaff, H. A. M.,\n                                                Benedict, Sullivan, Phelps._\n Jacoponus (?)      Stabat mater speciosa.      March.\u2014_McCarthy, McKenzie_\n                                                (twice).\n Charles Coffin     Statuta decreto Dei.        Newman.\u2014_Chambers, W. M. A._\n                                                in _Annus Sanctus, Blew, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler._\n Ambrosian          Stephano primo martyri.     I. 90, IV. 89,\n                                                354.\u2014_Chambers._\n Adam of St. V.     Stola regi laureatus.       Trench.\u2014_Neale, Morgan,\n                                                Wrangham._\n Mediaeval          Stringere pauca libet.      Trench.\u2014_Black._\n Jean Santeul       Stupete gentes! Fit Deus    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams, A. R.\n                    hostia.                     Thompson._\n Paris Breviary     Sublime numen, ter potens.  Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n                                                479\n Ambrosian          Summae Deus clementiae,     I. 34.\u2014_Chambers, H. A._\n                    Mundique.\n Roman Breviary     Summae Deus clementiae,     IV. 308.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    Septem.\n Roman Breviary*    Summae parens clementiae.   I. 34.\u2014_Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Newman, Hope, Copeland._\n J. Merlo Horst     Summe Pater, Deus clemens.  \u2014_John Austin_, 1688.\n Gregory            Summi largitor praemii.     I. 182, IV. 217.\u2014_Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, H. A. M._\n Franciscan         Summi parentis filio.       Migne.\u2014_John Austin,\n Breviary                                       Caswall._\n Roman Breviary*    Summi parentis unice.       IV. 244.\u2014_Caswall, H. A. M._\n Guill. de la       Summi pusillus grex Patris. Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n Bruneti\u00e8re.                                    Williams, Chandler._\n Bernard of         Summi Regis cor aveto.      IV. 227. March.\u2014_Washburn._\n Clairvaux\n Adam of St. V.     Supernae matris gaudia.     II. 89, V. 109.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Morgan, Wrangham._\n Roman Breviary     Supernus ales nuntiat.      \u2014_Caswall._\n                    Supplex sacramus canticum.  \u2014_Blew._\n Adam of St. V.     Supra coelos dum            \u2014_Plumptre._\n                    conscendit.\n Charles Coffin     Supreme motor cordium.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler,\n                                                Woodford._\n Jean Santeul       Supreme quales arbiter.     Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chambers, Calverley, H. A.\n                                                M._\n Paris Breviary     Supreme rector coelitum.    Newman.\u2014_I. Williams,\n                                                Chambers, Chandler, H. A.\n                                                M., Calverley._\n Mozarabic          Surgentes ad Te, Domine.    IV. 28.\u2014_Chambers._\n Breviary.\n Mainz Missal       Surgit Christus cum         Neale.\u2014_Hewett._\n                    tropaeo.\n XIVth Century      Surrexit Christus hodie.    I. 341, IV. 232.\n                                                March.\u2014_Neale, Hewett, H. A.\n                                                M._\n XVth Cent. MS.     Sursum corda dirigamus.     V. 284.\u2014_I. G. Smith._\n Jesuit             Tandem audite me.           IV. 344. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Hayes._\n XVth Century       Tandem fluctus, tandem      II. 336.\u2014_Neale._\n                    luctus.\n Charles Coffin     Tandem peractis, O Deus.    Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                H. A. M., I. Williams, Wm.\n                                                Palmer._\n Roman Breviary     Te deprecante corporum.     IV. 311.\u2014_Caswall._\n Hilary (?)         Te Deum laudamus.           II. 276. March.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                                                _Wither, Tate, H. A. M.,\n                                                Cotterill_, 1810, _Anon._,\n                                                1842, _Caswall, Charles,\n                                                Walworth, Millard, Hatfield,\n                                                Gambold, Conder, Anon.,_\n                                                1792, _Porter, Robertson._\n                    Te Deum Patrem colimus.     Magdalene College\n                                                Hymn.\u2014_Chandler, Sarum\n                                                Hymnal._\n Roman Breviary     Te, Joseph, celebrent.      IV. 296.\u2014_Caswall._\n                                                480\n Charles Coffin     Te laeta, mundi Conditor.   Newman.\u2014_Neale, I. Williams,\n                                                Chandler, H. A. M.,\n                                                Chambers, Campbell._\n Roman Breviary*    Telluris alme Conditor.     I. 59.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Mant, Caswall, Bp.\n                                                Williams, Copeland, Hope._\n Ambrosian          Telluris ingens Conditor.   I. 59. March.\u2014_Chambers, H.\n                                                A., Duffield._\n Flavius of Chalons Tellus et aethra jubilent.  I. 233.\u2014_Chambers._\n Jean Santeul       Tellus tot annos.           Zabuesnig.\u2014_S. M._\n Ambrosian          Te, lucis ante terminum.    I. 52. Newman.\u2014_Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Newman, Chambers,\n                                                Campbell, Kent, Oxenham,\n                                                Blount, Hewett, Browne_\n                                                (_?_), _Esling, Anketell,\n                                                Neale, Copeland, H. A., Bp.\n                                                Williams._\n Roman Breviary     Te mater alma numinis.      IV. 309.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    Te matrem laudamus.         Mone, 501.\u2014_Charles._\n Jean Santeul       Templi sacratas pande,      Newman.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                    Sion, foras.                H. A. M., I. Williams,\n                                                Singleton, Blew._\n Chas. Coffin       Te principem summo, Deus.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Chandler,\n                                                I. Williams._\n French             Te quanta victor funeris.   Neale.\u2014_W. H. D._\n Roman Breviary     Te Redemptoris Dominique    IV. 303.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    nostri.\n Ambrosian          Ternis ter horis numerus.   I. 73.\u2014_Chambers._\n Claude Santeul     Ter sancte, ter potens      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    Deus.                       Williams, Caswall, Chandler,\n                                                Pott, Ellerton, Wm. Palmer._\n M. A. Flaminius    Te, sancte Jesu, mens mea.  McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n Roman Breviary*    Te, splendor et virtus      I. 220. Newman.\u2014_Dryden_\n                    Patris.                     (_?_), _Mant, Caswall,\n                                                Copeland, Hope, Wm. Palmer._\n Rabanus Maurus     Tibi, Christe, splendor     I. 220, IV. 165.\u2014_Caswall,\n                    Patris.                     Neale, Chambers._\n Roman Breviary     Tinctam ergo Christi        \u2014_Caswall._\n                    sanguine.\n Hildebert          Totum, Deus, in Te spero.   \u2014_Morgan, McGill._\n Adam of St. V.     Tria dona reges ferunt.     Trench.\u2014_Littledale._\n Hartmann           Tribus signis Deo dignas.   Trench.\u2014_McGill._\n Pierre de Corbeil  Trinitas, unitas, deitas.   V. 206.\u2014_Neale, Duffield._\n Ambrosian          Tristes erant Apostoli.     I. 83. Newman.\u2014_Caswall,\n                                                Neale, Copeland, Esling._\n XVth or XVIth      Triumphe plaudant maria.    II. 365.\u2014_Neale, Kynaston,\n Cent.                                          B. T._\n Gregory (?)        Tu, Christe, nostrum        I. 197.\u2014_Earle, Chambers._\n                    gaudium.\n                                                481\n Roman Breviary     Tu natale solum protege,    IV. 295.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    tu bonae.\n Jean Santeul       Tu, quem prae reliquis      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    Christus.                   Williams._\n Bonaventura        Tu, qui velatus facie.      IV. 220. March.\u2014_Charles,\n                                                Chambers._\n Ambrosian          Tu Trinitatis unitas.       I. 35, IV. 38.\n                                                Newman.\u2014_Dryden_ (_?_),\n                                                _Mant, Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Newman, Campbell, Copeland,\n                                                H. A., Bp. Williams._\n Chas. Coffin       Ultricibus nos undique.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler._\n XVth Century       Unde planctus et lamentum.  I. 312.\u2014_Duffield._\n Jean Santeul       Uncta crux Dei cruore.      Zabuesnig.\u2014_M._\n Charles Coffin     Unus bonorum fons Deus      Zabuesnig.\u2014_I. Williams._\n                    omnium.\n Jean Santeul       Urbem Romuleam quis furor.  Newman.\u2014_F. R._\n VIIIth Century     Urbs beata Hirusalem.       I. 239, IV. 193. Trench,\n                                                March.\u2014_Drummond_, 1619,\n                                                _Neale, Benson, Chambers,\n                                                Hewett, A. R. Thompson, H.\n                                                R. B._ (_Lyra Myst._), _H.\n                                                A. M., Hope, Singleton._\n Seb. Besnault*     Urbs beata, vera pacis      Newman.\u2014_A. R. Thompson,\n                    visio.                      Doggett, I. Williams._\n Old Paris          Urbs Jerusalem beata.       Zabuesnig.\u2014_Morgan,\n Breviary*                                      Chandler, Anketell._\n Bernard of Cluny   Urbs Sion aurea.            Trench, March.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Coles, Duffield, Moultrie,\n                                                Anketell._\n Bernard of Cluny   Urbs Sion inclyta.          Trench, March.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Morgan, Coles, Duffield,\n                                                Moultrie._\n M. Casimir         Urit me patriae decor.      \u2014_Neale._\n Sarbievius\n Jesuit             Ut axe sunt serena.         IV. 341.\u2014_Morgan._\n Bernard of         Ut jucundas cervus undas.   Trench.\u2014_Morgan._\n Clairvaux\n Paulus Diaconus    Ut queant laxis resonare    I. 209, IV. 163, 370.\n                    fibris.                     March.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Copeland, A. C. C., B._\n Paris Breviary     Ut sol decore sidere.       Newman.\u2014_Caswall, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Prudentius         Vagitus ille exordium.      McGill.\u2014_McGill._\n Trondhjem Missal   Veneremur crucis lignum.    V. 183.\u2014_Black._\n Rabanus Maurus     Veni, Creator Spiritus,     I. 213, IV. 124. Trench,\n                    Mentes.                     March.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                                                _Coverdale, Wither, Dryden,\n                                                Evening Office_, 1710,\n                                                _Tate, Hammond, Mant,\n                                                Caswall, Chambers, Charles,\n                                                Campbell, Bp. Williams,\n                                                Aylward, Husenbeth, Esling,\n                                                Stryker, Morgan, Duffield,\n                                                McGill, Cosin, Blew, W. P.\n                                                R., Anketell, Copeland, I.\n                                                Williams, H. A. M.,\n                                                Chandler._\n                                                482\n                    Veni, Creator Spiritus,     Trench, March.\u2014_Caswall,\n                    Spiritus recreator.         Mason, Charles._\n XIth Century       Veni, jam veni.             Mone, 188.\u2014_Moultrie,\n                                                Duffield._\n Ambrose            Veni, Redemptor gentium.    I. 12, IV. 4, 353. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                                                _Chambers, Hewett, Charles,\n                                                Palmer, Morgan, Anketell,\n                                                McGill, Neale, Copeland, Bp.\n                                                Williams, A. L. P., Anon._\n                                                (_Quiver_), _Anon._ (_Lyrics\n                                                of Light and Life_).\n Hermann Contr.     Veni, sancte Spiritus.      II. 35, V. 69. Trench,\n                                                March.\u2014(_Luther_),\n                                                _Verstegan_, 1599, _Divine\n                                                Office_, 1763, _Hart_, 1759,\n                                                _Beste, Campbell, Chambers,\n                                                Caswall, Charles, Earle,\n                                                Stanley, Worsley, Morgan,\n                                                Benedict, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                Palmer, McGill, Duffield,\n                                                Washburn, M. C._\n                                                (_Churchman_), _Anon._\n                                                (_Christian Instructor_),\n                                                _Anon., Hayes, Esling,\n                                                McCarthy, Anketell._\n Charles Coffin     Veni, superne Spiritus.     Newman.\u2014_Chambers, J. M. H.,\n                                                Chandler, I. Williams._\n Roman Breviary     Venit e coelo Mediator      Fabricius.\u2014_Caswall._\n                    alto.\n XIIth Century (?)  Veni, veni, Emmanuel.       II. 336, IV. 316.\u2014_Neale,\n                                                Chambers, Singleton, McGill,\n                                                Anketell._\n XVth Century MS.   Veni, veni, Rex gloriae.    Mone, 35.\u2014_Crippen, Bonar._\n Adam of St. V.     Verbi veri substantivi.     Trench.\u2014_Trench._\n Adam (?)           Verbum Dei, Deo natum.      II. 166, V. 43. March,\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Washburn, Duffield,\n                                                Morgan, Plumptre, Dayman._\n Paris Breviary     Verbum, quod ante secula.   Newman.\u2014_Campbell, Chambers,\n                                                I. Williams, Chandler._\n Ambrosian          Verbum supernum prodiens A  I. 77.\u2014_Campbell._\n                    Patre.\n Roman Breviary *   Verbum supernum prodiens E  I. 77. Newman.\u2014_Dryden_ (?),\n                    Patris.                     _Mant, Keble, Newman,\n                                                Chambers, Hewett, Caswall,\n                                                Wm. Palmer, Chandler,\n                                                Singleton._\n Thos. Aquinas      Verbum supernum prodiens    I. 254. Newman.\u2014_Dryden_\n                    Nec.                        (?), _Caswall, Chambers,\n                                                Campbell, Kent, Aylward, I.\n                                                Williams, H. A. M.,\n                                                Anketell, Esling._\n Fortunatus         Vexilla Regis prodeunt.     I. 160, IV. 70. March,\n                                                Newman.\u2014_Dryden_ (?),\n                                                _Caswall, Chandler, Neale,\n                                                Keble, Chambers, Beste,\n                                                Massie, Husenbeth, Aylward,\n                                                Kent, McGill, Duffield,\n                                                Charles, A. R. Thompson,\n                                                McKenzie, Campbell,\n                                                Benedict, I. Williams, Bp.\n                                                Williams, Churton,\n                                                Singleton, Anon._, 1706.\n                                                483\n Wipo (?), Notker   Victimae paschali laudes.   II. 95, 385. III. 287.\n (?)                                            Newman.\u2014_Blount,_ 1670,\n                                                _Caswall, Campbell, Leeson,\n                                                Husenbeth, Anon._\n                                                (_Churchman_), _Abp.\n                                                Manning\u2019s Collection,\n                                                Esling, Benedict._\n Paris Breviary     Victis sibi cognomina.      Newman.\u2014_Chambers, Braye, I.\n                                                Williams, Singleton,\n                                                Chandler._\n Monk of St. Gall   Virgines castae, virgines   Neale.\u2014_S. M._\n                    summae.\n XVth Century MS.   Virginis in gremio.         V. 252.\u2014_A. M. M._\n IXth Century (Ko)  Virginis proles opifexque   I. 250, IV. 140,\n                    matris.                     368.\u2014_Caswall, Chambers._\n                    Virgo vernans velut rosa.   \u2014_Caswall._\n Joh. von Geissel   Virgo virginum praeclara.   V. 349.\u2014_Caswall._\n Alain de Lisle     Vita nostra plena bellis.   March.\u2014_Washburn, Hayes._\n Charles Coffin     Vos ante Christi tempora.   Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams, Chandler._\n Paris Breviary     Vos, O virginei cum         Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                    citharis.                   Williams._\n Jean Santeul       Vos sancti proceres.        Zabuesnig.\u2014_I. Williams._\n Jean Santeul       Vos succensa Deo splendida. Newman.\u2014_Chambers, I.\n                                                Williams._\n Ambrosian          Vox clara ecce intonat.     I. 76, IV. 143.\u2014_Keble,\n                                                Chambers, Hewett, Braye,\n                                                Anketell._\n Noyon Breviary     Vox clara terris nos gravi. Neale.\u2014_Ryder._\n Adam of St. V.     Vox sonora nostri chori.    Neale.\u2014_Morgan._\n Adam of St. V.     Zyma vetus expurgetur.      II. 69, V. 161.\n                                                Trench.\u2014_Neale, Morgan,\n                                                Plumptre._\n\nThis list shows how much of the attention of English translators has\nbeen occupied by the hymns of the Paris Breviary of 1736, which for the\nmost part are contemporary with the English hymns of Watts and\nDoddridge. There are 180 translated hymns taken from that breviary, and\nof these there are 536 translations\u2014the largest group furnished by any\none source. Next comes the Roman Breviary, chiefly through the labors of\nMr. Caswall and other Roman Catholic translators. Then come the versions\nof Ambrosian and other primitive hymns, Prudentius standing next to\nAmbrose and his school. Of the mediaeval writers, Adam of St. Victor\nwould be seen to stand first, if all the versions of Mr. Wrangham had\nbeen catalogued, but this seemed unnecessary.\n\n\n\n\n                               APPENDIX.\n\n\nMr. Duffield had copied for insertion the introduction which Bernard of\nMorlaix wrote for his poem, _De Contemptu Mundi_. It is here given from\nthe text of 1610. The reader will find little difficulty in\ndistinguishing _u_ and _v_, _i_ and _j_ in the orthography, and in\nrecognizing _q:_ as the enclitic _que_. It will be observed that the\nintroduction is not written throughout in the Leonine verse of the poem,\nbut varies into two easier forms of verse.\n\n\n           BERNARDI MORLANENSIS DE VANITATE MUNDI ET APPETITU\n                   AETERNAE VITAE, LIBELLUS AUREOLUS.\n\n  Chartula nostra tibi mandat dilecte salutes,\n  Plura vides ibi si modo non mea dona refutes.\n  Dulcia sunt animae solatia quae tibi mando.\n  Sed prosunt minim\u00e8, si non serves operando.\n  Quae mea verba monent tu noli tradere vento,\n  Cordis in aure sonent, et sic retinere memento,\n  Vt tibi grande bonum nostri monitus operentur,\n  Perq: dei donum tibi caelica regna parentur.\n  Menti sincerae possunt haec verba placere,\n  Haeciter ostendunt, hortantur, non reprehendunt.\n\n    Vox diuina monet quod nemo spem sibi ponet\n  In rebus mundi, quae causam dant pereundi.\n  Si quis amat Christum mundum non diligat istum\n  Sed quasi faetorem spernens illius amorem,\n  Aestimet obscaenum, quod mundus credit amaenum.\n  Totum huic vilescit iam quidquid in orbe nitescit,\n  Vitat terrenum decus vt mortale venenum.\n  Abiectoq: foris caeno carnalis amoris,\n  Ad regnum caeli suspirat mente fideli,\n  Atq: fide plena paradisi speret amaena.\n    Tu quoq: frater ita carnis contagia vita\n  Vt placeas Christo, mundo dum vivis in isto.\n  Nec tibi sint curae res ad nihilum rediturae.\n  Quae cito labuntur, multoq: labore petuntur.\n  Cur homo laetaris quia forsan cras moriaris?\n  Per nullam sortem poteris depellere mortem.\n  Cur caro laetaris quia vermibus esca pararis?\n  Hic, locus est flendi, sed ibi est peccata luendi.\n  Postea gaudebunt qui nunc sua crimina flebunt.\n  Iam non laetetur qui gaudia summa meretur.\n  Gaudia stultorum cumulant tormenta dolorum.\n  Talia prudentes fugiunt, ea despicientes.\n  Cur caro non spernis quae pretereuntia cernis?\n  Nonne vides mundum miserum, et pariter moribundum\n  Sub gladio dirae mortis languendo perire?\n    Mors resecat, mors omne necat quod in orbe creatur,\n  Magnificos premit et modicos, cunctis dominatur.\n  Nobilium tenet imperium, nullumq: veretur\n  Tam ducibus quam principibus communis habetur.\n  Mors juuenes rapit atq: senes, nulli miseretur,\n  Illa fremit, genus omne tremit quod in orbe mouetur\n  Illa ferit, caro tota perit dum sub pede mortis\n  Conteritur, nec eripitur vir robore fortis.\n  Cur igitur qui sic moritur vult magnificari?\n  Diuitias sibi cur nimias petit ille parari?\n  Instabiles sumus et fragiles, multisq: ruinis\n  Atterimur, dum sic trahimur sub tempore finis.\n  Pretereunt et non redeunt mortalia quaeque\n  Naec statio manet in dubio sic nocte dieque\n  Vita breuis velut vmbra levis sic annihilatur.\n  Sic vadit, subitoq: cadit dum stare putatur.\n  Quis redimit cum mors perimit, quia munera nunquam\n  Nec pretium nec seruitium mors accipit vnquam?\n  Sed quid plura loquar? nulli mors invida parcit,\n  Non euadit inops, nec qui marsupia farcit.\n  Non igitur cesses ea quae bona sunt operari,\n  Nam mors non cessat tibi nocte dieq: minari.\n  Amplius in rebus noli sperare caducis.\n  Sed cupiat tua mens aeternae gaudia lucis.\n    Falliter insipiens vitae praesentis amore,\n  Sed nouit sapiens quanto sit plena dolore\n  Quidquid formosum mundus gerit et speciosum.\n  Floris habet morem cui dat natura colorem.\n  Mox vt siccatur totus color annihilatur,\n  Postea nec florem monstrat, nec spirat odorem.\n  Regia majestas, omnis terrena potestas,\n  Prosperitas rerum, series longinqua dierum\n  Ibit, et absq: mor\u00e2 cum mortis venerit hora.\n  Mundi quid sit honor ego nunc tibi scribere conor.\n  Nosti quippe satis quam nil ferat vtilitatis.\n  Praedia terrarum, possessio diuitiarum,\n  Fabrica murorum, grandis structura domorum,\n  Gloria mensarum, cum deliciis epularum,\n  Insignesq: thori pariterq: scyphiq: decori,\n  Resplendens vestis quae moribus obstat honestis,\n  Grex armentorum, spaciosus cultus agrorum,\n  Fertile vinetum diuers\u00e2 vite repletum,\n  Gratia natorum, dilectio dulcis eorum,\n  Cuncta relinquentur, nec post haec inuenientur.\n  Quod breuiter durat quis prudens quaerere curat?\n  Non metuens hominem faciet mors aspera finem\n  Rebus mundanis mendacibus, et mal\u00e8 sanis.\n  Causa gravis scelerum cessabit amor mulierum.\n  Colloquium quarum non est nisi virus amarum,\n  Praebens sub mellis dulcedine pocula fellis.\n  Nam decus illarum laqueus fallax animarum,\n  Cum verbis blandis mendacibus atq: nephandis\n  Illaqueant, stultosq: ferunt ad tartara multos.\n  Omnia transibunt, et gaudia vana peribunt,\n  Et faciunt fructum tristem per faecula luctum.\n    Omnibus hoc dico ne se subdent inimico.\n  Ne supplantentur qui subditi in his retinentur.\n  Noli confundi miser\u00e2 dulcedine mundi.\n  Nam sua dulcedo dilabitur ordine faedo.\n  Quae trepidas mentes et mollia quaeq: sequentes\n  Fallit mulcendo carnem, blandeq: fovendo.\n  Postea finitur, nec dulcis tunc reperitur,\n  Sed fit amara nimis nec adaequans vltima primis,\n  Et grauiter pungit miseros, quos primitus vngit.\n  Nam sic illusus et semper mollibus vsus.\n  Damnatos dign\u00e8 post mortem torret in igne.\n  Atq: voluptatem conuertit in anxietatem,\n  Et fit flamma furens illos sine fine perurens.\n  Talia lucra ferent studiis qui talibus haerent.\n    Sed qui saluari vult perpetuoq: beari\n  Christo deuotum studeat se tradere totum\n  Hujus inhaerendo praeceptis, et faciendo\n  Quae scripturarum monstrant documenta sacrarum.\n  Accipiet ver\u00e8 qui vult haec jussa tenere\n  Sedibus in laetis aeternae dona quietis.\n  Quae cunctis dantur qui corde Deo famulantur,\n  Atq: ea qui spernunt quae praetereuntia cernunt\n  Hic est seruorum requies, et vita suorum,\n  Gaudia quae praestat, tribulatio nulla molestat,\n  Gloria solennis manet illic, paxq: perennis.\n  Semper honoratos facit hos Deus atq: beatos\n  Quos recipit secum. Sed quamuis judicet aequum,\n  Plura tamen dantur sanctis, qu\u00e0m promereantur.\n  Omnia dat gratis fons diuinae pietatis,\n  Proq: labore breui bona confert perpetis aeui.\n    His qui salvantur semper bona multa parantur.\n  Sic mala multa malis properat mors exitialis.\n  Isti gaudebunt, isti sine fine dolebunt.\n  Nemo potest fari, nec scribere, nec meditari\n  Gaudia justorum, nec non tormenta malorum.\n  Heu mal\u00e8 fraudatur, vah! stult\u00e8 ludificatur,\n  Qui propter florem mundi, vanumq: decorem,\n  Qui prius apparet quasi flos, et protinus aret,\n  Vadit ad infernum perdens diadema supernum,\n  Quod dominus donat cunctis, quos ipse coronat.\n  Errat homo ver\u00e8 qui cum bona possit habere,\n  Sponte subit paenas, infernalesq: catenas.\n  Huius amor mundi putei petit ima profundi,\n  Protinus extinctus, moritur qui mittitur intus,\n  Semper ad ima cadit, semper mors obuia vadit,\n  Nec venit ad metas mortis miserabilis aetas,\n  Nescit finiri, semperq: videtur oriri,\n  Semper vexando, semper gemitus provocando,\n  Ingerit ardores, infinitosq: dolores.\n  Sunt ibi serpentes flammas ex ore vomentes,\n  Fumosos dentes, et guttura torva gerentes,\n  A flatu quorum pereunt animae miserorum.\n  Sunt ibi tortores serpentibus horridiores,\n  Difformes, nigri, sed non ad verbera pigri,\n  Nunquam lassantur, sed semper ad hoc renouantur,\n  Et male feruentes sunt ad tormenta recentes.\n  Semper tristati sunt ad tormenta parati.\n  Semper et ardescunt, nec cessant, nec requiescunt,\n  Non exstirpantur nec parcunt nec miserantur,\n  Qu\u00e0m mal\u00e8 damnatur, qu\u00e0m fortiter excruciatur\n  Qui fert tantorum feritatem suppliciorum.\n  Quid tunc thesauri, quid acervus proderit auri,\n  Cum peccatores mittuntur ad inferiores\n  Inferni latebras, imas pariterq: tenebras,\n  Semper passuri, nec ab his vnquam redituri?\n  Tunc flens et tristis qui poenis traditur istis,\n  Mallet praeteritae quod in omni tempore vitae\n  Pauper vixisset, quam diuitias habuisset.\n    Stat mal\u00e8 securus qui protinus est moriturus.\n  Non bene laetatur cui paena dolorq: paratur.\n  Non igitur cures gazas acquirere plures,\n  Gazas fallaces incertas atque fugaces,\n  Quae magis optantur cum plenius accumulantur.\n  Haec faciunt mentes semper majora petentes.\n  Divitiae tales sunt omnibus exititiales,\n  Nam sibi credentes faciunt miseros, et egentes.\n  Post carnis vitam per blandimenta nutritam,\n  Expertesque boni traduntur perditioni,\n  Nemo tamen credat quod ab ista luce recedat,\n  Ignibus arsurus, vel propter opes periturus,\n  Si proprium servet, si divitias coacervet.\n  Quamvis sit rarum, poterit possessor earum.\n  Juste salvari, fugiat si nomen avari,\n  Vivat prudenter, gazas habeat sapienter,\n  Non abscondendo, sed egenis distribuendo.\n  Sed satis est notum quod plus dimittere totum\n  Prodest, quam temer\u00e8 quae sunt nocitura tenere.\n  Tutius est ver\u00e8 mortem fugiendo cavere,\n  Quam prope serpentem procumbere virus habentem.\n    Sic est in mundo, quar\u00e8 tibi consilium do\n  Quatenus hoc spreto te tradas pectore laeto\n  Servitio Christi, cui traditus ipse fuisti.\n  Hic tibi praebebit regnum quod fine carebit.\n  Huic si servieris celsis opibus potieris,\n  Tollere quas fures nequeunt, nec rodere mures.\n  Collige thesaurum qui gemmas vineat et aurum.\n  Quaere bonos mores, thesauros interiores.\n  Gazas congestas mentis praecellit honestas.\n  Nam miser est et erit qui mundi prospera quaerit.\n  Est dives vere qui non ea poscit habere,\n  Qui bonus est intus fidei quoq: numine tinctus,\n  Semper honestatis studium tenet et probitatis.\n  Cum bona quis tractat tunc se virtutibus aptat\n  Si nihil est sordis quod polluat intima cordis.\n  His delectatur Dominus qui cor speculatur,\n  Thesaurus talis preciosus spiritualis.\n  Comparat aeternam vitam, patriamq: supernam,\n  Congregat in coelis thesaurum quisq: fidelis,\n  Perq: bonos mores ad summos tendit honores,\n  Nec modo vult fieri locuples, nec major haberi.\n  Sed semper minimus semper despectus et imus.\n  Plus paupertatem cupiens quam prosperitatem,\n  Hancq: libens tolerat quia caeli gaudia sperat.\n  Pauper amabilis et venerabilis et benedictus.\n  Dives inutilis et miserabilis et maledictus.\n  Pauper laudatur cum dives vituperatur.\n    Qui bona negligit et mala diligit intrat abyssum,\n  Nulla potentia nulla pecunia liberat ipsum.\n  Est miserabilis insatiabilis illa vorago.\n  Ast ubi mergitur horrida cernitur omnis imago.\n  Haec cruciamina enim ob sua crimina promeruerunt,\n  Vir miserabilis Evaq: stebilis haec subierunt.\n  Jussa Dei pia quiq: salubria si tenuissent,\n  Vir necq: famina, nec quoq: semina morte ruissent.\n  Sed quia spernere jussaq: solvere non timuerunt\n  Mors gravis irruit, hoc merito fuit, et perierunt.\n  Janua mortis laesio fortis crimen eorum\n  Attulit orbi semina morbi totq: malorum.\n  Illa parentes atq: sequentes culpa peremit,\n  Atq: piarum deliciarum munus ademit.\n  Flebile fatum dans cruciatum dansq: dolorem.\n  Illa mereri, perdere veri regis amorem.\n  Tam lachrimos\u00e2 tamque peros\u00e2 morte perire.\n  Atq: ferorum suppliciorum claustra subire.\n  Est data saevam causa per Evam perditionis,\n  Dum meliorem sperat honorem voce Draconis.\n  Haec malens credens, nos quoq: laedens crimine magno\n  Omnia tristi subdidit isti saecula damno.\n  Stirps miserorum paena dolorum postea crevit.\n  His quoq: damnis pluribus annis subdita flevit.\n    Tunc Deus omnipotens qui verbo cuncta creavit.\n  Sic cecidisse dolens hominem, quem semper amavit,\n  Ipse suum verbum transmisit ad infima mundi\n  Exulibus miseris aperire viam redeundi.\n  Filius ergo Dei descendit ab arce superna.\n  Nunquam descendens \u00e0 majestate paterna.\n  Qui corpus cum anim\u00e2 sumens e numine salvo\n  Processit natus sacro de virginis alvo,\n  Verus homo verusq: Deus pius et miserator,\n  Verus Salvator nostraeq: salutis amator.\n  Vivendiq: volens nobis ostendere normam,\n  Se dedit exemplum rectamq: per omnia formam,\n  Insuper et multos voluit sufferre labores,\n  Atq: dolore suo nostros auferre dolores\n  Sponte sua moriens mortem moriendo peremit,\n  Et sic perpetua miseros \u00e0 morte redemit.\n  Succurrens miseris mortali peste gravatis.\n  Quod non debebat persolvit fons pietatis.\n  Pondera nostra ferens penitus nos exoneravit,\n  Et quidquid crimen vetus abstulerat reparavit.\n  Nam de morte su\u00e2 redivivus uti leo fortis\n  Restituit vitam prostrato principe mortis.\n  Sic Domini pietas mundum non passa perire,\n  Fecit nos miseros \u00e1d gaudia prima venire.\n    Jam satis audisti frater quae gratia Christi\n  Sic nos salvavit, nostrumq: genus raparavit.\n  Si sapis hoc credas, nec ab h\u00e2c ratione recedas.\n  Sed quid lucratur credens qui non operatur?\n  Hic male se laedit. Male vivens non bene credit.\n  Crede mihi magnum facit illa fides sibi damnum,\n  Morteque mactatur, quia mortua jure vocatur.\n  Hunc facit ipsa mori sub judicio graviori\n  Quam si nescisset fidei quid dogma fuisset.\n  Quod loquor est notum retinentibus utile totum,\n  Frater id ausculta, veniunt tibi commoda multa\n  Si retinere velis, quia sic eris ipse fidelis.\n  Hanc per virtutem poteris sperare salutem.\n  Atque beatus eris si quae bona sunt opereris.\n  Ergo verborum semper memor esto meorum.\n  Cura tuae mentis semper sit in his documentis.\n  Si vis salvari semper studeas imitari\n  Vitam justorum, fugiens exempla malorum.\n  Illis jungaris quorum pia facta sequaris.\n  Elige sanctorum consortia, non reproborum.\n    O quam ditantur qui caelica regna lucrantur!\n  Sic exaltantur qui sanctis associantur,\n  Vivunt jocundi qui spernunt gaudia mundi,\n  Qui carnis miserae norunt vitium omne cavere.\n  Sub pedibus quorum victus jacet hostis eorum.\n  His dabitur ver\u00e8 Dominum sine fine videre,\n  Angelicusq: chorus divin\u00e2 laude sonorus,\n  Cum quibus ante Deum referunt cum laude tropaeum.\n  Quod tibi nunc dico si serves corde pudico\n  Hos inter caetus vives sine tempore laetus.\n    Sed miseri flebunt quia gaudia nulla videbunt.\n  Nunquam cum reprobis tribuatur portio nobis.\n  Ad paenas ibunt, et sic sine fine peribunt.\n  Mundus ad hanc partem per daemonis attrahit artem,\n  Isti haec dona ferent qui sordibus ejus adhaerent.\n  Sensu discreto quae sunt nocitura caveto,\n  Pervigili cura semper meditare futura.\n  Quam fera quam fortis veniet destructio mortis!\n  Quae via pandetur, cum spiritus egredietur!\n  Quid sit facturus, vel quos comites habiturus!\n  Qu\u00e0m miser infernus, qu\u00f9m nobilis ordo supernus!\n  Quae mala damnatis, quae sunt bona parta beatis!\n  Quantum gaudebunt quos gaudia summa replebunt!\n  Quos illustrabit quos semper laetificabit\n  Visio sancta Dei, splendorq: Dei faciei!\n    Talia quaerenti venient nova gaudia menti.\n  Cum studio tali dulcedine spirituali\n  Mens tua pascetur, si jugiter haec meditetur.\n  Hoc studium mentem Domino facit esse placentem.\n  Curas terrenas magno cruciamine plenas.\n  Funditus expellit, vitiorum germina vellit.\n    Sic terrenorum mens tacta timore dolorum.\n  Deserit errorem, mundiq: repellit amorem.\n  Postea summorum flagrescit amore bonorum.\n  Confert tale bonum Domini durabile donum.\n  Nam cum mutatur mala mens Deus hoc operatur.\n  Virtutum munus praestare potest Deus unus.\n  Qui sic servorum docet intus corda suorum.\n  Qui bona sectantur, vel qui pur\u00e8 meditantur.\n  Sic Dominus mores levat illos ad meliores,\n  Quos penitentes videt auxiliumque petentes,\n  Ergo fide pur\u00e2 Christo te subdere cura.\n  Auxilio cujus fugias mala temporis hujus\n  Atria sunt caeli ver\u00e8 patefacta fideli.\n  Semper ibi vives divino munere dives\n  Si vis sincer\u00e8 Domini praecepta tenere.\n  Christo junguntur sua qui praecepta sequuntur.\n  Nam decus aeternum datur his regnumque supernum.\n  Gloria caelestis Paradisi, caelica vestis\n  Hos faciet laetos, et pax aeterna quietos.\n  Num delectaris cum talia praemeditaris,\n  Ista libens audis, et ad haec pia gaudia plaudis?\n  Nec tamen ignores per magnos ista labores\n  Sanctis adquiri, nec fortuit\u00f2 reperiri.\n  Sed quamvis gratis tribuat Deus ista beatis,\n  Nemo tamen segnis vitae fert dona perennis,\n  Ni melior factus, proprios correxerit actus.\n  Quem satis his dignum Dominus vult esse benignum.\n  Promptum ferventem non otia vana sequentem.\n  De regno caeli non credit mente fideli\n  Insipiens et hebes, sed tu bene credere debes.\n  Christo dicenti, rapiunt illud violenti.\n  Scilicet austeri, sed distinguendo severi,\n  Mollia spernentes, et carni vim facientes,\n  Semper et intenti Domino, parere jubenti.\n  Est caro nota satis, quod habet nihil vtilitatis.\n  Spiritus inde perit si corpus dulcia quaerit.\n  Et dum vexatur caro, Spiritus alleviatur:\n  Cumq: relaxatur mortaliter ille gravatur.\n    Omne quod ostendo potes ipse videre legendo.\n  Indice scriptur\u00e2 poteris cognoscere plura.\n  Vitam quaerenti dat iter sacra lectio menti.\n  Accipe scriptorum frater documenta meorum,\n  Quae sibi monstravi, quae dulciter insinuavi.\n  Non ea corde gravi teneas, sed pectore suavi,\n  Si te virtutis delectat, iterq: salutis.\n  Quicquid enim scripsi multum tibi proderit ipsi.\n  Nam rex caelestis, quem nil latet, est mihi testis,\n  Nil tibi narravi nisi quod prodesse putavi.\n  Nec ratio veri debet tibi dura videri,\n  Namq: per angustum dixi tibi currere justum.\n  Sic probus ascendit, dum semper ad ardua tendit.\n  Hunc facias cursum si vis ascendere sursum.\n    Fortassis puero tibi frustra dicere quaero\n  Justum sermonem, quia non capis hanc rationem.\n  Sed pater immensus det perspicuos tibi sensus,\n  Roboret aetatem, tribuatq: tibi probitatem.\n  Filius ergo Dei, spes nostrae progeniei,\n  Autor honestatis, fons perpetuae bonitatis,\n  Virtutum flores, et honestos det tibi mores.\n  Spiritus amborum, qui tangit corda piorum,\n  Et sine verborum sonitu, sit doctor eorum,\n  Ipse tuam mentem regat, et faciat sapientem,\n  Recte credentem, monitus veros retinentem.\n  Ut bene vivendo, mandataq: sancta tenendo\n  Laetitiam ver\u00e8 lucis merearis habere.\n  Quae tenebras nescit, miroq: decore nitescit,\n  Et cuicunq: datur sine fine is laetificatur.\n  Hoc tibi det munus qui regnat, trinus et unus.\n\n\n\n\n                              APPENDIX II.\n                          THE CARMINA BURANA.\n\n\nThe investigations of Grimm, Schmeller, Edelestand du Meril, Thomas\nWright, and H. Hagen, together with the translations of Mr. J. A.\nSymonds (\u201cWine, Women, and Song\u201d), are familiarizing us with the fact\nthat Latin verse had other than churchly and edifying uses in the Middle\nAges. One of the most important of the mediaeval collections in this\ndepartment is a manuscript of the thirteenth century, long preserved in\nthe monastery of Brauburen Benedictbeure, in Bavaria, but now in\nM\u00fcnchen. It was edited by J. Andreas Schmeller, in 1847, at Stuttgardt,\nand his edition was reprinted at Breslau, in 1883. From it Mr. Symonds\ndraws most of his material for his volume of translations.\n\nI find among Mr. Duffield\u2019s papers some specimens of these poems of the\nBavarian collection, which I think fitted to illustrate the literary\nrelations of the Latin hymns, and therefore they are inserted here.\n\n\n                        GAUDE: CUR GAUDEAS VIDE.\n\n  Iste mundus\n  Furibundus\n  Falsa praestat gaudia,\n  Quae defluunt\n  Et decurrunt\n  Ceu campi lilia.\n\n  Res mundana,\n  Vita vana\n  Vera tollit praemia,\n  Nam inpellit\n  Et submergit\n  Animas in tartara.\n\n  Quod videmus\n  Vel tacemus\n  In praesenti patria,\n  Dimittemus\n  Vel perdemus\n  Quasi quercus folia.\n\n  Res carnalis,\n  Lex mortalis\n  Valde transitoria,\n  Frangit, transit\n  Velut umbra,\n  Quae non est corporea.\n\n  Conteramus\n  Confringamus\n  Carnis desideria,\n  Ut cum iustis\n  Et electis\n  Celestia nos gaudia\n  Gratulari\n  Mercamur\n  Per aeterna secula.\n\n  Lo! this our world\n  To wrath is hurled,\n    Its joys are false and silly;\n  Which pass away,\n  And never stay,\n    As on the plain the lily.\n\n  This mundane strife,\n  This empty life,\n    Yet offers honors truly;\n  It onward drives,\n  And sinks our lives\n    In Hades most unduly.\n\n  And when we see,\n  Or silent be,\n    Wherever we are stopping,\n  We put it by,\n  Or let it fly,\n    As oaks their leaves are dropping.\n\n  This carnal fact,\n  This mortal act,\n    Will glide away before us;\n  It breaks and flakes\n  As darkness makes\n    A shadow-region o\u2019er us.\n\n  We try in vain,\n  We use with pain\n    The pleasures which are carnal;\n  For with the just\n  And blest we must\n    Care more for joys supernal.\n  To song and praise\n  We give our days,\n    Through ages still eternal.\n\n\n  Exul ego clericus\n  Ad laborem natus\n  Tibulor multociens\n  Paupertati datus.\n\n  Literarum studiis\n  Vellem insudare\n  Nisi quod inopia\n  Cogit me cessare.\n\n  Ille meis tenuis\n  Nimis est amictus,\n  Saepe frigus patior\n  Calore relictus.\n\n  Interesse laudibus\n  Non possum divinis,\n  Nec missae nec vesperae,\n  Dum cantetur finis.\n\n  I\u2019m an exile clerical,\n    Born to toil and troubles,\n  And while I am,\n    Poverty redoubles.\n\n  In a literary line\n    I should wish to travel\n  If a lack of wordly goods\n    Didn\u2019t always cavil.\n\n  By that cloak\u2014too thin at best\u2014\n    I am scarce defended;\n  And I suffer cold enough\n    When the fire is ended.\n\n  How can I sing praises, then,\n    Where I may be wanted,\n  Staying mass and vespers out\n    Till the amen\u2019s chanted?\n\n\n  Monachi sunt nigri\n  Et in regula sunt pigri\n  Bene cucullati\n  Et male coronati.\n  Quidam sunt cani\n  Et sensibus prophani,\n  Quidam sunt fratres,\n  Et verentur ut patres,\n  Dicuntur \u201cNorpertini\u201d\n  Et non Augustini,\n  In cano vestimento\n  Novo gaudent invento.\n\n  The monks are all black,\n  In their rules they\u2019re a lazy pack;\n  Mightily well gowned,\n  And wretchedly crowned.\n  Some are dirty whelps,\n  Whose senses are no helps;\n  But some, indeed, are brothers,\n  Like fathers are some others.\n  They are called Norpertines\n  And not Augustines;\n  In raiment of white,\n  In new things they delight.\n\n\n\n\n                             APPENDIX III.\n\n\nIn the account of the _Dies Irae_, on page 250, there is a reference to\nthe following poem by Jsu-Justus Kerner, the Swabian poet and mystic,\nwhich I find translated among Mr. Duffield\u2019s papers:\n\n\n                       THE FOUR CRAZED BROTHERS.\n\n  Shrivelled into corpselike thinness\n    Four within the madhouse sit;\n  From their pallid lips no sentence\n    Tells of either sense or wit.\n  Starkly there they face each other,\n  Each more gloomy than his brother.\n\n  Hark! the hour of midnight striking\n    Lifts their very hair with fright;\n  Then at last their lips are open,\n    Then they chant with muffled might:\n  _Dies irae, dies illa,_\n  _Solvet saeclum in favilla!_\n\n  Once they were four evil brothers,\n    Drunk and clamorous withal,\n  Who with lewd and ribald ditties\n    Through the holy night would brawl,\n  Heeding not their father\u2019s warning,\n  Even friend\u2019s remonstrance scorning.\n\n  Gape their mouths for very horror,\n    But no word will issue thence;\n  God\u2019s eternal vengeance strikes them,\n    Chilled they stand without defence;\n  White their hair and pale their faces,\n  Madness every mind erases!\n\n  Then the old man, dying, turned him\n    To his wicked sons, and said:\n  Doth not that cold form affright you\n    Which shall lead us to the dead?\n  _Dies irae, dies illa,_\n  _Solvet saeclum in favilla!_\n\n  Thus he spoke and thence departed,\n    But it moved them not at all;\n  Though he passed to peace unending,\n    While for them should justice call,\n  As their lives to strife were given,\n  Near to hell and far from heaven.\n\n  Thus they lived and thus they revelled,\n    Until many a year had fled;\n  Others\u2019 sorrow cost them nothing,\n    Blanched no hair upon the head;\n  Jolly brothers! they were able\n  To hold God and sin a fable!\n\n  But at last, as midnight found them\n    Drunkly reeling from the feast,\n  Hark! the song of saints was lifted\n    Through the church, and high increased;\n  \u201cCease your barking, hounds!\u201d they shouted,\n  As with Satan\u2019s mouth undoubted.\n\n  Then they rushed, those wicked brothers,\n    Roughly through the holy door;\n  But, as though at final judgment,\n    Down they heard that chorus pour.\n\n\n\n\n                               FOOTNOTES\n\n\n[1]Of course the champions of papal infallibility are at great pains to\n   deny this. But all the contemporary writers, such as Athanasius,\n   Hilary, and Jerome, assert it, and against it there is nothing but _a\n   priori_ assumptions and the assertion that the third Sirmian formula\n   signed by Liberius has been mistaken for the first, which was Arian.\n   In Dr. Newman\u2019s _Arians of the Fourth Century_, pp. 433-40, there is\n   a careful account of the three Sirmian formulas. The main fact never\n   was denied until the necessities of the infallibility theory\n   compelled the rewriting of history. Even the old Roman Breviary\n   declares that \u201cLiberius assented to the Arian mischief.\u201d\n\n[2]See Dr. Dollinger\u2019s _Fables respecting the Popes in the Middle Ages_\n   (New York, 1872), pp. 183-209. In 1582 Gregory XIII. was on the point\n   of expunging his name from the Roman Martyrology, as Baronius had\n   proven that he was neither a pope nor a martyr, but had died\n   peaceably on his own estate near Rome. But the discovery of a stone\n   with an inscription asserting his martyrdom turned the scale the\n   other way. Modern scholarship stigmatizes the inscription as a fraud,\n   and it is notable that the stone has disappeared.\n\n[3]Condensed from _Ancient Rome in the Light of Modern Discoveries_, by\n   Professor Rodolfo Lanciani. Boston, 1888.\n\n[4]See Sir Alexander Croke\u2019s _History of Rhyming Verse_. Oxford, 1828;\n   Ferdinand Wolf\u2019s standard treatise, _Ueber die Lais, Sequenzen und\n   Leiche_. Heidelberg, 1841; August Fuchs\u2019s _Die Romanischen Sprachen\n   in ihrem Verh\u00e4ltnisse zum Lateinischen_, Halle, 1849; W. Corssen\u2019s\n   _Ueber die Aussprache, Vokalismus und Betonung der Lateinischen\n   Sprache_. Leipzig, 1868. Also Niebuhr\u2019s article, _Ueber das Alter des\n   Lieds Lydia bella puella_, in the third volume of the _Rheinisches\n   Museum_, Bonn, 1829; and Mr. S. V. Cole\u2019s paper on \u201cThe Development\n   of Form in the Latin Hymns,\u201d in the _Andover Review_ for October,\n   1888.\n\n[5]This is a passage not discernible in the Psalms. Justin Martyr says\n   that the Jews expunged it. Tertullian (_Contra Marcion_, III.)\n   mentions it\u2014and in two other places. Daniel, _Thesaurus_, I.: 162,\n   has a learned note on the subject.\n\n[6]The same story, but not so well related, is in the life by Paul of\n   Monte Cassino and is repeated in Bede (Hist. Angl. Lib. II. cap. 1).\n   John\u2019s Latin is a trifle cumbrous, but this is the literal\n   translation of it.\n\n[7]Recently there has been a most admirable summary of these matters\n   prepared by the Rev. Samuel M. Jackson for the fourteenth chapter of\n   Dr. Philip Schaff\u2019s _History of the Christian Church_.\n\n[8]The full inquiry can be pursued through Dan. V., 66 and II., 181;\n   Neale, _Sequentiae_, p. 58; Du Meril, _Poesies Populaires_, p. 380,\n   in Pearson\u2019s _Sarum Sequences_, and in Kehrein.\n\n[9]_Poesies Populaires: Anterieures au Douxieme Si\u00e8cle_, p. 380. The\n   language is worth quoting as it stands. He is speaking of Hermann.\n   \u201cIl avail fait, en outre, un grand nombre d\u2019hymnes et de proses qui\n   sauf le _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ que lui attribue Ego, semblent toutes\n   perdues.\u201d\n\n[10]His _Varia de Corrupto Statu Ecclesiae Poemata_ was reprinted in\n   1754, but even this is very scarce. There was an earlier publication\n   of his of the same nature, _Carmina Vetusta_ (1548), but whether it\n   contained Bernard, I cannot say. Flacius was an unwearied searcher of\n   the libraries of Europe for material to use on the Lutheran side of\n   the great controversy.\n\n   The poem was then reprinted at least six times: \u201cby David Chytraeus\n   at Bremen, 1597; at Rostock, 1610; at Leipzig, 1626; by Eilhard\n   Lubinus, at Lunenburg, 1640; in Wachler\u2019s _New Theological Annals_,\n   December, 1820; and in G. Ch. F. Mohnike\u2019s _Studien_ (Stralsund,\n   1824) I., 18.\u201d Yet it had become so scarce that when I made my\n   version of Dr. Trench\u2019s cento, I could not find a complete copy in\n   America. Since then I have received a copy of the edition of 1640\n   from a friend. Also the Boston Public Library has secured a copy of\n   the _Varia Poemata_, which was once Theodore Parker\u2019s, and bears the\n   inscription, \u201cA rare and curious book. T. P.\u201d\n\n   The English translations are: (1) Dr. Trench has rendered a few lines\n   in the metre of the original. (2) Dr. John M. Neale\u2019s \u201cRhythm of\n   Bernard of Morlaix\u201d (1858). (3) Judge Noyes in the \u201cSeven Great Hymns\n   of the Latin Church.\u201d (4) Dr. Abraham Coles. (5) \u201cThe Heavenly Land,\n   from the _De Contemptu Mundi_ of Bernard of Morlaix, rendered into\n   corresponding English Verse,\u201d by S. W. Duffield (1867). (6) A\n   privately printed translation by \u201cO. A. M.,\u201d of Cherry Valley, N. Y.\n   (Albany, 1867). (7) Gerard Moultrie in _Lyra Mystica_ (1869). (8)\n   Rev. Jackson Mason (London, 1880). Besides this, an English clergyman\n   has perpetrated the folly of rendering Dr. Neale\u2019s paraphrase into\n   Horatian Latin verse, which would puzzle Bernard himself to recognize\n   as derived from him.\n\n[11]_Custodia Pennensis habet locum Celani, de quo fuit frater Thomas,\n   qui mandato apostolico scripsit sermone polito legendam primam beati\n   Francisci et prosam de mortuis, quae decantatur in missa, scilicet\n   \u201cDies irae, dies illa,\u201d etc., fecisse dicitur._\n\n[12]_Sequentiam illam olim celebrem, quae nunc excidit: \u201cSanctitatis\n   nova signa,\u201d cecinit frater Thomas de Celano, cujus et illa solemnis\n   mortuorum: \u201cDies irae, dies illa\u201d opus est, licet alii eam tribuere\n   velint fratri Matthaeo Aquaspartano, cardinali ex minoritis\n   desumpto._\u2014_Annales Minorum, Tom._ II., _p._ 204 (Lyons, 1625.)\n\n   _Thomas de Celano, provinciae Pennensis, S. Francisci discipulas et\n   socius, edidit ... librum de vita et miraculis S. Francisci ...\n   communiter vocatum a fratribus legenda antiqua. Alteram legendam\n   minorem prius ediderat, quae legebatur in choro...; sequentias tres,\n   seu Prosas Rhythmicas, quarum prima in laudem S. Francisci incipit:\n   \u201cFregit victor virtualis.\u201d Secunda incipit: \u201cSanctitatis nova signa.\u201d\n   Tertia de Defunctis ab Ecclesi\u00e2 recepta: \u201cDies irae, dies illa.\u201d Quam\n   in versus Gallicos transtulit Benedictus Gononus Coelestinus et\n   sancto Bonaventurae attribuit. Alii adscribunt Fr. Matthaeo cardinali\n   Aquaspartano, et demum alii aliis auctoribus._\u2014_Syllabus Scriptorum\n   et Martyrum Franciscanorum, p._ 323 (Rome, 1650.)\n\n[13]For the literature of the _Dies Irae_ consult G. C. F. Mohnike\u2019s\n   \u201cKirchen- und literarhistorische Studien und Mittheilungen. (1)\n   Thomas von Celano, oder Geschichte des kirchlichen Hymnus Dies irae,\n   dies illa.\u201d Stralsund, 1824. (2) Additions and corrections to this in\n   Tzschirner\u2019s \u201cMagazin f\u00fcr Prediger,\u201d 1826, by G. W. Fink, who also\n   wrote the article on Thomas of Celano in Ersch and Gruber\u2019s\n   \u201cEncyclop\u00e4die,\u201d Band XVI., Leipzig, 1827. (3) F. G. Lisco\u2019s \u201cDies\n   Irae, Hymnus auf das Weltgericht.\u201d Berlin, 1840. Also his \u201cStabat\n   Mater, Hymnus auf die Schmerzen der Maria. Nebst einem Nachtrage zu\n   den Uebersetzungen des Hymnus Dies Irae.\u201d Berlin, 1843. (4) H. A.\n   Daniel\u2019s \u201cThesaurus Hymnologicus,\u201d Tomus II. Leipzig, 1844. (Pp.\n   103-31 and 385-87.) (5) Dr. William R. Williams\u2019s \u201cThe Conservative\n   Principle in our Literature.\u201d New York, 1843 and 1844, and again in\n   his \u201cMiscellanies.\u201d New York, 1850, and Boston, 1860. (6) Dr. Abraham\n   Coles\u2019s \u201cDies Irae in Thirteen Original Versions.\u201d New York, 1859.\n   Fifth edition. 1868. (7) Subrector Michael\u2019s \u201cDe Sequentia Mediae\n   Aetatis Dies Irae, Dies Illa Dissertatio.\u201d Zittau, 1866. (8) John\n   Edmands\u2019s \u201cBibliography of the Dies Irae\u201d in the \u201cBulletin of the\n   Mercantile Library.\u201d Philadelphia, 1884. Also articles by Dr. Philip\n   Schaff in \u201cHours at Home,\u201d VII., 39 and 261; by R. H. Hutton in \u201cThe\n   London Spectator\u201d for 1868; by Rev. John Anketell in \u201cThe American\n   Church Review\u201d for 1873; and by Rev. Orby Shipley in \u201cThe Dublin\n   Review\u201d for 1883.\n\n[14]There is a serious difficulty connected with the chronology of his\n   history, which I have not been able to overcome. Unfortunately this\n   greatest of Catholic dogmatists never seems to have inspired enough\n   of personal interest in any disciple or contemporary to lead to the\n   preparation of a biography of him. So the earliest in existence were\n   written long after his death, when the Neapolitans asked for his\n   canonization. And a comparison of their statements with those of\n   contemporary chronicles, like that of Richard of San Germano, does\n   not inspire confidence in their veracity.\n\n   The second papal war broke out in 1239. Both the orders of friars,\n   Dominicans and Franciscans, were believed to be partisans of the\n   Pope, and in 1239 such as were not natives of the kingdom were\n   commanded to leave it. Richard of San Germano mentions this order\n   _sub anno_ 1239, and adds, _sub anno_ 1240, that by November of the\n   latter year all the Mendicants, except two of each monastery and\n   those natives of the kingdom, had been expelled by order of the\n   Emperor. What Dominicans were there left in Naples to win the\n   affections of Thomas and receive him into the novitiate? The\n   difficulty would be met by assuming 1225 as the date of Thomas\u2019s\n   birth, and his stay at Monte Casino as terminating with his tenth\n   year, so that he might have been at Naples in 1235 and formed the\n   purpose to enter the order in 1239. Or if he went to Naples in his\n   twelfth year (1237), he might have become a Dominican novice after\n   two years of study under professors of that order. It is true that\n   novices were not to be received before their fifteenth year; but at\n   any date after March of 1239 Thomas would be in his fifteenth year.\n   It was March 24th of that year that saw the Emperor excommunicated,\n   and some interval would elapse before the expulsion of the\n   Mendicants.\n\n[15]See his _Prolegomena zu einer neuen Ausgabe der \u201cImitatio Christi,\u201d\n   nach dem Autograph des Thomas von Kempen. Zugleich eine Einf\u00fchrung in\n   s\u00e4mmtliche Schriften des Thomas, sowie ein Versuch zu endg\u00fcltiger\n   Feststellung der Thatsache, dass Thomas und kein Anderer der\n   Verfasser der \u201cImitatio\u201d ist._ Band I. Berlin, 1873.\n\n   Also _Thomae Kempensis \u201cDe Imitatione Christi\u201d libri quatuor. Textum\n   ex autographo Thomae nunc primum accuratissime reddidit, distinxit,\n   novo modo disposuit; capitulorum argumenta, locos parallelos adjecit\n   Carolus Hirsche._ Berlin, 1874.\n\n   Also his exhaustive article on the _Br\u00fcder gemeinsamen Lebens_ in\n   Herzog & Plitt\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die_: II., 678-760. (Leipzig, 1877).\n\n[16]_The Imitation of Christ._ Four books. Translated from the Latin by\n   W. Benham, B.D., Vicar of Margate. London, 1874. It is to be\n   regretted that the author of this, the best English version, speaks\n   of the ascription of the _Imitation_ to Thomas \u00e0 Kempis as \u201ca\n   mistake,\u201d and ascribes it to John Gersen, Abbot of Vercelli, in\n   Italy, who never existed.\n\n[17]See O. A. Spitzen: _Thomas \u00e0 Kempis als schrijver der_ Navolging van\n   Christus _gehandhaafd_. Utrecht, 1881. Also his _Nalezing op mijn_\n   \u201cThomas \u00e0 Kempis als schrijver der _Navolging van Christus\n   _gehandhaafd,\u201d _benevens tien nog onbekende_ cantica spiritualia _van\n   Thomas \u00e0 Kempis_. Utrecht, 1882. Also his _Les Hollandismes de_\n   l\u2019Imitation de J\u00e9sus-Christ _et trois anciennes versions du livre.\n   R\u00e9ponse \u00e0 M. le Chevalier B. Veratti, professeur \u00e0 Mod\u00e8ne._ Utrecht,\n   1883. And his _Nouvelle D\u00e9fense de Thomas \u00e0 Kempis specialement en\n   R\u00e9ponse a R. P. Denifle, sous-archiviste du Vatican._ Utrecht. 1884.\n\n[18]_Annales Typographici_, Vol. X., pp. 191-94.\n\n[19]Zachariae Ferrerii, Vincent. Pont. Gardien. _Hymni novi\n   Ecclesiastici juxta veram Metri et Latinitatis normam a Beatiss.\n   Patre Clemente VII. Pont. Max. ut in Divinis quisque eis uti possit\n   approbate.... Sanctum et neccessarium opus. Breviarium ecclesiasticum\n   ab eodem Zach. Pont. longe brevius ac facilius redditum et ab omne\n   errore propiedem exibit._\n\n   _Impressum hoc divinum Opus Romae.... Kal. Febru. MDXXV._ (CXV.\n   leaves, quarto.)\n\n[20]_Breviarium Romanum ex Sacra potissimum Scriptura et probatis\n   Sanctorum Historiis nuper confectum. Scrutamini Scripturas, quoniam\n   illa sunt, quae testimonium perhibent de Me. Ioannis V. Romae\n   MDXXXV._ (New Edition; _denuo per eundem Auctorem recognitum_ in\n   1537.) Ten editions in all are recorded, of which the last consisted\n   of a single copy manufactured at Paris in 1679 for the library of the\n   great Colbert (_Breviarium Colbertinum_).\n\n[21]_Hymni Sacri_, Paris, 1685 and 1694. A second series in 1698. The\n   two collections together in 1723. They are included in the editions\n   of his works which appeared in 1698 and 1729, but not in that of\n   1694. Between sixty and seventy of them will be found in J. H.\n   Newman\u2019s _Hymni Ecclesiae_, Part First (London, 1838 and 1865), but\n   without the author\u2019s name. As Newman omits the hymns in honor of the\n   saints not mentioned in the Scriptures, the fine hymns to St.\n   Bernard, St. Augustine, and St. Judocus are not included. There are\n   French translations by Abb\u00e9 Saurin, 1691 (third edition, 1698), and\n   by J. P. C. D., in 1760. For English translations see especially Rev.\n   Isaac Williams\u2019s _Hymns of the Parisian Breviary_ (1839), and J. D.\n   Chambers\u2019s _Lauda Syon_ (1857), and the _Lyra Messianica_ (1864).\n\n[22]See note on Luke 2:14 in the second volume of Westcott and Hort\u2019s\n   _New Testament in the Original Greek_. London and New York, 1882.\n\n[23]The _Te Deum_ has it,\n\n    5. _Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth,_\n    6. _Pleni sunt coeli et terra majestatis gloriae tuae._\n\n   In the Vulgate, Isaiah 6, it reads,\n\n    _Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus exercitum,_\n    _Plena est omnis terra gloriae ejus._\n\n   The Septuagint, from which the older Latin version was made, retained\n   the Hebrew word _Sabaoth_, instead of translating it. Verse 6 is an\n   expansion of the Scripture text.\n\n[24]_Die Kirchweih-Hymnen: Christe Cunctorum dominator alme. Urbs beata\n   Hirusalem_. 4to. Halle, 1867.\n\n[25]From _Mostarab_ (participle of the Arabic verb _Estarab_), Arabized,\n   conformed to Arabic modes of life. A misnomer in this case. It is the\n   old Spanish liturgy as arranged by Isidore of Seville, and long\n   upheld by the Spanish clergy against the attempt to introduce that of\n   Rome. The Missal and Breviary were first published by Cardinal\n   Ximenes in 1500; then carefully edited by Alexander Lesley, a\n   Scottish Jesuit (Rome, 1755). His edition, with its learned\n   apparatus, is reprinted in Volumes LXXXI.-II. of Abb\u00e9 Migne\u2019s\n   _Patrologia Latina_.\n\n[26]_A Critical History of the Doctrine of Justification and\n   Reconciliation._ By Albrecht Ritschl, Professor Ordinarius of\n   Theology in the University of G\u00f6ttingen. Edinburgh, 1872. Professor\n   Ritschl sustains his view of the devotional Protestantism of the\n   Roman Catholic Church by a passage from the Missal, in which God is\n   invoked as _non aestimator meriti, sed veniae largitor_, and by the\n   remarkable exhortation to the dying prescribed for the use of her\n   priests. He also quotes six passages from the mediaeval hymns edited\n   by George Cassander.\n\n[27]See _Private Prayers put Forth by Authority During the Reign of\n   Queen Elizabeth_. Edited for the Parker Society by Rev. William K.\n   Clay, B.D. Cambridge, 1851. It contains the English _Primer_ and the\n   Latin _Orarium_, and also the _Preces Privatae_ of 1564. This last\n   omits four of the eight hymns previously authorized and substitutes\n   another. It also contains an appendix of Latin sacred poetry by\n   writers of that century. Besides nine fine hymns by Marc-Antonio\n   Flaminio, the selections are from Fabricius, Melanchthon, and other\n   German Lutherans, with some by Bishop John Parkhurst, of Norwich.\n\n[28]See his _Ghostly Psalms and Spiritual Songs_ in _Remains of Myles\n   Coverdale, Bishop of Exeter_. Edited for the Parker Society by Rev.\n   George Pearson, B.D. Cambridge, 1846. With this may be compared the\n   Scotch versions of German hymns, some of them based on Latin\n   originals in _Gude and Godlie Ballates_. Edinburgh, 1578. Reprinted\n   with Introduction and Glossary by David Laing. Edinburgh, 1868. The\n   queerest book in the annals of hymnology.\n\n[29]See his _Hymns and Songs of the Church_, London, 1623 and 1856. Lord\n   Selborne, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (_sub voce_ \u201cHymns\u201d),\n   observes that Wither anticipates Charles Coffin in basing a series of\n   hymns for the days of the week upon the days\u2019 works of the Creation.\n\n[30]John Henry Newman, in his _Letter to Dr. Jelf_ in vindication of his\n   _Tract No. XC._, wrote: \u201cI always have contended, and will contend,\n   that it [the religious revival] is not satisfactorily accounted for\n   by any particular movements of individuals upon a particular spot.\n   The poets and philosophers of the age have borne witness to it for\n   many years. Those great names in our literature, Sir Walter Scott,\n   Mr. Wordsworth, Mr. Coleridge, though in different ways, and with\n   essential differences one from another and perhaps from any Church\n   system, still all bear witness to it. The system of Mr. Irving is\n   another witness to it. The age is moving toward something, and, most\n   unhappily, the one religious communion which has of late years been\n   practically in possession of that something, is the Church of Rome.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n                             GENERAL INDEX.\n\n\n  [Names of hymn-writers in small capitals; translators in _italics_.]\n\n  \u00c0 Kempis, Thomas, 283-97.\n    References: 18, 394.\n    Hymn: 295.\n  Abecedary, 27, 58, 83, 86, 357, 358, 362, 363, 374.\n  Abelard, Peter, 194-213.\n    References: 17, 18, 19, 25, 112, 151, 187, 190, 192, 214, 218, 222,\n          227, 280, 377.\n    Hymn: 208.\n  Abra, 13, 23, 27, 28.\n  Accent, 43.\n  Adam of St. Victor, 227-39.\n    References: 11, 17, 18, 44, 115, 155, 157, 222, 377, 383, 389, 397,\n          442-43.\n    Hymn: 229.\n  Adhemar, 160.\n  Adrian, Pope, 134.\n  Aegidius, 386.\n  Aelred, 382.\n  Agatha, Martyr, 44.\n  Alard, Wilhelm, 395.\n  Albert the Great, 159, 260, 265.\n  Alcuin (Albinus Flaccus), 364.\n    References: 18, 29, 112, 117, 118, 123, 124, 131, 145, 151, 348.\n  _Alexander, J. W._, 193, 271.\n  _Alford, Henry_, 251.\n  Alfred, King of England, 107, 465.\n  Alliteration, 43, 113, 355, 362.\n  Alvarez, Paul, 368.\n  Ambrose, 47-62.\n    References: 8, 11, 13, 14, 19, 30, 44, 67, 87, 102, 107, 108, 114,\n          117, 120, 299, 310, 337, 351, 359, 402, 428, 443.\n    Hymn: 56.\n  \u201cAmbrosian\u201d hymns, 55-61, 351, 353-55.\n  Ammonius, Wolfgang, 395.\n  Anastasius, 77-79.\n  Anatolius, 12.\n  Anglo-Saxon Hymnary, 373-74, 433.\n  _Anketell, John_, 45, 251, 415, 447.\n  Anselm of Canterbury, 374, 391.\n    References: 151, 177, 197, 444.\n  Anselm of Laon, 196.\n  Anselm of Lucca, 375.\n    Reference: 377.\n  Antonianus, Silvius, 322.\n  Antiphons, 111, 134, 136, 140, 150, 361, 378, 386.\n  Aquinas, Thomas, 256-71.\n    References: 18, 44, 55, 240, 322, 383, 397.\n    Hymn: 265, 267.\n  Arator, 84.\n  Arians, 24, 35, 48, 67, 106, 107.\n  _Arndt, John_, 405.\n  Arnold, Matthew, 243.\n  Aristotle, 151, 194, 198, 260, 266.\n  Arturus, Serranus, 359.\n  Athanasius, 24, 26, 29, 35, 36, 39, 104.\n  Athenagenes, 9.\n  Augustine, 13, 14, 19, 20, 23, 48, 49, 52, 53, 55, 80, 125, 285, 299,\n          310, 350, 393, 397.\n  Auxentius, 26, 39, 48.\n  _Aylward, Prior_, 376, 447.\n\n  Babo, 391.\n  Bacon, Francis, 21.\n  Bacon, Roger, 152, 195.\n  Balde, Jacob, 409.\n  _Baker, Sir Henry_, 393, 413, 436, 440.\n  \u201cBangor Antiphonary,\u201d 361-62, 425.\n  Barbarians, 89.\n  Barbarossa, 54, 255.\n  Bardesanes, 8.\n  Basil, 8, 9.\n  Basil the Great, 49.\n  B\u00e4ssler, Ferd., 16, 435.\n  Bebel, Henry, 419.\n  Becket, Thomas \u00e0, 382.\n    References: 377, 386.\n  Bede, the Venerable, 100-13.\n    References: 14, 18, 44, 62, 86, 97, 101, 106, 123, 125, 143, 145,\n          151, 358, 365.\n    Hymn: 113.\n  Beda, Major, 109.\n  Belisarius, 353.\n  Bellarmine, 321, 322.\n  Benedict XII., 387.\n  _Benedict, E. C._, 17, 181, 184, 233, 251, 271, 379, 396, 414, 439.\n  Benedict Biscop, 110.\n  Benedict of Nursia, 98, 145, 256, 349, 353.\n  \u201cBenedicite,\u201d 4.\n  Benedictines, 84, 98, 149, 181, 256, 259.\n    of St. Maur, 55, 121.\n  Benedictine Mss., 99.\n  Beowulf, 113.\n  Bernard of Clairvaux, 186-93.\n    References: 11, 18, 25, 44, 160, 197, 204, 214, 216, 222, 229, 245,\n          269, 271, 274, 310, 377, 379, 383, 395, 405, 443.\n    Hymn: 193.\n  Bernard of Cluny, 222-26.\n    References: 15, 18, 44, 176, 180, 214, 277, 424.\n    Rhyme: 224.\n  Bertier, 382.\n  Besnault, Sebastian, 344.\n    References: 337, 358.\n  Bibliographical Notes, 416-45.\n  Bjorn, G. A., 426.\n  _Blew, W. J._, 413.\n  Boethius, 18, 80, 88, 125, 145, 147, 200, 353.\n  Bonaventura, John, 261-65.\n    References: 18, 44, 240, 245, 270, 383.\n    Hymn: 271.\n  Boniface, 128.\n  Bonn, Hermann, 395.\n  Bossuet, 334, 337.\n  Brander, Joachim, 389-90.\n  Brandt, Sebastian, 394.\n  Breviaries, 316-46.\n    References: 29, 393, 416.\n  Breviary of Angers, 393.\n    Braga, 393.\n    Cluny, 44, 328, 335.\n    Hereford, 102.\n    Koeln, 393.\n    Le Mans, 393.\n    Liege, 393.\n    L\u00fcbec, 393.\n    Mainz, 393.\n    Meissen, 393.\n    Mozarabic, 15, 31, 47, 73, 358, 359-60.\n    Noyon, 393.\n    Paraclete, 209.\n    Paris, 328-46.\n      References: 16, 44, 161, 268, 355, 358, 412, 413.\n    Poitiers, 393.\n    Rennes, 393.\n    Roman, 317-28.\n      References: 17, 44, 58, 70, 83, 355, 358, 364, 365, 367, 371, 372,\n          377, 399, 408, 412, 440, 441.\n    Sarum, 102, 385, 392, 433.\n    Toledo, 209.\n    Trondhjem, 392.\n    York, 102.\n  _Bright, Marshall H._, 251.\n    _William_, 251.\n  Britain, 85, 97, 106.\n  Brower, Christopher, 118.\n  Browne, Sir Thomas, 358.\n  _Brownell, H. H._, 251.\n  Brunehilda, 91, 92, 105.\n  Bugellensis, Augustinus, 245.\n  _Bunsen, C. J. C._, 250.\n  Bunyan, John, 25.\n  _Bute, Marquis of_, 324.\n\n  Caedmon, 113.\n  Caesar of Arles, 80, 349, 353.\n  Camerarius, Joachim, 395.\n  _Campbell, R._, 413.\n  Canticles, 4, 317, 406.\n  Canonical Hours, 316.\n  Carlyle, Thomas, 249.\n  Carthusians, 285.\n  Casimir, 391.\n  Cassander, George, 14, 351, 421.\n  Cassiodorus, Caius, 125, 147.\n  _Caswall, Edward_, 17, 193, 251, 298, 325, 399, 401, 413, 432, 441.\n  Catacombs, 39, 40, 44.\n  Ceolfrid, 110.\n  _Chambers, J. D._, 371, 374, 384, 385, 388, 413, 435.\n  _Chandler, John_, 17, 251, 338, 412, 428.\n  _Charles, Mrs. E. R._, 31, 113, 177, 230, 251, 297, 358, 414, 435.\n  Charles the Bald, 120.\n  Charles the Great (Charlemagne), 115, 127, 132, 134, 139, 160, 364,\n          386.\n  Choral School of St. Gall, 133, 436.\n  Christian Poets, Five first, 84.\n  \u201cChristian Year, The,\u201d 343.\n  Chrysostom, 8, 23.\n  Cistercians, 188, 215, 285, 393.\n  Citeaux, 187, 188.\n  Clairvaux, 189.\n  Claudianus Mamertus, 30.\n  Clement of Alexandria, 9.\n  Clichtove, Joste, 394.\n    References: 14, 228, 351, 420.\n  Cluny, Dispute at, 216.\n  Coeur de Lion, Richard, 21.\n  Coffin, Charles, 335-39.\n    References: 44, 333, 412.\n    Hymns: 338.\n  _Coles, Abraham_, 17, 223, 251, 414, 436, 438.\n  Collinus, Matthias, 394.\n  Columba (Columcille), 355-57, 360.\n    References: 101, 120, 133.\n  Combault, M., 345.\n    Reference: 337.\n  Commire, Jean, 342.\n    Reference: 337.\n  Common Life, Brethren and Sisters of the, 284-90, 394.\n  Common Prayer, Book of, 320, 406.\n  Compilers of Latin hymns, 14, 15, 16, 391, 404, 411.\n  Conrad, 386.\n  Corbeil, Pierre de, 380.\n  Corpus Christi, Festival of, 265, 267.\n  _Cosin, Bishop_, 406.\n  Cousin, 17.\n  _Coverdale, Bishop Miles_, 407.\n  Cowper, Wm., 12, 96.\n  _Crashaw, Richard_, 182, 250, 407.\n  _Crippen, T. G._, 378, 440.\n  Crusades, 194, 222, 240, 377.\n  Cuthbert, 109, 113.\n  Cyprian of Carthage, 20, 24.\n  Cyxilla, 359.\n\n  Damasus, Pope, 35-46.\n    References: 50, 96, 399.\n    Poems: 42.\n  Damiani, Peter, 169-78.\n    References: 14, 86, 224, 229, 299, 306, 321, 350, 373, 384.\n    Hymns: 177.\n  Daniel, H. A., 14, 250, 429, 430, 439.\n  Dante, 177, 200, 241, 279.\n  \u201cDe Contemptu Mundi,\u201d 222.\n  \u201cDe Imitatione,\u201d 290-95, 390.\n    Versions of, 293.\n  De la Bruneti\u00e8re, 337.\n  De Rance, 329, 330, 334.\n  _Dexter, H. M._, 9.\n  \u201cDies Irae,\u201d 240-54, 429, 436, 438, 456.\n    Translations, 250.\n  _Dix, J. A._, 251.\n    _Wm. C._, 251.\n    _Wm. G._, 251.\n  Dominic, 173, 240, 258, 259, 285, 383.\n  Dominicans, 257-64.\n  Drepanius Florus, 368.\n  _Drummond, Wm._, 233, 408.\n  _Dryden, John_, 407, 408, 447.\n  Duffield, Dr. Geo., 340.\n  _Duffield, S. W._, 20, 30, 32, 33, 34, 59, 60, 61, 69, 71, 81, 82,\n          121, 176, 177, 180, 209, 220, 223, 231, 233, 235, 236, 238,\n          253, 279, 315, 325, 326, 340, 342, 354, 362, 370, 375, 380,\n          385, 390, 395, 398, 414.\n  Du Meril, Ed., 381-82, 430-31.\n  Du Perier, 322.\n\n  Early Church, Order of worship in, 6.\n    Praise service of, 1\n  Eber, Paul, 395.\n  Edmund, 384.\n  \u201cEin\u2019 feste Burg,\u201d 251.\n  Ekkehard, 132, 370, 376.\n  _Elliot, C. W._, 251.\n  Elpis, 353.\n    References: 18, 44, 120, 366.\n  Ellinger, Andreas, 395.\n  Engelbert, 386.\n  Ennodius, 73-87.\n    Reference: 351.\n    Hymns: 81.\n  Ephrem Syrus, 8.\n  Epiphanius, 75, 76, 80.\n  Erasmus, 394.\n    References: 29, 63, 353, 390.\n  Eric, 368.\n  Ermanrich, 368.\n  Eugenius, 359.\n  Eusebius, 147, 169.\n\n  _Faber, F. W._, 193, 315.\n    Peter, 302-07.\n  Fabricius, Georg, 395.\n    References: 14, 422.\n  \u201cFaust,\u201d 240, 249, 411.\n  Faustinus Arevalus, 63, 64.\n  Faustus, 80.\n  Felix II., 36.\n  F\u00e9nelon, 334.\n  Ferreri, Zacharia, 318-20.\n    References: 44, 322, 394.\n  Fiacc, 362.\n  _Fichte, J. G._, 250.\n  Flacius, Matthias, 15, 222, 223, 402, 421.\n  Flagellants, 173, 278.\n  Flaminio, Marc-Antonio, 394.\n  Flavius, 357.\n    Reference: 355.\n  _Follen, A. L._, 250, 411, 427.\n  Fortlage, C., 15, 431.\n  Fortunatus, Venantius, 88-96.\n    References: 18, 20, 21, 29, 30, 31, 44, 77, 83, 86, 118, 147, 370.\n    Hymns: 93, 96.\n  Francis of Assisi, 241, 258, 261, 285, 383.\n  Franciscans, 272, 381, 393.\n  Frangipani, Cardinal Latino, 245.\n  Fulbert of Chartres, 372.\n    References: 156, 370, 378.\n\n  Gaisberg, Franz von, 390.\n  Galucci, Tarquinio, 321, 333.\n  Gaul, 73.\n  Gautier, 17, 229, 436.\n  Geissel, John von, 399.\n  _Gerhardt, Paul_, 12, 193, 405.\n  German translators, 250, 411, 426.\n  Geste, Guillaume du Plessis de, 337.\n  \u201cGloria in Excelsis,\u201d 1, 4, 348.\n  \u201cGloria Patri,\u201d 4.\n  \u201cGlossa Ordinaria,\u201d 144.\n  Godefroy, 376.\n  Goethe, 249, 411.\n  \u201cGolden Legend,\u201d 179.\n  \u201cGomorrah Book,\u201d 170.\n  Gonella, Pietro, 381.\n  Gottschalk, 376.\n    References: 128, 367.\n  Gourdan, Simon, 337.\n  Greek and Roman Churches, 35, 73, 76.\n  Gregory of Tours, 31, 32, 90, 92, 361.\n  Gregory the Great, 97-108.\n    References: 11, 18, 44, 55, 58, 86, 117, 134, 160, 245, 353, 402.\n    Hymns, 108.\n  Gregory II., 160.\n  Gregory IX., 240.\n  Gregorian chant, 107.\n  Grimm, Jacob, 15, 427.\n  Groote, Gerard, 283-85, 290.\n  Grosstete, Robert, 384.\n  _Gryphius, Andreas_, 250.\n  Gueranger, 338.\n  Guido of Arezzo, 365-66.\n  Guido of Basoches, 382.\n  Guyet, Francis, 337.\n  Guyon, Madame, 274.\n\n  Habert, Isaac, 337.\n  \u201cHallel,\u201d Great, 1.\n  Hammerlein, Felix, 245.\n  Harmonius, 8.\n  _Harms, Claus_, 250.\n  _Hastings, H. L._, 251.\n  _Harbaugh, Henry_, 271.\n  Hartmann, 133-39.\n    References: 159, 368.\n  Hatto, 123, 128.\n  _Hayes, John L._, 414.\n  _Heber, Reginald_, 220.\n  _Heermann, Johann_, 405.\n  Hegius, Alexander, 394.\n  _Heisler, D. Y._, 415.\n  Helmbold, Ludwig, 395.\n  Heloise, 198-213.\n    References: 19, 214, 300.\n  _Herder, J. G. von_, 250, 409.\n  Heriger, 373.\n  Hermann, Johann, 395.\n  Hermannus Contractus, 149-68.\n    References: 123, 269, 370, 376.\n    Sequences: 161.\n    Writings: 161.\n  Heribert of Eichstetten, 376.\n    Reference: 155.\n  Hessus, Helius Eobanus, 394.\n  _Hewett, J. W._, 388, 393, 413.\n  Hilary of Arles, 31, 349.\n  Hilary of Poitiers, 19-34.\n    References: 2, 4, 13, 42, 44, 50, 77, 121, 299, 348, 361, 362, 443.\n    Hymns: 32.\n  Hildebert, 179-85.\n    References: 206, 210, 222, 350, 373, 377, 378, 386, 429, 439, 443.\n    Hymn: 179-85.\n  Hildebrand, 102, 170, 171, 172.\n  Hildegard of Bingen, 379.\n  Hincmar, 118, 129, 364, 366.\n  Holland, 283.\n  Horace, 28, 444.\n  Hugo, 384.\n  Hugo of St. Victor, 227, 274.\n  Humbert, 245.\n  Huss, John, 391.\n    Reference: 18.\n  _Hutton, R. H._, 251.\n  Hymn and psalm singing, 54.\n  Hymn, Advent, 388.\n    Ascension, 388.\n    Athanasian Creed, 358.\n    Communion, 361.\n    Crusades, 382.\n    Judgment, 374.\n    Oldest Greek, 4, 9.\n    Resurrection, 220.\n    Rosary, 383.\n    Transfiguration, 389.\n    Trinity, 388.\n  Hymns, Christmas, 374, 386, 387, 390.\n    Easter, 374, 377, 383, 388.\n    Genealogy of, 12.\n    German, 13, 182, 386, 405.\n    Greek, 13, 107.\n    Old English, 373.\n    Syriac, 8.\n  Hymn-book of Abelard, 19.\n    of the Western Church, First, 29, 58.\n  Hymn-tinkers, 16, 30, 64.\n  Hymn-writers of the Breviary, 316-46.\n    Irish, 360, 361.\n    Spanish, 358.\n    Unknown, 347-400.\n\n  Index to translated hymns, 446-83.\n  Innocent III., 155, 157, 240, 281, 397.\n  \u201cInteger vitae,\u201d 28.\n  Irish (early) hymns, 360-63, 435.\n  _Irons, Wm. J._, 251.\n  Isidore, 358.\n    References: 30, 83, 125.\n\n  Jacob of Muldorf, 391.\n  Jacoponus, 272-82.\n    References: 18, 243, 374, 383.\n    Hymns: 278.\n  Jansenists, 330, 334, 335-36, 343.\n  Jerome, 350.\n    References: 20, 24, 29, 32, 36, 41, 83, 147, 173, 349.\n  Jesuit hymn-writers, 396-99, 426, 440.\n  John of Damascus, 12, 363.\n  John the Deacon, 97, 100, 134.\n  John the Faster, 104.\n  _Johnson, Franklin_, 415.\n  Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 249.\n  Jourdain, Charles, 152, 167.\n  Juvencus, 84, 147.\n\n  Kayser, J., 16, 439, 443.\n  _Keble, John_, 343, 394, 413, 440.\n  Kehrein, J., 16, 429, 441.\n  Ken, Bishop, 358.\n  Klee, George (Thymus), 395.\n  Knights Hospitallers, 192.\n    Templars, 192, 440-41.\n  Koch, 16, 439.\n  _K\u00f6nigsfeld, G. A._, 15, 411, 432, 438.\n  Koran, Translations of, 218.\n  _Kynaston, Herbert_, 17, 182, 251, 375, 413.\n\n  Ladkenus, 360.\n  Latimer, Hugh, 21.\n  Latin hymnology and Protestantism, 401.\n  Latin Vulgate, 41, 349.\n  Le Tourneux, Nicholas, 348.\n    References: 330, 337.\n  _Lea, H. C._, 251.\n  _Lee, Frederick G._, 251.\n  Leo X., 318.\n  Leo XIII., 399, 444.\n  Lewis the Pious, 125, 127, 368.\n  Liber Hymnorum, 29.\n    Mysteriorum, 29.\n  Library in Rome, First Christian public, 40.\n    of St. Gall, 133, 151.\n  Linke, Johannes, 443, 444, 445.\n  _Lisco, F. G._, 250.\n  _Littledale, R. F._, 177, 380, 413, 447.\n  Lombard, Peter, 266, 377.\n  Lombards, 88, 90, 91, 98, 99, 103, 147, 255, 258.\n  Longfellow, H. W., 179, 182.\n  Loris, William de, 201.\n  Loyola, Ignatius, 302-07.\n    Reference: 386.\n  Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, 37.\n  Ludovicus Vives, J., 394.\n  Luidke, Matthew, 423.\n  Luther, Martin, 15, 25, 51, 53, 87, 117, 127, 193, 218, 251, 269, 289,\n          318, 323, 348, 366, 385, 395, 403.\n\n  _Macaulay, T. B._, 251.\n  Maengal (Marcellus), 133, 369.\n  \u201cMagnificat,\u201d 1, 3, 4.\n  _Mangan, James C._, 360.\n  _Mant, Richard_, 17, 338, 412, 428.\n  Marbod, 378.\n    Reference: 181.\n  _March, F. A._, 415, 442.\n  Mariolatry, 58, 96, 176, 270, 278, 289, 370, 372, 385.\n  Martha of Bethany, 389.\n  Martel, Charles, 21, 166.\n  Mary Queen of Scots, 300.\n  _Mason, Jackson_, 223, 224.\n  Matthew of Acqua-Sparta, 245.\n  _McGill, Hamilton_, 251, 414.\n  _McKenzie, W. S._, 251, 415.\n  Meinhold, 249.\n  Mendicants, 240, 258-64, 284.\n  Melanchthon, Philip, 395, 402.\n  Mesengui, Fran\u00e7ois Philippe, 335, 336.\n  Meun, Jean de, 201.\n  Meyer, Jakob, 395.\n  _Meyer, J. F. von_, 250.\n  Migne, J. P., 15, 431.\n  _Mills, Henry_, 182, 414.\n  Milton, John, 299.\n  Minorites, 272.\n  Missal, The, 316, 321, 417.\n    of Sarum, 392, 441.\n  Mohammed, 89, 357.\n  Momboir, Jean (Johannes Maubernus), 390.\n  Monastic Reformation, 98.\n  Mone, F. J., 15, 434.\n  Monica, 19, 53.\n  Monks, Black, 215, 218.\n    White, 215.\n  Montanus, Jakob, 394.\n  Moravians, 193, 271.\n  Morel, P. G., 16, 439-40.\n  _Morgan, D. T._, 177, 385, 392, 441.\n  _Moultrie, Gerard_, 223, 406.\n  Mozart, 240.\n  Muretus, Marc Antoine, 394.\n    References: 44, 337, 394.\n  Musculus, Wolfgang, 395.\n  Musical instruments, 6.\n    notation, 363, 373.\n\n  _Neale, J. M._, 16, 17, 182, 209, 224, 231, 233, 251, 371, 377, 384,\n          413, 434, 436, 439.\n  _Nelson, Earl_, 413.\n  _Neumark, Georg_, 12.\n  _Newman, J. H._, 16, 17, 413, 428.\n  Nicene Creed, 26, 36.\n  Niebuhr, 363-64.\n  Notker of St. Gall (Balbulus), 132-42.\n    References: 84, 109, 116, 117, 368.\n    Sequences: 136.\n  Notker \u201cof Liege,\u201d 140.\n    \u201cLabeo,\u201d 140.\n    \u201cthe Abbot,\u201d 140.\n    \u201cthe Physician,\u201d 140.\n  _Nott, C. C._, 414-15.\n  _Noyes, Judge_, 223, 438.\n  \u201cNunc Dimittis,\u201d 1, 3.\n\n  _O. A. M._, 223, 224.\n  Odilo, 373.\n    Reference: 378.\n  Odo of Cluny, 371.\n  Oxford movement, 412.\n  Ozanam, D., 17, 433.\n\n  \u201cPalmare,\u201d 76.\n  _Palmer, Ray_, 268, 415.\n  Paraclete, Abbey of the, 204, 208, 211, 212.\n  Parkhurst, John, 395.\n  _Patrick, Symon_, 12, 408.\n  Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, 352.\n    References: 84, 366.\n  Paulinus, Patriarch of Aquileia, 366.\n  _Pearson, C. B._, 17, 441.\n  Penitentes, 173.\n  P\u00e8re-la-Chaise, 194, 212.\n  Petau, Denis, 337.\n  Peter of Compostella, 155, 160.\n  Peter of Dresden, 391.\n  Peter the Hermit, 186.\n  Peter the Venerable, 214-21.\n    References: 18, 109, 205, 211, 222, 377.\n    Writings: 219.\n    Hymns: 220.\n  Petrarch, 279.\n  Petrucci, Hieronimo, 321.\n  _Phelps, S. D._, 251.\n  Phocas, 105.\n  Plague in Rome, 103.\n  Plato, 48.\n  Poitiers, 21, 91.\n  Pope, Alexander, 200.\n  _Pott, Francis_, 377.\n  _Preston, Margaret J._, 251.\n  \u201cPrimer,\u201d The, 405.\n  Prosper, 147, 353.\n  Protestant hymn-writers, 395-96.\n  Prudentius (Aurelius Prudentius Clemens), 63-72.\n    References: 18, 39, 44, 84, 96, 115, 147, 340, 351, 408, 441, 444.\n    Hymns: 72.\n  Prudentius the Younger, 367.\n  Psalm-singing, 1, 2, 6, 317.\n  Psalter, The, 317.\n  \u201cPsalter of the Queen of Sweden,\u201d 363.\n\n  Quentell, Henry, 419.\n  Qui\u00f1onez, Francesco de, 320, 325.\n  Quintilian, 65, 147, 359.\n\n  Rabanus Maurus (Magnentius), 114-31.\n    References: 18, 86, 112, 145, 151, 160, 269, 366, 376.\n    Hymns: 118, 120.\n    Writings: 119, 131.\n  Rabusson, Paul, 328, 335.\n  Racine, 322.\n  Radegunda, 92-96.\n    References: 18, 21, 30.\n  _Rambach, A. J._, 14, 411, 426.\n  Ratbert (Paschasius), 124, 129.\n  Ratpert, 133-39.\n    Reference: 368.\n  Ravenna, 169.\n  Renaissance, Poets of, 44, 394-95.\n  \u201cRequiem,\u201d 240.\n  Responsive singing, 8.\n  Rhegius, Urbanus, 395.\n  Rhyme, 13, 19, 31, 43, 113, 291, 363.\n  Richard of St. Victor, 227, 274.\n  Ritual, The, 316.\n  Robert II., 158-65.\n    References: 18, 154, 372.\n    Sequences: 158.\n  \u201cRock of Ages,\u201d 269.\n  Roman Catholic observances, 71.\n  \u201cRomance of the Rose,\u201d 201.\n  Romance tongues, 89.\n  Romanticist movement, 337, 411-12.\n  Roman women, Cruelty of, 67.\n  Rome, 40, 97.\n  _Roscommon, Earl of_, 250, 408.\n  Rudolph of Radegg, 382.\n  Rusbroek, Jan, 285.\n  Rupert of St. Gall, 370.\n  Ryckel, Dionysius, 391.\n\n  Sainte-Beuve, 332, 334.\n  Salvus, 373.\n  Santeul, Claude, 328.\n    References: 44, 337, 342.\n  Santeul, Jean, 329-35.\n    References: 44, 337-38, 343, 412.\n  Saxon Monasteries, Life in, 110.\n  _Schaff, Philip_, 17, 251, 440, 442.\n  _Schlegel, A. W._, 250, 411, 432.\n  Schletterer, H. M., 440.\n  Schlosser, Joh. F. H., 15, 433.\n  Schools, 145.\n    Einsiedeln, 145, 161.\n    Clonard, 356.\n    Cluny, 215, 218, 371.\n    Cologne, 260.\n    Fulda, 122, 143, 145.\n    Jarrow, 111.\n    of the Moors, 152.\n    Oxford, 152.\n    Paris, 263, 265.\n    Reichenau, 146-48.\n      References: 143, 145, 153, 161, 165.\n    St. Alban, 165.\n    St. Gall, 145, 150, 161, 165, 351, 366, 380.\n    St. Matthias, 145.\n    St. Maximin, 145.\n    St. Victor, 227.\n      References: 151, 152.\n    Weissenberg, 145.\n  \u201cScotch-Irishman,\u201d 85, 356.\n  _Scott, Sir Walter_, 249, 251, 411.\n  Scotus Erigena, John, 128, 367.\n  Sechnall, 362.\n  Sedulius, Caelius, 83-87.\n    References: 18, 58, 147, 360.\n    Hymn: 83.\n  Sedulius Scotus, 83.\n  Selneccer, Nicholas, 395.\n  Seminaries, 145.\n  Seneca, 359.\n  Sequence, 13, 18, 132, 136, 150, 155, 158, 229, 240, 267, 292, 366,\n          367, 376, 390, 399, 440, 443.\n  Servatus Lupus, 367.\n    References: 125, 127.\n  Shipley, Orby, 325, 437, 444.\n  _Simrock, Carl_, 15, 411, 431.\n  Slave market at Rome, 100.\n  _Slosson, Edward_, 251.\n  _Smithers, N. B._, 414, 443.\n  \u201cSociety of Jesus,\u201d 298, 302, 304.\n  Sorbonne, 321.\n  Sources of Latin hymns, 15.\n  Spain, 47, 64, 84, 218, 359.\n    Religion in, 106.\n  St. Edmund, 384.\n  St. Gall, 133, 436.\n  St. Martin of Tours, 25, 52, 89, 91, 123, 364, 371, 373.\n  St. Maximin of Trier, 23, 145.\n  St. Patrick, 85, 101, 356, 360, 361.\n  St. Theresa, 274, 306.\n  \u201cStabat Mater,\u201d 278.\n  Stadelmann, 15.\n  _Stanley, Dean_, 251, 414.\n  Stigel, Johann, 395.\n  Strabo, Walafrid, 143-48.\n    References: 64, 123, 125, 127, 133, 366.\n    Hymn: 144.\n  Strada, Famiana, 44, 321, 322, 333.\n  Strozzi, Lorenza, 423.\n  _Stryker, M. W._, 251, 415.\n  Sulpicius, Severus, 89.\n  Supremacy of the Pope, 73, 89.\n  _Sylvester, Joshua_, 250.\n  Sylvius, Aeneas (Pius II.), 394.\n  Symmachus, 50, 67, 68, 76.\n\n  Tauler, 274.\n  \u201cTe Deum,\u201d 4, 12, 244, 317, 348-50, 436, 438.\n  Telesphorus, 348.\n  Tennyson, Alfred, 200.\n  \u201cTer Sanctus,\u201d 4, 349.\n  Tertullian, 24.\n  Theodolph, 118, 368.\n  Theodore, Archbishop, 111.\n  Theodoric, 76, 80, 145.\n  Theodoric of Monte Casino, 373.\n  Theodosius, 52, 61, 68, 84, 85.\n  Theodulph of Orleans, 368.\n  Thessalonica, Massacre at, 52.\n  \u201cThilo the Venerable,\u201d 14.\n  Thomas of Celano, 240-34.\n    References: 18, 44, 358, 381, 383, 395.\n    Sequences: 244.\n  Thomasius, 14, 351, 425.\n  _Thompson, A. R._, 269, 327, 333, 341, 342, 343, 345, 387, 415.\n  Toledo, Council of, 317, 349.\n  Torrentinus, Hermann, 419.\n  Tours, 91.\n  Transubstantiation, 124, 129, 143, 386.\n  Translators of Latin hymns, 17, 250, 251, 405-15.\n  _Trench, R. C._, 16, 182, 206, 222, 223, 251, 395, 432.\n  _Trend, H._, 378, 413, 437.\n  Trent, Council of, 317, 321.\n  Tunes, 55, 365.\n  Tutilo, 133-39.\n    Reference: 368.\n\n  Upham, Thomas C., 274.\n  Urban VIII., 321, 322, 399.\n\n  Valens, 25, 39.\n  Valentinian, 26, 32, 39, 48, 50, 84.\n  _Veith, Emmanuel_, 250.\n  \u201cVeni Creator Spiritus,\u201d 114-31.\n  \u201cVeni Sancte Spiritus,\u201d 149-68.\n  Vert, Claude de, 328, 335.\n  Vestal Virgins, 68.\n  Vigier, Fran\u00e7ois Antoine, 335.\n  Virgil, 147.\n\n  Wackernagel, 16, 430, 437.\n  Waltram, 368.\n  Warnefried, Paul (Paul the Deacon), 364.\n    References: 30, 91, 97, 123.\n  _Washburn, Dr._, 233, 438.\n  Wernher, Adam, 394.\n  Wesley, Charles, 378.\n  Wessel, Johan, 289.\n  _Wessenberg, J. H. von_, 250.\n  _Whewell, Dr._, 392.\n  William of Champeaux, 151, 187, 194, 227.\n  _Williams, John_, 414, 431.\n    _Isaac_, 251, 338, 412, 428, 429.\n    _William R._, 17, 251, 414.\n  Wipo, 366.\n  _Wither, George_, 408.\n  _Worsley, P. S._, 413, 437.\n  _Wrangham, D. S._, 233, 442.\n\n  Xavier, Francis, 298-313.\n    Reference: 18.\n    Hymns: 298, 315.\n\n  \u201cYork Processional,\u201d 392.\n\n  Zabuesnig, J. C. von, 427.\n  Zerbolt, Gerard, 287, 290.\n  _Zingerle_, 8.\n  _Zinzendorf, Count_, 193.\n  Zwinger, Theodore, 395.\n\n\n\n\n               INDEX TO LATIN HYMNS QUOTED OR MENTIONED.\n\n\n  A et \u03a9 magne Deus, 183.\n  A patre unigenitus, 374.\n  A solis ortus cardine, ad usque, 58, 83, 86.\n  A solis ortus cardine et usque, 57, 86, 121.\n  Ad coeli clara non sum dignus sidera, 27, 30, 31.\n  Ad coenam Agni providi, 58, 322, 339, 355.\n  Ad Dominum clamaveram, 367.\n  Ad regias Agni Dapes, 58, 268, 323, 355.\n  Ad perennis vitae fontem, 114, 299, 351.\n  Ad Supernam, 268.\n  Ades pater supreme, 72.\n  Adest dies sanctus Dei, 120.\n  Adeste coelitu chori, 343.\n  Adeste fideles, 271.\n  Adesto, Christe, vocibus, 113.\n  Adoro Te devote, latens Deitas, 268.\n  Adstant angelorum chori, 296.\n  Adversa mundi tolera, 295, 296.\n  Aeterna Christi munera, et martyrum, 30, 56.\n  Aeterna Christi munera nos, 58.\n  Aeterna coeli gloria, 58.\n  Aeternae lucis conditor, 57.\n  Aeterne rerum conditor, 56.\n  Aeterne Rex altissime, 108.\n  Aeterni Patris unice, 371.\n  Agathae sanctae virginis, 58.\n  Agnetis Christi virginis, 295.\n  Agnis beatae virginis, 57.\n  Ales diei nuntius, 69, 72.\n  Alleluia, 4, 136, 155.\n  Alleluia, dulce carmen, 374, 408.\n  Alleluia piis edite laudibus, 359, 360.\n  Alma redemptoris mater, 155, 160.\n  Almi prophetae progenies, 58.\n  Altitudo, quid hic jaces, 398.\n  Altus prositor, vetustus dierum, et ingenitus, 357, 360.\n  Ama Jesum cum Agnete, 295.\n  Amore Christi nobilis, 58.\n  Angelice patrone, 397.\n  Angelorum si haberem, 296.\n  Angulare fundamentum, 357, 363.\n  Anima Christi, sanctifica me, 386.\n  Anni peractis mensibus, 373.\n  Apostolorum gloriam, 113.\n  Apostolorum passio, 56, 113.\n  Apostolorum supparem, 57.\n  Apparabet repentina dies magna Domini, 177, 358.\n  Ardua spes mundi, 136.\n  Audi benigne Conditor, 108, 117.\n  Audi, tellus, audi, 374.\n  Audit tyrannus anxius, 72.\n  Aurora jam spargit polum, 58.\n  Aurora lucis rutilat, 57.\n  Ave Dei genetrix, 384.\n  Ave florens rosa, 295.\n  Ave fuit prima salus, 280.\n  Ave hierarchia, 389.\n  Ave Maria, 155.\n  Ave Maria, gratia plena, 376.\n  Ave maris stella, 96, 322, 370.\n  Ave Martha gloriosa, 389.\n  Ave mundi domina, 384.\n  Ave per quam, 373.\n  Ave praeclara Maris stella, 155, 159, 376.\n  Ave quem desidero, 383.\n  Ave regis angelorum, 280.\n\n  Beata nobis gaudia, 31, 34.\n  Beate martyr prospera, 72.\n  Bellator armis inclytus, 58.\n  Benedictus, 3.\n  Bis ternas horas explicans, 56, 57.\n\n  Cantemus omni die concenentes variae, 363.\n  Cedit frigus hiemale, 383.\n  Certum tenentes ordinem, 57.\n  Christe coelorum conditor, 57.\n  Christe cunctorum dominator alme, 57\n  Christe lumen perpetuum, 81.\n  Christe precamur, 81.\n  Christe qui lux es et dies, 57, 354.\n  Christe redemptor gentium, 57.\n  Christe Redemptor omnium, 120.\n  Christe Redemptor omnium, Vere salus, 295.\n  Christe rex coeli domine, 57.\n  Christe salvator omnium, 82.\n  Christe sanctorum gloria, 177.\n  Christe sanctorum gloria, Et piorum, 295.\n  Christe servorum regimen tuorum, 72.\n  Christi caterva clamitat, 351.\n  Christum Ducem, qui per crucem, 271.\n  Christum rogemus et patrem, 30.\n  Chorus novae Hierusalem, 155, 158, 372.\n  Cibis resumptis congruis, 57.\n  Cives coelestis patriae, 379.\n  Cives coeli attendite, 295.\n  Clarum decus jejunii, 108.\n  Coelestis formam gloriae, 392.\n  Coelestis urbs Jerusalem, 324, 326.\n  Coeli Deus sanctissime, 57.\n  Coelos ascendit hodie, 388.\n  Cogita, anima fidelis, 247.\n  Collaudemus Magdalena, 385.\n  Coluber Adae male suasor, 136.\n  Conditor alme siderum, 56.\n  Congaudeat turba fidelium, 374.\n  Consors paterni luminis, 56.\n  Convexa solis orbita, 57, 360.\n  Corde natus ex parentis, 64, 72.\n  Creaturarum omnium merita, 296.\n  Crux te, te volo conqueri, 280.\n  Cultor Dei memento, 71, 72.\n  Cum me tenent fallacia, 396.\n  Cum sub cruce sedet moerens, 296.\n  Cum revolvo toto corde, 381, 391.\n  Cunctorum rex omnipotens, 359.\n  Cur mundus militat, 274, 278, 279, 280, 374.\n  Cur relinquis, Deus, coelum, 327.\n  Custodes hominum, 322.\n\n  Da puer plectrum, 72.\n  Debilis cessent elementa legis, 344.\n  Dei fide, qua vivimus, 57.\n  De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis, 131.\n  De Parente summo natum, 393.\n  Deus aeterni luminis, 57.\n  Deus creator omnium, 20, 56, 59.\n  Deus-Homo, Rex coelorum, 379.\n  Deus ignee fons animarum, 72.\n  Deus, pater credentium, 374.\n  Deus, Pater ingenite, 31, 33.\n  Deus qui certis legibus, 57.\n  Deus qui claro lumine, 57.\n  Deus qui coeli lumen es, 57.\n  Dicamus laudes Domino, 57.\n  Die parente temporum, 393.\n  Diei luce reddita, 57.\n  Dies est laetitiae, 386.\n  Dies Irae, 240-253, 18, 69, 114, 177, 268, 278, 358, 381, 382, 391,\n          408, 410, 411.\n  Domine Deus, speravi in Te, 300.\n  Domine Jesu, noverim me, noverim Te, 351, 393.\n  Dormi, fili, dormi, 397.\n\n  Ecce jam noctis tenuatur umbra, 108, 326.\n  Ecce sedes hic Tonantis, 344.\n  Ecquis binas columbinas, 397.\n  Eia mea anima, 387, 390.\n  Eia Phoebe, nunc serena, 396.\n  Emitte, Christe, Spiritum, 113.\n  En martyris Laurentii, 72.\n  En Trinitatis speculum, 386.\n  En virginis Caeciliae, 295.\n  Ex more docti mystico, 58, 108.\n  Exultet coelum laudibus, 377.\n\n  Felix dies, quam proprio, 344.\n  Felix per omnes festum mundi cardines, 353.\n  Felix terra quae Fructuoso vestiris, 72.\n  Festum nunc celebre, 120.\n  Finita jam sunt praelia, 377.\n  Fit porta Christi pervia, 58, 120, 121.\n  Florem spina coronavit, 393.\n  Forti tegente brachio, 339, 355.\n  Fregit victor virtualis, 244, 246.\n  Fulgentis auctor aetheris, 57.\n\n  Gaude, mater Ecclesia, De praecursoris, 295.\n  Gaude Virgo, Mater Christi, Quia, 382.\n  Gaude virgo, stella Maris, Salve porta chrystallina, 383.\n  Gaudete et cantate, 139.\n  Germine nobilis Eulalia, 72.\n  Gesta sanctorum martyrum, 57.\n  Gloria in Excelsis Deo, 1, 3, 4, 29, 281, 348, 406.\n  Gloria, laus et honor, 368.\n  Gloria Patri, 4.\n  Gloriam nato cecinere, 144.\n  Gloriosa Jerusalem, 358.\n  Gloriosi Salvatoris nominis praeconia, 393.\n  Grates tibi Jesu novas, 57.\n  Gratus honos hierarchia, 160.\n  Gravi me terrore, 177.\n\n  Haec est dies triumphalis, 388.\n  Heri mundus exultavit, 233.\n  Heu! Heu! mala mundi vita, 381.\n  Heu quid jaces stabulo, 390.\n  Hic est dies verus Dei, 56, 60.\n  Hodie cantandus, 136, 139.\n  Homo, Dei creatura, 391.\n  Homo tristis esto, 388.\n  Hostis Herodes impie, 83.\n  Hymnis laudum preconiis, 86.\n  Hymnum canamus gloriae, 113.\n  Hymnum canentes martyrum, 113.\n  Hymnum dicamus Domino, 57.\n  Hymnum dicat turba fratrum, 361.\n  Hymnum Mariae Virgines, 72.\n\n  Illuminans altissimus, 56.\n  Illuxit alma seculis, 113.\n  Immense coeli conditor, 57.\n  In dulci jubilo, 391.\n  In matutinis surgimus, 31.\n  In natali Domini, 387.\n  In Ninivitas se coactus percito, 72.\n  In noctis umbra desides, 338.\n  In sapientia disponens omnia, 378.\n  In Te, Christe, credentium, 357.\n  Instantis adventum Dei, 338.\n  Intende nostris sensibus, 72.\n  Inter florigeras, 113.\n  Inter patres monachalis, 373.\n  Intrante Christo Bethanicam domum, 342.\n  Inventor rutili dux bone luminis, 72.\n  Invicte Martyr unicum, 371.\n  Iste confessor Domini, 367.\n\n  Jam Christe, sol justitiae, 355.\n  Jam Christus astra ascenderat, 58, 108\n  Jam cursus horae sextae, 57.\n  Jam desinant suspiria, 338.\n  Jam lucis orto sidere, 56, 325, 340.\n  Jam lucis splendor rutilat, 57.\n  Jam meta noctis transiit, 31, 34.\n  Jam moesta quiesce querela, 69, 72, 410.\n  Jam sexta sensim volvitur, 57.\n  Jam surgit hora tertia, et nos, 57.\n  Jam surgit hora tertia, Qua, 56.\n  Jam ter quaternis trahitur, 57.\n  Jerusalem gloriosa, 296.\n  Jesu corona celsior, 57.\n  Jesu corona virginum, 30, 57.\n  Jesu defensor omnium, 359.\n  Jesu dulce medicamen, 383.\n  Jesu dulcis memoria, 193, 268, 274, 280, 415.\n  Jesu meae deliciae, 397.\n  Jesu nostra redemptio, 57.\n  Jesu quadragenariae, 31, 42.\n  Jesu Redemptor omnium, 371.\n  Jesu refulsit omnium, 31, 42, 362.\n  Jesu Salvator saeculi, 120, 383.\n  Jesu Salvator seculi, 295.\n  Jesus Christus, noster salus, 391.\n  Jordanis oras praevia, 338.\n  Jubilemus cordis voce, 392.\n  Jubilemus omnes una, 393.\n  Jussu tyranni pro fide, 343.\n  Juste judex Jesu Christe, 383.\n  Juxta Threnos Jeremiae, 382.\n\n  Labente jam solis, 341.\n  Laetare, puerpera, 393.\n  Lauda, mater ecclesiae, lauda Christ, 371.\n  Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem, 267, 269, 386.\n  Laudem beatae martyris, 144.\n  Laudes Deo concinat, 136.\n  Laus Patriae Caelestis, 222.\n  Laus sit Regi gloriae, Cujus rore gratiae, 393.\n  Lignum crucis mirabile, 108.\n  Lorica, 360, 362.\n  Lucis auctor clemens, lumen immensum, 360.\n  Lucis Creator optime, 58, 108.\n  Lucis largitor splendide, 27, 28, 31, 32, 362.\n  Lux ecce surgit aurea, 72.\n  Lux est orta gentibus, 393.\n  Lux quae luces in tenebris, 375.\n\n  Magnae Deus potentiae, 57.\n  Magnificat, 1, 3, 4.\n  Magni palmam certaminis, 57.\n  Magno salutis gaudio, 108.\n  Majestati sacrosanctae, 389.\n  Martyr Dei qui unicum, 371.\n  Martyris ecce dies Agathae, 45.\n  Me receptet Sion illa, 180.\n  Media vita in morte sumus, 140.\n  Mediae noctis tempus est, 57.\n  Meridie orandum est, 57.\n  Miraculum laudabile, 57.\n  Miris modis repente liber, 353.\n  Mirum est si non lugeat, 296.\n  Mitis agnus, leo fortis, 374.\n  Mittit ad virginem, 206.\n  Mortis portis fractis, fortis, 220.\n  Mysteriorum signifer, 57, 383.\n  Mysterium ecclesiae, 57.\n\n  Nardus spirat in odorem, 385.\n  Nec quisquam oculis vidit, 296.\n  Nobis est natus hodie, 387.\n  Nocte quadam, via fessus, 183.\n  Nocte surgentes vigilemus, 108.\n  Noctes terrae primordia, 72.\n  Noctis tempus jam praeterit, 108.\n  Noli, Pater, indulgere, 357.\n  Novum sidus exoritur, 389.\n  Nox atra rerum contegit, 57.\n  Nox et tenebrae et nubila, 70, 72.\n  Noxium Christus simul introivit, 344.\n  Nunc Andreae sollemnia, 113.\n  Nunc angelorum gloria, 386.\n  Nunc devota silva tota, 382.\n  Nunc Dimittis, 1, 3, 409.\n  Nunc sancte nobis spiritus, 56.\n  Nunc tempus acceptabile, 108.\n  Nuntium nobis fero de supernis, 373.\n\n  O beata beatorum martyrum certamina, 384, 393.\n  O crucifer bone, lucisator, 72.\n  O Dei perenne Verbum, 359.\n  O Deus, ego amo te, 18, 298, 315.\n  O Deus, miseri miserere servi, 376.\n  O dulcissime Jesu, 295.\n  O esca viatorum, 268, 397, 415.\n  O filii et filiae, 377.\n  O gens beata coelitum, 351, 397.\n  O ignis Spiritus Paracliti, 379.\n  O Jesu mi dulcissime, Spes et solamen, 295.\n  O luce quae tua lates, 342.\n  O luce qui mortalibus, 338.\n  O lux beata Trinitas, 56, 61.\n  O miseratris, O dominatrix, praecipe dictu, 176, 224.\n  O nata lux de lumine, 392.\n  O Nazarene lux Bethlem verbum Patris, 72.\n  O Pater, sancte, mitis atque pie, 388.\n  O qualis quantaque laetitia, 295, 296.\n  O quam dira, quam horrenda, 177.\n  O quanta qualia sunt illa sabbata, 209\n  O quid laudis, quis honoris, 296.\n  O rex aeterne domine, 56.\n  O Rex, orbis triumphator, 386.\n  O Roma nobilis, orbis et domina, 363.\n  O sator rerum reparator aevi, 392.\n  O sola magnarum urbium, 72.\n  O stella maris fulgida, 389.\n  O Trinitas laudabilis, 383.\n  O vera summa Trinitas, 295.\n  O virga ac diadema, 379.\n  Obduxere polum nubila coeli, 56.\n  Obsidioris obvias, 72.\n  Omnes superni ordines, 376.\n  Omni die dic Mariae, 391.\n  Omnis mundus jucundetur, 386.\n  Omnium virtutum gemmis, 139.\n  Opprobriis Jesu satur, 338.\n  Optatus votis omnium, 57.\n  Orabo mente dominum, 56.\n\n  Panditur saxo tumulus remoto, 342.\n  Pange, lingua, gloriosi Corporis mysterium, 55, 268.\n  Pange lingua gloriosi, praelium certaminis, 30, 96, 252, 410.\n  Parendum est, cedendum est, 397.\n  Paschalis festi gaudium, 177.\n  Pastis visceribus, ciboque sumpto, 72.\n  Patris sapientia, veritas divina, 377, 387, 402.\n  Paule doctor Egregie, 177.\n  Paulus Sion architecta, 384.\n  Pax concordat universa, 383.\n  Perfectum trinum numerum, 57.\n  Plasmator hominis Deus, 57.\n  Plaudite coeli, 397, 398.\n  Plausu chorus laetebundo, 238.\n  Pone luctum, Magdalena, 397.\n  Post matutinas laudes, 57.\n  Praecessor almus gratiae, 113.\n  Praecursor altus luminis, 113.\n  Precamur Patrem, 361.\n  Primatis aulae coelicae, 351.\n  Primo dierum omnium, 108.\n  Primo Deus coeli globum, 113.\n  Promissa, tellus, concipe gaudia, 344.\n  Prope est claritudinis magnae dies, 393.\n  Psallat plebis sexus omnis voce corde carmina, 355.\n  Puer natus in Bethlehem, 387, 392, 394.\n  Puer nobis nascitur, 387.\n  Pugnate, Christi milites, 340.\n\n  Quae stella sole pulchrior, 338, 341.\n  Quanta mihi cura de te, 296.\n  Quem pastores laudavere, 387.\n  Quem terra pontus aethera, 96.\n  Qui sunt isti, qui volant, 393.\n  Qui ter quaterna denique, 72.\n  Quicumque Christum queritis, 69, 72.\n  Quicunque certum queritis, 399, 401.\n  Quicunque salvus vult, 358, 391.\n  Quid est quod arctum circulum, 72.\n  Quid, tyranne, quid minaris, 177, 351.\n  Quod chorus vatum, 367.\n\n  Recolamus sacram coenam, 386.\n  Recordare sanctae crucis, 271.\n  Rector potens, verax Deus, 56.\n  Redditum luci, Domino vocante, 342.\n  Refulgit omnia luce mundus aurea, 366.\n  Regina coeli laetare, 385.\n  Requiescat a labore, 211, 300.\n  Rerum Creator omnium, 405.\n  Rerum Creator optime, 57.\n  Rerum Deus tenax vigor, 56.\n  Resonet in laudibus, 386.\n  Resultet tellus et alta coelorum machina, 393.\n  Rex Christe, factor omnium, 108, 117, 402.\n  Rex Deus immense, 359.\n  Rex omnipotens, 155, 158, 159.\n  Rex regum Dei agne, 162.\n  Rex sanctorum angelorum, 369.\n\n  Sacer octavarum dies, 359.\n  Sacrae Christi celebremus, 389.\n  Sacrata Christi tempora, 359.\n  Sacratissimi Martyres summi Dei, 362.\n  Sacratum hoc templum Dei, 57.\n  Sacris solemniis juncta sint gaudia, 268.\n  Saevus bella serit barbarus horrens, 57.\n  Sanctae Sion adsunt encaenia, 392.\n  Sancte Dei pretiose, 374.\n  Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia, 137, 155, 158.\n  Sancti venite, 361.\n  Sanctissimae Trinitatis, 181.\n  Sanctitatis nova signa, 244, 246.\n  Sanctorum meritis inclyta gaudia, 355, 364.\n  Sanctus humili prece, 136.\n  Salvator mundi, Domine, 358.\n  Salve caput cruentatum, 18, 193.\n  Salve, Crux, arbor, 231.\n  Salve crux sancta, salve mundi gloria, 376.\n  Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo, 392.\n  Salve pater Augustine, 384.\n  Salve regina, 155, 160, 161, 165.\n  Salve sancta parens enixa, 86.\n  Salve tropaeum gloriae, 113.\n  Salvete flores martyrum, 72, 340, 410.\n  Serve meus noli metuere, 296.\n  Sidus ex claro veniens Olympo, 394.\n  Simon Barjona, 155, 159.\n  Simplex in essentia, 235.\n  Sit ignis atque lux mihi, 396.\n  Si vis vere gloriari, 392.\n  Sol ecce surgit igneus, 72.\n  Somno refectis artubus, 56.\n  Sonent Regi nato nova cantica, 393.\n  Spe mercedis et coronae, 386.\n  Spiritus divinae lucis gloriae, 361.\n  Spiritus Sancti gratia, 388.\n  Spiritus Sancti adsit nobis gratia, 116.\n  Splendor paternae gloriae, 56, 60.\n  Spiritus Recreator, 233.\n  Squalent arva soli pulvere multo, 56.\n  Stabat Mater dolorosa, 17, 114, 157, 174, 268, 278, 281.\n  Stabat Mater speciosa, 278, 281.\n  Statuta decreto Dei, 338.\n  Stella maris, O Maria, 385.\n  Stephano primo martyri, 57.\n  Stupete gentes, fit Deus hostia, 333.\n  Summae Deus clementiae, 56.\n  Summi largitor praemii, 108.\n  Surgentes ad Te, Domine, 359.\n  Surgit Christus cum tropaeo, 393.\n  Surrexit Christe hodie, 377.\n\n  Tandem laborum gloriosi principes, 346.\n  Tantem audite me, 397.\n  Te Bethlehem celebrat, 350.\n  Te Deum laudamus, 4, 12, 29, 348, 385, 406.\n  Te lucis ante termium, 57, 358.\n  Te lucis auctor personent, 158, 352.\n  Te Matrem laudamus, 385.\n  Telluris ingens conditor, 57, 354.\n  Tellus et aeth\u2019ra jubilent, 357.\n  Tempus noctis surgentibus, 57.\n  Ter hora trina volvitur, 57.\n  Ter sancte, ter potens Deus, 342.\n  Ter Sanctus, 4, 349.\n  Ternis ter horis numerus, 57.\n  Tibi Christe splendor Patris, 120.\n  Tota vita Jesu Christi, 295.\n  Trinitas, Unitas, Deitas, 380.\n  Tristes erant apostoli, 56.\n  Tristes nunc populi, Christe redemptor, 57.\n  Tu Trinitatis unitas, 57.\n\n  Ubi modo est Jesus, ubi est Maria, 296.\n  Unam duorum gloriam, 351.\n  Unde planctus et lamentum, 385.\n  Urbs Aquensis, urbs regalis, 386.\n  Urbs beata Hirusalem, dicta pacis visio, 324, 344, 357, 363.\n  Urbs beata, vera pacis, 344, 358.\n  Urbs Jerusalem beata, 328, 358.\n  Ut queant laxis, 30, 365.\n\n  Veni Creator Spiritus, 114-131, 137, 160, 233, 269, 364, 406, 408.\n  Veni jam veni, 375.\n  Veni, praecelsa domina, 385.\n  Veni Redemptor gentium, 16, 56, 410.\n  Veni Sancte Spiritus, 16, 114, 153-168, 269, 278, 281, 385.\n  Veni, sancte Spiritus, Reple, 159, 386.\n  Veni, veni Emmanuel, 378.\n  Veni, veni, rex gloriae, 388.\n  Verbum bonum et suave, 383.\n  Verbum caro factum est, 280, 387.\n  Verbum Dei, Deo natum, 233, 383.\n  Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre, 57.\n  Verbum supernum prodiens, Nec Patris, 268.\n  Vexilla Regis prodeunt, 16, 93, 268, 410.\n  Victimae paschali laudes immolent Christiani, 366.\n  Victor, Nabor, Felix pii, 57.\n  Vidit anguis, 64.\n  Virginis in gremio, 389.\n  Virginis proles opifexque matris, 367.\n  Virgo Dei genitrix, 64, 367.\n  Virgo virginum praeclara, 399.\n  Viri Galilaei, 139.\n  Vitam Jesu stude imitari, 295.\n  Vox clara ecce intonat, 57.\n  Vox haec melos pangat, 160.\n\n  Zyma vetus expurgetur, 236.\n\n\n\n\n                    Notes to the Electronic Edition\n\n\nFor the sake of the eBook format, these changes were made from the\nprinted book:\n\n\n--Added a \u201cTable of Contents\u201d\n\n--In this ASCII-based text, \u201cae\u201d and \u201coe\u201d ligatures (which represent a\n  mere typographical convention, not authorial intent) are expanded.\n\n--Silently corrected several inconsistently indented lines of poetry.\n\n--Expanded material which was in two columns only for the sake of\n  compression.","title":"The Latin Hymn-writers and Their Hymns","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":185438}