{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_55228/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_55228","id":"gutenberg_55228","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55228","summary":null,"tags":["Bible. New Testament -- Commentaries","Bible. Revelation -- Commentaries","Category: Religion/Spirituality"],"text":"\u250c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2510\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Transcriber\u2019s Notes \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Punctuation, including Greek accents, have been standardized. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Non-printable characteristics have been given the following \u2502\n \u2502 transliteration: \u2502\n \u2502 Italicized text: --> _text_ \u2502\n \u2502 Non-italicized word. \u2502\n \u2502 in italic phrase: --> |text| \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 This book was written in a period when many words had \u2502\n \u2502 not become standardized in their spelling. Words may have \u2502\n \u2502 multiple spelling variations or inconsistent hyphenation in \u2502\n \u2502 the text. These have been left unchanged unless indicated \u2502\n \u2502 with a Transcriber\u2019s Note. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 The page numbers from the original book are shown in braces \u2502\n \u2502 {} for reference purposes. Book numbering is from i\u2012lxii and \u2502\n \u2502 then starts Decimal numbering from 31. 1\u201230 are not used. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Footnotes are identified in the text with a number in \u2502\n \u2502 brackets [2] and have been accumulated in a single section \u2502\n \u2502 at the end of the text. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Transcriber\u2019s Notes are used when making corrections to the \u2502\n \u2502 text or to provide additional information for the modern \u2502\n \u2502 reader. These notes are not identified in the text, but have \u2502\n \u2502 been accumulated in a single section at the end of the book. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2514\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2518\n\n Illustration:\n Drawn by S. Bough Engraved by T. Flemming\n\n PATMOS.\n\n THE PORT OF SCALA & TOWN OF PATINO\n\n\n\n\n {i} NOTES\n ON THE\n NEW TESTAMENT\n\n EXPLANATORY AND PRACTICAL\n\n BY\n ALBERT BARNES\n\n ENLARGED TYPE EDITION\n\n EDITED BY\n ROBERT FREW, D.D.\n\n WITH NUMEROUS ADDITIONAL NOTES AND\n A SERIES OF ENGRAVINGS\n\n\n REVELATION\n\n\n BAKER BOOK HOUSE\n GRAND RAPIDS 6, MICHIGAN\n 1951\n\n\n\n\n {ii} Photo-Lithoprint Reproduction\n EDWARDS BROTHERS, INC.\n _Lithoprinters_\n ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN, U.S.A.\n 1951\n\n\n\n\n {iii} CONTENTS.\n\n\n PAGE\n AUTHOR\u2019S PREFACE v\u2012x\n\n EDITOR\u2019S PREFACE:\u2015\u2015\n\n INTRODUCTION.\n\n Author\u2019s qualifications for Apocalyptic\n exposition\u2015\u2015Author\u2019s plan in preparing his Commentary,\n affords assurance of his sobriety as an interpreter,\n and rebukes the scorn of hostile critics\u2015\u2015Peculiarities\n of this edition, xi\u2012xiii\n\n YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE.\n\n Importance of the question regarding\u2015\u2015Protestant theory\n of Apocalyptic interpretation stands or falls with\n it\u2015\u2015Rival schemes, nature and origin of\u2015\u2015Advocates on\n both sides\u2015\u2015Views of Dr. Davidson and Professor Stuart, xiii\u2012xiv\n\n ARGUMENTS IN FAVOUR OF YEAR-DAY THEORY.\n\n 1. _Concurrent Testimony of Protestant\n Interpreters_\u2015\u2015Objection of Dr. Davidson\u2015\u2015Reply\u2015\u2015Use\n which the Reformers made of the Apocalypse\u2015\u2015Views of\n Walter Brute\u2015\u2015Views of Luther, xiv\u2012xvi\n\n 2. _Symbolical Character of the Predictions in Daniel\n and the Apocalypse_\u2015\u2015Laws of symbolic propriety\u2015\u2015Dr.\n Maitland\u2019s famous objection, that a day is no symbol\n for a year\u2015\u2015General principles on which Year-day view\n rests\u2015\u2015Ground occupied by Mede\u2015\u2015Principle of Bush and\n Faber\u2015\u2015True basis\u2015\u2015View of Birks and Elliott, xvi\u2012xx\n\n 3. _Indications of the Year-day Principle in\n Scripture_\u2015\u2015The case of the spies in the book of\n Numbers\u2015\u2015Ezekiel\u2019s typical siege\u2015\u2015Objection of Professor\n Stuart\u2015\u2015Professor Bush\u2019s reply\u2015\u2015Objection of Bishop\n Horsley\u2015\u2015Objections from Isaiah, ch. xx. 2, 3\u2015\u2015Daniel\u2019s\n seventy weeks\u2015\u2015Diverse views of opponents\u2015\u2015Outlines of\n Discussion, xx\u2012xxiv\n\n 4. _Exigency of Passages in which Prophetic Times\n occur_\u2015\u2015Saracenic woe in Rev. ix. 5\u201210\u2015\u2015Turkish woe\n in Rev. ix. 15\u2015\u2015The forty-two months of the Gentiles\n in ch. xi. 2\u2015\u2015The times of the two witnesses in ch.\n xi. 3\u201211\u2015\u2015The times of the woman in the wilderness,\n in ch. xii. 6\u201214\u2015\u2015Forty-two months of the Beast, in\n ch. xiii. 5\u2015\u2015Danielic periods\u2015\u2015Objections alleged,\n novelty of the Year-day principle, xxiv\u2012xxviii\n\n AUTHOR\u2019S INTRODUCTION:\u2015\u2015SECT. I. The Writer of the\n Book of Revelation.\u2015\u2015SECT. II. The Time of Writing\n the Apocalypse.\u2015\u2015SECT. III. The Place where the Book\n was written.\u2015\u2015SECT. IV. The Nature and Design of the\n Book.\u2015\u2015SECT. V. The Plan of the Apocalypse, xxix\u2012lv\n\n ANALYSIS, lvi\u2012lxii\n\n THE BOOK OF REVELATION, 31\u2012464\n\n\n\n\n {iv} LIST OF ENGRAVINGS.\n\n\n PAGE\n PATMOS\u2015\u2015THE PORT OF SCALA, AND TOWN OF PATINO, _Frontispiece._\n\n The Site of Ephesus, from the Theatre, 60\n\n The Castle and Port of Smyrna, 70\n\n Ruins of the Church of St. John, Pergamos, 74\n\n Thyatira\u2015\u2015General View, 81\n\n Sardis\u2015\u2015Remains of Ancient Temple, &c., 88\n\n Philadelphia\u2015\u2015General View, 92\n\n Petrified Cascades at Hierapolis, Colos. 285\n\n The Ruins of Laodicea, 97\n\n Map of N. Italy, 4to\u2015\u2015Scene of the Third Trumpet and\n Third Vial, 203, 361\n\n\n _Engravings Printed in the Text._\n\n Egyptian Calf-idol, Rev. 115\n\n Human-headed Winged Lion; from the Nineveh Sculptures, Rev. 116\n\n Eagle-headed Winged Lion; from the Nineveh Sculptures, Rev. 117\n\n Medal of the Emperor Nerva wearing Crown, Rev. 145\n\n Medal of the Emperor Valentinian wearing Diadem, Rev. 145\n\n Symbolic Bas-reliefs from a Roman Triumphal Arch, Rev. 146\n\n Emblem of a Roman Procurator, Rev. 154\n\n Symbolical Locust, according to Elliott, Rev. 218\n\n Standard-bearer of a Turkish Pasha, Rev. 237\n\n Roman Standard, from Montfau\u00e7on, Rev. 305\n\n Medal of Pope Leo XII., Rev. 384\n\n\n\n\n {v} PREFACE.\n\n\nWhen I began the preparation of these \u201cNotes\u201d on the New Testament,\nnow more than twenty years ago, I did not design to extend the work\nbeyond the Gospels, and contemplated only simple and brief explanations\nof that portion of the New Testament, for the use of Sunday-school\nteachers and Bible classes. The work originated in the belief that\nNotes of that character were greatly needed, and that the older\ncommentaries, having been written for a different purpose, and being,\non account of their size and expense, beyond the reach of most\nteachers of Sunday-schools, did not meet the demand which had grown\nup from the establishment of such schools. These Notes, contrary to my\noriginal plan and expectation, have been extended to eleven volumes,\nand embrace the whole of the New Testament.\n\nHaving, at the time when these Notes were commenced, as I have ever\nhad since, the charge of a large congregation, I had no leisure that\nI could properly devote to these studies, except the early hours of\nthe morning; and I adopted the resolution\u2015\u2015a resolution which has since\nbeen invariably adhered to\u2015\u2015to cease writing precisely at nine o\u2019clock\nin the morning. The habit of writing in this manner, once formed, was\neasily continued; and having been thus continued, I find myself at\nthe end of the New Testament. Perhaps this personal allusion would not\nbe proper, except to show that I have not intended, in these literary\nlabours, to infringe on the proper duties of the pastoral office, or\nto take time for these pursuits on which there was a claim for other\npurposes. This allusion may perhaps also be of use to my younger\nbrethren in the ministry, by showing them that much may be accomplished\nby the habit of early rising, and by a diligent use of the early\nmorning hours. In my own case, these Notes on the New Testament, and\nalso the Notes on the books of Isaiah, Job, and Daniel, extending in\nall to sixteen volumes, have all been written before nine o\u2019clock in\nthe morning, and are the fruit of the habit of rising between four\nand five o\u2019clock. I do not know that by this practice I have neglected\nany duty which I should otherwise have performed; and on the score of\nhealth, and, I may add, of profit in the contemplation of a portion\nof divine truth at the beginning of each day, the habit has been of\ninestimable advantage to me.\n\nIt was not my original intention to prepare Notes on the book of\nRevelation, nor did I entertain the design of doing it until I _came\nup_ to it in the regular course of my studies. Having written on all\nthe other portions of the New Testament, there remained only this book\nto {vi} complete an entire commentary on this part of the Bible. That\nI have endeavoured to explain the book at all is to be traced to the\nhabit which I had formed of spending the early hours of the day in the\nstudy of the sacred Scriptures. That habit, continued, has carried me\nforward until I have reached the end of the New Testament.\n\nIt may be of some use to those who peruse this volume, and it is proper\nin itself, that I should make a brief statement of the manner in which\nI have prepared these Notes, and of the method of interpretation on\nwhich I have proceeded; for the result which has been reached has not\nbeen the effect of any preconceived theory or plan, and if in the\nresult I coincide in any degree with the common method of interpreting\nthe volume, the fact may be regarded as the testimony of another\nwitness\u2015\u2015however unimportant the testimony may be in itself\u2015\u2015to the\ncorrectness of that method of interpretation.\n\nUp to the time of commencing the exposition of this book, I had no\ntheory in my own mind as to its meaning. I may add, that I had a\nprevailing belief that it could _not_ be explained, and that all\nattempts to explain it must be visionary and futile. With the exception\nof the work of the Rev. George Croly,[1] which I read more than twenty\nyears ago, and which I had never desired to read again, I had perused\nno commentary on this book until that of Professor Stuart was published,\nin 1845. In my regular reading of the Bible in the family and in\nprivate, I had perused the book often. I read it, as I suppose most\nothers do, from a sense of duty, yet admiring the beauty of its imagery,\nthe sublimity of its descriptions, and its high poetic character;\nand though to me wholly unintelligible in the main, finding so many\nstriking detached passages that were intelligible and practical in\ntheir nature, as to make it on the whole attractive and profitable,\nbut with no definitely formed idea as to its meaning as a whole, and\nwith a vague general feeling that all the interpretations which had\nbeen proposed were wild, fanciful, and visionary.\n\nIn this state of things, the utmost that I contemplated when I began\nto write on it, was to explain, as well as I could, the meaning of the\nlanguage and the symbols, without attempting to apply the explanation\nto the events of past history, or to inquire what is to occur hereafter.\nI supposed that I might venture to do this without encountering the\ndanger of adding another vain attempt to explain a book so full of\nmysteries, or of propounding a theory of interpretation to be set aside,\nperhaps, by the next person that should prepare a commentary on the\nbook.\n\n{vii} Beginning with this aim, I found myself soon insensibly inquiring\nwhether, in the events which succeeded the time when the book was\nwritten, there were not historical facts of which the emblems employed\nwould be natural and proper symbols, on the supposition that it was the\ndivine intention, in disclosing these visions, to refer to them; and\nwhether, therefore, there might not be a natural and proper application\nof the symbols to these events. In this way I examined the language\nused in reference to the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and\nsixth seals, with no anticipation or plan in examining one as to what\nwould be disclosed under the next seal, and in this way also I examined\nultimately the whole book: proceeding step by step in ascertaining the\nmeaning of each word and symbol as it occurred, but with no theoretic\nanticipation as to what was to follow. To my own surprise I found,\nchiefly in Gibbon\u2019s _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, a series\nof events recorded, such as seemed to me to correspond, to a great\nextent, with the series of symbols found in the Apocalypse. The symbols\nwere such as it might be supposed _would be used_, on the supposition\nthat they were intended to refer to these events; and the language of\nMr. Gibbon was often such as _he would have used_, on the supposition\nthat he had designed to prepare a commentary on the symbols employed\nby John. It was such, in fact, that if it had been found in a Christian\nwriter, professedly writing a commentary on the book of Revelation,\nit would have been regarded by infidels as a designed attempt to force\nhistory to utter a language that should conform to a predetermined\ntheory in expounding a book full of symbols. So remarkable have these\ncoincidences appeared to me in the course of this exposition, that it\nhas almost seemed as if he had designed to write a commentary on some\nportions of this book; and I have found it difficult to doubt that that\ndistinguished historian was raised up by an overruling Providence to\nmake a record of those events which would ever afterwards be regarded\nas an impartial and unprejudiced statement of the evidences of the\nfulfilment of prophecy. The historian of the _Decline and Fall of\nthe Roman Empire_ had no belief in the divine origin of Christianity,\nbut he brought to the performance of his work learning and talent\nsuch as few Christian scholars have possessed. He is always patient\nin his investigations; learned and scholar-like in his references;\ncomprehensive in his groupings, and sufficiently minute in his details;\nunbiassed in his statements of facts, and usually cool and candid\nin his estimates of the causes of the events which he records; and,\nexcepting his philosophical speculations, and his sneers at everything,\nhe has probably written the most candid and impartial history of the\ntimes that succeeded the introduction of Christianity that the world\npossesses; and even after all that has been written since his time,\nhis work contains the best ecclesiastical history that is to be found.\nWhatever use of it can be made in {viii} explaining and confirming the\nprophecies, will be regarded by the world as impartial and fair; for it\nwas a result which he least of all contemplated, that he would ever be\nregarded as an expounder of the prophecies in the Bible, or be referred\nto as vindicating their truth.\n\nIt was in this manner that these Notes on the Book of Revelation\nassumed the form in which they are now given to the world; and it\nsurprises me\u2015\u2015and, under this view of the matter, may occasion some\nsurprise to my readers\u2015\u2015to find how nearly the views coincide with\nthose taken by the great body of Protestant interpreters. And perhaps\nthis fact may be regarded as furnishing some evidence that, after\nall the obscurity attending it, there is a natural and obvious\ninterpretation of which the book is susceptible. Whatever may be the\nvalue or the correctness of the views expressed in this volume, the\nwork is the result of no previously-formed theory. That it will be\nsatisfactory to all, I have no reason to expect; that it may be useful\nto some, I would hope; that it may be regarded by many as only adding\nanother vain and futile effort to explain a book which defies all\nattempts to elucidate its meaning, I have too much reason, judging from\nthe labours of those who have gone before me, to fear. But as it is,\nI commit it to the judgment of a candid Christian public, and to the\nblessing of Him who alone can make any attempt to explain his Word a\nmeans of diffusing the knowledge of truth.\n\nI cannot conceal the fact that I dismiss it, and send it forth to\nthe world, as the last volume on the New Testament, with deep emotion.\nAfter more than twenty years of study on the New Testament, I am\nreminded that I am no longer a young man; and that, as I close this\nwork, so all my work on earth must at no distant period be ended. I\nam sensible that he incurs no slight responsibility who publishes a\ncommentary on the Bible; and I especially feel this now in view of the\nfact\u2015\u2015so unexpected to me when I began these labours\u2015\u2015that I have been\npermitted in our own country to send forth more than two hundred and\nfifty thousand volumes of commentary on the New Testament, and that\nprobably a greater number has been published abroad. That there are\nmany imperfections in these Notes no one can feel more sensibly than I\ndo; but the views which I have expressed are those which seem to me to\nbe in accordance with the Bible, and I send the last volume forth with\nthe deep conviction that these volumes contain the truth as God has\nrevealed it, and as he will bless it to the extension of his church\nin the world. I have no apprehension that the sentiments which I have\nexpressed will corrupt the morals, or destroy the peace, or ruin the\nsouls of those who may read these volumes; and I trust that they may do\nsomething to diffuse abroad a correct knowledge of that blessed gospel\non which the interests of the church, the welfare of our country,\nand the happiness of the world {ix} depend. In language which I\nsubstantially used in publishing the revised edition of the volumes of\nthe Gospels (Preface to the Seventeenth Edition, 1840), I can now say,\n\u201cI cannot be insensible to the fact that, in the form in which these\nvolumes now go forth to the public, I may continue, though dead, to\nspeak to the living; and that the work may be exerting an influence\non immortal minds when I am in the eternal world. I need not say that,\nwhile I am sensitive to this consideration, I earnestly desire it.\nThere are no sentiments in these volumes which I wish to alter; none\nthat I do not believe to be truths that will abide the investigations\nof the great day; none of which I am ashamed. That I may be in error,\nI know; that a better work than this might be prepared by a more gifted\nmind, and a purer heart, I know. But the truths here set forth are, I\nam persuaded, those which are destined to abide, and to be the means of\nsaving millions of souls, and ultimately of converting this whole world\nto God. That these volumes may have a part in this great work is my\nearnest prayer; and with many thanks to the public for their favours,\nand to God, the great source of all blessing, I send them forth,\ncommitting them to His care, and leaving them to live or die, to be\nremembered or forgotten, to be used by the present generation and the\nnext, or to be superseded by other works, as shall be in accordance\nwith his will, and as he shall see to be for his glory.\u201d\n\n ALBERT BARNES.\n\n WASHINGTON SQUARE, PHILADELPHIA,\n _March 26, 1851_.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe works which I have had most constantly before me, and from which\nI have derived most aid in the preparation of these Notes, are the\nfollowing. They are enumerated here, as some of them are frequently\nquoted, to save the necessity of a frequent reference to the _Editions_\nin the Notes:\u2015\u2015\n\n A Commentary on the Apocalypse. By Moses Stuart, Professor of\n Sacred Literature in the Theological Seminary at Andover, Mass.\n Andover, 1845.\n\n Hor\u00e6 Apocalyptic\u00e6; or, a Commentary on the Apocalypse, Critical\n and Historical. By the Rev. E. B. Elliott, A.M., late Vicar of\n Tuxford, and Fellow of Trinity College. Third Edition. London,\n 1847.\n\n The Works of Nathaniel Lardner, D.D. In ten volumes. London, 1829.\n\n The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. By\n Edward Gibbon, Esq. Fifth American, from the last London edition.\n Complete in four volumes. New York, J. and J. Harper, 1829.\n\n History of Europe. By Archibald Alison, F.R.S.E. New York, Harper\n Brothers, 1843.\n\n An Exposition of the Apocalypse. By David N. Lord. Harpers, 1847.\n\n {x} Hyponoia; or, Thoughts on a Spiritual Understanding of the\n Apocalypse, a Book of Revelation. New York, Leavitt, Trow, and\n Co., 1844.\n\n The Family Expositor. By Philip Doddridge, D.D. London, 1831.\n\n \u1f08\u03bd\u03ac\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 Apocalypsios Joannis Apostoli, etc. Auctore Campegio\n Vitringa, Theol. et Hist. Professore. Amsterdam, 1629.\n\n Kurtzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum Neuen Testament. Von\n Dr. W. M. L. De Wette. Leipzig, 1847.\n\n Rosenm\u00fcller, Scholia in Novum Testamentum.\n\n Dissertations on the Opening of the Sealed Book. Montreal, 1848.\n\n Two New Arguments in Vindication of the Genuineness and\n Authenticity of the Revelation of St. John. By John Collyer\n Knight. London, 1842.\n\n The Seventh Vial: being an Exposition of the Apocalypse, and in\n particular of the pouring out of the Seventh Vial, with special\n reference to the present Revolution in Europe. London, 1848.\n\n Die Offenbarung des Heiligen Joannes. Von G. W. Hengstenberg.\n Berlin, 1850.\n\n The Works of the Rev. Andrew Fuller. Newhaven, 1825.\n\n Novum Testamentum. Editio Koppiana, 1821.\n\n Dissertation on the Prophecies. By Thomas Newton, D.D.\n London, 1832.\n\n The Apocalypse of St. John. By the Rev. George Croly, A.M.\n Philadelphia, 1827.\n\n The Signs of the Times, as denoted by the fulfilment of Historical\n Predictions, from the Babylonian Captivity to the present time. By\n Alexander Keith, D.D. Eighth Edition. Edinburgh, 1847.\n\n Christ\u2019s Second Coming: will it be Pre-millennial? By the\n Rev. David Brown, A.M., St. James\u2019s Free Church, Glasgow. New\n York, 1851.\n\n Apocalyptical Key. An extraordinary Discourse on the Rise and\n Fall of the Papacy. By Robert Fleming, V.D.M. New York, American\n Protestant Society.\n\n A Treatise on the Millennium. By George Bush, A.M. New York, 1832.\n\n A Key to the Book of Revelation. By James M\u2019Donald, minister\n of the Presbyterian Church, Jamaica, L. I. Second Edition. New\n London, 1848.\n\n Das Alte und Neue Morgenland. Rosenm\u00fcller. Leipzig, 1820.\n\n The Season and Time; or, an Exposition of the Prophecies which\n relate to the two periods subsequent to the 1200 years now\n recently expired, being the time of the Seventh Trumpet, &c. By\n W. Ettrick, A.M. London, 1816.\n\n Einleitung in das Neue Testament. Von Johann Gottfried Eichhorn.\n Leipzig, 1811.\n\n For a very full view of the history of the interpretation of\n the Apocalypse, and of the works that have been written on it,\n the reader is referred to Elliott\u2019s Hor\u00e6 Apocalyptic\u00e6, vol. iv.\n pp. 307\u2012487, and Prof. Stuart, vol. i. pp. 450\u2012475. See, for a\n condensed view, Editor\u2019s Preface.\n\n\n\n\n {xi} EDITOR\u2019S PREFACE.\n\n\n YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE.\n\nProfessor Bush, in the _Hierophant_ for January, 1845, at the close\nof a review of Barnes on the Hebrews, thus wrote:\u2015\u2015\u201cWe sincerely hope\nMr. Barnes may be enabled to accomplish his plan to its very ultimatum,\nand furnish a commentary of equal merit on the remaining books of\nthe New Testament; with the exception, however, of the Apocalypse, to\nwhich, we think, his rigid Calvinian austerity of reason is not so well\nadapted; and which, we presume to think, would fare better under our\nown reputed fanciful and allegorical pen.\u201d[2] The indefatigable author\n_has_ lived to accomplish his plan, and has ventured to include within\nit the mysterious prophecy, for the elucidation of which the reviewer\nimagined the severe character of his mind disqualified him. Many\nwill think the supposed disqualification a foremost requisite in an\nApocalyptic commentator, inasmuch as the Apocalypse has been too long\ninterpreted on fanciful and allegorical principles; and it is now \u201chigh\ntime for principle to take the place of fancy, for exegetical proof\nto thrust out assumption.\u201d[3] The advocates of what has been called\nthe Protestant Historic Scheme of Interpretation, have been supposed\npeculiarly liable to delusions of this nature. It is, therefore,\ngratifying to find that this new defender of that scheme has been\ndistinguished by a \u201cCalvinian austerity of reason,\u201d which may help to\npreserve both him and his readers from being in like manner led astray,\nand at the same time secure a more respectful tone from critics who\nhave espoused opposite views. Bush, who has himself so ably defended\nthe Protestant scheme on the other side of the Atlantic, now that he\nfinds Barnes on the same ground, will think that the spirit of severe\nlogic and searching inquiry which he has brought with him to the\ncontest, render him all the more valuable an associate. In examining\nthe former volumes of Mr. Barnes, we found it was no part of his\nsystem of interpretation to admit typical and mystical senses where\nthe literal one could at all be adopted. We had to complain that his\ntendency was too strong in the opposite direction.[4]\n\nThe plan which the author tells us he adopted in preparing his\ncommentary, is a singular illustration of his judgment and caution; and\ntherefore affords another assurance of his sobriety as an interpreter\nof the symbols of John. Up to the time of commencing the exposition\nof this book, he tells us he had no theory in his mind as to its\nmeaning. The utmost he contemplated, when he began, was to explain the\nmeaning of its language and symbols, without attempting to apply that\nexplanation to historical events. But, to his own surprise, he found\na series of events, recorded chiefly in Gibbon, such as seemed to\ncorrespond, to a great extent, with the series of symbols found in the\nApocalypse. Farther examination exhibited this correspondence still\n{xii} more strikingly; and the result was, that his views ultimately\ntook the shape of those given by the great body of Protestant\ninterpreters. He therefore justly claims to be another and independent\nwitness in favour of the common interpretation.[5] These statements,\nwhile they cannot but increase the reader\u2019s confidence in the guide who\nnow offers to lead him through the mazes of the Apocalypse, ought also\nto mitigate the scorn with which some have affected to regard _all_\nexpositions of this school\u2015\u2015speaking of them as \u201chariolations\u201d and\n\u201csurmises,\u201d which set the reader \u201cafloat upon a boundless ocean of\nconjecture and fancy, without rudder or compass.\u201d[6] It is easy to say\nsuch things, and they are therefore too often said by the followers\nof Eichhorn and Stuart; but accurate inquiry into the non-Protestant\nscheme will speedily convince anyone that the hariolations do by no\nmeans all belong to one side. We venture to say, that nothing so much\ndeserving the name occurs in the whole series of Protestant expositions,\nas the absurd and unfounded guesses of the last-named writer regarding\nthe witnesses in chap. xi., and the explanation of chap. xvii. 8, by an\nunfounded heathen rumour regarding the reappearance of Nero after he\nhad been slain.[7]\n\nWith this edition of the Notes on the Book of Revelation we have not\nfound it expedient to present any accompanying or supplementary notes.\nThe author\u2019s text has been carefully revised, and many errors which had\ncrept both into the American and English editions have been corrected.\nOn certain points we could have wished a little more fulness. The\nimportant question of the date of the book; the history of apocalyptic\ninterpretation; and the principles of prophetic interpretation,\nparticularly as regards designations of time, are matters lying at the\nvery foundation of just views of the Apocalypse. The first of these\npoints has, indeed, a page or two allotted to it in the \u201cIntroduction,\u201d\nand is also incidentally noticed in the commentary; the second is\nless or more touched on in the exposition of difficult passages; but\nthe last is almost entirely overlooked, on the ground that the author\nintends a full discussion of the subject in his forthcoming volume\non Daniel. We somewhat regret this, because of the importance of the\nYear-day principle itself, and because every reader of the Notes on the\nBook of Revelation may not possess, or have immediately at hand, those\non Daniel. We have no doubt that the author\u2019s defence of this part of\nthe Protestant citadel will prove one of the most able that has yet\nbeen given. It will, beyond a doubt, avoid the errors of those who\nhave weakened the argument by insisting on points which, at best, are\nuncertain; and place the theory on a basis sufficiently broad to admit\nof rational and hopeful maintaining of it, in spite of numerous learned\nand able assaults. In the meantime, that our edition may not be without\nsomething, however brief and imperfect, on a point which on {xiii} all\nhands is allowed to be fundamental, we purpose to devote the following\npages to an examination of the Year-day principle.\n\nThe importance of the question on which we now enter can scarcely be\noverestimated. If the prophetic periods of Daniel and John; if the\nfamous 1260 days, the time, times, and the dividing of time, are to be\nunderstood literally, and explained of the limited term of three and\na half years, during the days of Nero and Antiochus Epiphanes, or days\nyet to come, towards the consummation and era of the second advent,[8]\nthen clearly the ideas that have been long current among Protestants\nare untenable. There is no figuration of Papal Rome, in the Apocalypse\nor in Daniel, existing through long and dreary ages, wearing out the\nsaints of the Most High. There are no witnesses during that period\nof gloom ever and anon lifting up their testimony against the grand\napostasy. There is no cheering assurance, derived from an infallible\noracle, that the Papal system is doomed, that its days are numbered,\nand must now be drawing to a close. All the arguments against this\n\u201cmystery of iniquity,\u201d derived from Daniel and John, must be abandoned;\nand Protestants must, with shame, retire from a field so long and so\nsuccessfully occupied by them, whilst the Romanists triumph in their\noverthrow. \u201cIf,\u201d says Bush in his animadversions on Stuart, \u201cyour\nhypothesis be correct, not only has nearly the whole Christian world\nbeen led astray for ages by a mere _ignis fatuus_ of false hermeneutics,\nbut the church is at once cut loose from every chronological mooring,\nand set adrift in the open sea, without the vestige of a beacon,\nlighthouse, or star, by which to determine her bearings or distances\nfrom the desired millennial haven to which she was tending. She is\ndeprived of the means of taking a single celestial observation, and\nhas no possible data for ascertaining, in the remotest degree, how\nfar she is yet floating from the Ararat of promise. Upon your theory\nthe Christian world has no distinct intimation given it as to the date\nof the downfall of the Roman despotism, civil or ecclesiastical, of\nMahometanism, or of Paganism; no clue to the time of the conversion of\nthe Jews or of the introduction of the millennium. On all these points\nthe church is shut up to a blank and dreary uncertainty, which, though\nit may not extinguish, will tend greatly to diminish the ardour of her\npresent zeal in the conversion of the world.\u201d[9] Strange, indeed, it\nmust be regarded, that while the Old Testament church was cheered by\nher chronological promises or predictions, marking her progress as\nshe floated down the stream of time, and indicating, at any stage of\nit, how far she was yet distant from the happy times of deliverance\nthat awaited her, everything of this kind should be systematically\nexcluded from the sublime predictions of the New Dispensation. Strange,\ntoo, that the grand symbols of Daniel and John\u2015\u2015that their glorious\npredictions, confessedly allowed to reach onwards to the consummation\nof all things, should embrace a brief chapter in the lives of such men\nas Nero or Antiochus, and give no notice of that gigantic apostasy\nwhich for ages has cast its dark {xiv} shadow over Christendom, and\nno comfort to a sorrowing church walking amid the gloom. Yet if the\nProtestant exposition of Daniel and the Apocalypse has proceeded on\nfalse principles, the sooner a return is made to the right path the\nbetter, however humbling may be the confession of error, and grieving\nthe loss of imagined advantage in our controversy with Rome. Truth is\ngreat, and must prevail. None of her friends would assail even the\nworst cause with weapons she did not approve.\n\nOn both sides of this question, the importance of which has been set\nforth in the preceding paragraph, we find men of the very highest\ncharacter for learning and skill in biblical science. \u201cOn one side\nMaitland and Burgh are the most able; on the other Faber, Elliott, and\nBirks. In America the indefatigable Stuart has taken up the same ground\nas the former, and has met with a formidable antagonist in Bush.\u201d To\nthe first class\u2015\u2015the literal day class, namely\u2015\u2015must now be added the\nname of the author who has thus specified the chief combatants\u2015\u2015Dr.\nDavidson of the Lancashire Independent College. He has taken up the\nsubject in the third volume of his _Introduction to the New Testament_,\nand discussed it with all the learning and ability which his high\nposition among English critics might have led us to anticipate. \u201c_Si\nPergama dextra defendi possent, etiam hoc defensa fuissent._\u201d We think\nwe can discern in his able defence some symptoms of progress in the\ncontroversy. The line which Dr. Davidson pursues is essentially\ndifferent in many respects from that of Professor Stuart. The American\nprofessor insists on many points which the English divine seems to have\nabandoned.[10]\n\nEverything like dogmatism in the discussion of a question so\ncircumstanced is of course to be carefully avoided. There are\ndifficulties on both sides, of which no satisfactory solution has\nas yet been given. Our aim shall be to ascertain, if possible, on\nwhich side the greater amount of truth lies. While avowing a decided\nleaning to the Year-day theory, we shall endeavour to do justice to\nthe arguments of its opponents, and shall frankly allow it whenever\nthe arguments of its supporters seem to us weak or dubious.\n\nFirst, then, it must be allowed that the concurrent testimony of the\ngreat mass of Protestant interpreters, the nearly unanimous voice of\nthe Protestant church, furnishes a _prestige_ in favour of the Year-day\nprinciple. If it do not supply an argument it creates a favourable\nfeeling, which is worthy of a better name than \u201cprejudice.\u201d It is a\nprepossession, but a prepossession founded on perfectly just ground,\nnamely, that wherever men of learning and research, as well as\nChristian people at large, have long and tenaciously held any\nparticular view, there must be something in that view that has a better\nfoundation than its assailants are willing to allow. This is certainly\nvery different from \u201ccalling up the names of illustrious dead, as the\ninfallible expounders of the Bible;\u201d and from \u201cgiving our language the\nsemblance of {xv} assuming that, to differ from current opinions, is to\ndisown Protestantism and favour Romanism.\u201d That there is something in\nthis presumptive argument, which we seek to build on Protestant opinion,\nis obvious from the anxiety that is manifested to make out that the\nprinciple or theory in question has, in reality, no connection with\nthe reformers and the Protestant cause. \u201cThe statement,\u201d it is said,\n\u201cthat certain applications of the Apocalypse caused or promoted the\nReformation is wholly incorrect. It is absolutely false. _A spiritual\napprehension of the simple gospel_, accompanied with the power of the\nSpirit, led these illustrious men to separate from the Romish church.\nAnd then it should be remembered, by those who write like Bush of\nthe reformers and the \u2018Protestant\u2019 interpretation, that not one of\nthe reformers understood a _day_ in prophecy to mean a _year_. To\ntalk of the reformers, therefore, in connection with this so-called\n\u2018Protestant\u2019 notion, is worse than trifling. It conveys a false\nimpression.\u201d[11] Two questions are involved here:\u2015\u2015How far the\nreformers made use of the Apocalypse in their controversy with Papists?\nand whether the Year-day principle may be regarded as a \u201cProtestant\u201d\nnotion? The fact is, in regard to the first question, that the\nWaldenses and Wickliffites, previous to the Reformation, drew their\nweapons from the Apocalypse; and if we do not present references or\nquotations to prove it, it is just because the matter seems too plain\nto admit of any doubt. One testimony shall suffice, namely, that of\nWalter Brute, A.D. 1391. According to Foxe, the martyrologist, he was\n\u201ca layman, and learned and brought up in the University of Oxford,\nbeing there a graduate.\u201d He was accused of saying, among sundry\nother things, that the _Pope_ is Antichrist, and a seducer of the\npeople. Being called to answer, he put in, first, certain more brief\n\u201cexhibits;\u201d then another declaration, more ample, explaining and\nsetting forth the grounds of his opinion. _His defence was grounded\nvery mainly on the Apocalyptic prophecy._ For he at once bases his\njustification on the fact, as demonstrable, of the _pope_ answering\nalike to _the chief of the false Christs_, prophesied of by Christ as\nto come in his name; to the _man of sin_, prophesied of by St. Paul;\nand to both the _first beast_ and _beast with the two lamb-like horns_,\nin the Apocalypse; _the city of Papal Rome_, also answering similarly\nto the Apocalyptic _Babylon_.[12] Indeed, we may learn much as to how\nfar the Apocalypse had, even in these times, come to be used against\nthe Church of Rome, from the fears of the Papists themselves, which\nprompted the fifth council of Lateran authoritatively to prohibit all\nwriting or preaching on the subject of Antichrist, and all speculation\nregarding the time of the expected evils\u2015\u2015\u201c_Tempus quoque prefixum\nfuturorum malorum vel Antichristi adventum, aut certum diem judicii\npredicare vel asserere nequaquan presumant._\u201d[13] As to the reformers,\nproperly so called, they appear in the field next, using the same\nweapons with increasing skill and energy, as the two great prophecies\nwhence they were drawn came to be better understood. The pages of\nMilner, D\u2019Aubign\u00e9, or other historians of the period, abound with\nevidence; and Mr. Barnes has collected part of it under chap. x. 6,\nto which the reader is referred. Luther and his German associates seem\nto have drawn more upon Daniel, while in Switzerland and England the\nApocalypse, for the most part, was appealed to. We might multiply\nproofs, were it necessary, from the writings of _Leo Juda_, {xvi}\n_Bullinger_, _Latimer_, _Bale_, _Foxe_, &c. It is enough to refer\nto the very copious extracts given in the last volume of the\n_Hor\u00e6 Apocalyptic\u00e6_.[14] As to the other question, namely, whether\nthe Year-day principle can be regarded as a \u201cProtestant\u201d notion,\nopportunity will be found for the consideration of it when we come to\nconsider the objection against that principle, drawn from its alleged\nnovelty. Meantime we shall only remark, that while Luther certainly\nhad arrived at no definite conclusions regarding the Apocalyptic\ndesignations of time, his mind nevertheless was in search of some\nprinciple by which he should be enabled to extend the times beyond the\nliteral sense. Nor need it in any way surprise us, that definite ideas\non this subject should only have been obtained when the notion became\nsettled and prevalent that the Popedom was the Apocalyptic Antichrist,\nand the interpretation of the times on a scale suited to the duration\nof that system became, in consequence, imperative.\n\n2. The next consideration we advance is, the _symbolical character_\nof most of the predictions in which the disputed designations of time\noccur. In Daniel and the Apocalypse, things pictured to the eye are the\nsigns or representations of a hidden sense intended to be conveyed by\nthem. Now, it seems reasonable to conclude, that in this symbolic or\npicture writing the times should be hidden under some veil, as well as\nthe associated events. Nay, one would imagine that these were just the\nvery things that specially required concealment, in accordance with\nthe design of the predictions, especially such as relate to the future\ndeliverance and glory of the church; which is, that the saints should\nunderstand as much as may sustain their hope, yet in a way of diligence,\nwatchfulness, and prayer. It is said, indeed, that symbolical times are\nnot essential to this partial concealment. It may be so, yet they are\ndoubtless fitted to serve this purpose; and there cannot but appear\na manifest impropriety in associating symbolical events with literal\nor natural times. Why the veil in the one case and not in the other?\nIs not this system of mixing the symbolic and the literal fitted to\nmislead? and, according to the theory of Maitland and others, has it\nnot, in point of fact, led astray the greater part of the Protestant\nworld? Is it wonderful, that when times are found \u201cimbedded in symbols,\u201d\na symbolical character should have been attached to them too. Let it\nbe observed also, that in cases of what has been called _miniature\nsymbolization_, as where an empire is represented by a man or a beast,\nlong periods, such as might very well be attributed to an empire, or to\nany great political or ecclesiastical system, could not, in consistency\nwith symbolical propriety, have been expressed otherwise than we\nfind them. On the supposition that long periods were designed to be\nexpressed, they must necessarily have been symbolized by shorter ones.\n\u201cNothing is more obvious than that the prophets have frequently, under\ndivine prompting, adopted the system of hieroglyphic representation, in\nwhich a single man represents a community, or a wild beast an extended\nempire. Consequently, since the mystic exhibition of the community\nor empire is in miniature, symbolical propriety requires that the\nassociated chronological periods should be exhibited in miniature also.\nThe intrinsic fitness of such a mode of presentation is self-evident.\nIn predicating of a nation a long term of 400 or even 4000 years, there\nis nothing revolting to verisimilitude or decorum; but to assign such\na period to the actings of a {xvii} symbolical man or animal would be\na grievous outrage on all the proprieties of the prophetic style. The\ncharacter of the adjuncts should evidently correspond with those of the\nprincipal, or the whole picture is at once marred by the most palpable\nincongruity.\u201d[15] It appears, then, in regard to dates occurring in\npassages where this principle of _miniature symbolization_ is adopted,\nthere is a strong presumption in favour of the Year-day theory, or some\ntheory suitably extending the times.\n\nDr. Maitland has attempted to dislodge his antagonists from this\nintrenchment. His argument is subtle, and must have been deemed\ntriumphant, for it is repeated and praised as a master-stroke by almost\nevery subsequent writer on the same side. Allowing even that symbols of\ntime might be expected in symbolic predictions, along with symbols of\nevents, he denies that a day can in any way be regarded as the symbol\nof a year. It is not, he argues, a symbol at all. We give the argument\nin his own words, premising only that the advocates of the Year-day\nprinciple, as we shall by and by see, appeal to Ezek. iv. 4\u20129 in proof\nof it:\u2015\u2015\u201cWhen you speak of the beasts I know what you mean, for you\nadmit that Daniel saw certain beasts; but when you speak of \u2018the days,\u2019\nI know not what days you refer to, for your system admits of _no days_:\nyou take, if I may so speak, the _word_ \u2018goat\u2019 to mean the _thing_\n\u2018goat,\u2019 and the _thing_ goat to represent the _thing_ \u2018king;\u2019 but you\ntake the _word_ \u2018day\u2019 not to represent the _thing_ \u2018day,\u2019 but at once\nto represent the _thing_ year. And this is precisely the point which\ndistinguishes this case from that of Ezekiel\u2019s, which has been so\noften brought forward as parallel to it. The whole matter lies in this,\nthat the one is a case of _representing_, the other of _interpreting_.\nA _goat_, not the _word_ goat, _represented_ a king; a day, that is\nthe _word_ day, is _interpreted_ to mean a year.\u201d[16] The pith of the\nargument seems to lie in this, that while, in Daniel, kingdoms are\nrepresented by certain _visible_ symbols\u2015\u2015beasts, namely\u2015\u2015there is no\n_visible_ symbol of a year. We may _interpret_ a day of a year, but we\ncannot say a day _symbolizes_ a year. The objector appears to have been\nmet, in the first instance, by the alleged difficulty of symbolizing\ntimes in a visible way; but the case of Pharaoh and his officers was at\nonce appealed to, in whose dreams three years are represented by three\nbranches and three baskets; and seven years by seven kine, and seven\nears of corn.[17] A writer in the _Investigator_ rejoined, that _large_\nnumbers, such as the 1260 or 2300, could not easily be represented\nin the same way; a statement which seems so very simple and obvious,\nthat we cannot but wonder it should have elicited such a burst of\nindignation as this: \u201cWhat! shall it be affirmed that he who called up\na vision in which seven kine symbolized seven years, could not employ\nvisible and equally intelligible representations of 1260 years? This\nwere to limit the power of the Almighty, by arrogantly assuming, that\nthough he presented a _few years_ by outward pictures to the eye, He\ncould not, with equal facility, and like intelligibleness to men, have\npainted _a much larger number_ by external emblems. We refer the writer\nin the _Investigator_ to Rev. xiv. 1, and ask him how the apostle John\nknew there were exactly 144,000. On his principle that large number\ncould not have been presented to the eye. How then did he know that\nthere were 144,000?\u201d[18] Does the critic mean that John must have come\nto the knowledge of it by picture representation? {xviii} Is he sure of\nthis? The number is the same, and the company is the same as in chap.\nvii. 4, and there we read, \u201cAnd I _heard_ the number of them which were\nsealed, and there were sealed an hundred and forty and four thousand of\nall the tribes of the children of Israel.\u201d The question is by no means\none regarding what God _could_ do, but one regarding merely the powers\nand capabilities of symbolic language; and we do not feel ourselves\nat all guilty of any unwarrantable \u201cdaring,\u201d when we aver that large\nnumbers could not be visibly represented like small ones. The real\nsolution of the difficulty which the objection presents, seems to us\nto have been given by Birks, in his _First Elements of Prophecy_. \u201cThe\nbeasts were conceptions visually suggested to the eye of the prophet,\nand nothing more; and the days, in like manner, were conceptions\nsuggested by the words of the vision to his ear. _The only difference\nis in the sense by which the mental image is conveyed_; for it is plain\nthat a day, when used as a symbol, must be mentioned, and could not\nappear visibly to the eye.\u201d[19] But whatever may be thought of this,\nand of the preceding observations, we have still our appeal to the\nmatter of fact. If it be the fact, that in Scripture a day _does_\nrepresent a year, we have no concern about speculations regarding\n_modes_ of representing. The only question is, What is the Bible mode?\nand to that question we shall very shortly apply ourselves.\n\nMeanwhile, we would remark, ere leaving this part of the subject, that\nalthough we affirm that wherever we find the principle of miniature\nsymbolization of events, there we have a strong presumption in favour\nof the times, if such there be, being also expressed on a miniature\nscale, yet we do not exalt this into a principle embracing the entire\ncase. We shall endeavour to ascertain here, what such general principle\nis. It need not be disguised that the ground of it has been shifted\nmore than once during the progress of discussion. Mede himself seems\nto have occupied ground by far too wide; and few or none now choose\nto defend the Year-day principle on the platform chosen by him who has\nbeen erroneously regarded as its originator. He maintained that, \u201calike\nin Daniel, and, for aught he knew, in all the other prophets, times of\nthings prophesied, expressed by days, are to be understood of years.\u201d\nBut prophecies can be quoted almost without number in which the\npredicted times must be understood literally; and against this position,\nsomewhat doubtingly and casually assumed by an illustrious interpreter,\nthe artillery of Stuart and Maitland would be most successful, if any\nwere found so foolish as to intrench themselves within it. Professor\nStuart, however, chooses to write as if it were an essential part of\nthe Year-day theory. He fights with a man of straw, and expends his\nlogic and his ridicule alike in vain. He asks in triumph, If the 120\nyears, predicted as the period that should elapse before the flood,\nmust be extended into a respite for the ante-diluvians of 43,200 years?\nand if the predicted bondage of Abraham\u2019s posterity in Egypt, for\n400 years, must be extended into 144,000 years? if the seven years of\nplenty, and seven of famine to Egypt, must mean 2520 years of each?\nif Israel\u2019s forty years\u2019 wilderness-wanderings are to last 14,400\nyears?[20] No, truly! and yet the times in Daniel and John may\nbe symbolical {xix} times notwithstanding. By Bush and Faber, the\nprinciple is much narrowed. The ground assumed is that of miniature\nsymbolization. This covers a large part of the field within which the\nYear-day theory is applied; still, it must be allowed, that both in\nDaniel and the Apocalypse, there are passages where the times are\nconstrued symbolically, or according to the longer reckoning, without\nbeing associated with symbols of events. Of this kind is Daniel\u2019s\nfamous prophecy of the seventy weeks. What, then, is the true principle\nor basis of the Year-day theory? We are disposed to reply, as we\nfind Mr. Barnes in one place has done, that it is the manner of the\nsymbolical books of Daniel and John, to express times on the scale of\na day for a year; and that in regard to those places, if such there be,\nwhere the times are literal, the circumstances of the case, or some\nexpressions in the text, prevent the possibility of mistake, and leave\nthe principle untouched. The _circumstances of the case_, for example,\nforbid us to explain Dan. iv. 32 in accordance with the principle of a\nday for a year. \u201cAccording to this, Nebuchadnezzar must have been mad\nand eat grass 2520 years.\u201d[21] The limited life of man renders any such\nextension of times here positively absurd. So also with the other case,\nso much insisted on by the Day-day theorists, of Daniel fasting three\nweeks.[22] \u201cSurely no one will contend that Daniel fasted twenty-one\nyears.\u201d No, but not to mention that this is not a prophecy at all,\nthe circumstances of the case forbid it; and besides, in this place,\nwe have the addition of \u05d9\u05b8\u05de\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (weeks of _days_), \u201cinserted expressly to\nbar any such interpretation as would assign to it, as its first sense,\nthe meaning of years.\u201d[23] It would, therefore, be most unwise[24] to\nargue from these exceptive passages, where there can be no danger of\nmistakes, against the application of the Year-day principle to the\ngreat leading prophecies in Daniel and John, regarding the glorious\nepochs of the church, and the times especially of the consummation.\nNor can anyone rationally contend, that because these prophets have\nadopted this style of a day for a year, in predictions of the character\nabove specified\u2015\u2015predictions which form the chief part of their\nwritings\u2015\u2015that they are in no single instance to depart from that\nstyle\u2015\u2015that they are never to lay aside {xx} the symbolic and assume\nthe natural. Birks and Elliott, it may be noticed finally, find, in\nthose passages where the Year-day theory is applicable, a purpose of\n_temporary concealment_; it being \u201cthe express design of God, that the\nchurch should be kept in the constant expectation of Christ\u2019s advent,\u201d\nand that, \u201cyet as the time of the consummation drew near, there should\nbe evidence of it sufficiently clear to each faithful inquirer.\u201d\n\u201cThis,\u201d adds the latter writer, \u201csets aside, from its very nature, the\nobjections that have been drawn from sundry prophetic periods, known\nto be literally expressed, in prophecies where no such temporary\nconcealment was intended.\u201d[25]\n\n3. Having seen that the symbolical character of the predictions in\nwhich the disputed times for the most part occur, affords a strong\npresumption, amounting as nearly as possible to proof, in favour of\nsome such principle as that involved in the Year-day theory, we inquire\nnext _whether there be any indications of such principle in Scripture_?\n\nThe case of the spies in the book of Numbers[26] has been appealed to\nby nearly all writers on the Year-day side, and by some of them with no\nlittle confidence. \u201cThey returned from searching the land after forty\ndays.... After the number of the days in which ye searched the land,\neven forty days, each day for a year, shall ye bear your iniquities,\neven forty years, and ye shall know my breach of promise.\u201d We confess,\nhowever, that if this passage were the only one of its kind, we should\nnot be disposed to build much on it. It has been too much pressed;\nand many will find it difficult to see anything typical or mystical in\nit. It cannot be proved that the spies were types of the whole nation,\nor that the days were meant to represent years. Dr. Davidson seems\nto give the true account of the passage when he says, \u201cIt is a simple\nhistorical prophecy, in which God ordained that _as_ the spies had\nwandered forty days, _so_ the Israelites should wander forty years in\nthe wilderness because of their sins.\u201d[27] Taken in connection with\nother passages, however, it may serve to show that the \u201cYear-day scale\u201d\nreadily occurs in Scripture, when another might as easily have been\nadopted. The very fact of the punishment of Israel in this case being\non the precise scale of a year for a day, seems to indicate something\nof this kind.\n\nEzekiel\u2019s typical siege presents a much stronger case. We give\nthe passage at length. Ezekiel having been commanded to portray the\ncity of Jerusalem on a tile, and conduct a symbolic siege against it,\nis further enjoined\u2015\u2015\u201cLie thou also upon thy left side, and lay the\niniquity of the house of Israel upon it: according to the number of the\ndays that thou shalt lie upon it thou shalt bear their iniquity. For\nI have laid upon thee the years of their iniquity, according to the\nnumber of the days, three hundred and ninety days: so shalt thou bear\nthe iniquity of the house of Israel. And when thou hast accomplished\nthem, lie again on thy right side, and thou shalt bear the iniquity of\nthe house of Judah forty days: _I have appointed thee each day for a\nyear_.\u201d[28] Ezekiel was ordered to assume this painful position that\nhe might be a sign or symbol of the sufferings of the Jewish nation;\nand the number of days during which he lay prostrate was declared to\nsymbolize the years of their punishment. Here, then, we have a plain\nprecedent showing that in symbolical representations days stand for\nyears. The argument is equally valid whether we suppose the symbolical\n{xxi} actions represented things past or things future. The principle\nis the same. The probability is, that at the time of the representation\na few years of the 390 had yet to run; and the design was to show that\nJerusalem should be destroyed, and the inhabitants led away captive\ninto Babylon. It is not our province, however, to enter into any\nexposition of the prophecy. The grand objection made to the argument\nfrom this passage is, that in it the symbolic significancy of the days\n\u201cis expressly stated at the outset.\u201d[29] \u201cIt is expressly stated that\nGod had appointed a day for a year, whereas in Daniel and John no\nsuch information is given.\u201d[30] But what if there had _not_ been an\n\u201cexpress statement\u201d of the principle? That omission, we imagine, would\nhave been eagerly laid hold on as an evidence that no such principle\nwas contained in it. The \u201cexpress statement,\u201d then, so far from\nbeing an argument against using this passage as a precedent, is in\nreality a strong argument in favour of so doing. Can anything be more\nunreasonable than to object to the passages furnishing a clue or key\nfor certain difficulties elsewhere, that they are plain and express?\nNothing, we apprehend, unless to object next that the passages _for_\nwhich a key is sought are _not_ plain and express. We had thought that\nit belonged to the very nature of key-passages that they should be\nplain, and to the very nature of the passages for which the key was\nneeded, that they should not be plain. The demand that there shall\nbe the express statement in these latter which belongs to the former,\nis just to demand that there shall be no mystery about the times at\nall,\u2015\u2015that they shall be revealed with perfect clearness, and that no\nwisdom and diligence be called for in evolving a principle and applying\nit to special cases. Bush\u2019s reply to Stuart on this point is, we\nthink, triumphant. \u201cThe obvious reply to all this (the want of express\nstatement in Daniel and the Apocalypse) is, that the instances now\nadduced are to be considered as merely giving us a clue to a general\nprinciple of interpretation. Here are two or three striking examples\nof predictions constructed on the plan of _miniature symbolic\nrepresentation_ in which the involved periods of time are reduced to a\nscale proportioned to that of the events themselves. What, then, more\nnatural or legitimate, than that, when we meet with other prophecies\nconstructed on precisely the same principle, we should interpret their\nchronological periods by the same rule? Instead of yielding to a demand\nto adduce authority for this mode of interpretation, I feel at liberty\nto demand the authority for departing from it. _Manente ratione manet\nlex_ is an apothegm which is surely applicable here if anywhere. You\nrepeatedly, in the course of your pages, appeal to the oracles of\n_common sense_, as the grand arbiter in deciding upon the principles\nof hermeneutics. I make my appeal to the same authority in the\npresent case. I demand, in the name of common sense, a reason why the\nsymbolical prophecies of Daniel and John should not be interpreted on\nthe same principle with other prophecies of the same class. But however\nloud and urgent my demand on this head, I expect nothing else than that\nhill and dale will re-echo it, even to the \u2018crack of doom,\u2019 before a\nsatisfactory response from your pages falls on my ear. All the answer\nI obtain is the following:\u2015\u2015\u2018Instead of being aided by an appeal to\nEzekiel iv. 5, 6, we find that a principle is recognized there which\nmakes directly against the interpretation we are calling in question.\nThe _express exception_ as to the usual modes of reckoning goes\ndirectly to show, that the {xxii} _general rule_ would necessitate\na different interpretation.\u2019 I may possibly be over sanguine, but\nI cannot well resist the belief, that the reader will perceive that\nthat which you regard as _the exception_, is in fact _the rule_.\u201d[31]\n\nDr. Maitland\u2019s famous objection, that in Ezekiel the case is one of\n_representing_, whereas in Daniel and the Apocalypse it is one of\n_interpreting_, has already been met in a previous part of this Preface.\nThe objection of Bishop Horsley is not very grave\u2015\u2015namely, that because\nthe _day_ of temptation in the wilderness was _forty years_, and one\n_day_ is with the Lord as a _thousand years_, and a thousand years\nas one day, we might as well conclude that a day is forty years or\na thousand years, as that it represents but one year. So might we,\nindeed, _if_ a number of passages could be produced in which a day\nhas such significancy, and another set of passages could be produced\nto which the first set furnish a key that seems exactly to answer. In\nthe meantime, we must recognize the difference between what is merely\nfigurative language, and therefore loose and shifting, and the language\nof symbol.\n\nBut the case of Isaiah[32] has been supposed to neutralize any argument\nbuilt upon that of Ezekiel: \u201cThe Lord spake by Isaiah, go and loose the\nsackcloth from off thy loins, and put off thy shoe from thy foot. And\nhe did so, walking naked and barefoot. And the Lord said, Like as my\nservant Isaiah hath walked naked and barefoot _three years_, for a sign\nand wonder upon Egypt and upon Ethiopia, so shall the king of Assyria\nlead away the Egyptians prisoners.\u201d Now, it is argued that here \u201cthree\n_years_ correspond to three _years_, not three _days_ to three years.\nIt is arbitrary to suppose with Lowth that the original reading was\n_three days_, or to supply _three days_, with Vitringa. The text must\nstand as it is.\u201d[33] But the interpretation of Lowth and Vitringa\nis not the only mode in which we may escape from the difficulty, as\nthis learned writer seems to hint. We are not shut up to conjectural\nemendations. The \u201cthree years\u201d in the third verse may be connected\nwith what follows, as well as with what goes before; then the verse\nwill run, \u201cLike as my servant Isaiah hath walked naked and barefoot;\n_a three years\u2019 sign and wonder_,\u201d which relieves us entirely from\nthe supposition that Isaiah walked three years barefoot, and, by\nconsequence, from the objection that is founded on it. All that is\nintimated is, that in some way or other (the passage does not say how)\nthe prophet was a three years\u2019 sign\u2015\u2015a sign, that is, of a calamity\nthat would last during that time, or commence from that time. In\nproof of the justice of this arrangement, it may be noticed that\nthe Masoretic interpunction throws the _three years_ into the second\nclause; that the Septuagint gives both solutions, by repeating \u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\n\u1f14\u03c4\u03b7;[34] and that in a period of such alarm, when Ashdod was taken\nand the Assyrian pressing on them, it is not likely the symbolical\nrepresentation would be continued so long. Indeed, this opinion\nseems to meet with little or no countenance.[35] The opinion that\nseems generally to prevail is, that Isaiah indicated the three years\u2019\ncaptivity either by exhibiting himself in the manner described in the\ntext for three days, which would intimate three years, or by appearing\nin this manner once only, and at the same time verbally _declaring_ his\ndesign in so doing.\n\nWe come next to what is confessedly a main pillar of the Year-day\ntheory, _the prophecy of the seventy weeks in Daniel_.[36] \u201cSeventy\nweeks are determined {xxiii} upon thy people, and upon thy holy city,\nto finish the transgression, and to make an end of sins, and to make\nreconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness,\nand to seal up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the most holy.\nKnow therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the\ncommandment to restore and to build Jerusalem, unto Messiah the\nprince, &c.\u201d Now, the all but universal agreement that this prophecy\nwas fulfilled in a period of 490 years, usually reckoned from the 7th\nof Artaxerxes, and extending to A.D. 33, the year in which Christ died,\nseems at once to settle the question regarding the mode of computation.\nThere are, indeed, those[37] who maintain that this prediction has yet\nto be fulfilled, and they profess to look for its fulfilment in seventy\nweeks of days; but the number holding this opinion is exceedingly\nsmall. The great mass of writers, even of those who contend for literal\ntimes, reject it as quite untenable. This mode of cutting the knot,\nhowever, indicates the difficulty that is felt by some \u201cDay-dayists\u201d\nin reconciling the passage with their theory, and their dissatisfaction\nwith the more usual method of reconciliation. That method adopts a\nnew rendering. The words, it is said, ought to be translated seventy\n_sevens_; and these are assumed to be sevens of _years_, because in\nthe early part of the chapter Daniel had been meditating on Jeremiah\u2019s\nprophecy regarding the seventy years\u2019 captivity. By thus understanding\nthe sevens at once of years, without the intervention of symbolic days\nor weeks, the argument for the Year-day principle, it will be seen, is\nentirely destroyed.\n\nIt would be difficult and tedious to trace the course of discussion\nfully to which the passage has given rise. A very general outline\nmust suffice. It had been maintained by some who contended for \u201csevens\nof years,\u201d that the word translated weeks (\u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd _shabuim_) was the\nregular masculine plural of \u05e9\u05b6\u05c1\u05d1\u05b7\u05e2 (_sheba_), seven, and ought, therefore,\nto be translated sevens.[38] But \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (_shabuim_), as was alleged in\nreply, \u201cis not the normal plural of the Hebrew term for seven.\u201d The\nnormal plural is \u05e9\u05b4\u05c1\u05d1\u05b0\u05e2\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (_shibim_); but that is the term for _seventy_,\nand cannot mean sevens.[39] It seems now admitted on all hands, that\nboth \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (_shabuim_) and the feminine form \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05d5\u05b9\u05ea (_shabpuoth_) are\nplural forms of \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05d5\u05bc\u05e2\u05b7 (_shabua_), which, according to the etymology\nof the word, signifies a hebdomad or septemized period.[40] The only\nquestion that remains, therefore, regards the use of the word. _What is\nits use?_ So that after much controversy, the matter stands very much\nas Mede left it. \u201cThe question,\u201d says he, \u201clies not in the etymology,\nbut in the use, wherein \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05d5\u05bc\u05e2\u05b7 (_shabua_) always signifies _sevens of\ndays_, and never _sevens of years_. Wheresoever it is _absolutely_ put,\nit means of days; it is nowhere thus used of years.\u201d[41] Besides the\nplaces in Daniel, the word occurs absolutely elsewhere, in some one or\nother of its forms, _eleven_ times, and _in every one of these cases\nwith the sense of weeks of days_.[42] It is true that if we except the\nplaces in Daniel, there is no instance in Scripture where the masculine\nplural \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (_shabuim_) is used to denote weeks. The word elsewhere\nused for that purpose is uniformly \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05d5\u05b9\u05ea (_shabpuoth_) in the feminine.\nBut we confess ourselves at a loss to understand {xxiv} why so much\nshould be made of this. The word which Daniel uses is confessedly\nthe masculine plural[43] of the same word, which in the singular is\ntranslated \u201cweek,\u201d and in the feminine plural \u201cweeks;\u201d and although\nthere are instances in various languages of the masculine and feminine\nplurals having different significations, yet, in the absence of\nanything like proof that such is the case here, we must be guided by\nthe use of the word in its other forms throughout the Scripture, when\nwe come to interpret the peculiar form that occurs in Daniel. What good\nreason can be given for departing from the analogy of the other forms?\nThis, it must be confessed, is entirely on the side of the Year-day\nprinciple; and the objection resolves itself into nothing more than\nthis, that it is a peculiar form of the word which Daniel uses.\n\nAs to what is said of the qualifying word \u05d9\u05b8\u05de\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd, _yamim_ (days), twice\noccurring in chap. x. 2, 3,[44] in connection with \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05d1\u05bb\u05e2\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (_shabuim_),\ngiving the literal sense _three weeks_, _days_, or _three weeks as\nto days_, we cannot see that it furnishes any grave objection to our\nargument. It seems rather to strengthen it. For here we have two places\nin which the word in question, and the form of it in question, are\ndeclared to mean weeks of days. Does not this intimate that such is the\nordinary and primary sense? Are we not as much entitled to draw this\nconclusion, as other parties to conclude that the qualifying word is\nadded because the usual sense is sevens of years? Let us only suppose\nthat the qualifying word had been years instead of days (sevens as to\nyears), would it not very readily have been said in that case, Here\nis a plain declaration that sevens of _years_ are to be understood;\nand certainly the places where no qualifying word occurs must be\nruled by this? Gesenius supposes the addition of \u05d9\u05b8\u05de\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd (days) is merely\n_pleonastic_; but if any other reason must be found for it, that of\nBush seems as satisfactory as any, which regards it as an intimation\nthat the primary sense is the only admissible one in the circumstances.\n\n4. We entitle our next head of evidence, _Exigency of the passages in\nwhich the prophetic times occur_. The very best plan of arriving at the\ntruth in the question, whether the shorter or longer reckoning be the\nright one, is to test both by application to the disputed passages.\nTry the two keys, and see which best suits the lock. One section\nof the literal dayists have here, however, a great advantage over\ntheir opponents, inasmuch as their plan of placing the Apocalyptic\nfulfilments entirely in the future (with the exception, on the part\nof some of them, of the epistles to the seven churches), relieves them\nfrom every embarrassment that might arise from any specific historical\napplication. Of course it is impossible to argue with men of this\nschool, that their literal times do not answer to their historical\nevents, for historical events they have none, and we cannot prove that\ntheir ideal fulfilments may not be realized.\n\nTo discuss fully this part of our subject, however, would require\na volume embracing an exposition of nearly all the more important\npassages in Daniel and the Apocalypse. We intend only to offer a few\npassing remarks on one or two of these, referring such as wish to\nprosecute the subject, to the \u201cNotes\u201d in this volume.\n\nLet us take first the _Saracenic woe_.[45] We say not, in the\nmeantime, that the interpretation which has given rise to this name\nis necessarily the right one. We merely wish to institute a comparison\nbetween it and another interpretation, {xxv} which proceeds on the\nprinciple of the shorter dates. If the reader will turn to our author\u2019s\nexposition, and attentively study it, he will, we think, be disposed\nto acquiesce in the justice of his closing remark, that, on the\nsupposition that it was the design of John to symbolize these events\n(the Arabian conquests), the symbol has been chosen which of all others\nis best adapted to the end. Moreover, it will be seen that the Arabian\nhistory, according to the requirements of the passage, on the Year-day\nprinciple, furnishes a period of five months, or 150 years of intense\nstinging oppression, and immediately thereafter exhibits a gradual\ndecline in power, along with a disinclination to persecute. Now what\nhave we to oppose to this view on the part of those who advocate\nliteral times? We turn to Professor Stuart. He tells us he can find\nno event in history that, with any good degree of probability, will\ncorrespond to a period of 150 years. \u201cAnd,\u201d adds he, \u201cif we count five\nliteral months, we are still involved in the same difficulty. Hence the\ntropical use of the expression five months, seems to be most probable\nand facile.\u201d His conclusion is that \u201cthe meaning must be a short\nperiod.\u201d We cannot think that this \u201ctropical use\u201d is very \u201cprobable;\u201d\nit is however abundantly \u201cfacile;\u201d and we know not how to argue with\nthose who, when events will not correspond with their literal times,\nimmediately take refuge in tropes. When Professor Stuart can find\nevents that suit, his times are literal, as we shall immediately\nsee; when he cannot find such events, his times are tropical. But a\nprinciple so \u201cfacile,\u201d however it may suit his convenience, is not\nfitted to guide us in an inquiry into the prophetic periods. \u201cThe\nproper laws of interpretation,\u201d our author has justly observed in his\nexposition of the place, \u201cdemand that one or the other of these periods\nshould be found, either that of five months literally, or that of a\nhundred and fifty years.\u201d\n\nTake next the _Turkish woe_.[46] We refer the reader again to the\nauthor\u2019s exposition, that he may see how \u201cthe hour, day, month, and\nyear\u201d of this prediction\u2015\u2015that is, the 391 years, and a 12th or 24th\nof a year\u2015\u2015find their fulfilment in the history of the Turkish empire.\nBut on the supposition that the times are literal, what events can be\nfixed on as occupying this period of little more than a year? or how,\nin transactions so great, should a single hour be mentioned? These\nquestions are evaded by assigning a new sense to the clause \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd\n\u1f65\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd, &c. It is said to mean only, \u201cthat at the destined\nhour, and destined day, and destined month, and destined year,\u201d the\ncalamity should happen; that is to say, it should occur simply _at the\nappointed time_. We venture to say that such a periphrasis for an idea\nso simple has no parallel elsewhere. For the criticism of the passage,\nwe refer to Barnes and Elliott, who have successfully contended that\nthe words completely reject this sense. The latter appeals also to the\nparallel passage in Dan. xii. 7, where \u201cfor a time, times, and half a\ntime\u201d is universally understood of the _aggregate_ period of three\nyears and a half.[47]\n\n_The forty-two months of the Gentiles_ is another and remarkable\nApocalyptic period.[48] If we do not, with our author, apply the\npassage in which this notation of time occurs, to the trampling down\nof the church by the Papacy during her long and oppressive reign of\n1260 years, but seek an explanation from those who deny the Year-day\nprinciple, shall we find events that will better answer on the\nprinciple of literal times? Let us try. Professor Stuart, in this place,\nabandons the idea he sometimes resorts to, of supposing the periods\n{xxvi} \u201cfigurative modes of expressing a short time.\u201d He thinks a\n\u201cliteral and definite period\u201d is here meant; and he even condescends,\nin spite of all his hatred of historical comments, on historical events\nanswering to this definite period. \u201cIt is certain,\u201d says he, \u201cthat the\ninvasion of the Romans lasted just about the length of the period named\nuntil Jerusalem was taken.\u201d And again, in his _Excursus on Designations\nof Time_, he says that in the spring of A.D. 67, Vespasian was sent\nby Nero to subdue Palestine; and that on the 10th of August, A.D. 70,\nJerusalem was taken and destroyed by Titus. Thus he makes out the\nliteral period of forty-two months or three and a half years. He is,\nhowever, compelled to admit that the war actually began some time\nbefore Vespasian\u2019s mission. But allowing all this to be correct, there\nwas, as Mr. Barnes remarks, \u201cno precise period of three years and a\nhalf, in respect to which the language here used would be applicable\nto the literal Jerusalem. Judea was held in subjection, and trodden\ndown by the Romans for centuries, and never, in fact, gained its\nindependence.\u201d It is trodden down still. And yet we are told, in a\nlaboured article written on purpose to set aside the Year-day principle,\nthat _there can scarcely be a doubt_ that the period in question\n(the forty-two months) is designed to mark the time during which\nthe conquest of Palestine and of the Holy City was going on.\n\nIn close connection with this prediction, we have _the times of the\ntwo witnesses_.[49] They were to \u201cprophesy a thousand two hundred and\nthreescore days, clothed in sackcloth.\u201d Again, we think the longer\nreckoning meets the requirements of the passage, and is consistent\nwith the historical events offered in explanation. During all the dark\nperiod of Papal rule, there has been a competent number of witnesses\ntestifying in favour of the truth. The reader will find ample details\nin the exposition within. Let us turn now to the exposition offered by\nthe great chief of the Literal-day theorists. His theory requires him\nto find the witnesses in Jerusalem immediately previous to its fall.\nBut where the witnesses in Jerusalem prophesying during three and a\nhalf literal years? History is quite silent in regard to any such\nparties; nay more, the accounts which we have of the period render\nit exceedingly improbable that any such parties could have existed\nin Jerusalem at that time. The Christians, warned by their Master,\nhad fled to Pella, and thereby escaped the calamity in which their\nunbelieving countrymen were overwhelmed. Yet, in the absence of\nhistory, and in spite of history, suppositions are made to stand in its\nplace. We are told that some of the faithful and zealous teachers of\nChristianity would certainly remain in spite of their Lord\u2019s warning.\nThese, it is supposed next, would be slain by the Zealots, who would,\nnotwithstanding, be unable to destroy Christianity. The truth should\never have a resurrection. We offer no further remark on this, than that\nif pure imaginations are to be alleged, where history fails, there can\nbe no difficulty in meeting the requirements of any theory, inasmuch\nas inventions are much more \u201cfacile\u201d than facts. But the exposure of\nthe dead bodies of the witnesses is supposed to be perfectly fatal to\nthe Year-day principle in this passage. \u201cWhat now,\u201d it is asked, \u201cif\nwe should insist on interpreting this (the three days and a half of\nexposure) as meaning three and a half years? It would bring out an\nabsurdity; for a single month in the climate of Palestine would in\none way or another destroy any dead body, not to speak of its being\ndevoured.\u201d Doubtless this is an absurdity; but it is an absurdity\nobtained {xxvii} by subjecting a symbolical passage to a very singular\nprocess, in which one part of the symbol is explained, and then read\nalong with the _unexplained_ part. But explain both parts of the\npassage, the _lying exposed_, as well as the _days_, and then we have\nno incongruous sense, but an intimation, that for three and a half\nyears the witnesses should be silenced, and be treated with great\nindignity, as if unworthy of Christian burial. Or if the question\nbe regarding symbolical propriety, let the symbolical representation\nstand as it is\u2015\u2015both parts unexplained; and what inconsistency is there\nin supposing dead bodies exposed for three and a half _days_ in the\nclimate of Palestine? If we choose to proceed on a principle like this,\nwe may make as many absurdities as there are passages in the Apocalypse.\n\nNext in order, we have the _times of the woman in the wilderness_,[50]\nthe thousand two hundred and threescore days, or time, times, and half\na time, during which she was protected and nourished by God. Once more\nwe refer to the author\u2019s exposition of this passage for a defence of\nthe Protestant interpretation, which explains it of the preservation of\nthe church in a state of comparative obscurity during the long period\nof Papal oppression. But on the principle of literal days, that is, \u201cif\nthe period of the woman\u2019s sojourn be only three years and six months,\nthe preparation must be either quite disproportionate to the event,\nor the steps of the preparation will be crowded into the narrowest\ncompass. The spiritual deliverance, the dejection of Satan, the\nrenewed persecution, the protection, the flood, its absorption by the\nfriendly earth, and the persevering rage of the dragon, will all be\ncrushed into the space of two or three years. Surely nothing but the\nmost distinct revelation could make us receive such an exposition of\nthe true reference of so glorious a prophecy.\u201d[51] It is difficult,\nindeed, to conceive that a prophecy of this nature should find its\nfulfilment in any three and a half years of the church\u2019s history; and\nour difficulties certainly are not diminished, when we come to consider\nthe special interpretations that are constructed on this principle.\nWe are told that the woman is the Jewish Theocratic church. But that\nchurch never dwelt 1260 days in the wilderness, nor can any historical\nevent be alleged in illustration of such a view that does not bear its\nrefutation on the face of it. The Christians who fled to Pella, will\nthe reader believe it, are, for the sake of a theory, made to stand\nfor the church, symbolized by the woman; and their protection, during\nthe continuance of the Jewish war, is the woman\u2019s wilderness sojourn.\nThe flight is the flight of the woman, or Jewish Theocratic church, in\nthe first instance. But the Jewish church, to answer the necessities\nof the case, is at once transformed into the Christian; and finally,\na comparatively small body of Christians in the neighbourhood of\nJerusalem is elevated into the dignity of _the church_, to the\nexclusion of the numerous societies of Christians existing elsewhere.\nThese are the assumptions set forth in antagonism to the Protestant\nview; set forth, too, not as modest guesses, but as certain verities,\nto reject which, brings down on us the charge of ignorance of history,\nand of exegetical science.\n\nOur limits forbid us to speak of the forty-two months of the beast,[52]\nor of the periods in Daniel. Of the beast, it is manifest, that it is\na power of no brief duration; but one which, existing through a long\nprevious period, appears again at the great final battle immediately\nprevious to the millennium, and is then destroyed. Great care is taken,\nin the chapter which describes {xxviii} the closing struggle, to\nidentify the beast which was then slain with that which had previously\nappeared on the stage.[53] As to the view which explains the beast of\nNero, and the times of the three and a half years of his persecution,\nit is certainly enough to observe, that it requires the aid of a\nheathen hariolation to make it out, and may, therefore, be dismissed\nwithout argument. Of the periods in Daniel, particularly those in\nthe seventh and twelfth chapters,[54] we can only say that the mode\nof authoritatively asserting that the reference is to Antiochus\nEpiphanes, and then ridiculing the idea of any one man living through\n1260 years,[55] is a mode which must be abandoned by such as would\nsecure a favourable reception for their views. We believe the\nsublime predictions of Daniel and John are occupied with far higher\nsubjects\u2015\u2015subjects of infinitely more concern to the church and the\nworld than the history of the two tyrants, Antiochus and Nero.\n\n [We had intended to consider some of the current objections\n against the Year-day theory, particularly that founded on its\n alleged novelty\u2015\u2015\u201cThe spiritual common sense of the church,\u201d\n according to Dr. Maitland, \u201cbeing set in array against it,\n from the days of Daniel to those of Wickliffe.\u201d Mr. Elliott has\n thoroughly examined this position; and the conclusion to which\n he comes, after a most painstaking inquiry, is\u2015\u2015\u201cThat from the\n time of Cyprian, near the middle of the 3d century, even to the\n time of Joachim and the Waldenses, in the 12th century, there\n was kept up, by a succession of expositors, a recognition of the\n precise _Year-day_ principle.\u201d We have carefully examined the\n grounds of this opinion, and compared them with certain recent\n and able adverse criticisms, without having had our conviction\n shaken that, _in the main_, it is correct.]\n\n\n Illustration: THE SITE OF EPHESUS,\n From the Theatre.\n\n Illustration: THE CASTLE AND PORT OF SMYRNA.\n\n Illustration: RUINS OF THE CHURCH OF ST. JOHN, PERGAMOS.\n\n Illustration: THYATIRA.\n\n Illustration: PHILADELPHIA.\n\n Illustration: SARDIS.\n\n Illustration: PETRIFIED CASCADES AT HEIRAPOLIS.\n\n Illustration: THE RUINS OF LAODICEA.\n\n\n\n\n {xxix} INTRODUCTION\n\n TO THE\n\n BOOK OF REVELATION OF ST. JOHN.\n\n\n \u00a7 I.\u2015\u2015_The Writer of the Book of Revelation._\n\nMuch has been written on the question who was the author of this book.\nTo enter into an extended investigation of this would greatly exceed\nthe limits which I have, and would not comport with my design in these\nNotes. For a full examination of the question I must refer to others,\nand would mention particularly, Prof. Stuart, _Com._ i. 283\u2012427;\nLardner, _Works_, vi. 318\u2012327; Hug, _Intro. to the New Testament_,\npp. 650\u2012673, Andover, 1836; Michaelis, _Intro. to the New Testament_,\niv. 457\u2012544; and the article \u201cRevelation,\u201d in Kitto\u2019s _Cyclop\u00e6dia of\nBiblical Literature_. I propose to exhibit, briefly, the evidence that\nthe apostle John was the author, according to the opinion which has\nbeen commonly entertained in the church; the proof of which seems to me\nto be satisfactory. This may be considered under these divisions: the\ndirect historical evidence, and the insufficiency of the reason for\ndoubting it.\n\nI. The direct historical evidence. The sum of all that is to be\nsaid on this point is, that to the latter half of the third century it\nwas not doubted that the apostle John was the author. Why it was ever\nafterwards doubted, and what is the force and value of the doubt, will\nbe considered in another part of this Introduction.\n\nThere may be some convenience in dividing the early historical\ntestimony into three periods of half a century each, extending from\nthe death of John, about A.D. 98, to the middle of the third century.\n\n1. From the death of John, about A.D. 98 to A.D. 150. This period\nembraces the last of those men who conversed, or who might have\nconversed, with the apostles; that is, who were, for a part of their\nlives, the contemporaries of John. The testimony of the writers who\nlived then would, of course, be very important. Those embraced in this\nperiod are Hermas, Ignatius, Polycarp, and Papias. The evidence of\nthis period is not indeed very _direct_, but it is such as it would\nbe on the supposition that John was the author, and there is nothing\ncontradictory to that supposition.\n\nHERMAS, about A.D. 100.\u2015\u2015In the _Shepherd_ or _Pastor_, ascribed to\nthis writer, there are several allusions which are supposed to refer\nto this book, and which resemble it so much as to make it probable\nthat the author was acquainted with it. Dr. Lardner thus expresses the\nresult of his examination of this point: \u201c_It is probable_ that Hermas\nhad read the book of Revelation, and imitated it. He has many things\nresembling it\u201d (vol. ii. pp. 69\u201272). There is no _direct_ testimony,\nhowever, in this writer that is of importance.\n\nIGNATIUS.\u2015\u2015He was bishop of Antioch, and flourished A.D. 70\u2012107. In\nthe latter year he suffered martyrdom, in the time of Trajan. Little,\nhowever, can {xxx} be derived from him in regard to the Apocalypse.\nHe was a contemporary of John, and it is not a little remarkable that\nhe has not more directly alluded to him. In the course of a forced\nand hurried journey to Rome, the scene of his martyrdom, he wrote\nseveral epistles to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians, Romans,\nPhiladelphians, Smyrneans, and to Polycarp. There has been much\ncontroversy respecting the authenticity of these epistles, and it is\ngenerally admitted that those which we now possess have been greatly\ncorrupted. There is no direct mention of the Apocalypse in these\nepistles, and Michaelis makes this one of the strong grounds of his\ndisbelief of its genuineness. His argument is, that the silence of\nIgnatius shows, either that he did not know of the existence of this\nbook, or did not recognize it as a part of the sacred Scriptures.\nLittle, however, can be ever inferred from the mere _silence_ of an\nauthor; for there may have been many reasons why, though the book may\nhave been in existence, and recognized as the writing of John, Ignatius\ndid not refer to it. The whole matter of the residence of John at\nEphesus, of his banishment to Patmos, and of his death, is unnoticed\nby him. There are, however, two or three _allusions_ in the epistles\nof Ignatius which have been supposed to refer to the Apocalypse, or to\nprove that he was familiar with that work\u2015\u2015though it must be admitted\nthat the language is so general, that it furnishes no certain proof\nthat he designed to quote it. They are these: Epis. to the Romans\u2015\u2015\u201cIn\nthe patience of Jesus Christ,\u201d comp. Rev. i. 9; and Epis. to the\nEphesians\u2015\u2015\u201cStones of the temple of the Father prepared for the\nbuilding of God,\u201d comp. Rev. xxi. 2\u201219. To these Mr. John Collyer\nKnight, of the British Museum, in a recent publication (_Two New\nArguments in Vindication of the Genuineness and Authenticity of the\nRevelation of St. John_, London, 1842), has added a third: Epis. to\nthe Philadelphians\u2015\u2015\u201cIf they do not speak concerning Jesus Christ,\nthey are but _sepulchral pillars_, and _upon them are written only the\nnames of men_.\u201d Comp. Rev. iii. 12, \u201cHim that overcometh will I make\na pillar in the temple of my God; and he shall go no more out: and I\nwill write upon him the name of my God.\u201d It must be admitted, however,\nthat this coincidence of language does not furnish any certain proof\nthat Ignatius had seen the Apocalypse, though this is such language as\nhe _might_ have used if he had seen it. There was no known necessity,\nhowever, for his referring to this book if he was acquainted with it,\nand nothing can be inferred from his silence.\n\nPOLYCARP.\u2015\u2015He was bishop of Smyrna, and suffered martyrdom, though\nat what time is not certain. The _Chronicon Paschale_ names A.D. 163;\nEusebius, 167; Usher, 169; and Pearson, 148. He died at the age of\neighty-six, and consequently was contemporary with John, who died about\nA.D. 98. There is but one relic of his writings extant\u2015\u2015his epistle\nto the Philippians. There is in Eusebius (iv. 15), an epistle from the\nchurch in Smyrna to the churches in Pontus, giving an account of the\nmartyrdom of Polycarp. It is admitted that in neither of these is there\nany express mention, or any certain allusion, to the book of Revelation.\nBut from this circumstance nothing can be inferred respecting the\nApocalypse, either for or against it, since there may have been no\noccasion for Polycarp or his friends, in the writings now extant,\nto speak of this book; and from their silence nothing more should be\ninferred against this book than against the epistles of Paul, or the\nGospel by John. There is, however, what may, without impropriety, be\nregarded as an important testimony of Polycarp in regard to this book.\nPolycarp was, as there is every reason to {xxxi} suppose, the personal\nfriend of John, and Iren\u00e6us was the personal friend of Polycarp\n(Lardner, ii. 94\u201296). Now Iren\u00e6us, as we shall see, on all occasions,\nand in the most positive manner, gives his clear testimony that the\nApocalypse was written by the apostle John. It is impossible to suppose\nthat he would do this if Polycarp had not believed it to be true; and\ncertainly he would not have been likely to hold this opinion if one who\nwas his own friend, and the friend of John, had doubted or denied it.\nThis is not indeed absolute proof, but it furnishes strong presumptive\nevidence in favour of the opinion that the book of Revelation was\nwritten by the apostle John. The whole history of Polycarp, and his\ntestimony to the books of the New Testament, may be seen in Lardner,\nii. 94\u2012114.\n\nPAPIAS.\u2015\u2015Papias was bishop of Hierapolis, near Colosse, and flourished,\naccording to Cave, about A.D. 110; according to others, about the year\n115 or 116. How long he lived is uncertain. Iren\u00e6us asserts that he was\nthe intimate friend\u2015\u2015\u1f11\u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015of Polycarp, and this is also admitted by\nEusebius (_Ecc. Hist._ iii. 39). He was the contemporary of John, and\nwas probably acquainted with him. Eusebius expressly says that he was\n\u201ca hearer of John\u201d (Lardner, ii. 117). Of his writings there remain\nonly a few fragments preserved by Eusebius, by Jerome, and in the\n_Commentary_ of Andrew, bishop of C\u00e6sarea, in Cappadocia. He was a\nwarm defender of the Millennarian doctrines. In his writings preserved\nto us (see Lardner, ii. 120\u2012125), there is no express mention of the\nApocalypse, or direct reference to it; but the commentator Andrew of\nC\u00e6sarea reckons him among the explicit witnesses in its favour. In\nthe Preface to his _Commentary on the Apocalypse_, Andrew says, \u201cIn\nregard now to the inspiration of the book, we think it superfluous to\nextend our discourse, inasmuch as the blessed Gregory, and Cyril, and\nmoreover the ancient [writers] _Papias_, _Iren\u00e6us_, _Methodius_, and\n_Hippolytus_ bear testimony to its credibility.\u201d See the passage in\nHug, _Intro._ p. 652; and Prof. Stuart, i. 305. And in nearly the same\nwords does Arethas, the successor of Andrew, bear the like testimony.\nThe evidence, therefore, in this case is the same as in the case of\nPolycarp, and it cannot be supposed that Papias would have been thus\nreferred to unless it was uniformly understood that he regarded the\nbook as the production of the apostle John.\n\nThese are all the testimonies that properly belong to the first half\ncentury after the death of John, and though not absolutely _positive_\nand _conclusive_ in themselves, yet the following points may be\nregarded as established:\u2015\u2015(a) The book was known; (b) so far as the\ntestimony goes, it is in favour of its having been composed by John;\n(c) the fact that he was the author is not called in question or\ndoubted; (d) it was generally ascribed to him; (e) it was _probably_\nthe foundation of the Millennarian views entertained by Papias\u2015\u2015that\nis, it is easier to account for his holding these views by supposing\nthat the book was known, and that he founded them on this book, than\nin any other way. See Prof. Stuart, i. 304.\n\n2. The second half century after the death of John, from A.D. 150 to\nA.D. 200. This will include the names of Justin Martyr, the Narrator of\nthe Martyrs of Lyons, Iren\u00e6us, Melito, Theophilus, Apollonius, Clement\nof Alexandria and Tertullian.\n\nJUSTIN MARTYR.\u2015\u2015He was a Christian philosopher, born at Flavia\nNeapolis, anciently called Sichem, a city of Samaria, it is supposed\nabout A.D. 103; was converted to Christianity about A.D. 133, and\nsuffered martyrdom about {xxxii} A.D. 165 (Lardner, ii. 125\u2012140). He\nwas partly contemporary with Polycarp and Papias. He travelled in Egypt,\nItaly, and Asia Minor, and resided some time at Ephesus. He was endowed\nwith a bold and inquiring mind, and was a man eminent for integrity\nand virtue. Tatian calls him an \u201cadmirable man.\u201d Methodius says,\nthat he was a man \u201cnot far removed from the apostles in time or in\nvirtue.\u201d Photius says, that he was \u201cwell acquainted with the Christian\nphilosophy, and especially with the heathen; rich in the knowledge of\nhistory, and all other parts of learning\u201d (Lardner). He was, therefore,\nwell qualified to ascertain the truth about the origin of the book\nof Revelation, and his testimony must be of great value. He was an\nadvocate of the doctrine of _Chiliasm_\u2015\u2015or, the doctrine that Christ\nwould reign a thousand years on the earth\u2015\u2015and in defence of this\nhe uses the following language: \u201cAnd a man from among us, by name\nJohn, one of the Apostles of Christ, in a Revelation made to him\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03bd\n\u1f08\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03cd\u03c8\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u1fc3 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fb7\u2015\u2015has prophesied that the believers in one\nChrist shall live a thousand years in Jerusalem; and after that shall\nbe the general, and, in a word, the eternal resurrection and judgment\nof all men together.\u201d There can be no doubt whatever that there\nis an allusion here to the book of Revelation\u2015\u2015for the very name\n_Revelation_\u2015\u2015\u1f08\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2\u2015\u2015is used; that Justin believed that it was\nwritten by the apostle John; and that there is express reference\nto what is now chap. xx. of that book. The book was, therefore, in\nexistence in the time of Justin\u2015\u2015that is, in about fifty years after\nthe death of John; was believed to be the work of the apostle John; was\nquoted as such, and by one who had lived in the very region where John\nlived, and by a man whose character is unimpeached, and who, in a point\nlike this, could not have been mistaken. The testimony of Justin Martyr,\ntherefore, is very important. It is positive; it is given where there\nwas every opportunity for knowing the truth, and where there was no\nmotive for a false testimony; and it is the testimony of one whose\ncharacter for truthfulness is unimpeached.\n\nTHE NARRATIVE OF THE MARTYRS OF VIENNE AND LYONS.\u2015\u2015Lardner,\nii. 160\u2012165. In the reign of Marcus Antoninus, Christians suffered much\nfrom persecution. This persecution was particularly violent at Lyons,\nand the country round about. The churches of Lyons and Vienne sent an\naccount of their sufferings, in an epistle, to the churches of Asia and\nPhrygia. This, according to Lardner, was about A.D. 177. The epistle\nhas been preserved by Eusebius. In this epistle, among other undoubted\nallusions to the New Testament, the following occurs. Speaking of\nVettius Epigathus, they say\u2015\u2015\u201cFor he was indeed a genuine disciple of\nChrist, _following the Lamb whithersoever he goes_.\u201d Comp. Rev. xiv. 2:\n\u201cThese are they which _follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth_.\u201d There\ncan be no doubt that this passage in Revelation was referred to; and\nit proves that the book was then known, and that the writers were\naccustomed to regard it as on a level with the other sacred writings.\n\nIREN\u00c6US.\u2015\u2015The testimony of this father has already been referred to\nwhen speaking of Polycarp. He was bishop of Lyons, in Gaul. His country\nis not certainly known, but Lardner supposes that he was a Greek, and,\nfrom his early acquaintance with Polycarp, that he was from Asia. When\na youth, he was a hearer of Polycarp, and also a disciple of Papias. He\nwas born about the beginning of the second century, and it is commonly\nsupposed that he suffered martyrdom in extreme old age. He became\nbishop of Lyons after {xxxiii} he was seventy years of age, and wrote\nhis principal work, _Contra H\u00e6reses_, after this. His testimony is\nparticularly valuable, as he was in early life acquainted with Polycarp,\nwho was a contemporary and friend of the apostle John (Lardner,\nii. 165\u2012192). Of his reference to the book of Revelation, Lardner\nsays: \u201cThe Apocalypse, or Revelation, is often quoted by him as the\nRevelation of John, the disciple of the Lord.\u201d In one place he says:\n\u201cIt was seen no long time ago, but almost in our age, at the end of the\nreign of Domitian.\u201d And again, he spoke of the exact and ancient copies\nof the book, as if it was important to ascertain the true reading, and\nas if it were then possible to do this. Thus Eusebius (Lardner, ii. 167)\nsays of him: \u201cIn his fifth book he thus discourses of the Revelation\nof John, and the computation of the name of Antichrist: \u2018These things\nbeing thus, _and this number being in all the exact and ancient\ncopies, and they who saw John attesting to the same things_, and reason\nteaching us that the number of the name of the beast, according to\nthe acceptation of the Greeks, is expressed by the letters contained\nin it.\u2019\u201d Here is an undoubted reference to Revelation xiii. 18. This\nevidence is clear and positive. Its value consists in these things:\n(a) That he was familiar with one who was the friend of John; (b) that\nhe must have known his views on the subject; (c) that he must have been\nintimately acquainted with the common opinion on the subject of the\nauthorship of the book; (d) that a spurious work could not have been\npalmed upon the world as the production of John; (e) that he bears\nunequivocal testimony to the fact that it was written by John; (f) and\nthat he speaks of the \u201cmost exact\u201d copies being then in existence, and\ntestified to by those who had seen John himself.\n\nMELITO.\u2015\u2015Lardner, ii. 157\u2012160. He was bishop of Sardis, one of the\nchurches to which the book of Revelation was directed. He is supposed\nto have flourished about A.D. 170. He was a man greatly distinguished\nfor learning and piety, and Jerome says that Christians were accustomed\nto name him a _prophet_. He was, moreover, remarkably inquisitive\nrespecting the sacred books; and, at the request of Onesimus, he made\nextracts from the Scriptures respecting the Messianic prophecies, and\nalso a complete list of the books of the Old Testament, which is still\nextant in Eusebius, _Ecc. Hist._ iv. 26. He wrote a _Treatise_ or\n_Commentary on the Book of Revelation_. Dr. Lardner says of this, \u201cWhat\nit contained we are not informed. I will say it was a commentary on\nthat book. It is plain he ascribed that book to John, and very likely\nto John the apostle. I think it very probable he esteemed it a book of\ncanonical authority.\u201d Hug says (p. 653), \u201cMelito himself calls it the\nApocalypse of John.\u201d Even Michaelis (_Intro. to the New Testament_,\niv. 466) reckons Melito among the witnesses in favour of the book.\nThe _value_ of this testimony is this: (a) Melito was bishop of one of\nthe churches to which the Apocalypse was directed; (b) he lived near\nthe time of John; (c) he was a diligent student on this very subject;\n(d) he had every opportunity of ascertaining the truth on the subject;\n(e) he regarded it as the work of the apostle John; (f) and he wrote\na treatise or commentary on it as an inspired book. It is not easy to\nconceive of stronger testimony in favour of the book.\n\nTHEOPHILUS.\u2015\u2015Lardner, ii. 203\u2012215. He was bishop of Antioch, and\nflourished about A.D. 169\u2012180. He wrote a work against the \u201cheresy\u201d of\nHermogenes, referred to by Eusebius, _Ecc. Hist._ iv. 24. In that work\nhe expressly speaks of the Apocalypse as the production of John; and\nLardner {xxxiv} says of his testimony, \u201cThat the book of Revelation was\nowned by him is undoubted from Eusebius. Eusebius has assured us that\nTheophilus, in his book against Hermogenes, brought testimonies from\nthe Apocalypse of John,\u201d pp. 214, 215. The value of this testimony is,\nthat Theophilus doubtless expressed the current opinion of his time,\nand that he had ample opportunity for ascertaining the truth. There\nis also a passage in the writings of Theophilus which _seems_ to be a\ndirect allusion to the book of Revelation: \u201cThis Eve, because she was\ndeceived by the serpent\u2015\u2015the evil demon, who is also called Satan, who\nthus spoke to her by the serpent\u2015\u2015does not cease to accuse; this demon\nis also called the dragon.\u201d Comp. Rev. xii. 9.\n\nAPOLLONIUS.\u2015\u2015Lardner, ii. 391\u2012393. He flourished about A.D. 192.\nEusebius says of him, \u201cHe makes use of testimonies out of the\nRevelation of John.\u201d The value of this testimony is, (a) that he\nquotes the book as of authority; and (b) that he ascribes it to John,\nevidently meaning the apostle John.\n\nCLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA.\u2015\u2015Lardner, ii. 222\u2012259. He flourished about\nA.D. 192\u2012220. Many of his writings are extant. Lardner (p. 245) says of\nhim, \u201cThe book of Revelation is several times quoted by him, and once\nin this manner: \u2018Such an one, though here on earth he be not honoured\nwith the first seat, shall sit upon the four and twenty thrones judging\nthe people, as John says in the Revelation.\u2019\u201d Comp. Rev. iv. 4; xi. 16.\nLardner adds, \u201cAnd that he supposed this writer to be John the apostle\nappears from another place, where he refers to Rev. xxi. 21, as the\nwords of the apostle.\u201d Professor Stuart says (i. 317), \u201cThere is no\ngood ground for doubt, from anything which is found in the work, that\nhe received and admitted the Apocalypse as a work of John the apostle.\u201d\nThe known character of Clement makes this testimony of great value.\n\nTERTULLIAN.\u2015\u2015He was the contemporary of Clement, and was the most\nancient, and one of the most learned, of the Latin fathers (Lardner,\nii. 267\u2012306). He was born at Carthage about the middle of the second\ncentury, and died about A.D. 220. He was reared in the study of\nthe Greek and Latin languages, of philosophy and the Roman law, and\npossessed extensive information. \u201cHis testimony to the Apocalypse is\nmost full and ample. He quotes, or refers to it in more than seventy\npassages in his writings, appealing to it expressly as the work of the\napostle John\u201d (Elliott, i. 27). \u201cThe declarations of Tertullian are so\nfrequent and plain, that no doubt can possibly remain as to his belief\u201d\n(Prof. Stuart, i. 318). \u201cThe Revelation of John is often quoted. I put\ntogether two or three passages, which show his full persuasion that\nit was written by the apostle and evangelist of that name\u201d (Lardner,\nii. 295). One of the passages referred to by Lardner is the following:\n\u201cThe apostle John, in the Apocalypse, describes a sharp two-edged sword\ncoming out of the mouth of God.\u201d Another is, \u201cThough Marcion rejects\nhis revelation, the succession of bishops traced to the original will\nassure us that John is the author.\u201d There can be no doubt, therefore,\nthat Tertullian regarded the apostle John as the author of the book of\nRevelation; and his confident assertion may be considered as expressive\nof the prevailing opinion of his time.\n\nThus far, to the end of the second century, the testimony of the\nfathers of the church, as far as we now have it, was uniform and\nunbroken; and so far as historical testimony is concerned, this should\nbe permitted to decide the {xxxv} question. Marcion, indeed, who lived\nin the time of Polycarp, and whom Polycarp called \u201cthe first-born of\nSatan\u201d (Lardner, ii. 95), rejected the book of Revelation (see the\ndeclaration of Tertullian in Lardner, ii. 275); but it is also to be\nremembered that he rejected the whole of the Old Testament, the account\nof the genealogy and baptism of the Saviour, the Acts of the Apostles,\nthe Epistles to Timothy, Titus, the Hebrews, and the Catholic Epistles\n(Lardner, vi. 142\u2012151, 347\u2012350; viii. 489\u2012513). Besides the opinion of\nMarcion, the testimony was uniform, with the exception of the heretical\nsect of the _Alogi_, if there was any such sect, which is generally\nsupposed to have arisen in the latter half of this century, who derived\ntheir name from their antipathy to the name of _Logos_, and who on this\naccount denied both the Gospel of John and the book of Revelation. See\nLardner, iv. 190, 191; viii. 627, 628. Lardner, however, maintains that\nthere never was any such sect (viii. 628).\n\n3. The third half century after the death of John, A.D. 200\u2012250.\nAmong the names embraced in this period are those of Hippolytus, who\nflourished about A.D. 220; Nepos, an Egyptian bishop; the well-known\nOrigen, the most acute critic of all the early fathers, and who devoted\nhis life to the study of the Scriptures; Cyprian, bishop of Carthage,\nwho flourished about A.D. 246; and Methodius, bishop of Olympia in\nLycia. All these, without exception, have left a clear and decided\nexpression of their belief that the apostle John was the author of the\nApocalypse. See that testimony at length in Prof. Stuart, i. 321\u2012326.\n\nIt is unnecessary to pursue the historical evidence further. If the\ntestimony in favour of the work is unbroken and clear for an hundred\nand fifty years, the testimony of those who lived subsequent to that\nperiod would add little to its strength. To the names already mentioned,\nhowever, there might be added those of Epiphanius, Basil, Cyril of\nAlexandria, Ephrem the Syrian, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Hilary of\nPoictiers, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and many others.\n\nSuch is the external positive testimony in favour of the opinion that\nthe book of Revelation was written by the apostle John.\n\nTo this might be added certain internal marks, or certain facts in the\nlife of John which accord with this supposition, and seem to confirm\nit. They are such that if they did _not_ exist there might be some room\nfor plausible doubt, though it must be admitted that, in themselves,\nthey do not amount to positive proof of any considerable strength that\nhe _was_ the author. There is not room to dwell upon them, and they\ncan only be briefly referred to. They are such as these:\u2015\u2015(1) That the\nauthor calls himself _John_, evidently with the design of representing\nhimself as the _apostle_ of that name; for (a) his supposed relation to\nthe churches of Asia Minor is such as the relation of the apostle John\nwas, and (b) the name _John_, unless there was something to qualify it,\nwould be naturally understood as referring to the apostle of that name.\n(2) The fact that John lived at Ephesus, and was well known to the\nseven churches of Asia Minor. (3) The fact that he lived to extreme old\nage\u2015\u2015to the time when the book was supposed to have been written. See\n\u00a7 II. (4) The fact that there was a persecution in the time of Domitian,\nwhen this book is supposed to have been written; and (5) what might be\nderived from a comparison of this book with the acknowledged writings\nof John.\n\nII. To confirm the argument, it is necessary to show the insufficiency\nof the reasons for doubting that John was the author. This point may be\nconsidered {xxxvi} under two heads\u2015\u2015the alleged grounds for doubting\nthat it was written by John by the ancients; and the reasons alleged by\nthe moderns.\n\n(1) The ancients.\n\n(a) It has been maintained that it was rejected by Caius, a presbyter\nat Rome. He flourished, according to Cave, about A.D. 210. See Lardner,\nii. 394\u2012410. There is a single passage in his writings, from which it\nhas been inferred that he designed to reject the Apocalypse. This is\nin the following words\u2015\u2015\u201cAnd Cerinthus also, who by his revelations, as\nif written by some great apostle, imposes upon us monstrous relations\nof things of his own invention, as shown him by an angel, says, \u2018that\nafter the resurrection there shall be a terrestrial kingdom of Christ,\nand that men shall live again in Jerusalem, subject to sensual desires\nand pleasures. And being an enemy to the divine Scriptures, and\ndesirous to seduce mankind, he says there will be a term of a thousand\nyears spent in nuptial entertainments\u2019\u201d (Lardner, ii. 400, 401).\n\nThe whole force of this depends on the supposition that Caius meant to\nrefer to Rev. xx. 4\u20126.\n\nBut in regard to this the following remarks may be made:\u2015\u2015(a) Caius was\nstrongly opposed to Cerinthus, and to his views; (b) he was opposed to\nthe prevailing doctrine of Chiliasm, or the doctrine of the millennium,\nas then extensively held\u2015\u2015that Christ would reign personally on the\nearth with his saints for a thousand years; (c) it may be _possible_\nthat Cerinthus may have forged a work pretending to be of apostolic\norigin, in which these doctrines were affirmed; (d) it is possible that\nthe book of Revelation, as left by John, may have been interpolated\nand corrupted by Caius thus. Some one of these suppositions is more\nprobable than the supposition that Caius meant to reject the book of\nRevelation; for,\n\n1. The views referred to by Caius, as held by Cerinthus, are _not_\nthe views which are found in Rev. xx. He spoke of a \u201cterrestrial\nkingdom of Christ;\u201d says that \u201cmen would again live in Jerusalem;\u201d that\nthey \u201cwould be subject to sensual pleasures;\u201d and that the \u201cterm of a\nthousand years would be spent in nuptial entertainments.\u201d None of these\nopinions are found in the book of Revelation as we now have it.\n\n2. The _title_ given by Caius to the book\u2015\u2015_Revelations_ instead of\n_Revelation_\u2015\u2015\u1f08\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2\u2015\u2015as we find it in the book itself, chap. i. 1,\nwould seem to indicate a different work from that of John. Eusebius\nalways refers to the Apocalypse by the noun singular (Prof. Stuart,\ni. 341), and this is the general manner in which the work has been\ndesignated. If Caius had designed to refer to this, it is probable that\nhe would have used the common term to designate it.\n\n3. These views receive some confirmation from a passage in Theodoret,\n\u201cwho spoke of Cerinthus in such a way as seems to imply that he had\nforged an Apocalypse for the promotion of his designs.\u201d That passage\nis, \u201cCerinthus forged certain revelations _as if he himself had seen\nthem_, and added descriptions of certain terrible things, and declares\nthat the kingdom of the Lord will be established on the earth,\u201d &c. See\nProf. Stuart, i. 342. On the whole, nothing of material importance can\nbe derived from the testimony of Caius in proof that the Apocalypse was\nnot believed to have been written by John.\n\n(b) Dionysius of Alexandria doubted the genuineness of the Apocalypse\nas {xxxvii} being the production of John, though he did not deny its\ninspiration. He was made bishop of the see of Alexandria A.D. 247 or\n248, and died about A.D. 264 or 265. See Lardner, ii. 643\u2012722. He was\na pupil of Origen, and enjoyed a high reputation. The full testimony of\nDionysius in regard to this book may be seen in Lardner, ii. 693\u2012697.\nI will copy all that is material to show his opinion. He says, \u201cSome\nwho were before us have utterly rejected and confuted this book,\ncriticising every chapter; showing it throughout unintelligible\nand inconsistent; adding, moreover, that the inspiration is false,\nforasmuch as it is not John\u2019s; nor is a revelation which is hidden\nunder so obscure and thick a veil of ignorance.\u201d [Prof. Stuart (i. 346)\ntranslates this, \u201cIt contains, moreover, no revelation; for it is\ncovered with a strong and thick veil of ignorance.\u201d] \u201cAnd this not\nonly no apostle, but not so much as any holy or ecclesiastical man was\nthe author of this writing, but that Cerinthus, founder of the heresy\ncalled after him the Cerinthian, the better to recommend his own\nforgery, prefixed to it an honourable name. For this, they say, was one\nof his particular notions, that the kingdom of Christ should be earthly;\nconsisting of those things which he himself, a carnal and sensual man,\nmost admired, the pleasures of the belly and its concupiscence; that is,\neating, and drinking, and marriage; and for the more decent procurement\nof these, feastings, and sacrifices, and slaughters of victims. But,\nfor my part, I dare not reject the book, since many of the brethren\nhave it in high esteem; but allowing it to be above my understanding, I\nsuppose it to contain throughout some latent and wonderful meaning; for\nthough I do not understand it, I suspect there must be some profound\nsense in the words; not measuring and judging these things by my own\nreason, but ascribing more to faith, I esteem them too sublime to be\ncomprehended by me.\u201d Then, having quoted some passages from the book,\nhe adds, speaking of the author, \u201cI do not deny, then, that his name is\nJohn, and that this is John\u2019s book; for I believe it to be the work of\nsome holy and inspired person. Nevertheless, I cannot easily grant him\nto be the apostle, the son of Zebedee, brother of James, whose is the\nGospel ascribed to John, and the Catholic Epistle; for I conclude from\nthe manner of each, and the term of expression, and the conduct of the\nbook, as we call it, that he is not the same person; for the Evangelist\nnowhere puts down his name, nor does he speak of himself either in\nthe Gospel or the Epistle. I think, therefore, that he [the author] is\nanother, one of them that dwelleth in Asia; forasmuch as it is said,\nthat there are two tombs at Ephesus, each of them called John\u2019s tomb.\nAnd from the sentiment, and words, and disposition of them, it is\nlikely that he differed from him [who wrote the Gospel and Epistle].\u201d\n\nThis is the sum of all that Dionysius says in regard to the genuineness\nof the book.\n\nRespecting this the following remarks may be made:\u2015\u2015\n\n1. Dionysius, though he did not regard the work as the work of John\nthe apostle, yet received it as an inspired book, though far above his\ncomprehension.\n\n2. He does not agree with those who altogether rejected it, as if it\nwere no revelation, and contained no inspired truth.\n\n3. He did not ascribe it, as it has been supposed by some that Caius\ndid, to Cerinthus.\n\n4. _All_ the objections that he urges to its being the work of the\napostle {xxxviii} John are derived from the book itself, and from the\ndifficulty of supposing that the Gospel of John, and the First Epistle\nof John, should have been written by the same author. He refers to\nno _historical_ proof on that point; and does not even intimate that\nits genuineness had been called in question by the early writers. It\nis clear, therefore, that the objections of Dionysius should not be\nallowed to set aside the strong and clear proofs of a historical nature\nalready adduced from the early Christian writers. See the opinion of\nDionysius examined more at length in Prof. Stuart, i. 344\u2012354. Comp.\nHug, _Intro._ pp. 654\u2012656.\n\n(c) It may be added, in regard to the historical testimony from the\nancients, that the book is not found in many of the early catalogues\nof the books of the New Testament, and that this has been made an\nobjection to its authenticity. Thus Gregory of Nazianzen, in a piece\ncomposed in verse, containing a catalogue of the canonical Scriptures,\nomits the book of Revelation; in the catalogue of sacred writings\nannexed to the canons of the council of Laodicea, A.D. 363, it is also\nomitted; in the so-called Canons of the Apostles, a supposititious\nwork of the latter part of the fourth century, it is also omitted;\nit is also omitted in a catalogue of sacred books published by Cyril\nof Jerusalem, A.D. 360; and it is mentioned by Amphilocus, bishop\nof Iconium, A.D. 380, as among the books that were doubtful. \u201cSome,\u201d\nsays he, \u201cadmit the Apocalypse of John, but most persons say it is\nspurious.\u201d See Michaelis, _Intro. New Test._ iv. 489; Prof. Stuart,\ni. 357, seq.\n\nIn regard to these omissions, and the doubts entertained by later\nwriters on the subject, it may be remarked in general, (1) That it is\nwell known that in the latter part of the fourth century and onward\nmany doubts were entertained as to the canonical authority of the\nApocalypse, and that, together with the Epistle to the Hebrews, the\nSecond Epistle of Peter, and the Second and Third Epistles of John,\nit was reckoned among the books called _Antilegomena_; that is, _books\nspoken against_, or books whose canonical authority was not admitted\nby all. (2) This fact shows, as has been often remarked, the great\nvigilance of the church in the early ages, in settling the canon of\nScripture, and in determining what books were to be admitted, and what\nwere to be rejected. (3) These doubts, entertained in a later age,\ncannot affect the clear historical testimony of the early writers, as\nwe now have it; for the question of the origin of the Apocalypse, so\nfar as the historical testimony is concerned, must be determined by the\ntestimony of the writers who lived near the time when it is alleged to\nhave been written. (4) The objections alleged against the Apocalypse\nin later times were wholly on _internal_ grounds, and were mainly\nderived from the fact that it was supposed to countenance the doctrine\nof Chiliasm, or the doctrine of the personal reign of Christ and the\nsaints, for a thousand years, in Jerusalem; and from the fact that\nthe followers of Cerinthus appealed to this book in support of their\npernicious errors. The book _seemed_ (see chap. xx.) to countenance\nthe views early entertained by many on the subject of the millennium,\nand, in accordance with a common method of controversy, its canonical\nauthority was therefore called in question. Thus Hug (_Intro._ p. 654)\nsays, \u201cIt was amidst the disputes concerning the millennium that\nthe first explicit and well-authenticated denial of the Apocalypse\noccurred.\u201d Nepos, bishop of the Arsinoitic pr\u00e6fecture in Egypt, had\nmaintained that the doctrine of the millennium could be defended from\nthe book of Revelation by a literal exposition. {xxxix} Dionysius\nopposed this view, and, in the violence of the dispute on the subject,\nthe authority of the Apocalypse itself was called in question by\nDionysius, on the grounds referred to above. \u201cHe did this, however,\u201d\nsays Hug, \u201cwith such moderation, that he might not offend those who had\nso readily agreed to a compromise;\u201d that is, a compromise by which, as\nbishop, he had endeavoured to reconcile the contending parties. Hug has\nshown conclusively (pp. 654\u2012656) that this constitutes no objection to\nthe genuineness of the book. It was on such internal grounds entirely\nthat the authenticity of the book was called in question, and that\nit was ever placed among the disputed books. That objection is, of\ncourse, of no importance now. (5) It is well known that, mainly by the\ninfluence of Jerome and Augustine (see Prof. Stuart, i. 334), all these\ndoubts were removed, and that the Apocalypse after their time was all\nbut universally received, until Luther, for reasons derived from the\nbook itself, in the early part of his life, again called it in question.\n\nSuch is a summary of the historical argument in favour of the\ngenuineness of the book of Revelation; and such is the nature of the\nevidence which has satisfied the Christian world at large that it is\nthe work of the apostle John, and is, therefore, entitled to a place as\nan inspired book in the canon of Scripture. In ancient times there were\nno objections to it on historical grounds, and it is unnecessary to say\nthat there can be none on these grounds now.\n\n(2) The objections to its genuineness and authenticity in modern\ntimes are wholly derived from the contents of the book itself. These\nobjections, as stated by De Wette, and as expressing the substance\nof all that is urged by Ewald, L\u00fccke, Credner, and others, are the\nfollowing:\u2015\u2015\n\n1. That the Apocalyptical writer calls himself John, which the\nevangelist never does. It is added, also, by Ewald, Credner, and Hitzig,\nthat in chap. xviii. 20 and xxi. 14 the writer expressly excludes\nhimself from the number of the apostles.\n\n2. That the language of the book is entirely different from that of\nthe fourth Gospel, and the three Epistles of John the apostle. It is\nsaid to be characterized by strong Hebraisms, and by ruggedness; by\nnegligence of expression, and by grammatical inaccuracies; and that\nit exhibits the absence of pure Greek words, and of the apostle\u2019s\nfavourite expressions.\n\n3. That the style is unlike that which appears in the Gospel and the\nEpistles. In the latter it is said there is calm, deep feeling; in the\nApocalypse a lively creative power of fancy.\n\n4. That the doctrinal aspect of the book is different from that of\nthe apostle\u2019s acknowledged writings. It is said that we find in the\nlatter nothing of the \u201csensuous expectations of the Messiah and of\nhis kingdom,\u201d which are prominent in the Apocalypse; that the views\ninculcated respecting spirits, demons, and angels are foreign to John;\nand that there is a certain spirit of revenge flowing throughout the\nApocalypse quite inconsistent with the mild and amiable disposition of\nthe beloved disciple.\n\nFor a full consideration of these points, and a complete answer\nto these objections, the reader is referred to the _Commentary_ of\nProf. Stuart, vol. i. pp. 371\u2012422. A more condensed reply is found\nin Kitto\u2019s _Cyclop\u00e6dia of Biblical Literature_, in an article by the\nRev. S. Davidson, LL.D., Professor of Biblical Literature and Oriental\nLanguages in the Lancashire Independent College, vol. ii. pp. 614\u2012618.\n\n{xl} The objections do not seem to me to have the importance which\nhas been attached to them by many persons, but it may be satisfactory\nto see the manner in which they are disposed of by Dr. Davidson; I\ntherefore copy his answer to them.\n\n\u201cLet us now consider the internal evidence in favour of John the\nApostle, beginning with an examination of the arguments adduced on the\nother side by De Wette. These do not possess all the weight that many\nassign to them. We shall follow the order in which they have been\nalready stated.\n\n\u201c1. We attach no importance to this circumstance. Why should not\na writer be at liberty to name himself or not as he pleases? above\nall, why should not a writer, under the immediate inspiration of the\nAlmighty, omit the particulars which he was not prompted to record? How\ncould he refrain from doing so? The Holy Spirit must have had some good\nreason for leading the writer to set forth his name, although curiosity\nis not gratified by assigning the reason. The Old Testament prophets\nusually prefixed their names to the visions and predictions which they\nwere prompted to record; and John does the same. But instead of styling\nhimself an apostle, which carries with it an idea of dignity and\nofficial authority, he modestly takes to himself the appellation of\n_a servant of Christ, the brother and companion of the faithful in\ntribulation_. This corresponds with the relation which he sustained to\nChrist in the receiving of such visions, as also with the condition of\nthe Redeemer himself. In the Gospel John is mentioned as _the disciple\nwhom Jesus loved_, for then he stood in an intimate relation to Christ,\nas the _Son of man_ appearing in the form of a servant; but in the\nbook before us Christ is announced as the glorified Redeemer who should\nquickly come to judgment, and John is _his servant_, intrusted with the\nsecrets of his house. Well did it become the apostle to forget all the\nhonour of his apostolic office, and to be abased before the Lord of\nglory. The resplendent vision of the Saviour had such an effect upon\nthe seer that he fell at his feet as dead; and therefore it was quite\nnatural for him to be clothed with profound humility, to designate\nhimself the servant of Jesus Christ, the brother and companion of\nthe faithful in tribulation. Again, in chap. xviii. 20 the prophets\nare said to be represented as already in heaven in their glorified\ncondition, and therefore the writer could not have belonged to their\nnumber. But this passage neither affirms, nor necessarily implies,\nthat the saints and apostles and prophets were at that time in heaven.\nNeither is it stated that _all_ the apostles had then been glorified.\nChap. xxi. 14 is alleged to be inconsistent with the modesty and\nhumility of John. This is a questionable assumption. The official\nhonour inseparable from the person of an apostle was surely compatible\nwith profound humility. It was so with Paul; and we may safely draw the\nsame conclusion in regard to John. In describing the heavenly Jerusalem\nit was necessary to introduce the twelve apostles. The writer could not\nexclude himself (see L\u00fccke, p. 389; and Guerike\u2019s _Beitr\u00e4ge_, p. 37,\nseq.).\n\n\u201c2. To enter fully into this argument would require a lengthened\ntreatise. Let us briefly notice the particular words, phrases, and\nexpressions to which Ewald, L\u00fccke, De Wette, and Credner specially\nallude. Much has been written by Ewald concerning the Hebraistic\ncharacter of the language. The writer, it is alleged, strongly imbued\nwith Hebrew modes of thought, frequently inserts Hebrew words, as in\nchap. iii. 14; ix. 11; xii. 9, 10; xix. 1, 3, 4, 6; xx. 2; xxii. 20;\nwhile the influence of _cabbalistic artificiality_ is obvious {xli}\nthroughout the entire book, and particularly in chap. i. 4, 5; iv. 2;\nxiii. 18; xvi. 14. The mode of employing the tenses is foreign to the\nGreek language, and moulded after the Hebrew (chap. i. 7; ii. 5, 16,\n22, 23, 27; iii. 9; iv. 9\u201211; xii. 2\u20124; xvi. 15, 21; xvii. 13, 14;\nxviii. 11, 15; xxii. 7, 12). So also the use of the participle (chap.\ni. 16; iv. 1, 5, 8; v. 6, 13; vi. 2, 5; vii. 9, 10; ix. 11; x. 2;\nxiv. 1, 14; xix. 12, 13; xxi. 14); and of the infinitive (chap. xii. 7).\nThe awkward disposition of words is also said to be Hebraistic; such\nas a genitive appended like the construct state; the stringing together\nof several genitives (chap. xiv. 8, 10, 19; xvi. 19; xviii. 3, 14;\nxix. 15; xxi. 6; xxii. 18, 19); and the use of the Greek cases, which\nare frequently changed for prepositions (chap. ii. 10; iii. 9;\nvi. 1, 8; viii. 7; ix. 19; xi. 6, 9; xii. 5; xiv. 2, 7); incorrectness\nin appositions (chap. i. 5; ii. 20; iii. 12; iv. 2\u20124; vi. 1; vii. 9;\nviii. 9; ix. 14; xiii. 1\u20123; xiv. 2, 12, 14, 20, &c.); a construction\nformed of an \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 put after the relative pronoun (chap. iii. 8;\nvii. 2, 9; xiii. 12; xx. 8); frequent anomalies in regard to number and\ngender (chap. ii. 27; iii. 4, 5; iv. 8; vi. 9, 10; ix. 13, 14; xi. 15;\nxiv. 1, 3; xvii. 16; xix. 14; and viii. 11; xi. 18; xv. 4; xvii. 12, 15;\nxviii. 14; xix. 21; xx. 12; xxi. 4, 24; also chap. xvi. 10; xix. 1,\n8, 9). In addition to this, it is alleged by Credner, that the use made\nof the Old Testament betrays an acquaintance on the part of the writer\nwith the Hebrew text (comp. chap. vi. 13, 14, with Isa. xxxiv. 4;\nchap. xviii. 2, with Isa. xiii. 21, xxi. 9, xxxiv. 14, Jer. l. 39;\nchap. xviii. 4, 5, with Jer. li. 6, 9, 45; chap. xviii. 7, with Isa.\nxlvii. 7, 8; chap. xviii. 21\u201223, with Jer. xxv. 10, li. 63, 64). In\ncontrast with all this, we are reminded of the fact that, according to\nActs iv. 13, John was an unlearned and ignorant man.\n\n\u201cThe book is deficient in words and turns of expression purely Greek,\nsuch as \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5, \u03c0\u03ce\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5, \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03ad\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5; compound verbs, as \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03b3\u03ad\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd,\n\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd; the double negation; the genitive absolute;\nthe attraction of the relative pronoun; the regular construction of\nthe neuter plural with the verb singular (except chap. viii. 3; ix. 20;\nxiv. 13; xviii. 24; xix. 14; xxi. 12); \u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd with the genitive.\nFavourite expressions, such as occur in the Gospel and Epistles, are\nseldom found, as \u03b8\u03b5\u03ac\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9, \u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9, \u1f10\u03c1\u03b3\u03ac\u03b6\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9, \u1fe5\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1, \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd, \u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd,\n\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ce\u03c2, \u1f61\u03c2 (an adverb of time), \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd, \u03bc\u03ad\u03bd, \u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9, \u03ba\u03cc\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2, \u03c6\u1ff6\u03c2,\n\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c4\u03af\u03b1, \u03b4\u03bf\u03be\u03ac\u03b6\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f51\u03c8\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, \u03b6\u03c9\u1f74 \u03b1\u1f30\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03bb\u03c5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, \u03bf\u1f57\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 (\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf)\n\u1f35\u03bd\u03b1; the historic present. There are also favourite expressions of the\nwriter of the book, such as do not occur in John\u2019s authentic writings:\n\u03bf\u1f30\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7, \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03ae, \u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f44\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1, \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03c7\u03ae\u03bd, \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03c1, \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2\n\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1, \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2, \u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f30\u03c3\u03c7\u03cd\u03c2, \u03c4\u03b9\u03bc\u03ae, \u03c0\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd, \u1f21 \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03ae\n\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03c4\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6, \u1f41 \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b3\u1fc6\u03c2, \u1f67\u03b4\u03b5 in the beginning\nof a sentence. The conjunction \u03b5\u1f30, so common in the Gospel, does not\noccur in the Apocalypse; but only \u03b5\u1f30 \u03bc\u03ae, \u03b5\u1f30 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bc\u03ae, and \u03b5\u1f34 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2. The\nfrequent joining of a substantive with \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2, as \u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u1f74 \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7, \u03b8\u03bb\u03af\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2\n\u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7, \u03c6\u03cc\u03b2\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2, \u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2, rather reminds one of Luke than\nJohn; \u03bc\u03b5\u03af\u03b6\u03c9\u03bd, so frequent in the Gospel, is not found in the Revelation;\nand, on the contrary, \u1f30\u03c3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2, which occurs seven times in the\nApocalypse, is foreign to the Gospel.\n\n\u201cThe following discrepancies between the language of the Gospel and\nthat of the Epistles have been noticed: \u1f00\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2 is used of God both\nin the Gospel and the Apocalypse, but in different senses; so also\n\u03ba\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, and \u1f10\u03c1\u03b3\u03ac\u03b6\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9; instead of \u1f34\u03b4\u03b5 the Apocalypse has only \u1f30\u03b4\u03bf\u03cd;\ninstead of \u1f39\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03cc\u03bb\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1 only \u1f39\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bb\u03ae\u03bc; instead of \u1f10\u03ac\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2, as in the\nGospel, \u03b5\u1f34 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2; \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af, so often used by John, occurs only once in the\nApocalypse, and that too in relation to place; \u1f44\u03c7\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 is {xlii} used in\nthe plural. Words denoting _seeing_ are differently used in the Gospel\nand Apocalypse; thus, for the present we find in the latter \u03b2\u03bb\u03ad\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd,\n\u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd, \u1f41\u03c1\u1fb6\u03bd; for the aorist of the active \u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd, \u03b2\u03bb\u03ad\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, and\n\u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd; for the future \u1f44\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, and for the aorist of the passive\nalso \u1f44\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9; \u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd has a different meaning from that which it bears\nin the Gospel; instead of \u1f41 \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03cc\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5, and \u1f41 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03b7\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2, we find\n\u1f41 \u03c3\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd\u1fb6\u03c2, \u1f41 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ac\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f41 \u03b4\u03c1\u03ac\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd \u1f41 \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2.\n\n\u201cSuch is a summary statement of an argument drawn out at great length\nby L\u00fccke, De Wette, Ewald, and Credner.\n\n\u201cSome have attempted to turn aside its force by resorting to the\nhypothesis that the book was originally written in Hebrew and then\ntranslated into Greek. This, however, is contradicted by the most\ndecisive internal evidence, and is in itself highly improbable. The\nApocalypse was written in the Greek language, as all antiquity attests.\nHow, then, are we to account for its Hebraistic idioms and solecisms of\nlanguage, its negligences of diction, and ungrammatical constructions?\nOne circumstance to be taken into account is, that the nature of the\nGospel is widely different from that of the Apocalypse. The latter is\na prophetic book\u2015\u2015a poetical composition; while the former is a simple\nrecord in prose, of the discourses of Jesus in the days of his flesh.\nIt is apparent, too, that John in the Apocalypse imitates the manner of\nEzekiel and Daniel. The New Testament prophet conforms to the diction\nand symbolic features of the former seers. \u2018If the question should\nbe urged why John chose these models, the obvious answer is, that he\nconformed to the taste of the times in which he lived. The numerous\napocryphal works of an Apocalyptical nature, which were composed nearly\nat the same time with the Apocalypse\u2015\u2015such as the book of Enoch, the\nAscension of Isaiah, the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, many of\nthe Sibylline Oracles, the fourth book of Ezra, the Pastor of Hermas,\nand many others which are lost\u2015\u2015all testify to the taste and feelings\nof the times when, or near which, the Apocalypse was written. If this\nmethod of writing was more grateful to the time in which John lived,\nit is a good reason for his preferring it.\u2019[56] In consequence of such\nimitation, the diction has an Oriental character; and the figures are\nin the highest style of imagery peculiar to the East. But it is said\nthat John was an illiterate man. Illiterate, doubtless, he was as\ncompared with Paul, who was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel; yet he\nmay have been capable of reading the Old Testament books; and he was\ncertainly inspired. Wrapt in ecstasy, he saw wondrous visions. He was\n_in the Spirit_. And when writing the things he beheld, his language\nwas to be conformed to the nature of such marvellous revelations. It\nwas to be adapted to the mysterious disclosures, the vivid pictures,\nthe moving scenes, the celestial beings and scenery of which he Was\nprivileged to tell. Hence it was to be lifted up far above the level\nof simple prose or biographic history, so as to correspond with the\nsublime visions of the seer. Nor should it be forgotten that he was\nnot in the circumstances of an ordinary writer. He was _inspired_.\nHow often is this fact lost sight of by the German critics! It is,\ntherefore, needless to inquire into his education in the Hebrew\nlanguage, or his mental culture while residing in Asia Minor, or the\nsmoothness of the Greek language as current in the place where he lived,\nbefore and after he wrote the Apocalypse. The Holy Spirit qualified\nhim beyond and irrespective of ordinary means for the work of writing.\nHowever elevated the theme he undertook, he was assisted in {xliii}\nemploying diction as elevated as the nature of the subject demanded. We\nplace, therefore, little reliance upon the argument derived from _the\ntime of life_ at which the Apocalypse was composed, though Olshausen\nand Guerike insist upon it. Written, as they think, twenty years before\nthe Gospel or Epistles, the Apocalypse exhibits marks of inexperience\nin writing, of youthful fire, and of an ardent temperament. It exhibits\nthe first essays of one expressing his ideas in a language to which he\nwas unaccustomed. This may be true; but we lay far less stress upon it\nthan these authors seem inclined to do. The strong Hebraized diction of\nthe book we account for on the ground that the writer was a Jew; and,\nas such, expressed his Jewish conceptions in Greek; that he imitated\nthe later Old Testament prophets, especially the manner of Daniel;\nand that the only prophetic writing in the New Testament naturally\napproaches nearer the Old Testament, if not in subject, at least in\ncolouring and linguistic features.\n\n\u201cThese considerations may serve to throw light upon the language\nof the book, after all the extravagancies of assertion in regard to\nanomalies, solecisms, and ruggednesses, have been fairly estimated. For\nit cannot be denied that many rash and unwarrantable assumptions have\nbeen made by De Wette and others relative to the impure Greek said\nto be contained in the Apocalypse. Winer has done much to check such\nbold assertions, but with little success in the case of those who are\nresolved to abide by a strong and prevalent current of opinion. We\nventure to affirm, without fear of contradiction, that there are\nbooks in the New Testament almost as Hebraizing as the Apocalypse;\nand that the anomalies charged to the account of the Hebrew language\nmay be paralleled in other parts of the New Testament, or in classical\nGreek. What shall be said, for instance, to the attempt of Hitzig to\ndemonstrate from the language of Mark\u2019s Gospel, as compared with that\nof the Apocalypse, that both proceeded from one author, viz. John Mark?\nThis author has conducted a lengthened investigation with the view of\nshowing that all the peculiarities of language found in the Apocalypse\nare equally presented in the second Gospel, particularly that the\nHebraisms of the one correspond with those of the other. Surely\nthis must lead to new investigations of the Apocalyptic diction, and\npossibly to a renunciation of those extravagant assertions so often\nmade in regard to the harsh, rugged, Hebraized Greek of the Apocalypse.\nWho ever dreamed before of the numerous solecisms of Mark\u2019s language?\nand yet Hitzig has demonstrated its similarity to the Apocalyptic\nas plausibly as Ewald, L\u00fccke, and others have proved the total\ndissimilarity between the diction of the Apocalypse and that of John\u2019s\nGospel.\n\n\u201cThe length allotted to this article will not allow the writer to\nnotice every term and phrase supposed to be peculiar. This can only be\ndone with success by him who takes a concordance to the Greek Testament\nin his hand, with the determination to test each example; along with\na good syntax of classical Greek, such as Bernhardy\u2019s. In this way\nhe may see whether the alleged Hebraisms and anomalies have not their\nparallels in classical Greek. Some of the allegations already quoted\nare manifestly incorrect, _e.g._, that \u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03c9 with the genitive is not\nfound in the Apocalypse. On the contrary, it occurs eight times with\nthe genitive. Other words are adduced on the principle of their not\noccurring so frequently in the book before us as in the Gospel and\nEpistles. But by this mode of reasoning it might be shown, that the\nother acknowledged writings of the apostle John, for instance his\nFirst Epistle, are not {xliv} authentic. Thus \u1fe5\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1, one of the words\nquoted, though frequently found in the Gospel, is not in any of the\nthree Epistles; therefore, these Epistles were not written by John.\nIt is found _once_ in the Apocalypse. Again, \u1f10\u03c1\u03b3\u03ac\u03b6\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9, which is found\nseven times in the Gospel, and once in the Apocalypse, as also once\nin each of the Second and Third Epistles, is not in the First Epistle;\ntherefore the First Epistle proceeded from another writer than the\nauthor of the Second and Third. The same reasoning may be applied to\n\u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9. Again, it is alleged that the regular construction of neuters\nplural with singular verbs is not found, with the exception of six\ninstances. To say nothing of the large list of exceptions, let it be\nconsidered, that the plural verb is joined with plural nouns where\nanimate beings, especially persons, are designated. Apply now this\nprinciple, which regularly holds good in classical Greek, to the\nApocalypse, and nothing peculiar will appear in the latter. Should\nthere still remain examples of neuters plural designating things\nwithout life, we shall find similar ones in the Greek writers. Another\nmode in which the reasoning founded upon the use of peculiar terms\nand expressions may be tested is the following. It is admitted that\nthere are words which occur in the Gospel and Epistles, but not in the\nApocalypse. The adverb \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5 is an example. On the same principle,\nand by virtue of the same reasoning, it may be denied, _as far as\nlanguage is concerned_, that 1 Timothy was written by Paul, because\n\u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5, which is found in his other epistles, does not occur in\nit. In this manner we might individually take up each word and every\nsyntactical peculiarity on which the charge of harshness, or solecism,\nor Hebraizing has been fastened. It is sufficient to state, that there\nare very few _real_ solecisms in the Apocalypse. _Almost all_ that\nhave been adduced may be paralleled in Greek writers, or in those of\nthe New Testament. The words of Winer, a master in this department,\nare worthy of attention: \u2018The solecisms that appear in the Apocalypse\ngive the diction the impress of great harshness, but they are _capable\nof explanation_, partly from anacoluthon and the mingling of two\nconstructions, partly in another manner. Such explanation should have\nbeen always adopted, instead of ascribing these irregularities to the\nignorance of the author, who, in other constructions of a much more\ndifficult nature in this very book, shows that he was exceedingly well\nacquainted with the rules of grammar. For most of these anomalies,\ntoo, analogous examples in the Greek writers may be found, with this\ndifference alone, that they do hot follow one another so frequently as\nin the Apocalypse,\u2019 (_Grammatik, f\u00fcnfte Auflage_, pp. 273, 274). Should\nthe reader not be satisfied with this brief statement of Winer, he is\nreferred to his _Exeget. Studien_, i. 154, seq., where the professor\nenters into details with great ability.\n\n\u201cThe following linguistic similarities between John\u2019s Gospel and\nthe Apocalypse deserve to be cited: \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1, Apoc. i. 19; iv. 1;\nvii. 1, 9; ix. 12; xv. 5; xviii. 1; xix. 1; xx. 3;\u2015\u2015Gosp. iii. 22;\nv. 1, 14; vi. 1; vii. 1; xix. 38; xxi. 1. \u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03b1, Apoc. i. 2, 9;\nvi. 9; xi. 7; xii. 11, 17; xix. 10; xx. 4;\u2015\u2015Gosp. (\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9 or\n\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03b1) i. 7, 8, 15, 19, 32, 34; ii. 25; iii. 11, 26, 28, 32, 33;\niv. 3, 9, 44; v. 31\u201234, 36, 37, 39;\u2015\u20151 Epist. i. 2; iv. 14; v. 6\u201211.\n\u1f35\u03bd\u03b1, Apoc. ii. 10, 21; iii. 9, 11, 18; vi. 2, 4, 11; vii. 1, &c.;\u2015\u2015Gosp.\nvi. 5, 7, 12, 15, 28\u201230, 38\u201240, 50; xi. 4, 11, 15, 16, 19, 31, 37, 42,\n50, 52, 53, 55, 57; xii. 9, 10, 20, 23, 35, &c.;\u2015\u20151 Epist. of John\ni. 3, 4, 9; ii. 1, 19, 27, 28. \u1f44\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2, Gosp. vii. 24; xi. 44;\u2015\u2015Apoc.\ni. 16. \u03c0\u03b9\u03ac\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, Apoc. xix. 20;\u2015\u2015Gosp. vii. 30, 32, 44; viii. 20; x. 39;\nxi. 57; xxi. 3, 10. \u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd, \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u03ac\u03c2, or some similar\nexpression, Apoc. iii. 8, 10; xii. 17; xiv. 12; xxii. 7, 9;\u2015\u2015Gosp.\nviii. 51, 55; {xlv} xiv. 15; xxiii. 24, &c. \u1f41 \u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd, Apoc. ii. 7, 11,\n17, 26; iii. 5, 12, 21; xv. 2; xxi. 7. This verb is quite common in\nthe First Epistle, chap. ii. 13, 14; iv. 4; v. 4, 5;\u2015\u2015Gosp. xvi. 33.\n\u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 \u03b6\u03c9\u1fc6\u03c2, Apoc. xxi. 6; xxii. 17; comp. Gosp. vii. 38. Compare also\nthe joining together of the present and the future in Apoc. ii. 5, and\nGosp. xiv. 3. The assertion of the same thing positively and negatively,\nApoc. ii. 2, 6, 8, 13; iii. 8, 17, 21; Gosp. i. 3, 6, 7, 20, 48;\niii. 15, 17, 20; iv. 42; v. 19, 24; viii. 35, 45; x. 28; xv. 5\u20127;\n1 Epist. ii. 27, &c. In several places in the Apocalypse Christ is\ncalled the Lamb; so also in the Gospel, chap. i. 29, 36. Christ is\ncalled \u1f41 \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0398\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6, Apoc. xix. 13, and in the Gospel of John only\nhas he the same epithet. \u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u1f14\u03ba \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, Apoc. iii. 10; Gosp. xvii. 15.\n\u03c3\u03c6\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, Apoc. v. 6, 9, 12; vi. 4, 9; xiii. 3, 8; xviii. 24; only in\nthe 1st Epistle of John, chap. iii. 12. \u1f14\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, Apoc. xx. 6; Gosp.\nxiii. 8. \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ac \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, Apoc. iii. 4; Gosp. vi. 66. \u03c3\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u03cc\u03c9,\nApoc. vii. 15; xii. 12; xiii. 6; xxi. 3; Gosp. i. 14. The expulsion\nof Satan from heaven is expressed thus in the Apoc. xii. 9: \u1f10\u03b2\u03bb\u03ae\u03b8\u03b7\n\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b3\u1fc6\u03bd; in the Gosp. it is said, \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd \u1f41 \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03cc\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\n\u1f10\u03ba\u03b2\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03ae\u03c3\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f14\u03be\u03c9, chap. xii. 31. (See Scholz, _Die Apokalypse\ndes heilig. Johannes \u00fcbersetzt, erkl\u00e4rt_, u. s. w. Frankfurt\nam Main, 1828, 8vo; Schulz, _Ueber den Schriftsteller, Character und\nWerth des Johannes_, Leipzig, 1803, 8vo; Donker Curtius, _Specimen\nhermeneuticotheologicum de Apocalypsi ab indole, doctrina, et scribendi\ngenere Johannis Apostoli non abhorrente_, Trajecti Batav. 1799, 8vo;\nKolthoff, _Apocalypsis Joanni Apostolo vindicata_, Hafni\u00e6, 1834, 8vo;\nStein, in Winer and Engelhardt\u2019s _Kritisch. Journal_, v. i.; and the\n_Jena Literatur-Zeitung_ for April, 1833, No. 61.) It is true that\nsome of these expressions are said, by L\u00fccke, De Wette, and Credner,\nto be used in a different sense in the Apocalypse; others not to\nbe _characteristic_, but rather accidental and casual; others not\n_original_, but borrowed. Such assertions, however, proceed more from\n_\u00e0 priori_ assumption than from any inherent truth they possess. In\nregard to the charge of _cabbalism_, especially in the use of numbers,\nit is easily disposed of. The cabbala of the Jews was widely different\nfrom the instances in the Apocalypse that have been quoted. Perhaps\nJohn\u2019s use of the number 666 comes the nearest to one kind of the\ncabbala; but still it is so unlike as to warrant the conclusion\nthat the apostle did not employ the cabbalistic art. His mysterious\nindications of certain facts, and the reasons of their being in some\nmeasure involved in darkness, are explicable on other than Jewish\ngrounds. There is no real cause for believing that the apostle had\nrecourse to the artificial and trifling conceits of the Rabbins. In\nshort, this argument is by no means conclusive. As far as the language\nis concerned, nothing militates against the opinion that the Apocalypse\nproceeded from John, who wrote the Gospel. The contrary evidence is not\nof such a nature as to demand assent. When rigidly scrutinized, it does\nnot sustain the conclusion so confidently built upon it.\n\n\u201cBut it is also affirmed, that the doctrinal views and sentiments\ninculcated in the Apocalypse are quite different from those found in\nthe Gospel. This may be freely allowed without any detriment to their\nidentity of authorship. How slow the Germans are in learning that a\ndifference in the exhibition of truths substantially the same is far\nfrom being a contradiction! A difference of subject in connection with\na different plan, demands correspondent dissimilarity of treatment.\nBesides, there must be a gradual development of the things pertaining\nto the kingdom of God on earth. Sensuous expectations of the Messiah,\nsuch as are alleged to abound in the Apocalypse, may be perfectly\n{xlvi} consistent with the spirituality of his reign, though it appears\nto us that the representations so designated are figurative, shadowing\nforth spiritual realities by means of outward objects.\n\n\u201cBut what is to be said of the pneumatological, demonological, and\nangelogical doctrines of the book? The object for which John\u2019s Gospel\nwas primarily written did not lead the apostle to introduce so many\nparticulars regarding angels and evil spirits. The intervention of good\nand the malignant influence of evil spirits are clearly implied in the\nOld Testament prophets, particularly in Zechariah and Daniel. It is\ntherefore quite accordant with the prophetic Hebraistic character of\nthe Apocalypse, to make angelic agency a prominent feature in the book.\nAnd that such agency is recognized in the Gospels, is apparent to the\nmost cursory reader. The special object with which the fourth Gospel\nwas written was different from that which prompted the composition of\nthe Apocalypse, and therefore the subject-matter of both is exceedingly\ndiverse. But still there is no opposition in doctrine. The same\ndoctrinal views lie at the foundation of all the representations\ncontained in them. In the one, the Redeemer is depicted in his humble\ncareer on earth; in the other, in his triumphs as a king\u2015\u2015or rather,\nin the victorious progress of his truth in the world, notwithstanding\nall the efforts of Satan and wicked men to suppress it. As to a spirit\nof revenge in the Apocalyptic writer, it is not found. The inspired\nprophet was commissioned to pronounce woes and judgments as soon to\nbefall the enemies of Christ, in consequence of their persevering,\nmalignant efforts. As well might an evil disposition be attributed to\nthe blessed Saviour himself, in consequence of his denunciation of the\nScribes and Pharisees. The same John who wrote the Apocalypse says, in\nthe Second Epistle, ver. 10, \u2018If there come any unto you and bring not\nthis doctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him God\nspeed.\u2019 It must ever strike the simple reader of the Apocalypse as a\npositive ground for attributing the authorship to John the apostle,\nthat he styles himself THE _servant_ of God by way of eminence, which\nnone other at that time would have ventured to do; and that he employs\nthe expression, _I John_, after the manner of Daniel, as if he were the\nonly prophet and person of the name. Nor can it be well believed that a\ndisciple of the apostle, or any other individual, should have presumed\nto introduce John as the speaker, thus deceiving the readers. The\napostle was well known to the Christians of his time, and especially\nto the Asiatic churches. He did not therefore think it necessary to say\nJohn the Apostle for the sake of distinguishing himself from any other.\nSee Z\u00fcllig\u2019s _Die Offenbarung Johannis_, Stuttgart, 1834, 8vo, p. 136.\u201d\n\n\n \u00a7 II.\u2015\u2015_The Time of Writing the Apocalypse._\n\nThe evidence as to the date of the Apocalypse may be considered as\nexternal or historical, and internal.\n\n1. External or historical. On this point the testimony of the early\nChristian fathers is almost or quite uniform, that it was in the latter\npart of the life of the apostle John, and towards the end of the reign\nof Domitian; that is, about A.D. 95 or 96.\n\nThe principal testimony to this fact is that of Iren\u00e6us. It will be\nrecollected that he was a disciple of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who\nwas himself the disciple of the apostle John. See \u00a7 I. (b). He had,\ntherefore, every opportunity of obtaining correct information, and\ndoubtless expresses the common {xlvii} sentiment of his age on the\nsubject. His character is unexceptionable, and he had no inducement\nto bear any false or perverted testimony in the case. His testimony\nis plain and positive that the book was written near the close of the\nreign of Domitian, and the testimony should be regarded as decisive\nunless it can be set aside. His language in regard to the book of\nRevelation is: \u201cIt was seen _no long time ago, but almost in our age,\nat the end of the reign of Domitian_\u201d (Lardner, ii. 181). Or, as the\npassage is translated by Prof. Stuart: \u201cThe Apocalypse was seen not\nlong ago, but almost in our generation, near the end of Domitian\u2019s\nreign.\u201d There can be no doubt, therefore, as to the meaning of the\npassage, or as to the time when Iren\u00e6us believed the book to have been\nwritten. Domitian was put to death A.D. 96, and consequently, according\nto Iren\u00e6us, the Apocalypse must have been written not far from this\ntime.\n\nThis testimony of Iren\u00e6us is confirmed by that of Clement of Alexandria.\nRelating the well-known story of John and the robber, he speaks of the\nevent as having occurred on his return from exile in Patmos \u201c_after the\ndeath of the tyrant_,\u201d and represents him as _then an infirm old man_.\nThe testimony in the book itself (chap. i. 9) is clear, that John was\non the island of Patmos when these visions were seen. The \u201c_tyrant_\u201d\nwhose death is here referred to must necessarily be either _Nero_ or\n_Domitian_, as these were, up to the end of the first century, the only\nimperial persecutors of the Christians. It cannot be supposed to be\nNero, since at the time of his persecution (A.D. 64) John could not\nbe supposed to be an \u201cinfirm old man;\u201d being probably not much above,\nif indeed so much as sixty years of age. See Eusebius, _Ecc. Hist._,\nb. iii. chap. 23. Of this testimony Prof. Stuart, who himself supposes\nthat the Apocalypse was written before the death of Nero, says (i. 264),\n\u201cThe tyrant here meant is probably Domitian; at least, although he is\nnot named by Clement, it is clear that Eusebius so understands the\nmatter.\u201d\n\nVictorinus, bishop of Pettaw and martyr in Diocletian\u2019s persecution,\nin his _Commentary on the Apocalypse_, written towards the close of the\nthird century, says twice expressly that the Apocalypse was seen by the\napostle John in the isle of Patmos, when banished thither by the Roman\nemperor Domitian. See the passages quoted in Elliott, i. 39, and in\nProf. Stuart, i. 264. The testimony is unequivocal.\n\nTo these testimonies from the early fathers may be added that of Jerome,\nwho says that \u201cJohn saw the Apocalypse on the island of Patmos, to\nwhich he was sent by Domitian,\u201d and in another place he says that this\noccurred in the fourteenth year of the reign of Domitian (Adv. Jovin.\nlib. i., Lardner, iv. 446, 447).\n\nAnd to these plain testimonies may be added those of Sulpicius\nSeverus and Orosius, contemporaries of Augustine; Gregory Turonensis\n(cent. vi.), Isidorus Hispalensis (cent. vii.), Marianus Scotus,\nPrimasius, and others. See Prof. Stuart, i. 264, 265, and Elliott,\ni. 38, 39.\n\nSuch is the _positive_ testimony that the book was written near\nthe end of the reign of Domitian and about A.D. 96. It is true, that\nnotwithstanding this positive testimony, there were some writers who\nassigned it to an earlier date. Thus Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis in\nCyprus, in the latter half of the fourth century, speaks of John as\nhaving prophesied in the isle of Patmos in the days of the emperor\n_Claudius_ (A.D. 41\u201254); a time when, as Michaelis observes, it does\nnot appear from history that there was any imperial persecution of\nChristians {xlviii} whatever, and when, moreover, the probability is\nthat, of the seven Apocalyptic churches, scarcely one was in existence,\nand the apostle John was in no way associated with them. Lardner\n(iv. 190) seems to suspect that, in the passage referred to, the\nname _Claudius_ was a fault of the transcriber. Epiphanius, however,\nreceived the Apocalypse as the work of John and as an inspired book\n(Lardner, iv. 190). Others have ascribed the date of the book of\nRevelation to the time of Nero. Thus, in the later Syriac version, the\ntitle-page declares that it was written in Patmos, _whither John was\nsent by Nero C\u00e6sar_. This version, however, was made in the beginning\nof the sixth century, and can have little authority in determining\nthe question. It is not known by whom the version was made, or on what\nauthority the author relied, when he said that John was banished to\nPatmos in the time of Nero. So also Andreas and Arethas, commentators\non the book of Revelation, one of them in the beginning of the\nsixth century and the other in the middle of the sixth century, make\nquotations from the book in such a manner as to show that they supposed\nthat it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem. They, however,\nmade no express declaration on that point, and their testimony at\nanyrate, at that late period, is of little value. A few other later\nwriters also supposed that the book was written at an earlier period\nthan the reign of Domitian. See Prof. Stuart, i. 268, 269.\n\nSuch is the sum of the historical testimony as to the time when the\nApocalypse was written; and that testimony, it seems to me, is so clear\nas to settle the point so far as the historical evidence is concerned,\nthat the book was written near the end of the reign of Domitian, that\nis, about A.D. 95 or 96. My exposition of the book proceeds on the\nsupposition that it was written at that time.\n\n2. There is another inquiry, however, as to the _internal_ evidence,\nfor on this ground it has been maintained that it must have been\nwritten before the destruction of Jerusalem and in the time of Nero.\nSee the argument in Prof. Stuart, i. 270\u2012282.\n\nNow, in regard to this it may be remarked in general, that on the\nsupposition that it was written near the close of the life of John,\nand in the time of Domitian, it can be shown that there is no internal\nimprobability or inconsistency; that is, in other words, all the known\ncircumstances in regard to John, and to the condition of the church at\nthat time, would accord with that supposition. For,\n\n(a) It is known that John spent many of the later years of his life\nat Ephesus, in the midst of the seven churches to which the book was\naddressed, and the epistles in the book are such as they would be on\nthat supposition.\n\n(b) It is admitted that there was a persecution of Christians in\nthe time of Domitian; and of the persecution which he excited against\nChristians, Mosheim remarks that \u201che was an emperor little inferior to\nNero in baseness of character and conduct. This persecution undoubtedly\nwas severe; but it was of short continuance, as the emperor was soon\nmurdered\u201d (Mosheim, i. 69). It commenced about A.D. 93 or 94. It is\nnot certainly known how far it extended, but as the _ground_ of the\npersecution was a fear of Domitian that he would lose his empire\nfrom some person among the relatives of _Christ_ who would attempt\na revolution (Mosheim, i. 69; Milman, _Hist. of Christianity_, 193),\nere is every probability that it would be directed particularly to the\nEast and the countries near where the Saviour lived and died.\n\n{xlix} (c) It is not improbable that John would be _banished_ in\nthis persecution. He was a man of great influence among Christians,\nand it is to be presumed that he would not escape the notice of those\nwho were actively engaged in carrying on the persecution. Moreover, it\nis _as_ probable that he would be _banished_ as that he would be put to\ndeath; for, though we have few facts respecting this persecution, and\nfew names are mentioned, yet we have one recorded instance in which\nbanishment on account of professing the Christian religion took place.\nThus Milman (_Hist. of Christianity_, p. 193), speaking of two of the\ncousin-germans of Domitian, says, \u201cThe one fell an early victim to his\njealous apprehensions. The other, Flavius Clemens, is described as\na man of the most contemptible indolence of character. His powerful\nkinsman, instead of exciting the fears, enjoyed for some time the\nfavour of Domitian. He received in marriage Domitilla, the niece of\nthe emperor; his children were adopted as heirs to his throne; Clemens\nhimself obtained the consulship. On a sudden these harmless kinsmen\nbecame dangerous conspirators; they were arraigned on the unprecedented\ncharge of Atheism and Jewish manners; the husband Clemens was put to\ndeath; _the wife Domitilla banished to the desert island of either\nPontia or Pandataria_.\u201d Nothing is more probable, therefore, than that\nJohn the apostle should be also _banished to a desert island_\u2015\u2015and\nPatmos was admirably adapted to such a purpose. See Notes on chap.\ni. 9. There is, therefore, everything in the circumstances to make\nit _probable_ that the book was written at the time in which it is so\nuniformly said by the early historians to have been. Those things seem\nto me to make it proper to acquiesce in the general opinion so long\nentertained in regard to the date of the Apocalypse, for there is,\nperhaps, no book of the New Testament whose date is better determined\non historical grounds than this. These considerations also make it\nunnecessary to examine the alleged internal evidence from the book\nthat it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem, especially\nas it will be shown in the Notes that the passages usually relied on\n(chap. vi. 9, 10; vii.; xi. 3, 8; xvii. 8, 11; and chap. i. 1, 3;\nxxii. 7, 20) are susceptible of an easy and satisfactory explanation\non the supposition that the book was written in the time of Domitian,\nor _after_ the destruction of Jerusalem. See also Editor\u2019s Preface.\n\n\n \u00a7 III.\u2015\u2015_The Place where the Book was Written._\n\nThe book itself purports (chap. i. 9) to have been written in the\nisland of Patmos, where the writer says he was \u201cfor the word of God,\nand for the testimony of Jesus Christ;\u201d that is, clearly, where he had\nbeen banished for his attachment to the Saviour. For an account of this\nisland, see Notes on chap. i. 9. The only question that has ever been\nraised on this point is, whether this was a _reality_, or a _poetical\nfiction_\u2015\u2015that is, whether the writer in his visions merely _seemed_\nto have been transferred to the place, and this was made the imaginary\nscene of the vision. The latter supposition has been entertained by\nEichhorn in his _Introduction to the New Testament_ (1810), and by some\nother writers.\n\nIn favour, however, of understanding this as a literal fact, the\nfollowing considerations may be suggested:\u2015\u2015\n\n1. The clear statement of the writer himself (chap. i. 9)\u2015\u2015a statement\nthat should be received as literally true, unless there is something\nin the character of the composition, or some intrinsic improbability\nin the case, to set it aside. {l} If the composition were avowedly\nfictitious or poetical, then it would be understood that such a\nstatement was not to be received literally. And thus, in a prophetic\nrecord, it _might_ be clear that it was a mere visionary representation,\nin which the prophet _seemed_ to be transported to some place where\nthere would be no danger of misunderstanding it. Undoubtedly, on this\nprinciple, some of the visions of Ezekiel and Jeremiah are to be\nregarded as located at some place remote from that where the prophet\nwas; and thus many of the visions in this book are located in heaven or\nelsewhere. But these cases are wholly different from the statement in\nchap. i. 9. Patmos is not represented as the mere scene of a vision.\nThe statement occurs in a plain prose narrative, and there is no\nintrinsic improbability that it is true.\n\n2. This accords with the representation of history, and with the\nprobabilities of the case, that John was actually banished to Patmos in\na time of persecution. See \u00a7 II. On this point the representations of\nhistory are uniform, and they are such, that if a writer had _designed_\nto forge a book in the name of John, he would, in all probability, have\nfixed on Patmos as the scene of the vision, from the fact that he was\nactually banished there.\n\n3. If Patmos was merely a fictitious place, why should John select it?\nWhat was there in _that_ island that would have occurred to him as a\nproper place to be the scene of such visions? It was little known; it\nhad no sacred associations; it had never been represented as a place\nvisited by the Most High, and it had no particular relation to the\nscenes which are referred to. One born in Judea, and trained under the\ninfluence of the Hebrew religion; one who was a disciple of Christ, and\nwho had witnessed the scene of the transfiguration or the ascension,\nwould have been much more likely to select Sinai, Carmel, Hermon, Tabor,\nor Olivet, as the scene where the visions were to be laid. These were\nconsecrated spots. On these God had manifested himself in a peculiar\nmanner; had conversed with men, and had given glorious exhibitions of\nhis character and plans. Why should not one of these spots\u2015\u2015any one\nof them in itself is as well adapted to be the scene of such visions\nas the lonely isle of Patmos\u2015\u2015have been selected? Why was a _Grecian_\nisland chosen\u2015\u2015a place not once named in all the sacred writings, and\nso small and so desolate as to have been almost entirely, before this,\nunknown even in the heathen world?\n\n4. All the circumstances have the aspect of _reality_. It was a _real_\npersecution to which the writer refers, and it was a _real_ affliction\nwhich he was experiencing, and the concinnity of the passage requires\nus to understand this as a _real_ transfer to a lonely island. If that\nwere a mere vision, then we should be required also to understand the\nstatement that he was \u201ca companion of others in _tribulation_\u201d as a\nvision also, and his affliction as an account of an _ideal_ transfer to\nthat island. But this is contrary to the spirit of the passage in chap.\ni. 9; and the whole, therefore, should be understood as the statement\nof a literal fact.\n\nThese considerations are sufficient to show, that the common\nopinion, that the visions were seen in the island of Patmos, has every\nprobability in its favour, and should be received as correct. Whether\nthe _record_ was actually made on that island, or was made afterwards,\nis a point on which no light can be observed, and which is of no\nimportance. From such passages, however, as those in chap. x. 4;\nxiv. 13; xix. 9; and xxi. 5, it would seem probable {li} that the\nrecord was made as soon as the visions were seen, and that the book was\nactually _written_ in Patmos.\n\n\n \u00a7 IV.\u2015\u2015_The Nature and Design of the Book._\n\nThis must be learned from an examination of the book itself, and\nthe views entertained on this point will be determined, in a great\nmeasure, by the principles which are adopted in interpreting it. From\nthe examination which I have given of the book, and the methods of\ninterpretation which I have adopted, it seems to me that the matter and\ndesign of the book may be expressed in the following specifications:\u2015\u2015\n\n1. It was composed in a time of persecution, and in view of the\npersecutions and hostilities, external and internal, to which the\nchurch was then, and would be exposed. Christianity was then in its\ninfancy. It was comparatively feeble. It encountered the opposition of\nthe world. The arm of the civil power was raised to crush it. It was\nalso exposed to the attacks of internal foes, and persecutions would\narise from its own bosom, and formidable enemies in future times would\nseem to endanger its very existence. Heresies, and divisions, and\ncorruptions of doctrine and of practice, might be expected to exist\nin its own bosom; times of conflict and darkness would come; changes\nwould occur in governments that would deeply affect the welfare of the\nchurch; and there might be periods when it would seem to be doubtful\nwhether the true church would not become wholly extinct. The faith\nof Christians was, doubtless, sorely tried in the persecution which\nexisted when the book was written, and would be in like manner often\nsorely tried in the corruptions and persecutions of future ages.\n\n2. The Apocalypse is designed to meet this state of feeling by\nfurnishing the assurance that the gospel would ultimately prevail;\nthat all its enemies would be subdued, and the kingdom of the Messiah\nset up over all the world. It was intended to impart consolation to the\npeople of God in all ages, and in all forms of persecution and trial,\nby the assurance that the true religion would be at last triumphant,\nthus furnishing an illustration of the truth of the declarations of\nthe Saviour respecting the church, that the \u201cgates of hell should not\nprevail against it,\u201d Mat. xvi. 18. Hence everything in the book tends\nto the final triumph of the gospel; and hence at the close (chap. xx.),\nwe have the assurance of its far-spread diffusion over the earth, for\na period of a thousand years, and (chap. xxi., xxii.) a graphic view of\nthe state of the redeemed when they shall be delivered from sin and woe,\nand when all tears shall be wiped away from their eyes.\n\n3. The method of doing this is by giving a rapid glance at the great\nevents of history, bearing on the church in all coming times, till it\nshould be triumphant; or by sketching a bold _outline_ of the principal\nthings that would serve to endanger the church, and the principal\ndivine interpositions in behalf of the church, until its triumph\nshould be secured upon the earth. This _might_ have been done by direct\nstatement, or by plain and positive assertion, as it was by many of\nthe prophets; but the end, in this case, would be better secured by a\nglance at future history, in such a way, that while the great fact of\nthe final triumph of the gospel would be kept before the church, there\nmight be furnished a clear demonstration, in the end, of the divine\norigin and inspiration of the book itself. This latter object, indeed,\nwould have been _in fact_ accomplished by a plain declaration, but it\nwould be _best_ {lii} accomplished by such _details_ as would show that\nthe whole course of events was comprehended by the Holy Spirit\u2015\u2015the\nreal author of the whole. A general view of these details may be seen,\naccording to the principles which I have adopted in the interpretation\nof the work, in the Analysis at the close of the Introduction, \u00a7 V.\n\n4. The method in which this is mainly done in this book is by\n_pictures_ or _symbols_; for, above all the other books in the Bible,\nthe Apocalypse is characterized by this method of representation, and\nit may eminently be called a book of symbols. It is this which has\nmade it appear to be so obscure; and this particularly which has given\noccasion for so great a variety in the methods of interpreting it\u2015\u2015for\nthere is no kind of representation that furnishes occasion for so\nmuch fanciful interpretation as that of symbolical writing. The true\nprinciple of interpreting symbolical language has been hitherto little\nunderstood, and consequently every writer has indulged his own fancy in\naffixing such a meaning to the symbol as he chose. The result has been,\nthat there has been no generally admitted principle of interpretation\nrespecting this book, and that the variety of conjectures indulged, and\nthe wild and vain theories advanced, have produced the impression that\nthe book is not susceptible of a plain and sensible exposition. A very\ncommon belief is, that symbolical language must, from the nature of the\ncase, be obscure and unintelligible, and that a book, written in the\nmanner of the Apocalypse, must always be liable to the wild vagaries\nof imagination which have been so commonly exhibited in the attempts\nto explain this book. These considerations make it proper to offer\na few remarks here about the nature of symbolical language, and on\nthe question whether a book written in that language is necessarily\nunintelligible, or incapable of a plausible interpretation.\n\nA symbol is properly a representation of any moral thing by the images\nor properties of natural things. Thus a circle is a symbol of eternity,\nas having neither beginning nor end; an eye is a symbol of wisdom; a\nlion, of courage; a lamb, of meekness and gentleness. This general idea\nof symbols is found in types, enigmas, parables, fables, allegories,\nemblems, hieroglyphics, &c. The symbols mostly used in the book of\nRevelation are _pictures_, and could be painted\u2015\u2015and, indeed, a great\npart of the book could be represented in a _panorama_, and would\nconstitute a series of the most splendid drawings that the world can\nconceive. The following remarks may throw some light on the reason why\nthis mode of representation was adopted, and on the question whether a\nbook written in this manner is necessarily unintelligible.\n\n(a) This method of representation is not uncommon in the ancient\nprophecies. A considerable portion of Daniel and Ezekiel is written in\nthis way; and it is often resorted to by Isaiah and the other prophets.\nIt was a method of representation which accorded well with the warm\nand glowing imagination of the Orientals, and with the character\nof mind in the early periods of the world. It was _supposed_ to\nbe capable of conveying ideas of important events, although it was\ndoubtless understood that there might be some degree of obscurity in\nthe representation, and that study and ingenuity might be requisite\nin understanding it\u2015\u2015as is always the case with parables and enigmas.\nWe have frequent instances in the Bible of a certain kind of trial\nof skill in expounding dark sayings and riddles, when the sense was\nintentionally so conveyed as to demand acuteness of thought in the\nexplanation. The {liii} utterance of truths in symbolic language\naccorded much with this prevailing bent of mind in the ancient and the\noriental world\u2015\u2015as we see in the symbolical representations in Egypt.\nIf the use of symbols, therefore, in the Apocalypse be urged as an\nobjection to the book, the objection would lie with equal force against\nno small part of the writings of the ancient Hebrew prophets, and\nagainst a method of writing which was actually in extensive use in the\nearly ages of the world. To object to it, must be to object that our\nown methods and views were not the views and methods of all past ages;\nthat the improved modes of communication in existence now were not in\nexistence always.\n\n(b) Such a method of representation may be, however, clear and\nintelligible. The purpose of prophecy does not require that there\nshould be in all cases an explicit statement of what will occur, or\na particular detail of names, dates, and circumstances\u2015\u2015for if such\na statement were made, it is plain that it would be possible, on the\none hand, for an impostor so to shape his conduct as to seem to fulfil\nthe prophecy, and, on the other, for wicked men, knowing exactly what\nwas predicted, to prevent its fulfilment. All that is demanded in\nsuch predictions is, (1) such a statement as undoubtedly _refers_ to\nthe future event; (2) such a statement as, when fairly interpreted,\n_describes_ such an event; and (3) such a statement as that, when\nthe event occurs, it shall be clear that this was the event referred\nto, or that the prediction cannot properly be referred to any other\nevent; that is, so that they shall compare with each other as the\ntwo parts of a tally do. Now, that symbolical language may have these\ncharacteristics, and may be in these respects sufficiently clear and\nplain, is evident from the following considerations:\u2015\u2015\n\n1. A picture may be a correct representation of an event. It was thus\namong the Mexicans, who, by means of pictures, were enabled to give a\ncorrect representation of the landing of the Spaniards, and to convey\nto their monarch a correct idea of the number and character of the\nSpanish forces.\n\nThe following extract from Dr. Robertson\u2019s _History of America_,\nbook v., \u00a7 xii., referring to the landing of the Spaniards in Mexico,\nwill illustrate this:\u2015\u2015\u201cDuring this interview [an interview between\nCortes and the ambassadors of Montezuma], some painters in the train\nof the Mexican chiefs had been diligently employed in delineating, upon\nwhite cotton cloths, figures of the ships, the horses, the artillery,\nthe soldiers, and whatever else attracted their eyes as singular. When\nCortes observed this, and was informed that these _pictures_ were to\nbe sent to Montezuma, in order to convey to him a more lively idea of\nthe strange and wonderful objects now presented to their view _than\nany words could communicate_, he resolved to render the representation\nstill more animated and interesting, by exhibiting such a spectacle\nas might give both them and their monarch an awful impression of the\nextraordinary prowess of his followers, and the irresistible force of\ntheir arms.\u201d\n\n2. A symbol may be as definite in its signification as the arbitrary\ncharacter which constitutes a letter with us, or the arbitrary\ncharacter which denotes a syllable or a word with the Chinese. There\nis some reason to believe that the letters in most languages were at\nfirst pictures or symbols; but whether this is true or not, it is easy\nto conceive that such _might_ have been the case, and that as definite\nideas might have been attached to the symbols employed as to the\narbitrary marks or signs. Thus, it is easy to suppose that a circle, a\nlion, an eagle, a horse, a banner, an axe, a lamb, might have been so\nemployed {liv} as always to denote the same thing, in the same way as\nthe letters of the alphabet do, and thus, consequently, the number of\nsymbols employed might have been very numerous, though still retaining\ntheir definite character.\n\n3. The truth of these remarks has been illustrated by the recent\ninvestigations of the symbolical language or hieroglyphical signs in\nEgypt. On the celebrated Rosetta stone, an inscription was found in\nthree compartments of the stone, in three different languages\u2015\u2015the\nfirst in hieroglyphical or symbolical language, the language used by\nthe priests; the second in _enchorical_ or _demotic_ language\u2015\u2015the\nlanguage in common use among the Egyptian people; and the third in\nGreek. It was conjectured that the inscription in each language was\nthe same, and that consequently there might be a key for explaining\nthe symbols or the hieroglyphics so common in Egypt. Acting on this\nsuggestion, Champollion was enabled to read the inscription in the\nEgyptian language, and to determine the meaning of the symbols in so\ncommon use in the ancient inscriptions, and the symbolical language of\nEgypt became as intelligible as other ancient forms of record\u2015\u2015as it\nwas undoubtedly when it was at first employed. Each of the symbols had\na well-known signification, and was adapted to convey a definite idea.\nAn account of this stone, and of the symbols of Egypt generally, may be\nseen in Gliddon\u2019s _Ancient Egypt_, chap. i. The symbols employed by the\nHebrew prophets may have had, as used by them, as definite a meaning,\nand may be as susceptible of as clear an interpretation now, as the\nsymbols employed in Egypt, or as any other language. The only real\ndifficulty in interpreting them may have arisen from the fact that they\nreferred to future events (see Notes on Rev. xvi. 12); the employment\nof such methods of writing was in accordance with the genius of the\nOrientals, and gave great poetic beauty to their compositions.\n\n4. It should be added, however, that peculiar care is necessary in\nthe interpretation of writings of this character. There is much room\nfor the indulgence of the imagination, and facts have shown that in\nalmost nothing has so much indulgence been given to the fancy as in the\ninterpretation of such books as Daniel and the Apocalypse. Indeed, the\nexplanations of these books have been so loose and wild, as, with many,\nto bring the whole science of interpretation of the prophecies into\ncontempt, and to produce the very common impression that a rational\nand consistent exposition of such books as Daniel and the Apocalypse is\nimpossible. A better mode of interpretation, it is hoped, however, is\nto prevail\u2015\u2015a mode in which there will be more careful attention to the\ntrue meaning of symbols and to the proper laws of symbolic language.\nThe true method may not have been reached, and many errors may occur\nbefore it shall be reached. For many ages the meaning of the Egyptian\nhieroglyphics was entirely unknown. Thousands of conjectures had been\nmade as to the method of reading those symbols; vast ingenuity had been\nexhausted; the hope was sometimes entertained that the clue had been\ndiscovered, but it was at last felt that all those proposed methods\nwere fanciful, and the world had settled down in despair as to the\npossibility of deciphering their meaning. The accidental discovery of\nthe Rosetta stone, and the patient labours of De Sacy, Akerblad,\nTychsen, and especially of Champollion, have changed the views of the\nworld on that subject, and the hieroglyphics of Egypt have become as\nintelligible as any other language. It is possible that the same may\nbe true in regard to the meaning of the symbols of the sacred prophets;\nand that although those of Daniel and John may {lv} have seemed\nto be as obscure as those of Egypt, and although the most wild and\nextravagant opinions may have been entertained in regard to their\nmeaning, yet the time may come when those books shall take their\nplace among the well-understood portions of the Bible, and when the\ncorrespondence of the predictions couched under these symbols with the\nevents shall be so clear, that there shall be no lingering doubt on\nany mind that they are a part of the divine communications to mankind.\nWhether this attempt to explain one of those books will contribute\nanything to a better understanding of the true meaning of the\nsymbolical language employed by the prophets, must be submitted to the\njudgment of the reader.\n\n\n \u00a7 V.\u2015\u2015_The Plan of the Apocalypse._\n\nThe book of Revelation may be regarded as divided into seven portions,\nembracing the following general points:\u2015\u2015The introduction, chap. i.;\nthe epistles to the seven churches, chap. ii., iii.; the preparatory\nvision, chap. iv.; the relation of the church to the external world,\nembracing the outward or secular aspect of things as bearing on the\nchurch, chap. v.\u2012xi. 1\u201218; the internal state of the church, embracing\nthe rise and destiny of Antichrist\u2015\u2015or, the internal history of the\nchurch until the overthrow of that formidable power and the permanent\nand triumphant establishment of the kingdom of Christ, the last\ntemporary apostasy, and the general judgment, chap. xi. 19; xii.\u2012xx.;\nthe final condition of the righteous in their state of triumph and\nglory, chap. xxi., xxii. 1\u20125; and the epilogue or conclusion, chap.\nxxii. 6\u201221. This plan, as pursued in this attempt to explain the book,\nmay be seen more in detail in the ANALYSIS on the following pages.\n\n\n\n\n {lvi} ANALYSIS\n OF THE\n BOOK OF REVELATION OF ST. JOHN.\n SHOWING THE DESIGN AND ARGUMENT OF THE BOOK\n\n SHOWING THE DESIGN AND ARGUMENT OF THE BOOK\n\n \u250c\n I. GENERAL \u2502 I. The title and design of the book, chap. i. 1\u20123.\n INTRODUCTION, \u2502\n CHAP. I. \u2502 II. Dedication to the seven churches of Asia,\n \u2502 chap. i. 4\u20128.\n \u2502\n \u2502 III. Vision of the Redeemer, chap. i. 9\u201218.\n \u2502\n \u2502 IV. Commission to write to the seven churches,\n \u2502 chap. i. 19, 20.\n \u2514\n \u250c\n II. EPISTLES TO \u2502 I. Epistle to the church at Ephesus, chap.\n THE SEVEN \u2502 ii. 1\u20127.\n CHURCHES OF \u2502\n ASIA, CHAP. \u2502 II. Epistle to the church at Smyrna, chap.\n ASIA, CHAP. \u2502 ii. 8\u201211.\n II. III. \u2502\n \u2502 III. Epistle to the church at Pergamos, chap.\n \u2502 ii. 12\u201217.\n \u2502\n \u2502 IV. Epistle to the church at Thyatira, chap.\n \u2502 ii. 18\u201229.\n \u2502\n \u2502 V. Epistle to the church at Sardis, chap.\n \u2502 iii. 1\u20126.\n \u2502\n \u2502 VI. Epistle to the church at Philadelphia,\n \u2502 chap. iii. 7\u201213.\n \u2502\n \u2502 VII. Epistle to the church at Laodicea, chap.\n \u2502 iii. 14\u201222.\n \u2514\n \u250c\n III. PREPARATORY\u2502 I. The scene laid in heaven, chap. iv. 1, 2.\n VISION, \u2502\n CHAP. IV. \u2502 II. The vision of God, of the elders, and of the\n \u2502 living creatures, ch. iv. 3\u20128.\n \u2502\n \u2502 III. The worship rendered to God, chap. iv. 9\u201211.\n \u2514\n \u250c\n IV. THE EXTERNAL\u2502 I. The Sealed book, containing the record of\n RELATIONS OF \u2502 these events, in the hand of him that sat on\n THE CHURCH\u2015\u2015 \u2502 the throne. The Lamb of God only could open\n THE RELATION \u2502 it. The joy in heaven that one was found who\n TO SECULAR \u2502 could open the seals, chap. v.\n AFFAIRS\u2015\u2015 \u2502 \u250c\n POLITICAL \u2502 II. The opening \u2502 1. The opening of the first seal,\n CHANGES AND \u2502 of the seals \u2502 chap. vi. 1, 2.\n REVOLUTIONS, \u2502 \u2502 _The white horse._\u2015\u2015Peace,\n AS BEARING \u2502 \u2502 prosperity, and triumph,\n ON THE \u2502 \u2502 fulfilled in the state of\n CHURCH, CHAP. \u2502 \u2502 the Roman empire from the\n V.\u2012XI. 1\u201218. \u2502 \u2502 death of Domitian, A.D. 96,\n \u2502 \u2502 to the accession of Commodus,\n \u2502 \u2502 A.D. 180.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 2. The opening of the second seal,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. vi. 3, 4.\n \u2502 \u2502 _The red horse._\u2015\u2015Bloodshed,\n \u2502 \u2502 discord, civil strife;\n \u2502 \u2502 fulfilled in the state of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Roman empire from the death\n \u2502 \u2502 of Commodus, A.D. 193, and\n \u2502 \u2502 onward.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 3. The opening of the third seal,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. vi. 5, 6.\n \u2502 \u2502 _The black horse._\u2015\u2015Calamity,\n \u2502 \u2502 distress, want, trouble;\n \u2502 \u2502 fulfilled in the Roman empire,\n \u2502 \u2502 in the scarcity of food that\n \u2502 \u2502 prevailed; the excessive\n \u2502 \u2502 taxation; the special order\n \u2502 \u2502 not to destroy the olive-yards\n \u2502 \u2502 and vineyards; the sources\n \u2502 \u2502 of revenue, in the time of\n \u2502 \u2502 Caracalla, A.D. 211, and\n \u2502 \u2502 onward.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 4. The opening of the fourth seal,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. vi. 7, 8.\n \u2502 \u2502 _The pale horse._\u2015\u2015The reign\n \u2502 \u2502 of death, in the form of\n \u2502 \u2502 famine, pestilence, disease;\n \u2502 \u2502 fulfilled in the Roman empire\n \u2502 \u2502 in the bloodshed, famine, and\n \u2502 \u2502 pestilence that prevailed in\n \u2502 \u2502 the time of Decius, Gallus,\n \u2502 \u2502 \u00c6milianus, Valerian, and\n \u2502 \u2502 Gallianus, A.D. 243\u2012268.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 5. The opening of the fifth seal,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. vi. 9\u201211.\n \u2502 \u2502 _The martyrs._\u2015\u2015Fulfilled in\n \u2502 \u2502 the Roman empire in the\n \u2502 \u2502 persecutions, particularly\n \u2502 \u2502 in the time of Diocletian,\n \u2502 \u2502 A.D. 284\u2012304; the last of the\n \u2502 \u2502 efforts in the Pagan world to\n \u2502 \u2502 extinguish the Christian name.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 6. The opening of the sixth seal,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. vi. 12\u201217.\n \u2502 \u2502 _Consternation and alarm as if\n \u2502 \u2502 the world was coming to an\n \u2502 \u2502 end_; fulfilled in the Roman\n \u2502 \u2502 empire in the threatening\n \u2502 \u2502 invasions of the Goths in the\n \u2502 \u2502 neighbourhood of the Danube,\n \u2502 \u2502 pressed on by the Huns, and\n \u2502 \u2502 producing universal alarm and\n \u2502 \u2502 consternation, A.D. 365, and\n \u2502 \u2502 onwards.\n \u2502 \u2502\n {lvii} \u2502 \u2502 Intermediate vision between\n \u2502 \u2502 the opening of the sixth and\n \u2502 \u2502 seventh seals. A view of the\n \u2502 \u2502 persecution of the church,\n \u2502 \u2502 and the glory of the saints\n \u2502 \u2502 in heaven, designed to sustain\n \u2502 \u2502 the mind in the midst of so\n \u2502 \u2502 much gloom, and to furnish\n \u2502 \u2502 the assurance that innumerable\n \u2502 \u2502 multitudes of men would be\n \u2502 \u2502 brought to glory, chap. vii.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (a) The impending storm of\n \u2502 \u2502 wrath that seemed to threaten\n \u2502 \u2502 universal destruction is\n \u2502 \u2502 suspended in order that the\n \u2502 \u2502 servants of God might be\n \u2502 \u2502 sealed, chap. vii. 1\u20123.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (b) The sealing process,\n \u2502 \u2502 indicating the preservation\n \u2502 \u2502 of the church in these times\n \u2502 \u2502 of danger, and the influences\n \u2502 \u2502 that would designate and save\n \u2502 \u2502 the true people of God in all\n \u2502 \u2502 time to come, chap. vii. 4\u20128.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (c) A vision of an immense\n \u2502 \u2502 host before the throne,\n \u2502 \u2502 gathered out of all people and\n \u2502 \u2502 all lands, chap. vii. 9\u201212.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (d) A view of the martyrs who\n \u2502 \u2502 would be saved; a view\n \u2502 \u2502 designed to give comfort in\n \u2502 \u2502 the trials that would come\n \u2502 \u2502 upon the people of God in this\n \u2502 \u2502 world, chap. vii. 13, 14.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (e) A view of the happiness of\n \u2502 \u2502 heaven, where all suffering\n \u2502 \u2502 will cease, and all tears be\n \u2502 \u2502 wiped away, chap. vii. 15\u201217.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 7. The opening of the seventh\n \u2502 \u2502 seal, chap, viii.\u2012xi. 1\u201218.\n \u2502 \u2502 Seven trumpets given to seven\n \u2502 \u2502 angels to sound, and the\n \u2502 \u2502 preparatory arrangements for\n \u2502 \u2502 sounding, chap. viii. 1\u20126.\n \u2502 \u2502 Two series of events\n \u2502 \u2502 referring to the West and\n \u2502 \u2502 the East in the downfall of\n \u2502 \u2502 the Roman empire:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 A. THE WEST\u2015\u2015to the fall of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Western empire\u2015\u2015four trumpets.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (1) The first trumpet sounded,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. viii. 7.\n \u2502 \u2502 The invasion of the Roman\n \u2502 \u2502 empire by Alaric, king of\n \u2502 \u2502 the Goths, A.D. 395\u2012410.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (2) The second trumpet sounded,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. viii. 8, 9.\n \u2502 \u2502 The invasion of the Roman\n \u2502 \u2502 empire by Genseric, king of\n \u2502 \u2502 the Vandals, A.D. 428\u2012468.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (3) The third trumpet sounded,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. viii. 10, 11.\n \u2502 \u2502 The invasion of the Roman\n \u2502 \u2502 empire by Attila, king of\n \u2502 \u2502 the Huns, the \u201cScourge of\n \u2502 \u2502 God,\u201d A.D. 433\u2012453.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (4) The fourth trumpet sounded,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. viii. 12, 13.\n \u2502 \u2502 The final conquest of Rome\n \u2502 \u2502 and the Western empire by\n \u2502 \u2502 Odoacer, king of the Heruli,\n \u2502 \u2502 A.D. 476\u2012490.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 B. THE EAST\u2015\u2015to the fall of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Eastern empire\u2015\u2015two trumpets,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. ix.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (5) The fifth trumpet sounded,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. ix. 1\u201212.\n \u2502 \u2502 The Mahometans, or Saracens.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (6) The sixth trumpet sounded,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. ix. 13\u201219.\n \u2502 \u2502 The Turkish power.\n \u2502 \u2502 The interval between the\n \u2502 \u2502 fall of the Eastern empire\n \u2502 \u2502 and the sounding of the\n \u2502 \u2502 seventh trumpet, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 ix. 20; xi. 13:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (a) The result of these\n \u2502 \u2502 judgments, chap. ix. 20, 21.\n \u2502 \u2502 They produce no change in\n \u2502 \u2502 the moral condition of the\n \u2502 \u2502 world; fulfilled in the\n \u2502 \u2502 state of the Papal world\n \u2502 \u2502 after the conquest of\n \u2502 \u2502 Constantinople, and before\n \u2502 \u2502 the Reformation.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (b) An angel is seen descending\n \u2502 \u2502 from heaven with emblems\n \u2502 \u2502 of majesty, joy, and peace,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. x.; fulfilled in the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformation:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b1) The angel with the rainbow\n \u2502 \u2502 on his head, and his face\n \u2502 \u2502 like the sun, a proper\n \u2502 \u2502 symbol of the Reformation\n \u2502 \u2502 as a work of peace, and\n \u2502 \u2502 accompanied with light and\n \u2502 \u2502 knowledge, chap. x. 1.\n \u2502 \u2502\n {lviii} \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b2) The little book in his\n \u2502 \u2502 hand, a symbol of the\n \u2502 \u2502 principal agent in the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformation\u2015\u2015_a book_\u2015\u2015the\n \u2502 \u2502 Bible, chap. x. 2.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b3) His crying with a loud\n \u2502 \u2502 voice, symbolical of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformation as arresting\n \u2502 \u2502 the attention of the\n \u2502 \u2502 nations, chap. x. 3.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b4) The seven thunders\u2015\u2015the\n \u2502 \u2502 anathemas of Papal Rome\u2015\u2015the\n \u2502 \u2502 thunder of the seven-hilled\n \u2502 \u2502 city, chap. x. 3.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b5) The purpose of John\n \u2502 \u2502 to record what the seven\n \u2502 \u2502 thunders had uttered, and\n \u2502 \u2502 the command not to write;\n \u2502 \u2502 the mistake which the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformers were in danger\n \u2502 \u2502 of making, by regarding\n \u2502 \u2502 the doctrine of the Papacy\n \u2502 \u2502 as the truth of God, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 x. 4.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b6) The solemn oath of the\n \u2502 \u2502 angel that the time\n \u2502 \u2502 predicted would not then\n \u2502 \u2502 occur, but would occur in\n \u2502 \u2502 the time when the seventh\n \u2502 \u2502 angel should sound, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 x. 5\u20127; fulfilled in the\n \u2502 \u2502 anticipations of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformers that the world\n \u2502 \u2502 was about to come to an\n \u2502 \u2502 end, and the reign of Christ\n \u2502 \u2502 about to commence, and\n \u2502 \u2502 the assurance of the angel\n \u2502 \u2502 that this would not _then_\n \u2502 \u2502 occur, but that a long and\n \u2502 \u2502 important interval must take\n \u2502 \u2502 place.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b7) The command given to John\n \u2502 \u2502 to go and take the little\n \u2502 \u2502 book from the hand of the\n \u2502 \u2502 angel, chap. x. 8; fulfilled\n \u2502 \u2502 in the delivery of the Bible\n \u2502 \u2502 again to the church.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b8) The command to eat it, and\n \u2502 \u2502 the consequences\u2015\u2015sweet in\n \u2502 \u2502 the mouth, and bitter to the\n \u2502 \u2502 belly, chap. x. 9, 10; the\n \u2502 \u2502 effect of the pure word of\n \u2502 \u2502 God on the soul indicated\n \u2502 \u2502 by the one; the bitter\n \u2502 \u2502 consequences, in persecution\n \u2502 \u2502 and opposition, that would\n \u2502 \u2502 result from the attempt\n \u2502 \u2502 to make the truth known to\n \u2502 \u2502 the world, indicated by the\n \u2502 \u2502 other.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (\u03b9) The assurance that he\n \u2502 \u2502 would yet prophesy before\n \u2502 \u2502 many people, and nations,\n \u2502 \u2502 and tongues, and kings,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. x. 10; fulfilled\n \u2502 \u2502 in the restoration of\n \u2502 \u2502 _preaching_ in the church,\n \u2502 \u2502 founded on the Bible, and in\n \u2502 \u2502 the immediate and ultimate\n \u2502 \u2502 influence of the Bible in\n \u2502 \u2502 making the gospel known to\n \u2502 \u2502 the world.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (c) The measuring of the holy\n \u2502 \u2502 city, chap. xi. 1, 2;\n \u2502 \u2502 the determining of what\n \u2502 \u2502 constituted the true\n \u2502 \u2502 church at the time of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformation.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (d) The two witnesses, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 xi. 3\u201213. Those who bore\n \u2502 \u2502 faithful testimony to the\n \u2502 \u2502 truth in all the corruptions\n \u2502 \u2502 of the church; their trials\n \u2502 \u2502 and their triumph; fulfilled\n \u2502 \u2502 in the succession of true\n \u2502 \u2502 and sincere Christians\n \u2502 \u2502 whom God raised up from\n \u2502 \u2502 time to time to testify to\n \u2502 \u2502 the truth. They would be\n \u2502 \u2502 persecuted, and many of\n \u2502 \u2502 them would be put to death;\n \u2502 \u2502 they would seem to be\n \u2502 \u2502 finally silenced, and\n \u2502 \u2502 would be treated with great\n \u2502 \u2502 indignity, as if their\n \u2502 \u2502 dead bodies should remain\n \u2502 \u2502 unburied; they would,\n \u2502 \u2502 however, come to life again,\n \u2502 \u2502 that is, at the time of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Reformation they would rise\n \u2502 \u2502 and testify against the\n \u2502 \u2502 corruptions of the Papacy,\n \u2502 \u2502 and would triumph _as if_\n \u2502 \u2502 they ascended visibly and\n \u2502 \u2502 gloriously to heaven.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (7) The sounding of the seventh\n \u2502 \u2502 trumpet. The final triumph\n \u2502 \u2502 of the church, and the\n \u2502 \u2502 establishment of the kingdom\n \u2502 \u2502 of God in the overthrow\n \u2502 \u2502 of all its enemies, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 xi. 14\u201218. This ends the\n \u2502 \u2502 first series of visions; and\n \u2502 \u2502 this expresses in general\n \u2502 \u2502 terms what is drawn out\n \u2502 \u2502 more in detail in the next\n \u2502 \u2502 series of visions, Part V.,\n \u2502 \u2502 embracing more particularly\n \u2502 \u2502 the rise and progress of\n \u2502 \u2502 Antichrist.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2514\n {lix} \u250c\n V. THE CHURCH \u2502 \u250c\n INTERNALLY\u2015\u2015 \u2502 I. General \u2502 1. A new vision of the temple\n THE RISE OF \u2502 Introduction \u2502 of God opened in heaven, chap.\n ANTICHRIST, \u2502 to this \u2502 xi. 19.\n AND THE \u2502 series of \u2502\n EFFECT \u2502 visions, \u2502 2. A representation of the church,\n OF THAT \u2502 Chap. \u2502 under the image of a beautiful\n FORMIDABLE \u2502 xi. 19; \u2502 woman, chap. xii. 1.\n POWER ON \u2502 xii. \u2502\n THE INTERNAL \u2502 \u2502 3. The particular thing designed\n HISTORY OF \u2502 \u2502 to be represented\u2015\u2015the church\n THE CHURCH, \u2502 \u2502 about to increase and to fill\n TO THE \u2502 \u2502 the world, chap. xii. 2.\n TIME OF THE \u2502 \u2502\n OVERTHROW \u2502 \u2502 4. The deadly hostility of Satan\n OF THAT \u2502 \u2502 to the church, and his purpose\n GREAT POWER, \u2502 \u2502 to destroy it, represented by\n AND THE \u2502 \u2502 a great red dragon waiting to\n TRIUMPHANT \u2502 \u2502 destroy the man-child, chap.\n ESTABLISHMENT \u2502 \u2502 xii. 3, 4.\n OF THE \u2502 \u2502\n KINGDOM OF \u2502 \u2502 5. The ultimate safety of the\n GOD, CHAP. \u2502 \u2502 church, represented by the\n XI. 19; \u2502 \u2502 child caught up to heaven,\n XII.\u2012XX. \u2502 \u2502 chap. xii. 5.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 6. The fact that the church would\n \u2502 \u2502 be a long time obscure and\n \u2502 \u2502 hidden\u2015\u2015represented by the woman\n \u2502 \u2502 fleeing into the wilderness,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. xii. 6.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 7. A scenic representation of\n \u2502 \u2502 the great contest going on\n \u2502 \u2502 in the universe about the\n \u2502 \u2502 church\u2015\u2015represented by a\n \u2502 \u2502 conflict in heaven between\n \u2502 \u2502 Michael, the protector of the\n \u2502 \u2502 church, with his angels, and\n \u2502 \u2502 Satan, the great enemy of the\n \u2502 \u2502 church, with his angels, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 xii. 7.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 8. The ultimate discomfiture of\n \u2502 \u2502 Satan, represented by his being\n \u2502 \u2502 overcome and cast out of heaven,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. xii. 8, 9.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 9. A song of victory in view of\n \u2502 \u2502 this triumph, chap. xii. 10, 11.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 10. The fact that Satan would be\n \u2502 \u2502 allowed, for a limited time,\n \u2502 \u2502 to persecute the church, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 xii. 12, 13.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 11. The church in the wilderness,\n \u2502 \u2502 chap. xii. 14\u201217.\n \u2502 \u2502 (a) The church would be\n \u2502 \u2502 driven into obscurity,\n \u2502 \u2502 like a woman fleeing into\n \u2502 \u2502 a desert\u2015\u2015representing the\n \u2502 \u2502 condition of the church while\n \u2502 \u2502 the Papacy should have the\n \u2502 \u2502 ascendency, ver. 14.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (b) The church would still\n \u2502 \u2502 be preserved, though in\n \u2502 \u2502 obscurity\u2015\u2015represented by the\n \u2502 \u2502 woman nourished by some unseen\n \u2502 \u2502 power, ver. 14.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (c) Satan would still rage\n \u2502 \u2502 against the church\u2015\u2015represented\n \u2502 \u2502 by the dragon pouring forth a\n \u2502 \u2502 flood of waters to overwhelm\n \u2502 \u2502 the woman, ver. 15.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (d) The church would be\n \u2502 \u2502 protected, as if the\n \u2502 \u2502 earth should open its\n \u2502 \u2502 mouth to swallow up the\n \u2502 \u2502 water\u2015\u2015representing the\n \u2502 \u2502 interpositions from an\n \u2502 \u2502 unexpected quarter in\n \u2502 \u2502 delivering the church from\n \u2502 \u2502 its perils, ver. 16.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (e) The wrath of Satan against\n \u2502 \u2502 the remnant\u2015\u2015representing\n \u2502 \u2502 the attempts of the Papacy\n \u2502 \u2502 to cut off individuals when\n \u2502 \u2502 open and general persecution\n \u2502 \u2502 no longer raged, ver. 17.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 II. The two \u2502 1. The first beast, representing\n \u2502 beasts, \u2502 the Roman _civil_ or _secular_\n \u2502 representing \u2502 power that sustained the Papacy\n \u2502 the great \u2502 in its career of persecution,\n \u2502 persecuting \u2502 chap. xiii. 1\u201210.\n \u2502 power in \u2502\n \u2502 the church, \u2502 2. The second beast, representing\n \u2502 Chap. xiii. \u2502 the Papal _ecclesiastical_\n \u2502 \u2502 power, giving life to the\n \u2502 \u2502 former, and perpetuating its\n \u2502 \u2502 influence on the earth, chap.\n \u2502 \u2502 xiii. 11\u201218.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 III. A \u2502 1. A vision of the redeemed in\n \u2502 representation\u2502 heaven, triumphant and\n \u2502 designed, \u2502 rejoicing, ver. 1\u20125.\n \u2502 under a \u2502\n \u2502 gospel \u2502 2. The ultimate spread of\n \u2502 succession \u2502 the through all the world,\n \u2502 of symbols, \u2502 ver. 6, 7.\n \u2502 to cheer \u2502\n \u2502 and sustain \u2502 3. The fall of Babylon, the great\n \u2502 the church \u2502 Antichristian power, ver. 8.\n \u2502 in its \u2502\n \u2502 present and \u2502 4. The final overthrow of\n \u2502 prospective \u2502 all the _upholders_ of\n \u2502 trials, with \u2502 that Antichristian power,\n \u2502 the assurance \u2502 ver. 9\u201212.\n \u2502 of its final \u2502\n \u2502 triumph, and \u2502 5. The blessed state of those who\n \u2502 the ultimate \u2502 should die in the Lord in any\n \u2502 destruction \u2502 time, whether of persecution\n \u2502 of all its \u2502 or peace, ver. 13.\n \u2502 foes, Chap. \u2502\n \u2502 xiv. \u2502 6. The consummation of all\n {lx} \u2502 \u2502 things\u2015\u2015the final triumph of\n \u2502 \u2502 the church, and the overthrow\n \u2502 \u2502 of the wicked, ver. 14\u201220:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (a) The great harvest of the\n \u2502 \u2502 world by the Son of God\u2015\u2015the\n \u2502 \u2502 gathering in of the righteous,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 14\u201216.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (b) The final overthrow and\n \u2502 \u2502 destruction of the wicked,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 17\u201220.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 IV. Preparation \u2502 1. A new wonder is seen in heaven;\n \u2502 for the final \u2502 seven angels appear, having the\n \u2502 judgment on \u2502 seven last plagues, to fill up\n \u2502 the beast and \u2502 or complete the wrath of God,\n \u2502 his image, \u2502 ver. 1.\n \u2502 Chap. xv. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 2. Those who in former times had\n \u2502 \u2502 suffered from persecution by the\n \u2502 \u2502 power represented by the beast,\n \u2502 \u2502 but who, in the midst of trial\n \u2502 \u2502 and temptation, had maintained\n \u2502 \u2502 their faith steadfast, now\n \u2502 \u2502 appear to celebrate with a\n \u2502 \u2502 song of victory the prospective\n \u2502 \u2502 downfall of the great foe,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 2\u20124.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 3. Arrangements made for executing\n \u2502 \u2502 the wrath of God. The temple\n \u2502 \u2502 is open in heaven; seven angels\n \u2502 \u2502 come out having the seven last\n \u2502 \u2502 plagues; one of the four living\n \u2502 \u2502 creatures gives command to them\n \u2502 \u2502 to go and execute the divine\n \u2502 \u2502 purpose, presenting seven golden\n \u2502 \u2502 bowls full of the wrath of God;\n \u2502 \u2502 the temple is forthwith filled\n \u2502 \u2502 with smoke, preventing all\n \u2502 \u2502 access to the mercy-seat, and\n \u2502 \u2502 indicating that the divine\n \u2502 \u2502 purpose was inexorable,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 5\u20128.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 V. The \u2502 1. The first vial, ver. 1, 2. The\n \u2502 execution of \u2502 first blow struck on the Papacy\n \u2502 the purpose, \u2502 in the French Revolution.\n \u2502 Chap. xvi. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 2. The second vial, ver. 3. The\n \u2502 \u2502 scenes of blood and carnage in\n \u2502 \u2502 that Revolution.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 3. The third vial, ver. 4\u20127.\n \u2502 \u2502 The calamities brought by\n \u2502 \u2502 the French invasions upon the\n \u2502 \u2502 countries where the most bloody\n \u2502 \u2502 persecutions had been waged\u2015\u2015the\n \u2502 \u2502 north of Italy.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 4. The fourth vial, ver. 8, 9. The\n \u2502 \u2502 overturning of the governments\n \u2502 \u2502 that sustained the Papal power,\n \u2502 \u2502 in the wars consequent on the\n \u2502 \u2502 French Revolution.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 5. The fifth vial, ver. 10, 11.\n \u2502 \u2502 The direct assault on the Papal\n \u2502 \u2502 power; the capture of the pope\n \u2502 \u2502 himself, and the temporary\n \u2502 \u2502 entire subjugation of Rome by\n \u2502 \u2502 the French arms.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 6. The sixth vial, ver. 12\u201216.\n \u2502 \u2502 The decline of the Turkish\n \u2502 \u2502 power; the rapid extension of\n \u2502 \u2502 the gospel in the East; the\n \u2502 \u2502 rallying of the strength of\n \u2502 \u2502 Paganism, Mahometanism, and\n \u2502 \u2502 Romanism\u2015\u2015represented by the\n \u2502 \u2502 three frogs that came out of the\n \u2502 \u2502 mouth of the dragon, the beast,\n \u2502 \u2502 and the false prophet: the\n \u2502 \u2502 preparation of those powers as\n \u2502 \u2502 if for some great conflict, and\n \u2502 \u2502 the decisive struggle between\n \u2502 \u2502 the church and its foes, _as\n \u2502 \u2502 if_ the issue were staked on a\n \u2502 \u2502 single battle\u2015\u2015in Armageddon.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 7. The seventh vial, ver. 17\u201221.\n \u2502 \u2502 The complete and final overthrow\n \u2502 \u2502 of the Papal power, _as if_ in\n \u2502 \u2502 a tremendous storm of hail,\n \u2502 \u2502 lightning, and thunder,\n \u2502 \u2502 accompanied with an earthquake.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 VI. A \u2502 1. Introduction to the Episode;\n \u2502 particular \u2502 the vision of the woman sitting\n \u2502 description \u2502 on many waters, ver. 1\u20123.\n \u2502 of the \u2502\n \u2502 judgment \u2502 2. A particular description of the\n \u2502 on this \u2502 Antichristian power referred to,\n \u2502 formidable \u2502 under the image of an abandoned\n \u2502 Antichristian \u2502 and gaily-attired woman,\n \u2502 power, under \u2502 ver. 3\u20126.\n \u2502 a new image \u2502\n \u2502 of a harlot \u2502 3. A particular explanation\n \u2502 (Chap. xvii.) \u2502 of what is designed to be\n \u2502 in the form \u2502 represented by the image of\n \u2502 of an \u2502 the scarlet-coloured woman,\n \u2502 _explanatory \u2502 ver. 7\u201218:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 Episode_. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (a) The angel promises to\n \u2502 \u2502 explain it, ver. 7.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (b) A symbolical representation\n \u2502 \u2502 of the design of the vision,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 8\u201214.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (c) A more literal statement of\n \u2502 \u2502 what is meant, ver. 15\u201218. The\n \u2502 \u2502 whole designed to characterize\n \u2502 \u2502 Papal Rome, and to describe\n \u2502 \u2502 the manner of its rise and\n \u2502 \u2502 the means of its ultimate\n \u2502 \u2502 destruction.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n {lxi} \u2502 VII. A \u2502 1. A vision of an angel coming\n \u2502 description \u2502 from heaven, ver. 1\u20123.\n \u2502 of the \u2502\n \u2502 _effect_ of \u2502 2. A warning voice calling on\n \u2502 that judgment \u2502 the people of God to come out\n \u2502 in pouring \u2502 of the mystical Babylon, and\n \u2502 out the \u2502 not to partake of her sin and\n \u2502 seventh vial \u2502 her doom, ver. 4\u20128.\n \u2502 on that \u2502\n \u2502 formidable \u2502 3. Lamentation over her fate:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 Antichristian \u2502\n \u2502 power, under \u2502 (a) By kings, that had\n \u2502 the image of \u2502 lived delicately with her,\n \u2502 a rich and \u2502 ver. 9, 10.\n \u2502 luxurious \u2502\n \u2502 city; a \u2502 (b) By merchants that had been\n \u2502 further \u2502 enriched by her, ver. 11\u201217.\n \u2502 _explanatory \u2502\n \u2502 Episode_, \u2502 (c) By mariners that had\n \u2502 Ch. xviii. \u2502 trafficked with her,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 17\u201219.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 4. Rejoicing over her fate,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 20.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 5. The final destruction of\n \u2502 \u2502 the mystical Babylon\u2015\u2015the\n \u2502 \u2502 Papal power\u2015\u2015represented by a\n \u2502 \u2502 millstone cast by an angel into\n \u2502 \u2502 the sea, ver. 21\u201224.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 VIII. A further \u2502 1. A hymn of the heavenly hosts\n \u2502 _episodical \u2502 in view of the destruction of\n \u2502representatation_\u2502 the mystical Babylon,\n \u2502 of the \u2502 ver. 1\u20127:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 effects that \u2502\n \u2502 would result \u2502 (a) A voice of many people in\n \u2502 from the fall \u2502 heaven, shouting Hallelujah,\n \u2502 of the powers \u2502 ver. 1, 2.\n \u2502 that opposed \u2502\n \u2502 the reign of \u2502 (b) The sound echoed and\n \u2502 the Son of \u2502 repeated as the smoke of her\n \u2502 God and the \u2502 torment ascends, ver. 3.\n \u2502 introduction \u2502\n \u2502 of the \u2502 (c) The four and twenty elders,\n \u2502 Millennium, \u2502 and the four living creatures\n \u2502 with an \u2502 unite in the song, ver. 4.\n \u2502 account of \u2502\n \u2502 the final \u2502 (d) A voice heard commanding\n \u2502 destruction \u2502 them to praise God, ver. 5.\n \u2502 of these \u2502\n \u2502 powers, \u2502 (e) The mighty shout of\n \u2502 Chap. xix. \u2502 Hallelujah echoed and\n \u2502 \u2502 repeated from unnumbered\n \u2502 \u2502 hosts, ver. 6, 7.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 2. The marriage of the Lamb as\n \u2502 \u2502 the reason of this increased\n \u2502 \u2502 joy, ver. 8, 9.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 3. John, overcome with this scene,\n \u2502 \u2502 and filled with rapturous joy\n \u2502 \u2502 in view of the final triumphs of\n \u2502 \u2502 the church, prostrates himself\n \u2502 \u2502 before the angel to worship him,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 10.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 4. The final conquest over the\n \u2502 \u2502 beast and the false prophet,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 11\u201221:\u2015\u2015\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (a) A description of the\n \u2502 \u2502 conqueror\u2015\u2015the Son of God\u2015\u2015as\n \u2502 \u2502 he goes forth to victory,\n \u2502 \u2502 attended by the armies of\n \u2502 \u2502 heaven, ver. 11\u201216.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (b) An angel is seen standing\n \u2502 \u2502 in the sun, calling on all the\n \u2502 \u2502 fowls of heaven to come to the\n \u2502 \u2502 great feast prepared for them\n \u2502 \u2502 in the destruction of the\n \u2502 \u2502 enemies of God, ver. 17, 18.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (c) The final war, ver. 19\u201221.\n \u2502 \u2502 The beast and the kings of the\n \u2502 \u2502 earth and their armies gather\n \u2502 \u2502 together for the battle; the\n \u2502 \u2502 beast and the false prophet\n \u2502 \u2502 taken, and cast into the\n \u2502 \u2502 lake that burns with fire\n \u2502 \u2502 and brimstone; the remainder\n \u2502 \u2502 of the enemies of the church\n \u2502 \u2502 slain. The last enemy of the\n \u2502 \u2502 church on earth is destroyed,\n \u2502 \u2502 and the way is prepared for\n \u2502 \u2502 its universal triumph.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2502 \u250c\n \u2502 IX. The \u2502 1. The binding of Satan, ver. 1\u20123.\n \u2502 Millennial \u2502\n \u2502 period and \u2502 2. The Millennium, ver. 4\u20126.\n \u2502 the final \u2502 Thrones are placed _as if_\n \u2502 judgment, \u2502 there were to be a judgment;\n \u2502 Ch. xx. \u2502 the spirit of the martyrs and\n \u2502 \u2502 saints is revived again _as if_\n \u2502 \u2502 they were raised from the dead,\n \u2502 \u2502 and _lived_ again on the earth;\n \u2502 \u2502 Satan is confined, and the\n \u2502 \u2502 church enjoys a state of repose\n \u2502 \u2502 and prosperity, for the period\n \u2502 \u2502 of a thousand years.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 3. The release of Satan for a\n \u2502 \u2502 little time. ver. 7, 8. After\n \u2502 \u2502 the thousand years are expired,\n \u2502 \u2502 he is permitted to go forth\n \u2502 \u2502 again among the nations, and to\n \u2502 \u2502 awaken a new form of hostility\n \u2502 \u2502 to Christ and the church.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 4. The final overthrow,\n \u2502 \u2502 subjugation, and punishment\n \u2502 \u2502 of Satan and those opposing\n \u2502 \u2502 hosts, and the final triumph,\n \u2502 \u2502 therefore, of the church,\n \u2502 \u2502 ver. 9, 10.\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 5. The final judgment on all\n \u2502 \u2502 mankind, ver. 11\u201215. All the\n \u2502 \u2502 dead are raised; the sea gives\n \u2502 \u2502 up its dead; Death and Hades\n \u2502 \u2502 give up their dead, and a solemn\n \u2502 \u2502 and just judgment is pronounced\n \u2502 \u2502 on all mankind, and the wicked\n \u2502 \u2502 are consigned to the lake of\n \u2502 \u2502 fire.\n \u2502 \u2514\n \u2514\n {lxii} \u250c\n VI. THE FINAL \u2502 I. A vision of the new heavens and new earth, as the\n CONDITION \u2502 final abode of the righteous, chap. xxi. 1.\n OF THE \u2502\n RIGHTEOUS\u2015\u2015THE \u2502 II. That blessed future abode represented under the\n STATE OF \u2502 image of a beautiful city descending from heaven,\n FUTURE \u2502 chap. xxi. 2\u20124.\n BLESSEDNESS, \u2502\n CHAP. XXI.; \u2502 III. A particular description of the city, as\n XXII. 1\u20125. \u2502 the final abode of the righteous; its general\n \u2502 appearance, its walls, its gates, its foundations,\n \u2502 its size, its light, its inmates, &c., chap.\n \u2502 xxi. 9\u201227; xxii. 1\u20125\n \u2514\n \u250c\n VII. THE \u2502 I. A solemn declaration that the things revealed in\n EPILOGUE, OR \u2502 this book are true, ver. 6, 7.\n CONCLUSION, \u2502\n CHAP. \u2502 II. The effect of those revelations on John,\n XXII. 6\u201220. \u2502 ver. 8, 9.\n \u2502\n \u2502 III. A command not to seal up what had been\n \u2502 revealed, ver. 10.\n \u2502\n \u2502 IV. The unchangeable condition of the righteous and\n \u2502 the wicked in the future state, ver. 14, 15.\n \u2502\n \u2502 V. The blessedness of those who have a right to\n \u2502 enter into the Holy City, ver. 15.\n \u2502\n \u2502 VI. Jesus declares himself to be the author of all\n \u2502 these revelations, ver. 16.\n \u2502\n \u2502 VII. The free invitations of the gospel to all men,\n \u2502 ver. 17.\n \u2502\n \u2502 VIII. A solemn injunction not to change anything\n \u2502 that had been written in this book, ver. 18, 19.\n \u2502\n \u2502 IX. The assurance of the Saviour that he would come\n \u2502 quickly, and the joyous assent of John to this,\n \u2502 and prayer that it might occur, ver. 20.\n \u2502\n \u2502 X. The benediction, ver. 21.\n \u2514\n\n\n\n\n {31} THE\n REVELATION OF ST. JOHN THE DIVINE.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter contains a general introduction to the whole book, and\ncomprises the following parts:\u2015\u2015\n\nI. The announcement that the object of the book is to record a\nrevelation which the Lord Jesus Christ had made of important events\nwhich were shortly to occur, and which were signified by an angel to\nthe author, John, ver. 1\u20123. A blessing is pronounced on him who should\nread and understand the book, and special attention is directed to it\nbecause the time was at hand when the predicted events would occur.\n\nII. Salutation to the seven churches of Asia, ver. 4\u20128. To those\nchurches, it would seem from this, the book was originally dedicated\nor addressed, and two of the chapters (ii. and iii.) refer exclusively\nto them. Among them evidently the author had resided (ver. 9), and the\nwhole book was doubtless sent to them, and committed to their keeping.\nIn this salutation, the author wishes for them grace, mercy, and peace\nfrom \u201chim which is, and which was, and which is to come\u201d\u2015\u2015the original\nfountain of all light and truth\u2015\u2015referring to the Father; \u201cfrom the\nseven Spirits which are before the throne\u201d\u2015\u2015referring to the Holy\nSpirit (see Note on ver. 4), by whom all grace is communicated to men;\nand from the Lord Jesus Christ, by whom the revelation is imparted.\nAs it is _his_ revelation, as it is designed peculiarly to glorify\nhim, and as it predicts the final triumph of his religion, the author\nappends to this reference to him a special ascription of praise,\nver. 5\u20128. He refers to the great work which he had done for his\npeople in redeeming them, and making them kings and priests to God; he\nassures those to whom he wrote that he would come in glory to the world\nagain, and that all eyes would see him; and he represents the Redeemer\nhimself as applying to his own person a title\u2015\u2015\u201cAlpha and Omega,\u201d \u201cthe\nbeginning and the ending\u201d\u2015\u2015which indicates his exalted nature, and his\nsupreme authority.\n\nIII. The commission of the writer, or his authority for thus addressing\nthe churches of Asia, ver. 9\u201220. His authority to do this is derived\nfrom the fact that the Lord Jesus had appeared to him personally in\nhis exile, and had directed him to reveal what he saw in vision, and to\nsend it to those churches. The statement of this commission is made as\nimpressive as it well could be. (a) The writer was an exile\u2015\u2015banished to\na lonely island on account of the common faith, ver. 9. (b) On the day\nof Christian rest\u2015\u2015the day set apart to the memory of the Saviour, and\nwhich he sacredly observed in his solitude as holy time\u2015\u2015when in the\nspirit of calm contemplation on the truths appropriate to this day, he\nsuddenly heard the voice of his Redeemer, like a trumpet, commanding\nhim to record what he saw, and to send it to the seven churches of Asia,\nver. 10, 11. (c) Then follows (ver. 12\u201218) a magnificent description of\nthe appearance of the Saviour, as he appeared in his glory. He is seen\nstanding in the midst of seven golden candlesticks, clothed in a long\nwhite robe, girded with a girdle of gold, his hair white, his eyes like\na flame of fire, his feet like brass, and his voice like the roaring\nof mighty waters. In his hand are seven stars, and from his mouth\ngoes a sharp sword, and his countenance is like the sun in the full\nsplendour of its shining. John falls at his feet as if he were dead;\nand the Saviour lays his right hand upon him, and animates him with\nthe assurance that though he had himself been dead he is now alive,\nand would for ever live, and that he has the keys of hell and death.\n(d) Then follows the commission itself, ver. 19, 20. He was to make\na record of the things which he saw. He was especially to unfold\nthe meaning of the seven stars which he saw in the right hand of the\nSaviour, and of the seven golden candlesticks, as referring to the\nseven churches of Asia Minor; and was then to describe {32} the series\nof visions which pertained to the future history and destiny of the\nchurch at large.\n\nIn the scene represented in this chapter, there is some imagery which\nwould be suggested by the arrangements in the temple at Jerusalem,\nand it has been supposed (Elliott, i. 72, 73) that the vision was laid\nthere, and that Christ is represented as walking among the seven lamps\n\u201chabited as the ancient high-priest.\u201d But the vision is not such an one\nas would have been presented in the holy place in the temple. In that\nplace there was but one lamp-stand, with seven sconces; here, there\nwere seven separate lamp-stands; there were there no \u201cstars,\u201d and the\nvestments of the Jewish high-priest were not those in which the Saviour\nis represented as appearing. He had no mitre, no ephod, no breastplate,\nand no censer. The object was not to represent Christ as a priest,\nor as superseding the Jewish high-priest, but to represent him with\ncostume appropriate to the Son of God\u2015\u2015as having been raised from the\ndead, and received to the glory of heaven. His vestments are neither\nthose of a prophet, a king, nor a priest; not with such garments as\nthe ancient prophets wore, nor with crown and sceptre such as monarchs\nbear, nor yet with the usual habiliments of a priest. He appears as\nthe Son of God, irrespective of the offices that he bears, and comes as\nthe glorified Head of the Church to declare his will in regard to the\nseven churches of Asia, and to disclose the future for the guidance and\ncomfort of his church at large. The scene appears to be laid at Patmos,\nand the apostle in the vision of the Saviour does not appear to have\nregarded himself as transferred to any other place. The view which\nis to be kept before the mind in the description of \u201cthe things that\nare\u201d (ch. ii., iii.), is that of seven burning lamps, and the Son\nof God standing among them. Thus, amidst these lamps, representing\nthe churches, he dictates to the apostle what he shall write to\nthe churches; thus, with seven stars in his hand, representing the\nangels of the churches, he dictates what shall be said to them. Is it\nunnatural to suppose that the position of those lamps might have been\narranged in the vision in a manner resembling the geographical position\nof the churches themselves? If so, the scene would be more significant,\nand more sublime.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n\n THE Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave unto him, to\n show unto his servants things which must shortly come to pass;\n and he sent and signified _it_ by his angel unto his servant\n John:\n\n1. _The Revelation of Jesus Christ._ This is evidently a title or\ncaption of the whole book, and is designed to comprise the substance\nof the whole; for all that the book contains would be embraced in the\ngeneral declaration that it is a revelation of Jesus Christ. The word\nrendered _Revelation_\u2015\u2015\u1f08\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2, whence we have derived our word\n_Apocalypse_\u2015\u2015means properly _an uncovering_; that is, _nakedness_;\nfrom \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03c9, to uncover. It would apply to anything which had been\ncovered up so as to be hidden from the view, as by a veil, a darkness,\nin an ark or chest, and then made manifest by removing the covering.\nIt comes then to be used in the sense of disclosing or revealing, by\nremoving the veil of darkness or ignorance. \u201cThere is nothing covered\nthat shall not be revealed.\u201d It may be applied to the disclosing or\nmanifesting of anything which was before obscure or unknown. This may\nbe done\u2015\u2015(a) By instruction in regard to that which was before obscure;\nthat is, by statements of what was unknown before the statements were\nmade; as in Lu. ii. 32, where it is said that Christ would be \u201ca light\nto lighten the Gentiles\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u1ff6\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03b8\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd; or when it is\napplied to the divine mysteries, purposes, or doctrines, before obscure\nor unknown, but made clear by light revealed in the gospel, Ro. xvi. 25;\n1 Co. ii. 10; xiv. 6; Ep. iii. 5. (b) By the event itself; as the\nmanifestation of the wrath of God at the day of judgment will disclose\nthe true nature of his wrath. \u201cAfter thy hardness and impenitent\nheart treasurest up unto thyself wrath against the day of wrath and\n_revelation_ of the righteous judgment of God,\u201d Ro. ii. 5. \u201cFor the\nearnest expectation of the creature waiteth for the _manifestation_ (Gr.\n_revelation_) of the sons of God,\u201d Ro. viii. 19; that is, till it shall\nbe manifest by the event what they who are the children of God are to\nbe. In this sense the word is frequently applied to the second advent\nor appearing of the Lord Jesus Christ, as disclosing him in his {33}\nglory, or showing what he truly is; \u201cWhen the Lord Jesus shall be\nrevealed,\u201d 2 Th. i. 7\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03cd\u03c8\u03b5\u03b9\u2015\u2015_in the revelation_ of Jesus\nChrist; \u201cWaiting for the coming (the revelation\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b9\u03bd) of our\nLord Jesus Christ,\u201d 1 Co. i. 7; \u201cAt the _appearing_ (Gr. _revelation_)\nof Jesus Christ,\u201d 1 Pe. i. 7; \u201cWhen his glory shall be _revealed_,\u201d\n1 Pe. iv. 13. (c) It is used in the sense of making known _what is to\ncome_, whether by words, signs, or symbols, as if a veil were lifted\nfrom that which is hidden from human vision, or which is covered by the\ndarkness of the unknown future. This is called a revelation, because\nthe knowledge of the event is in fact made known to the world by Him\nwho alone can see it, and in such a manner as he pleases to employ;\nthough many of the terms or the symbols may be, from the necessity of\nthe case, obscure, and though their full meaning may be disclosed only\nby the event. It is in this sense, evidently, that the word is used\nhere; and in this sense that it is more commonly employed when we\nspeak of a revelation. Thus the word \u05d2\u05b8\u05bc\u05dc\u05b8\u05d4 (_g\u00e2l\u00e2_) is used in Am. iii. 7,\n\u201cSurely the Lord God will do nothing, but he revealeth his secret unto\nhis servants.\u201d So Job xxxiii. 16, \u201cThen he openeth (marg. _revealeth_\nor _uncovereth_; Heb. \u05d9\u05b4\u05d2\u05b0\u05dc\u05b6\u05d4) the ears of men;\u201d that is, in a dream, he\ndiscloses to their ears his truth before concealed or unknown. Comp. Da.\nii. 22, 28, 29; x. 1; De. xxix. 29. These ideas enter into the word as\nused in the passage before us. The idea is that of a disclosure of an\nextraordinary character, beyond the mere ability of man, by a special\ncommunication from heaven. This is manifest, not only from the usual\nmeaning of this word, but by the word _prophecy_, in ver. 3, and by all\nthe arrangements by which these things were made known. The ideas which\nwould be naturally conveyed by the use of this word in this connection\nare two: (1), that there was something which was before hidden,\nobscure, or unknown; and, (2), that this was so disclosed by these\ncommunications as to be seen or known. The things hidden or unknown\nwere those which pertained to the future; the method of disclosing them\nwas mainly by symbols. In the Greek, in this passage, the article is\nwanting\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2\u2015\u2015_a_ Revelation, not \u1f21, _the_ Revelation. This is\nomitted because it is the title of a book, and because the use of the\narticle might imply that this was the only revelation, excluding other\nbooks claiming to be a revelation; or it might imply some previous\nmention of the book, or knowledge of it in the reader. The simple\nmeaning is, that this was \u201c_a_ Revelation;\u201d it was only a part of\n_the_ revelation which God has given to mankind.\n\nThe phrase, \u201cthe Revelation of Jesus Christ,\u201d might, so far as the\nconstruction of the language is concerned, refer either to Christ as\nthe _subject_ or _object_. It might either mean that Christ is the\n_object_ revealed in this book, and that its great purpose is to make\nhim known, and so the phrase is understood in the commentary called\n_Hyponoia_ (New York, 1844); or it may mean that this is a revelation\nwhich Christ _makes_ to mankind, that is, it is his in the sense that\nhe communicates it to the world. That this latter is the meaning here\nis clear, (1), because it is expressly said in this verse that it was\na revelation which God gave to him; (2), because it is said that it\npertains to things which must shortly come to pass; and, (3), because,\nin fact, the revelation is a disclosure of _events_ which were to\nhappen, and not of the person or work of the Lord Jesus Christ.\n\u00b6 _Which God gave unto him._ Which God imparted or communicated to\nJesus Christ. This is in accordance with the representations everywhere\nmade in the Scriptures, that God is the original fountain of truth\nand knowledge, and that, whatever was the original dignity of the\nSon of God, there was a mediatorial dependence on the Father. See Jn.\nv. 19, 20, \u201cVerily, verily, I say unto you, The Son can do nothing of\nhimself, but what he seeth the Father do: for whatsoever he doeth,\nthese also doeth the Son likewise. For the Father loveth the Son, and\n_showeth him_ (\u03b4\u03b5\u03af\u03ba\u03bd\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7) all things that himself doeth.\u201d \u201cMy\ndoctrine is not mine, but his that sent me,\u201d Jn. vii. 16. \u201cAs my Father\nhath _taught me_ (\u1f10\u03b4\u03af\u03b4\u03b1\u03be\u03b5 \u03bc\u03b5), I speak these things,\u201d Jn. viii. 28.\n\u201cFor I have not spoken of myself; but the Father which sent me, he gave\nme a commandment, what I should say, and what I should speak,\u201d Jn.\nxii. 49. See also Jn. xiv. 10; xvii. 7, 8; Mat. xi. 27; Mar. xiii. 32.\nThe same mediatorial dependence the apostle teaches us still subsists\nin heaven in his glorified state, and will continue until he has\nsubdued all things (1 Co. xv. 24\u201228); and hence, even in that state,\nhe is represented {34} as receiving the Revelation from the Father to\ncommunicate it to men. \u00b6 _To show unto his servants._ That is, to his\npeople, to Christians, often represented as the servants of God or of\nChrist, 1 Pe. ii. 16; Re. ii. 20; vii. 3; xix. 2; xxii. 3. It is true\nthat the word is sometimes applied, by way of eminence, to the prophets\n(1 Ch. vi. 49; Da. vi. 20), and to the apostles (Ro. i. 1; Ga. i. 10;\nPhi. i. 1; Tit. i. 1; Ja. i. 1); but it is also applied to the mass of\nChristians, and there is no reason why it should not be so understood\nhere. The book was sent to the churches of Asia, and was clearly\ndesigned for general use; and the contents of the book were evidently\nintended for the churches of the Redeemer in all ages and lands. Comp.\nver. 3. The word rendered _to show_ (\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03be\u03b1\u03b9) commonly denotes to point\nout, to cause to see, to present to the sight, and is a word eminently\nappropriate here, as what was to be revealed was, in general, to be\npresented to the _sight_ by sensible tokens or symbols. \u00b6 _Things\nwhich must shortly come to pass._ Not _all_ the things that will occur,\nbut such as it was deemed of importance for his people to be made\nacquainted with. Nor is it certainly implied that all the things that\n_are_ communicated would shortly come to pass, or would soon occur.\nSome of them might perhaps lie in the distant future, and still it\nmight be true that there were those which were revealed in connection\nwith them, which soon would occur. The word rendered \u201c_things_\u201d (\u1f05)\nis a pronoun, and might be rendered _what_; \u201che showed to his servants\n_what things_ were about to occur,\u201d not implying that he showed _all_\nthe things that would happen, but such as he judged to be needful that\nhis people should know. The word would naturally embrace those things\nwhich, in the circumstances, were most desirable to be known. The\nphrase rendered \u201cmust come to pass\u201d (\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9), would imply more\nthan mere futurity. The word used (\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6) means _it needs_, _there is\nneed of_, and implies that there is some kind of _necessity_ that\nthe event should occur. That necessity may either arise from the felt\n_want_ of anything, as where it is absent or wanting, Xen. _Cyr._\niv. 10; ib. vii. 5, 9; or from the nature of the case, or from a sense\nof duty, as Mat. xvi. 21, \u201cJesus began to show to his disciples that\nhe _must go_ (\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd) to Jerusalem\u201d (comp. Mat. xxvi. 35; Mar.\nxiv. 31; Lu. ii. 49); or the necessity may exist, because a thing is\nright and just, meaning that it _ought_ to be done, as Lu. xiii. 14,\n\u201cThere are six days in which men _ought_ to work\u201d (\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f10\u03c1\u03b3\u03ac\u03b6\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9).\n\u201cAnd _ought not_ this woman (\u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f34\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9), whom Satan hath bound, &c., be\nloosed from this bond,\u201d Lu. xiii. 16 (comp. Mar. xiii. 14; Jn. iv. 20;\nAc. v. 11, 29; 2 Ti. ii. 6; Mat. xviii. 33; xxv. 27); or the necessity\nmay be that it is conformable to the divine arrangement, or is made\nnecessary by divine appointment, as in Jn. iii. 14, \u201cAs Moses lifted up\nthe serpent in the wilderness, even so _must_ (\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6) the Son of man be\nlifted up.\u201d \u201cFor as yet they knew not the Scriptures, that he _must_\n(\u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6) rise again from the dead,\u201d Jn. xx. 9; comp. Ac. iv. 12; xiv. 22,\n_et al._ In the passage before us, it is implied that there was some\n_necessity_ that the things referred to should occur. They were not the\nresult of chance, they were not fortuitous. It is not, however, stated\nwhat was the ground of the necessity; whether because there was a want\nof something to complete a great arrangement, or because it was right\nand proper in existing circumstances, or because such was the divine\nappointment. They were events which, on some account, _must_ certainly\noccur, and which, therefore, it was important should be made known.\nThe real ground of the necessity, probably, was founded in the design\nof God in redemption. He intended to carry out his great plans in\nreference to his church, and the things revealed here must necessarily\noccur in the completion of that design. The phrase rendered _shortly_\n(\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03ac\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9) is one whose meaning has been much controverted, and on\nwhich much has been made to depend in the interpretation of the whole\nbook. The question has been whether the phrase necessarily implies that\nthe events referred to were _soon_ to occur, or whether it may have\nsuch an extent of meaning as to admit the supposition that the events\nreferred to, though beginning soon, would embrace in their development\nfar distant years, and would reach the end of all things. Those\nwho maintain, as Professor Stuart, that the book was written before\nthe destruction of Jerusalem, and that the portion in ch. iv.\u2012xi.\nhas special reference to Jerusalem and Judea, and the portion in\nch. xii.\u2012xix. to persecuting and heathen Rome, maintain the former\nopinion; {35} those who suppose that ch. iv.\u2012xi. refers to the\nirruption of Northern barbarians in the Roman empire, and ch. xii.,\nseq., to the rise and the persecutions of the Papal power, embrace\nthe latter opinion. All that is proper in this place is, without\nreference to any theory of interpretation, to inquire into the proper\nmeaning of the language, or to ascertain what idea it would naturally\nconvey. (a) The phrase properly and literally means, _with quickness_,\n_swiftness_, _speed_; that is, _speedily_, _quickly_, _shortly_ (Rob.\n_Lex._; Stuart, _in loco_). It is the same in meaning as \u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2. Comp.\n1 Co. iv. 19, \u201cBut I will come to you _shortly_, if the Lord will.\u201d\n\u201cGo out _quickly_ into the streets,\u201d Lu. xiv. 21. \u201cSit down _quickly_,\nand write fifty,\u201d Lu. xvi. 6. \u201cShe rose up hastily (\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2) and went\nout,\u201d Jn. xi. 31. \u201cThat ye are so _soon_ removed (\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2) from him\nthat called you,\u201d Ga. i. 6. \u201cLay hands _suddenly_ on no man,\u201d 1 Ti.\nv. 22. See also Phi. ii. 19, 24; 2 Th. ii. 2; 2 Ti. iv. 9. The phrase\nused here (\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03ac\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9) occurs in Lu. xviii. 8, \u201cHe will avenge them\n_speedily_\u201d (lit. _with speed_). \u201cArise up _quickly_,\u201d Ac. xii. 7.\n\u201cGet thee _quickly_ out of Jerusalem,\u201d Ac. xxii. 18. \u201cWould depart\n_shortly_,\u201d Ac. xxv. 4. \u201cBruise Satan under your feet _shortly_,\u201d Ro.\nxvi. 20; and Re. i. 1; xxii. 6. The essential idea is, that the thing\nwhich is spoken of was _soon_ to occur, or it was not a remote and\ndistant event. There is the notion of rapidity, of haste, of suddenness.\nIt is such a phrase as is used when the thing is on the point of\nhappening, and could not be applied to an event which was in the remote\nfuture, considered as an independent event standing by itself. The same\nidea is expressed, in regard to the same thing, in ver. 3, \u201cThe time\nis _at hand_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f41 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u03cd\u03c2; that is, it is near, it is soon to\noccur. Yet (b) it is not necessary to suppose that the meaning is that\n_all_ that there is in the book was soon to happen. It may mean that\nthe _series_ of events which were to follow on in their proper order\nwas soon to commence, though it might be that the sequel would be\nremote. The first in the series of events was soon to begin, and the\nothers would follow on in their train, though a portion of them, in\nthe regular order, might be in a remote futurity. If we _suppose_ that\nthere was such an order, that a series of transactions was about to\ncommence, involving a long train of momentous developments, and that\nthe beginning of this was to occur soon, the language used by John\nwould be that which would be naturally employed to express it. Thus,\nin case of a revolution in a government, when a reigning prince should\nbe driven from his kingdom, to be succeeded by a new dynasty, which\nwould long occupy the throne, and involving, as the consequence of the\nrevolution, important events extending far into the future, we would\nnaturally say that these things were shortly to occur, or that the time\nwas near. It is customary to speak of a succession of events or periods\nas near, however vast or interminable the series may be, when the\ncommencement is at hand. Thus, we say that the great events of the\neternal world are near; that is, the beginning of them is soon to occur.\nSo Christians now speak often of the millennium as near, or as about\nto occur, though it is the belief of many that it will be protracted\nfor many ages. (c) That this is the true idea here is clear, whatever\ngeneral view of interpretation in regard to the book is adopted. Even\nProfessor Stuart, who contends that the greater portion of the book\nrefers to the destruction of Jerusalem, and the persecutions of heathen\nRome, admits that \u201cthe closing part of the Revelation relates beyond\nall doubt to a distant period, and some of it to a future eternity\u201d\n(ii. p. 5); and, if this be so, then there is no impropriety in\nsupposing that a part of the series of predictions preceding this may\nlie also in a somewhat remote futurity. The true idea seems to be that\nthe writer contemplated a _series_ of events that were to occur, and\nthat this series was about to commence. How far into the future it\nwas to extend, is to be learned by the proper interpretation of all\nthe parts of the series. \u00b6 _And he sent._ Gr., \u201cSending by his angel,\nsignified it to his servant John.\u201d The idea is not precisely that he\nsent his angel to communicate the message, but that he sent _by_ him,\nor employed him as an agent in doing it. The thing sent was rather the\nmessage than the angel. \u00b6 _And signified _ it. \u1f18\u03c3\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd He indicated it\nby signs and symbols. The word occurs in the New Testament only in Jn.\nxii. 33; xviii. 32; xxi. 19; Ac. xi. 28; xxv. 27, and in the passage\nbefore us, in all which places it is rendered _signify_, _signifying_,\nor _signified_. It properly refers to some sign, signal, or token by\nwhich anything is made known {36} (comp. Mat. xxvi. 28; Ro. iv. 11;\nGe. ix. 12, 13; xvii. 11; Lu. ii. 12; 2 Co. xii. 12; 1 Co. xiv. 22),\nand is a word most happily chosen to denote the manner in which the\nevents referred to were to be communicated to John, for nearly the\nwhole book is made up of signs and symbols. If it be asked _what_ was\nsignified to John, it may be replied that either the word \u201c_it_\u201d may\nbe understood, as in our translation, to refer to the Apocalypse or\nRevelation, or what he saw (\u1f45\u03c3\u03b1 \u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03b5), as Professor Stuart supposes;\nor it may be absolute, without any object following, as Professor\nRobinson (_Lex._ supposes. The general sense is, that, sending by his\nangel, he made to John a communication by expressive signs or symbols.\n\u00b6 _By his angel._ That is, an angel was employed to cause these\nscenic representations to pass before the mind of the apostle. The\ncommunication was not made directly to him, but was through the medium\nof a heavenly messenger employed for this purpose. Thus, in Re. xxii. 6,\nit is said, \u201cAnd the Lord God of the holy prophets sent his angel to\nshow unto his servants the things which must shortly be done.\u201d Comp.\nver. 8, 9 of that chapter. There is frequent allusion in the Scriptures\nto the fact that _angels_ have been employed as agents in making\nknown the divine will, or in the revelations which have been made\nto men. Thus, in Ac. vii. 53, it is said, \u201cWho have received the law\nby the disposition of angels.\u201d \u201cFor if the word spoken by angels was\nstedfast,\u201d &c., He. ii. 2; \u201cAnd it was ordained by angels in the hand\nof a mediator,\u201d Ga. iii. 19. Comp. Notes on Ac. vii. 38, 53. There is\nalmost no further reference to the agency of the angel employed for\nthis service in the book, and there is no distinct specification of\nwhat he did, or of his great agency in the case. John is everywhere\nrepresented as seeing the symbols himself, and it would seem that the\nagency of the angel was, either to cause those symbols to pass before\nthe apostle, or to convey their meaning to his mind. How far John\nhimself understood the meaning of these symbols, we have not the means\nof knowing with certainty. The most probable supposition is, that the\nangel was employed to cause these visions or symbols to pass before\nhis mind, rather than to interpret them. If an interpretation had\nbeen given, it is inconceivable that it should not have been recorded,\nand there is no more probability that their meaning should have been\ndisclosed to John himself, for his private use, than that it should\nhave been disclosed and recorded for the use of others. It would seem\nprobable, therefore, that John had only that view of the meaning of\nwhat he saw which anyone else might obtain from the record of the\nvisions. Comp. Notes on 1 Pe. i. 10\u201212. \u00b6 _Unto his servant John. _\nNothing could be learned from this expression as to _what_ John was\nthe author of the book, whether the apostle of that name or some\nother. Comp. Intro. \u00a7 1. It cannot be inferred from the use of the\nword _servant_, rather than _apostle_, that the apostle John was _not_\nthe author, for it was not uncommon for the apostles to designate\nthemselves merely by the words _servants_, or _servants of God_. Comp.\nNotes on Ro. i. 1.\n\n\n 2 Who bare record of the word of God, and of the testimony of\n Jesus Christ, and of all things that he saw.\n\n2. _Who bare record of the word of God._ Who bore witness to, or\ntestified of (\u1f10\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cd\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5) the word of God. He regarded himself merely\nas a _witness_ of what he had seen, and claimed only to make a fair\nand faithful _record_ of it. \u201cThis is the disciple which _testifieth_\n(\u1f41 \u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd) of these things, and wrote these things,\u201d Jn. xxi. 24.\n\u201cAnd he that saw it _bare record_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03bc\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cd\u03c1\u03b7\u03ba\u03b5, Jn. xix. 35. Compare\nalso the following places, where the apostle uses the same word\nof himself: 1 Jn. i. 2; iv. 14. The expression here, \u201c_the word of\nGod_,\u201d is one the meaning of which has been much controverted, and is\nimportant in its bearing on the question who was the author of the book\nof Revelation. The main inquiry is, whether the writer refers to the\n\u201ctestimony\u201d which he bears in this book respecting the \u201cword of God;\u201d\nor whether he refers to some testimony on that subject in some other\nbook with which those to whom he wrote were so familiar that they would\nat once recognize him as the author; or whether he refers to the fact\nthat he had borne his testimony to the great truths of religion, and\nespecially respecting Jesus Christ, as a preacher who was well known,\nand who would be characterized by this expression. The phrase \u201cthe word\nof God\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0398\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6\u2015\u2015occurs frequently in the New Testament\n(comp. Jn. x. 35; {37} Ac. iv. 31; vi. 2, 7; xi. 1; xii. 24); and may\neither mean the word or doctrine _respecting_ God\u2015\u2015that which teaches\nwhat God is\u2015\u2015or that which he speaks or teaches. It is more commonly\nused in the latter sense (comp. the passages referred to above), and\nespecially refers to what God speaks or commands in the gospel. The\nfair meaning of this expression would be, that John had borne faithful\nwitness to, or testimony of, the truth which God had spoken to man in\nthe gospel of Christ. So far as the _language_ here used is concerned,\nthis might apply either to a written or an oral testimony; either\nto a treatise like that of his gospel, to his preaching, or to the\nrecord which he was then making. Vitringa and others suppose that the\nreference here is to the gospel which he had published, and which now\nbears his name; L\u00fccke and others, to the revelation made to him in\nPatmos, the record of which he now makes in this book; Professor\nStuart and others, to the fact that he was a teacher or preacher of\nthe gospel, and that (comp. ver. 9) the allusion is to the testimony\nwhich he had borne to the gospel, and for which he was an exile in\nPatmos. Is it not possible that these conflicting opinions may be to\nsome extent harmonized, by supposing that in the use of the aorist\ntense\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cd\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u2015\u2015the writer meant to refer to a characteristic of\nhimself, to wit, that he was a faithful _witness_ of the word of God\nand of Jesus Christ, whenever and however made known to him? With an\neye, perhaps, to the record which he was about to make in this book,\nand intending to include that, may he not also refer to what had\nbeen and was his well-known character as a _witness_ of what God\ncommunicated to him? He had always borne this testimony. He always\nregarded himself as such a witness. He had been an eyewitness of\nwhat had occurred in the life and at the death of the Saviour (see\nNotes on 2 Pe. i. 17, 18), and had, in all his writings and public\nadministrations, borne witness to what he had seen and heard; for that\n(ver. 9) he had been banished to Patmos: and he was now about to carry\nout the same characteristic of himself by bearing witness to what he\nsaw in these new revelations. This would be much in the manner of John,\nwho often refers to this characteristic of himself (comp. Jn. xix. 35;\nxxi. 24; 1 Jn. i. 2), as well as harmonize the different opinions. The\nmeaning, then, of the expression, \u201cwho bare record of the word of God,\u201d\nas I understand it, is, that it was a characteristic of the writer to\nbear simple but faithful testimony to the truth which God communicated\nto men in the gospel. If this be the correct interpretation, it may be\nremarked, (a) that this is such language as John the apostle would be\n_likely_ to use, and yet (b) that it is not such language as an author\nwould be likely to adopt if there was an attempt to forge a book in his\nname. The artifice would be too refined to occur probably to anyone,\nfor although perfectly natural for John, it would not be so natural\nfor a forger of a book to select this circumstance and weave it thus\nunostentatiously into his narrative. \u00b6 _And of the testimony of Jesus\nChrist._ That is, in accordance with the interpretation above, of the\ntestimony _which Jesus Christ bore for the truth_; not of a testimony\n_respecting_ Jesus Christ. The idea is, that Jesus Christ was himself\n_a witness_ to the truth, and that the writer of this book was a\nwitness merely of the testimony which Christ had borne. Whether the\ntestimony of Jesus Christ was borne in his preaching when in the flesh,\nor whether made known to the writer by him at any subsequent period,\nit was _his_ office to make a faithful record of that testimony. As\nhe had always before done that, so he was about to do it now in the\nnew revelation made to him in Patmos, which he regarded as a new\ntestimony of Jesus Christ to the truth, ver. 1. It is remarkable that,\nin confirmation of this view, John so often describes the Lord Jesus\nas _a witness_, or represents him as having come to bear his faithful\n_testimony_ to the truth. Thus in ver. 5: \u201cAnd from Jesus Christ,\nwho is the faithful and true witness.\u201d \u201cI am one that bear witness\u2015\u2015\u1f41\n\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03c9\u2015\u2015of myself,\u201d Jn. viii. 18. \u201cTo this end was I born, and\nfor this cause came I into the world, that I should bear witness\u2015\u2015\u1f35\u03bd\u03b1\n\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03c9\u2015\u2015to the truth,\u201d Jn. xviii. 37. \u201cThese things saith the Amen,\nthe faithful and true witness\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f41 \u03bc\u03ac\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2, \u03ba.\u03c4.\u03bb., Re. iii. 14.\nOf this testimony which the Lord Jesus came to bring to man respecting\neternal realities, the writer of this book says that he regarded\n_himself_ as a witness. To the office of bearing such testimony he had\nbeen dedicated; that testimony he was now to bear, as he had always\ndone. \u00b6 _And of all things that he saw._ \u1f4d\u03c3\u03b1 \u03c4\u03b5 \u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03b5. This {38} is the\ncommon reading in the Greek, and according to this reading it would\nproperly mean, \u201c_and_ whatsoever he saw;\u201d that is, it would imply that\nhe bore witness to \u201cthe word of God,\u201d _and_ to \u201cthe testimony of Jesus\nChrist,\u201d _and_ to \u201cwhatever he saw\u201d\u2015\u2015meaning that the things which he\nsaw, and to which he refers, were things _additional_ to those to which\nhe had referred by \u201cthe word of God,\u201d and the \u201ctestimony of Christ.\u201d\nFrom this it has been supposed that in the former part of the verse he\nrefers to some testimony which he had formerly borne, as in his gospel\nor in his preaching, and that here he refers to what he \u201csaw\u201d in the\nvisions of the Revelation as something _additional_ to the former. But\nit should be remembered that the word rendered _and_\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03b5\u2015\u2015is wanting\nin a large number of manuscripts (see Wetstein), and that it is now\nomitted in the best editions of the Greek Testament\u2015\u2015as by Griesbach,\nTittmann and Hahn. The evidence is clear that it should be omitted; and\nif so omitted, the reference is to whatever he had at any time borne\nhis testimony to, and not particularly to what passed before him in the\nvisions of this book. It is a general affirmation that he had always\nborne a faithful testimony to whatever he had seen respecting the word\nof God and the testimony of Christ. The correct rendering of the whole\npassage then would be, \u201cAnd sending by his angel, he signifies it\nto his servant John, who bare record of\u201d [_i.e._ whose character and\noffice it was to bear his testimony to] \u201cthe word of God\u201d [the message\nwhich God has sent to me], \u201cand the testimony of Jesus Christ\u201d [the\ntestimony which Christ bore to the truth], \u201cwhatsoever he saw.\u201d He\nconcealed nothing; he held nothing back; he made it known precisely as\nit was seen by him. Thus interpreted, the passage refers to what was\na general characteristic of the writer, and is designed to embrace\n_all_ that was made known to him, and to affirm that he was a faithful\nwitness to it. There were doubtless special _reasons_ why John was\nemployed as the medium through which this communication was to be made\nto the church and the world. Among these reasons may have been the\nfollowing: (a) That he was the \u201cbeloved disciple.\u201d (b) That he was\nthe only surviving apostle. (c) That his character was such that his\nstatements would be readily received. Comp. Jn. xix. 35; xxi. 24; 3 Jn.\n12. (d) It _may be_ that his mind was better fitted to be the medium\nof these communications than that of any other of the apostles\u2015\u2015even\nif they had been then alive. There is almost no one whose mental\ncharacteristics are less correctly understood than those of the apostle\nJohn. Among the most gentle and amiable of men; with a heart so fitted\nfor _love_ as to be known as \u201cthe beloved disciple\u201d\u2015\u2015he yet had mental\ncharacteristics which made it proper that he should be called \u201ca son\nof thunder\u201d (Mar. iii. 17); a mind fitted to preserve and record the\nprofound thoughts in his gospel; a mind of high poetic order, fitted\nfor the magnificent conceptions in this book.\n\n\n 3 Blessed[57] _is_ he that readeth, and they that hear the\n words of this prophecy, and keep those things which are\n written therein: [58]for the time _is_ at hand.\n\n3. _Blessed |is| he that readeth._ That is, it is to be regarded\nas a privilege attended with many blessings, to be permitted to mark\nthe disclosures to be made in this book; the important revelations\nrespecting future times. Professor Stuart supposes that this refers to\na public reading, and that the phrase \u201cthose who hear the words of this\nprophecy,\u201d refers to those who listened to the public reader, and that\nboth the reader and hearer should regard themselves as highly favoured.\nIt is, however, more in accordance with the usual meaning of the word\nrendered \u201cread,\u201d to suppose that it refers to the act of one\u2019s reading\nfor himself; to learn by reading. So Robinson (_Lex._) understands it.\nThe Greek word, indeed, would bear the other interpretation (see Lu.\niv. 16; Ac. xiii. 27; xv. 21; 2 Co. iii. 15); but as this book was\nsent abroad to be read by Christians, and not merely to be in the hands\nof the ministers of religion to be read by them to others, it is more\nnatural to interpret the word in the usual sense. \u00b6 _And hear the words\nof this prophecy._ As they shall be declared or repeated by others;\nor perhaps the word _hear_ is used in a sense that is not uncommon,\nthat of giving attention to; taking heed to. The general sense is,\nthat they were to be regarded as highly favoured who became {39}\nacquainted in any way with what is here communicated. The writer does\nnot _say_ that they were blessed who _understood_ it, or that they\nwho read or heard it _would_ fully understand it; but it is clearly\nimplied, that there would be so far an understanding of its meaning\nas to make it a felicitous condition to have been made acquainted with\nit. An author could not be supposed to say that one should regard his\ncondition as a favoured one who merely heard words that he could not\nunderstand, or who had placed before him magnificent symbols that had\nto him no meaning. The word _prophecy_ is used here in its more strict\nsense as denoting the disclosure of future events\u2015\u2015a large portion of\nthe book being of this nature. It is here synonymous with _Revelation_\nin ver. 1. \u00b6 _And keep those things which are written therein._ Keep\nin mind those things which relate to the future; and obey those things\nwhich are required as truth and duty. The blessing which results from\nhaving in possession the revealed truth of God is not merely in reading\nit, or in hearing it: it results from the fact that the truth is\nproperly regarded, and exerts a suitable influence over our lives. Comp.\nPs. xix. 11: \u201cAnd in keeping of them there is great reward.\u201d \u00b6 _For the\ntime is at hand._ See ver. 1. The word here used\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u03cd\u03c2\u2015\u2015has the same\nsignification substantially as the word \u201c_shortly_\u201d in ver. 1. It would\napply to any event whose beginning was soon to occur, though the end\nmight be remote, for the series of events might stretch far into the\nfuture. It cannot be doubted, however, that the writer meant to press\nupon them the importance of attending to these things, from the fact\nthat either entirely or in part these things were soon to happen. It\nmay be inferred from this verse, that it is possible so to _understand_\nthis book, as that it may convey useful instruction. This is the only\nbook in the Bible of which a special blessing is pronounced on him\nwho reads it; but assuredly a blessing would not be pronounced on the\nperusal of a book which is entirely unintelligible. While, therefore,\nthere may be many obscurities in this book, it is also to be assumed\nthat it may be so far understood as to be useful to Christians, in\nsupporting their faith, and giving them elevated views of the final\ntriumph of religion, and of the glory of the world to come. Anything\nis a blessing which enables us with well-founded hope and joy to look\nforward to the heavenly world.\n\n\n 4 JOHN to the [59]seven churches which are in Asia: Grace _be_\n unto you, and peace, [60]from him which is, and which was, and\n which is to come; and from the [61]seven Spirits which are\n before his throne;\n\n4. _John to the seven churches which are in Asia._ The word _Asia_\nis used in quite different senses by different writers. It is used\n(1) as referring to the whole eastern continent now known by that name;\n(2) either Asia or Asia Minor; (3) that part of Asia which Attalus III.,\nking of Pergamos, gave to the Romans, viz. Mysia, Phrygia, Lycaonia,\nLydia, Caria, Pisidia, and the southern coast\u2015\u2015that is, all in the\nwestern, south-western, and southern parts of Asia Minor; and (4), in\nthe New Testament, usually the south-western part of Asia Minor, of\nwhich Ephesus was the capital. See Notes, Ac. ii. 9. The word _Asia_\nis not found in the Hebrew Scriptures, but it occurs often in the books\nof Maccabees, and in the New Testament. In the New Testament it is not\nused in the large sense in which it is now, as applied to the whole\ncontinent, but in its largest signification it would include only Asia\nMinor. It is also used, especially by Luke, as denoting the country\nthat was called _Ionia_, or that which embraced the provinces of Caria\nand Lydia. Of this region Ephesus was the principal city, and it was\nin this region that the \u201cseven churches\u201d were situated. Whether there\nwere more than seven churches in this region is not intimated by the\nwriter of this book, and on that point we have no certain knowledge.\nIt is evident that these seven were the principal churches, even if\nthere were more, and that there was some reason why they should be\nparticularly addressed. There is mention of some other churches in\nthe neighbourhood of these. Colosse was near to Laodicea; and from Col.\niv. 13, it would seem not improbable that there was a church also at\nHierapolis. But there may have been nothing in their circumstances that\ndemanded particular instruction or admonition, and they may have been\non that account omitted. There is also some reason to suppose {40} that,\nthough there had been other churches in that vicinity besides the seven\nmentioned by John, they had become extinct at the time when he wrote\nthe book of Revelation. It appears from Tacitus (_Annal._ xiv. 27; comp.\nalso Pliny, _N. H._ v. 29), that in the time of Nero, A.D. 61, the\ncity of Laodicea was destroyed by an earthquake, in which earthquake,\naccording to Eusebius, the adjacent cities of Colosse and Hierapolis\nwere involved. Laodicea was, indeed, immediately rebuilt, but there is\nno evidence of the re-establishment of the church there before the time\nwhen John wrote this book. The earliest mention we have of a church\nthere, after the one referred to in the New Testament by Paul (Col.\nii. 1; iv. 13, 15, 16), is in the time of Trajan, when Papias was\nbishop there, sometime between A.D. 98 and 117. It would appear, then,\nto be not improbable that at the time when the Apocalypse was written,\nthere were in fact but seven churches in the vicinity. Professor\nStuart (i. 219) supposes that \u201cseven, and only so many, may have been\nnamed, because the sevenfold divisions and groups of various objects\nconstitute a conspicuous feature in the Apocalypse throughout.\u201d But\nthis reason seems too artificial; and it can hardly be supposed that it\nwould influence the mind of John, in the specification _by name_ of the\nchurches to which the book was sent. If no _names_ had been mentioned,\nand if the statement had occurred in glowing poetic description, it\nis not inconceivable that the number _seven_ might have been selected\nfor some such purpose. \u00b6 _Grace be unto you and peace._ The usual form\nof salutation in addressing a church. See Notes on Rom. i. 7. \u00b6 _From\nhim which is, and which was, and which is to come._ From him who is\neverlasting\u2015\u2015embracing all duration, past, present, and to come. No\nexpression could more strikingly denote eternity than this. He now\nexists; he has existed in the past; he will exist in the future. There\nis an evident allusion here to the name JEHOVAH, the name by which\nthe true God is appropriately designated in the Scriptures. That name\n\u05d9\u05b0\u05d4\u05b9\u05d5\u05b8\u05d4, from \u05d4\u05b8\u05d9\u05b8\u05d4, _to be_, _to exist_, seems to have been adopted because\nit denotes _existence_, or _being_, and as denoting simply one who\n_exists_; and has reference merely to the _fact_ of existence. The\nword has no variation of form, and has no reference to time, and would\nembrace all time: that is, it is as true at one time as another that\nhe exists. Such a word would not be inappropriately paraphrased by the\nphrase \u201cwho is, and who was, and who is to come,\u201d or who is to be; and\nthere can be no doubt that John referred to him here as being himself\nthe eternal and uncreated _existence_, and as the great and original\nfountain of all being. They who desire to find a full discussion in\nregard to the origin of the name JEHOVAH, may consult an article by\nProf. Tholuck, in the _Biblical Repository_, vol. iv. pp. 89\u2012108. It\nis remarkable that there are some passages in heathen inscriptions\nand writings which bear a very strong resemblance to the language here\nused by John respecting God. Thus Plutarch (_De Is. et Osir._, p. 354),\nspeaking of a temple of Isis, at Sais, in Egypt, says, \u201cIt bore this\ninscription\u2015\u2015\u2018I am all that was, and is, and shall be, and my vail no\nmortal can remove.\u2019\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f18\u03b3\u03ce \u03b5\u1f30\u03bc\u03b9 \u03c0\u1fb6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b3\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f44\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7\n\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03ad\u03c0\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03af\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c9 \u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b5\u03bd. So Orpheus (in _Auctor.\nLib. de Mundo_), \u201cJupiter is the head, Jupiter is the middle, and all\nthings are made by Jupiter.\u201d So in Pausanias (_Phocic._ 12), \u201cJupiter\nwas; Jupiter is; Jupiter shall be.\u201d The reference in the phrase before\nus is to God as such, or to God considered as the Father. \u00b6 _And from\nthe seven Spirits which are before his throne._ After all that has been\nwritten on this very difficult expression, it is still impossible to\ndetermine with certainty its meaning. The principal opinions which have\nbeen held in regard to it are the following:\u2015\u2015I. That it refers to God,\nas such. This opinion is held by Eichhorn, and is favoured by Ewald. No\narguments derived from any parallel passages are urged for this opinion,\nnor can any such be found, where God is himself spoken of under the\nrepresentation of a sevenfold Spirit. But the objections to this view\nare so obvious as to be insuperable. (1) If it refers to God as such,\nthen it would be mere tautology, for the writer had just referred\nto him in the phrase \u201cfrom him who was,\u201d &c. (2) It is difficult to\nperceive in what sense \u201cseven spirits\u201d could be ascribed to God, or how\nhe could be described _as_ a being of \u201cSeven Spirits.\u201d At least, if he\ncould be spoken of as such, there would be no objection to applying the\nphrase to the Holy {41} Spirit. (3) How could it be said of God himself\nthat he was \u201cbefore the throne?\u201d He is everywhere represented as\nsitting _on_ the throne, not as _before_ it. It is easy to conceive\nof angels as standing before the throne; and of the Holy Spirit it is\n_more_ easy to conceive as being represented thus as ready to go forth\nand convey a heavenly influence from that throne, but it is impossible\nto conceive in what sense this could be applied to God as such. II. The\nopinion held by Grotius, and by John Henry Heinrichs, that it refers\nto \u201cthe multiform providence of God,\u201d or to God considered as operating\nin seven or many different ways. In support of this Grotius appeals\nto ch. v. 12; vii. 12. But this opinion is so far-fetched, and it is\nso destitute of support, as to have found, it is believed, no other\nadvocates, and to need no further notice. It cannot be supposed that\nJohn meant to personify the attributes of the Deity, and then to unite\nthem with God himself, and with the Lord Jesus Christ, and to represent\nthem as real subsistences from which important blessings descend to men.\nIt is clear that as by the phrase, \u201cwho is, and who was, and who is to\ncome,\u201d and by \u201cJesus Christ, the faithful and true witness,\u201d he refers\nto real subsistences, so he must here. Besides, if the attributes\nof God, or the modes of divine operation, are denoted, why is the\nnumber _seven_ chosen? And why are they represented as standing before\nthe throne? III. A third opinion is, that the reference is to seven\nattending and ministering presence-angels\u2015\u2015angels represented as\nstanding before the throne of God, or in his presence. This opinion was\nadopted among the ancients by Clemens of Alexandria; Andreas of Cesarea,\nand others; among the moderns by Beza, Drusius, Hammond, Wetstein,\nRosenm\u00fcller, Clarke, Professor Stuart, and others. This opinion,\nhowever, has been held in somewhat different forms; some maintaining\nthat the seven angels are referred to because it was a received opinion\namong the Hebrews that there were seven angels standing in the presence\nof God, as seven princes stood in the Persian court before the king;\nothers, that the angels of the seven churches are particularly referred\nto, represented now as standing in the presence of God; others, that\nseven angels, represented as the principal angels employed in the\ngovernment of the world, are referred to; and others, that seven\narchangels are particularly designated. Compare Poole, _Synop. in\nloco_. The _arguments_ which are relied on by those who suppose that\nseven angels are here referred to are briefly these: (1) The nature of\nthe expression here used. The expression, it is said, is such as would\nnaturally denote beings who were before his throne\u2015\u2015beings who were\ndifferent from him who was _on_ the throne\u2015\u2015and beings more than one in\nnumber. That it could not refer to one _on_ the throne, but must mean\nthose distinct and separate from one on the throne, is argued from the\nuse of the phrases \u201cbefore the throne,\u201d and \u201cbefore God,\u201d in Re. iv. 5;\nvii. 9, 15; viii. 2; xi. 4, 16; xii. 10; xiv. 3; xx. 12; in all which\nplaces the representation denotes those who were in the presence of God,\nand standing before him. (2) It is argued from other passages in the\nbook of Revelation which, it is said (Professor Stuart), go directly to\nconfirm this opinion. Thus in Re. viii. 2: \u201cAnd I saw the seven angels\nwhich stood before God.\u201d So Re. iv. 5: the seven lamps of fire burning\nbefore the throne, are said to be \u201cthe seven Spirits of God.\u201d In\nthese passages, it is alleged that the article \u201c_the_\u201d designates the\n_well-known_ angels; or those which had been before specified, and that\nthis is the first mention of any such angels after the designation in\nthe passage before us. (3) It is said that this is in accordance with\nwhat was usual among the Hebrews, who were accustomed to speak of seven\npresence-angels, or angels standing in the presence of Jehovah. Thus\nin the book of Tobit (xii. 15), Raphael is introduced as using this\nlanguage: \u201cI am Raphael, one of the seven holy angels, which present\nthe prayers of the saints, and which go in and out before the glory\nof the Holy One.\u201d The apocryphal book of Enoch (chap. xx.) gives the\nnames of the seven angels who _watch_; that is, of the watchers (comp.\nNotes on Da. iv. 13, 17) who stand in the presence of God waiting\nfor the divine commands, or who watch over the affairs of men. So in\nthe Zendavesta of Zoroaster, seven amshaspends, or archangels, are\nmentioned. See Professor Stuart, _in loco_.\n\nTo these views, however, there are objections of great weight, if\nthey are not in fact quite insuperable. They are such as the following:\n(1) That the same rank should be given to them {42} as to God, as\nthe source of blessings. According to the view which represents this\nexpression as referring to angels, they are placed on the same level,\nso far as the matter before us is concerned, with \u201chim who was, and is,\nand is to come,\u201d and with the Lord Jesus Christ\u2015\u2015a doctrine which does\nnot elsewhere occur in the Scriptures, and which we cannot suppose the\nwriter designed to teach. (2) That blessings should be _invoked_ from\nangels\u2015\u2015as if they could impart \u201cgrace and peace.\u201d It is evident that,\nwhoever is referred to here by the phrase \u201cthe seven Spirits,\u201d he is\nplaced on the same level with the others mentioned as the source of\n\u201cgrace and peace.\u201d But it cannot be supposed that an inspired writer\nwould invoke that grace and peace from any but a divine being. (3) That\nas two persons of the Trinity are here mentioned, it is to be presumed\nthat the third would not be omitted; or to put this argument in a\nstronger form, it cannot be supposed that an inspired writer would\nmention two of the persons of the Trinity in this connection, and\nthen not only _not_ mention the third, but refer to _angels_\u2015\u2015to\ncreatures\u2015\u2015as bestowing that which would be appropriately sought from\nthe Holy Spirit. The incongruity would be not merely in omitting all\nreference to the Spirit\u2015\u2015which might indeed occur, as it often does\nin the Scriptures\u2015\u2015but in putting in the place which that Spirit\nwould naturally occupy an allusion to _angels_ as conferring blessings.\n(4) If this refer to angels, it is impossible to avoid the inference\nthat angel-worship, or invocation of angels, is proper. To all intents\nand purposes, this is an act of worship; for it is an act of solemn\ninvocation. It is an acknowledgment of the \u201cseven Spirits,\u201d as the\nsource of \u201cgrace and peace.\u201d It would be impossible to resist this\nimpression on the popular mind; it would not be possible to meet it if\nurged as an argument in favour of the propriety of angel-invocation, or\nangel-worship. And yet, if there is anything clear in the Scriptures,\nit is that God alone is to be worshipped. For these reasons, it seems\nto me that this interpretation cannot be well founded.\n\nIV. There remains a fourth opinion, that it refers to the Holy Spirit,\nand in favour of that opinion it may be urged, (1) That it is most\nnatural to suppose that the Holy Spirit _would_ be invoked on such an\noccasion, in connection with him \u201cwho was, and is, and is to come,\u201d\nand with \u201cJesus Christ.\u201d If two of the persons of the Trinity were\naddressed on such an occasion, it would be properly supposed that the\nHoly Spirit would not be omitted, as one of the persons from whom the\nblessing was to descend. Comp. 2 Co. xiii. 14: \u201cThe grace of the Lord\nJesus Christ, and the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Ghost,\nbe with you all.\u201d (2) It would be unnatural and improper, in such an\ninvocation, to unite angels with God as imparting blessings, or as\nparticipating with God and with Christ in communicating blessings to\nman. An invocation to God to _send_ his angels, or to impart grace and\nfavour _through_ angelic help, would be in entire accordance with the\nusage in Scripture, but it is not in accordance with such usage to\ninvoke such blessings _from_ angels. (3) It cannot be denied that an\ninvocation of grace from \u201chim who is, and was, and is to come,\u201d is of\nthe nature of worship. The address to him is _as God_, and the attitude\nof the mind in such an address is that of one who is engaged in an act\nof devotion. The effect of uniting any other being with him in such a\ncase, would be to lead to the worship of one thus associated with him.\nIn regard to the Lord Jesus, \u201cthe faithful and true witness,\u201d it is\nfrom such expressions as these that we are led to the belief that he is\ndivine, and that it is proper to worship him as such. The same effect\nmust be produced in reference to what is here called \u201cthe seven Spirits\nbefore the throne.\u201d We cannot well resist the impression that someone\nwith divine attributes is intended; or, if it refer to angels, we\ncannot easily show that it is not proper to render divine worship to\nthem. If they were thus invoked by an apostle, can it be improper to\nworship them now? (4) The word used here is not _angels_, but _spirits_;\nand though it is true that angels are spirits, and that the word spirit\nis applied to them (He. i. 7), yet it is also true that that is not\na word which would be understood to refer to them without designating\nthat angels were meant. If angels had been intended here, that word\nwould naturally have been used, as is the case elsewhere in this\nbook. (5) In Re. iv. 5, where there is a reference to \u201cthe seven lamps\nbefore the throne,\u201d it is said of them that they \u201care,\u201d that is, they\nrepresent \u201cthe seven Spirits of God.\u201d This passage may be understood\nas referring to {43} the same thing as that before us, but it cannot\nbe well understood of angels; for, (a) if it did, it would have been\nnatural to use that language for the reason above mentioned; (b) the\nangels are nowhere called \u201cthe spirits _of God_,\u201d nor would such\nlanguage be proper. The phrase, \u201cSpirit of God\u201d naturally implies\ndivinity, and could not be applied to a creature. For these reasons\nit seems to me that the interpretation which applies the phrase to the\nHoly Spirit is to be preferred; and though that interpretation is not\nfree from difficulties, yet there are _fewer_ difficulties in that than\nin either of the others proposed. Though it may not be possible wholly\nto remove the difficulties involved in that interpretation, yet perhaps\nsomething may be done to diminish their force. (1) First, as to the\nreason why the number _seven_ should be applied to the Holy Spirit.\n(a) There would be as much propriety certainly in applying it to\nthe Holy Spirit as to God as such. And yet Grotius, Eichhorn, Ewald,\nand others saw no difficulty in such an application considered as\nrepresenting a sevenfold mode of operation of God, or a manifold divine\nagency. (b) The word _seven_ often denotes a full or complete number,\nand may be used to denote that which is full, complete, or manifold;\nand might thus be used in reference to an all-perfect Spirit, or to a\nspirit which was manifold in its operations. (c) The number seven is\nevidently a favourite number in the book of Revelation, and it might be\nused by the author in places, and in a sense, such as it would not be\nlikely to be used by another writer. Thus there are seven epistles to\nthe seven churches; there are seven seals, seven trumpets, seven vials\nof the wrath of God, seven last plagues; there are seven lamps, and\nseven Spirits of God; the Lamb has seven horns and seven eyes. In ch.\ni. 16, seven stars are mentioned; in ch. v. 12, seven attributes of\nGod; ch. xii. 3, the dragon has seven heads; ch. xiii. 1, the beast has\nseven heads. (d) The number seven, therefore, _may_ have been given to\nthe Holy Spirit with reference to the _diversity_ or the _fulness_ of\nhis operations on the souls of men, and to his _manifold_ agency on the\naffairs of the world, as further developed in this book. (2) As to his\nbeing represented as \u201c_before_ the throne,\u201d this may be intended to\ndesignate the fact that the Divine Spirit was, as it were, prepared\nto go forth, or to be _sent_ forth, in accordance with a common\nrepresentation in the Scriptures, to accomplish important purposes on\nhuman affairs. The posture does not necessarily imply inferiority of\nnature, any more than the language does respecting the Son of God,\nwhen he is represented as being _sent_ into the world to execute an\nimportant commission from the Father.\n\n\n 5 And from Jesus Christ, _who is_ the [62]faithful witness,\n _and_ the [63]first-begotten of the dead, and the prince\n of the kings of the earth. Unto [64]him that loved us, and\n [65]washed us from our sins in his own blood,\n\n5. _And from Jesus Christ, |who is| the faithful witness._ See Notes on\nver. 2. He is faithful in the sense that he is one on whose testimony\nthere may be entire reliance, or who is entirely worthy to be believed.\nFrom him \u201cgrace and peace\u201d are appropriately sought, as one who bears\nsuch a testimony, and as the first-begotten from the dead, and as\nreigning over the kings of the earth. Thus grace and peace are invoked\nfrom the infinite God in all his relations and operations:\u2015\u2015as the\nFather, the Source of all existence; as the Sacred Spirit, going forth\nin manifold operations upon the hearts of men; and as the Son of God,\nthe one appointed to bear faithful testimony to the truth respecting\nGod and future events. \u00b6 _|And| the first-begotten of the dead._\nThe same Greek expression\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015occurs in Col. i. 18. See it\nexplained in the Notes on that passage. Comp. Notes, 1 Co. xv. 20.\n\u00b6 _And the prince of the kings of the earth._ Who has over all the\nkings of the earth the pre-eminence which kings have over their\nsubjects. He is the Ruler _of_ rulers; King _of_ kings. In ch. xvii. 14,\nxix. 16, the same thought is expressed by saying that he is the\n\u201cKing of kings.\u201d No language could more sublimely denote his exalted\ncharacter, or his supremacy. Kings and princes sway a sceptre over\nthe millions of the earth, and the exaltation of the Saviour is here\nexpressed by supposing that all those kings and princes constitute a\ncommunity over which he is the head. The exaltation of the Redeemer is\nelsewhere expressed in different language, but the idea is one that\neverywhere prevails in regard to him in the Scriptures. Comp. Mat. {44}\nxxviii. 18; xi. 27; Jn. xvii. 2; Ep. i. 20\u201222; Phi. ii. 9\u201211; Col.\ni. 15\u201218. The word _prince_\u2015\u2015\u1f41 \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd\u2015\u2015means properly, _ruler_, _leader_,\n_the first in rank_. We often apply the word _prince_ to an heir to a\nthrone who is not invested with absolute sovereignty. The word here,\nhowever, denotes that he actually exercises dominion over the rulers of\nthe earth. As this is an authority which is claimed by God (comp. Is.\nx. 5, seq.; xlv. 1, seq.; Ps. xlvii. 2; xcix. 1; ciii. 19; Da. iv. 34),\nand which can only appertain to God, it is clear that in ascribing\nthis to the Lord Jesus it is implied that he is possessed of divine\nattributes. As much of the revelations of this book pertained to the\nassertion of power over the princes and rulers of this world, there\nwas a propriety that, in the commencement, it should be asserted\nthat he who was to exert that power was invested with the prerogative\nof a ruler of the nations, and that he had this right of control.\n\u00b6 _Unto him that loved us._ This refers undoubtedly to the Lord Jesus,\nwhose _love_ for men was so strong that nothing more was necessary to\ncharacterize him than to speak of him as the one \u201cwho loved us.\u201d It\nis manifest that the division in the verses should have been made here,\nfor this commences a new subject, not having any special connection\nwith that which precedes. In ver. 4, and the first part of this\nverse, the writer had invoked grace from the Father, the Spirit, and\nthe Saviour. In the latter clause of the verse there commences an\nascription of praise to the Redeemer; an ascription to him particularly,\nbecause the whole book is regarded as a revelation from him (ver. 1);\nbecause he was the one who especially appeared to John in the visions\nof Patmos; and because he was to be the great agent in carrying into\nexecution the purposes revealed in this book. \u00b6 _And washed us from our\nsins in his own blood._ He has removed the pollution of sin from our\nsouls by his blood; that is, his blood has been applied to cleanse us\nfrom sin. Blood can be represented as having a cleansing power _only_\nas it makes an expiation for sin, for considered literally its effect\nwould be the reverse. The language is such as would be used only on the\nsupposition that he had made an atonement, and that it was _by_ the\natonement that we are cleansed; for in what sense could it be said of\na martyr that he \u201chad washed us from our sins in his blood?\u201d How could\nthis language be used of Paul or Polycarp; of Ridley or Cranmer? The\ndoctrine that the blood of Christ _cleanses_ us from sin, or _purifies_\nus, is one that is common in the Scriptures. Comp. 1 Jn. i. 7; He.\nix. 14. The specific idea of _washing_, however\u2015\u2015representing that\nblood as _washing_ sin away\u2015\u2015is one which does not elsewhere occur. It\nis evidently used in the sense of _cleansing_ or _purifying_, as we do\nthis by _washing_, and as the blood of Christ accomplishes in respect\nto our souls, what washing with water does in respect to the body.\n\n\n 6 And hath made us [66]kings and priests unto God and his\n Father; [67]to him _be_ glory and dominion for ever and ever.\n Amen.\n\n6. _And hath made us kings and priests unto God._ In 1 Pe. ii. 9 the\nsame idea is expressed by saying of Christians that they are \u201c_a royal\npriesthood_.\u201d See Notes on that verse. The quotation in both places is\nfrom Ex. xix. 6: \u201cAnd ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests.\u201d This\nidea is expressed here by saying that Christ had made us in fact kings\n_and_ priests; that is, Christians are exalted to the dignity and are\ninvested with the office, implied in these words. The word _kings_, as\napplied to them, refers to the exalted rank and dignity which they will\nhave; to the fact that they, in common with their Saviour, will reign\ntriumphant over all enemies; and that, having gained a victory over sin\nand death and hell, they may be represented as reigning together. The\nword _priests_ refers to the fact that they are engaged in the holy\nservice of God, or that they offer to him acceptable worship. See\nNotes on 1 Pe. ii. 5. \u00b6 _And his Father._ Even his Father; that is,\nthe Saviour has redeemed them, and elevated them to this exalted rank,\nin order that they may thus be engaged in the service of his Father.\n\u00b6 _To him |be| glory._ To the Redeemer; for so the construction (ver. 5)\ndemands. The word {45} \u201cglory\u201d here means praise, or honour, implying\na wish that all honour should be shown him. \u00b6 _And dominion._ This word\nmeans literally _strength_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2; but it here means the strength,\npower, or authority which is exercised over others, and the expression\nis equivalent to a wish that he may _reign_.\n\n\n 7 Behold, he [68]cometh with clouds; and every eye shall see\n him, and [69]they _also_ which pierced him: and all kindreds\n of the earth [70]shall wail because of him. [71]Even so, Amen.\n\n7. _Behold he cometh with clouds._ That is, the Lord Jesus, when he\nreturns, will come accompanied with clouds. This is in accordance with\nthe uniform representation respecting the return of the Saviour. See\nNotes on Mat. xxiv. 30. Comp. Mat. xxvi. 64; Mar. xiii. 26; xiv. 62;\nAc. i. 9, 11. Clouds are appropriate symbols of majesty, and God is\noften represented as appearing in that manner. See Ex. xix. 18; Ps.\nxviii. 11, seq.; Is. xix. 1. So, among the heathen, it was common to\nrepresent their divinities as appearing clothed with a cloud:\n\n \u201ctandem venias, precamur,\n Nube candentes humeros amictus\n Augur Apollo.\u201d\n\nThe _design_ of introducing this representation of the Saviour, and of\nthe manner in which he would appear, seems to be to impress the mind\nwith a sense of the majesty and glory of that being from whom John\nreceived his revelations. His rank, his character, his glory were such\nas to demand respect; all should reverence him, and all should feel\nthat his communications about the future were important to them, for\nthey must soon appear before him. \u00b6 _And every eye shall see him._ He\nwill be made visible in his glory to all that dwell upon the earth; to\nall the children of men. Everyone, therefore, has an interest in what\nhe says; everyone has this in certain prospect, that he shall see the\nSon of God coming as a Judge. \u00b6 _And they |also| which pierced him._\nWhen he died; that is, they who pierced his hands, his feet, and\nhis side. There is probably an allusion here to Zec. xii. 10: \u201cThey\nshall look upon me whom they have pierced, and they shall mourn.\u201d The\nlanguage here is so general that it may refer to _any_ act of looking\nupon the pierced Saviour, and might be applied to those who would see\nhim on the cross and to their compunctious visitings then; or to their\nsubsequent reflections, as they might look by faith on him whom they\nhad crucified; or to the feeling of any sinners who should reflect\nthat their sins had been the cause of the death of the Lord Jesus; or\nit might be applied, as it is here, more specifically to the feelings\nwhich his murderers will have when they shall see him coming in his\nglory. All sinners who have pierced his heart by their crimes will\nthen behold him and will mourn over their treatment of him; they, in a\nspecial manner, who imbrued their hands in his blood will then remember\ntheir crime and be overwhelmed with alarm. The _design_ of what is here\nsaid seems to be, to show that the coming of the Saviour will be an\nevent of great interest to all mankind. None can be indifferent to it,\nfor all will see him. His friends will hail his advent (comp. ch. xxii.\n20), but all who were engaged in putting him to death, and all who in\nany manner have pierced his heart by sin and ingratitude, unless they\nshall have repented, will have occasion of bitter lamentation when he\nshall come. There are none who have a more fearful doom to anticipate\nthan the murderers of the Son of God, including those who actually put\nhim to death, and those who would have engaged in such an act had they\nbeen present, and those who, by their conduct, have done all they could\nto pierce and wound him by their ingratitude. \u00b6 _And all kindreds of\nthe earth._ Gr., \u201cAll the tribes\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u03b1\u1f76\u2015\u2015of the earth.\u201d This language\nis the same which the Saviour uses in Mat. xxiv. 30. See Notes on\nthat passage. The word _tribes_ is that which is commonly applied\nto the twelve tribes of Israel, and thus used, it would describe the\ninhabitants of the Holy Land; but it may be used to denote nations\nand people in general, as descended from a common ancestor, and the\nconnection requires that it should be understood in this sense here,\nsince it is said that \u201cevery eye shall see him;\u201d that is, all that\ndwell on the face of the earth. \u00b6 _Shall wail because of him._ On\naccount of him; on account of their treatment of him. The word rendered\n_wail_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03cc\u03c0\u03c4\u03c9\u2015\u2015means properly to beat, to cut; then {46} to beat or cut\none\u2019s self in the breast as an expression of sorrow; and then to lament,\nto cry aloud in intense grief. The coming of the Saviour will be an\noccasion of this, (a) because it will be an event which will call the\nsins of men to remembrance, and (b) because they will be overwhelmed\nwith the apprehension of the wrath to come. Nothing would fill the\nearth with greater consternation than the coming of the Son of God in\nthe clouds of heaven; nothing could produce so deep and universal alarm.\nThis fact, which no one can doubt, is proof that men _feel_ that they\nare guilty, since, if they were innocent, they would have nothing to\ndread by his appearing. It is also a proof that they believe in the\ndoctrine of future punishment, since, if they do not, there is no\nreason why they should be alarmed at his coming. Surely men would not\ndread his appearing if they really believed that all will be saved. Who\ndreads the coming of a benefactor to bestow favours on him? Who dreads\nthe appearing of a jailer to deliver him from prison; of a physician\nto raise him up from a bed of pain; of a deliverer to knock off the\nfetters of slavery? And how _can_ it be that men should be alarmed at\nthe coming of the Saviour, unless their consciences tell them that they\nhave much to fear in the future? The presence of the Redeemer in the\nclouds of heaven would destroy all the hopes of those who believe in\nthe doctrine of universal salvation\u2015\u2015as the approach of death now often\ndoes. Men _believe_ that there is much to be dreaded in the future\nworld, or they would not fear the coming of Him who shall wind up\nthe affairs of the human race. \u00b6 _Even so, Amen_\u2015\u2015\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76, \u1f01\u03bc\u03ae\u03bd. \u201cA double\nexpression of _so be it_, _assuredly_, _certainly_, one in Greek and\nthe other in Hebrew\u201d (Professor Stuart). Comp. Ro. viii. 16, \u201cAbba,\nFather\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03b2\u03b2\u1fb6, \u1f41 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1. The idea which John seems to intend to convey\nis, that the coming of the Lord Jesus, and the consequences which\nhe says will follow, are events which are altogether _certain_. This\nis not the expression of a wish that it _may_ be so, as our common\ntranslation would seem to imply, but a strong affirmation that it\n_will_ be so. In some passages, however, the word (\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76) expresses\n_assent_ to what is said, implying approbation of it as true, or as\ndesirable. \u201c_Even so_, Father: for so it seemed good in thy sight,\u201d\nMat. xi. 26; Lu. x. 21. So in Re. xvi. 7, \u201c_Even so_ (\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76), Lord God\nAlmighty.\u201d So in Re. xxii. 20, \u201c_Even so_ (\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76), come, Lord Jesus.\u201d The\nword _Amen_ here seems to determine the meaning of the phrase, and to\nmake it the affirmation of a _certainty_, rather than the expression of\na _wish_.\n\n\n 8 I [72]am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the ending,\n saith the Lord, which is, and which was, and which is to come,\n [73]the Almighty.\n\n8. _I am Alpha and Omega._ These are the first and the last letters\nof the Greek alphabet, and denote properly the first and the last. So\nin Re. xxii. 13, where the two expressions are united, \u201cI am Alpha and\nOmega, the beginning and the end, the first and the last.\u201d So in ch. i.\n17, the speaker says of himself, \u201cI am the first and the last.\u201d Among\nthe Jewish Rabbins it was common to use the first and the last letters\nof the Hebrew alphabet to denote the whole of anything, from beginning\nto end. Thus it is said, \u201cAdam transgressed the whole law, from \u05d0 to\n\u05ea\u05bc\u201d\u2015\u2015from Aleph to T\u00e2v. \u201cAbraham kept the whole law, from \u05d0 to \u05ea\u05bc.\u201d The\nlanguage here is that which would properly denote _eternity_ in the\nbeing to whom it is applied, and could be used in reference to no one\nbut the true God. It means that he is the beginning and the end of all\nthings; that he was at the commencement, and will be at the close; and\nit is thus equivalent to saying that he has always existed, and that he\nwill always exist. Comp. Is. xli. 4, \u201cI the Lord, the first, and with\nthe last;\u201d\u2015\u2015xliv. 6, \u201cI am the first, and I am the last; and beside me\nthere is no God;\u201d\u2015\u2015xlviii. 12, \u201cI am he; I am the first, I also am the\nlast.\u201d There can be no doubt that the language here would be naturally\nunderstood as implying divinity, and it could be properly applied to\nno one but the true God. The obvious interpretation here would be to\napply this to the Lord Jesus; for (a) it is he who is spoken of in the\nverses preceding, and (b) there can be no doubt that the same language\nis applied to him in ver. 11. As there is, however, a difference of\nreading in this place in the Greek text, and as it cannot be absolutely\ncertain that the writer meant to refer to the Lord Jesus specifically\n{47} here, this cannot be adduced with propriety as a proof-text to\ndemonstrate his divinity. Many MSS., instead of \u201c_Lord_,\u201d \u03ba\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, read\n\u201c_God_,\u201d \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2; and this reading is adopted by Griesbach, Tittman, and\nHahn, and is now regarded as the correct reading. There is no real\nincongruity in supposing, also, that the writer here meant to refer\nto God as such, since the introduction of a reference to him would\nnot be inappropriate to his manifest design. Besides, a portion of the\nlanguage here used, \u201cwhich is, and was, and is to come,\u201d is that which\nwould more naturally suggest a reference to God as such, than to the\nLord Jesus Christ. See ver. 4. The _object_ for which this passage\nreferring to the \u201cfirst and the last\u2015\u2015to him who was, and is, and is to\ncome,\u201d is introduced here evidently is, to show that as he was clothed\nwith omnipotence, and would continue to exist through all ages to come\nas he had existed in all ages past, there could be no doubt about his\nability to execute all which it is said he would execute. \u00b6 _Saith the\nLord._ Or, saith God, according to what is now regarded as the correct\nreading. \u00b6 _Which is, and which was_, &c. See Notes on ver. 4. \u00b6 _The\nAlmighty._ An appellation often applied to God, meaning that he has all\npower, and used here to denote that he is able to accomplish what is\ndisclosed in this book.\n\n\n 9 I John, who also am your brother, and companion in\n tribulation, and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ,\n was in the isle that is called Patmos, for the word of God,\n and for the testimony of Jesus Christ.\n\n9. _I John, who also am your brother._ Your Christian brother; who\nam a fellow-Christian with you. The reference here is doubtless to\nthe members of the seven churches in Asia, to whom the epistles in the\nfollowing chapters were addressed, and to whom the whole book seems\nto have been sent. In the previous verse, the writer had closed the\nsalutation, and he here commences a description of the circumstances\nunder which the vision appeared to him. He was in a lonely island, to\nwhich he had been banished on account of his attachment to religion;\nhe was in a state of high spiritual enjoyment on the day devoted to the\nsacred remembrance of the Redeemer; he suddenly heard a voice behind\nhim, and turning saw the Son of man himself, in glorious form, in\nthe midst of seven golden lamps, and fell at his feet as dead. \u00b6 _And\ncompanion in tribulation._ Your partner in affliction. That is, he and\nthey were suffering substantially the same kind of trials on account of\ntheir religion. It is evident from this that some form of persecution\nwas then raging, in which they were also sufferers, though in their\ncase it did not lead to banishment. The leader, the apostle, the aged\nand influential preacher, was banished; but there were many other\nforms of trial which they might be called to endure who remained at\nhome. What they were we have not the means of knowing with certainty.\n\u00b6 _And in the kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ._ The meaning of\nthis passage is, that he, and those whom he addressed, were not only\ncompanions in affliction, but were fellow-partners in the kingdom of\nthe Redeemer; that is, they shared the honour and the privileges\npertaining to that kingdom; and that they were fellow-partners in the\n_patience_ of Jesus Christ, that is, in enduring with patience whatever\nmight follow from their being his friends and followers. The general\nidea is, that alike in privileges and sufferings they were united.\nThey shared alike in the results of their attachment to the Saviour.\n\u00b6 _Was in the isle that is called Patmos._ Patmos is one of the cluster\nof islands in the \u00c6gean Sea anciently called the _Sporades_. It lies\nbetween the island of Icaria and the promontory of Miletus. It is\nmerely mentioned by the ancient geographers (Plin. _Hist. Nat._ iv. 23;\nStrabo, x. 488). It is now called Patino or Patmoso. It is some six\nor eight miles in length, and not more than a mile in breadth, being\nabout fifteen miles in circumference. It has neither trees nor rivers,\nnor has it any land for cultivation, except some little nooks among\nthe ledges of rocks. On approaching the island, the coast is high,\nand consists of a succession of capes, which form so many ports,\nsome of which are excellent. The only one in use, however, is a deep\nbay, sheltered by high mountains on every side but one, where it is\nprotected by a projecting cape. The town attached to this port is\nsituated upon a high rocky mountain, rising immediately from the sea,\nand this, with the Scala below upon the shore, consisting of some ships\nand houses, forms the only inhabited site of the island. Though Patmos\nis deficient in trees, it abounds in flowery plants {48} and shrubs.\nWalnuts and other fruit trees are raised in the orchards, and the wine\nof Patmos is the strongest and the best flavoured in the Greek islands.\nMaize and barley are cultivated, but not in a quantity sufficient\nfor the use of the inhabitants and for a supply of their own vessels,\nand others which often put into their good harbour for provisions.\nThe inhabitants now do not exceed four or five thousand; many of whom\nare emigrants from the neighbouring continent. About half-way up the\nmountain there is shown a natural grotto in a rock, where John is\n_said_ to have seen his visions and to have written this book. Near\nthis is a small church, connected with which is a school or college,\nwhere the Greek language is taught; and on the top of the hill, and in\nthe centre of the island, is a monastery, which, from its situation,\nhas a very majestic appearance (Kitto\u2019s _Cyclop\u00e6dia of Bib. Lit._).\nThe annexed engraving is supposed to give a good representation of\nthe appearance of the island. It is commonly supposed that John was\nbanished to this island by Domitian, about A.D. 94. No place could\nhave been selected for banishment which would accord better with\nsuch a design than this. Lonely, desolate, barren, uninhabited, seldom\nvisited, it had all the requisites which could be desired for a place\nof punishment; and banishment to that place would accomplish all that\na persecutor could wish in silencing an apostle, without putting him to\ndeath. It was no uncommon thing, in ancient times, to banish men from\ntheir country; either sending them forth at large, or specifying some\nparticular place to which they were to go. The whole narrative leads us\nto suppose that this place was _designated_ as that to which John was\nto be sent. Banishment to an island was a common mode of punishment;\nand there was a distinction made by this act in favour of those\nwho were thus banished. The more base, low, and vile of criminals\nwere commonly condemned to work in the mines; the more decent and\nrespectable were _banished_ to some lonely island. See the authorities\nquoted in Wetstein, _in loco_. \u00b6 _For the word of God._ On account of\nthe word of God; that is, for holding and preaching the gospel. See\nNotes on ver. 2. It cannot mean that he was sent there with a view\nto his _preaching_ the word of God; for it is inconceivable that he\nshould have been sent from Ephesus to preach in such a little, lonely,\ndesolate place, where indeed there is no evidence that there were any\ninhabitants; nor can it mean that he was sent there by the Spirit of\nGod to receive and record this revelation, for it is clear that the\nrevelation could have been made elsewhere, and such a place afforded no\npeculiar advantages for this. The fair interpretation is, in accordance\nwith all the testimony of antiquity, that he was sent there in a time\nof persecution, as a punishment for preaching the gospel. \u00b6 _And for\nthe testimony of Jesus Christ._ See Notes on ver. 2. He did not go\nthere to bear testimony to Jesus Christ on that island, either by\npreaching or recording the visions in this book, but he went because\nhe _had_ preached the doctrines which testified of Christ.\n\n\n 10 I was [74]in the Spirit on the [75]Lord\u2019s day, and heard\n behind me a great voice, as of a trumpet,\n\n10. _I was in the Spirit._ This cannot refer to his own spirit, for\nsuch an expression would be unintelligible. The language then must\nrefer to some unusual state, or to some influence that had been brought\nto bear upon him from without, that was appropriate to such a day. The\nword _Spirit_ may refer either to the Holy Spirit, or to some state of\nmind such as the Holy Spirit produces\u2015\u2015a spirit of elevated devotion,\na state of high and uncommon religious enjoyment. It is clear that John\ndoes not mean here to say that he was under the influence of the Holy\nSpirit in such a sense as that he was _inspired_, for the command to\nmake a record, as well as the visions, came subsequently to the time\nreferred to. The fair meaning of the passage is, that he was at that\ntime favoured, in a large measure, with the influences of the Holy\nSpirit\u2015\u2015the spirit of true devotion; that he had a high state of\nreligious enjoyment, and was in a condition not inappropriate to the\nremarkable communications which were made to him on that day. The\nstate of mind in which he was at the time here referred to, is not such\nas the prophets are often represented to have been in when under the\nprophetic inspiration (comp. Eze. i. 1; viii. 3; xl. 2; Je. xxiv. 1),\nand which was often accompanied {49} with an entire prostration of\nbodily strength (comp. Nu. xxiv. 4; 1 Sa. xix. 24; Eze. i. 28; Da.\nx. 8\u201210; Re. i. 17), but such as any Christian may experience when in a\nhigh state of religious enjoyment. He was not _yet_ under the prophetic\necstasy (comp. Ac. x. 10; xi. 5; xxii. 17), but was, though in a lonely\nand barren island, and far away from the privileges of the sanctuary,\npermitted to enjoy, in a high degree, the consolations of religion\u2015\u2015an\nillustration of the great truth that God can meet his people anywhere;\nthat, when in solitude and in circumstances of outward affliction, when\npersecuted and cast out, when deprived of the public means of grace and\nthe society of religious friends, He can meet them with the abundant\nconsolations of His grace, and pour joy and peace into their souls.\nThis state was not inappropriate to the revelations which were about\nto be made to John, but this itself was not that state. It was a state\nwhich seems to have resulted from the fact, that on that desert island\nhe devoted the day to the worship of God, and, by honouring the day\ndedicated to the memory of the risen Saviour, found, what all will find,\nthat it was attended with rich spiritual influences on his soul. \u00b6 _On\nthe Lord\u2019s day._ The word here rendered _Lord\u2019s_ (\u03ba\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u1fc7), occurs only\nin this place and in 1 Co. xi. 20, where it is applied to the Lord\u2019s\nsupper. It properly means _pertaining to the Lord_; and, so far as this\n_word_ is concerned, it might mean a day pertaining to the Lord, in\nany sense, or for any reason; either because he claimed it as his own,\nand had set it apart for his own service, or because it was designed to\ncommemorate some important event pertaining to him, or because it was\nobserved in honour of him. It is clear, (1) That this refers to some\nday which was distinguished from all other days of the week, and which\nwould be sufficiently designated by the use of this term. (2) That it\nwas a day which was for some reason regarded as peculiarly a day of the\nLord, or peculiarly devoted to him. (3) It would further appear that\nthis was a day particularly devoted to the Lord Jesus; for, (a) that\nis the natural meaning of the word _Lord_ as used in the New Testament\n(comp. Notes on Ac. i. 24); and (b) if the Jewish Sabbath were intended\nto be designated, the word _Sabbath_ would have been used. The term\nwas used generally by the early Christians to denote the first day of\nthe week. It occurs twice in the Epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians\n(about A.D. 101), who calls the Lord\u2019s day \u201cthe queen and prince of all\ndays.\u201d Chrysostom (on Ps. cxix.) says, \u201cIt was called the Lord\u2019s day\nbecause the Lord rose from the dead on that day.\u201d Later fathers make a\nmarked distinction between the _Sabbath_ and the _Lord\u2019s day_; meaning\nby the former the Jewish Sabbath, or the seventh day of the week,\nand by the latter the first day of the week, kept holy by Christians.\nSo Theodoret (_Fab. Haeret._ ii. 1), speaking of the Ebionites, says,\n\u201cThey keep the _Sabbath_ according to the Jewish law, and sanctify the\n_Lord\u2019s day_ in like manner as we do\u201d (Professor Stuart). The strong\nprobability is, that the name was given to this day in honour of the\nLord Jesus, and because he rose on that day from the dead. No one can\ndoubt that it was an appellation given to the first day of the week;\nand the passage, therefore, proves (1) that that day was thus early\ndistinguished in some peculiar manner, so that the mere mention of it\nwould be sufficient to identify it in the minds of those to whom the\napostle wrote; (2) that it was in some sense regarded as devoted to\nthe Lord Jesus, or was designed in some way to commemorate what he had\ndone; and (3) that if this book were written by the apostle John, the\nobservance of that day has the apostolic sanction. He had manifestly,\nin accordance with a prevailing custom, set apart this day in honour\nof the Lord Jesus. Though alone, he was engaged on that day in acts\nof devotion. Though far away from the sanctuary, he enjoyed what all\nChristians _hope_ to enjoy on such a day of rest, and what not a few\n_do_ in fact enjoy in its observance. We may remark, in view of this\nstatement, (a) that when away from the sanctuary, and deprived of its\nprivileges, we should nevertheless not fail to observe the Christian\nSabbath. If on a bed of sickness, if in a land of strangers, if on the\ndeep, if in a foreign clime, if on a lonely island, as John was, where\nwe have none of the advantages of public worship, we should yet honour\nthe Sabbath. We should worship God alone, if we have none to unite\nwith us; we should show to those around us, if we are with strangers,\nby our dress and our conversation, by a serious and devout manner, by\nabstinence from labour, {50} and by a resting from travel, that we\ndevoutly regard this day as set apart for God. (b) We may expect, in\nsuch circumstances, and with such a devout observance of the day, that\nGod will meet with us and bless us. It was on a lonely island, far away\nfrom the sanctuary and from the society of Christian friends, that the\nSaviour met \u201cthe beloved disciple,\u201d and we may trust it will be so with\nus. For on such a desert island, in a lonely forest, on the deep, or\namid strangers in a foreign land, he can as easily meet us as in the\nsanctuary where we have been accustomed to worship, and when surrounded\nby all the privileges of a Christian land. No man, at home or abroad,\namong friends or strangers, enjoying the privileges of the sanctuary,\nor deprived of those privileges, ever kept the Christian Sabbath in\na devout manner without profit to his own soul; and, when deprived of\nthe privileges of public worship, the visitations of the Saviour to\nthe soul may be more than a compensation for all our privations. Who\nwould not be willing to be banished to a lonely island like Patmos,\nif he might enjoy such a glorious vision of the Redeemer as John was\nfavoured with there? \u00b6 _And heard behind me a great voice._ A loud\nvoice. This was of course sudden, and took him by surprise. \u00b6 _As of\na trumpet._ Loud as a trumpet. This is evidently the only point in the\ncomparison. It does not mean that the tones of the voice resembled a\ntrumpet, but only that it was clear, loud, and distinct like a trumpet.\nA trumpet is a well-known wind-instrument, distinguished for the\nclearness of its sounds, and was used for calling assemblies together,\nfor marshalling hosts for battle, &c. The Hebrew word employed commonly\nto denote a trumpet (\u05e9\u05c1\u05d5\u05b9\u05e4\u05b8\u05e8\u2015\u2015_shophar_) means _bright_ and _clear_, and\nis supposed to have been given to the instrument on account of its\nclear and shrill sound, as we now give the name \u201cclarion\u201d to a certain\nwind-instrument. The Hebrew trumpet is often referred to as employed,\non account of its clearness, to summon people together, Ex. xix. 13;\nNu. x. 10; Ju. vii. 18, &c.; 1 Sa. xiii. 3; 2 Sa. xv. 10.\n\n\n 11 Saying, I am Alpha and Omega, the first and the last:\n and, What thou seest, write in a book, and send _it_ unto the\n seven churches which are in Asia; unto [76]Ephesus, and unto\n [77]Smyrna, and unto [78]Pergamos, and unto [79]Thyatira,\n and unto [80]Sardis, and unto [81]Philadelphia, and unto\n [82]Laodicea.\n\n11. _Saying._ That is, literally, \u201cthe trumpet saying.\u201d It was,\nhowever, manifestly the _voice_ that addressed these words to John,\nthough they _seemed_ to come through a trumpet, and hence the trumpet\nis represented as uttering them. \u00b6 _I am Alpha and Omega._ Ver. 8.\n\u00b6 _The first and the last._ An explanation of the terms Alpha and Omega.\nSee Notes on ver. 8. \u00b6 _And, What thou seest._ The voice, in addition\nto the declaration, \u201cI am Alpha and Omega,\u201d gave this direction that\nhe should record what he saw. The phrase, \u201cwhat thou seest,\u201d refers to\nwhat would pass before him in vision, what he there saw, and what he\nwould see in the extraordinary manifestations which were to be made\nto him. \u00b6 _Write in a book._ Make a fair record of it all; evidently\nmeaning that he should describe things as they occurred, and implying\nthat the vision would be held so long before the eye of his mind that\nhe would be able to transfer it to the \u201cbook.\u201d The fair and obvious\ninterpretation of this is, that he was to make the record in the island\nof Patmos, and then send it to the churches. Though Patmos was a lonely\nand barren place, and though probably there were few or no inhabitants\nthere, yet there is no improbability in supposing that John could have\nfound writing materials there, nor even that he may have been permitted\nto take such materials with him. He seems to have been banished for\n_preaching_, not for _writing_; and there is no evidence that the\nmaterials for writing would be withheld from him. John Bunyan, in\nBedford jail, found materials for writing the _Pilgrim\u2019s Progress_,\nand there is no evidence that the apostle John was denied the means\nof recording his thoughts when in the island of Patmos. The word _book_\nhere (\u03b2\u03b9\u03b2\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03bd), would more properly mean _a roll_ or _scroll_, that\nbeing the form in which books were anciently made. See Notes on Lu.\niv. 17. \u00b6 _And send it unto the seven churches which are in Asia._ {51}\nThe churches which are immediately designated, not implying that there\nwere no other churches in Asia, but that there were particular reasons\nfor sending it to these. He was to send _all_ that he should \u201csee;\u201d\nto wit, all that is recorded in this volume or book of \u201cRevelation.\u201d\nPart of this (ch. ii., iii.) would appertain particularly to them;\nthe remainder (ch. iv.\u2012xxii.) would appertain to them no more than to\nothers, but still they would have the common interest in it which all\nthe church would have, and, in their circumstances of trial, there\nmight be important reasons why _they_ should see the assurance that\nthe church would ultimately triumph over all its enemies. They were to\nderive from it themselves the consolation which it was fitted to impart\nin time of trial, and to transmit it to future times, for the welfare\nof the church at large. \u00b6 _Unto Ephesus._ Perhaps mentioned first as\nbeing the capital of that portion of Asia Minor; the most important\ncity of the seven; the place where John had preached, and whence he had\nbeen banished. For a particular description of these seven churches,\nsee the Notes on the epistles addressed to them in ch. ii., iii.\n\n\n 12 And I turned to see the voice that spake with me. And being\n turned, I saw [83]seven golden candlesticks;\n\n12. _And I turned to see the voice that spake with me._ He naturally\nturned round to see who it was that spake to him in this solitary and\ndesolate place, where he thought himself to be alone. To see _the\nvoice_ here means to see _the person_ who spake. \u00b6 _And being turned, I\nsaw seven golden candlesticks._ These were the _first_ things that met\nhis eye. This must have been in _vision_, of course, and the meaning\nis, that there _seemed_ to be there seven such lamps or candelabras.\nThe word rendered _candlesticks_ (\u03bb\u03c5\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b1) means properly a light-stand,\nlamp-stand\u2015\u2015something to bear up a light. It would be applied to\nanything that was used for this purpose; and nothing is intimated,\nin the use of the word, in regard to the form or dimensions of\nthe light-bearers. Lamps were more commonly used at that time than\ncandles, and it is rather to be supposed that these were designed to\nbe lamp-bearers, or lamp-sustainers, than _candlesticks_. They were\nseven in number; not one branching into seven, but seven standing apart,\nand so far from each other that he who appeared to John could stand\namong them. The lamp-bearers evidently sustained each a light, and\nthese gave a peculiar brilliancy to the scene. It is not improbable\nthat, as they were designed to represent the seven churches of Asia,\nthey were arranged in an order resembling these churches. The scene\nis not laid in the temple, as many suppose, for there is nothing that\nresembles the arrangements in the temple except the mere fact of the\n_lights_. The scene as yet is in Patmos, and there is no evidence that\nJohn did not regard himself as there, or that he fancied for a moment\nthat he was translated to the temple in Jerusalem. There can be no\ndoubt as to the _design_ of this representation, for it is expressly\ndeclared (ver. 20) that the seven lamp-bearers were intended to\nrepresent the seven churches. Light is often used in the Scriptures as\nan emblem of true religion; Christians are represented as \u201cthe light\nof the world\u201d (Mat. v. 14; comp. Phi. ii. 15; Jn. viii. 12), and a\nChristian church may be represented as a light standing in the midst\nof surrounding darkness.\n\n\n 13 And in the midst of the seven candlesticks [84]_one_ like\n unto the Son of man, clothed with a garment down to the foot,\n and girt about the paps with a golden girdle.\n\n13. _And in the midst of the seven candlesticks._ Standing among them,\nso as to be encircled with them. This shows that the representation\ncould not have been like that of the vision of Zechariah (Zec. iv. 2),\nwhere the prophet sees \u201ca candlestick all of gold, with a bowl upon\nthe top of it, and his seven lamps thereon.\u201d In the vision as it\nappeared to John, there was not _one_ lamp-bearer, with seven lamps\nor branches, but there were _seven_ lamp-bearers, so arranged that one\nin the likeness of the Son of man could stand in the midst of them.\n\u00b6 _|One| like unto the Son of man._ This was evidently the Lord Jesus\nChrist himself, elsewhere so often called \u201cthe Son of man.\u201d That it was\nthe Saviour himself is apparent from ver. 18. The expression rendered\n\u201clike unto _the_ Son of man,\u201d should have been \u201clike unto {52} _a_ son\nof man;\u201d that is, like a man, a human being, or in a human form. The\nreasons for so interpreting it are, (a) that the Greek is without the\narticle, and (b) that, as it is rendered in our version, it seems to\nmake the writer say that he was _like himself_, since the expression\n\u201c_the_ Son of man\u201d is in the New Testament but another name for the\nLord Jesus. The phrase is often applied to him in the New Testament,\nand always, except in three instances (Ac. vii. 56; Re. i. 13; xiv. 14),\nby the Saviour himself, evidently to denote his warm interest _in_ man,\nor his relationship to man; to signify that he was a man, and wished\nto designate himself eminently as such. See Notes on Mat. viii. 20.\nIn the use of this phrase in the New Testament, there is probably an\nallusion to Da. vii. 13. The idea would seem to be, that he whom he saw\nresembled \u201cthe Son of man\u201d\u2015\u2015the Lord Jesus, as he had seen him in the\ndays of his flesh\u2015\u2015though it would appear that he did not _know_ that\nit was he until he was informed of it, ver. 18. Indeed, the costume in\nwhich he appeared was so unlike that in which John had been accustomed\nto see the Lord Jesus in the days of his flesh, that it cannot be well\nsupposed that he would at once recognize him as the same. \u00b6 _Clothed\nwith a garment down to the foot._ A robe reaching down to the feet,\nor to the ankles, yet so as to leave the feet themselves visible. The\nallusion here, doubtless, is to a long, loose, flowing robe, such as\nwas worn by kings. Comp. Notes on Is. vi. 1. \u00b6 _And girt about the\npaps._ About the breast. It was common, and is still, in the East,\nto wear a girdle to confine the robe, as well as to form a beautiful\nornament. This was commonly worn about the middle of the person, or\n\u201cthe loins,\u201d but it would seem also that it was sometimes worn around\nthe breast. See Notes on Mat. v. 38\u201241. \u00b6 _With a golden girdle._\nEither wholly made of gold, or, more probably, richly ornamented with\ngold. This would naturally suggest the idea of one of rank, probably\none of princely rank. The raiment here assumed was not that of a\n_priest_, but that of a _king_. It was very far from being that in\nwhich the Redeemer appeared when he dwelt upon the earth, and was\nrather designed to denote his royal state as he is exalted in heaven.\nHe is not indeed represented with a crown and sceptre here, and perhaps\nthe leading idea is that of one of exalted rank, of unusual dignity, of\none fitted to inspire awe and respect. In other circumstances, in this\nbook, this same Redeemer is represented as wearing a crown, and going\nforth to conquest. See ch. xix. 12\u201216. Here the representation seems to\nhave been designed to impress the mind with a sense of the greatness\nand glory of the personage who thus suddenly made his appearance.\n\n\n 14 His head and _his_ hairs _were_ white like wool, as white\n as snow; and [85]his eyes _were_ as a flame of fire;\n\n14. _His head and |his| hairs |were| white like wool, as white as snow._\nExceedingly or perfectly white\u2015\u2015the first suggestion to the mind of\nthe apostle being that of wool, and then the thought occurring of its\n_extreme_ whiteness resembling snow\u2015\u2015the purest white of which the\nmind conceives. The comparison with wool and snow to denote anything\npeculiarly _white_ is not uncommon. See Is. i. 18. Professor Stuart\nsupposes that this means, not that his hairs were literally white,\nas if with age, which he says would be incongruous to one just risen\nfrom the dead, clothed with immortal youth and vigour, but that it\nmeans radiant, bright, resplendent\u2015\u2015similar to what occurred on the\ntransfiguration of the Saviour, Mat. xvii. 2. But to this it may be\nreplied, (a) That this would not accord well with that with which\nhis hair is compared\u2015\u2015_snow_ and _wool_, particularly the latter.\n(b) The usual meaning of the word is more obvious here, and not at all\ninappropriate. The representation was fitted to signify majesty and\nauthority; and this would be best accomplished by the image of one who\nwas venerable in years. Thus, in the vision that appeared to Daniel (ch.\nvii. 9), it is said of him who is there called the \u201cAncient of Days,\u201d\nthat \u201chis garment was white as snow, and the hair of his head like\nthe pure wool.\u201d It is not improbable that John had that representation\nin his eye, and that therefore he would be impressed with the\nconviction that this was a manifestation of a divine person. We are\nnot necessarily to suppose that this is the form in which the Saviour\nalways appears now in heaven, any more than we are to suppose that God\nappears always in the form in which he was manifested {53} to Isaiah\n(ch. vi. 1), to Daniel (ch. vii. 9), or to Moses and Aaron, Nadab and\nAbihu in the mount, Ex. xxiv. 10, 11. The representation is, that this\nform was assumed for the purpose of impressing the mind of the apostle\nwith a sense of his majesty and glory. \u00b6 _And his eyes |were| as a\nflame of fire._ Bright, sharp, penetrating; as if everything was light\nbefore them, or they would penetrate into the thoughts of men. Such\na representation is not uncommon. We speak of a lightning glance, a\nfiery look, &c. In Da. x. 6, it is said of the man who appeared to\nthe prophet on the banks of the river Hiddekel, that his eyes were \u201cas\nlamps of fire.\u201d Numerous instances of this comparison from the Greek\nand Latin classics may be seen in Wetstein, _in loco_.\n\n\n 15 And [86]his feet like unto fine brass, as if they burned in\n a furnace; and [87]his voice as the sound of many waters.\n\n15. _And his feet like unto fine brass._ Comp. Da. x. 6, \u201cAnd his\narms and his feet like in colour to polished brass.\u201d See also Eze.\ni. 7, \u201cand they\u201d [the feet of the living creatures] \u201csparkled like the\ncolour of burnished brass.\u201d The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03b9\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u1ff3\u2015\u2015occurs in\nthe New Testament only here and in ch. ii. 18. It is not found in the\nSeptuagint. The word properly means _white brass_ (probably compounded\nof \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, _brass_, and \u03bb\u03b9\u03b2\u03b1\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, _whiteness_, from the Hebrew \u05dc\u05b8\u05d1\u05b8\u05df,\n_white_). Others regard it as from \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, _brass_, and \u03bb\u03b9\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd,\n_clear_. The _metal_ referred to was undoubtedly a species of brass\ndistinguished for its clearness or whiteness. Brass is a compound metal,\ncomposed of copper and zinc. The colour varies much according to the\ndifferent proportions of the various ingredients. The Vulgate here\nrenders the word _aurichalcum_, a mixture of gold and of brass\u2015\u2015perhaps\nthe same as the \u1f24\u03bb\u03b5\u03ba\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015the _electrum_ of the ancients, composed of\ngold and of silver, usually in the proportion of four parts gold and\none part silver, and distinguished for its brilliancy. See Robinson,\n_Lex._, and Wetstein, _in loco_. The kind of metal here referred to,\nhowever, would seem to be some compound of brass\u2015\u2015of a whitish and\nbrilliant colour. The exact proportion of the ingredients in the metal\nhere referred to cannot now be determined. \u00b6 _As if they burned in a\nfurnace._ That is, his feet were so bright that they seemed to be like\na beautiful metal glowing intensely in the midst of a furnace. Anyone\nwho has looked upon the dazzling and almost insupportable brilliancy\nof metal in a furnace, can form an idea of the image here presented.\n\u00b6 _And his voice as the sound of many waters._ As the roar of the\nocean, or of a cataract. Nothing could be a more sublime description of\nmajesty and authority than to compare the voice of a speaker with the\nroar of the ocean. This comparison often occurs in the Scriptures. See\nEze. xliii. 2, \u201cAnd behold the glory of the God of Israel came from\nthe east: and his voice was like the sound of many waters: and the\nearth shined with his glory.\u201d So Re. xiv. 2; xix. 6. Comp. Eze. i. 24;\nDa. x. 6.\n\n\n 16 And he had in his right hand seven stars; and out of his\n mouth went [88]a sharp two-edged sword: and his countenance\n _was_ as [89]the sun shineth in his strength.\n\n16. _And he had in his right hand seven stars._ Emblematic of the\nangels of the seven churches. _How_ he held them is not said. It may be\nthat they seemed to rest on his open palm; or it may be that he seemed\nto hold them as if they were arranged in a certain order, and with some\nsort of attachment, so that they could be grasped. It is not improbable\nthat, as in the case of the seven lamp-bearers (Notes, ver. 13), they\nwere so arranged as to represent the relative position of the seven\nchurches. \u00b6 _And out of his mouth went a sharp two-edged sword._ On\nthe form of the ancient two-edged sword, see Notes on Ep. vi. 17.\nThe two edges were designed to cut both ways; and such a sword is a\nstriking emblem of the penetrating power of _truth_, or of words that\nproceed from the mouth; and this is designed undoubtedly to be the\nrepresentation here\u2015\u2015that there was some symbol which showed that his\nwords, or his truth, had the power of cutting deep, or penetrating the\nsoul. So in Is. xlix. 2, it is said of the same personage, \u201cAnd he hath\nmade my mouth like a sharp sword.\u201d {54} See Notes on that verse. So in\nHe. iv. 12, \u201cThe word of God is quick and powerful, sharper than any\ntwo-edged sword,\u201d &c. So it is said of Pericles by Aristophanes:\n\n \u201cHis powerful speech\n Pierced the hearer\u2019s soul, and left behind\n Deep in his bosom its keen point infixt.\u201d\n\nA similar figure often occurs in Arabic poetry. \u201cAs arrows his\nwords enter into the heart.\u201d See Gesenius, _Comm. zu_, Is. xlix. 2.\nThe only difficulty here is in regard to the apparently incongruous\nrepresentation of a _sword_ seeming to proceed from the mouth; but\nit is not perhaps necessary to suppose that John means to say that he\n_saw_ such an image. He heard him speak; he felt the penetrating power\nof his words; and they were _as if_ a sharp sword proceeded from his\nmouth. They penetrated deep into the soul, and as he looked on him it\nseemed as if a sword came from his mouth. Perhaps it is not necessary\nto suppose that there was even _any_ visible representation of\nthis\u2015\u2015either of a sword or of the breath proceeding from his mouth\nappearing to take this form, as Professor Stuart supposes. It may be\nwholly a figurative representation, as Heinrichs and Ewald suppose.\nThough there were visible and impressive symbols of his majesty and\nglory presented to the eyes, it is not necessary to suppose that there\nwere visible symbols of his _words_. \u00b6 _And his countenance._ His face.\nThere had been before particular descriptions of some parts of his\nface\u2015\u2015as of his eyes\u2015\u2015but this is a representation of his whole aspect;\nof the general splendour and brightness of his countenance. \u00b6 _|Was| as\nthe sun shineth in his strength._ In his full splendour when unobscured\nby clouds; where his rays are in no way intercepted. Comp. Ju. v. 31:\n\u201cBut let them that love him [the Lord] be as the sun when he goeth\nforth in his might;\u201d 2 Sa. xxiii. 4, \u201cAnd he shall be as the light of\nthe morning, when the sun ariseth, even a morning without clouds;\u201d Ps.\nxix. 5, \u201cWhich [the sun] is as a bridegroom coming out of his chamber,\nand rejoiceth as a strong man to run a race.\u201d There could be no more\nstriking description of the majesty and glory of the countenance than\nto compare it with the over-powering splendour of the sun.\u2015\u2015This closes\nthe description of the personage that appeared to John. The design was\nevidently to impress him with a sense of his majesty and glory, and\nto prepare the way for the authoritative nature of the communications\nwhich he was to make. It is obvious that this appearance must have been\n_assumed_. The representation is not that of the Redeemer as he rose\nfrom the dead\u2015\u2015a middle-aged man; nor is it clear that it was the same\nas on the mount of transfiguration\u2015\u2015where, for anything that appears,\nhe retained his usual aspect and form though temporarily invested with\nextraordinary brilliancy; nor is it the form in which we may suppose\nhe ascended to heaven\u2015\u2015for there is no evidence that he was thus\ntransformed when he ascended; nor is it that of a priest\u2015\u2015for all the\npeculiar habiliments of a Jewish priest are wanting in this description.\nThe appearance assumed is, evidently, in accordance with various\nrepresentations of God as he appeared to Ezekiel, to Isaiah, and to\nDaniel\u2015\u2015that which was a _suitable_ manifestation of a divine being\u2015\u2015of\none clothed in the majesty and power of God. We are not to infer from\nthis, that this is in fact the appearance of the Redeemer now in heaven,\nor that this is the form in which he will appear when he comes to\njudge the world. Of his appearance in heaven we have no knowledge;\nof the aspect which he will assume when he comes to judge men we have\nno certain information. We are necessarily quite as ignorant of this\nas we are of what will be _our own_ form and appearance after the\nresurrection from the dead.\n\n\n 17 And when I saw him, I fell at his feet as dead. And he\n laid his right hand upon me, saying unto me, Fear not; I am\n the first and the last:\n\n17. _And when I saw him, I fell at his feet as dead._ As if I were\ndead; deprived of sense and consciousness. He was overwhelmed with the\nsuddenness of the vision; he saw that this was a divine being; but he\ndid not as yet know that it was the Saviour. It is not probable that in\nthis vision he would immediately recognize any of the familiar features\nof the Lord Jesus as he had been accustomed to see him some sixty\nyears before; and if he _did_, the effect would have been quite as\nover-powering as is here described. But the subsequent revelations of\nthis divine {55} personage would rather seem to imply that John did\nnot at once recognize him as the Lord Jesus. The effect here described\nis one that often occurred to those who had a vision of God. See Da.\nviii. 18, \u201cNow as he was speaking with me, I was in a deep sleep on my\nface toward the ground; but he touched me, and set me upright;\u201d ver. 27,\n\u201cAnd I Daniel fainted, and was sick certain days; afterwards I rose up,\nand did the king\u2019s business.\u201d Comp. Ex. xxxiii. 20; Is. vi. 5; Eze. i.\n28; xliii. 3; Da. x. 7\u20129, 17. \u00b6 _And he laid his right hand upon me._\nFor the purpose of raising him up. Comp. Da. viii. 18, \u201cHe touched me\nand set me upright.\u201d We usually stretch out the _right_ hand to raise\nup one who has fallen. \u00b6 _Saying unto me, Fear not._ Comp. Mat. xiv. 27,\n\u201cIt is I; be not afraid.\u201d The fact that it was the Saviour, though\nhe appeared in this form of overpowering majesty, was a reason why\nJohn should not be afraid. _Why_ that was a reason, he immediately\nadds\u2015\u2015that he was the first and the last; that though he had been dead\nhe was now alive, and would continue ever to live, and that he had\nthe keys of hell and of death. It is evident that John was overpowered\nwith that awful emotion which the human mind must feel at the evidence\nof the presence of God. Thus men feel when God seems to come near\nthem by the impressive symbols of his majesty\u2015\u2015as in the thunder,\nthe earthquake, and the tempest. Comp. Hab. iii. 16; Lu. ix. 34.\nYet, amidst the most awful manifestations of divine power, the simple\nassurance that our Redeemer is near us is enough to allay our fears,\nand diffuse calmness through the soul. \u00b6 _I am the first and the last._\nNotes, ver. 8. This is stated to be one of the reasons why he should\nnot fear\u2015\u2015that he was _eternal_: \u201cI always live\u2015\u2015have lived through\nall the past, and will live through all which is to come\u2015\u2015and therefore\nI can accomplish all my promises, and execute all my purposes.\u201d\n\n\n 18 _I am_ [90]he that liveth, and was dead; and, behold, I am\n alive for evermore, Amen; and have [91]the keys of hell and of\n death.\n\n18. _|I am| he that liveth, and was dead._ I was indeed once dead, but\nnow I live, and shall continue to live for ever. This would at once\nidentify him who thus appeared as the Lord Jesus Christ, for to no one\nelse could this apply. He had been put to death; but he had risen from\nthe grave. This also is given as a reason why John should not fear;\nand nothing would allay his fears more than this. He now saw that\nhe was in the presence of that Saviour whom more than half a century\nbefore he had so tenderly loved when in the flesh, and whom, though\nnow long absent, he had faithfully served, and for whose cause he was\nnow in this lonely island. His faith in his resurrection had not been a\ndelusion; he saw the very Redeemer before him who had once been laid in\nthe tomb. \u00b6 _Behold, I am alive for evermore._ I am to live for ever.\nDeath is no more to cut me down, and I am never again to slumber in the\ngrave. As he was always to live, he could accomplish all his promises,\nand fulfil all his purposes. The Saviour is never to die again. He\ncan, therefore, always sustain us in our troubles; he can be with us\nin our death. Whoever of our friends die, he will not die; when we\ndie, he will still be on the throne. \u00b6 _Amen._ A word here of strong\naffirmation\u2015\u2015as if he had said, it is _truly_, or _certainly so_. See\nNotes on ver. 7. This expression is one that the Saviour often used\nwhen he wished to give emphasis, or to express anything strongly. Comp.\nJn. iii. 3; v. 25. \u00b6 _And have the keys of hell and of death._ The word\nrendered _hell_\u2015\u2015\u1f85\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2, _hades_\u2015\u2015refers properly to the underworld; the\nabode of departed spirits; the region of the dead. This was represented\nas dull and gloomy; as inclosed with walls; as entered through gates\nwhich were fastened with bolts and bars. For a description of the views\nwhich prevailed among the ancients on the subject, see Notes on Lu. xvi.\n23, and Job x. 21, 22. To hold the _key_ of this, was to hold the power\nover the invisible world. It was the more appropriate that the Saviour\nshould represent himself as having this authority, as he had himself\nbeen raised from the dead by his own power (comp. Jn. x. 18), thus\nshowing that the dominion over this dark world was intrusted to him.\n\u00b6 _And of death._ A personification. Death reigns in that world. But to\nhis wide-extended realms the Saviour holds the key, and can have access\nto his empire when he pleases, releasing all whom he chooses, and\nconfining there still {56} such as he shall please. It is probably in\npart from such hints as these that Milton drew his sublime description\nof the gates of hell in the _Paradise Lost_. As Christ always lives;\nas he always retains this power over the regions of the dead, and\nthe whole world of spirits, it may be further remarked that _we_ have\nnothing to dread if we put our trust in him. We need not fear to enter\na world which he has entered, and from which he has emerged, achieving\na glorious triumph; we need not fear what the dread king that reigns\nthere can do to us, for his power extends not beyond the permission of\nthe Saviour, and in his own time that Saviour will call us forth to\nlife, to die no more.\n\n\n 19 Write the things which thou hast seen, and the things which\n are, and the things which shall be hereafter;\n\n19. _Write the things which thou hast seen._ An account of the vision\nwhich thou hast had, ver. 10\u201218. \u00b6 _And the things which are._ Give an\naccount of those things which thou hast seen as designed to represent\nthe condition of the seven churches. He had seen not only the Saviour,\nbut he had seen seven lamp-stands, and seven stars in the hand of the\nSaviour, and he is now commanded to record the meaning of these symbols\nas referring to things then actually existing in the seven churches.\nThis interpretation is demanded by ver. 20. \u00b6 _And the things which\nshall be hereafter._ The Greek phrase rendered _hereafter_\u2015\u2015\u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70\n\u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1\u2015\u2015means \u201c_after these things_;\u201d that is, he was to make a correct\nrepresentation of the things which then were, and then to record what\nwould occur \u201c_after_ these things:\u201d to wit, of the images, symbols, and\ntruths, which would be disclosed to him after what he had already seen.\nThe expression refers to future times. He does not say for _how long_\na time; but the revelations which were to be made referred to events\nwhich were to occur beyond those which were then taking place. Nothing\ncan be argued from the use of this language in regard to the length\nof time embraced in the revelation\u2015\u2015whether it extended only for a\nfew years or whether it embraced all coming time. The more natural\ninterpretation, however, would seem to be, that it would stretch\nfar into future years, and that it was designed to give at least _an\noutline_ of what would be the character of the future in general.\n\n\n 20 The mystery of [92]the seven stars which thou sawest in\n my right hand, and the seven golden candlesticks. The seven\n stars are the angels of the seven churches: and [93]the seven\n candlesticks which thou sawest, are the seven churches.\n\n20. _The mystery of the seven stars._ On the word _mystery_, see Notes\non Ep. i. 9. The word means, properly, that which is hidden, obscure,\nunknown\u2015\u2015until it is disclosed by one having the ability to do it,\nor by the course of events. _When_ disclosed, it may be as clear, and\nas capable of comprehension, as any other truth. The meaning here, as\napplied to the seven stars, is, that they were symbols, and that their\nmeaning as symbols, without a suitable explanation, would remain hidden\nor unknown. They were designed to represent important truths, and John\nwas directed to write down what they were intended in the circumstances\nto signify, and to send the explanation to the churches. It is\nevidently implied that the meaning of these symbols would be beyond\nthe ordinary powers of the human mind to arrive at with certainty, and\nhence John was directed to explain the symbol. The general and obvious\ntruths which they would serve to convey would be that the ministers of\nthe churches, and the churches themselves, were designed to be lights\nin the world, and should burn clearly and steadily. Much important\ntruth would be couched under these symbols, indeed, if nothing had been\nadded in regard to their signification as employed here by the Saviour;\nbut there were particular truths of great importance in reference to\neach of these \u201cstars\u201d and \u201clamp-bearers,\u201d which John was more fully to\nexplain. \u00b6 _Which thou sawest in my right hand._ Gr., \u201c_upon_ my right\nhand\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b5\u03be\u03b9\u1fb6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c5: giving some support to the opinion that the\nstars, as they were seen, appeared to be placed _on_ his hand\u2015\u2015that is,\non the _palm_ of his hand as he stretched it out. The expression in\nver. 16 is, that they were \u201c_in_ (\u1f10\u03bd) his right hand;\u201d but the language\nhere used is not decisive as to the position of the stars. They _may_\nhave been held in some way _by_ the hand, or {57} represented as\nscattered on the open hand. \u00b6 _The seven golden candlesticks._ The\ntruth which these emblematic representations are designed to convey.\n\u00b6 _The seven stars are._ That is, they represent, or they denote\u2015\u2015in\naccordance with a common usage in the Scriptures. See Notes on Mat.\nxxvi. 26. \u00b6 _The angels of the seven churches._ Gr., \u201cAngels of the\nseven churches:\u201d the article being wanting. This does not refer to\nthem as a collective or associated body, for the addresses are made to\nthem as individuals\u2015\u2015an epistle being directed to \u201cthe angel\u201d of each\nparticular church, ch. ii. 1, 12, &c. The evident meaning, however, is,\nthat what was recorded should be directed to them, not as pertaining to\nthem exclusively as individuals, but as presiding over or representing\nthe churches, for what is recorded pertains _to_ the churches, and was\nevidently designed to be laid before them. It was _for_ the churches,\nbut was committed to the \u201cangel\u201d as representing the church, and to\nbe communicated to the church under his care. There has been much\ndiversity of opinion in regard to the meaning of the word _angels_ here.\nBy the advocates of Episcopacy, it has been argued that the use of this\nterm proves that there was a presiding bishop over a circle or group\nof churches in Ephesus, in Smyrna, &c., since it is said that it cannot\nbe supposed that there was but a single church in a city so large as\nEphesus, or in the other cities mentioned. A full examination of this\nargument may be seen in my work on the _Apostolic Church_ [pp. 191\u2012199,\nLondon ed.]. The word _angel_ properly means a messenger, and is thus\napplied to celestial beings _as_ messengers sent forth from God to\nconvey or to do his will. This being the common meaning of the word,\nit may be employed to denote anyone who is a messenger, and hence, with\npropriety, anyone who is employed to communicate the will of another;\nto transact his business, or, more remotely, to act in his place\u2015\u2015to be\na representative. In order to ascertain the meaning of the word as used\nin this place, and in reference to these churches, it may be remarked,\n(1) That it cannot mean literally an _angel_, as referring to a\nheavenly being, for no one can suppose that such a being presided over\nthese churches. (2) It cannot be shown to mean, as Lord (_in loco_)\nsupposes, messengers that the churches had sent to John, and that these\nletters were given to them to be returned by them to the churches;\nfor, (a) there is no evidence that any such messenger had been sent to\nJohn; (b) there is no probability that while he was a banished exile\nin Patmos such a thing would be permitted; (c) the message was not\nsent _by_ them, it was sent _to_ them\u2015\u2015\u201c_Unto_ the angel of the church\nin Ephesus _write_,\u201d &c. (3) It cannot be proved that the reference is\nto a prelatical bishop presiding over a group or circle of churches,\ncalled a _diocese_; for, (a) There is nothing in the word _angel_, as\nused in this connection, which would be peculiarly applicable to such\na personage\u2015\u2015it being _as_ applicable to a pastor of a single church,\nas to a bishop of many churches. (b) There is no evidence that there\n_were_ any such groups of churches then as constitute an episcopal\ndiocese. (c) The use of the word \u201c_church_\u201d in the singular, as applied\nto Ephesus, Smyrna, &c., rather implies that there was but a single\nchurch in each of those cities. Comp. ch. ii. 1, 8, 12, 18; see also\nsimilar language in regard to the _church_ in Corinth, 1 Co. i. 2; in\nAntioch, Ac. xiii. 1; at Laodicea, Col. iv. 16; and at Ephesus, Ac.\nxx. 28. (d) There is no evidence, as Episcopalians must suppose, that\na successor to John had been appointed at Ephesus, if, as they suppose,\nhe was \u201cbishop\u201d of Ephesus; and there is no probability that they would\n_so soon_ after his banishment show him such a want of respect as to\nregard the see as vacant, and appoint a successor. (e) There is no\nimprobability in supposing that there was a _single_ church in each\nof these cities\u2015\u2015as at Antioch, Corinth, Rome. (f) If John was a\nprelatical \u201cbishop,\u201d it is probable that he was \u201cbishop\u201d of the whole\ngroup of churches embracing the seven: yet here, if the word \u201cangel\u201d\nmeans \u201cbishop,\u201d we have no less than seven such bishops immediately\nappointed to succeed him. And (g) the supposition that this refers to\nprelatical bishops is so forced and unnatural that many Episcopalians\nare compelled to abandon it. Thus Stillingfleet\u2015\u2015than whom an abler man,\nor one whose praise is higher in Episcopal churches, as an advocate\nof prelacy, is not to be found\u2015\u2015says of these angels: \u201cIf many things\nin the epistles be directed to the angels, but yet so as to concern\nthe whole body, then, of necessity, the angel must be taken as a\n_representative_ of the whole body; and then {58} why may not the angel\nbe taken by way of representation of the body itself, either of the\nwhole church, or, _which is far more probable_, of the _concessors_,\nor order of _presbyters_ in this church?\u201d (4) If the word does not mean\nliterally an angel; if it does not refer to messengers sent to John in\nPatmos by the churches; and if it does not refer to a prelatical bishop,\nthen it follows that it must refer to some one who presided over the\nchurch as its pastor, and through whom a message might be properly\nsent to the church. Thus understood, the pastor or \u201cangel\u201d would be\nregarded as the representative of the church; that is, as delegated by\nthe church to manage its affairs, and as the authorized person to whom\ncommunications should be made in matters pertaining to it\u2015\u2015as pastors\nare now. A few considerations will further confirm this interpretation,\nand throw additional light on the meaning of the word. (a) The word\n_angel_ is employed in the Old Testament to denote a _prophet_; that is,\na minister of religion as sent by God to communicate his will. Thus in\nHaggai (i. 13) it is said, \u201cThen spake Haggai, the Lord\u2019s _messenger_\n[Heb. _angel_, \u05de\u05b7\u05dc\u05b0\u05d0\u05b7\u05da\u05b0 \u05d9\u05b0\u05d4\u05b9\u05d5\u05b8\u05d4\u2015\u2015Sept. \u1f04\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5], in the Lord\u2019s message\nunto the people,\u201d &c. (b) It is applied to a _priest_, as one sent by\nGod to execute the functions of that office, or to act in the name of\nthe Lord. Mal. ii. 7, \u201cFor the priest\u2019s lips should keep knowledge,\nfor he is the _messenger of the Lord of hosts_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u05de\u05b7\u05dc\u05b0\u05d0\u05b7\u05da\u05b0 \u05d9\u05b0\u05d4\u05b9\u05d5\u05b8\u05d4 \u05e6\u05b0\u05d1\u05b8\u05d0\u05d5\u05b9\u05ea\u2015\u2015that is,\n\u201c_angel_ of the Lord of hosts.\u201d (c) The name _prophet_ is often given\nin the New Testament to the ministers of religion, as being appointed\nby God to proclaim or communicate his will to his people, and as\noccupying a place resembling, in some respects, that of the prophets\nin the Old Testament. (d) There was no reason why the word might not be\nthus employed to designate a pastor of a Christian church, as well as\nto designate a prophet or a priest under the Old Testament dispensation.\n(e) The supposition that a pastor of a church is intended will meet\nall the circumstances of the case: for, (1) it is an appropriate\nappellation; (2) there is no reason to suppose that there was more than\none church in each of the cities referred to; (3) it is a term which\nwould designate the respect in which the office was held; (4) it would\nimpress upon those to whom it was applied a solemn sense of their\nresponsibility. Further, it would be more _appropriately_ applied to\na pastor of a single church than to a prelatical bishop; to the tender,\nintimate, and endearing relation sustained by a pastor to his people,\nto the blending of sympathy, interest, and affection, where he is with\nthem continually, meets them frequently in the sanctuary, administers\nto them the bread of life, goes into their abodes when they are\nafflicted, and attends their kindred to the grave, than to the\nunion subsisting between the people of an extended _diocese_ and a\n_prelate_\u2015\u2015the formal, unfrequent, and, in many instances, stately\nand pompous visitations of a diocesan bishop\u2015\u2015to the unsympathizing\nrelation between him and a people scattered in many churches, who\nare visited at distant intervals by one claiming a \u201csuperiority in\nministerial rights and powers,\u201d and who must be a stranger to the\nten thousand ties of endearment which bind the hearts of a pastor and\npeople together. The conclusion, then, to which we have come is, that\nthe \u201cangel of the church\u201d was the pastor, or the presiding presbyter\nin the church; the minister who had the pastoral charge of it, and who\nwas therefore a proper representative of it. He was a man who, in some\nrespects, performed the functions which the angels of God do; that is,\nwho was appointed to execute his will, to communicate his message, and\nto convey important intimations of his purposes to his people. To no\none could the communications in this book, intended for the churches,\nbe more properly intrusted than to such an one; for to no one now would\na communication be more properly intrusted than to a pastor.\n\nSuch is the sublime vision under which this book opens; such the solemn\ncommission which the penman of the book received. No more appropriate\nintroduction to what is contained in the book could be imagined; no\nmore appropriate circumstances for making such a sublime revelation\ncould have existed. To the most beloved of the apostles, now the only\nsurviving one of the number; to him who had been a faithful labourer\nfor a period not far from sixty years after the death of the Lord Jesus,\nwho had been the bosom friend of the Saviour when in the flesh, who had\nseen him in the mount of transfiguration, who had seen him die, and who\nhad seen him ascend into heaven; to him {59} who had lived while the\nchurch was founded, and while it had spread into all lands; and to him\nwho was now suffering persecution on account of the Saviour and his\ncause, it was appropriate that such communications should be made.\nIn a lonely island; far away from the abodes of men; surrounded by the\nocean, and amid barren rocks; on the day consecrated to the purposes\nof sacred repose and the holy duties of religion\u2015\u2015the day observed in\ncommemoration of the resurrection of his Lord, it was most fit that the\nRedeemer should appear to the \u201cbeloved disciple\u201d in the last Revelation\nwhich he was ever to make to mankind. No more appropriate time or\ncircumstance could be conceived for disclosing, by a series of sublime\nvisions, what would occur in future times; for sketching out the\nhistory of the church or the consummation of all things.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\n\nThis chapter comprises four of the seven epistles addressed to the\nseven churches; those addressed to Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamos, and\nThyatira. A particular view of the contents of the epistles will be\nmore appropriate as they come separately to be considered, than in this\nplace. There are some general remarks in regard to their structure,\nhowever, which may be properly made here.\n\n(1) They all begin with a reference to some of the attributes of the\nSaviour, in general some attribute that had been noted in the first\nchapter; and while they are all adapted to make a deep impression on\nthe mind, perhaps each one was selected in such a way as to have a\nspecial propriety in reference to each particular church. Thus in the\naddress to the church at Ephesus (ch. ii. 1), the allusion is to the\nfact that he who speaks to them \u201cholds the seven stars in his right\nhand, and walks in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks;\u201d in the\nepistle to the church at Smyrna (ch. ii. 8), it is he who \u201cis the first\nand the last, who was dead and is alive;\u201d in the epistle to the church\nat Pergamos (ch. ii. 12), it is he \u201cwhich hath the sharp sword with the\ntwo edges;\u201d in the epistle to the church at Thyatira (ch. ii. 18), it\nis \u201cthe Son of God, who hath his eyes like unto a flame of fire, and\nhis feet like fine brass;\u201d in the epistle to the church at Sardis (ch.\niii. 1), it is he who \u201chath the seven Spirits of God, and the seven\nstars;\u201d in the epistle to the church at Philadelphia (ch. iii. 7), it\nis \u201che that is holy, he that is true, he that hath the key of David,\nhe that openeth and no man shutteth, and shutteth and no man openeth;\u201d\nin the epistle to the church at Laodicea (ch. iii. 14), it is he who is\nthe \u201cAmen, the faithful and true witness, the beginning of the creation\nof God.\u201d\n\n(2) These introductions are followed with the formula, \u201cI know\nthy works.\u201d The peculiar characteristics, then, of each church\nare referred to, with a sentiment of approbation or disapprobation\nexpressed in regard to their conduct. Of two of the churches, that at\nSmyrna (ii. 9), and that at Philadelphia (iii. 10), he expresses his\nentire approbation; to the churches of Sardis (iii. 3), and Laodicea\n(iii. 15\u201218), he administers a decided rebuke; to the churches of\nEphesus (ii. 3\u20126), Pergamos (ii. 13\u201216), and Thyatira (iii. 19, 20,\n24, 25), he intermingles praise and rebuke, for he saw much to commend,\nbut, at the same time, not a little that was reprehensible. In all\ncases, however, the approbation precedes the blame; showing that he was\nmore disposed to find that which was good than that which was evil.\n\n(3) After the statement of their characteristics, there follows in\neach case counsel, advice, admonition, or promises, such as their\ncircumstances demanded\u2015\u2015encouragement in trial, and injunctions to put\naway their sins. The admonitions are addressed to the churches as if\nChrist were at hand, and would ere long come and sit in judgment on\nthem and their deeds.\n\n(4) There is a solemn admonition to hear what the Spirit has to say to\nthe churches. This is in each case expressed in the same manner, \u201cHe\nthat hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the churches\u201d\n(ch. ii. 7, 11, 17, 29; iii. 6, 13, 22). These admonitions were\ndesigned to call the attention of the churches to these things, and,\nat the same time, they seemed designed to show that they were not\nintended for them alone. They are addressed to anyone who \u201chas an ear,\u201d\nand therefore had some principles of general application to others,\nand to which all should attend who were disposed to learn the will of\nthe Redeemer. What was addressed to one church, at any time, would be\nequally applicable to all {60} churches in the same circumstances; what\nwas adapted to rebuke, elevate, or comfort Christians in any one age or\nland, would be adapted to be useful to Christians of all ages and lands.\n\n(5) There then is, either following or preceding that call on all the\nchurches to hear, some promise or assurance designed to encourage the\nchurch, and urge it forward in the discharge of duty, or in enduring\ntrial. This is found in each one of the epistles, though not always in\nthe same relative position.\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT EPHESUS.\n\nThe contents of the epistle to the church at Ephesus\u2015\u2015the first\naddressed\u2015\u2015are these: (1) The attribute of the Saviour referred to is,\nthat he \u201cholds the stars in his right hand, and walks in the midst of\nthe golden candlesticks,\u201d ch. ii. 1. (2) He commends them for their\npatience, and for their opposition to those who are evil, and for their\nzeal and fidelity in carefully examining into the character of some\nwho claimed to be apostles, but who were, in fact, impostors; for their\nperseverance in bearing up under trial, and not fainting in his cause,\nand for their opposition to the Nicolaitanes, whom, he says, he hates,\nver. 2, 3, 6. (3) He reproves them for having left their first love to\nhim, ver. 4. (4) He admonishes them to remember whence they had fallen,\nto repent, and to do their first works, ver. 5. (5) He threatens them\nthat, if they do not repent, he will come and remove the candlestick\nout of its place, ver. 5; and (6) he assures them, and all others,\nthat whosoever overcomes, he will \u201cgive him to eat of the tree of life,\nwhich is in the midst of the paradise of God,\u201d ver. 7.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n UNTO the angel of the church of Ephesus write; These things\n saith [94]he that holdeth the seven stars in his right hand,\n who walketh in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks;\n\n1. _Unto the angel._ The minister; the presiding presbyter; the\nbishop\u2015\u2015in the primitive sense of the word bishop\u2015\u2015denoting one who\nhad the spiritual charge of a congregation. See Notes on ch. i. 20.\n\u00b6 _Of the church._ Not of the _churches_ of Ephesus, but of the _one\nchurch_ of that city. There is no evidence that the word is used in\na collective sense to denote a group of churches, like a diocese; nor\nis there any evidence that there _was_ such a group of churches in\nEphesus, or that there was more than one church in that city. It is\nprobable that all who were Christians there were regarded as members\nof one church\u2015\u2015though for convenience they may have met for worship\nin different places. Thus there was one church in Corinth (1 Co. i. 1);\none church in Thessalonica (1 Th. i. 1), &c. \u00b6 _Of Ephesus._ On the\nsituation of Ephesus, see Notes on Ac. xviii. 19, and the Intro. to the\nNotes on the Epistle to the Ephesians, \u00a7 1, and the engraving there. It\nwas the capital of Ionia; was one of the twelve Ionian cities of Asia\nMinor in the Mythic times, and was _said_ to have been founded by the\nAmazons. It was situated on the river Cayster, not far from the Icarian\nSea, between Smyrna and Miletus. It was one of the most considerable\ncities of Asia Minor, and while, about the epoch when Christianity was\nintroduced, other cities declined, Ephesus rose more and more. It owed\nits prosperity, in part, to the favour of its governors; for Lysimachus\nnamed the city Arsin\u00f6e, in honour of his second wife, and Attalus\nPhiladelphus furnished it with splendid wharves and docks. Under the\nRomans it was the capital not only of Ionia, but of the entire province\nof Asia, and bore the honourable title of _the first and greatest\nmetropolis of Asia_. John is supposed to have resided in this city, and\nto have preached the gospel there for many years; and on this account,\nperhaps, it was, as well as on account of the relative importance of\nthe city, that the first epistle of the seven was addressed to that\nchurch. On the present condition of the ruins of Ephesus, see Notes\non ver. 5. We have no means whatever of ascertaining the size of the\nchurch when John wrote the book of Revelation. From the fact, however,\nthat Paul, as is supposed (see Intro. to the Epistle to the Ephesians,\n\u00a7 2), laboured there for about three years; that there was a body of\n\u201celders\u201d who presided over the church there (Ac. xx. 17); and that the\napostle John seems to have spent a considerable part of his life there\nin preaching the gospel, it may be presumed that there was a large and\nflourishing church in that city. The epistle before us shows also that\nit was characterized {61} by distinguished piety. \u00b6 _These things saith\nhe that holdeth the seven stars in his right hand._ See Notes on ch. i.\n16. The object here seems to be to turn the attention of the church in\nEphesus to some attribute of the Saviour which deserved their special\nregard, or which constituted a special reason for attending to what\nhe said. To do this, the attention is directed, in this case, to the\nfact that he held the seven stars\u2015\u2015emblematic of the ministers of\nthe churches\u2015\u2015in his hand, and that he walked in the midst of the\nlamp-bearers\u2015\u2015representing the churches themselves; intimating that\nthey were dependent on him, that he had power to continue or remove the\nministry, and that it was by his presence only that those lamp-bearers\nwould continue to give light. The absolute control over the ministry,\nand the fact that he walked amidst the churches, and that his presence\nwas necessary to their perpetuity and their welfare, seem to be the\nprincipal ideas implied in this representation. These truths he would\nimpress on their minds, in order that they might feel how easy it would\nbe for him to punish any disobedience, and in order that they might\ndo what was necessary to secure his continual presence among them.\nThese views seem to be sanctioned by the character of the punishment\nthreatened (ver. 5), \u201cthat he would remove the candlestick representing\n_their_ church out of its place.\u201d See Notes on ver. 5. \u00b6 _Who walketh\nin the midst_, &c. In ch. i. 13 he is represented simply as _being\nseen_ amidst the golden candlesticks. See Notes on that place. Here\nthere is the additional idea of his \u201c_walking_\u201d in the midst of them,\nimplying perhaps constant and vigilant supervision. He went from one\nto another, as one who inspects and surveys what is under his care;\nperhaps also with the idea that he went among them as a friend to bless\nthem.\n\n\n 2 I[95] know thy works, and thy labour, and thy patience, and\n how thou canst not bear them which are evil; and [96]thou hast\n tried them which say they are apostles, [97]and are not, and\n hast found them liars:\n\n2. _I know thy works._ The common formula with which all the epistles\nto the seven churches are introduced. It is designed to impress upon\nthem deeply the conviction that he was intimately acquainted with\nall that they did, good and bad, and that therefore he was abundantly\nqualified to dispense rewards or administer punishments according\nto truth and justice. It may be observed that, as many of the things\nreferred to in these epistles were things pertaining to the heart\u2015\u2015the\nfeelings, the state of the mind\u2015\u2015it is implied that he who speaks here\nhas an intimate acquaintance with the heart of man, a prerogative which\nis always attributed to the Saviour. See Jn. ii. 25. But no one can\ndo this who is not divine; and this declaration, therefore, furnishes\na strong proof of the divinity of Christ. See Ps. vii. 9; Je. xi. 20;\nxvii. 10; 1 Sa. xvi. 7; 1 Ki. viii. 39. \u00b6 _And thy labour._ The word\nhere used (\u03ba\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2) means properly a _beating_, hence wailing, grief,\nwith beating the breast; and then it means excessive labour or toil\nadapted to produce grief or sadness, and is commonly employed in the\nNew Testament in the latter sense. It is used in the sense of _trouble_\nin Mat. xxvi. 10, \u201cWhy _trouble_ ye [literally, why give ye _trouble_\nto] the woman?\u201d (comp. also Mar. xiv. 6; Lu. xi. 7; xviii. 5; Ga. vi.\n17); and in the sense of _labour_, or wearisome toil, in Jn. iv. 38;\n1 Co. iii. 8; xv. 58; 2 Co. vi. 5; x. 15; xi. 23, 27, _et al._ The\nconnection here would admit of either sense. It is commonly understood,\nas in our translation, in the sense of _labour_, though it would\nseem that the other signification, that of _trouble_, would not be\ninappropriate. If it means _labour_, it refers to their faithful\nservice in his cause, and especially in opposing error. It seems to\nme, however, that the word _trouble_ would better suit the connection.\n\u00b6 _And thy patience._ Under these trials; to wit, in relation to the\nefforts which had been made by the advocates of error to corrupt them,\nand to turn them away from the truth. They had patiently borne the\nopposition made to the truth, they had manifested a spirit of firm\nendurance amidst many arts of those opposed to them to draw them\noff from simple faith in Christ. \u00b6 _And how thou canst not bear them\nwhich are evil._ Canst not _endure_ or _tolerate_ them. Comp. Notes\non 2 Jn. 10, 11. That is, they had no sympathy with their doctrines\nor their practices, they were utterly opposed to them. They had lent\nthem no countenance, but had in every way shown that they {62} had no\nfellowship with them. The evil persons here referred to were, doubtless,\nthose mentioned in this verse as claiming that \u201cthey were apostles,\u201d\nand those mentioned in ver. 6 as the Nicolaitanes. \u00b6 _And thou hast\ntried them which say they are apostles._ Thou hast thoroughly examined\ntheir claims. It is not said in what way they had done this, but it was\nprobably by considering attentively and candidly the evidence on which\nthey relied, whatever that may have been. Nor is it certainly known who\nthese persons were, or on what grounds they advanced their pretensions\nto the apostolic office. It cannot be supposed that they claimed to\nhave been of the number of apostles selected by the Saviour, for that\nwould have been too absurd; and the only solution would seem to be\nthat they claimed either (1) that they had been called to that office\nafter the Saviour ascended, as Paul was; or (2) that they claimed the\nhonour due to this name or office, in virtue of some election to it;\nor (3) that they claimed to be the _successors_ of the apostles, and to\npossess and transmit their authority. If the first of these, it would\nseem that the only ground of claim would be that they had been called\nin some miraculous way to the rank of apostles, and, of course, an\nexamination of their claims would be an examination of the alleged\nmiraculous call, and of the evidence on which they would rely that\nthey had such a call. If the second, then the claim must have been\nfounded on some such plea as that the apostolic office was designed to\nbe elective, as in the case of Matthias (Ac. i. 23\u201226), and that they\nmaintained that this arrangement was to be continued in the church; and\nthen an examination of their claims would involve an investigation of\nthe question, whether it was contemplated that the apostolic office\nwas designed to be perpetuated in that manner, or whether the election\nof Matthias was only a temporary arrangement, designed to answer a\nparticular purpose. If the third, then the claim must have been founded\non the plea that the apostolic office was designed to be perpetuated\nby a regular succession, and that they, by ordination, were in a line\nof that succession; and then the examination and refutation of the\nclaim must have consisted in showing, from the nature of the office,\nand the necessary qualifications for the office of apostle, that it\nwas designed to be temporary, and that there could be properly no\nsuccessors of the apostles, as such. On either of these suppositions,\nsuch a line of argument would be fatal to all claims to any succession\nin the apostolic office now. If each of these points should fail, of\ncourse their claims to the rank of apostles would cease; just as all\nclaims to the dignity and rank of the apostles must fail now. The\npassage becomes thus a strong argument against the claims of _any_\npersons to be \u201capostles,\u201d or to be the \u201csuccessors\u201d of the apostles,\nin the peculiarity of their office. \u00b6 _And are not._ There were never\nany _apostles_ of Jesus Christ but the original twelve whom he chose,\nMatthias, who was chosen in the place of Judas (Ac. i. 26), and Paul,\nwho was specially called to the office by the Saviour after his\nresurrection. On this point, see my work on the _Apostolic Church_\n[pp. 49\u201257, London ed.]. \u00b6 _And hast found them liars._ Hast discovered\ntheir pretensions to be unfounded and false. In 2 Co. xi. 13, \u201cfalse\napostles\u201d are mentioned; and, in an office of so much honour as this,\nit is probable that there would be not a few claimants to it in the\nworld. To set up a claim to what they _knew_ they were not entitled to\nwould be a falsehood, and as this seems to have been the character of\nthese men, the Saviour, in the passage before us, does not hesitate to\ndesignate them by an appropriate term, and to call them _liars_. The\npoint here commended in the Ephesian church is, that they had sought to\nhave a _pure ministry_, a ministry whose claims were well founded. They\nhad felt the importance of this, had carefully examined the claims of\npretenders, and had refused to recognize those who could not show, in a\nproper manner, that they had been designated to their work by the Lord\nJesus. The same zeal, in the same cause, would be commended by the\nSaviour now.\n\n\n 3 And hast borne, and hast patience, and for my name\u2019s sake\n hast laboured, and [98]hast not fainted.\n\n3. _And hast borne._ Hast borne up under trials; or hast borne with\nthe evils with which you have been assailed. That is, you have not\ngiven way to murmuring or complaints in trial, you have not abandoned\nthe principles of truth and yielded to the prevalence of error. \u00b6 _And\nhast patience._ That is, {63} in this connection, hast shown that thou\ncanst bear up under these things with patience. This is a repetition of\nwhat is said in ver. 2, but in a somewhat different connection. There\nit rather refers to the trouble which they had experienced on account\nof the pretensions of false apostles, and the patient, persevering,\nand enduring spirit which they had shown in that form of trial; here\nthe expression is more general, denoting a patient spirit in regard\nto _all_ forms of trial. \u00b6 _And for my name\u2019s sake hast laboured._ On\naccount of me, and in my cause. That is, the _labour_ here referred to,\nwhatever it was, was to advance the cause of the Redeemer. In the word\nrendered \u201c_hast laboured_\u201d (\u03ba\u03b5\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03af\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2) there is a reference to the\nword used in the previous verse\u2015\u2015\u201cthy labour\u201d (\u03ba\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd \u03c3\u03bf\u03c5); and the\ndesign is to show that the \u201clabour,\u201d or trouble there referred to, was\non account of him. \u00b6 _And hast not fainted._ Hast not become exhausted,\nor wearied out, so as to give over. The word here used (\u03ba\u03ac\u03bc\u03bd\u03c9) occurs\nin only three places in the New Testament: \u201cLest ye be _wearied_, and\nfaint,\u201d He. xii. 3; \u201cThe prayer of faith shall save the _sick_,\u201d Ja. v.\n15; and in the passage before us. It means properly to become weary and\nfaint from toil, &c.; and the idea here is, that they had not become\nso wearied out as to give over from exhaustion. The sense of the whole\npassage is thus rendered by Professor Stuart:\u2015\u2015\u201cThou canst not bear\nwith false teachers, but thou canst bear with troubles and perplexities\non account of me; thou hast undergone wearisome toil, but thou art not\nwearied out thereby.\u201d The state of mind, considered as the state of\nmind appropriate to a Christian, here represented, is, that we should\nnot tolerate error and sin, but that we should bear up under the trials\nwhich they may incidentally occasion us; that we should have such\na repugnance to evil that we cannot endure it, as evil, but that we\nshould have such love to the Saviour and his cause as to be willing to\nbear anything, even in relation to that, or springing from that, that\nwe may be called to suffer _in_ that cause; that while we may be weary\n_in_ his work, for our bodily strength may become exhausted (comp. Mat.\nxxvi. 41), we should not be weary _of_ it; and that though we may have\nmany perplexities, and may meet with much opposition, yet we should not\nrelax our zeal, but should persevere with an ardour that never faints,\nuntil our Saviour calls us to our reward.\n\n\n 4 Nevertheless I have _somewhat_ against thee, because thou\n hast left thy first love.\n\n4. _Nevertheless I have |somewhat| against thee._ Notwithstanding\nthis general commendation, there are things which I cannot approve.\n\u00b6 _Because thou hast left thy first love._ Thou hast _remitted_\n(\u1f00\u03c6\u1fc6\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2) or let down thy early love; that is, it is less glowing and\nardent than it was at first. The love here referred to is evidently\nlove to the Saviour; and the idea is, that, as a church, they had less\nof this than formerly characterized them. In this respect they were in\na state of declension; and, though they still maintained the doctrines\nof his religion, and opposed the advocates of error, they showed less\nardour of affection towards him directly than they had formerly done.\nIn regard to this we may remark, (1) That what is here stated of the\nchurch at Ephesus is not uncommon, (a) Individual Christians often lose\nmuch of their first love. It is true, indeed, that there is often an\n_appearance_ of this which does not exist in reality. Not a little of\nthe ardour of young converts is often nothing more than the excitement\nof animal feeling, which will soon die away of course, though their\n_real_ love may not be diminished, or may be constantly growing\nstronger. When a son returns home after a long absence, and meets his\nparents and brothers and sisters, there is a glow, a warmth of feeling,\na joyousness of emotion, which cannot be expected to continue always,\nand which he may never be able to recall again, though he may be\never growing in _real_ attachment to his friends and to his home.\n(b) Churches remit the ardour of their first love. They are often\nformed under the reviving influences of the Holy Spirit when many are\nconverted, and are warm-hearted and zealous young converts. Or they are\nformed from other churches that have become cold and dead, from which\nthe new organization, embodying the life of the church, was constrained\nto separate. Or they are formed under the influence of some strong and\nmighty truth that has taken possession of the mind, and that gives a\npeculiar character to the church {64} at first. Or they are formed with\na distinct reference to promoting some one great object in the cause\nof the Redeemer. So the early Christian churches were formed. So the\nchurch in Germany, France, Switzerland, and England came out from the\nRoman communion under the influence of the doctrine of justification\nby faith. So the Nestorians in former ages, and the Moravians in modern\ntimes, were characterized by warm zeal in the cause of missions. So\nthe Puritans came out from the established church of England at one\ntime, and the Methodists at another, warmed with a holier love to the\ncause of evangelical religion than existed in the body from which they\nseparated. So many a church is formed now amidst the exciting scenes\nof a revival of religion, and in the early days of its history puts to\nshame the older and the slumbering churches around them. But it need\nscarcely be said that this early zeal may die away, and that the church,\nonce so full of life and love, may become as cold as those that went\nbefore it, or as those from which it separated, and that there may be\na necessity for the formation of new organizations that shall be fired\nwith ardour and zeal. One has only to look at Germany, at Switzerland,\nat various portions of the reformed churches elsewhere; at the\nNestorians, whose zeal for missions long since departed; or even at\nthe Moravians, among whom it has so much declined; at various portions\nof the Puritan churches, and at many an individual church formed under\nthe warm and exciting feelings of a revival of religion, to see that\nwhat occurred at Ephesus may occur elsewhere. (2) The same thing that\noccurred there may be expected to follow in all similar cases. The\nSaviour governs the church always on essentially the same principles;\nand it is no uncommon thing that, when a church has lost the ardour\nof its first love, it is suffered more and more to decline, until\n\u201cthe candlestick is removed\u201d\u2015\u2015until either the church becomes wholly\nextinct, or until vital piety is wholly gone, and all that remains is\nthe religion of forms.\n\n\n 5 Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen; and repent,\n and [99]do the first works; or else I will come unto thee\n quickly, and will [100]remove thy candlestick out of his place,\n except thou repent.\n\n5. _Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen._ The eminence which\nyou once occupied. Call to remembrance the state in which you once were.\nThe duty here enjoined is, when religion has declined in our hearts, or\nin the church, to call to distinct recollection the former state\u2015\u2015the\nardour, the zeal, the warmth of love which once characterized us. The\n_reason_ for this is, that such a recalling of the former state will\nbe likely to produce a happy influence on the heart. Nothing is better\nadapted to affect a backsliding Christian, or a backsliding church,\nthan to call to distinct recollection the former condition\u2015\u2015the happier\ndays of piety. The joy then experienced, the good done, the honour\nreflected on the cause of religion, the peace of mind of that period,\nwill contrast strongly with the present, and nothing will be better\nfitted to recall an erring church, or an erring individual, from their\nwanderings than such a reminiscence of the past. The _advantages_ of\nthus \u201cremembering\u201d their former condition would be many; for some of\nthe most valuable impressions which are made on the mind, and some of\nthe most important lessons learned, are from the recollections of a\nformer state. Among those advantages, in this case, would be such as\nthe following:\u2015\u2015(a) It would show how much they might have _enjoyed_\nif they had continued as they began, how much more real happiness they\nwould have had than they actually have enjoyed. (b) How much _good_\nthey might have done, if they had only persevered in the zeal with\nwhich they commenced the Christian life. How much more good might most\nChristians do than they actually accomplish, if they would barely, even\nwithout increasing it, _continue_ with the degree of zeal with which\nthey begin their course. (c) How much greater _attainments_ they might\nhave made in the divine life, and in the knowledge of religion, than\nthey have made; that is, how much more elevated and enlarged might have\nbeen their views of religion, and their knowledge of the Word of God.\nAnd (d) such a recollection of their past state as, contrasted with\nwhat they now are, would exert a powerful influence in producing true\nrepentance; for there is nothing better adapted to do this than a just\nview of what we might have been, as compared with what we now are. If\na man has become cold towards his wife, nothing is better fitted to\nreclaim him {65} than to recall to his recollection the time when he\nled her to the altar, the solemn vow then made, and the rapture of his\nheart when he pressed her to his bosom and called her his own. \u00b6 _And\nrepent._ The word here used means to change one\u2019s mind and purposes,\nand, along with that, the conduct or demeanour. The _duty_ of\nrepentance here urged would extend to all the points in which they had\nerred. \u00b6 _And do the first works._ The works which were done when the\nchurch was first established. That is, manifest the zeal and love which\nwere formerly evinced in opposing error, and in doing good. This is the\ntrue counsel to be given to those who have backslidden, and have \u201cleft\ntheir first love,\u201d now. Often such persons, sensible that they have\nerred, and that they have not the enjoyment in religion which they\nonce had, profess to be willing and desirous to return, but they know\nnot how to do it\u2015\u2015how to revive their ardour, how to rekindle in their\nbosom the flame of extinguished love. They suppose it must be by silent\nmeditation, or by some supernatural influence, and they wait for some\nvisitation from above to call them back, and to restore to them their\nformer joy. The counsel of the Saviour to all such, however, is to\n_do their first works_. It is to engage at once in _doing_ what they\ndid in the first and best days of their piety, the days of their\n\u201cespousals\u201d (Je. ii. 2) to God. Let them read the Bible as they did\nthen; let them pray as they did then; let them go forth in the duties\nof active benevolence as they did then; let them engage in teaching\na Sabbath-school as they did then; let them relieve the distressed,\ninstruct the ignorant, raise up the fallen, as they did then; let them\nopen their heart, their purse, and their hand, to bless a dying world.\nAs it was in this way that they manifested their love then, so this\nwould be better fitted than all other things to rekindle the flame\nof love when it is almost extinguished. The weapon that is used keeps\nbright; that which has become rusty will become bright again if it is\nused. \u00b6 _Or else I will come unto thee quickly._ On the word rendered\n_quickly_ (\u03c4\u03ac\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9), see Notes on ch. i. 1. The meaning is, that he would\ncome as a Judge, at no distant period, to inflict punishment in the\nmanner specified\u2015\u2015by removing the candlestick out of its place. He does\nnot say in what way it would be done; whether by some sudden judgment,\nby a direct act of power, or by a gradual process that would certainly\nlead to that result. \u00b6 _And will remove thy candlestick out of his\nplace, except thou repent._ On the meaning of the word _candlestick_\nsee Notes on ch. i. 12. The meaning is, that the church gave light in\nEphesus; and that what he would do in regard to that place would be\nlike removing a lamp, and leaving a place in darkness. The expression\nis equivalent to saying that the church there would cease to exist. The\nproper idea of the passage is, that the church would be wholly extinct;\nand it is observable that this is a judgment more distinctly disclosed\nin reference to this church than to any other of the seven churches.\nThere is not the least evidence that the church at Ephesus did repent,\nand the threatening has been most signally fulfilled. Long since the\nchurch has become utterly extinct, and for ages there was not a single\nprofessing Christian there. Every memorial of there having been a\nchurch there has departed, and there are nowhere, not even in Nineveh,\nBabylon, or Tyre, more affecting demonstrations of the fulfilment of\nancient prophecy than in the present state of the ruins of Ephesus. A\nremark of Mr. Gibbon (_Decline and Fall_, iv. 260) will show with what\nexactness the prediction in regard to this church has been accomplished.\nHe is speaking of the conquests of the Turks. \u201cIn the loss of Ephesus\nthe Christians deplored the fall of the first angel, the extinction of\nthe first candlestick of the Revelations; the desolation is complete;\nand the temple of Diana, or the Church of Mary will equally elude the\nsearch of the curious traveller.\u201d Thus the city, with the splendid\ntemple of Diana, and the church that existed there in the time of John,\nhas disappeared, and nothing remains but unsightly ruins. These ruins\nlie about ten days\u2019 journey from Smyrna, and consist of shattered walls,\nand remains of columns and temples. The soil on which a large part of\nthe city is supposed to have stood, naturally rich, is covered with\na rank, burnt-up vegetation, and is everywhere deserted and solitary,\nthough bordered by picturesque mountains. A few cornfields are\nscattered along the site of the ancient city. Towards the sea extends\nthe ancient port, a pestilential marsh. Along the slope of the mountain,\nand over the plain, are scattered fragments of masonry and detached\nruins, but nothing {66} can now be fixed on as the great temple of\nDiana. There are ruins of a theatre; there is a circus, or stadium,\nnearly entire; there are fragments of temples and palaces scattered\naround; but there is nothing that marks the site of a church in the\ntime of John; there is nothing to indicate even that such a church\nthen existed there. About a mile and a half from the principal ruins of\nEphesus there is indeed now a small village called _Asalook_, a Turkish\nword, which is associated with the same idea as Ephesus, meaning, The\nCity of the Moon. A church, dedicated to John, is supposed to have\nstood near, if not on the site of the present mosque. Dr. Chandler\n(p. 150, 4to) gives us a striking description of Ephesus as he found\nit in 1764:\u2015\u2015\u201cIts population consisted of a few Greek peasants,\nliving in extreme wretchedness, dependence, and insensibility, the\nrepresentatives of an illustrious people, and inhabiting the wreck\nof their greatness. Some reside in the substructure of the glorious\nedifices which they raised; some beneath the vaults of the stadium,\nand the crowded scenes of these diversions; and some in the abrupt\nprecipice, in the sepulchres which received their ashes. Its streets\nare obscured and overgrown. A herd of goats was driven to it for\nshelter from the sun at noon, and a noisy flight of crows from the\nquarries seemed to insult its silence. We heard the partridge call\nin the area of the theatre and of the stadium.... Its fate is that\nof the entire country; a garden has become a desert. Busy centres\nof civilization, spots where the refinements and delights of the age\nwere collected, are now a prey to silence, destruction, and death.\nConsecrated first of all to the purposes of idolatry, Ephesus next\nhad Christian temples almost rivalling the Pagan in splendour, wherein\nthe image of the great Diana lay prostrate before the cross; after the\nlapse of some centuries Jesus gives way to Mahomet, and the crescent\nglittered on the dome of the recently Christian church. A few more\nscores of years, and Ephesus has neither temple, cross, crescent, nor\ncity, but is desolation, a dry land, and a wilderness.\u201d See the article\n\u201cEphesus\u201d in Kitto\u2019s _Cyclopedia_, and the authorities there referred\nto. What is affirmed here of Ephesus has often been illustrated in the\nhistory of the world, that when a church has declined in piety and love,\nand has been called by faithful ministers to repent, and has not done\nit, it has been abandoned more and more, until the last appearance of\ntruth and piety has departed, and it has been given up to error and to\nruin. And the same principle is as applicable to individuals, for they\nhave as much reason to dread the frowns of the Saviour as churches have.\nIf they who have \u201cleft their first love\u201d will not repent at the call of\nthe Saviour, they have every reason to apprehend some fearful judgment,\nsome awful visitation of his Providence that shall overwhelm them in\nsorrow, as a proof of his displeasure. Even though they should finally\nbe saved, their days may be without comfort, and perhaps their last\nmoments without a ray of conscious hope. The accompanying engraving,\nrepresenting the present situation of Ephesus, will bring before the\neye a striking illustration of the fulfilment of this prophecy, that\nthe candlestick of Ephesus would be removed from its place. See also\nthe engravings prefixed to the Notes on the Epistle to the Ephesians.\n\n\n 6 But this thou hast, that thou hatest the deeds of the\n [101]Nicolaitanes, which I also hate.\n\n6. _But this thou hast._ This thou hast that I approve of, or that\nI can commend. \u00b6 _That thou hatest the deeds of the Nicolaitanes._\nGr., _works_ (\u03c4\u1f70 \u1f14\u03c1\u03b3\u03b1). The word _Nicolaitanes_ occurs only in this\nplace, and in the 15th verse of this chapter. From the reference in the\nlatter place it is clear that the doctrines which they held prevailed\nat Pergamos as well as at Ephesus; but from neither place can anything\nnow be inferred in regard to the nature of their doctrines or their\npractices, unless it be supposed that they held the same doctrine\nthat was taught by Balaam. See Notes on ver. 15. From the two passages,\ncompared with each other, it would seem that they were alike corrupt\nin doctrine and in practice, for in the passage before us their _deeds_\nare mentioned, and in ver. 15 their _doctrine_. Various conjectures,\nhowever, have been formed respecting this class of people, and the\nreasons why the name was given to them. I. In regard to the origin\nof the _name_, there have been three opinions. (1) That mentioned by\nIren\u00e6us, and by some of the other fathers, that the name was derived\nfrom Nicolas, one {67} of the deacons ordained at Antioch, Ac.\nvi. 5. Of those who have held this opinion, some have supposed that\nit was given to them because he became apostate and was the founder of\nthe sect, and others because they _assumed_ his name, in order to give\nthe greater credit to their doctrine. But neither of these suppositions\nrests on any certain evidence, and both are destitute of probability.\nThere is no proof whatever that Nicolas the deacon ever apostatized\nfrom the faith, and became the founder of a sect; and if a name had\nbeen _assumed_, in order to give credit to a sect and extend its\ninfluence, it is much more probable that the name of an apostle would\nhave been chosen, or of some other prominent man, than the name of an\nobscure deacon of Antioch. (2) Vitringa, and most commentators since\nhis time, have supposed that the name Nicolaitanes was intended to be\nsymbolical, and was not designed to designate any sect of people, but\nto denote those who resembled Balaam, and that this word is used in the\nsame manner as the word _Jezebel_ in ch. ii. 20, which is supposed to\nbe symbolical there. Vitringa supposes that the word is derived from\n\u03bd\u1fd6\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2, _victory_, and \u03bb\u03b1\u03cc\u03c2, _people_, and that thus it corresponds\nwith the name Balaam, as meaning either \u05d1\u05b7\u05bc\u05e2\u05b7\u05dc \u05e2\u05b8\u05dd, _lord of the people_,\nor \u05d1\u05b4\u05bc\u05dc\u05b7\u05e2 \u05e2\u05b8\u05dd, _he destroyed the people_; and that, as the same effect was\nproduced by their doctrines as by those of Balaam, that the people were\nled to commit fornication and to join in idolatrous worship, they might\nbe called _Balaamites_ or _Nicolaitanes_, that is, corrupters of the\npeople. But to this it may be replied, (a) that it is far-fetched, and\nis adopted only to remove a difficulty; (b) that there is every reason\nto suppose that the word here used refers to a class of people who\nbore that name, and who were well known in the two churches specified;\n(c) that in ch. ii. 15 they are expressly distinguished from those who\nheld the doctrine of Balaam, ver. 14, \u201cSo hast thou _also_ (\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76) those\nthat hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitanes.\u201d (3) It has been supposed\nthat some person now unknown, probably of the name _Nicolas_, or\n_Nicolaus_, was their leader, and laid the foundation of the sect.\nThis is by far the most probable opinion, and to this there can be no\nobjection. It is in accordance with what usually occurs in regard to\nsects, orthodox or heretical, that they derive their origin from some\nperson whose name they continue to bear; and as there is no evidence\nthat this sect prevailed extensively, or was indeed known beyond the\nlimits of these churches, and as it soon disappeared, it is easily\naccounted for that the character and history of the founder were so\nsoon forgotten. II. In regard to the _opinions_ which they held, there\nis as little certainty. Iren\u00e6us (_Adv. H\u00e6res._ i. 26) says that their\ncharacteristic tenets were the lawfulness of promiscuous intercourse\nwith women, and of eating things offered to idols. Eusebius (_Hist.\nEccl._ iii. 29) states substantially the same thing, and refers\nto a tradition respecting Nicolaus, that he had a beautiful wife,\nand was jealous of her, and being reproached with this, renounced\nall intercourse with her, and made use of an expression which was\nmisunderstood, as implying that illicit pleasure was proper. Tertullian\nspeaks of the Nicolaitanes as a branch of the Gnostic family, and as,\nin his time, extinct. Mosheim (_De Rebus Christian Ante. Con._ \u00a7 69)\nsays that \u201cthe questions about the Nicolaitanes have difficulties which\ncannot be solved.\u201d Neander (_History of the Christian Religion_, as\ntranslated by Torrey, i. pp. 452, 453) numbers them with Antinomians;\nthough he expresses some doubt whether the actual existence of such\na sect can be proved, and rather inclines to an opinion noticed above,\nthat the name is symbolical, and that it is used in a mystical sense,\naccording to the usual style of the book of Revelation, to denote\ncorrupters or seducers of the people, like Balaam. He supposes that the\npassage relates simply to a class of persons who were in the practice\nof seducing Christians to participate in the sacrificial feasts of the\nheathens, and in the excesses which attended them\u2015\u2015just as the Jews\nwere led astray of old by the Moabites, Nu. xxv. What was the origin\nof the name, however, Neander does not profess to be able to determine,\nbut suggests that it was the custom of such sects to attach themselves\nto some celebrated name of antiquity, in the choice of which they were\noften determined by circumstances quite accidental. He supposes also\nthat the sect may have possessed a life of Nicolas of Antioch, drawn up\nby themselves or others from fabulous accounts and traditions, in which\nwhat had been imputed to Nicolas was embodied. Everything, {68} however,\nin regard to the origin of this sect, and the reason of the name given\nto it, and the opinions which they held, is involved in great obscurity,\nand there is no hope of throwing light on the subject. It is generally\nagreed, among the writers of antiquity who have mentioned them, that\nthey were distinguished for holding opinions which countenanced gross\nsocial indulgences. This is all that is really necessary to be known\nin regard to the passage before us, for this will explain the strong\nlanguage of aversion and condemnation used by the Saviour respecting\nthe sect in the epistles to the churches of Ephesus and Pergamos.\n\u00b6 _Which I also hate._ If the view above taken of the opinions and\npractices of this people is correct, the reasons why he hated them are\nobvious. Nothing can be more opposed to the personal character of the\nSaviour, or to his religion, than such doctrines and deeds.\n\n\n 7 He[102] that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit\n saith unto the churches; To him that overcometh will I give\n to eat of the [103]tree of life, which is in the midst of the\n paradise of God.\n\n7. _He that hath an ear, let him hear_, &c. This expression occurs at\nthe close of each of the epistles addressed to the seven churches, and\nis substantially a mode of address often employed by the Saviour in his\npersonal ministry, and quite characteristic of him. See Mat. xi. 15;\nMar. iv. 23; vii. 16. It is a form of expression designed to arrest the\nattention, and to denote that what was said was of special importance.\n\u00b6 _What the Spirit saith unto the churches._ Evidently what the Holy\nSpirit says\u2015\u2015for he is regarded in the Scriptures as the Source of\ninspiration, and as appointed to disclose truth to man. The \u201cSpirit\u201d\nmay be regarded either as speaking through the Saviour (comp. Jn. iii.\n34), or as imparted to John, through whom he addressed the churches.\nIn either case it is the same Spirit of inspiration, and in either case\nthere would be a claim that his voice should be heard. The language\nhere used is of a general character\u2015\u2015\u201cHe that hath an ear;\u201d that is,\nwhat was spoken was worthy of the attention not only of the members\nof these churches, but of all others. The truths were of so general\na character as to deserve the attention of mankind at large. \u00b6 _To\nhim that overcometh._ Gr., \u201cTo him that gains the victory, or is\na conqueror\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u1ff7 \u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9. This may refer to _any_ victory of a\nmoral character, and the expression used would be applicable to\none who should triumph in any of these respects:\u2015\u2015(a) over his own\neasily-besetting sins; (b) over the world and its temptations; (c) over\nprevalent error; (d) over the ills and trials of life, so as, in all\nthese respects, to show that his Christian principles are firm and\nunshaken. Life, and the Christian life especially, may be regarded\nas a warfare. Thousands fall in the conflict with evil; but they who\nmaintain a steady warfare, and who achieve a victory, shall be received\nas conquerors in the end. \u00b6 _Will I give to eat of the tree of life._\nAs the reward of his victory. The meaning is, that he would admit\nhim to heaven, represented as paradise, and permit him to enjoy its\npleasures\u2015\u2015represented by being permitted to partake of its fruits.\nThe phrase \u201cthe tree of life\u201d refers undoubtedly to the language used\nrespecting the Garden of Eden, Ge. ii. 9; iii. 22\u2015\u2015where the \u201ctree of\nlife\u201d is spoken of as that which was adapted to make the life of man\nperpetual. Of the nature of that tree nothing is known, though it would\nseem probable that, like the tree of the knowledge of good and evil,\nit was a mere emblem of life\u2015\u2015or a tree that was set before man in\nconnection with the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, and that\nhis destiny turned on the question whether he partook of the one or\nthe other. That God should make the question of life or death depend\non that, is no more absurd or improbable than that he should make it\ndepend on what man does now\u2015\u2015it being a matter of fact that life and\ndeath, happiness and misery, joy and sorrow, _are_ often made to depend\non things quite as arbitrary apparently, and quite as unimportant as\nan act of obedience or disobedience in partaking of the fruit of a\ndesignated tree. Does it not appear probable that in Eden there were\ntwo trees designated to be of an emblematic character, of life and\ndeath, and that as man partook of the one or the other he would live or\ndie? Of all the others he might freely partake without their affecting\nhis condition; of one of these\u2015\u2015the tree of life\u2015\u2015he might have\npartaken before the fall, and lived for ever. One was forbidden on pain\nof death. When the {69} law forbidding that was violated, it was still\n_possible_ that he might partake of the other; but, since the sentence\nof death had been passed upon him, that would not now be proper, and\nhe was driven from the garden, and the way was guarded by the flaming\nsword of the cherubim. The reference in the passage before us is to the\n_celestial_ paradise\u2015\u2015to heaven\u2015\u2015spoken of under the beautiful image\nof a garden; meaning that the condition of man, in regard to life, will\nstill be the same _as if_ he had partaken of the tree of life in Eden.\nComp. Notes on ch. xxii. 2. \u00b6 _Which is in the midst of the paradise of\nGod._ Heaven, represented as paradise. To be permitted to eat of that\ntree, that is, of the fruit of that tree, is but another expression\nimplying the promise of eternal life, and of being happy for ever.\nThe word _paradise_ is of Oriental derivation, and is found in several\nof the Eastern languages. In the Sanskrit the word _parad\u00e9sha_ and\n_paradisha_ is used to denote a land elevated and cultivated; in the\nArmenian the word _pardes_ denotes a garden around the house planted\nwith grass, herbs, trees for use and ornament; and in the Hebrew form\n\u05e4\u05b7\u05bc\u05e8\u05b0\u05d3\u05b5\u05bc\u05e1, and Greek \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2, it is applied to the pleasure gardens and\nparks, with wild animals, around the country residences of the Persian\nmonarchs and princes, Ne. ii. 8. Comp. Ec. ii. 5; Ca. iv. 13; Xen.\n_Cyro._ i. 3, 14 (Rob. _Lex._). Here it is used to denote heaven\u2015\u2015a\nworld compared in beauty with a richly cultivated park or garden. Comp.\n2 Co. xii. 4. The meaning of the Saviour is, that he would receive\nhim that overcame to a world of happiness; that he would permit him to\ntaste of the fruit that grows there, imparting immortal life, and to\nrest in an abode fitted up in a manner that would contribute in every\nway to enjoyment. Man, when he fell, was not permitted to reach forth\nhis hand and pluck of the fruit of the tree of life in the first Eden,\nas he might have done if he had not fallen; but he is now permitted to\nreach forth his hand and partake of the tree of life in the paradise\nabove. He is thus restored to what he might have been if he had not\ntransgressed by eating of the fruit of the tree of the knowledge of\ngood and evil; and in the Paradise Regained, the blessings of the\nParadise Lost will be more than recovered\u2015\u2015for man may now live for\never in a far higher and more blessed state than his would have been\nin Eden.\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT SMYRNA.\n\nThe contents of the epistle to the church at Smyrna are these: (1) A\nstatement, as in the address to the church at Ephesus, of some of the\nattributes of the Saviour, ver. 8. The attributes here referred to are,\nthat he was \u201cthe first and the last,\u201d that \u201che had been dead, but was\nalive\u201d\u2015\u2015attributes fitted to impress the mind deeply with reverence for\nhim who addressed them, and to comfort them in the trials which they\nendured. (2) A statement (ver. 9), as in the former epistle, that he\nwell knew their works and all that pertained to them\u2015\u2015their tribulation,\ntheir poverty, and the opposition which they met with from wicked men.\n(3) An exhortation not to be afraid of any of those things that were\nto come upon them, for, although they were to be persecuted, and some\nof them were to be imprisoned, yet, if they were faithful, they should\nhave a crown of life, ver. 10. (4) A command to hear what the Spirit\nsaid to the churches, as containing matter of interest to all persons,\nwith an assurance that any who would \u201covercome\u201d in these trials would\nnot be hurt by the second death, ver. 11. The language addressed to the\nchurch of Smyrna is throughout that of commiseration and comfort. There\nis no intimation that the Saviour disapproved of what they had done;\nthere is no threat that he would remove the candlestick out of its\nplace. _Smyrna_ was a celebrated commercial town of Ionia (Ptolem.\nv. 2), situated near the bottom of that gulf of the \u00c6gean Sea which\nreceived its name from it (Mela, i. 17, 3), at the mouth of the small\nriver Meles, 320 stadia, or about forty miles north of Ephesus (Strabo,\nxv. p. 632). It was a very ancient city; but having been destroyed by\nthe Lydians, it lay waste four hundred years to the time of Alexander\nthe Great, or, according to Strabo, to that of Antigonus. It was\nrebuilt at the distance of twenty stadia from the ancient city, and in\nthe time of the first Roman emperor it was one of the most flourishing\ncities of Asia. It was destroyed by an earthquake, A.D. 177, but\nthe emperor Marcus Aurelius caused it to be rebuilt with more than\nits former splendour. It afterwards, however, suffered greatly from\nearthquakes and conflagrations, and has {70} declined from these causes,\nthough, from its commercial advantages, it has always been a city of\nimportance as the central emporium of the Levantine trade, and its\nrelative rank among the cities of Asia Minor is probably greater than\nit formerly bore. The engraving in this vol. will give a representation\nof Smyrna. The Turks now call it Izmir. It is better built than\nConstantinople, and its population is computed at about 130,000, of\nwhich the Franks compose a greater proportion than in any other town\nin Turkey, and they are generally in good circumstances. Next to the\nTurks, the Greeks form the most numerous portion of the inhabitants,\nand they have a bishop and two churches. The unusually large portion\nof Christians in the city renders it peculiarly unclean in the eyes of\nstrict Moslems, and they call it Giaour Izmir, or the Infidel Smyrna.\nThere are in it about 20, 000 Greeks, 8000 Armenians, 1000 Europeans,\nand 9000 Jews. It is now the seat of important missionary operations in\nthe East, and much has been done there to spread the gospel in modern\ntimes. Its history during the long tract of time since John wrote is\nnot indeed minutely known, but there is no reason to suppose that the\nlight of Christianity there has ever been wholly extinct. Polycarp\nsuffered martyrdom there, and the place where he is supposed to have\ndied is still shown. The Christians of Smyrna hold his memory in great\nveneration, and go annually on a visit to his supposed tomb, which is\nat a short distance from the place of his martyrdom. See the article\n\u201cSmyrna\u201d in Kitto\u2019s _Cyclopedia_, and the authorities referred to there.\n\n\n 8 And unto the angel of the church in Smyrna write; These\n things saith [104]the first and the last, which was dead, and\n is alive;\n\n8. _And unto the angel of the church in Smyrna write._ On the meaning\nof the word _angel_, see Notes on ch. i. 20. \u00b6 _These things saith the\nfirst and the last._ See Notes on ch. i. 8, 17. \u00b6 _Which was dead, and\nis alive._ See Notes on ch. i. 18. The idea is, that he is a _living_\nSaviour; and there was a propriety in referring to that fact here from\nthe nature of the promise which he was about to make to the church at\nSmyrna: \u201cHe that overcometh shall not be hurt of the second death,\u201d\nver. 11. As he had himself triumphed over death in all its forms, and\nwas now alive for ever, it was appropriate that he should promise to\nhis true friends the same protection from the second death. He who was\nwholly beyond the reach of death could give the assurance that they who\nput their trust in him should come off victorious.\n\n\n 9 I know thy works, and tribulation, and poverty, (but\n [105]thou art rich,) and _I know_ the blasphemy of [106]them\n which say they are Jews, and are not, but _are_ the\n [107]synagogue of Satan.\n\n9. _I know thy works._ The uniform method of introducing these epistles,\nimplying a most intimate acquaintance with all that pertained to the\nchurch. See Notes on ver. 2. \u00b6 _And tribulation._ This word is of a\ngeneral signification, and probably includes all that they suffered\nin any form, whether from persecution, poverty, or the blasphemy of\nopposers. \u00b6 _And poverty._ It would seem that this church, at that time,\nwas eminently poor, for this is not specified in regard to any one of\nthe others. No reason is suggested why _they_ were particularly poor.\nIt was not, indeed, an uncommon characteristic of early Christians\n(comp. 1 Cor. i. 26\u201228), but there might have been some special reasons\nwhy that church was eminently so. It is, however, the only church of\nthe seven which has survived, and perhaps in the end its poverty was no\ndisadvantage. \u00b6 _But thou art rich._ Not in this world\u2019s goods, but in\na more important respect\u2015\u2015in the grace and favour of God. These things\nare not unfrequently united. Poverty is no hindrance to the favour of\nGod, and there are some things in it favourable to the promotion of a\nright spirit towards God which are not found where there is abundant\nwealth. The Saviour was eminently poor, and not a few of his most\ndevoted and useful followers have had as little of this world\u2019s goods\nas he had. The poor should always be cheerful and happy, if they\ncan hear their Saviour saying unto them, \u201cI know thy poverty\u2015\u2015but\nthou art rich.\u201d However keen the feeling arising from the reflection\n\u201cI am a poor man,\u201d the edge of the sorrow is taken off if the mind\ncan be turned to a brighter image\u2015\u2015\u201c_but_ thou art rich.\u201d {71} \u00b6 _And\n|I know| the blasphemy._ The reproaches; the harsh and bitter revilings.\nOn the word _blasphemy_, see Notes on Mat. ix. 3; xxvi. 65. The word\nhere does not seem to refer to blasphemy _against God_, but to bitter\nreproaches against themselves. The reason of these reproaches is not\nstated, but it was doubtless on account of their religion. \u00b6 _Of them\nwhich say they are Jews._ Who profess to be Jews. The idea seems to be\nthat though they were of Jewish extraction, and professed to be Jews,\nthey were not _true Jews_; they indulged in a bitterness of reproach,\nand a severity of language, which showed that they had not the spirit\nof the Jewish religion; they had nothing which became those who were\nunder the guidance of the spirit of their own Scriptures. That would\nhave inculcated and fostered a milder temper; and the meaning here is,\nthat although they were of Jewish origin, they were not worthy of the\nname. That spirit of bitter opposition was indeed often manifested in\ntheir treatment of Christians, as it had been of the Saviour, but still\nit was foreign to the true nature of their religion. There were Jews\nin all parts of Asia Minor, and the apostles often encountered them in\ntheir journeyings, but it would seem that there was something which had\nparticularly embittered those of Smyrna against Christianity. What this\nwas is now unknown. It may throw some light on the passage, however, to\nremark that at a somewhat later period\u2015\u2015in the time of the martyrdom of\nPolycarp\u2015\u2015the Jews of Smyrna were among the most bitter of the enemies\nof Christians, and among the most violent in demanding the death of\nPolycarp. Eusebius (_Eccl. Hist._ iv. 15) says, that when Polycarp\nwas apprehended, and brought before the proconsul at Smyrna, the Jews\nwere the most furious of all in demanding his condemnation. When the\nmob, after his condemnation to death, set about gathering fuel to\nburn him, \u201cthe Jews,\u201d says he, \u201cbeing especially zealous, as was their\ncustom\u2015\u2015\u03bc\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b8\u03cd\u03bc\u03c9\u03c2, \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f14\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\u2015\u2015ran to procure fuel.\u201d And\nwhen, as the burning failed, the martyr was transfixed with weapons,\nthe Jews urged and besought the magistrate that his body might not\nbe given up to Christians. Possibly at the time when this epistle was\ndirected to be sent to Smyrna, there were Jews there who manifested the\nsame spirit which those of their countrymen did afterwards, who urged\non the death of Polycarp. \u00b6 _But are the synagogue of Satan._ Deserve\nrather to be called the synagogue of Satan. The _synagogue_ was a\nJewish place of worship (comp. Notes on Mat. iv. 23), but the word\noriginally denoted the _assembly_ or _congregation_. The meaning here\nis plain, that though they worshipped in a synagogue, and professed to\nbe the worshippers of God, yet they were not worthy of the name, and\ndeserved rather to be regarded as in the service of Satan. _Satan_ is\nthe word that is properly applied to the great evil spirit, elsewhere\ncalled the devil. See Notes on Lu. xxii. 3, and Job i.\n\n\n 10 Fear none of those things which thou shalt suffer: behold,\n the devil shall cast _some_ of you into prison, that ye may\n be tried; and ye shall have tribulation ten days: be thou\n [108]faithful unto death, and I will give thee a [109]crown of\n life.\n\n10. _Fear none of those things which thou shalt suffer._ He did not\npromise them exemption from suffering. He saw that they were about\nto suffer, and he specifies the manner in which their affliction\nwould occur. But he entreats and commands them not to be afraid. They\nwere to look to the \u201ccrown of life,\u201d and to be comforted with the\nassurance that if they were faithful unto death, that would be theirs.\nWe need not dread suffering if we can hear the voice of the Redeemer\nencouraging us, and if he assures us that in a little while we shall\nhave the crown of life. \u00b6 _Behold, the devil shall cast |some| of\nyou into prison._ Or, shall cause some of you to be cast into prison.\nHe had just said that their persecutors were of the \u201csynagogue of\nSatan.\u201d He here represents Satan, or the devil\u2015\u2015another name of the\nsame being\u2015\u2015as about to throw them into prison. This would be done\nundoubtedly by the hands of men, but still Satan was the prime mover,\nor the instigator in doing it. It was common to cast those who were\npersecuted into prison. See Ac. xii. 3, 4; xvi. 23. It is not said on\nwhat pretence, or by what authority, this would be done; but, as John\nhad been banished to Patmos from Ephesus, it is probable {72} that\nthis persecution was raging in the adjacent places, and there is no\nimprobability in supposing that many might be thrown into prison.\n\u00b6 _That ye may be tried._ That the reality of your faith may be\nsubjected to a test to show whether it is genuine. The _design_ in\nthe case is that of the Saviour, though Satan is allowed to do it. It\nwas common in the early periods of the church to suffer religion to be\nsubjected to trial amidst persecutions, in order to show that it was\nof heavenly origin, and to demonstrate its value in view of the world.\nThis is, indeed, one of the designs of trial at all times, but this\nseemed eminently desirable when a new system of religion was about to\nbe given to mankind. Comp. Notes on 1 Pe. i. 6, 7. \u00b6 _And ye shall have\ntribulation ten days._ A short time; a brief period; a few days. It is\n_possible_, indeed, that this might have been literally ten days, but\nit is much more in accordance with the general character of this book,\nin regard to numbers, to suppose that the word _ten_ here is used\nto denote _a few_. Comp. Ge. xxiv. 55; 1 Sa. xxv. 38; Da. i. 12, 14.\nWe are wholly ignorant how long the trial actually lasted; but the\nassurance was that it would not be long, and they were to allow this\nthought to cheer and sustain them in their sorrows. Why should not the\nsame thought encourage us now? Affliction in this life, however severe,\ncan be but brief; and in the hope that it will soon end, why should\nwe not bear it without murmuring or repining? \u00b6 _Be thou faithful unto\ndeath._ Implying, perhaps, that though, in regard to the church, the\naffliction would be brief, yet that it might be fatal to some of them,\nand they who were thus about to die should remain faithful to their\nSaviour until the hour of death. In relation to all, whether they were\nto suffer a violent death or not, the same injunction and the same\npromise was applicable. It is true of everyone who is a Christian,\nin whatever manner he is to die, that if he is faithful unto death,\na crown of life awaits him. Comp. Notes on 2 Ti. iv. 8. \u00b6 _And I will\ngive thee a crown of life._ See Notes on Ja. i. 12. Comp. 1 Pe. v. 4;\n1 Co. ix. 24\u201227. The promise here is somewhat different from that\nwhich was made to the faithful in Ephesus (ver. 7), but the same thing\nsubstantially is promised them\u2015\u2015happiness hereafter, or an admission\ninto heaven. In the former case it is the peaceful image of those\nadmitted into the scenes of paradise; here it is the triumph of the\ncrowned martyr.\n\n\n 11 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith\n unto the churches; He that overcometh shall not be hurt of the\n [110]second death.\n\n11. _He that hath an ear_, &c. See Notes on ver. 7. \u00b6 _He that\novercometh._ See Notes on ver. 7. The particular promise here is made\nto him that should \u201covercome;\u201d that is, that would gain the victory in\nthe persecutions which were to come upon them. The reference is to him\nwho would show the sustaining power of religion in times of persecution;\nwho would not yield his principles when opposed and persecuted; who\nwould be triumphant when so many efforts were made to induce him to\napostatize and abandon the cause. \u00b6 _Shall not be hurt of the second\ndeath._ _By_ a second death. That is, he will have nothing to fear\nin the future world. The punishment of hell is often called _death_,\nnot in the sense that the soul will cease to exist, but (a) because\ndeath is the most fearful thing of which we have any knowledge, and\n(b) because there is a striking similarity, in many respects, between\ndeath and future punishment. Death cuts off from life\u2015\u2015and so the\nsecond death cuts off from eternal life; death puts an end to all our\nhopes here, and the second death to all our hopes for ever; death is\nattended with terrors and alarms\u2015\u2015the faint and feeble emblem of the\nterrors and alarms in the world of woe. The phrase, \u201cthe second death,\u201d\nis three times used elsewhere by John in this book (ch. xx. 6, 14;\nxxi. 8), but does not occur elsewhere in the New Testament. The words\n_death_ and _to die_, however, are not unfrequently used to denote the\nfuture punishment of the wicked.\n\nThe promise here made would be all that was necessary to sustain them\nin their trials. Nothing more is requisite to make the burdens of life\ntolerable than an assurance that, when we reach the end of our earthly\njourney, we have arrived at the close of suffering, and that beyond the\ngrave there is no power that can harm us. Religion, indeed, does not\npromise to its friends exemption from death in one form. To none of\nthe race has such a promise ever been made, and to but two has the {73}\nfavour been granted to pass to heaven without tasting death. It could\nhave been granted to all the redeemed, but there were good reasons why\nit should not be; that is, why it would be better that even they who\nare to dwell in heaven should return to the dust, and sleep in the tomb,\nthan that they should be removed by perpetual miracle, translating them\nto heaven. Religion, therefore, does not come to us with any promise\nthat we shall not die. But it comes with the assurance that we shall\nbe sustained in the dying hour; that the Redeemer will accompany us\nthrough the dark valley; that death to us will be a calm and quiet\nslumber, in the hope of awakening in the morning of the resurrection;\nthat we shall be raised up again with bodies incorruptible and\nundecaying; and that beyond the grave we shall never fear death in\nany form. What more is needful to enable us to bear with patience the\ntrials of this life, and to look upon death when it does come, disarmed\nas it is of its sting (1 Co. xv. 55\u201257), with calmness and peace?\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT PERGAMOS.\n\nThe contents of this epistle (ver. 12\u201217) are as follows: (1) A\nreference, as is usual in these epistles, to some attribute of Him\nwho addressed them, fitted to inspire respect, and adapted to a state\nof things existing in the church, ver. 12. That to which the Saviour\nhere directs their attention is, that he has \u201cthe sharp sword with two\nedges\u201d\u2015\u2015implying (ver. 16) that he had the power of punishing. (2) A\nstatement, in the usual form, that he was thoroughly acquainted with\nthe state of the church; that he saw all their difficulties; all that\nthere was to commend, and all that there was to reprove, ver. 13.\n(3) A commendation to the church for its fidelity, especially in a\ntime of severe persecution, when one of her faithful friends was slain,\nver. 13. (4) A reproof of the church for tolerating some who held false\nand pernicious doctrines\u2015\u2015doctrines such as were taught by Balaam, and\nthe doctrines of the Nicolaitanes, ver. 14, 15. (5) A solemn threat\nthat, unless they repented, he would come against them, and inflict\nsummary punishment on them, ver. 16. (6) The usual call upon all to\nhear what the Spirit says to the churches, and a promise to those who\nshould overcome, ver. 17.\n\nPergamos was a city in the southern part of Mysia, the capital of a\nkingdom of that name, and afterwards of the Roman province of Asia\nPropria. It was on the bank of the river Caicus, which is formed by the\nunion of two branches meeting thirty or forty miles above its mouth,\nand watering a valley not exceeded in beauty and fertility by any\nin the world. The city of Pergamos stood about twenty miles from the\nsea. It was on the northern bank of the river, at the base and on the\ndeclivity of two high and steep mountains. About two centuries before\nthe Christian era, Pergamos became the residence of the celebrated\nkings of the family of Attalus, and a seat of literature and the arts.\nKing Eumenes, the second of the name, greatly beautified the town, and\nso increased the number of volumes in the library that they amounted\nto 200,000. This library remained at Pergamos after the kingdom of the\nAttali had lost its independence, until Antony removed it to Egypt, and\npresented it to Queen Cleopatra (Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ iii. 2). It is an\nold tradition, that, as the papyrus plant had not begun to be exported\nfrom Egypt (Kitto), or as Ptolemy refused to sell it to Eumenes\n(Professor Stuart), sheep and goat skins, prepared for the purpose,\nwere used for manuscripts; and as the art of preparing them was brought\nto perfection at Pergamos, they, from that circumstance, obtained\nthe name of _pergamena_ (\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b3\u03b1\u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u03ae) or _parchment_. The last king of\nPergamos bequeathed his treasures to the Romans, who took possession\nof the kingdom also, and created it into a province by the name of\nAsia Propria. Under the Romans, it retained that authority over the\ncities of Asia which it had acquired under the successors of Attalus.\nThe present name of the place is Bergamos, and it is of considerable\nimportance, containing a population of about 14,000, of whom about 3000\nare Greeks, 300 Armenians, and the rest Turks. Macfarlane describes the\napproach to the town as very beautiful: \u201cThe approach to this ancient\nand decayed city was as impressive as well might be. After crossing the\nCaicus, I saw, looking over three vast tumuli, or sepulchral barrows,\nsimilar to those on the plains of Troy, the Turkish city of Pergamos,\nwith its tall minarets, and its taller cypresses, situated on the lower\ndeclivities and at the foot of the Acropolis, whose bold gray brow was\ncrowned by the rugged {74} walls of a barbarous castle, the usurper\nof the site of a magnificent Greek temple. The town consists, for the\nmost part, of small and mean wooden houses, among which appear the\nremains of early Christian churches. None of these churches have any\nscriptural or apocalyptic interest connected with them, having been\nerected several centuries after the ministry of the apostles, and when\nChristianity was not an humble and despised creed, but the adopted\nreligion of a vast empire. The Pagan temples have fared worse than\nthese Christian churches. The fanes of Jupiter and Diana, of \u00c6sculapius\nand Venus, are prostrate in the dust; and where they have not been\ncarried away by the Turks, to be cut up into tombstones or to pound\ninto mortar, the Corinthian and Ionic columns, the splendid capitals,\nthe cornices and the pediments, all in the highest ornament, are thrown\ninto unsightly heaps\u201d (_Visit to the Seven Apocalyptic Churches_, 1832.\nComp. _Missionary Herald_ for 1839, pp. 228\u2012230). The engraving\nrepresents the ruins of one of the ancient churches in Pergamos.\n\n\n 12 And to the angel of the church in Pergamos write; These\n things saith he which hath the [111]sharp sword with two edges;\n\n12. _And to the angel of the church in Pergamos._ See Notes on\nch. i. 20. \u00b6 _These things saith he which hath the sharp sword_, &c.\nSee Notes on ch. i. 16. Comp. He. iv. 12; Ec. xii. 11; Is. xlix. 2.\nProfessor Stuart suggests that when the Saviour, as represented in the\nvision, \u201cuttered words, as they proceeded from his mouth, the halitus\nwhich accompanied them assumed, in the view of John, the form of an\nigneous two-edged sword.\u201d It is more probable, however, that the words\nwhich proceeded from his mouth did not assume anything like a form or\nsubstance, but John means to represent them _as if_ they were a sharp\nsword. His words cut and penetrate deep, and it was easy to picture him\nas having a sword proceeding from his mouth; that is, his words were\nas piercing as a sharp sword. As he was about to reprove the church\nat Pergamos, there was a propriety in referring to this power of the\nSaviour. Reproof cuts deep; and this is the idea represented here.\n\n\n 13 I[112] know thy works, and where thou dwellest, _even_\n where Satan\u2019s seat _is_: and thou holdest fast my name, and\n [113]hast not denied my faith, even in those days wherein\n Antipas _was_ my faithful martyr, who was slain among you,\n where Satan dwelleth.\n\n13. _I know thy works._ The uniform mode of addressing the seven\nchurches in these epistles. See Notes on ch. ii. 2. \u00b6 _And where\nthou dwellest._ That is, I know all the temptations to which you are\nexposed; all the allurements to sin by which you are surrounded; all\nthe apologies which might be made for what has occurred arising from\nthose circumstances; and all that could be said in commendation of you\nfor having been as faithful as you have been. The sense of the passage\nis, that it does much to enable us to judge of character to know\nwhere men live. It is much more easy to be virtuous and pious in some\ncircumstances than in others; and in order to determine how much credit\nis due to a man for his virtues, it is necessary to understand how much\nhe has been called to resist, how many temptations he has encountered,\nwhat easily-besetting sins he may have, or what allurements may have\nbeen presented to his mind to draw him from the path of virtue and\nreligion. In like manner, in order to judge correctly of those who\nhave embraced error, or have been led into sin, it is necessary to\nunderstand what there may have been in their circumstances that gave\nto error what was plausible, and to sin what was attractive; what there\nwas in their situation in life that exposed them to these influences,\nand what arguments may have been employed by the learned, the talented,\nand the plausible advocates of error, to lead them astray. We often\njudge harshly where the Saviour would be far less severe in his\njudgments; we often commend much where in fact there has been little\nto commend. It is possible to conceive that in the strugglings against\nevil of those who have ultimately fallen, there may be more to commend\nthan in cases where the path of virtue has been pursued as the mere\nresult of circumstances, and where there never has been a conflict\nwith temptation. The adjudications of the great day will do much to\nreverse {75} the judgments of mankind. \u00b6 _|Even| where Satan\u2019s seat\n|is|._ A place of peculiar wickedness, as if Satan dwelt there. Satan\nis, as it were, enthroned there. The influence of Satan in producing\npersecution is that which is _particularly_ alluded to, as is apparent\nfrom the reference which is immediately made to the case of Antipas,\nthe \u201cfaithful martyr.\u201d \u00b6 _And thou holdest fast my name._ They had\nprofessed the name of Christ; that is, they had professed to be his\nfollowers, and they had steadfastly adhered to him and his cause in\nall the opposition made to him. The name _Christian_, given in honour\nof Christ, and indicating that they were his disciples, they had not\nbeen ashamed of or denied. It was this _name_ that subjected the early\nChristians to reproach. See 1 Pe. iv. 14. \u00b6 _And hast not denied my\nfaith._ That is, hast not denied my religion. The great essential\nelement in the Christian religion is _faith_, and this, since it\nis so important, is often put for the whole of religion. \u00b6 _Even in\nthose days wherein Antipas |was| my faithful martyr._ Of Antipas we\nknow nothing more than is here stated. \u201cIn the _Acta Sanctorum_ (ii.\npp. 3, 4) is a martyrology of Antipas from a Greek MS.; but it is\nfull of fable and fiction, which a later age had added to the original\nstory\u201d (Professor Stuart, _in loco_). \u00b6 _Who was slain among you._ It\nwould seem from this, that, though the persecution had raged there,\nbut one person had been put to death. It would appear also that the\npersecution was of a local character, since Pergamos is described as\n\u201cSatan\u2019s seat; \u201d and the death of Antipas is mentioned in immediate\nconnection with that fact. All the circumstances referred to would lead\nus to suppose that this was a popular outbreak, and not a persecution\ncarried on under the authority of government, and that Antipas was\nput to death in a popular excitement. So Stephen (Ac. vii.) was put to\ndeath, and so Paul at Lystra was stoned until it was supposed he was\ndead, Ac. xiv. 19. \u00b6 _Where Satan dwelleth._ The repetition of this\nidea\u2015\u2015very much in the manner of John\u2015\u2015showed how intensely the mind\nwas fixed on the thought, and how much alive the feelings were to the\nmalice of Satan as exhibited at Pergamos.\n\n\n 14 But I have a few things against thee, because thou hast\n there them that hold the doctrine of Balaam, [114]who taught\n Balac to cast a stumbling-block before the children of Israel,\n to [115]eat things sacrificed unto idols, and to [116]commit\n fornication.\n\n14. _But I have a few things against thee._ As against the church\nat Ephesus, ch. ii. 4. The charge against this church, however, is\nsomewhat different from that against the church at Ephesus. The charge\nthere was, that they had \u201cleft their first love;\u201d but it is spoken in\ncommendation of them that they \u201chated the deeds of the Nicolaitanes,\u201d\nch. ii. 6. Here the charge is, that they tolerated that sect among\nthem, and that they had among them also those who held the doctrine\nof Balaam. Their general course had been such that the Saviour could\napprove it; he did not approve, however, of their tolerating those\nwho held to pernicious practical error\u2015\u2015error that tended to sap the\nvery foundation of morals. \u00b6 _Because thou hast there them that hold\nthe doctrine of Balaam._ It is not necessary to suppose that they\nprofessedly held to the same opinion as Balaam, or openly taught the\nsame doctrines. The meaning is, that they taught substantially the same\ndoctrine which Balaam did, and deserved to be classed with him. What\nthat doctrine was is stated in the subsequent part of the verse. \u00b6 _Who\ntaught Balac to cast a stumbling-block before the children of Israel._\nThe word _stumbling-block_ properly means anything over which one falls\nor stumbles, and then anything over which anyone may fall into sin, or\nwhich becomes the occasion of one\u2019s falling into sin. The meaning here\nis, that it was through the instructions of Balaam that Balak learned\nthe way by which the Israelites might be led into sin, and might thus\nbring upon themselves the Divine malediction. The main circumstances\nin the case were these: (1) Balak, king of Moab, when the children\nof Israel approached his borders, felt that he could not contend\nsuccessfully against so great a host, for his people were dispirited\nand disheartened at their numbers, Nu. xxii. 3, 4. (2) In these\ncircumstances he resolved to send for one who had a {76} distinguished\nreputation as a prophet, that he might \u201ccurse\u201d that people, or might\nutter a malediction over them, in order, at the same time, to ensure\ntheir destruction, and to inspirit his own people in making war on them:\nin accordance with a prevalent opinion of ancient times, that prophets\nhad the power of blighting anything by their curse. Comp. Notes on Job\niii. 8. For this purpose he sent messengers to Balaam to invite him to\ncome and perform this service, Nu. xxii. 5, 6. (3) Balaam professed to\nbe a prophet of the Lord, and it was obviously proper that he should\ninquire of the Lord whether he should comply with this request. He\ndid so, and was positively forbidden to go, Nu. xxii. 12. (4) When\nthe answer of Balaam was reported to Balak, he supposed that he\nmight be prevailed to come by the offer of rewards, and he sent more\ndistinguished messengers with an offer of ample honour if he would come,\nNu. xxii. 15\u201217. (5) Balaam was evidently strongly inclined to go, but,\nin accordance with his character as a prophet, he said that if Balak\nwould give him his house full of silver and gold he could do no more,\nand say no more, than the Lord permitted, and he proposed again to\nconsult the Lord, to see if he could obtain permission to go with\nthe messengers of Balak. He obtained permission, but with the express\ninjunction that he was only to utter what God should say; and when he\ncame to Balak, notwithstanding his own manifest desire to comply with\nthe wish of Balak, and notwithstanding all the offers which Balak made\nto him to induce him to do the contrary, he only continued to bless the\nHebrew people, until, in disgust and indignation, Balak sent him away\nagain to his own land, Nu. xxii., xxiii., xxiv. 10, seq. (6) Balaam\nreturned to his own house, but evidently with a desire still to gratify\nBalak. Being forbidden to curse the people of Israel; having been\noverruled in all his purposes to do it; having been, contrary to his\nown desires, constrained to bless them when he was himself more than\nwilling to curse them; and having still a desire to comply with the\nwishes of the King of Moab, he cast about for some way in which the\nobject might yet be accomplished\u2015\u2015that is, in which the curse of God\nmight _in fact_ rest upon the Hebrew people, and they might become\nexposed to the divine displeasure. To do this, no way occurred so\nplausible, and that had such probability of success, as to lead them\ninto idolatry, and into the sinful and corrupt practices connected\nwith idolatry. It was, therefore, resolved to make use of the charms of\nthe females of Moab, that through their influence the Hebrews might be\ndrawn into licentiousness. This was done. The abominations of idolatry\nspread through the camp of Israel; licentiousness everywhere prevailed,\nand God sent a plague upon them to punish them, Nu. xxv. 1, seq. That\nalso this was planned and instigated by Balaam is apparent from Nu.\nxxxi. 16: \u201cBehold these [women] caused the children of Israel, through\nthe counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass against the Lord, in the\nmatter of Peor, and there was a plague among the congregation of\nthe Lord.\u201d The _attitude_ of Balaam\u2019s mind in the matter was this:\nI. He had a strong desire to do that which he knew was wrong, and\nwhich was forbidden expressly by God. II. He was restrained by\ninternal checks and remonstrances, and prevented from doing what he\nwished to do. III. He cast about for some way in which he might do it,\nnotwithstanding these internal checks and remonstrances, and finally\naccomplished the same thing in fact, though in form different from that\nwhich he had first prepared. This is not an unfair description of what\noften occurs in the plans and purposes of a wicked man. The meaning\nin the passage before us is, that in the church at Pergamos there\nwere those who taught, substantially, the same thing that Balaam did;\nthat is, the tendency of whose teaching was to lead men into idolatry,\nand the ordinary accompaniment of idolatry\u2015\u2015licentiousness. \u00b6 _To\neat things sacrificed unto idols._ Balaam taught the Hebrews to do\nthis\u2015\u2015perhaps in some way securing their attendance on the riotous and\ngluttonous feasts of idolatry celebrated among the people among whom\nthey sojourned. Such feasts were commonly held in idol temples, and\nthey usually led to scenes of dissipation and corruption. By plausibly\nteaching that there could be no harm in eating what had been offered in\nsacrifice\u2015\u2015since an idol was nothing, and the flesh of animals offered\nin sacrifice was the same as if slaughtered for some other purpose,\nit would seem that these teachers at Pergamos had induced professing\nChristians {77} to attend on those feasts\u2015\u2015thus lending their\ncountenance to idolatry, and exposing themselves to all the corruption\nand licentiousness that commonly attended such celebrations. See the\nbanefulness of thus eating the meat offered in sacrifice to idols\nconsidered in the Notes on 1 Co. viii. \u00b6 _And to commit fornication._\nBalaam taught this; and that was the tendency of the doctrines\ninculcated at Pergamos. On what pretence this was done is not said;\nbut it is clear that the church had regarded this in a lenient manner.\nSo accustomed had the heathen world been to this vice, that many who\nhad been converted from idolatry might be disposed to look on it with\nless severity than we do now, and there was a necessity of incessant\nwatchfulness lest the members of the church should fall into it. Comp.\nNotes on Ac. xv. 20.\n\n\n 15 So hast thou also them that hold the doctrine of the\n Nicolaitanes, which thing I hate.\n\n15. _So hast thou also them_, &c. That is, there are those among\nyou who hold those doctrines. The meaning here may be, either that,\nin addition to those who held the doctrine of Balaam, they had also\nanother class who held the doctrine of the Nicolaitanes; or that\nthe Nicolaitanes held the same doctrine, and taught the same thing\nas Balaam. If but one class is referred to, and it is meant that\nthe Nicolaitanes held the doctrines of Balaam, then we know what\nconstituted their teaching; if two classes of false teachers are\nreferred to, then we have no means of knowing what was the peculiarity\nof the teaching of the Nicolaitanes. The more natural and obvious\nconstruction, it seems to me, is to suppose that the speaker means to\nsay that the Nicolaitanes taught the same things which Balaam did\u2015\u2015to\nwit, that they led the people into corrupt and licentious practices.\nThis interpretation seems to be demanded by the proper use of the\nword \u201cso\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03bf\u1f55\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2\u2015\u2015meaning, _in this manner_, _on this wise_, _thus_;\nand usually referring to what precedes. If this be the correct\ninterpretation, then we have, in fact, a description of what the\nNicolaitanes held, agreeing with all the accounts given of them by the\nancient fathers. See Notes on ver. 6. If this is so, also, then it is\nclear that the same kind of doctrines was held at Smyrna, at Pergamos,\nand at Thyatira (ver. 20), though mentioned in somewhat different\nforms. It is not quite certain, however, that this is the correct\ninterpretation, or that the writer does not mean to say that, _in\naddition_ to those who held the doctrine of Balaam, they had also\nanother class of errorists who held the doctrine of the Nicolaitanes.\n\u00b6 _Which thing I hate._ So the common Greek text\u2015\u2015\u1f43 \u03bc\u03b9\u03c3\u1ff6. But the\nbest-supported reading, and the one adopted by Griesbach, Tittmann,\nand Hahn, is \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03af\u03c9\u03c2\u2015\u2015_in like manner_; that is, \u201cas Balak retained a\nfalse prophet who misled the Hebrews, so thou retainest those who teach\nthings like to those which Balaam taught.\u201d\n\n\n 16 Repent; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and\n [117]will fight against them with the sword of my mouth.\n\n16. _Repent._ See ver. 5. \u00b6 _Or else I will come unto thee quickly._\nOn the word _quickly_, see Notes on ch. i. 1. The meaning here is, that\nhe would come against them in judgment, or to punish them. \u00b6 _And will\nfight against them._ Against the Nicolaitanes. He would come against\nthe church for tolerating them, but his opposition would be principally\ndirected against the Nicolaitanes themselves. The church would excite\nhis displeasure by retaining them in its bosom, but it was in its power\nto save them from destruction. If the church would repent, or if it\nwould separate itself from the evil, then the Saviour would not come\nagainst them. If this were _not_ done, they would feel the vengeance\nof his sword, and be subjected to punishment. The church always suffers\nwhen it has offenders in its bosom; it has the power of saving them\nif it will repent of its own unfaithfulness, and will strive for their\nconversion. \u00b6 _With the sword of my mouth._ Notes on ch. i. 16; ii. 12.\nThat is, he would give the order, and they would be cut as if by a\nsword. Precisely in what way it would be done he does not say; but\nit might be by persecution, or by heavy judgments. To see the force\nof this, we are to remember the power which Christ has to punish the\nwicked by a word of his mouth. By a word in the last day he will turn\nall the wicked into hell.\n\n\n 17 He[118] that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit\n saith unto the churches; To him that overcometh will I give to\n eat of the [119]hidden manna, and will give him a white stone,\n and in the stone a [120]new name written,[121]which no man\n knoweth saving he that receiveth _it_.\n\n17. _He that hath an ear_, &c. Notes on ver. 7. \u00b6 _To him that\novercometh._ {78} Notes on ver. 7. \u00b6 _Will I give to eat of the hidden\nmanna._ The true spiritual food; the food that nourishes the soul.\nThe idea is, that the souls of those who \u201covercame,\u201d or who gained\nthe victory in their conflict with sin, and in the persecutions and\ntrials of the world, would be permitted to partake of that spiritual\nfood which is laid up for the people of God, and by which they will be\nnourished for ever. The Hebrews were supported by manna in the desert\n(Ex. xvi. 16\u201235); a pot of that manna was laid up in the most holy\nplace, to be preserved as a memorial (Ex. xvi. 32\u201234); it is called\n\u201cangels\u2019 food\u201d (Ps. lxxviii. 25), and \u201ccorn of heaven\u201d (Ps. lxxviii.\n24); and it would seem to have been emblematical of that spiritual food\nby which the people of God are to be fed from heaven, in their journey\nthrough this world. By the word \u201c_hidden_,\u201d there would seem to be\nan allusion to that which was laid up in the pot before the ark of\nthe testimony, and the blessing which is promised here is that they\nwould be nourished _as if_ they were sustained by that manna thus laid\nup before the ark: by food from the immediate presence of God. The\nlanguage thus explained would mean that they who overcome will be\nnourished through this life _as if_ by that \u201chidden manna;\u201d that is,\nthat they will be supplied all along through the \u201cwilderness of this\nworld\u201d by that food from the immediate presence of God which their\nsouls require. As the parallel places in the epistles to the churches,\nhowever, refer rather to the heavenly world, and to the rewards which\nthey who are victors shall have there, it seems probable that this has\nimmediate reference to that world also, and that the meaning is, that,\nas the most holy place was a type of heaven, they will be admitted into\nthe immediate presence of God, and nourished for ever by the food of\nheaven\u2015\u2015that which the angels have; that which the soul will need to\nsustain it there. Even in this world their souls may be nourished with\nthis \u201chidden manna;\u201d in heaven it will be their constant food for ever.\n\u00b6 _And will give him a white stone._ There has been a great variety of\nopinion in regard to the meaning of this expression, and almost no two\nexpositors agree. Illustrations of its meaning have been sought from\nGrecian, Hebrew, and Roman customs, but none of these have removed all\ndifficulty from the expression. The general sense of the language seems\nplain, even though the allusion on which it is founded is obscure, or\neven unknown. It is, that the Saviour would give him who overcame a\ntoken of his favour which would have some word or name inscribed on it,\nand which would be of use to him alone, or intelligible to him only:\nthat is, some secret token which would make him sure of the favour of\nhis Redeemer, and which would be unknown to other men. The idea here\nwould find a correspondence in the evidences of his favour granted\nto the soul of the Christian himself; in the pledge of heaven thus\nmade to him, and which he would understand, but which no one else\nwould understand. The _things_, then, which we are to look for in the\nexplanation of the emblem are two\u2015\u2015that which would thus be a token\nof his favour, and that which would explain the fact that it would\nbe intelligible to no one else. The question is, whether there is any\nknown thing pertaining to ancient customs which would convey these\nideas. The word rendered _stone_\u2015\u2015\u03c8\u1fc6\u03c6\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015means, properly, a small stone,\nas worn smooth by water\u2015\u2015a gravel-stone, a pebble; then any polished\nstone, the stone of a gem, or ring (Rob. _Lex._). Such a stone was\nused among the Greeks for various purposes, and the word came to have\na signification corresponding to these uses. The following uses are\nenumerated by Dr. Robinson, _Lex._:\u2015\u2015the _stones_ or _counters_ for\nreckoning; _dice_, _lots_, used in a kind of magic; a _vote_, spoken\nof the black and white stones or pebbles anciently used in voting\u2015\u2015that\nis, the white for approval, and the black for condemning. In regard to\nthe use of the word here, some have supposed that the reference is to\na custom of the Roman emperors, who, in the games {79} and spectacles\nwhich they gave to the people in imitation of the Greeks, are said to\nhave thrown among the populace _dice_ or _tokens_ inscribed with the\nwords, \u201cFrumentum, vestes,\u201d &c.; that is, \u201cCorn, clothing,\u201d &c.; and\nwhosoever obtained one of these received from the emperor whatever was\nmarked upon it. Others suppose that allusion is made to the mode of\ncasting lots, in which sometimes dice or tokens were used with names\ninscribed on them, and the lot fell to him whose name first came out.\nThe \u201c_white_ stone\u201d was a symbol of good fortune and prosperity; and\nit is a remarkable circumstance that, among the Greeks, persons of\ndistinguished virtue were said to receive a \u03c8\u1fc6\u03c6\u03bf\u03bd, _stone_, from\nthe gods, _i.e._, as an approving testimonial of their virtue. See\nRobinson\u2019s _Lex._, and the authorities there referred to; Wetstein,\nN. T., _in loco_, and Stuart, _in loco_. Professor Stuart supposes\nthat the allusion is to the fact that Christians are said to be kings\nand priests to God, and that as the Jewish high-priest had a mitre or\nturban, on the front of which was a plate of gold inscribed \u201cHoliness\nto the Lord,\u201d so they who were kings and priests under the Christian\ndispensation would have that by which they would be known, but that,\ninstead of a plate of gold, they would have a pellucid stone, on which\nthe _name_ of the Saviour would be engraved as a token of his favour.\nIt is _possible_, in regard to the explanation of this phrase, that\nthere has been too much effort to find _all_ the circumstances alluded\nto in some ancient custom. Some well-understood fact or custom may have\nsuggested the general thought, and then the filling up may have been\napplicable to this case alone. It is quite clear, I think, that none of\nthe customs to which it has been supposed there is reference correspond\nfully with what is stated here, and that though there may have been\na general allusion of that kind, yet something of the particularity\nin the circumstances may be regarded as peculiar to this alone. In\naccordance with this view, perhaps the following points will embody all\nthat need be said: (1) A white stone was regarded as a token of favour,\nprosperity, or success everywhere\u2015\u2015whether considered as a vote, or as\ngiven to a victor, &c. As such, it would denote that the Christian to\nwhom it is said to be given would meet with the favour of the Redeemer,\nand would have a token of his approval. (2) The name written on this\nstone would be designed also as a token or pledge of his favour\u2015\u2015as a\nname engraved on a signet or seal would be a pledge to him who received\nit of friendship. It would be not merely a _white_ stone\u2015\u2015emblematic\nof favour and approval\u2015\u2015but it would be so _marked_ as to indicate\nits origin, with the name of the giver on it. This would appropriately\ndenote, when explained, that the victor Christian would receive a token\nof the Redeemer\u2019s favour, as if his name were engraven on a stone,\nand given to him as a pledge of his friendship; that is, that he would\nbe as _certain_ of his favour _as if_ he had such a stone. In other\nwords, the victor would be assured from the Redeemer, who distributes\nrewards, that his welfare would be secure. (3) This would be to him\n_as if_ he should receive a stone so marked that its letters were\ninvisible to all others, but apparent to him who received it. It is\nnot needful to suppose that in the Olympic games, or in the prizes\ndistributed by Roman emperors, or in any other custom, such a case\nhad actually occurred, but it is conceivable that a name _might_ be\nso engraved\u2015\u2015with characters so small, or in letters so unknown to all\nothers, or with marks so unintelligible to others\u2015\u2015that no other one\ninto whose hands it might fall would understand it. The meaning then\nprobably is, that to the true Christian\u2015\u2015the victor over sin\u2015\u2015there\nis given some pledge of the divine favour which has to him all the\neffect of assurance, and which others do not perceive or understand.\nThis consists of favours shown directly to the soul\u2015\u2015the evidence of\npardoned sin; joy in the Holy Ghost; peace with God; clear views of\nthe Saviour; the possession of a spirit which is properly that of\nChrist, and which is the gift of God to the soul. The true Christian\nunderstands this; the world perceives it not. The Christian receives\nit as a pledge of the divine favour, and as an evidence that he will\nbe saved; to the world, that on which he relies seems to be enthusiasm,\nfanaticism, or delusion. The Christian bears it about with him as he\nwould a precious stone given to him by his Redeemer, and on which the\nname of his Redeemer is engraved, as a pledge that he is accepted of\nGod, and that the rewards of heaven shall be his; the world does not\nunderstand it, or {80} attaches no value to it. \u00b6 _And in the stone\na new name written._ A name indicating a _new_ relation, new hopes\nand triumphs. Probably the _name_ here referred to is the name of the\nRedeemer, or the name Christian, or some such appellation. It would be\nsome name which he would understand and appreciate, and which would be\na pledge of acceptance. \u00b6 _Which no man knoweth_, &c. That is, no one\nwould understand its import, as no one but the Christian estimates the\nvalue of that on which he relies as the pledge of his Redeemer\u2019s love.\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT THYATIRA.\n\nThe contents of this epistle (ver. 18\u201229) are as follows: (1) A\nreference, as is usual in these epistles, to some attribute of the\nSaviour which demanded their particular attention, or which was\nespecially appropriate to the nature of the message which he was about\nto send to them, ver. 18. The attributes which he fixes on here are,\nthat his eyes are like a flame of fire\u2015\u2015as if they would pierce and\npenetrate to the recesses of the heart; and that his feet are like fine\nbrass\u2015\u2015perhaps indicative of majesty as he moved among the churches.\n(2) A statement, in the usual form, that he was entirely acquainted\nwith the church, and that therefore the judgment which he was about\nto pronounce was founded on a thorough knowledge of what the church\nwas; and a general commendation of them for their charity, service,\nfaith, and patience, ver. 19. (3) A sever reproof of the church,\nnotwithstanding, for their tolerating a teacher of dangerous doctrine,\nwhom he calls Jezebel, with the assurance that she and her children\nshould not go unpunished, ver. 20\u201223. (4) An assurance to all the rest\nin Thyatira that no other calamity or burden would come upon the church\nthan what was inevitable in delivering it from the dangerous influence\nof these doctrines, and a solemn charge to them to hold fast all the\ntruth which they had until he should come, ver. 24, 25. (5) A promise,\nas usual, to those who should overcome, or who should be victorious,\nver. 26\u201229. They would have power over the nations; they would be\nassociated with the Redeemer in ruling them; they would have the\nmorning star. (6) A call, as usual, on all who had ears to hear, to\nattend to what the Spirit said to the churches.\n\nThyatira was a city of Asia Minor, on the northern border of Lydia,\nand commonly reckoned as belonging to Lydia. It was about twenty-seven\nmiles from Sardis; about a day\u2019s journey from Pergamos, and about the\nsame distance from the sea-coast. Its modern name is Ak-hissar, or _the\nwhite castle_. According to Pliny, it was known in earlier times by the\nname of Pelopia (_Hist. Nat._ v. 29). Strabo (xiii. p. 928) says that\nit was a Macedonian colony. The Roman road from Pergamos to Sardis\npassed through it. It was noted for the art of dyeing (Ac. xvi. 14),\nand Luke\u2019s account in the Acts has been confirmed by the discovery of\nan inscription in honour of Antonius Claudius Alphenus, which concludes\nwith the words \u03bf\u1f31 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c6\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2\u2015\u2015_the dyers_.\n\nThe Rev. Pliny Fisk, the American missionary, who visited the city,\nthus describes it: \u201cThyatira is situated near a small river, a branch\nof the Caicus, in the centre of an extensive plain. At the distance of\nthree or four miles it is almost completely surrounded by mountains.\nThe houses are low; many of them of mud or earth. Excepting the\nmotsellim\u2019s palace, there is scarcely a decent house in the place.\nThe streets are narrow and dirty, and everything indicates poverty and\ndegradation. We had a letter of introduction to Economo, the bishop\u2019s\nprocurator, and a principal man among the Greeks of this town.... He\nsays the Turks have destroyed all remnants of the ancient church; and\neven the place where it stood is now unknown. At present there are\nin the town one thousand houses, for which taxes are paid to the\ngovernment\u201d (_Memoir of the Rev. P. Fisk_; Boston, Mass., 1828).\n\nThe following description, by the Rev. Mr. Schneider, missionary of the\nAmerican Board, will give a correct view of Thyatira, as it existed in\n1848: \u201cFrom Magnesia we proceeded to Thyatira, the site of one of the\nApocalyptic churches, now called Ak-hissar. The population consists of\nabout seven hundred Mussulman houses, two hundred and fifty Greek, and\nfifty Armenian. The town is located in a plain of considerable size,\nand is hardly visible on being approached, by reason of the profusion\nof foliage. The plain itself is bounded on all sides by mountains,\nand {81} cotton and a kind of reddish root [madder], used for dyeing\nred, are raised abundantly. I observed that this root is extensively\ncultivated in all that region, and forms an important article of export\nto England, where it is used for dyeing purposes. In Ac. xvi. 14 we\nread of Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira. May not\nthis root be the very article with which her purple was coloured, which\nshe was selling at Philippi, when the Lord opened her heart to attend\nto the things spoken by Paul? It seems to me probable. But, if it was\nso, this art of colouring appears to have been lost, for I could not\nfind that it is now at all practised in that place or that region.\n\n\u201cThe Christian traveller and missionary naturally looks for something\ninteresting in a place where once existed a true church of Christ. But,\nalas! how sadly is he disappointed! The place presents an appearance\nin nothing different from other Turkish towns. Everything wears a\nMussulman aspect. The houses, streets, dress, occupation, and language\nof the inhabitants all indicate a predominating Turkish influence.\nChristianity exists there in name, but it is the bare name. Its spirit\nhas long since fled. The Greeks, especially, seem to be peculiarly\nsuperstitious. I visited their church, and found it full of pictures\nand other marks of degenerate Christianity. A long string of these\nimages, extending from one side of the church to the other, was\nsuspended so low as to permit the worshipper to approach and kiss\nthem; and so frequently had this adoration been bestowed on them,\nthat all appeared soiled from the frequent contact of the lips. Over\nthe entrance of the church I observed a representation of a grave old\nman, with a silvery beard, surrounded by angels. Suspecting the object\ndesigned to be shadowed forth, I inquired of a lad standing by what\nthat figure meant. He instantly replied, \u2018It is God.\u2019 I observed two\nsimilar representations of the Deity in the interior of the church.\nThe churchyard is used as a burying-place; but only those whose friends\nare able to pay for the privilege of entombing their dead can enjoy\nit. Candles are lighted at the heads of the graves in the night, and\nincense is often burned. When the process of decay has proceeded so\nfar as to leave nothing but the bones, these are taken up and thrown\ninto a sealed vault, over which a chapel is fitted up, in which mass\nis said over these relics of the dead for the benefit of their souls!\nA feeling of abhorrence came over me as I stood in the place where such\nabominations are committed.\n\n\u201cThe Armenians are far less superstitious. Comparatively only a few\npictures are to be seen in their church, and three or four individuals\nare more or less enlightened, and in an inquiring state of mind. We\nhad a long interview with one of them, the teacher, and left some books\nwith him. I am not without hopes that a little gospel leaven has been\ndeposited here, the effects of which will appear at some future day\u201d\n(_Miss. Herald_, Feb. 1848). The engraving in this volume will give a\nrepresentation of this city as it now exists.\n\n\n 18 And unto the angel of the church in Thyatira write; These\n things saith the Son of God, who hath [122]his eyes like unto\n a flame of fire, and his feet are like fine brass;\n\n18. _And unto the angel of the church._ See Notes on ch. i. 20.\n\u00b6 _These things saith the Son of God._ This is the first time, in these\nepistles, that the _name_ of the speaker is referred to. In each other\ninstance there is merely some _attribute_ of the Saviour mentioned.\nPerhaps the severity of the rebuke contemplated here made it proper\nthat there should be a more impressive reference to the authority of\nthe speaker; and hence he is introduced as the \u201cSon of God.\u201d It is not\na reference to him as the \u201cSon of man\u201d\u2015\u2015the common appellation which\nhe gave to himself when on earth\u2015\u2015for that might have suggested his\nhumanity only, and would not have conveyed the same impression in\nregard to his authority; but it is to himself as sustaining the rank,\nand having the authority, of the Son of God\u2015\u2015one who, therefore, has a\nright to speak, and a right to demand that what he says shall be heard.\n\u00b6 _Who hath his eyes like unto a flame of fire._ Comp. Notes on ch.\ni. 14. Before the glance of his eye all is light, and nothing can be\nconcealed from his view. Nothing would be better fitted to inspire awe\nthen, as nothing should be now, than such a reference to the Son of\nGod as being able to penetrate the secret recesses {82} of the heart.\n\u00b6 _And his feet are like fine brass._ See Notes on ch. i. 15. Perhaps\nindicative of majesty and glory as he walked in the midst of the\nchurches.\n\n 19 I[123] know thy works, and charity, and service, and faith,\n and thy patience, and thy works; and the last _to be_ more\n than the first.\n\n19. _I know thy works._ See Notes on ch. ii. 2. He knew all they had\ndone, good and bad. \u00b6 _And charity._ Love; love to God, and love to man.\nThere is no reason for restricting this word here to the comparatively\nnarrow sense which it now bears. Comp. Notes on 1 Co. xiii. 1. \u00b6 _And\nservice._ Gr., _ministry_\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03b1\u03bd. The word would seem to include\nall the service which the church had rendered in the cause of religion;\nall which was the proper fruit of love, or which would be a carrying\nout of the principles of love to God and man. \u00b6 _And faith._ Or,\nfidelity in the cause of the Redeemer. The word here would include not\nonly trust in Christ for salvation, but that which is the proper result\nof such trust\u2015\u2015fidelity in his service. \u00b6 _And thy patience._ Patient\nendurance of the sorrows of life\u2015\u2015of all that God brought upon them\nin any way, to test the reality of their religion. \u00b6 _And thy works._\nThy works as the fruit of the virtues just mentioned. The word is\nrepeated here, from the first part of the verse, perhaps to specify\nmore particularly that their works had been recently more numerous and\npraiseworthy even than they had formerly been. In the beginning of the\nverse, as in the commencement of each of the epistles, the word is used,\nin the most general sense, to denote _all_ that they had done; meaning\nthat he had so thorough an acquaintance with them in all respects that\nhe could judge of their character. In the latter part of the verse the\nword seems to be used in a more specific sense, as referring to _good_\nworks, and with a view to say that they had latterly abounded in these\nmore than they had formerly. \u00b6 _And the last |to be| more than the\nfirst._ Those which had been recently performed were more numerous,\nand more commendable, than those which had been rendered formerly. That\nis, they were making progress; they had been acting more and more in\naccordance with the nature and claims of the Christian profession. This\nis a most honourable commendation, and one which every Christian, and\nevery church, should seek. Religion in the soul, and in a community,\nis designed to be progressive; and while we should seek to live in\nsuch a manner always that we may have the commendation of the Saviour,\nwe should regard it as a thing to be greatly desired that we may be\napproved as making _advances_ in knowledge and holiness; that as we\ngrow in years we may grow alike in the disposition to do good, and in\nthe ability to do it; that as we gain in experience, we may also gain\nin a readiness to apply the results of our experience in promoting the\ncause of religion. He would deserve little commendation in religion who\nshould be merely stationary; he alone properly develops the nature of\ntrue piety, and shows that it has set up its reign in the soul, who is\nconstantly making advances.\n\n\n 20 Notwithstanding, I have a few things against thee, because\n thou sufferest that woman [124]Jezebel, which calleth herself\n a prophetess, to teach and to seduce my servants to commit\n fornication, and to [125]eat things sacrificed unto idols.\n\n20. _Notwithstanding, I have a few things against thee._ Comp.\nNotes on ver. 4. \u00b6 _Because thou sufferest that woman Jezebel._ Thou\ndost tolerate, or countenance her. Comp. Notes on ver. 14. Who the\nindividual here referred to by the name _Jezebel_ was, is not known. It\nis by no means probable that this was her real name, but seems to have\nbeen given to her as expressive of her character and influence. Jezebel\nwas the wife of Ahab; a woman of vast influence over her husband\u2015\u2015an\ninfluence which was uniformly exerted for evil. She was a daughter\nof Ethbaal, king of Tyre and Sidon, and lived about 918 years before\nChrist. She was an idolater, and induced her weak husband not only\nto connive at her introducing the worship of her native idols, but\nto become an idolater himself, and to use all the means in his power\nto establish the worship of idols instead of the worship of the true\nGod. She was highly gifted, persuasive, and artful; was resolute\nin the accomplishment of {83} her purposes; ambitious of extending\nand perpetuating her power, and unscrupulous in the means which she\nemployed to execute her designs. See 1 Ki. xvi. 31, seq. The kind of\n_character_, therefore, which would be designated by the term as used\nhere, would be that of a woman who was artful and persuasive in her\nmanner; who was capable of exerting a wide influence over others; who\nhad talents of a high order; who was a thorough advocate of error; who\nwas unscrupulous in the means which she employed for accomplishing her\nends; and the tendency of whose influence was to lead the people into\nthe abominable practices of idolatry. The opinions which she held,\nand the practices into which she led others, appear to have been the\nsame which are referred to in ver. 6 and ver. 14, 15 of this chapter.\nThe difference was, that the teacher in this case was a _woman_\u2015\u2015a\ncircumstance which by no means lessened the enormity of the offence;\nfor, besides the fact that it was contrary to the whole genius of\nChristianity that a woman should be a public teacher, there was a\nspecial incongruity that she should be an advocate of such abominable\nopinions and practices. Every sentiment of our nature makes us feel\nthat it is right to expect that if a woman teaches at all in a public\nmanner, she should inculcate only that which is true and holy\u2015\u2015she\nshould be an advocate of a pure life. We are shocked; we feel that\nthere is a violation of every principle of our nature, and an insult\ndone to our common humanity, if it is otherwise. We have in a manner\nbecome accustomed to the fact that _man_ should be a teacher of\npollution and error, so that we do not shrink from it with horror; we\nnever can be reconciled to the fact that a _woman_ should. \u00b6 _Which\ncalleth herself a prophetess._ Many persons set up the claim to be\nprophets in the times when the gospel was first preached, and it is\nnot improbable that many females would lay claim to such a character,\nafter the example of Miriam, Deborah, Huldah, &c. \u00b6 _To teach and to\nseduce my servants to commit fornication._ Comp. ver. 14. Whether she\nherself practised what she taught is not expressly affirmed, but seems\nto be implied in ver. 22. It is not often that persons _teach_ these\ndoctrines without practising what they teach; and the fact that they\n_desire_ and _design_ to live in this manner will commonly account\nfor the fact that they inculcate such views. \u00b6 _And to eat things\nsacrificed unto idols._ See Notes on ver. 14. The custom of attending\non the festivals of idols led commonly to licentiousness, and they\nwho were gross and sensual in their lives were fit subjects to be\npersuaded to attend on idol feasts\u2015\u2015for nowhere else would they find\nmore unlimited toleration for the indulgence of their passions.\n\n\n 21 And I gave her [126]space to repent of her fornication; and\n [127]she repented not.\n\n21. _And I gave her space to repent of her fornication._ Probably after\nsome direct and solemn warning of the evil of her course. The error and\nsin had been of long standing, but he now resolved to bear with it no\nlonger. It is true of almost every great sinner, that sufficient time\nis given for repentance, and that vengeance is delayed after crime is\ncommitted. But it cannot always be deferred, for the period must arrive\nwhen no reason shall exist for longer delay, and when punishment must\ncome upon the offender. \u00b6 _And she repented not._ As she did not do\nit; as she showed no disposition to abandon her course; as all plea\nof having had no time to repent would now be taken away, it was proper\nthat he should rise in his anger and cut her down.\n\n\n 22 Behold, [128]I will cast her into a bed, and them that\n commit adultery with her into great tribulation, except they\n repent of their deeds.\n\n22. _Behold, I will cast her into a bed._ Not into a bed of ease,\nbut a bed of pain. There is evidently a purpose to contrast this\nwith her former condition. The harlot\u2019s bed and a sick-bed are thus\nbrought together, as they are often, in fact, in the dispensations of\nProvidence and the righteous judgments of God. One cannot be indulged\nwithout leading on, sooner or later, to the horrid sufferings of the\nother: and how soon no one knows. \u00b6 _And them that commit adultery\nwith her._ Those who are seduced by her doctrines into this sin; either\nthey who commit it with her literally, or who are led into the same\nkind of life. \u00b6 _Into great tribulation._ Great suffering; disease of\nbody or tortures of the soul. How often\u2015\u2015how {84} almost uniformly is\nthis the case with those who thus live! Sooner or later, sorrow always\ncomes upon the licentious; and God has evinced by some of his severest\njudgments, in forms of frightful disease, his displeasure at the\nviolation of the laws of purity. There is no sin that produces a more\nwithering and desolating effect upon the soul than that which is here\nreferred to; none which is more certain to be followed with sorrow.\n\u00b6 _Except they repent of their deeds._ It is only by repentance that\nwe can avoid the consequences of sin. The word _repent_ here evidently\nincludes both sorrow for the past, and abandonment of the evil course\nof life.\n\n\n 23 And I will [129]kill her children with death; and [130]all\n the churches shall know that [131]I am he which searcheth the\n reins and hearts; and [132]I will give unto every one of you\n according to your works.\n\n23. _And I will kill her children with death._ A strong Hebraistic\nmode of expression, meaning that he would certainly destroy them. It\nhas been made a question whether the word _children_ here is to be\ntaken literally or figuratively. The word itself would admit of either\ninterpretation; and there is nothing in the connection by which its\nmeaning here can be determined. If it is to be taken literally, it is\nin accordance with what is often threatened in the Scriptures, that\nchildren shall be visited with calamity for the sins of parents, and\nwith what often occurs in fact, that they _do_ thus suffer. For it\nis no uncommon thing that whole families are made desolate on account\nof the sin and folly of the parent. See Notes on Ro. v. 19. If it is\nto be taken figuratively, then it refers to those who had imbibed her\ndoctrines, and who, of course, would suffer in the punishment which\nwould follow from the propagation of such doctrines. The reference\nin the word _death_ here would seem to be to some heavy judgment, by\nplague, famine, or sword, by which they would be cut off. \u00b6 _And all\nthe churches shall know_, &c. That is, the design of this judgment will\nbe so apparent that it will convince all that I know what is in the\nhearts of men, even the secret acts of wickedness that are concealed\nfrom human view. \u00b6 _I am he which searcheth the reins and hearts._\nThis is clearly a claim to omniscience; and as it is the Lord Jesus who\nspeaks in all these epistles, it is a full proof that he claims this\nfor himself. There is nothing which more clearly appertains to God than\nthe power of searching the heart, and nothing that is more constantly\nclaimed by him as his peculiar prerogative, 1 Ch. xxviii. 9; Ps. vii. 9;\nxi. 4; xliv. 21; cxxxix. 2; Pr. xv. 3; Je. xi. 20; xvii. 10; xx. 12;\nxxxii. 19; He. iv. 13. The word _reins_\u2015\u2015\u03bd\u03b5\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2\u2015\u2015means, literally,\n_the kidney_, and is commonly used in the plural to denote the kidneys,\nor the loins. In the Scriptures it is used to denote the inmost mind,\nthe secrets of the soul; probably because the parts referred to by the\nword are as _hidden_ as any other part of the frame, and would seem\nto be the repository of the more secret affections of the mind. It is\nnot to be supposed that it is taught in the Scriptures that the reins\nare the real seat of any of the affections or passions; but there\nis no more impropriety in using the term in a popular signification\nthan there is in using the word _heart_, which all continue to use,\nto denote the seat of love. \u00b6 _And I will give unto every one of\nyou according to your works._ To every one of you; not only to those\nwho have embraced these opinions, but to all the church. This is the\nuniform rule laid down in the Bible by which God will judge men.\n\n\n 24 But unto you I say, and unto the rest in Thyatira, as\n many as have not this doctrine, and which have not known the\n [133]depths of Satan, as they speak; I will put upon you none\n other burden.\n\n24. _But unto you I say, and unto the rest in Thyatira._ The\nword\u2015\u2015\u201c_and_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\u2015\u2015is omitted in many MSS. and versions, and in the\ncritical editions of Griesbach, Tittmann, and Hahn, and the connection\ndemands that it should be omitted. As it stands in the received text,\nit would seem that what he here says was addressed to those who _had_\nreceived that doctrine, and to all others as well as to them; whereas\nthe declaration here made pertains manifestly to those who had _not_\nreceived the doctrine. With that particle omitted the passage will\nread, as {85} rendered by Professor Stuart, \u201cBut I say unto you, the\nremainder in Thyatira, so many as hold not this doctrine,\u201d &c. That is,\nhe addresses now all the members of the church who were not involved\nin the charges already made. He does not say how large a portion of\nthe church had escaped the contaminating influence of those opinions,\nbut to that portion, whether great or small, he addresses only words\nof exhortation and comfort. \u00b6 _As many as have not this doctrine._ To\nall who have not embraced it, or been contaminated with it. It may be\npresumed that there was a considerable portion of the church which had\nnot. \u00b6 _And which have not known the depths of Satan._ The deep art and\ndesigns of Satan. Deep things are those which are hidden from view\u2015\u2015as\nof things which are far underground; and hence the word is used to\ndenote mysteries, or profound designs and purposes. The allusion here\nis not to any _trials_ or _sufferings_ that Satan might bring upon\nanyone, or to any temptations of which he might be the author, but to\nhis profound art in inculcating error and leading men astray. There\n_are_ doctrines of error, and arguments for sin, to originate which\nseems to lie beyond the power of men, and which would appear almost to\nhave exhausted the talent of Satan himself. They evince such a profound\nknowledge of man; of the divine government; of the course of events on\nearth; and of what our race needs; and they are defended with so much\neloquence, skill, learning, and subtlety of argumentation, that they\nappear to lie beyond the compass of the human powers. \u00b6 _As they speak._\nThis cannot mean that the defenders of these errors themselves called\ntheir doctrines \u201cthe depths of Satan,\u201d for no teachers would choose\nso to designate their opinions; but it must mean, either that they\nwho were opposed to those errors characterized them as \u201cthe depths of\nSatan,\u201d or that they who opposed them said that _they_ had not known\n\u201cthe depths of Satan.\u201d Professor Stuart understands it in the latter\nsense. A somewhat more natural interpretation, it seems to me, however,\nis to refer it to what the opposers of these heretics said of these\nerrors. They called them \u201cthe depths of Satan,\u201d and they professed\nnot to have known anything of them. The meaning, perhaps, would be\nexpressed by the familiar words, \u201cas they say,\u201d or \u201cas they call them,\u201d\nin the following manner: \u201cAs many as have not known the depths of Satan,\nas they say,\u201d or, \u201cto use their own language.\u201d Doddridge paraphrases\nit, \u201cas they proverbially speak.\u201d Tyndale incloses it in a parenthesis.\n\u00b6 _I will put upon you none other burden._ That is, no other than that\nwhich you now experience from having these persons with you, and that\nwhich must attend the effort to purify the church. He had not approved\ntheir conduct for suffering these persons to remain in the church,\nand he threatens to punish all those who had become contaminated with\nthese pernicious doctrines. He evidently designed to say that there\nwas _some_ token of his displeasure proper in the case, but he was not\ndisposed to bring upon them any _other_ expression of his displeasure\nthan that which grew naturally and necessarily out of the fact that\nthey had been tolerated among them, and those troubles and toils which\nmust attend the effort to deliver the church from these errors. Under\nany circumstances the church must suffer. It would suffer in reputation.\nIt would suffer in respect to its internal tranquillity. Perhaps, also,\nthere were those who were implicated in these errors, and who would be\nimplicated in the punishment, who had friends and kindred in the church;\nand the judgments which were to come upon the advocates of these errors\nmust, therefore, come in a measure upon the church. A kind Saviour says,\nthat he would bring upon them no other and no weightier burden, than\n_must_ arise from his purpose to inflict appropriate vengeance on the\nguilty themselves. The trouble which would grow out of that would be a\nsufficient expression of his displeasure. This is, in fact, often now\nall that is necessary as a punishment on a church for harbouring the\nadvocates of error and of sin. The church has trouble enough ultimately\nin getting rid of them; and the injury which such persons do to its\npiety, peace, and reputation, and the disorders of which they are the\ncause, constitute a sufficient punishment for having tolerated them\nin its bosom. Often the most severe punishment that God can bring\nupon men is to \u201clay upon them no other burden\u201d than to leave them to\nthe inevitable consequences of their own folly, or to the trouble and\nvexation incident to the effort to free themselves {86} from what they\nhad for a long time tolerated or practised.\n\n\n 25 But [134]that which ye have _already_ hold fast till I come.\n\n25. _But that which ye have_, &c. All that there is of truth and\npurity remaining among you, retain faithfully. Comp. ch. iii. 11.\n\u00b6 _Till I come._ To receive you to myself, Jn. xiv. 3.\n\n\n 26 And [135]he that overcometh, and keepeth[136] my works unto\n the end, to him will I give power over the nations:\n\n26. _And he that overcometh._ Notes on ch. ii. 7. \u00b6 _And keepeth my\nworks unto the end._ The works that I command and that I require, to\nthe end of his life. Comp. Jn. xiii. 1. \u00b6 _To him will I give power\nover the nations._ The evident meaning of what is said here, and in the\nnext verse, is, that in accordance with the uniform promise made to the\nredeemed in the New Testament, they would partake of the final triumph\nand glory of the Saviour, and be associated with him. It is not said\nthat they would have exclusive power over the nations, or that they\nwould hold offices of trust under him during a personal reign on the\nearth; but the meaning is, that they would be associated with him in\nhis future glory. Comp. Notes on Ro. viii. 17; 1 Co. vi. 2, 3.\n\n\n 27 And[137] he shall rule them with a rod of iron; as the\n vessels of a potter shall they be [138]broken to shivers: even\n as I received of my Father.\n\n27. _And he shall rule them with a rod of iron._ There is an\nallusion here to Ps. ii. 9: \u201cThou shalt break them with a rod of\niron; thou shalt dash them in pieces like a potter\u2019s vessel.\u201d There\nis a slight change in the passage, \u201che shall _rule_,\u201d instead of \u201cthou\nshalt _break_,\u201d in order to adapt the language to the purpose of the\nspeaker here. The allusion in the Psalm is to the Messiah as reigning\ntriumphant over the nations, or subduing them under him; and the idea\nhere, as in the previous verse, is, that his redeemed people will be\nassociated with him in this dominion. To rule with a sceptre of iron,\nis not to rule with a harsh and tyrannical sway, but with power that\nis firm and invincible. It denotes a government of strength, or one\nthat cannot be successfully opposed; one in which the subjects are\neffectually subdued. \u00b6 _As the vessels of a potter shall they be\nbroken to shivers._ The image here is that of the vessel of a potter\u2015\u2015a\nfragile vessel of clay\u2015\u2015struck with a rod of iron and broken into\nfragments. That is, as applied to the nations, there would be no power\nto oppose his rule; the enemies of his government would be destroyed.\nInstead of remaining firm and compacted together, they would be broken\nlike the clay vessel of a potter when struck with a rod of iron. The\nspeaker does not intimate _when_ this would be; but all that is said\nhere would be applicable to that time when the Son of God will come\nto judge the world, and when his saints will be associated with him in\nhis triumphs. As, in respect to all the others of the seven epistles\nto the churches, the rewards promised refer to heaven, and to the happy\nstate of that blessed world, it would seem also that this should have a\nsimilar reference, for there is no reason why \u201cto him that overcame\u201d in\nThyatira a temporal reward and triumph should be promised more than in\nthe cases of the others. If so, then this passage should not be adduced\nas having any reference to an imaginary personal reign of the Saviour\nand of the saints on the earth. \u00b6 _Even as I received of my Father._\nAs he has appointed me, Ps. ii. 6\u20129.\n\n\n 28 And I will give him [139]the morning star.\n\n28. _And I will give him the morning star._ The \u201cmorning star\u201d is\nthat bright planet\u2015\u2015Venus\u2015\u2015which at some seasons of the year appears\nso beautifully in the east, leading on the morning\u2015\u2015the harbinger of\nthe day. It is one of the most beautiful objects in nature, and is\nsusceptible of a great variety of uses for illustration. It appears as\nthe darkness passes away; it is an indication that the morning comes;\nit is intermingled with the first rays of the light of the sun; it\nseems to be a herald to announce the coming of that glorious luminary;\nit is a pledge of the faithfulness of God. In which of these senses,\nif any, it is referred to here, is not stated; nor is it said what is\nimplied by its being _given_ to him that {87} overcomes. It would seem\nto be used here to denote a bright and brilliant ornament; something\nwith which he who \u201covercame\u201d would be adorned, resembling the bright\nstar of the morning. It is observable that it is not said that he would\n_make_ him _like_ the morning star, as in Da. xii. 3; nor that he would\nbe compared with the morning star, like the king of Babylon, Is. xiv.\n12; nor that he would resemble a star which Balaam says he saw in the\ndistant future, Nu. xxiv. 17. The idea seems to be, that the Saviour\nwould give him something that would resemble that morning planet in\nbeauty and splendour\u2015\u2015perhaps meaning that it would be placed as a\ngem in his diadem, and would sparkle on his brow\u2015\u2015bearing some such\nrelation to him who is called \u201cthe Sun of Righteousness,\u201d as the\nmorning star does to the glorious sun on his rising. If so, the meaning\nwould be that he would receive a beautiful ornament, bearing a near\nrelation to the Redeemer himself as a bright sun\u2015\u2015a pledge that the\ndarkness was past\u2015\u2015but one whose beams would melt away into the\nsuperior light of the Redeemer himself, as the beams of the morning\nstar are lost in the superior glory of the sun.\n\n\n 29 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith\n unto the churches.\n\n29. _He that hath an ear_, &c. See Notes on ver. 7.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT SARDIS.\n\nThe contents of the epistle to the church at Sardis (ver. 1\u20126) are:\n(1) The usual salutation to the angel of the church, ver. 1. (2) The\nusual reference to the attributes of the Saviour\u2015\u2015those referred to\nhere being that he had the seven Spirits of God, and the seven stars,\nver. 1. (3) The assurance that he knew their works, ver. 1. (4) The\nstatement of the peculiarity of the church, or what he saw in it\u2015\u2015that\nit had a name to live and was dead, ver. 1. (5) A solemn direction\nto the members of the church, arising from their character and\ncircumstances, to be watchful, and to strengthen the things which\nremained, but which were ready to die; to remember what they had\nreceived, and to hold fast that which had been communicated to them,\nand to repent of all their sins, ver. 2, 3. (6) A threat that if they\ndid not do this, he would come suddenly upon them, at an hour which\nthey could not anticipate, ver. 3. (7) A commendation of the church as\nfar as it could be done, for there were still a few among them who had\nnot defiled their garments, and a promise that they should walk before\nhim in white, ver. 4. (8) A promise, as usual, to him that should be\nvictorious. The promise here is, that he should walk before him in\nwhite; that his name should not be blotted out of the book of life;\nthat he should be acknowledged before the Father, and before the angels,\nver. 5. (9) The usual call on all persons to hear what the Spirit said\nto the churches.\n\nSardis was the capital of the ancient kingdom of Lydia, one of the\nprovinces of Asia Minor, and was situated at the foot of Mount Tmolus,\nin a fine plain watered by the river Pactolus, famous for its golden\nsands. It was the capital where the celebrated Cr\u0153sus, proverbial for\nhis wealth, reigned. It was taken by Cyrus (B.C. 548), when Cr\u0153sus was\nking, and was at that time one of the most splendid and opulent cities\nof the East. It subsequently passed into the hands of the Romans,\nand under them sank rapidly in wealth and importance. In the time of\nTiberius it was destroyed by an earthquake, but was rebuilt by order\nof the emperor. The inhabitants of Sardis bore an ill repute among the\nancients for their voluptuous modes of life. _Perhaps_ there may be an\nallusion to this fact in the words which are used in the address to the\nchurch there: \u201cThou hast a few names _even in Sardis_ which have not\ndefiled their garments.\u201d Successive earthquakes, and the ravages of\nthe Saracens and the Turks, have reduced this once-celebrated city to a\nheap of ruins, though exhibiting still many remains of former splendour.\nThe name of the village which now occupies the place of this ancient\ncapital is Sart. It is a miserable village, comprising only a few\nwretched cottages, occupied by Turks and Greeks. There are ruins of the\ntheatre, the stadium, and of some ancient churches. The most remarkable\nof the ruins are two pillars supposed to have belonged to the temple\nof Cybele; and if so, they are among the most ancient in the world,\nthe temple of Cybele having been built only three hundred years after\nthat of Solomon. The Acropolis serves well to define the site of the\ncity. Several travellers have recently visited the remains of Sardis,\nand its appearance will be indicated by a few extracts from their\nwritings. Arundell, in his _Discoveries in Asia Minor_, {88} says:\n\u201cIf I were asked what impresses the mind most strongly in beholding\nSardis, I should say its indescribable _solitude_, like the darkness\nof Egypt\u2015\u2015darkness that could be _felt_. So the deep solitude of the\nspot, once the \u2018lady of kingdoms,\u2019 produces a corresponding feeling of\n_desolate abandonment_ in the mind, which can never be forgotten.\u201d\n\nThe Rev. J. Hartley, in regard to these ruins, remarks: \u201cThe ruins are,\nwith one exception, more entirely gone to decay than those of most of\nthe ancient cities which we have visited. No Christians reside on the\nspot: two Greeks only work in a mill here, and a few wretched Turkish\nhuts are scattered among the ruins. We saw the churches of St. John and\nthe Virgin, the theatre, and the building styled the Palace of Cr\u0153sus;\nbut the most striking object at Sardis is the temple of Cybele. I was\nfilled with wonder and awe at beholding the two stupendous columns of\nthis edifice, which are still remaining: they are silent but impressive\nwitnesses of the power and splendour of antiquity.\u201d\n\nThe impression produced on the mind is vividly described in the\nfollowing language of a recent traveller, who lodged there for a\nnight: \u201cEvery object was as distinct as in a northern twilight; the\nsnowy summit of the mountain [Tmolus], the long sweep of the valley,\nand the flashing current of the river [Pactolus]. I strolled along\ntowards the banks of the Pactolus, and seated myself by the side of\nthe half-exhausted stream.\n\n\u201cThere are few individuals who cannot trace on the map of their memory\nsome moments of overpowering emotion, and some scene, which, once dwelt\nupon, has become its own painter, and left behind it a memorial that\ntime could not efface. I can readily sympathize with the feelings of\nhim who wept at the base of the pyramids; nor were my own less powerful,\non that night when I sat beneath the sky of Asia to gaze upon _the\nruins of Sardis_, from the banks of the golden-sanded Pactolus. Beside\nme were the cliffs of the Acropolis, which, centuries before, the hardy\nMedian scaled, while leading on the conquering Persians, whose tents\nhad covered the very spot on which I was reclining. Before me were the\nvestiges of what had been the palace of the gorgeous Cr\u0153sus; within its\nwalls were once congregated the wisest of mankind, Thales, Cleobulus,\nand Solon. It was here that the wretched father mourned alone the\nmangled corse of his beloved Atys; it was here that the same humiliated\nmonarch wept at the feet of the Persian boy who wrung from him his\nkingdom. Far in the distance were the gigantic _tumuli_ of the Lydian\nmonarchs, Candaules, Halyattys, and Gyges; and around them were spread\nthose very plains once trodden by the countless hosts of Xerxes, when\nhurrying on to find a sepulchre at Marathon.\n\n\u201cThere were more varied and more vivid remembrances associated\nwith the sight of Sardis than could possibly be attached to any other\nspot of earth; but all were mingled with a feeling of disgust at the\nlittleness of human glory. All\u2015\u2015all had passed away! There were before\nme the fanes of a dead religion, the tombs of forgotten monarchs,\nand the palm-tree that waved in the banquet-hall of kings; while the\nfeeling of desolation was doubly heightened by the calm sweet sky above\nme, which, in its unfading brightness, shone as purely now as when it\nbeamed upon the golden dreams of Cr\u0153sus\u201d (Emerson\u2019s _Letters from the\n\u00c6gean_, p. 113, seq.). The present appearance of the ruins is shown by\nthe engraving in this volume.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n\n AND unto the angel of the church in Sardis write; These\n things saith he that hath the [140]seven Spirits of God, and\n the seven stars; [141]I know thy works, that thou hast [142]a\n name that thou livest, and art dead.\n\n1. _And unto the angel of the church in Sardis._ Notes on ch. i. 20.\n\u00b6 _These things saith he that hath the seven Spirits of God._ See\nNotes on ch. i. 4. If the phrase, \u201cthe seven Spirits of God,\u201d as there\nsupposed, refers to the Holy Spirit, there is great propriety in saying\nof the Saviour, that he has that Spirit, inasmuch as the Holy Spirit is\nrepresented as sent forth by him into the world, Jn. xv. 26, 27; xvi. 7,\n13, 14. It was one of the highest characteristics that could be given\nof the Saviour to say, that the Holy Ghost was his to send forth into\nthe world, and that that great Agent, on whose gracious influences all\nwere dependent for the possession of true religion, could {89} be given\nor withheld by him at his pleasure. \u00b6 _And the seven stars._ See Notes\non ch. i. 16. These represented the angels of the seven churches (Notes\non ch. i. 20); and the idea which the Saviour would seem to intend to\nconvey here is, that he had entire control over the ministers of the\nchurches, and could keep or remove them at pleasure. \u00b6 _I know thy\nworks._ See Notes on ch. ii. 2. \u00b6 _That thou hast a name that thou\nlivest._ Thou dost profess attachment to me and my cause. The word\n_life_ is a word that is commonly employed, in the New Testament, to\ndenote religion, in contradistinction from the natural state of man,\nwhich is described as _death_ in sin. By the profession of religion\nthey expressed the purpose to live unto God, and for another world;\nthey professed to have true, spiritual life. \u00b6 _And art dead._ That\nis, spiritually. This is equivalent to saying that their profession was\nmerely _in name_; and yet this must be understood comparatively, for\nthere were some even in Sardis who truly lived unto God, ver. 4. The\nmeaning is, that in general, the profession of religion among them was\na mere name. The Saviour does not, as in the case of the churches of\nEphesus and Thyatira, specify any prevailing form of error or false\ndoctrine; but it would seem that here it was a simple _want_ of\nreligion.\n\n\n 2 Be watchful and [143]strengthen the things which remain,\n that are ready to die: for I have not found thy works\n [144]perfect before God.\n\n2. _Be watchful._ Be wakeful; be attentive and earnest\u2015\u2015in\ncontradistinction from the drowsy condition of the church.\n\u00b6 _Strengthen the things which remain._ The true piety that still lives\nand lingers among you. Whatever there was of religion among them, it\nwas of importance to strengthen it, that the love of the Saviour might\nnot become wholly extinct. An important duty in a low and languishing\nstate of religion is, to \u201cstrengthen the things that still survive.\u201d\nIt is to cultivate all the graces which do exist; to nourish all the\nlove of truth which may linger in the church; and to confirm, by warm\nexhortation, and by a reference to the gracious promises of God\u2019s\nword, the few who may be endeavouring to do their duty, and who, amidst\nmany discouragements, are aiming to be faithful to the Saviour. In the\nlowest state of religion in a church there may be a few, perhaps quite\nobscure and of humble rank, who are mourning over the desolations of\nZion, and who are sighing for better times. All such it is the duty\nof the ministers of religion to comfort and encourage; for it is in\ntheir hearts that piety may be kept alive in the church\u2015\u2015it is through\nthem that it may be hoped religion may yet be revived. In the apparent\nhopelessness of doing much good to others, good may always be done to\nthe cause itself by preserving and strengthening what there may be of\nlife among those few, amidst the general desolation and death. It is\nmuch to preserve life in grain sown in a field through the long and\ndreary winter, when all seems to be dead\u2015\u2015for it will burst forth, with\nnew life and beauty, in the spring. When the body is prostrate with\ndisease, and life just lingers, and death seems to be coming on, it\nis much to preserve the little strength that remains; much to keep\nthe healthful parts from being invaded, that there may be strength yet\nto recover. \u00b6 _That are ready to die._ That seem just ready to become\nextinct. So, sometimes, in a plant, there seems to be but the least\nconceivable life remaining, and it appears that it must die. So, when\nwe are sick, there seems to be but the feeblest glimmering of life, and\nit is apparently just ready to go out. So, when a fire dies away, there\nseems but a spark remaining, and it is just ready to become extinct.\nAnd thus, in religion in the soul\u2015\u2015religion in a church\u2015\u2015religion in a\ncommunity\u2015\u2015it often seems as if it were just about to go out for ever.\n\u00b6 _For I have not found thy works perfect before God._ I have not found\nthem _complete_ or _full_. They come short of that which is required.\nOf what church, of what individual Christian, is not this true? Whom\nmight not the Saviour approach with the same language? It was true,\nhowever, in a marked and eminent sense, of the church at Sardis.\n\n\n 3 Remember[145] therefore how thou hast received and heard;\n and hold fast, and [146]repent. If therefore thou shalt not\n watch, I will come on thee [147]as a thief, and thou shalt not\n know what hour I will come upon thee.\n\n3. _Remember therefore how thou hast received._ This may refer either\nto some peculiarity in the manner in which the gospel was conveyed to\nthem\u2015\u2015as, by the labours of the apostles, and by {90} the remarkable\neffusions of the Holy Spirit; or to the ardour and love with which\nthey embraced it; or to the greatness of the favours and privileges\nconferred on them; or to their own understanding of what the gospel\nrequired, when they were converted. It is not possible to determine in\nwhich sense the language is used; but the general idea is plain, that\nthere was something marked and unusual in the way in which they had\nbeen led to embrace the gospel, and that it was highly proper in these\ncircumstances to look back to the days when they gave themselves to\nChrist. It is always well for Christians to call to remembrance the\n\u201cday of their espousals,\u201d and their views and feelings when they gave\ntheir hearts to the Saviour, and to compare those views with their\npresent condition, especially if their conversion was marked by\nanything unusual. \u00b6 _And heard._ How thou didst hear the gospel in\nformer times; that is, with what earnestness and attention thou didst\nembrace it. This would rather seem to imply that the reference in the\nwhole passage is to the fact that they embraced the gospel with great\nardour and zeal. \u00b6 _And hold fast._ (1) Hold fast the truths which thou\ndidst then receive; (2) hold fast what remains of true religion among\nyou. \u00b6 _And repent._ Repent in regard to all that in which you have\ndeparted from your views and feelings when you embraced the gospel.\n\u00b6 _If therefore thou shalt not watch._ The speaker evidently supposed\nthat it was possible that they would not regard the warning; that they\nwould presume that they would be safe if they refused to give heed to\nit, or that by mere inattention and indifference they might suffer the\nwarning to pass by unheeded. Similar results have been so common in\nthe world as to make such a supposition not improbable, and to make\nproper, in other cases as well as that, the solemn threatening that\nhe would come suddenly upon them. \u00b6 _I will come on thee as a thief._\nIn a sudden and unexpected manner. See Notes on 1 Th. v. 2. \u00b6 _And ye\nshall not know what hour I will come upon thee._ You shall not know\nbeforehand; you shall have no warning of my immediate approach. This\nis often the way in which God comes to men in his heavy judgments. Long\nbeforehand, he admonishes us, indeed, of what must be the consequences\nof a course of sin, and warns us to turn from it; but when sinners\nrefuse to attend to his warning, and still walk in the way of evil, he\ncomes suddenly, and cuts them down. Every man who is warned of the evil\nof his course, and who refuses or neglects to repent, has reason to\nbelieve that God will come suddenly in his wrath, and call him to his\nbar, Pr. xxix. 1. No such man can presume on impunity; no one who is\nwarned of his guilt and danger can feel that he is for one moment safe.\nNo one can have any basis of calculation that he will be spared; no one\ncan flatter himself with any probable anticipation that he will have\ntime to repent when God comes to take him away. Benevolence has done\nits appropriate work in warning him\u2015\u2015how can the Great Judge of all be\nto blame, if he comes then, and suddenly cuts the sinner off?\n\n\n 4 Thou hast a few names even in Sardis which have not defiled\n their garments; and they shall walk with me [148]in white: for\n they are worthy.\n\n4. _Thou hast a few names even in Sardis._ See the analysis of the\nchapter. The word _names_ here is equivalent to _persons_; and the idea\nis, that even in a place so depraved, and where religion had so much\ndeclined, there were a few persons who had kept themselves free from\nthe general contamination. In most cases, when error and sin prevail,\nthere may be found a few who are worthy of the divine commendation; a\nfew who show that true religion may exist even when the mass are evil.\nComp. Notes on Ro. xi. 4. \u00b6 _Which have not defiled their garments._\nComp. Notes on Jude 23. The meaning is, that they had not defiled\nthemselves by coming in contact with the profane and the polluted;\nor, in other words, they had kept themselves free from the prevailing\ncorruption. They were like persons clothed in white walking in the\nmidst of the defiled, yet keeping their raiment from being soiled.\n\u00b6 _And they shall walk with me in white._ White is the emblem of\ninnocence, and is hence {91} appropriately represented as the colour\nof the raiment of the heavenly inhabitants. The persons here referred\nto had kept their garments uncontaminated on the earth, and as an\nappropriate reward it is said that they would appear in white raiment\nin heaven. Comp. ch. vii. 9; xix. 8. \u00b6 _For they are worthy._ They have\nshown themselves worthy to be regarded as followers of the Lamb; or,\nthey have a character that is fitted for heaven. The declaration is\nnot that they have any _claim_ to heaven on the ground of their own\nmerit, or that it will be in virtue of their own works that they will\nbe received there; but that there is a _fitness_ or _propriety_ that\nthey should thus appear in heaven. We are all personally unworthy to be\nadmitted to heaven, but we may evince such a character as to show that,\naccording to the arrangements of grace, it is _fit_ and _proper_ that\nwe should be received there. We have the character to which God has\npromised eternal life.\n\n\n 5 He that overcometh, the same shall be clothed in white\n raiment; and I will not blot out his name out of the [149]book\n of life, but I will [150]confess his name before my Father,\n and before his angels.\n\n5. _He that overcometh._ See Notes on ch. ii. 7. \u00b6 _The same shall be\nclothed in white raiment._ Whosoever he may be that shall overcome sin\nand the temptations of this world, shall be admitted to this glorious\nreward. The promise is made not only to those in Sardis who should be\nvictorious, but to all in every age and every land. The hope that is\nthus held out before us, is that of appearing with the Redeemer in his\nkingdom, clad in robes expressive of holiness and joy. \u00b6 _And I will\nnot blot out his name out of the book of life._ The book which contains\nthe names of those who are to live with him for ever. The names of his\npeople are thus represented as enrolled in a book which he keeps\u2015\u2015a\nregister of those who are to live for ever. The phrase \u201cbook of life\u201d\nfrequently occurs in the Bible, representing this idea. See Notes\non Phi. iv. 3. Comp. Re. xv. 3; xx. 12, 15; xxi. 27; xxii. 19. The\nexpression \u201cI will not blot out\u201d means, that the names would be found\nthere on the great day of final account, and would be found there for\never. It may be remarked, that as no one can have access to that book\nbut he who keeps it, there is the most positive assurance that it will\nnever be done, and the salvation of the redeemed will be, therefore,\nsecure. And let it be remembered that the period is coming when it\nwill be felt to be a higher honour to have the name enrolled in that\nbook than in the books of heraldry\u2015\u2015in the most splendid catalogue\nof princes, poets, warriors, nobles, or statesmen that the world has\nproduced. \u00b6 _But I will confess his name_, &c. I will acknowledge him\nto be my follower. See Notes on Mat. x. 32.\n\n\n 6 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto\n the churches.\n\n6. _He that hath an ear_, &c. See Notes on ch. ii. 7.\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH IN PHILADELPHIA.\n\nThis epistle (ver. 7\u201213) comprises the following subjects: (1) The\nusual address to the angel of the church, ver. 7. (2) The reference\nto some attribute or characteristic of the speaker, ver. 7. He here\naddresses the church as one who is holy and true; as he who has the key\nof David, and who can shut and no one can open, and open and no one can\nshut. The representation is that of one who occupies a royal palace,\nand who can admit or exclude anyone whom he pleases. The reference\nto such a palace is continued through the epistle. (3) The usual\ndeclaration that he knows their works, and that he has found that\nthey had strength, though but a little, and had kept his word, ver. 8.\n(4) A declaration that he would constrain some who professed that they\nwere Jews, but who were of the synagogue of Satan, to come and humble\nthemselves before them, ver. 9. (5) The particular promise to that\nchurch. He would keep them in the hour of temptation that was coming to\ntry all that dwelt upon the earth, ver. 10. (6) The command addressed\nto them as to the other churches. He solemnly enjoins it on them to\nsee that no one should take their crown, or deprive them of the reward\nwhich he would give to his faithful followers, {92} ver. 11. (7) A\ngeneral promise, in view of the circumstances in Philadelphia, to _all_\nwho should overcome, ver. 12. They would be made a pillar in the temple\nof God, and go no more out. They would have written on themselves the\nname of his God, and the name of the holy city\u2015\u2015showing that they were\ninhabitants of the heavenly world. (8) The usual call on all to attend\nto what was said to the churches, ver. 13.\n\nPhiladelphia stood about twenty-five miles south-east from Sardis, in\nthe plain of Hermus, and about midway between the river of that name\nand the termination of Mount Tmolus. It was the second city in Lydia,\nand was built by King Attalus Philadelphus, from whom it received its\nname. In the year 133 B.C. the place passed, with the country in the\nvicinity, under the dominion of the Romans. The site is reported by\nStrabo to be liable to earthquakes, but it continued to be a place of\nimportance down to the Byzantine age; and, of all the towns in Asia\nMinor, it withstood the Turks the longest. It was taken by Bajazat,\nA.D. 1392. \u201cIt still exists as a Turkish town, under the name of Allah\nShehr, \u2018City of God,\u2019 _i.e._ the \u2018High Town.\u2019 It covers a considerable\nextent of ground, running up the slopes of four hills, or rather of\none hill with four flat summits. The country, as viewed from these\nhills, is extremely magnificent\u2015\u2015gardens and vineyards lying at the\nback and sides of the town, and before it one of the most beautiful\nand extensive plains of Asia. The missionaries Fisk and Parsons were\ninformed by the Greek bishop that the town contained 3000 houses, of\nwhich he assigned 250 to the Greeks, and the rest to the Turks. On the\nsame authority it is stated that there are five churches in the town,\nbesides twenty others which were too old or too small for use. Six\nminarets, indicating as many mosques, are seen in the town, and one\nof these mosques is believed by the native Christians to have been\nthe church in which assembled the primitive Christians addressed in\nthe Apocalypse. There are few ruins; but in one part are four pillars,\nwhich are supposed to have been columns of a church. One solitary\npillar has been often noticed, as reminding beholders of the remarkable\nwords in the Apocalypse\u2015\u2015\u2018Him that overcometh I will make _a pillar_\nin the temple of my God\u2019\u201d (Kitto\u2019s _Encyclo._ See also the _Missionary\nHerald_ for 1821, p. 253; 1839, pp. 210\u2012212). The town is the seat of\na Greek archbishop, with about twenty inferior clergy. The streets are\nnarrow, and are described as remarkably filthy. The engraving in this\nvolume will give a representation of the town as it now appears.\n\n\n 7 And to the angel of the church in Philadelphia write;\n These things saith [151]he that is holy, [152]he that is true,\n [153]he that hath the key of David, he that openeth, and no\n man shutteth; and [154]shutteth, and no man openeth;\n\n7. _And to the angel of the church in Philadelphia._ See Notes\non ch. i. 20. \u00b6 _These things saith he that is holy._ This refers\nundoubtedly to the Lord Jesus. The appellation _holy_, or _the holy\none_, is one that befits him, and is not unfrequently given to him in\nthe New Testament, Lu. i. 35; Ac. ii. 27; iii. 14. It is not only an\nappellation appropriate to the Saviour, but well adapted to be employed\nwhen he is addressing the churches. Our impression of what is said\nto us will often depend much on our idea of the character of him who\naddresses us, and solemnity and thoughtfulness always become us when\nwe are addressed by a holy Redeemer. \u00b6 _He that is true._ Another\ncharacteristic of the Saviour well fitted to be referred to when he\naddresses men. It is a characteristic often ascribed to him in the New\nTestament (Jn. i. 9, 14, 17; viii. 40, 45; xiv. 6; xviii. 37; 1 Jn.\nv. 20), and one which is eminently adapted to impress the mind with\nsolemn thought in view of the fact that he is to pronounce on our\ncharacter, and to determine our destiny. \u00b6 _He that hath the key of\nDavid._ This expression is manifestly taken from Is. xxii. 22, \u201cAnd\nthe key of the house of David will I lay upon his shoulder.\u201d See the\npassage explained in the Notes on that place. As used by Isaiah, the\nphrase is applied to Eliakim; and it is not to be inferred, because\nthe language here is applied to the Lord Jesus, that originally it had\nany such reference. \u201cThe application of the same terms,\u201d says Professor\nAlexander on Is. xxii. 22, \u201cto Peter (Mat. xvi. 19), and to Christ\nhimself (Re. iii. 7), does not {93} prove that they here refer to\neither, or that Eliakim was a type of Christ, but merely that the same\nwords admit of different applications.\u201d The language is that which\nproperly denotes authority or control\u2015\u2015as when one has the key of a\nhouse, and has unlimited access to it; and the meaning here is, that\nas David is represented as the king of Israel residing in a palace,\nso he who had the key to that palace had _regal authority_. \u00b6 _He that\nopeneth, and no man shutteth_, &c. He has free and unrestrained access\nto the house; the power of admitting anyone, or of excluding anyone.\nApplied here to the Saviour, as king in Zion, this means that in his\nkingdom he has the absolute control in regard to the admission or\nexclusion of anyone. He can prescribe the terms; he can invite whom\nhe chooses; he can exclude those whom he judges should not be admitted.\nA reference to this absolute control was every way proper when he was\naddressing a church, and is every way proper for us to reflect on when\nwe think of the subject of our personal salvation.\n\n\n 8 I know thy works: behold, I have set before thee an\n [155]open door, and no man can shut it: for thou hast a little\n strength, and hast kept my word, and hast not denied my name.\n\n8. _I know thy works._ See Notes on ch. ii. 2. \u00b6 _Behold, I have set\nbefore thee an open door._ Referring to his authority as stated in\nver. 7. The \u201copen door\u201d here evidently refers to the enjoyment of some\nprivilege or honour; and, so far as the _language_ is concerned, it may\nrefer to any one of the following things: either, (1) the ability to\ndo good\u2015\u2015represented as the \u201copening of the door.\u201d Comp. Ac. xiv. 27;\n1 Co. xvi. 9; 2 Co. ii. 12; Col. iv. 3. (2) The privilege of access to\nthe heavenly palace; that is, that they had an abundant opportunity of\nsecuring their salvation, the door being never closed against them by\nday or by night. Comp. Re. xxi. 25. Or (3) it may mean that they had\nbefore them an open way of egress from danger and persecution. This\nlatter Professor Stuart supposes to be the true meaning; and argues\nthis because it is immediately specified that those Jewish persecutors\nwould be made to humble themselves, and that the church would but\nlightly experience the troubles which were coming upon the world\naround them. But the more natural interpretation of the phrase \u201can\nopen door\u201d is that it refers to access _to_ a thing rather than egress\n_from_ a thing; that we may come to that which we desire to approach,\nrather than escape from that which we dread. There is no objection,\nit seems to me, to the supposition that the language may be used\nhere in the largest sense\u2015\u2015as denoting that, in regard to the church\nat Philadelphia, there was no restraint. He had given them the most\nunlimited privileges. The temple of salvation was thrown open to them;\nthe celestial city was accessible; the whole world was before them as a\nfield of usefulness, and anywhere, and everywhere, they might do good,\nand at all times they might have access to the kingdom of God. \u00b6 _And\nno man can shut it._ No one has the power of preventing this, for he\nwho has control over all things concedes these privileges to you.\n\u00b6 _For thou hast a little strength._ This would imply that they had\nnot _great_ vigour, but still that, notwithstanding there were so many\nobstacles to their doing good, and so many temptations to evil, there\nstill remained with them some degree of energy. They were not wholly\ndead; and as long as that was the case, the door was still open for\nthem to do good. The words \u201clittle strength\u201d may refer either to the\nsmallness of the _number_\u2015\u2015meaning that they were few; or it may refer\nto the spiritual life and energy of the church\u2015\u2015meaning that, though\nfeeble, their vital energy was not wholly gone. The more natural\ninterpretation seems to be to refer it to the latter; and the sense is,\nthat although they had not the highest degree of energy, or had not all\nthat the Saviour desired they should have, they were not _wholly_ dead.\nThe Saviour saw among them the evidences of spiritual life; and in\nview of that he says he had set before them an open door, and there\nwas abundant opportunity to employ all the energy and zeal which\nthey had. It may be remarked that the same thing is true now; that\nwherever there is _any_ vitality in a church, the Saviour will furnish\nample opportunity that it maybe employed in his service. \u00b6 _And hast\nnot denied my name._ When Christians were brought before heathen\nmagistrates in times of persecution, they were required to renounce\n{94} the name of Christ, and to disown him in a public manner. It is\npossible that, amidst the persecutions that raged in the early times,\nthe members of the church at Philadelphia had been summoned to such\na trial, and they had stood the trial firmly. It would seem from the\nfollowing verse, that the efforts which had been made to induce them to\nrenounce the name of Christ had been made by those who professed to be\nJews, though they evinced the spirit of Satan. If so, then the attempt\nwas probably to convince them that Jesus was not the Christ. This\nattempt would be made in all places where there were Jews.\n\n\n 9 Behold, I will make them of the synagogue of Satan, which\n [156]say they are Jews, and are not, but do lie; behold, I\n will make them to [157]come and worship before thy feet, and\n to know that I have loved thee.\n\n9. _Behold, I will make._ Greek, \u201cI give\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03af\u03b4\u03c9\u03bc\u03b9; that is, I will\narrange matters so that this shall occur. The word implies that he had\npower to do this, and consequently proves that he has power over the\nheart of man, and can secure such a result as he chooses. \u00b6 _Them of\nthe synagogue of Satan, which say they are Jews._ Who profess to be\nJews, but are really of the synagogue of Satan. See Notes on ch. ii. 9.\nThe meaning is, that, though they were of Jewish extraction, and\nboasted much of being Jews, yet they were really under the influence\nof Satan, and their assemblages deserved to be called his \u201csynagogue.\u201d\n\u00b6 _And are not, but do lie._ It is a false profession altogether. Comp.\nNotes on 1 Jn. i. 6. \u00b6 _Behold, I will make them to come and worship\nbefore thy feet._ The word rendered _worship_ here, means, properly,\n_to fall prostrate_; and then to do homage, or to worship in the proper\nsense, as this was commonly done by falling prostrate. See Notes on\nMat. ii. 2. So far as the _word_ is concerned, it may refer either to\nspiritual homage, that is, the worship of God; or it may mean respect\nas shown to superiors. If it is used here in the sense of divine\nworship properly so called, it means that they would be constrained to\ncome and worship \u201c_before_ them,\u201d or in their very presence; if it is\nused in the more general signification, it means that they would be\nconstrained to show them honour and respect. The latter is the probable\nmeaning; that is, that they would be constrained to acknowledge that\nthey were the children of God, or that God regarded them with his\nfavour. It does not mean necessarily that they would themselves be\nconverted to Christ, but that, as they had been accustomed to revile\nand oppose those who were true Christians, they would be constrained\nto come and render them the respect due to those who were sincerely\nendeavouring to serve their Maker. The _truth_ taught here is, that\nit is in the power of the Lord Jesus so to turn the hearts of all the\nenemies of religion that they shall be brought to show respect to it;\nso to incline the minds of all people that they shall honour the church,\nor be at least outwardly its friends. Such homage the world shall yet\nbe constrained to pay to it. \u00b6 _And to know that I have loved thee._\nThis explains what he had just said, and shows that he means that the\nenemies of his church will yet be constrained to acknowledge that it\nenjoys the smiles of God, and that instead of being persecuted and\nreviled, it should be respected and loved.\n\n\n 10 Because thou hast kept the word of my patience, [158]I also\n will keep thee from the hour of tempta tion, which shall come\n upon all the world, to try them that dwell upon the earth.\n\n10. _Because thou hast kept the word of my patience._ My word\ncommanding or enjoining patience; that is, thou hast manifested the\npatience which I require. They had shown this in the trials which they\nhad experienced; he promises now, that in return he will keep them in\nthe future trials that shall come upon the world. One of the highest\nrewards of patience in one trial is the grace that God gives us to bear\nanother. The fact that we _have been_ patient and submissive may be\nregarded as proof that he will give us grace that we _may be_ patient\nand submissive in the trials that are to come. God does not leave those\nwho have shown that they will not leave him. \u00b6 _I also will keep thee._\nThat is, I will so keep you that you shall not sink under the trials\nwhich will prove a severe temptation to many. This does not mean that\nthey would be actually kept from calamity of all kinds, but that they\nwould be kept from the _temptation of apostasy_ in calamity. He {95}\nwould give them grace to bear up under trials with a Christian spirit,\nand in such a manner that their salvation should not be endangered.\n\u00b6 _From the hour of temptation._ The season; the time; the period\nof temptation. You shall be so kept that that which will prove to be\na time of temptation to so many, shall not endanger your salvation.\nThough others fall, you shall not; though you may be afflicted with\nothers, yet you shall have grace to sustain you. \u00b6 _Which shall come\nupon all the world._ The phrase here used\u2015\u2015\u201c_all the world_\u201d\u2015\u2015may\neither denote the whole world; or the whole Roman empire; or a large\ndistrict of country; or the land of Jud\u00e6a. See Notes on Lu. ii. 1.\nHere, perhaps, all that is implied is, that the trial would be very\n_extensive_ or _general_\u2015\u2015so much so as to embrace the _world_, as the\nword was understood by those to whom the epistle was addressed. It need\nnot be supposed that the whole world literally was included in it, or\neven all the Roman empire, but what was the world to them\u2015\u2015the region\nwhich they would embrace in that term. If there were some far-spreading\ncalamity in the country where they resided, it would probably be all\nthat would be fairly embraced in the meaning of the word. It is not\nknown to what trial the speaker refers. It may have been some form of\npersecution, or it may have been some calamity by disease, earthquake,\nor famine that was to occur. Tacitus (see Wetstein, _in loco_) mentions\nan earthquake that sank twelve cities in Asia Minor, in one night,\nby which, among others, Philadelphia was deeply affected; and it is\n_possible_ that there may have been reference here to that overwhelming\ncalamity. But nothing can be determined with certainty in regard\nto this. \u00b6 _To try them that dwell upon the earth._ To test their\ncharacter. It would rather seem from this that the affliction was some\nform of persecution as adapted to test the fidelity of those who were\naffected by it. The persecutions in the Roman empire would furnish\nabundant occasions for such a trial.\n\n\n 11 Behold, [159]I come [160]quickly: hold that fast which thou\n hast, that no man take thy crown.\n\n11. _Behold, I come quickly._ That is, in the trials referred to.\nComp. Notes on ch. i. 1, 11, 16. \u00b6 _Hold that fast which thou hast._\nThat is, whatever of truth and piety you now possess. See Notes on\nver. 3. \u00b6 _That no man take thy crown._ The crown of life appointed for\nall who are true believers. See Notes on 2 Ti. iv. 8. The truth which\nis taught here is, that by negligence or unfaithfulness in duty we may\nbe deprived of the glory which we might have obtained if we had been\nfaithful to our God and Saviour. We need to be on our constant guard,\nthat, in a world of temptation, where the enemies of truth abound, we\nmay not be robbed of the crown that we might have worn for ever. Comp.\nNotes on 2 Jn. 8.\n\n\n 12 Him that overcometh will I make a pillar in the temple of\n my God; and he shall go no more out: and I will write upon him\n the name of my God, and the name of the city of my God, _which\n is_ [161]New Jerusalem, which cometh down out of heaven from\n my God: and _I will write upon him_ my new name.\n\n12. _Him that overcometh._ See Notes on ch. ii. 7. \u00b6 _Will I make a\npillar in the temple of my God._ See the introductory remarks to this\nepistle. The promised reward of faithfulness here is, that he who was\nvictorious would be honoured as if he were a pillar or column in the\ntemple of God. Such a pillar or column was partly for ornament, and\npartly for support; and the idea here is, that in that temple he would\ncontribute to its beauty and the justness of its proportions, and would\nat the same time be honoured as if he were a pillar which was necessary\nfor the support of the temple. It is not uncommon in the New Testament\nto represent the church as a temple, and Christians as parts of it. See\n1 Co. iii. 16, 17; vi. 19; 2 Co. vi. 16; 1 Pe. ii. 5. \u00b6 _And he shall\ngo no more out._ He shall be permanent as a part of that spiritual\ntemple. The idea of \u201cgoing out\u201d does not properly belong to a _pillar_;\nbut the speaker here has in his mind the _man_, though represented as a\ncolumn. The description of some parts would be applicable more directly\nto a pillar; in others more properly to a man. Comp. Jn. vi. 37; x. 28,\n29; 1 Jn. ii. 19, for an illustration of the sentiment here. The main\ntruth here is, that if we reach {96} heaven, our happiness will be\nsecure for ever. We shall have the most absolute certainty that the\nwelfare of the soul will no more be perilled; that we shall never be in\ndanger of falling into temptation; that no artful foe shall ever have\npower to alienate our affections from God; that we shall never die.\nThough we may change our place, and may roam from world to world till\nwe shall have surveyed all the wonders of creation, yet we shall never\n\u201cgo out of the temple of God.\u201d Comp. Notes on Jn. xiv. 2. When we reach\nthe heavenly world our conflicts will be over, our doubts at an end. As\nsoon as we cross the threshold we shall be greeted with the assurance,\n\u201che shall go no more out for ever.\u201d That is to be our eternal abode,\nand whatever of joy, or felicity, or glory, that bright world can\nfurnish, is to be ours. Happy moment when, emerging from a world of\ndanger and of doubt, the soul shall settle down into the calmness and\npeace of that state where there is the assurance of God himself that\nthat world of bliss is to be its eternal abode! \u00b6 _And I will write\nupon him the name of my God._ Considered as a pillar or column in the\ntemple. The name of God would be conspicuously recorded on it to show\nthat he belonged to God. The allusion is to a public edifice, on the\ncolumns of which the names of distinguished and honoured persons were\nrecorded; that is, where there is a public testimonial of the respect\nin which one whose name was thus recorded was held. The honour thus\nconferred on him \u201cwho should overcome\u201d would be as great _as if_\nthe name of that God whom he served, and whose favour and friendship\nhe enjoyed, were inscribed on him in some conspicuous manner. The\n_meaning_ is, that he would be known and recognized as belonging to God;\nthe God of the Redeemer himself\u2015\u2015indicated by the phrase, \u201cthe name of\n_my_ God.\u201d \u00b6 _And the name of the city of my God._ That is, indicating\nthat he belongs to that city, or that the New Jerusalem is the city\nof his habitation. The idea would seem to be, that in this world,\nand in all worlds wherever he goes and wherever he abides, he will be\nrecognized as belonging to that holy city; as enjoying the rights and\nimmunities of such a citizen. \u00b6 Which is _New Jerusalem._ Jerusalem\nwas the place where the temple was reared, and where the worship of\nGod was celebrated. It thus came to be synonymous with the church\u2015\u2015the\ndwelling-place of God on earth. \u00b6 _Which cometh down out of heaven from\nmy God._ See this explained in the Notes on ch. xxi. 2, seq. Of course\nthis must be a figurative representation, but the idea is plain. It is,\n(1) that the church is, in accordance with settled Scripture language,\nrepresented as a city\u2015\u2015the abode of God on earth. (2) That is, instead\nof being built here, or having an earthly origin, it has its origin\nin heaven. It is _as if_ it had been constructed there, and then sent\ndown to earth ready formed. The type, the form, the whole structure is\nheavenly. It is a departure from all proper laws of interpretation to\nexplain this _literally_, as if a city should be actually let down from\nheaven; and equally so to infer from this passage, and the others of\nsimilar import in this book, that a city will be literally _reared_ for\nthe residence of the saints. If the passage proves anything on either\nof these points, it is, that a great and splendid city, such as that\ndescribed in ch. xxi., will _literally come down from heaven_. But\nwho can believe that? Such an interpretation, however, is by no means\nnecessary. The comparison of the church with a beautiful city, and the\nfact that it has its origin in heaven, is all that is fairly implied\nin the passage. \u00b6 _And_ I will write upon him _my new name_. See Notes\non ch. ii. 17. The _reward_, therefore, promised here is, that he\nwho, by persevering fidelity, showed that he was a real friend of the\nSaviour, would be honoured with a permanent abode in the holy city of\nhis habitation. In the church redeemed and triumphant he would have a\nperpetual dwelling; and wherever he should be, there would be given him\nsure pledges that he belonged to him, and was recognized as a citizen\nof the heavenly world. To no higher honour could any man aspire; and\nyet that is an honour to which the most humble and lowly may attain by\nfaith in the Son of God.\n\n\n 13 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith\n unto the churches.\n\n\n THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT LAODICEA.\n\nThe contents of the epistle to the church at Laodicea (ver. 14\u201222)\nare as follows: (1) The usual salutation to the angel of the church,\nver. 14. (2) The reference to the attributes of the speaker\u2015\u2015the\none here referred to being that he was the \u201cAmen,\u201d \u201cthe faithful\n{97} and true witness,\u201d and \u201cthe beginning of the creation of God,\u201d\nver. 14. (3) The claim that he knew all their works, ver. 15. (4) The\ncharacteristic of the church: it was \u201clukewarm\u201d\u2015\u2015neither \u201ccold nor hot,\u201d\nver. 15. (5) The punishment threatened, that he would \u201cspue them out\nof his mouth,\u201d ver. 16. (6) A solemn reproof of their self-confidence,\nof their ignorance of themselves, and of their pride, when they were in\nfact poor, and blind, and naked; and a solemn counsel to them to apply\nto him for those things which would make them truly rich\u2015\u2015which would\ncover up the shame of their nakedness, and which would give them clear\nspiritual vision, ver. 17, 18. (7) A command to repent, in view of the\nfact that he rebukes and chastens those whom he loves. (8) An assurance\nthat an opportunity is still offered for repentance, represented by his\nstanding at the door and praying for admittance, ver. 20. (9) A promise\nto him that should be victorious\u2015\u2015in this case, that he should sit down\nwith him on his throne, ver. 21; and (10) the usual call on those who\nhad ears to hear, to attend to what the Spirit said to the churches.\n\nLaodicea was situated in the southern part of Phrygia, near the\njunction of the small rivers Asopus and Carpus, on a plain washed\nat its edges by each. It was about forty miles from Ephesus, and not\nfar from Colosse and Hierapolis. In the time of Strabo it was a large\ncity; but the frequency of earthquakes, to which this district has\nbeen always liable, demolished, long since, a large part of the city,\nand destroyed many of the inhabitants, and the place was abandoned,\nand now lies in ruins. It is now a deserted place, called by the\nTurks Eski-hissar, or Old Castle. From its ruins, which are numerous,\nconsisting of the remains of temples, theatres, &c., it seems to have\nbeen situated on six or seven hills, taking up a large space of ground.\nThe whole rising ground on which the city stood is one vast tumulus\nof ruins, abandoned entirely to the owl and the fox. Col. Leake says,\n\u201cThere are few ancient sites more likely than Laodicea to preserve\nmany curious remains of antiquity beneath the surface of the soil;\nits opulence, and the earthquakes to which it was subject, rendering\nit probable that valuable works of art were there buried beneath the\nruins of the public and private edifices.\u201d The neighbouring village\ncontains some fifty or sixty people, among whom, on a visit of a recent\ntraveller there, there were but two nominal Christians. \u201cThe name\nof Christianity,\u201d says Emerson (p. 101), \u201cis forgotten, and the only\nsounds that disturb the silence of its desertion are the tones of the\nMuezzin, whose voice from the distant village (Eski-hissar) proclaims\nthe ascendency of Mahomet. Laodicea is even more solitary than Ephesus;\nfor the latter has the prospect of the rolling sea or of a whitening\nsail to enliven its decay; while the former sits in widowed loneliness,\nits walls are grass-grown, its temples desolate, its very name has\nperished.\u201d A thunderstorm gathered on the mountains at a distance while\nthis traveller was examining the ruins of Laodicea. He returned to\nEski-hissar, and waited until the fury of the storm had abated, but set\noff on his journey again before it had entirely ceased to blow and to\nrain. \u201cWe preferred,\u201d says he, \u201chastening on, to a farther delay in\nthat melancholy spot, where everything whispered desolation, and where\nthe very wind that swept impetuously through the valley sounded like\nthe fiendish laugh of time exulting over the destruction of man and his\nproudest monuments.\u201d See Professor Stuart, vol. ii. pp. 44, 45; Kitto\u2019s\n_Encyclo._; Smith\u2019s _Journey to the Seven Churches_, 1671; Leake,\nArundell, Hartley, MacFarlane, Pococke, &c. The engraving in this vol.\nwill furnish a representation of the ruins of Laodicea.\n\n\n 14 And unto the angel of the church [162]of the Laodiceans\n write; These things saith the [163]Amen, the faithful and true\n witness, the beginning of the creation of God;\n\n14. _And unto the angel of the church of the Laodiceans write._ See\nNotes on ch. i. 20. \u00b6 _These things saith the Amen._ Referring, as is\nthe case in every epistle, to some attribute of the speaker adapted\nto impress their minds, or to give peculiar force to what he was\nabout to say to that particular church. Laodicea was characterized by\nlukewarmness, and the reference to the fact that he who was about to\naddress them was the {98} \u201cAmen\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, was characterized by the\nsimple earnestness and sincerity denoted by that word\u2015\u2015was eminently\nfitted to make an impression on the minds of such a people. The word\n_Amen_ means _true_, _certain_, _faithful_; and, as used here, it means\nthat he to whom it is applied is eminently true and faithful. What\nhe affirms is true; what he promises or threatens is certain. Himself\ncharacterized by sincerity and truth (Notes on 2 Co. i. 20), he can\nlook with approbation only on the same thing in others: and hence he\nlooks with displeasure on the lukewarmness which, from its very nature,\nalways approximates insincerity. This was an attribute, therefore,\nevery way appropriate to be referred to in addressing a lukewarm church.\n\u00b6 _The faithful and true witness._ This is presenting the idea implied\nin the word _Amen_ in a more complete form, but substantially the same\nthing is referred to. He is a witness for God and his truth, and he\ncan approve of nothing which the God of truth would not approve. See\nNotes on ch. i. 5. \u00b6 _The beginning of the creation of God._ This\nexpression is a very important one in regard to the rank and dignity\nof the Saviour, and, like all similar expressions respecting him,\nits meaning has been much controverted. Comp. Notes on Col. i. 15.\nThe phrase here used is susceptible, properly, of only one of the\nfollowing significations, viz.: either (a) that he was the beginning\nof the creation in the sense that he caused the universe to begin to\nexist\u2015\u2015that is, that he was the author of all things; or (b) that he\nwas the first created being; or (c) that he holds the primacy over all,\nand is at the head of the universe. It is not necessary to examine any\nother proposed interpretations, for the only other senses supposed to\nbe conveyed by the words, that he is the beginning of the creation in\nthe sense that he rose from the dead as the first-fruits of them that\nsleep, or that he is the head of the _spiritual_ creation of God, are\nso foreign to the natural meaning of the words as to need no special\nrefutation. As to the three significations suggested above, it may be\nobserved, that the _first_ one\u2015\u2015that he is the _author_ of the creation,\nand in that sense the _beginning_\u2015\u2015though expressing a scriptural\ndoctrine (Jn. i. 3; Ep. iii. 9; Col. i. 16), is not in accordance\nwith the proper meaning of the word here used\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u1f74. The word properly\nrefers to the _commencement_ of a thing, not its _authorship_, and\ndenotes properly primacy in time, and primacy in rank, but not primacy\nin the sense of causing anything to exist. The two ideas which run\nthrough the word as it is used in the New Testament are those just\nsuggested. For the former\u2015\u2015primacy in regard to time\u2015\u2015that is properly\nthe commencement of a thing, see the following passages where the word\noccurs: Mat. xix. 4, 8; xxiv. 8, 21; Mar. i. 1; x. 6; xiii. 8, 19; Lu.\ni. 2; Jn. i. 1, 2; ii. 11; vi. 64; viii. 25, 44; xv. 27; xvi. 4; Ac.\nxi. 15; 1 Jn. i. 1; ii. 7, 13, 14, 24; iii. 8, 11; 2 Jn. 5, 6. For the\nlatter signification, primacy of rank or authority, see the following\nplaces: Lu. xii. 11; xx. 20; Ro. viii. 38; 1 Co. xv. 24; Ep. i. 21;\niii. 10; vi. 12; Col. i. 16, 18; ii. 10, 15; Tit. iii. 1. The word is\nnot, therefore, found in the sense of _authorship_, as denoting that\none is the _beginning_ of anything in the sense that he caused it to\nhave an existence. As to the _second_ of the significations suggested,\nthat it means that he was the _first created being_, it may be observed\n(a) that this is not a _necessary_ signification of the phrase, since\nno one can show that this is the _only_ proper meaning which could\nbe given to the words, and therefore the phrase cannot be adduced to\nprove that he is himself a created being. If it _were_ demonstrated\nfrom other sources that Christ was, in fact, a created being, and the\nfirst that God had made, it cannot be denied that this language would\nappropriately _express_ that fact. But it cannot be made out from the\nmere use of the language here; and as the language is susceptible of\nother interpretations, it cannot be employed to prove that Christ is\na created being. (b) Such an interpretation would be at variance with\nall those passages which speak of him as uncreated and eternal; which\nascribe Divine attributes to him; which speak of him as himself the\nCreator of all things. Comp. Jn. i. 1\u20123; Col. i. 16; He. i. 2, 6, 8,\n10\u201212. The _third_ signification, therefore, remains, that he is \u201cthe\nbeginning of the creation of God,\u201d in the sense that he is the head\nor prince of the creation; that is, that he presides over it so far\nas the purposes of redemption are to be accomplished, and so far as\nis necessary for those purposes. This is (1) in accordance with the\nmeaning of the word, Lu. xii. 11; xx. 20, _et al. ut supra_; and (2) in\naccordance with the uniform {99} statements respecting the Redeemer,\nthat \u201call power is given unto him in heaven and in earth\u201d (Mat. xxviii.\n18); that God has \u201cgiven him power over all flesh\u201d (Jn. xvii. 2); that\nall things are \u201cput under his feet\u201d (He. ii. 8; 1 Co. xv. 27); that he\nis exalted over all things, Ep. i. 20\u201222. Having this rank, it was\nproper that he should speak with authority to the church at Laodicea.\n\n\n 15 I know thy works, that thou art neither cold nor hot:\n [164]I would thou wert cold or hot.\n\n15. _I know thy works._ Notes on ch. ii. 2. \u00b6 _That thou art neither\ncold nor hot._ The word _cold_ here would seem to denote the state\nwhere there was no pretension to religion; where everything was utterly\nlifeless and dead. The language is obviously figurative, but it is\nsuch as is often employed, when we speak of one as being _cold_ towards\nanother, as having a cold or icy heart, &c. The word _hot_ would denote,\nof course, the opposite\u2015\u2015warm and zealous in their love and service.\nThe very words that we are constrained to use when speaking on this\nsubject\u2015\u2015such words as _ardent_ (i.e. _hot_ or _burning_); _fervid_\n(i.e. _very hot_, _burning_, _boiling_)\u2015\u2015show how necessary it is\nto use such words, and how common it is. The state indicated here,\ntherefore, would be that in which there was a profession of religion,\nbut no warm-hearted piety; in which there was not, on the one hand,\nopen and honest opposition to him, and, on the other, such warm-hearted\nand honest love as he had a right to look for among his professed\nfriends; in which there was a profession of that religion which _ought_\nto warm the heart with love, and fill the soul with zeal in the cause\nof the Redeemer; but where the only result, in fact, was deadness and\nindifference to him and his cause. Among those who made no profession\nhe had reason to expect nothing but coldness; among those who made a\nprofession he had a right to expect the glow of a warm affection; but\nhe found nothing but indifference. \u00b6 _I would thou wert cold or hot._\nThat is, I would prefer _either_ of those states to that which now\nexists. Anything better than this condition, where love is professed,\nbut where it does not exist; where vows have been assumed which are\nnot fulfilled. _Why_ he would prefer that they should be \u201chot\u201d is\nclear enough; but why would he prefer a state of utter coldness\u2015\u2015a\nstate where there was no profession of real love? To this question the\nfollowing answers may be given: (1) Such a state of open and professed\ncoldness or indifference is more _honest_. There is no disguise; no\nconcealment; no pretence. We know where one in this state \u201cmay be\nfound;\u201d we know with whom we are dealing; we know what to expect. Sad\nas the state is, it is at least honest; and we are so made that we all\nprefer such a character to one where professions are made which are\nnever to be realized\u2015\u2015to a state of insincerity and hypocrisy. (2) Such\na state is more _honourable_. It is a more elevated condition of mind,\nand marks a higher character. Of a man who is false to his engagements,\nwho makes professions and promises never to be realized, we can make\nnothing. There is essential meanness in such a character, and there is\nnothing in it which we can respect. But in the character of the man who\nis openly and avowedly opposed to anything; who takes his stand, and is\nearnest and zealous in his course, though it be wrong, there are traits\nwhich may be, under a better direction, elements of true greatness and\nmagnanimity. In the character of Saul of Tarsus there were always the\nelements of true greatness; in that of Judas Iscariot there were never.\nThe one was capable of becoming one of the noblest men that has ever\nlived on the earth; the other, even under the personal teaching of\nthe Redeemer for years, was nothing but a traitor\u2015\u2015a man of essential\nmeanness. (3) There is more hope of conversion and salvation in such\na case. There could always have been a ground of hope that Saul would\nbe converted and saved, even when \u201cbreathing out threatening and\nslaughter;\u201d of Judas, when numbered among the professed disciples of\nthe Saviour, there was no hope. The most hopeless of all persons, in\nregard to salvation, are those who are members of the church without\nany true religion; who have made a profession without any evidence\nof personal piety; who are content with a name to live. This is so,\nbecause (a) the essential character of {100} anyone who will allow\nhimself to _do this_ is eminently unfavourable to true religion. There\nis a lack of that thorough honesty and sincerity which is so necessary\nfor true conversion to God. He who is content to profess to be what\nhe really is not, is not a man on whom the truths of Christianity are\nlikely to make an impression. (b) Such a man never applies the truth\nto himself. Truth that is addressed to impenitent sinners he does\nnot apply to himself, of course; for he does not rank himself in that\nclass of persons. Truth addressed to hypocrites he _will_ not apply to\nhimself; for no one, however insincere and hollow he may be, chooses\nto act on the presumption that he is himself a hypocrite, or so as\nto leave others to suppose that he regards himself as such. The means\nof grace adapted to save a _sinner_, as such, he will not use; for\nhe is in the church, and chooses to regard himself as safe. Efforts\nmade to reclaim him he will resist; for he will regard it as proof of\na meddlesome spirit, and an uncharitable judging in others, if they\nconsider him to be anything different from what he professes to be.\nWhat right have they to go _back_ of his profession, and assume that he\nis insincere? As a consequence, there are probably fewer persons by far\nconverted of those who come into the church without any religion, than\nof any other class of persons of similar number; and the most hopeless\nof all conditions, in respect to conversion and salvation, is when\none enters the church deceived. (c) It may be presumed that, for these\nreasons, God himself will make less direct effort to convert and save\nsuch persons. As there are fewer appeals that can be brought to bear\non them; as there is less in their character that is noble, and that\ncan be depended on in promoting the salvation of a soul; and as there\nis special guilt in hypocrisy, it may be presumed that God will more\nfrequently leave such persons to their chosen course, than he will\nthose who make no professions of religion. Comp. Ps. cix. 17, 18;\nJe. vii. 16; xi. 14; xiv. 11; Is. i. 15; Ho. iv. 17.\n\n\n 16 So then because thou art lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot,\n I will spue thee out of my mouth.\n\n16. _So then because thou art lukewarm\u2015\u2015I will spue thee out of my\nmouth._ Referring, perhaps, to the well-known fact that tepid water\ntends to produce sickness at the stomach, and an inclination to\nvomit. The image is intensely strong, and denotes deep disgust and\nloathing at the indifference which prevailed in the church at Laodicea.\nThe idea is, that they would be utterly rejected and cast off as a\nchurch\u2015\u2015a threatening of which there has been an abundant fulfilment\nin subsequent times. It may be remarked, also, that what was threatened\nto that church may be expected to occur to all churches, if they are in\nthe same condition; and that all professing Christians, and Christian\nchurches, that are lukewarm, have special reason to dread the\nindignation of the Saviour.\n\n\n 17 Because thou sayest, [165]I am rich, and increased with\n goods, and have need of nothing; and knowest not that thou art\n wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked:\n\n17. _Because thou sayest, I am rich._ So far as the _language_ here is\nconcerned, this may refer either to riches literally, or to spiritual\nriches; that is, to a boast of having religion enough. Professor Stuart\nsupposes that it refers to the former, and so do Wetstein, Vitringa,\nand others. Doddridge, Rosenm\u00fcller, and others, understand it in the\nlatter sense. There is no doubt that there was much wealth in Laodicea,\nand that, as a people, they prided themselves on their riches. See the\nauthorities in Wetstein on Col. ii. 1, and Vitringa, p. 160. It is not\neasy to determine _which_ is the true sense; but may it not have been\nthat there was an allusion to _both_, and that, _in every respect_,\nthey boasted that they had enough? May it not have been so much the\ncharacteristic of that people to boast of their wealth, that they\ncarried the spirit into everything, and manifested it even in regard to\nreligion? Is it not true that they who have much of this world\u2019s goods,\nwhen they make a profession of religion, are very apt to suppose that\nthey are well off in everything, and to feel self-complacent and happy?\nAnd is not the possession of much wealth by an individual Christian, or\na Christian church, likely to produce just the lukewarmness which it is\nsaid existed in the church at Laodicea? If we thus understand it, {101}\nthere will be an accordance with the well-known fact that Laodicea\nwas distinguished for its riches, and, at the same time, with another\nfact, so common as to be almost universal, that the possession of\ngreat wealth tends to make a professed Christian self-complacent and\nsatisfied in every respect; to make him feel that, although he may not\nhave much _religion_, yet he is on the whole well off; and to produce,\nin religion, a state of just such lukewarmness as the Saviour here says\nwas loathsome and odious. \u00b6 _And increased with goods._ \u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03ba\u03b1\u2015\u2015\u201cI\nam enriched.\u201d This is only a more emphatic and intensive way of saying\nthe same thing. It has no reference to the _kind_ of riches referred\nto, but merely denotes the confident manner in which they affirmed\nthat they were rich. \u00b6 _And have need of nothing._ Still an emphatic\nand intensive way of saying that they were rich. In all respects\ntheir wants were satisfied; they had enough of everything. They\nfelt, therefore, no stimulus to effort; they sat down in contentment,\nself-complacency, and indifference. It is almost unavoidable that those\nwho are rich in this world\u2019s goods should feel that they have need of\n_nothing_. There is no more common illusion among men than the feeling\nthat if one has wealth he has everything; that there is no want of his\nnature which cannot be satisfied with that; and that he may now sit\ndown in contentment and ease. Hence the almost universal desire _to be_\nrich; hence the common feeling among those who _are_ rich that there is\nno occasion for solicitude or care for anything else. Comp. Lu. xii. 19.\n\u00b6 _And knowest not._ There is no just impression in regard to the real\npoverty and wretchedness of your condition. \u00b6 _That thou art wretched._\nThe word _wretched_ we now use to denote the actual consciousness of\nbeing miserable, as applicable to one who is sunk into deep distress\nor affliction. The word here, however, refers rather to the condition\nitself than to the consciousness of that condition, for it is said\nthat they did not _know_ it. Their state was, in fact, a miserable\nstate, and was fitted to produce actual distress if they had had any\njust sense of it, though they thought that it was otherwise. \u00b6 _And\nmiserable._ This word has, with us now, a similar signification; but\nthe term here used\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03bb\u03b5\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2\u2015\u2015rather means a _pitiable_ state than\none actually _felt_ to be so. The meaning is, that their condition was\none that was fitted to excite _pity_ or _compassion_; not that they\nwere actually miserable. Comp. Notes on 1 Co. xv. 19. \u00b6 _And poor._\nNotwithstanding all their boast of having enough. They really had not\nthat which was necessary to meet the actual wants of their nature, and,\ntherefore, they were poor. Their worldly property could not meet the\nwants of their souls; and, with all their pretensions to piety, they\nhad not religion enough to meet the necessities of their nature when\ncalamities should come, or when death should approach; and they were,\ntherefore, in the strictest sense of the term, _poor_. \u00b6 _And blind._\nThat is, in a spiritual respect. They did not see the reality of their\ncondition; they had no just views of themselves, of the character\nof God, of the way of salvation. This seems to be said in connection\nwith the boast which they made in their own minds\u2015\u2015that they had\n_everything_; that they wanted nothing. One of the great blessings of\nlife is clearness of vision, and their boast that they had everything\nmust have included that; but the speaker here says that they lacked\nthat indispensable thing to completeness of character and to full\nenjoyment. With all their boasting, they were actually _blind_,\u2015\u2015and\nhow could one who was in that state say that he \u201chad need of nothing?\u201d\n\u00b6 _And naked._ Of course, _spiritually_. Salvation is often represented\nas a garment (Mat. xxii. 11, 12; Re. vi. 11; vii. 9, 13, 14); and the\ndeclaration here is equivalent to saying that they had no religion.\nThey had nothing to cover the nakedness of the soul, and in respect to\nthe real wants of their nature they were like one who had no clothing\nin reference to cold, and heat, and storms, and to the shame of\nnakedness. How could such an one be regarded as rich? We may learn from\nthis instructive verse, (1) That men may think themselves to be rich,\nand yet, in fact, be miserably poor. They may have the wealth of this\nworld in abundance, and yet have nothing that really will meet their\nwants in disappointment, bereavement, sickness, death; the wants of\ntheir never-dying soul; their wants in eternity. What had the \u201crich\nfool,\u201d as he is commonly termed, in the parable, when he came to die?\nLu. xii. 16, {102} seq. What had \u201cDives,\u201d as he is commonly termed, to\nmeet the wants of his nature when he went down to hell? Lu. xvi. 19,\nseq. (2) Men may have much property, and think that they have all they\nwant, and yet be _wretched_. In the sense that their _condition_ is a\nwretched condition, this is always true; and in the sense that they are\nconsciously wretched, this may be, and often is, true also. (3) Men may\nhave great property, and yet be _miserable_. This is true in the sense\nthat their condition is a _pitiable_ one, and in the sense that they\nare actually _unhappy_. There is no more pitiable _condition_ than that\nwhere one has great property, and is self-complacent and proud, and who\nhas nevertheless no God, no Saviour, no hope of heaven, and who perhaps\nthat very day may \u201clift up his eyes in hell, being in torments;\u201d and\nit need not be added that there is no greater actual _misery_ in this\nworld than that which sometimes finds its way into the palaces of\nthe rich. He greatly errs who thinks that misery is confined to the\ncottages of the poor. (4) Men may be rich, and think they have all\nthat they want, and yet be _blind_ to their condition. They really\nhave no distinct vision of anything. They have no just views of God,\nof themselves, of their duty, of this world, or of the next. In most\nimportant respects they are in a worse condition than the inmates\nof an asylum for the blind, for they may have clear views of God and\nof heaven. Mental darkness is a greater calamity than the loss of\nnatural vision; and there is many an one who is surrounded by all\nthat affluence can give, who never yet had one correct view of his own\ncharacter, of his God, or of the reality of his condition, and whose\ncondition might have been far better if he had actually been born blind.\n(5) There may be gorgeous robes of adorning, and yet real nakedness.\nWith all the decorations that wealth can impart, there may be a\nnakedness of the soul as real as that of the body would be if, without\na rag to cover it, it were exposed to cold, and storm, and shame. The\nsoul destitute of the robes of salvation, is in a worse condition than\nthe body without raiment; for how can it bear the storms of wrath that\nshall beat upon it for ever, and the shame of its exposure in the last\ndread day?\n\n\n 18 I counsel thee to [166]buy of me gold tried in the fire,\n that thou mayest be rich; and white raiment, that thou mayest\n be clothed, and _that_ [167]the shame of thy nakedness do not\n appear; and anoint thine eyes with eye-salve, that thou mayest\n see.\n\n18. _I counsel thee to buy of me gold tried in the fire._ Pure gold;\nsuch as has been subjected to the action of heat to purify it from\ndross. See Notes on 1 Pe. i. 7. Gold here is emblematic of religion\u2015\u2015as\nbeing the most precious of the metals, and the most valued by men.\nThey professed to be rich, but were not; and he counsels them to obtain\nfrom him that which would make them truly rich. \u00b6 _That thou mayest be\nrich._ In the true and proper sense of the word. With true religion;\nwith the favour and friendship of the Redeemer, they would have all\nthat they really needed, and would never be in want. \u00b6 _And white\nraiment._ The emblem of purity and salvation. See Notes on ver. 4. This\nis said in reference to the fact (ver. 17) that they were then _naked_.\n\u00b6 _That thou mayest be clothed._ With the garments of salvation. This\nrefers, also, to true religion, meaning that that which the Redeemer\nfurnishes will answer the same purpose in respect to the soul which\nclothing does in reference to the body. Of course it cannot be\nunderstood literally, nor should the language be pressed too closely,\nas if there was too strict a resemblance. \u00b6 _And that the shame of thy\nnakedness do not appear._ We clothe the body as well for decency as for\nprotection against cold, and storm, and heat. The soul is to be clothed\nthat the \u201cshame\u201d of its sinfulness may not be exhibited, and that it\nmay not be offensive and repellant in the sight. \u00b6 _And anoint thine\neyes with eye- salve._ In allusion to the fact that they were _blind_,\nver. 17. The word _eye-salve_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015occurs nowhere else in\nthe New Testament. It is a diminutive from \u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u2015\u2015_collyra_\u2015\u2015a\ncoarse bread or cake, and means properly a small cake or cracknel.\nIt is applied to eye-salve as resembling such a cake, and refers to a\nmedicament prepared for sore or weak eyes. It was compounded of various\nsubstances supposed to have a healing {103} quality. See Wetstein, _in\nloco_. The reference here is to a spiritual healing\u2015\u2015meaning that, in\nrespect to their spiritual vision, what he would furnish would produce\nthe same effect as the collyrium or eye-salve would in diseased eyes.\nThe idea is, that the grace of the gospel enables men who were before\nblind to see clearly the character of God, the beauty of the way of\nsalvation, the loveliness of the person and work of Christ, &c. See\nNotes on Ep. i. 18.\n\n\n 19 As[168] many as I love, I rebuke and chasten: be zealous\n therefore, and repent.\n\n19. _As many as I love, I rebuke and chasten._ Of course, only on the\nsupposition that they deserve it. The meaning is, that it is a proof\nof love on his part, if his professed friends go astray, to recall them\nby admonitions and by trials. So a father calls back his children who\nare disobedient; and there is no higher proof of his love than when,\nwith great pain to himself, he administers such chastisement as shall\nsave his child. See the sentiment here expressed fully explained in\nthe Notes on He. xii. 6, seq. The language is taken from Pr. iii. 12.\n\u00b6 _Be zealous, therefore, and repent._ Be earnest, strenuous, ardent\nin your purpose to exercise true repentance, and to turn from the error\nof your ways. Lose no time; spare no labour, that you may obtain such\na state of mind that it shall not be necessary to bring upon you the\nsevere discipline which always comes on those who continue lukewarm in\nreligion. The _truth_ taught here is, that when the professed followers\nof Christ have become lukewarm in his service, they should lose no time\nin returning to him, and seeking his favour again. As sure as he has\nany true love for them, if this is not done he will bring upon them\nsome heavy calamity, alike to rebuke them for their errors, and to\nrecover them to himself.\n\n\n 20 Behold, I stand at the door, and [169]knock: [170]if any\n man hear my voice, and open the door, I will come in to him,\n and will sup with him, and he with me.\n\n20. _Behold, I stand at the door, and knock._ Intimating that, though\nthey had erred, the way of repentance and hope was not closed against\nthem. He was still willing to be gracious, though their conduct had\nbeen such as to be loathsome, ver. 16. To see the real force of this\nlanguage, we must remember how disgusting and offensive their conduct\nhad been to him. And yet he was willing, notwithstanding this, to\nreceive them to his favour; nay more, he stood and pled with them\nthat he might be received with the hospitality that would be shown to\na friend or stranger. The _language_ here is so plain that it scarcely\nneeds explanation. It is taken from an act when we approach a dwelling,\nand, by a well-understood sign\u2015\u2015_knocking_\u2015\u2015announce our presence, and\nask for admission. The act of _knocking_ implies two things: (a) that\nwe desire admittance; and (b) that we recognize the right of him who\ndwells in the house to open the door to us or not, as he shall please.\nWe would not obtrude upon him; we would not force his door; and if,\nafter we are sure that we are heard, we are not admitted, we turn\nquietly away. Both of these things are implied here by the language\nused by the Saviour when he approaches man as represented under the\nimage of knocking at the door: that he _desires_ to be admitted to our\nfriendship; and that he recognizes our _freedom_ in the matter. He does\nnot obtrude himself upon us, nor does he employ force to find admission\nto the heart. If admitted, he comes and dwells with us; if rejected,\nhe turns quietly away\u2015\u2015perhaps to return and knock again, perhaps\nnever to come back. The language here used, also, may be understood as\napplicable to all persons, and to all the methods by which the Saviour\nseeks to come into the heart of a sinner. It would properly refer to\nanything which would announce his presence:\u2015\u2015his word; his Spirit;\nthe solemn events of his providence; the invitations of his gospel.\nIn these and in other methods he comes to man; and the manner in which\nthese invitations ought to be estimated would be seen by supposing that\nhe came to us personally and solicited our friendship, and proposed\nto be our Redeemer. It may be added here, that this expression proves\nthat the attempt at reconciliation begins with the Saviour. It is not\nthat the sinner goes out to meet him, or to seek for him; it is that\nthe Saviour _presents himself_ at the door of the heart, as if he were\ndesirous {104} to enjoy the friendship of man. This is in accordance\nwith the uniform language of the New Testament, that \u201cGod so loved the\nworld as to _give_ his only-begotten Son;\u201d that \u201cChrist came to _seek_\nand to save the lost;\u201d that the Saviour says, \u201cCome unto me, all ye\nthat labour and are heavy laden,\u201d &c. Salvation, in the Scriptures, is\nnever represented as originated by man. \u00b6 _If any man hear my voice._\nPerhaps referring to a custom then prevailing, that he who knocked\nspake, in order to let it be known who it was. This might be demanded\nin the night (Lu. xi. 5), or when there was apprehension of danger,\nand it may have been the custom when John wrote. The language here,\nin accordance with the uniform usage in the Scriptures (comp. Is.\nlv. 1; Jn. vii. 37; Re. xxii. 17), is universal, and proves that the\ninvitations of the gospel are made, and are _to be_ made, not to a part\nonly, but fully and freely to all men; for, although this originally\nhad reference to the members of the church in Laodicea, yet the\nlanguage chosen seems to have been of design so universal (\u1f10\u03ac\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2) as\nto be applicable to every human being; and anyone, of any age and in\nany land, would be authorized to apply this to himself, and, under the\nprotection of this invitation, to come to the Saviour, and to plead\nthis promise as one that fairly included himself. It may be observed\nfarther, that this also recognizes the freedom of man. It is submitted\nto him whether he will hear the voice of the Redeemer or not; and\nwhether he will open the door and admit him or not. He speaks loud\nenough, and distinctly enough, to be heard, but he does not force the\ndoor if it is not voluntarily opened. \u00b6 _And open the door._ As one\nwould when a stranger or friend stood and knocked. The meaning here is\nsimply, if anyone will _admit_ me; that is, receive me as a friend. The\nact of receiving him is as voluntary on our part as it is when we rise\nand open the door to one who knocks. It may be added, (1) that this is\nan _easy_ thing. Nothing is more easy than to open the door when one\nknocks; and so everywhere in the Scriptures it is represented as an\neasy thing, if the heart is willing, to secure the salvation of the\nsoul. (2) This is a _reasonable_ thing. We invite him who knocks at the\ndoor to come in. We always assume, unless there is reason to suspect\nthe contrary, that he applies for peaceful and friendly purposes. We\ndeem it the height of rudeness to let one stand and knock long; or\nto let him go away with no friendly invitation to enter our dwelling.\nYet how different does the sinner treat the Saviour! How long does he\nsuffer him to knock at the door of his heart, with no invitation to\nenter\u2015\u2015no act of common civility such as that with which he would greet\neven a stranger! And with how much coolness and indifference does he\nsee him turn away\u2015\u2015perhaps to come back no more, and with no desire\nthat he ever should return! \u00b6 _I will come in to him, and will sup with\nhim, and he with me._ This is an image denoting intimacy and friendship.\nSupper, with the ancients, was the principal social meal; and the idea\nhere is, that between the Saviour and those who would receive him there\nwould be the intimacy which subsists between those who sit down to a\nfriendly meal together. In all countries and times, to eat together,\nto break bread together, has been the symbol of friendship, and this\nthe Saviour promises here. The _truths_, then, which are taught in this\nverse, are, (1) that the invitation of the gospel is made to all\u2015\u2015\u201cif\n_any_ man hear my voice;\u201d (2) that the movement towards reconciliation\nand friendship is originated by the Saviour\u2015\u2015\u201cbehold, I stand at\nthe door and knock;\u201d (3) that there is a recognition of our own free\nagency in religion\u2015\u2015\u201cif any man will hear my voice, and open the door;\u201d\n(4) the _ease_ of the terms of salvation, represented by \u201chearing\nhis voice,\u201d and \u201copening the door;\u201d and (5) the blessedness of thus\nadmitting him, arising from his friendship\u2015\u2015\u201cI will sup with him, and\nhe with me.\u201d What friend can man have who would confer so many benefits\non him as the Lord Jesus Christ? Who is there that he should so gladly\nwelcome to his bosom?\n\n\n 21 To him that [171]overcometh will I grant to [172]sit with\n me in my throne, even as [173]I also overcame, and am set down\n with my Father in his throne.\n\n21. _To him that overcometh._ See Notes on ch. ii. 7. \u00b6 _Will I grant\nto sit with me in my throne._ That is, {105} they will share his\nhonours and his triumphs. See Notes on ch. ii. 26, 27; comp. Notes on\nRo. viii. 17. \u00b6 _Even as I also overcame._ As I gained a victory over\nthe world, and over the power of the tempter. As the reward of this, he\nis exalted to the throne of the universe (Phi. ii. 6\u201211), and in these\nhonours, achieved by their great and glorious Head, all the redeemed\nwill share. \u00b6 _And am set down with my Father in his throne._ Comp.\nNotes on Phi. ii. 6\u201211. That is, he has dominion over the universe.\nAll things are put under his feet, and in the strictest unison and\nwith perfect harmony he is united with the Father in administering\nthe affairs of all worlds. The dominion of the Father is that of the\nSon\u2015\u2015that of the Son is that of the Father; for they are one. See Notes\non Jn. v. 19; comp. Notes on Ep. i. 20\u201222; 1 Co. xv. 24\u201228.\n\n\n 22 He[174] that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit\n saith unto the churches.\n\n22. _He that hath an ear_, &c. See Notes on ch. ii. 7.\n\nThis closes the epistolary part of this book, and the \u201cvisions\u201d\nproperly commence with the next chapter. Two remarks may be made\nin the conclusion of this exposition. (1) The first relates to the\ntruthfulness of the predictions in these epistles. As an illustration\nof that truthfulness, and of the present correspondence of the\ncondition of those churches with what the Saviour said to John they\nwould be, the following striking passage may be introduced from\nMr. Gibbon. It occurs in his description of the conquests of the Turks\n(_Decline and Fall_, iv. 260, 261). \u201cTwo Turkish chieftains, Sarukhan\nand Aidin left their names to their conquests, and their conquests\nto their posterity. The captivity or ruin of the _seven_ churches\nof Asia was consummated; and the barbarous lords of Ionia and Lydia\nstill trample on the monuments of classic and Christian antiquity.\nIn the loss of Ephesus, the Christians deplored the fall of the first\nangel, the extinction of the first candlestick of the Revelations: the\ndesolation is complete; and the temple of Diana, or the church of Mary,\nwill equally elude the search of the curious traveller. The circus\nand three stately theatres of Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and\nfoxes; Sardis is reduced to a miserable village; the God of Mahomet,\nwithout a rival or a son, is invoked in the mosques of Thyatira and\nPergamos; and the populousness of Smyrna is supported by the foreign\ntrade of Franks and Armenians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by\nprophecy or courage. At a distance from the sea, forgotten by the\nemperors, encompassed on all sides by the Turks, her valiant citizens\ndefended their religion and freedom above fourscore years, and at\nlength capitulated with the proudest of the Ottomans. Among the Greek\ncolonies and churches of Asia, Philadelphia is still erect, a column\nin a scene of ruins; a pleasing example that the paths of honour and\nsafety may sometimes be the same.\u201d\n\n(2) The second remark relates to the applicability of these important\ntruths to us. There is perhaps no part of the New Testament more\nsearching than these brief epistles to the seven churches; and though\nthose to whom they were addressed have long since passed away, and the\nchurches have long since become extinct; though darkness, error, and\ndesolation have come over the places where these churches once stood,\nyet the principles laid down in these epistles still live, and they\nare full of admonition to Christians in all ages and all lands. It is\na consideration of as much importance to us as it was to these churches,\nthat the Saviour now knows our works; that he sees in the church, and\nin any individual, all that there is to commend and all that there is\nto reprove; that he has power to reward or punish now as he had then;\nthat the same rules in apportioning rewards and punishments will still\nbe acted on; that he who overcomes the temptations of the world will\nfind an appropriate reward; that those who live in sin must meet with\nthe proper recompense, and that those who are lukewarm in his service\nwill be spurned with unutterable loathing. His rebukes are awful;\nbut his promises are full of tenderness and kindness. While they who\nhave embraced error, and they who are living in sin, have occasion to\ntremble before him, they who are endeavouring to perform their duty\nmay find in these epistles enough to cheer their hearts, and to animate\nthem with the hope of final victory, and of the most ample and glorious\nreward.\n\n\n\n\n {106} CHAPTER IV.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter properly commences the series of visions respecting\nfuture events, and introduces those remarkable symbolical descriptions\nwhich were designed to cheer the hearts of those to whom the book was\nfirst sent, in their trials, and the hearts of all believers in all\nages, with the assurance of the final triumph of the gospel. See the\nIntroduction.\n\nIn regard to the _nature_ of these visions, or the state of mind of\nthe writer, there have been different opinions. Some have supposed that\nall that is described was made only to pass before the mind, with no\nvisible representation; others, that there were visible representations\nso made to him that he could copy them; others, that all that is said\nor seen was only the production of the author\u2019s imagination. The latter\nis the view principally entertained by German writers on the book.\nAll that would seem to be apparent on the face of the book\u2015\u2015and that\nis all that we can judge by\u2015\u2015is, that the following things occurred:\n(1) The writer was in a devout frame of mind\u2015\u2015a state of holy\ncontemplation\u2015\u2015when the scenes were represented to him, ch. i. 10.\n\n(2) The representations were supernatural; that is, they were something\nwhich was disclosed to him, in that state of mind, beyond any natural\nreach of his faculties. (3) These things were so made to pass before\nhim that they had the aspect of reality, and he could copy and describe\nthem as real. It is not necessary to suppose that there was any\nrepresentation to the bodily eye; but they had, to his mind, such a\nreality that he could describe them as pictures or symbols\u2015\u2015and his\noffice was limited to that. He does not attempt to _explain_ them, nor\ndoes he intimate that he understood them; but his office pertains to\nan accurate _record_\u2015\u2015a fair transcript\u2015\u2015of what passed before his\nmind. For anything that appears, he may have been as ignorant of their\nsignification as any of his readers, and may have subsequently studied\nthem with the same kind of attention which we now give to them (comp.\nNotes on 1 Pe. i. 11, 12), and may have, perhaps, remained ignorant of\ntheir signification to the day of his death. It is no more necessary to\nsuppose that he understood all that was implied in these symbols, than\nit is that one who can describe a beautiful landscape understands all\nthe laws of the plants and flowers in the landscape; or, that one who\ncopies all the designs and devices of armorial bearings in heraldry,\nshould understand all that is meant by the symbols that are used; or,\nthat one who should copy the cuneiform inscriptions of Persepolis,\nor the hieroglyphics of Thebes, should understand the meaning of the\nsymbols. All that is demanded or expected, in such a case, is, that the\n_copy_ should be accurately made; and, _when_ made, this copy may be as\nmuch an object of study to him who made it as to anyone else. (4) Yet\nthere was a sense in which these symbols were _real_; that is, they\nwere a real and proper delineation of future events. They were not\nthe mere workings of the imagination. He who saw them in vision though\nthere may have been no representation to the eye, had before him what\nwas a real and appropriate representation of coming events. If not, the\nvisions are as worthless as dreams are.\n\nThe visions open (ch. iv.) with a _Theophany_, or a representation of\nGod. John is permitted to look into heaven, and to have a view of the\nthrone of God, and of the worship celebrated there. A _door_ (\u03b8\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1) or\nopening is made into heaven, so that he, as it were, looks _through_\nthe concave above, and sees what is beyond. He sees the throne of God,\nand him who sits on the throne, and the worshippers there; he sees the\nlightnings play around the throne, and hears the thunder\u2019s roar; he\nsees the rainbow that encompasses the throne, and hears the songs of\nthe worshippers. In reference to this vision, at the commencement of\nthe series of symbols which he was about to describe, and the _reason_\nwhy this was vouchsafed to him, the following remarks may be suggested:\n(1) There is, in some respects, a striking resemblance between this and\nthe visions of Isaiah (ch. vi.) and Ezekiel (ch. i.). As those prophets,\nwhen about to enter on their office, were solemnly inaugurated by being\npermitted to have a vision of the Almighty, so John was inaugurated\nto the office of making known future things\u2015\u2015the last prophet of\nthe world\u2015\u2015by a similar vision. We shall see, indeed, that the\nrepresentation made to John was not precisely the same as that which\nwas made to Isaiah or that which was {107} made to Ezekiel; but the\nmost striking symbols are retained, and that of John is as much adapted\nto impress the mind as either of the others. Each of them describes the\nthrone, and the attending circumstances of sublimity and majesty; each\nof them speaks of one on the throne, but neither of them has attempted\nany description of the Almighty. There is no delineation of an image,\nor a figure representing God, but everything respecting him is veiled\nin such obscurity as to fill the mind with awe. (2) The representation\nis such as to produce deep solemnity on the mind of the writer and\nthe reader. Nothing could have been better adapted to prepare the mind\nof John for the important communications which he was about to make\nthan to be permitted to look, as it were, directly into heaven, and\nto see the throne of God. And nothing is better fitted to impress the\nmind of the reader than the view which is furnished, in the opening\nvision, of the majesty and glory of God. Brought, as it were, into his\nvery presence; permitted to look upon his burning throne; seeing the\nreverent and profound worship of the inhabitants of heaven, we feel\nour minds awed, and our souls subdued, as we hear the God of heaven\nspeak, and as we see seal after seal opened, and hear trumpet after\ntrumpet utter its voice. (3) The form of the manifestation\u2015\u2015the opening\nvision\u2015\u2015is eminently fitted to show us that the communications in this\nbook proceed from heaven. Looking into heaven, and seeing the vision\nof the Almighty, we are prepared to feel that what follows has a higher\nthan any human origin; that it has come direct from the throne of\nGod. And (4) there was a propriety that the visions should open with\na manifestation of the throne of God in heaven, or with a vision of\nheaven, because that, also, is the _termination_ of the whole; it is\nthat to which all the visions in the book tend. It begins in heaven, as\nseen by the exile in Patmos; it terminates in heaven, when all enemies\nof the church are subdued, and the redeemed reign triumphant in glory.\n\nThe substance of the introductory vision in this chapter can be stated\nin few words: (a) A door is opened, and John is permitted to look into\nheaven, and to see what is passing there, ver. 1, 2. (b) The first\nthing that strikes him is a throne, with one sitting on the throne,\nver. 2. (c) The appearance of him who sits upon the throne is described,\nver. 3. He is \u201clike a jasper and a sardine stone.\u201d There is no attempt\nto portray his form; there is no description from which an image could\nbe formed that could become an object of idolatrous worship\u2015\u2015for who\nwould undertake to chisel anything so indefinite as that which is\nmerely \u201c_like_ a jasper or a sardine stone?\u201d And yet the description\nis distinct enough to fill the mind with emotions of awe and sublimity,\nand to leave the impression that he who sat on the throne was a pure\nand holy God. (d) Round about the throne there was a bright rainbow: a\nsymbol of peace, ver. 3. (e) Around the throne are gathered the elders\nof the church, having on their heads crowns of gold: symbols of the\nultimate triumph of the church, ver. 4. (f) Thunder and lightning, as\nat Sinai, announce the presence of God, and seven burning lamps before\nthe throne represent the Spirit of God, in his diversified operations,\nas going forth through the world to enlighten, sanctify, and save,\nver. 5. (g) Before the throne there is a pellucid pavement, as of\ncrystal, spread out like a sea: emblem of calmness, majesty, peace,\nand wide dominion, ver. 6. (h) The throne is supported by four living\ncreatures, full of eyes: emblems of the all-seeing power of him that\nsits upon the throne, and of his ever-watchful providence, ver. 6.\n(i) To each one of these living creatures there is a peculiar symbolic\nface: respectively emblematic of the authority, the power, the wisdom\nof God, and of the rapidity with which the purposes of Providence are\nexecuted, ver. 7. All are furnished with wings: emblematic of their\nreadiness to do the will of God (ver. 8), but each one individually\nwith a peculiar form. (j) All these creatures pay ceaseless homage\nto God, whose throne they are represented as supporting: emblematic\nof the fact that all the operations of the divine government do, in\nfact, promote his glory, and, as it were, render him praise, ver. 8, 9.\n(k) To this the elders, the representatives of the church, respond:\nrepresenting the fact that the church acquiesces in all the\narrangements of Providence, and in the execution of all the divine\npurposes, and finds in them all ground for adoration and thanksgiving,\nver. 10, 11.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n AFTER this I looked, and, behold, a door _was_ opened in\n heaven; and the first [175]voice which I heard _was_ as it\n were of a trumpet talking with me; which said, [176]Come up\n hither, and I will show thee things which must be hereafter.\n\n1. _After this._ Gr., \u201cAfter these things;\u201d that is, after what he\nhad seen, {108} and after what he had been directed to record in the\npreceding chapters. How long after these things this occurred, he\ndoes not say\u2015\u2015whether on the same day, or at some subsequent time;\nand conjecture would be useless. The _scene_, however, is changed.\nInstead of seeing the Saviour standing before him (ch. i.), the scene\nis transferred to heaven, and he is permitted to look in upon the\nthrone of God, and upon the worshippers there. \u00b6 _I looked._ Gr.,\n_I saw_\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd. Our word _look_ would rather indicate _purpose_ or\n_intention_, as if he had _designedly_ directed his attention to\nheaven, to see what could be discovered there. The meaning, however,\nis simply that he saw a new vision, without intimating whether there\nwas any _design_ on his part, and without saying how his thoughts came\nto be directed to heaven. \u00b6 _A door |was| opened._ That is, there was\napparently an opening in the sky like a door, so that he could look\ninto heaven. \u00b6 _In heaven._ Or, rather, in the expanse above\u2015\u2015in the\nvisible heavens as they appear to spread out over the earth. So Eze.\ni. 1, \u201cThe heavens were opened, and I saw visions of God.\u201d The Hebrews\nspoke of the sky above as a solid expanse; or as a curtain stretched\nout; or as an extended arch above the earth\u2015\u2015describing it as it\n_appears_ to the eye. In that expanse, or arch, the stars are set as\ngems (comp. Notes on Is. xxxiv. 4); through apertures or windows in\nthat expanse the rain comes down, Ge. vii. 11; and that is opened when\na heavenly messenger comes down to the earth, Mat. iii. 16. Comp. Lu.\niii. 21; Ac. vii. 56; x. 11. Of course, all this is figurative, but it\nis such language as all men naturally use. The simple meaning here is,\nthat John had a vision of what is in heaven _as if_ there had been such\nan opening made through the sky, and he had been permitted to look into\nthe world above. \u00b6 _And the first voice which I heard._ That is, the\nfirst sound which he heard was a command to come up and see the glories\nof that world. He afterwards heard other sounds\u2015\u2015the sounds of praise;\nbut the first notes that fell on his ear were a direction to come up\nthere and receive a revelation respecting future things. This does not\nseem to me to mean, as Professor Stuart, Lord, and others suppose, that\nhe now recognized the voice which had _first_, or formerly spoken to\nhim (ch. i. 10), but that this was the _first_ in contradistinction\nfrom other voices which he afterwards heard. It resembled the former\n\u201cvoice\u201d in this, that it was \u201clike the sound of a trumpet,\u201d but besides\nthat there does not seem to have been anything that would suggest to\nhim that it came from the same source. It is certainly possible that\nthe Greek would admit of that interpretation, but it is not the most\nobvious or probable. \u00b6 _|Was| as it were of a trumpet._ It resembled\nthe sound of a trumpet, ch. i. 10. \u00b6 _Talking with me._ As of a trumpet\nthat seemed to speak directly to me. \u00b6 _Which said._ That is, the\nvoice said. \u00b6 _Come up hither._ To the place whence the voice seemed\nto proceed\u2015\u2015heaven. \u00b6 _And I will show thee things which must be\nhereafter._ Gr., \u201cafter these things.\u201d The reference is to future\nevents; and the meaning is, that there would be disclosed to him\nevents that were to occur at some future period. There is no intimation\nhere _when_ they would occur, or what would be embraced in the period\nreferred to. All that the words would properly convey would be, that\nthere would be a disclosure of things that were to occur in some future\ntime.\n\n\n 2 And immediately I was [177]in the Spirit: and, behold, a\n [178]throne was set in heaven, and [179]_one_ sat on the\n throne.\n\n2. _And immediately I was in the Spirit._ See Notes on ch. i. 10.\nHe does not affirm that he was caught up into heaven, nor does he say\nwhat impression was on his own mind, if any, as to the place where he\nwas; but he was at once absorbed in the contemplation of the visions\nbefore him. He was doubtless still in Patmos, and these things were\nmade to pass before his mind as a reality; that is, they appeared as\nreal to him as if he saw them, and they were in fact a real symbolical\nrepresentation {109} of things occurring in heaven. \u00b6 _And, behold,\na throne was set in heaven._ That is, a throne was _placed_ there.\nThe first thing that arrested his attention was a throne. This was\n\u201cin heaven\u201d\u2015\u2015an expression which proves that the scene of the vision\nwas not the temple in Jerusalem, as some have supposed. There is no\nallusion to the temple, and no imagery drawn from the temple. Isaiah\nhad his vision (Is. vi.) in the holy of holies of the temple; Ezekiel\n(ch. i. 1), by the river Chebar; but John looked directly into heaven,\nand saw the throne of God, and the encircling worshippers there.\n\u00b6 _And |one| sat on the throne._ It is remarkable that John gives\nno description of him who sat on the throne, nor does he indicate\nwho he was by name. Neither do Isaiah or Ezekiel attempt to describe\nthe appearance of the Deity, nor are there any intimations of that\nappearance given from which a picture or an image could be formed. So\nmuch do their representations accord with what is demanded by correct\ntaste; and so sedulously have they guarded against any encouragement of\nidolatry.\n\n\n 3 And he that sat was to look upon like a jasper and a sardine\n stone: and _there was_ a rainbow round about the throne, in\n sight like unto an emerald.\n\n3. _And he that sat was to look upon._ Was in appearance; or, as I\nlooked upon him, this seemed to be his appearance. He does not describe\nhis form, but his splendour. \u00b6 _Like a jasper_\u2015\u2015\u1f30\u03ac\u03c3\u03c0\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9. The jasper,\nproperly, is \u201can opaque, impure variety of quartz, of red, yellow, and\nalso of some dull colours, breaking with a smooth surface. It admits\nof a high polish, and is used for vases, seals, snuff-boxes, &c. When\nthe colours are in stripes or bands, it is called _striped jasper_\u201d\n(Dana, in Webster\u2019s _Dictionary_). The _colour_ here is not designated,\nwhether red or yellow. As the red was, however, the common colour worn\nby princes, it is probable that that was the colour that appeared,\nand that John means to say that he appeared like a prince in his royal\nrobes. Comp. Is. vi. 1. \u00b6 _And a sardine stone_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b4\u03af\u1ff3. This denotes\na precious stone of a blood-red, or sometimes of a flesh-colour,\nmore commonly known by the name of _carnelian_ (Rob. _Lex._). Thus\nit corresponds with the jasper, and this is only an additional\ncircumstance to convey the exact idea in the mind of John, that the\nappearance of him who sat on the throne was that of a prince in his\nscarlet robes. This is all the description which he gives of his\nappearance; and this is (a) entirely appropriate, as it suggests the\nidea of a prince or a monarch; and (b) it is well adapted to impress\nthe mind with a sense of the majesty of Him who cannot be described,\nand of whom no image should be attempted. Comp. De. iv. 12: \u201cYe heard\nthe voice of the words, but saw no similitude.\u201d \u00b6 _And |there was| a\nrainbow round about the throne._ This is a beautiful image, and was\nprobably designed to be emblematical as well as beautiful. The previous\nrepresentation is that of majesty and splendour; this is adapted to\ntemper the majesty of the representation. The rainbow has always, from\nits own nature, and from its associations, been an emblem of peace. It\nappears on the cloud as the storm passes away. It contrasts beautifully\nwith the tempest that has just been raging. It is seen as the rays\nof the sun again appear clothing all things with beauty\u2015\u2015the more\nbeautiful from the fact that the storm has come, and that the rain has\nfallen. If the rain has been gentle, nature smiles serenely, and the\nleaves and flowers refreshed appear clothed with new beauty: if the\nstorm has raged violently, the appearance of the rainbow is a pledge\nthat the war of the elements has ceased, and that God smiles again upon\nthe earth. It reminds us, too, of the \u201ccovenant\u201d when God did \u201cset his\nbow in the cloud,\u201d and solemnly promised that the earth should no more\nbe destroyed by a flood, Ge. ix. 9\u201216. The appearance of the rainbow,\ntherefore, around the throne, was a beautiful emblem of the mercy of\nGod, and of the peace that was to pervade the world as the result of\nthe events that were to be disclosed to the vision of John. True, there\nwere lightnings and thunderings and voices, but there the bow abode\ncalmly above them all, assuring him that there was to be mercy and\npeace. \u00b6 _In sight like unto an emerald._ The emerald is green, and\nthis colour so predominated in the bow that it seemed to be made of\nthis species of precious stone. The modified and mild colour of green\nappears to everyone to predominate in the rainbow. Ezekiel (i. 28) has\nintroduced the image of the rainbow, also, in his description of the\nvision that appeared to {110} him, though not as calmly encircling the\nthrone, but as descriptive of the general appearance of the scene. \u201cAs\nis the appearance of the bow that is on the cloud in the day of rain,\nso was the appearance of the brightness round about.\u201d Milton, also,\nhas introduced it, but it is also as a part of the colouring of the\nthrone:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cOver their heads a crystal firmament,\n Whereon a sapphire throne, inlaid with pure\n Amber, and colours of the showery arch.\u201d\n _Par. Lost_, b. vii.\n\n\n 4 And round about the throne _were_ [180]four and twenty\n seats: and upon the seats I saw four and twenty elders sitting,\n [181]clothed in white raiment; and they had on their heads\n [182]crowns of gold.\n\n4. _And round about the throne |were| four and twenty seats._ Or rather\n_thrones_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u2015\u2015the same word being used as that which is rendered\n_throne_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2. The word, indeed, properly denotes _a seat_, but it\ncame to be employed to denote particularly the seat on which a monarch\nsat, and is properly translated thus in ver. 2, 3. So it is rendered\nin Mat. v. 34; xix. 28; xxiii. 22; xxv. 31; Lu. i. 32; and uniformly\nelsewhere in the New Testament (fifty-three places in all), except in\nLu. i. 52; Re. ii. 13; iv. 4; xi. 16; xvi. 10, where it is rendered\n_seat_ and _seats_. It should have been rendered _thrones_ here, and\nis so translated by Professor Stuart. Coverdale and Tyndale render the\nword _seat_ in each place in ver. 2\u20125. It was undoubtedly the design of\nthe writer to represent those who sat on those seats as, in some sense,\n_kings_\u2015\u2015for they have on their heads crowns of gold\u2015\u2015and that idea\nshould have been retained in the translation of this word. \u00b6 _And upon\nthe seats I saw four and twenty elders sitting._ Very various opinions\nhave been entertained in respect to those who thus appeared sitting\naround the throne, and to the question why the number twenty-four is\nmentioned. Instead of examining those opinions at length, it will be\nbetter to present, in a summary manner, what seems to be probable in\nregard to the intended reference. The following points, then, would\nappear to embrace all that can be known on this subject. (1) These\nelders have a regal character, or are of a kingly order. This is\napparent, (a) because they are represented as sitting on \u201cthrones,\u201d\nand (b) because they have on their heads \u201ccrowns of gold.\u201d (2) They are\nemblematic. They are designed to symbolize or represent some class of\npersons. This is clear, (a) because it cannot be supposed that so small\na number would compose the whole of those who are in fact around the\nthrone of God, and (b) because there are _other_ symbols there designed\nto represent something pertaining to the homage rendered to God, as the\nfour living creatures and the angels, and this supposition is necessary\nin order to complete the symmetry and harmony of the representation.\n(3) They are human beings, and are designed to have some relation to\nthe race of man, and somehow to connect the human race with the worship\nof heaven. The four living creatures have another design; the angels\n(ch. v.) have another; but these are manifestly of our race\u2015\u2015persons\nfrom this world before the throne. (4) They are designed in some way\nto be symbolic of the church as redeemed. Thus they say (ch. v. 9),\n\u201cThou hast redeemed us to God by thy blood.\u201d (5) They are designed to\nrepresent the _whole_ church in every land and every age of the world.\nThus they say (ch. v. 9), \u201cThou hast redeemed us to God by thy blood,\n_out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation_.\u201d This shows,\nfurther, that the whole representation is emblematic; for otherwise in\nso small a number\u2015\u2015twenty-four\u2015\u2015there could not be a representation out\nof every nation. (6) They represent the church triumphant\u2015\u2015the church\nvictorious. Thus they have crowns on their heads; they have harps in\ntheir hands (ch. v. 8); they say that they are \u201ckings and priests,\u201d\nand that they will \u201creign on the earth,\u201d ch. v. 10. (7) The design,\ntherefore, is to represent the church triumphant\u2015\u2015redeemed\u2015\u2015saved\u2015\u2015as\nrendering praise and honour to God; as uniting with the hosts of heaven\nin adoring him for his perfections and for the wonders of his grace.\nAs representatives of the church, they are admitted near to him; they\nencircle his throne; they appear victorious over every foe; and they\ncome, in unison with the living creatures, and the angels, and the\nwhole universe (ch. v. 13), to ascribe power and dominion to God.\n(8) As to the reason why the {111} number \u201ctwenty-four\u201d is mentioned,\nperhaps nothing certain can be determined. Ezekiel, in his vision\n(Eze. viii. 16; xi. 1), saw twenty-five men between the porch and the\naltar, with their backs toward the temple, and their faces toward the\nearth\u2015\u2015supposed to be representations of the twenty-four \u201ccourses\u201d\ninto which the body of priests was divided (1 Ch. xxiv. 3\u201219), with\nthe high-priest among them, making up the number twenty-five. It is\n_possible_ that John in this vision may have designed to refer to\nthe church considered _as_ a priesthood (comp. Notes on 1 Pe. ii. 9),\nand to have alluded to the fact that the priesthood under the Jewish\neconomy was divided into twenty-four courses, each with a presiding\nofficer, and who was a representative of that portion of the priesthood\nover which he presided. If so, then the ideas which enter into the\nrepresentation are these: (a) That the whole church may be represented\nas a priesthood, or a community of priests\u2015\u2015an idea which frequently\noccurs in the New Testament. (b) That the church, as such a community\nof priests, is employed in the praise and worship of God\u2015\u2015an idea, also,\nwhich finds abundant countenance in the New Testament. (c) That, in\na series of visions having a designed reference to the church, it was\nnatural to introduce some symbol or emblem representing the church,\nand representing the fact that this is its office and employment. And\n(d) that this would be well expressed by an allusion derived from the\nancient dispensation\u2015\u2015the division of the priesthood into classes, over\neach one of which there presided an individual who might be considered\nas the representative of his class. It is to be observed, indeed, that\nin _one_ respect they are represented as \u201ckings,\u201d but still this does\nnot forbid the supposition that there might have been intermingled also\n_another_ idea, that they were also \u201cpriests.\u201d Thus the two ideas are\nblended by these same elders in ch. v. 10: \u201cAnd hath made us unto our\nGod _kings_ and _priests_.\u201d Thus understood, the vision is designed to\ndenote the fact that the representatives of the church, ultimately to\nbe triumphant, are properly engaged in ascribing praise to God. The\nword _elders_ here seems to be used in the sense of aged and venerable\nmen, rather than as denoting office. They were such as by their _age_\nwere qualified to preside over the different divisions of the\npriesthood. \u00b6 _Clothed in white raiment._ Emblem of purity, and\nappropriate, therefore, to the representatives of the sanctified church.\nComp. ch. iii. 4; vi. 11; vii. 9. \u00b6 _And they had on their heads crowns\nof gold._ Emblematic of the fact that they sustained a kingly office.\nThere was blended in the representation the idea that they were both\n\u201ckings and priests.\u201d Thus the idea is expressed by Peter (1 Pe. ii. 9),\n\u201c_a royal priesthood_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03af\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03b5\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1.\n\n\n 5 And out of the throne proceeded [183]lightnings and\n thunderings and voices: and _there were_ seven [184]lamps of\n fire burning before the throne, which are the [185]seven\n Spirits of God.\n\n5. _And out of the throne proceeded lightnings and thunderings and\nvoices._ Expressive of the majesty and glory of Him that sat upon it.\nWe are at once reminded by this representation of the sublime scene\nthat occurred at Sinai (Ex. xix. 16), where \u201cthere were thunders and\nlightnings, and a thick cloud upon the mount, and the voice of the\ntrumpet exceeding loud.\u201d Comp. Eze. i. 13, 24. So Milton:\n\n \u201cForth rushed with whirlwind sound\n The chariot of Paternal Deity,\n Flashing thick flames.\u201d\n\n \u201cAnd from about him fierce effusion rolled\n Of smoke, and lightning flame, and sparkles dire.\u201d\n _Par. Lost_, b. vi.\n\nThe word \u201c_voices_\u201d here connected with \u201c_thunders_\u201d perhaps means\n\u201cvoices even thunders\u201d\u2015\u2015referring to the sound made by the thunder.\nThe meaning is, that these were echoing and re-echoing sounds, as it\nwere a multitude of voices that seemed to speak on every side. \u00b6 _And\n|there were| seven lamps of fire burning before the throne._ Seven\nburning lamps that constantly shone there, illuminating the whole\nscene. These steadily burning lamps would add much to the beauty of\nthe vision. \u00b6 _Which are the seven Spirits of God._ Which represent,\nor are emblematic of, the seven Spirits of God. On the meaning of the\nphrase, \u201cthe seven Spirits of God,\u201d see Notes on chap. i. 4. If these\nlamps are designed to be symbols of the Holy Spirit, according to the\ninterpretation proposed in chap. i. 4, it may {112} be perhaps in the\nfollowing respects: (1) They may represent the manifold influences\nof that Spirit in the world\u2015\u2015as imparting light; giving consolation;\ncreating the heart anew; sanctifying the soul, &c. (2) They may\ndenote that all the operations of that Spirit are of the nature\nof _light_, dissipating darkness, and vivifying and animating all\nthings. (3) _Perhaps_ their being placed here before the throne, in\nthe midst of thunder and lightning, may be designed to represent the\nidea that\u2015\u2015amidst all the scenes of magnificence and grandeur; all\nthe storms, agitations, and tempests on the earth; all the political\nchanges; all the convulsions of empire under the providence of God; and\nall the commotions in the soul of man, produced by the thunders of the\nlaw\u2015\u2015the Spirit of God beams calmly and serenely, shedding a steady\ninfluence over all, like lamps burning in the very midst of lightnings,\nand thunderings, and voices. In all the scenes of majesty and commotion\nthat occur on the earth, the Spirit of God is present, shedding a\nconstant light, and undisturbed in his influence by all the agitations\nthat are abroad.\n\n\n 6 And before the throne _there was_ a [186]sea of glass like\n unto crystal: and in the midst of the throne, and round about\n the throne, _were_ [187]four beasts, full of eyes before and\n behind.\n\n6. _And before the throne |there was| a sea of glass._ An expanse\nspread out like a sea composed of glass: that is, that was pellucid\nand transparent like glass. It is not uncommon to compare the sea\nwith glass. See numerous examples in Wetstein, _in loco_. The point\nof the comparison here seems to be its transparent appearance. It was\nperfectly clear\u2015\u2015apparently stretching out in a wide expanse, as if it\nwere a _sea_. \u00b6 _Like unto crystal._ The word _crystal_ means properly\nanything congealed and pellucid, as ice; then anything resembling\nthat, particularly a certain species of stone distinguished for its\nclearness\u2015\u2015as the transparent crystals of quartz; limpid and colourless\nquartz; rock or mountain quartz. The word _crystal_ now, in mineralogy,\nmeans an inorganic body which, by the operation of affinity, has\nassumed the form of a regular solid, by a certain number of plane and\nsmooth faces. It is here used manifestly in its popular sense to denote\nanything that is perfectly clear like ice. The comparison, in the\nrepresentation of the expanse spread around the throne, turns on these\npoints: (1) It appeared like a sea\u2015\u2015stretching afar. (2) It resembled,\nin its general appearance, glass; and this idea is strengthened by the\naddition of another image of the same character\u2015\u2015that it was like an\nexpanse of crystal, perfectly clear and pellucid. This would seem to be\ndesigned to represent the floor or pavement on which the throne stood.\nIf _this_ is intended to be emblematical, it _may_ denote (a) that the\nempire of God is vast\u2015\u2015as if it were spread out like the sea; or (b) it\nmay be emblematic of the _calmness_, the _placidity_ of the divine\nadministration\u2015\u2015like an undisturbed and unruffled ocean of glass.\nPerhaps, however, we should not press such circumstances too far to\nfind a symbolical meaning. \u00b6 _And in the midst of the throne._ \u1f10\u03bd \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u1ff3\n\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5. Not occupying the throne, but so as to appear to be\nintermingled with the throne, or \u201cin the midst\u201d of it, in the sense\nthat it was beneath the centre of it. The meaning would seem to be,\nthat the four living creatures referred to occupied such a position\ncollectively that they at the same time appeared to be _under_ the\nthrone, so that it rested on them, and _around_ it, so that they\ncould be seen from any quarter. This would occur if their bodies were\nunder the throne, and if they stood so that they faced outward. To\none approaching the throne they would seem to be _around_ it, though\ntheir bodies were _under_, or \u201cin the midst\u201d of it as a support. The\nform of their bodies is not specified, but it is not improbable that\nthough their _heads_ were different, their _bodies_, that were under\nthe throne, and that sustained it, were of the same form. \u00b6 _And\nround about the throne._ In the sense above explained\u2015\u2015that, as they\nstood, they would be seen on every side of the throne. \u00b6 _|Were|\nfour beasts._ This is a very unhappy translation, as the word _beasts_\nby no means conveys a correct idea of the original word. The Greek\nword\u2015\u2015\u03b6\u1ff6\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015means properly _a living thing_; and it is thus indeed\napplied to animals, or to the living creation, but the notion of their\nbeing _living things_, or _living creatures_, should be retained in the\ntranslation. Professor Stuart renders it, \u201cliving creatures.\u201d Isaiah\n(vi.), in his vision of Jehovah, {113} saw two seraphim; Ezekiel,\nwhom John more nearly resembles in his description, saw four \u201cliving\ncreatures\u201d\u2015\u2015\u05d7\u05b7\u05d9\u05bc\u05d5\u05b9\u05ea (ch. i. 5)\u2015\u2015that is, living, animated, moving beings.\nThe words \u201cliving beings\u201d would better convey the idea than any other\nwhich could be employed. They are evidently, like those which Ezekiel\nsaw, symbolical beings; but the nature and purpose of the symbol is not\nperfectly apparent. The \u201cfour and twenty elders\u201d are evidently human\nbeings, and are representatives, as above explained, of the church. In\nch. v. 11, _angels_ are themselves introduced as taking an important\npart in the worship of heaven: and these living beings, therefore,\ncannot be designed to represent either angels or men. In Ezekiel they\nare either designed as poetic representations of the majesty of God,\nor of his providential government, showing what _sustains_ his throne;\nsymbols denoting intelligence, vigilance, the rapidity and directness\nwith which the divine commands are executed, and the energy and\nfirmness with which the government of God is administered. The nature\nof the case, and the similarity to the representation in Ezekiel, would\nlead us to suppose that the same idea is to be found substantially\nin John; and there would be no difficulty in such an interpretation\nwere it not that these \u201cliving creatures\u201d are apparently represented\nin ch. v. 8, 9, as uniting with the redeemed from the earth in such\na manner as to imply that they were themselves redeemed. But perhaps\nthe language in ch. v. 9, \u201cAnd _they_ sung a new song,\u201d &c., though\napparently connected with the \u201cfour beasts\u201d in ver. 8, is not designed\nto be so connected. John may intend there merely to advert to the fact\nthat a new song was sung, without meaning to say that the \u201cfour living\nbeings\u201d _united_ in that song. For, if he designed merely to say that\nthe \u201cfour living beings\u201d and the \u201cfour and twenty elders\u201d fell down to\nworship, and then that a song was heard, though in fact sung only by\nthe four and twenty elders, he might have employed the language which\nhe actually has done. If this interpretation be admitted, then the\nmost natural explanation to be given of the \u201cfour living beings\u201d is\nto suppose that they are symbolical beings designed to furnish some\nrepresentation of the government of God\u2015\u2015to illustrate, as it were,\nthat on which the divine government _rests_, or which constitutes its\nsupport\u2015\u2015to wit, power, intelligence, vigilance, energy. This is\napparent, (a) because it was not unusual for the thrones of monarchs\nto be supported by carved animals of various forms, which were designed\nundoubtedly to be somehow emblematic of government\u2015\u2015either of its\nstability, vigilance, boldness, or firmness. Thus Solomon had twelve\nlions carved on each side of his throne\u2015\u2015no improper emblems of\ngovernment\u2015\u20151 Ki. x. 10, 20. (b) These living beings are described as\nthe _supports_ of the throne of God, or as that on which it rests, and\nwould be, therefore, no improper symbols of the great principles or\ntruths which give support or stability to the divine administration.\n(c) They are, in themselves, well adapted to be representatives\nof the great principles of the divine government, or of the divine\nprovidential dealings, as we shall see in the more particular\nexplanation of the symbol, (d) Perhaps it might be added, that, so\nunderstood, there would be _completeness_ in the vision. The \u201celders\u201d\nappear there as representatives of the church redeemed; the angels\nin their own proper persons render praise to God. To this it was not\nimproper to add, and the completeness of the representation seems to\nmake it necessary to add, that all the doings of the Almighty unite\nin his praise; his various acts in the government of the universe\nharmonize with redeemed and unfallen intelligences in proclaiming\nhis glory. The vision of the \u201cliving beings,\u201d therefore, is not, as\nI suppose, a representation of the _attributes_ of God as such, but\nan emblematic representation of the divine government\u2015\u2015of the throne\nof Deity resting upon, or sustained by, those things of which these\nliving beings are emblems\u2015\u2015intelligence, firmness, energy, &c. This\nsupposition seems to combine more probabilities than any other which\nhas been proposed; for, according to this supposition, all the acts,\nand ways, and creatures of God unite in his praise. It is proper to\nadd, however, that expositors are by no means agreed as to the design\nof this representation. Professor Stuart supposes that the attributes\nof God are referred to; Mr. Elliott (i. 93), that the \u201ctwenty-four\nelders and the four living creatures symbolize the church, or the\ncollective body of the saints of God; and that as there are two grand\n{114} divisions of the church, the larger one that _of the departed\nin Paradise_, and the other that _militant on earth_, the former\nis depicted by the twenty-four elders, and the latter by the living\ncreatures;\u201d Mr. Lord (pp. 53, 54), that the living creatures and the\nelders are both of one race; the former perhaps denoting those like\nEnoch and Elijah, who were translated, and those who were raised by\nthe Saviour after his resurrection, or those who have been raised to\nspecial eminence\u2015\u2015the latter the mass of the redeemed; Mr. Mede, that\nthe living creatures are symbols of the church worshipping on earth;\nMr. Daubuz, that they are symbols of the ministers of the church\non earth; Vitringa, that they are symbols of eminent ministers and\nteachers in every age; Dr. Hammond regards him who sits on the throne\nas the metropolitan bishop of Judea, the representative of God, the\nelders as diocesan bishops of Judea, and the living creatures as four\napostles, symbols of the saints who are to attend the Almighty as\nassessors in judgment! See Lord on the Apocalypse, pp. 58, 59. \u00b6 _Full\nof eyes._ Denoting omniscience. The ancients fabled Argus as having one\nhundred eyes, or as having the power of seeing in any direction. The\nemblem here would denote an ever-watchful and observing Providence; and,\nin accordance with the explanation proposed above, it means that, in\nthe administration of the divine government, everything is distinctly\ncontemplated; nothing escapes observation; nothing can be concealed. It\nis obvious that the divine government could not be administered unless\nthis were so; and it is the perfection of the government of God that\nall things are seen just as they are. In the vision seen by Ezekiel\n(ch. i. 18), the \u201crings\u201d of the wheels on which the living creatures\nmoved are represented as \u201cfull of eyes round about them,\u201d emblematic of\nthe same thing. So Milton\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cAs with stars their bodies all,\n And wings were set with eyes; with eyes the wheels\n Of beryl, and careening fires between.\u201d\n\n\u00b6 _Before._ In front. As one looked on their faces, from whatever\nquarter the throne was approached, he could see a multitude of\neyes looking upon him. \u00b6 _And behind._ On the parts of their bodies\nwhich were under the throne. The meaning is, that there is universal\nvigilance in the government of God. Whatever is the form of the\ndivine administration; whatever part is contemplated; however it is\nmanifested\u2015\u2015whether as activity, energy, power, or intelligence\u2015\u2015it\nis based on the fact that _all things are seen from every direction_.\nThere is nothing that is the result of blind fate or of chance.\n\n\n 7 And the first beast _was_ like a lion, and the second beast\n like a calf, and the third beast had a face as a man, and the\n fourth beast _was_ like a flying eagle.\n\n7. _And the first beast |was| like a lion._ A _general_ description\nhas been given, applicable to all, denoting that in whatever form the\ndivine government is administered, _these things_ will be found; a\nparticular description now follows, contemplating that government under\nparticular aspects, as symbolized by the living beings on which the\nthrone rests. The first is that of a lion. The lion is the monarch\nof the woods, the king of beasts, and he becomes thus the emblem of\ndominion, of authority, of government in general. Comp. Ge. xlix. 9;\nAm. iii. 8; Joel iii. 16; Da. vii. 4. As emblematic of the divine\nadministration, this would signify that He who sits on the throne is\nthe ruler over all, and that his dominion is absolute and entire. It\nhas been made a question whether the _whole_ body had the form of a\nlion, or whether it had the appearance of a lion only as to its face\nor front part. It would seem probable that the latter only is intended,\nfor it is expressly said of the \u201cthird beast\u201d that it had \u201cthe _face_\nof a man,\u201d implying that it did not resemble a man in other respects,\nand it is probable that, as these living creatures were the supports of\nthe throne, they had the same form in all other particulars except the\nfront part. The writer has not informed us what was the appearance of\nthese living creatures in other respects, but it is most natural to\nsuppose that it was in the form of an ox, as being adapted to sustain\na burden. It is hardly necessary to say that the _thing_ supposed to be\nsymbolical here in the government of God\u2015\u2015his absolute rule\u2015\u2015actually\nexists, or that it is important that this should be fairly exhibited to\nmen. \u00b6 _And the second beast like a calf._ Or, more properly, a young\nbullock, {115} for so the word\u2015\u2015\u03bc\u03cc\u03c3\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015means. The term is given by\nHerodotus (ii. 41; iii. 28) to the Egyptian god Apis, that is, a young\nbullock. Such an emblem, standing under a throne as one of its supports,\nwould symbolize firmness, endurance, strength (comp. Pr. xiv. 4); and,\nas used to represent qualities pertaining to him who sat on the throne,\nwould denote stability, firmness, perseverance: qualities that are\nfound abundantly in the divine administration. There was clearly, in\nthe apprehension of the ancients, some natural fitness or propriety\nin such an emblem. A young bullock was worshipped in Egypt as a god.\nJeroboam set up two idols in the form of a calf, the one in Dan and\nthe other in Bethel, 1 Ki. xii. 28, 29. A similar object of worship was\nfound in the Indian, Greek, and Scandinavian mythologies, and the image\nappears to have been adopted early and extensively to represent the\ndivinity.\n\n Illustration: Egyptian Calf-idol.\n\nThe above figure is a representation of a calf-idol, copied from the\ncollection made by the artists of the French Institute at Cairo. It\nis recumbent, with human eyes, the skin flesh-coloured, and the whole\nafter-parts covered with a white and sky-blue drapery: the horns not on\nthe head, but above it, and containing within them the symbolical globe\nsurmounted by two feathers. The meaning of the emblems on the back\nis not known. It is copied here merely to show that, for some cause,\nthe calf was regarded as an emblem of the Divinity. It may illustrate\nthis, also, to remark that among the sculptures found by Mr. Layard,\nin the ruins of Nineveh, were not a few winged bulls, some of them of\nlarge structure, and probably all of them emblematic. One of these was\nremoved with great difficulty, to be deposited in the British Museum.\nSee Mr. Layard\u2019s _Nineveh and its Remains_, vol. ii. pp. 64\u201275. Such\nemblems were common in the East; and, being thus common, they would be\nreadily understood in the time of John. \u00b6 _And the third beast had a\nface as a man._ There is no intimation as to what was the form of the\nremaining portion of this living creature; but as the beasts were \u201cin\nthe midst of the throne,\u201d that is, under it as a support, it may be\npresumed that they had such a form as was adapted to that purpose\u2015\u2015as\nsupposed above, perhaps the form of an ox. To this living creature\nthere was attached the head of a man, and _that_ would be what would\nbe particularly visible to one looking on the throne. The aspect\nof a _man_ here would denote intelligence\u2015\u2015for it is this which\ndistinguishes man from the creation beneath him; and if the explanation\nof the symbol above given be correct, then the meaning of this emblem\nis, that the operations of the government of God are conducted with\nintelligence and wisdom. That is, the divine administration is not the\nresult of blind fate or chance; it is founded on a clear knowledge of\nthings, on what is best to be done, on what will most conduce to the\ncommon good. Of the _truth_ of this there can be no doubt; and there\nwas a propriety that, in a vision designed to give to man a view of the\ngovernment of the Almighty, this should be appropriately symbolized.\nIt may illustrate this to observe, that in ancient sculptures it was\ncommon to unite the head of a man with the figure of an animal, as\n_combining_ symbols. Among the most remarkable figures discovered by\nMr. Layard, in the ruins of Nineveh, were winged, human-headed lions.\nThese lions are thus described by Mr. Layard:\u2015\u2015\u201cThey were about twelve\nfeet in height, and the same number in length. The body and limbs were\nadmirably portrayed; the muscles and bones, although strongly developed,\nto display the strength of the animal, showed, at the same time, a\ncorrect knowledge of its anatomy and form. Expanded wings sprung from\nthe shoulder and spread over the back; a knotted girdle, ending in\ntassels, encircled the loins. These sculptures, forming an entrance,\nwere partly in full, and partly in relief. The head and forepart,\nfacing the chambers, were in full; but only one {116} side of the rest\nof the slab was sculptured, the back being placed against the wall\nof sun-dried bricks\u201d (_Nineveh and its Remains_, vol. i. p. 75). The\nfollowing engraving will give an idea of one of these human-headed\nanimals, and will serve to illustrate the passage before us\u2015\u2015alike\nin reference to the _head_, indicating intelligence, and the _wings_,\ndenoting rapidity.\n\n Illustration: Human-headed Winged Lion.\n\nOn the use of these figures, found in the ruins of Nineveh, Mr. Layard\nmakes the following sensible remarks\u2015\u2015remarks admirably illustrating\nthe view which I take of the symbols before us:\u2015\u2015\u201cI used to contemplate\nfor hours these mysterious emblems, and muse over their intent and\nhistory. What more noble forms could have ushered the people into\nthe temple of their gods? What more subblime images could have been\nborrowed from nature by men who sought, unaided by the light of\nrevealed religion, to embody their conceptions of the wisdom, power,\nand ubiquity of a Supreme Being? They could find no better type of\nintellect and knowledge than the head of a man; of strength, than the\nbody of the lion; of rapidity of motion, than the wings of a bird.\nThese winged, human-headed lions were not idle creations, the offspring\nof mere fancy; their meaning was written upon them. They had awed and\ninstructed races which flourished 3000 years ago. Through the portals\nwhich they guarded, kings, priests, and warriors had borne sacrifices\nto their altars, long before the wisdom of the East had penetrated into\nGreece, and had furnished its mythology with symbols long recognized by\nthe Assyrian votaries\u201d (_Nineveh and its Remains_, vol. i. p. 75, 76).\n\u00b6 _And the fourth beast |was| like a flying eagle._ All birds, indeed,\nfly; but the epithet _flying_ is here employed to add intensity to\nthe description. The eagle is distinguished, among the feathered race,\nfor the rapidity, the power, and the elevation of its flight. No other\nbird is supposed to fly so high; none ascends with so much power;\nnone is so majestic and grand in his ascent towards the sun. That\nwhich would be properly symbolized by this would be the rapidity with\nwhich the commands of God are executed; or this characteristic of the\ndivine government, that the purposes of God are carried into prompt\nexecution. There is, as it were, a vigorous, powerful, and rapid flight\ntowards the accomplishment of the designs of God\u2015\u2015as the eagle ascends\nunmolested towards the sun. Or, it _may_ be that this symbolizes\nprotecting care, or is an emblem of that protection which God, by his\nprovidence, extends over those who put their trust in him. Thus in Ex.\nxix. 4, \u201cYe have seen how I bare you on eagles\u2019 wings.\u201d \u201cHide me under\nthe shadow of thy wings,\u201d Ps. xvii. 8. \u201cIn the shadow of thy wings will\nI rejoice,\u201d Ps. lxiii. 7. \u201cAs an eagle stirreth up her nest, fluttereth\nover her young, spreadeth abroad her wings, taketh them, beareth them\non her wings: so the Lord alone did lead him,\u201d De. xxxii. 11, 12, &c.\nAs in the case of the other living beings, so it is to be remarked of\nthe fourth living creature also, that the form of the _body_ is unknown.\nThere is no impropriety in supposing that it is only its front aspect\nthat John here speaks of, for that was sufficient for the symbol. The\nremaining portion \u201cin the midst of the throne\u201d may have corresponded\nwith that of the other living beings, as being adapted to a support. In\nfurther illustration of this it may be remarked, that symbols of this\ndescription were common in the Oriental world. Figures in the human\nform, or in the form of animals, with the head of an eagle or a vulture,\nare found in the ruins of Nineveh, and were undoubtedly designed to\nbe symbolic. \u201cOn the earliest Assyrian monuments,\u201d says Mr. Layard\n(_Nineveh and its Remains_, vol. ii. p. 348, 349), \u201cone of the most\nprominent sacred types is the eagle-headed, or the vulture-headed,\nhuman figure. Not only is it found in colossal proportions on the walls,\nor guarding the portals of the chambers, but it is also constantly\nrepresented in the groups on the embroidered {117} robes. When\nthus introduced, it is generally seen contending with other mythic\nanimals\u2015\u2015such as the human-headed lion or bull; and in these contests\nit is always the conqueror. It may hence be inferred that it was a type\nof the Supreme Deity, or of one of his principal attributes. A fragment\nof the Zoroastrian oracles, preserved by Eusebius, declares that \u2018God\nis he that has _the head of a hawk_. He is the first, indestructible,\neternal, unbegotten, indivisible, dissimilar; the dispenser of all good;\nincorruptible; the best of the good, the wisest of the wise; he is the\nfather of equity and justice, self-taught, physical and perfect, and\nwise, and the only inventor of the sacred philosophy.\u2019 Sometimes the\nhead of this bird is added to the body of a lion. Under this form of\nthe Egyptian hieraco-sphinx it is the conqueror in combats with other\nsymbolical figures, and is frequently represented as striking down\na gazelle or wild goat. It also clearly resembles the gryphon of the\nGreek mythology, avowedly an Eastern symbol, and connected with Apollo,\nor with the sun, of which the Assyrian form was probably an emblem.\u201d\nThe following figure found in Nimroud, or ancient Nineveh, may furnish\nan illustration of one of the usual forms.\n\n Illustration: Eagle-headed Winged Lion.\n\nIf these views of the meaning of these symbols are correct, then\nthe idea which would be conveyed to the mind of John, and the idea,\ntherefore, which should be conveyed to our minds, is, that the\ngovernment of God is energetic, firm, intelligent, and that in\nthe execution of its purposes it is _rapid_ like the unobstructed\nflight of an eagle, or _protective_ like the care of the eagle for\nits young. When, in the subsequent parts of the vision, these living\ncreatures are represented as offering praise and adoration to Him\nthat sits on the throne (ver. 8; ch. v. 8, 14), the meaning would be,\nin accordance with this representation, that all the acts of divine\ngovernment do, as if they were personified, unite in the praise which\nthe redeemed and the angels ascribe to God. All living things, and all\nacts of the Almighty, conspire to proclaim his glory. The church, by\nher representatives, the \u201cfour and twenty elders,\u201d honours God; the\nangels, without number, unite in the praise; all creatures in heaven,\nin earth, under the earth, and in the sea (ch. v. 13), join in the song;\nand all the acts and ways of God declare also his majesty and glory:\nfor around his throne, and beneath his throne, are expressive symbols\nof the firmness, energy, intelligence, and power with which his\ngovernment is administered.\n\n\n 8 And the four beasts had each of them [188]six wings about\n _him_; and _they were_ full of eyes within: and they [189]rest\n not day and night, saying, Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty,\n which was, and is, and is to come.\n\n8. _And the four beasts had each of them six wings about |him|_. An\nemblem common to them all, denoting that, in reference to each and all\nthe things here symbolized, there was one common characteristic\u2015\u2015that\nin heaven there is the utmost promptness in executing the divine\ncommands. Comp. Is. vi. 2; Ps. xviii. 10; civ. 3; Je. xlviii. 40.\nNo mention is made of the manner in which these wings were arranged,\nand conjecture in regard to that is vain. The seraphim, as seen by\nIsaiah, had each one six wings, with two of which the face was\ncovered, to denote profound reverence; with two the feet, or lower\nparts\u2015\u2015emblematic of modesty; and with two they flew\u2015\u2015emblematic of\ntheir celerity in executing the commands of God, Is. vi. 2. Perhaps\nwithout impropriety we may suppose that, in regard to these living\nbeings seen by John, two of the wings of each were employed, as in\nIsaiah, to cover the face\u2015\u2015token of profound reverence; and that the\nremainder were employed in flight\u2015\u2015denoting the rapidity with which\nthe divine commands are executed. Mercury, the messenger of Jupiter\namong the heathen, was represented with wings, and nothing is {118}\nmore common in the paintings and _bas-reliefs_ of antiquity than such\nrepresentations. \u00b6 _And |they were| full of eyes within._ Professor\nStuart more correctly renders this, \u201caround and within are full of\neyes;\u201d connecting the word \u201caround\u201d [\u201cabout\u201d], not with the _wings_, as\nin our version, but with the _eyes_. The meaning is, that the portions\nof the beasts that were visible from the outside of the throne, and\nthe portions under or within the throne, were covered with eyes. The\nobvious design of this is to mark the universal vigilance of divine\nprovidence. \u00b6 _And they rest not._ Marg., _have no rest_. That is,\nthey are constantly employed; there is no intermission. The meaning,\nas above explained, is, that the works and ways of God are constantly\nbringing praise to him. \u00b6 _Day and night._ Continually. They who\nare employed day and night fill up the whole time\u2015\u2015for this is all.\n\u00b6 _Saying, Holy, holy, holy._ For the meaning of this, see Notes on\nIs. vi. 3. \u00b6 _Lord God Almighty._ Isaiah (vi. 3) expresses it, \u201cJehovah\nof hosts.\u201d The reference is to the true God, and the epithet _Almighty_\nis one that is often given him. It is peculiarly appropriate here,\nas there were to be, as the sequel shows, remarkable exhibitions of\n_power_ in executing the purposes described in this book. \u00b6 _Which was,\nand is, and is to come._ Who is eternal\u2015\u2015existing in all past time;\nexisting now; and to continue to exist for ever. See Notes on ch. i. 4.\n\n\n 9 And when those beasts give glory and honour and thanks to\n him that sat on the throne, [190]who liveth for ever and ever,\n\n9. _And when those beasts give glory_, &c. As often as those living\nbeings ascribe glory to God. They did this continually (ver. 8); and,\nif the above explanation be correct, then the idea is that the ways and\nacts of God in his providential government are continually of such a\nnature as to honour him.\n\n\n 10 The four and twenty elders fall down before him that sat on\n the throne, and worship him that liveth for ever and ever, and\n cast their [191]crowns before the throne, saying,\n\n10. _The four and twenty elders fall down before him_, &c. The\nrepresentatives of the redeemed church in heaven (Notes, ver. 4) also\nunite in the praise. The meaning, if the explanation of the symbol\nbe correct, is, that the church universal unites in praise to God for\nall that characterizes his administration. In the connection in which\nthis stands here, the sense would be, that as often as there is any\n_new_ manifestation of the principles of the divine government, the\nchurch ascribes _new_ praise to God. Whatever may be thought of this\nexplanation of the meaning of the symbols, of the _fact_ here stated\nthere can be no doubt. The church of God always rejoices when there is\nany new manifestation of the principles of the divine administration.\nAs all these acts, in reality, bring glory and honour to God, the\nchurch, _as often_ as there is any new manifestation of the divine\ncharacter and purposes, renders praise anew. Nor can it be doubted that\nthe view here taken is one that is every way appropriate to the general\ncharacter of this book. The great design was to disclose what God was\nto do in future times, in the various revolutions that were to take\nplace on the earth, until his government should be firmly established,\nand the principles of his administration should everywhere prevail;\nand there was a propriety, therefore, in describing the representatives\nof the church as taking part in this universal praise, and as casting\nevery crown at the feet of Him who sits upon the throne. \u00b6 _And cast\ntheir crowns before the throne._ They are described as \u201ccrowned\u201d\n(ver. 4), that is, as triumphant, and as kings (comp. ch. v. 10), and\nthey are here represented as casting their crowns at his feet, in token\nthat they owe their triumph to Him. To his providential dealings, to\nhis wise and merciful government, they owe it that they are crowned at\nall; and there is, therefore, a propriety that they should acknowledge\nthis in a proper manner by placing their crowns at his feet.\n\n\n 11 Thou art [192]worthy, O Lord, to receive glory and honour\n and power; [193]for thou hast created all things, and for thy\n pleasure they are and were created.\n\n11. _Thou art worthy, O Lord._ In thy character, perfections, and\ngovernment, there is that which makes it {119} proper that universal\npraise should be rendered. The feeling of all true worshippers is, that\nGod is _worthy_ of the praise that is ascribed to him. No man worships\nhim aright who does not feel that there is that in his nature and\nhis doings which makes it _proper_ that he should receive universal\nadoration. \u00b6 _To receive glory._ To have praise or glory ascribed to\nthee. \u00b6 _And honour._ To be honoured; that is, to be approached and\nadored as worthy of honour. \u00b6 _And power._ To have power ascribed to\nthee, or to be regarded as having infinite power. Man can _confer_ no\npower on God, but he may acknowledge that which he has, and adore him\nfor its exertion in his behalf and in the government of the world.\n\u00b6 _For thou hast created all things._ Thus laying the foundation for\npraise. No one can contemplate this vast and wonderful universe without\nseeing that He who has made it is _worthy_ to \u201creceive glory, and\nhonour, and power.\u201d Comp. Notes on Job xxxviii. 7. \u00b6 _And for thy\npleasure they are._ They exist by thy will\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b8\u03ad\u03bb\u03b7\u03bc\u03ac. The meaning\nis, that they owe their existence to the _will_ of God, and therefore\ntheir creation lays the foundation for praise. He \u201cspake, and it was\ndone; he commanded, and it stood fast.\u201d He said, \u201cLet there be light;\nand there was light.\u201d There is no other reason why the universe exists\nat all than that such was the will of God; there is nothing else\nthat is to be adduced as explaining the fact that anything has now a\nbeing. The putting forth of that will explains all; and, consequently,\nwhatever wisdom, power, goodness, is manifested in the universe, is\nto be traced to God, and is the expression of what was in him from\neternity. It is proper, then, to \u201clook up through nature to nature\u2019s\nGod,\u201d and wherever we see greatness or goodness in the works of\ncreation, to regard them as the faint expression of what exists\nessentially in the Creator. \u00b6 _And were created._ Bringing more\ndistinctly into notice the fact that they owe their existence to his\nwill. They are not eternal; they are not self-existent; they were\nformed from nothing.\n\nThis concludes the magnificent introduction to the principal visions\nin this book. It is beautifully appropriate to the solemn disclosures\nwhich are to be made in the following portions of the book, and, as\nin the case of Isaiah and Ezekiel, was eminently adapted to impress\nthe mind of the holy seer with awe. Heaven is opened to his view;\nthe throne of God is seen; there is a vision of Him who sits upon\nthat throne; thunders and voices are heard around the throne; the\nlightnings play; and a rainbow, symbol of peace, encircles all; the\nrepresentatives of the redeemed church, occupying subordinate thrones,\nand in robes of victory, and with crowns on their heads, are there; a\nvast smooth expanse like the sea is spread out before the throne; and\nthe emblems of the wisdom, the power, the vigilance, the energy, the\nstrength of the divine administration are there, represented as in the\nact of bringing honour to God, and proclaiming his praise. The mind of\nJohn was doubtless prepared by these august visions for the disclosures\nwhich follow; and the mind of the reader should in like manner be\ndeeply and solemnly impressed when he contemplates them, as if _he_\nlooked into heaven, and saw the impressive grandeur of the worship\nthere. Let us fancy ourselves, therefore, with the holy seer looking\ninto heaven, and listen with reverence to what the great God discloses\nrespecting the various changes that are to occur until every foe of the\nchurch shall be subdued, and the earth shall acknowledge his sway, and\nthe whole scene shall close in the triumphs and joys of heaven.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter introduces the disclosure of future events. It is done\nin a manner eminently fitted to impress the mind with a sense of the\nimportance of the revelations about to be made. The proper state of\nmind for appreciating this chapter is that when we look on the future,\nand are sensible that important events are about to occur; when we feel\nthat that future is wholly impenetrable to us; and when the efforts of\nthe highest created minds fail to lift the mysterious veil which hides\nthose events from our view; it is in accordance with our nature that\nthe mind should be impressed with solemn awe under such circumstances;\nit is not a violation of the laws of our nature that one who had\nan earnest desire to penetrate that future, and who saw the volume\nbefore him which contained the mysterious revelation, and who yet felt\nthat there was no one in heaven or earth who could break the seals,\nand disclose what was to come, should weep. Comp. {120} ver. 4. The\n_design_ of the whole chapter is evidently to honour the Lamb of God,\nby showing that the power was intrusted to him which was confided to\nno one else in heaven or earth, of disclosing what is to come. Nothing\nelse would better illustrate this than the fact that he alone could\nbreak the mysterious seals which barred out the knowledge of the\nfuture from all created eyes; and nothing would be better adapted to\nimpress this on the mind than the representation in this chapter\u2015\u2015the\nexhibition of a mysterious book in the hand of God; the proclamation\nof the angel, calling on any who could do it to open the book; the\nfact that no one in heaven or earth could do it; the tears shed by John\nwhen it was found that no one could do it; the assurance of one of the\nelders that the Lion of the tribe of Judah had power to do it; and the\nprofound adoration of all in heaven, and in earth, and under the earth\nin view of the power intrusted to him of breaking these mysterious\nseals.\n\nThe main points in the chapter are these: (1) Having in ch. iv.\ndescribed God as sitting on a throne, John here (ver. 1) represents\nhimself as seeing in his right hand a mysterious volume; written all\nover on the inside and the outside, yet sealed with seven seals; a\nvolume manifestly referring to the future, and containing important\ndisclosures respecting coming events. (2) A mighty angel is introduced\nmaking a proclamation, and asking who is worthy to open that book, and\nto break those seals; evidently implying that none unless of exalted\nrank could do it, ver. 2. (3) There is a pause: no one in heaven, or\nin earth, or under the earth, approaches to do it, or claims the right\nto do it, ver. 3. (4) John, giving way to the expressions of natural\nemotion\u2015\u2015indicative of the longing and intense desire in the human soul\nto be made acquainted with the secrets of the future\u2015\u2015pours forth a\nflood of tears because no one is found who is worthy to open the seals\nof this mysterious book, or to read what was recorded there, ver. 4.\n(5) In his state of suspense and of grief, one of the elders\u2015\u2015the\nrepresentatives of that church for whose benefit these revelations of\nthe future were to be made (Note on ch. iv. 4)\u2015\u2015approaches him and says\nthat there _is_ one who is able to open the book; one who has the power\nto loose its seals, ver. 5. This is the Messiah\u2015\u2015the Lion of the tribe\nof Judah, the Root of David\u2015\u2015coming now to make the disclosure for\nwhich the whole book was given, ch. i. 1. (6) Immediately the attention\nof John is attracted by the Messiah, appearing as a Lamb in the midst\nof the throne; with horns, the symbols of strength; and eyes, the\nsymbols of all-pervading intelligence. He approaches and takes the book\nfrom the hand of Him that sits on the throne; symbolical of the fact\nthat it is the province of the Messiah to make known to the church and\nthe world the events which are to occur, ver. 6, 7. He appears here in\na different form from that in which he manifested himself in ch. i.,\nfor the purpose is different. There he appears clothed in majesty, to\nimpress the mind with a sense of his essential glory. Here he appears\nin a form that recalls the memory of his sacrifice; to denote, perhaps,\nthat it is in virtue of his atonement that the future is to be\ndisclosed; and that therefore there is a special propriety that _he_\nshould appear and do what no other one in heaven or earth could do.\n(7) The approach of the Messiah to unfold the mysteries in the book,\nthe fact that he had \u201cprevailed\u201d to accomplish what there was so strong\na desire should be accomplished, furnishes an occasion for exalted\nthanksgiving and praise, ver. 8\u201210. (8) This ascription of praise in\nheaven is instantly responded to, and echoed back, from all parts of\nthe universe\u2015\u2015all joining in acknowledging the Lamb as worthy of the\nexalted office to which he was raised, ver. 11\u201213. The angels around\nthe throne\u2015\u2015amounting to thousands of myriads\u2015\u2015unite with the living\ncreatures and the elders; and to these are joined the voices of every\ncreature in heaven, on the earth, under the earth, and in the sea,\nascribing to Him that sits upon the throne and the Lamb universal\npraise. (9) To this loud ascription of praise from far-distant worlds\nthe living creatures respond a hearty _Amen_, and the elders fall down\nand worship him that lives for ever and ever, ver. 14. The universe is\nheld in wondering expectation of the disclosures which are to be made,\nand from all parts of the universe there is an acknowledgment that the\nLamb of God alone has the right to break the mysterious seals. The\n_importance_ of the developments justifies the magnificence of {121}\nthis representation; and it would not be possible to imagine a more\nsublime introduction to these great events.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n\n AND I saw in the right hand of him that sat on the throne a\n [194]book written within and on the back side, [195]sealed\n with seven seals.\n\n1. _And I saw in the right hand of him that sat on the throne._ Of\nGod, ch. iv. 3, 4. His _form_ is not described there, nor is there\nany intimation of it here except the mention of his \u201cright hand.\u201d The\nbook or roll seems to have been so held in his hand that John could\nsee its shape, and see distinctly how it was written and sealed. \u00b6 _A\nbook_\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b9\u03b2\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03bd. This word is properly a diminutive of the word commonly\nrendered book (\u03b2\u03af\u03b2\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2), and would strictly mean a small book, or a book\nof diminutive size\u2015\u2015a tablet, or a letter (Liddell and Scott, _Lex._).\nIt is used, however, to denote a book of any size\u2015\u2015a roll, scroll, or\nvolume; and is thus used (a) to denote the Pentateuch, or the Mosaic\nlaw, He. ix. 19; x. 7; (b) the book of life, Re. xvii. 8; xx. 12; xxi.\n27; (c) epistles which were also rolled up, Re. i. 11; (d) documents,\nas a bill of divorce, Mat. xix. 7; Mar. x. 4. When it is the express\ndesign to speak of a small book, another word is used (\u03b2\u03b9\u03b2\u03bb\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd),\nRe. x. 2, 8, 9, 10. The book or roll referred to here was that which\ncontained the revelation in the subsequent chapters, to the end of the\ndescription of the opening of the seventh seal\u2015\u2015for the communication\nthat was to be made was all included in the seven seals; and to\nconceive of the _size_ of the book, therefore, we are only to reflect\non the amount of parchment that would naturally be written over by the\ncommunications here made. The _form_ of the book was undoubtedly that\nof a scroll or roll; for that was the usual form of books among the\nancients, and such a volume could be more easily sealed with a number\nof seals, in the manner here described, than a volume in the form in\nwhich books are made now. On the ancient form of books, see Notes on\nLu. iv. 17. The engraving in Job, ch. xix., will furnish an additional\nillustration of their form. \u00b6 _Written within and on the back side._\nGr., \u201cwithin and behind.\u201d It was customary to write only on one side of\nthe paper or vellum, for the sake of convenience in reading the volume\nas it was unrolled. If, as sometimes was the case, the book was in the\nsame form as books are now\u2015\u2015of _leaves_ bound together\u2015\u2015then it was\nusual to write on both sides of the leaf, as both sides of a page are\nprinted now. But in the other form it was a very uncommon thing to\nwrite on both sides of the parchment, and was never done unless there\nwas a scarcity of writing material; or unless there was an amount\nof matter beyond what was anticipated; or unless something had been\nomitted. It is not necessary to suppose that John saw both sides of\nthe parchment as it was held in the hand of him that sat on the throne.\nThat it was written on the _back_ side he would naturally see, and, as\nthe book was sealed, he would infer that it was written in the usual\nmanner on the inside. \u00b6 _Sealed with seven seals._ On the ancient\nmanner of sealing, see Notes on Mat. xxvii. 66; comp. Notes on Job\nxxxviii. 14. The fact that there were _seven_ seals\u2015\u2015an unusual number\nin fastening a volume\u2015\u2015would naturally attract the attention of John,\nthough it might not occur to him at once that there was anything\nsignificant in the number. It is not stated in what manner the seals\nwere attached to the volume, but it is clear that they were so attached\nthat each seal closed one part of the volume, and that when one was\nbroken and the portion which that was designed to fasten was unrolled,\na second would be come to, which it would be necessary to break in\norder to read the next portion. The outer seal would indeed bind\nthe whole; but when that was broken it would not give access to the\nwhole volume unless each successive seal were broken. May it not have\nbeen intended by this arrangement to suggest the idea that the whole\nfuture is unknown to us, and that the disclosure of any one portion,\nthough necessary if the whole would be known, does not disclose all,\nbut leaves seal after seal still unbroken, and that they are all to\nbe broken one after another if we would know all? _How_ these were\narranged, John does not say. All that is necessary to be supposed is,\nthat the seven seals were put successively upon the _margin_ of the\nvolume as it was rolled up, so that each opening would extend only as\nfar as the next seal, when the unrolling would be arrested. Anyone,\nby rolling up a sheet of paper, could {122} so fasten it with pins,\nor with a succession of seals, as to represent this with sufficient\naccuracy.\n\n\n 2 And I saw a strong angel proclaiming with a loud voice, Who\n is worthy to open the book, and to loose the seals thereof?\n\n2. _And I saw a strong angel._ An angel endowed with great strength, as\nif such strength was necessary to enable him to give utterance to the\nloud voice of the inquiry. \u201cHomer represents his heralds as powerful,\nrobust men, in order consistently to attribute to them deep-toned and\npowerful voices\u201d (Prof. Stuart). The inquiry to be made was one of vast\nimportance; it was to be made of all in heaven, all on the earth, and\nall under the earth, and hence an angel is introduced so mighty that\nhis voice could be heard in all those distant worlds. \u00b6 _Proclaiming\nwith a loud voice._ That is, as a herald or crier. He is rather\nintroduced here as _appointed_ to this office than as _self-moved_.\nThe _design_ undoubtedly is to impress the mind with a sense of the\nimportance of the disclosures about to be made, and at the same time\nwith a sense of the impossibility of penetrating the future by any\ncreated power. That one of the highest angels should make such a\nproclamation would sufficiently show its importance; that such an\none, by the mere act of making such a proclamation, should practically\nconfess his own inability, and consequently the inability of all of\nsimilar rank, to make the disclosures, would show that the revelations\nof the future were beyond mere created power. \u00b6 _Who is worthy to open\nthe book_, &c. That is, who is \u201cworthy\u201d in the sense of having a rank\nso exalted, and attributes so comprehensive, as to authorize and enable\nhim to do it. In other words, who has the requisite endowments of all\nkinds to enable him to do it? It would require moral qualities of an\nexalted character to justify him in approaching the seat of the holy\nGod, to take the book from his hands; it would require an ability\nbeyond that of any created being to penetrate the future, and disclose\nthe meaning of the symbols which were employed. The fact that the book\nwas held in the hand of him that was on the throne, and sealed in this\nmanner, was in itself a sufficient proof that it was not his purpose\nto make the disclosure directly, and the natural inquiry arose whether\nthere was anyone in the wide universe who, by rank, or character, or\noffice, would be empowered to open the mysterious volume.\n\n\n 3 And no man in heaven, nor in earth, neither under the earth,\n was able to open the book, neither to look thereon.\n\n3. _And no man in heaven._ No one\u2015\u2015\u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u1f76\u03c2. There is no limitation\nin the original to _man_. The idea is, that there was no one in\nheaven\u2015\u2015evidently alluding to the created beings there\u2015\u2015who could\nopen the volume. Is it not taught here that _angels_ cannot penetrate\nthe future, and disclose what is to come? Are not their faculties\nlimited in this respect like those of man? \u00b6 _Nor in earth._ Among all\nclasses of men\u2015\u2015sages, divines, prophets, philosophers\u2015\u2015who among those\nhave ever been able to penetrate the future, and disclose what is to\ncome? \u00b6 _Neither under the earth._ These divisions compose, in common\nlanguage, the universe: what is in heaven above; what is on the earth;\nand whatever there is under the earth\u2015\u2015the abodes of the dead. May\nthere not be an allusion here to the supposed science of _necromancy_,\nand an assertion that even the dead cannot penetrate the future, and\ndisclose what is to come? Comp. Notes on Is. viii. 19. In all these\ngreat realms no one advanced who was qualified to undertake the office\nof making a disclosure of what the mysterious scroll might contain.\n\u00b6 _Was able to open the book._ Had ability\u2015\u2015\u1f20\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u2015\u2015to do it. It was\na task beyond their power. Even if anyone had been found who had a rank\nand a moral character which might have seemed to justify the effort,\nthere was no one who had the power of reading what was recorded\nrespecting coming events. \u00b6 _Neither to look thereon._ That is, so to\nopen the seals as to have a _view_ of what was written therein. That\nit was not beyond their power merely to _see_ the book is apparent from\nthe fact that John himself saw it in the hand of him that sat on the\nthrone; and it is evident also (ver. 5) that in that sense the elders\nsaw it. But no one could prevail to inspect the contents, or so have\naccess to the interior of the volume as to be able to see what was\nwritten there. It could be seen, indeed (ver. 1), that it was written\non {123} both sides of the parchment, but _what_ the writing was no one\ncould know.\n\n\n 4 And I wept much, because no man was found worthy to open and\n to read the book, neither to look thereon.\n\n4. _And I wept much, because no man was found worthy_, &c. Gr., as in\nver. 3, _no one_. It would seem as if there was a pause to see if there\nwere any response to the proclamation of the angel. There being none,\nJohn gave way to his deep emotions in a flood of tears. The tears of\nthe apostle here may be regarded as an illustration of two things which\nare occurring constantly in the minds of men: (1) The strong desire to\npenetrate the future; to lift the mysterious veil which shrouds that\nwhich is to come; to find some way to pierce the dark wall which seems\nto stand up before us, and which shuts from our view that which is to\nbe hereafter. There have been no more earnest efforts made by men than\nthose which have been made to read the sealed volume which contains\nthe record of what is yet to come. By dreams, and omens, and auguries,\nand astrology, and the flight of birds, and necromancy, men have\nsought anxiously to ascertain what is to be hereafter. Compare, for an\nexpression of that intense desire, Foster\u2019s _Life and Correspondence_,\nvol. i. p. 111, and vol. ii. pp. 237, 238. (2) The weeping of the\napostle may be regarded as an instance of the deep grief which men\noften experience when all efforts to penetrate the future fail, and\nthey feel that after all they are left completely in the dark. Often\nis the soul overpowered with grief, and often are the eyes filled with\nsadness at the reflection that there is an absolute limit to the human\npowers; that all that man can arrive at by his own efforts is uncertain\nconjecture, and that there is no way possible by which he can make\nnature speak out and disclose what is to come. Nowhere does man find\nhimself more fettered and limited in his powers than here; nowhere\ndoes he feel that there is such an intense disproportion between his\ndesires and his attainments. In nothing do _we_ feel that we are more\nabsolutely in need of divine help than in our attempts to unveil the\nfuture; and were it not for revelation man might weep in despair.\n\n\n 5 And one of the elders saith unto me, Weep not: behold, the\n [196]Lion of the tribe of Judah, the [197]Root of David, hath\n prevailed to open the book, and to loose the seven seals\n thereof.\n\n5. _And one of the elders saith unto me._ See Notes on ch. iv. 4. No\nparticular reason is assigned why this message was delivered by one\nof the _elders_ rather than by an angel. If the elders were, however\n(see Notes on ch. iv. 4), the representatives of the church, there was\na propriety that they should address John in his trouble. Though they\nwere in heaven, they were deeply interested in all that pertained to\nthe welfare of the church, and they had been permitted to understand\nwhat as yet was unknown to him, that the power of opening the\nmysterious volume which contained the revelation of the future was\nintrusted particularly to the Messiah. Having this knowledge, they were\nprepared to comfort him with the hope that what was so mysterious would\nbe made known. \u00b6 _Weep not._ That is, there is no occasion for tears.\nThe object which you so much desire can be obtained. There is one who\ncan break those seals, and who can unroll that volume and read what\nis recorded there. \u00b6 _Behold the Lion of the tribe of Judah._ This\nundoubtedly refers to the Lord Jesus; and the points needful to be\nexplained are, why he is called a _Lion_, and why he is spoken of as\nthe Lion _of the tribe of Judah_. (a) As to the first: This appellation\nis not elsewhere given to the Messiah, but it is not difficult to see\nits propriety as used in this place. The lion is the king of beasts,\nthe monarch of the forest, and thus becomes an emblem of one of kingly\nauthority and of power (see Notes on ch. iv. 7), and as such the\nappellation is used in this place. It is because Christ has _power_ to\nopen the seals\u2015\u2015as if he ruled over the universe, and all events were\nunder his control, as the lion rules in the forest\u2015\u2015that the name is\nhere given to him. (b) As to the other point: He is called the \u201cLion\n_of the tribe of Judah_,\u201d doubtless, with reference to the prophecy in\nGe. xlix. 9\u2015\u2015\u201cJudah is a lion\u2019s whelp: from the prey, my son, thou art\ngone up: he stooped down, he couched as a lion, and as an old lion;\u201d\nand from the fact that the Messiah was of the tribe of Judah. Comp.\nGe. xlix. 10. This use of the term would connect {124} him in the\napprehension of John with the prophecy, and would suggest to him the\nidea of his being a ruler, or having dominion. As such, therefore, it\nwould be appropriate that the power of breaking these seals should be\ncommitted to him. \u00b6 _The Root of David._ Not the Root of David in the\nsense that David sprung from him as a tree does from a root, but in the\nsense that _he himself_ was a \u201croot-shoot\u201d or sprout _from_ David, and\nhad sprung from him as a shoot or sprout springs up from a decayed and\nfallen tree. See Notes on Is. xi. 1. This expression would connect him\ndirectly with David, the great and glorious monarch of Israel, and as\nhaving a right to occupy his throne. As one thus ruling over the people\nof God, there was a propriety that to him should be intrusted the task\nof opening these seals. \u00b6 _Hath prevailed._ That is, he has acquired\nthis power as the result of a conflict or struggle. The word used\nhere\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03bd\u03af\u03ba\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd\u2015\u2015refers to such a conflict or struggle, properly meaning\nto come off victor, to overcome, to conquer, to subdue; and the idea\nhere is, that his power to do this, or the reason why he does this,\nis the result of a conflict in which he was a victor. As the series\nof events to be disclosed, resulting in the final triumph of religion,\nwas the effect of his conflicts with the powers of evil, there was\na special propriety that the disclosure should be made by him. The\n_truths_ taught in this verse are, (1) that the power of making\ndisclosures, in regard to the future, is intrusted to the Messiah; and\n(2) that this, so far as he is concerned, is the result of a conflict\nor struggle on his part.\n\n\n 6 And I beheld, and, lo, in the midst of the throne and of the\n four beasts, and in the midst of the elders, stood a [198]Lamb,\n as it had been slain, having seven horns and seven[199]eyes,\n which are the seven Spirits of God sent forth into all the\n earth.\n\n6. _And I beheld, and, lo, in the midst of the throne._ We are not\nto suppose that he was in the centre of the throne itself, but he was\na conspicuous object when the throne and the elders and the living\nbeings were seen. He was so placed as to seem to be in the midst of\nthe _group_ made up of the throne, the living beings, and the elders.\n\u00b6 _And of the four beasts._ See Notes, ch. iv. 6. \u00b6 _Stood a Lamb._ An\nappellation often given to the Messiah, for two reasons: (1) because\nthe lamb was an emblem of innocence; and (2) because a lamb was offered\ncommonly in sacrifice. Comp. Notes on Jn. i. 29. \u00b6 _As it had been\nslain._ That is, in some way having the appearance of having been\nslain; having some marks or indications about it that it had been\nslain. What those were the writer does not specify. If it were covered\nwith blood, or there were marks of mortal wounds, it would be all\nthat the representation demands. The great work which the Redeemer\nperformed\u2015\u2015that of making an atonement for sin\u2015\u2015was thus represented to\nJohn in such a way that he at once recognized him, and saw the reason\nwhy the office of breaking the seals was intrusted to him. It should\nbe remarked that this representation is merely _symbolic_, and we are\nnot to suppose that the Redeemer really _assumed_ this form, or that\nhe appears in this form in heaven. We should no more suppose that the\nRedeemer appears literally as a lamb in heaven with numerous eyes and\nhorns, than that there is a literal throne and a sea of glass there;\nthat there are \u201cseats\u201d there, and \u201celders,\u201d and \u201ccrowns of gold.\u201d\n\u00b6 _Having seven horns._ Emblems of authority and power\u2015\u2015for the _horn_\nis a symbol of power and dominion. Comp. De. xxxiii. 17; 1 Ki. xxii. 11;\nJe. xlviii. 25; Zec. i. 18; Da. vii. 24. The propriety of this symbol\nis laid in the fact that the strength of an animal is in the horn,\nand that it is by this that he obtains a victory over other animals.\nThe number _seven_ here seems to be designed, as in other places, to\ndenote _completeness_. See Notes on ch. i. 4. The meaning is, that\nhe had so large a number as to denote complete dominion. \u00b6 _And seven\neyes._ Symbols of intelligence. The number _seven_ here also denotes\n_completeness_; and the idea is, that he is able to survey all things.\nJohn does not say anything as to the relative arrangement of the horns\nand eyes on the \u201cLamb,\u201d and it is vain to attempt to conjecture how it\nwas. The whole representation is symbolical, and we may understand the\nmeaning of the symbol without being able to form an exact conception\nof the figure as it appeared to him, \u00b6 _Which are the seven Spirits\nof God sent forth into all the earth._ See Notes on ch. i. 4. That\nis, which _represent_ the seven Spirits of God; or the manifold\noperations of the one Divine Spirit. As the eye is {125} the symbol of\nintelligence\u2015\u2015outward objects being made visible to us by that\u2015\u2015so it\nmay well represent an all-pervading spirit that surveys and sees all\nthings. The eye, in this view, among the Egyptians was an emblem of the\nDeity. By the \u201cseven Spirits\u201d here the same thing is doubtless intended\nas in ch. i. 4; and if, as there supposed, the reference is to the Holy\nSpirit considered with respect to his manifold operations, the meaning\nhere is, that the operations of that Spirit are to be regarded as\nconnected with the work of the Redeemer. Thus, all the operations\nof the Spirit are connected with, and are a part of, the work of\nredemption. The expression \u201csent forth into all the earth,\u201d refers to\nthe fact that that Spirit prevades all things. The Spirit of God is\noften represented as sent or poured out; and the meaning here is, that\nhis operations are _as if_ he was sent out to survey all things and to\noperate everywhere. Comp. 1 Co. xii. 6\u201211.\n\n\n 7 And he came and took the book out of the right hand of him\n that sat upon the throne.\n\n7. _And he came and took the book out of the right hand_, &c. As if\nit pertained to him by virtue of rank or office. There is a difficulty\nhere, arising from the incongruity of what is said of a _lamb_, which\nit is not easy to solve. The difficulty is in conceiving how a _lamb_\ncould take the book from the hand of Him who held it. To meet this\nseveral solutions have been proposed. (1) Vitringa supposes that the\nMessiah appeared as a lamb only in some such sense as the four living\nbeings (ch. iv. 7) resembled a lion, a calf, and an eagle; that is,\nthat they bore this resemblance only in respect to the head, while the\nbody was that of a man. He thus supposes, that though in respect to the\nupper part the Saviour resembled a lamb, yet that to the front part of\nthe body hands were attached by which he could take the book. But there\nare great difficulties in this supposition. Besides that nothing of\nthis kind is intimated by John, it is contrary to every appearance of\nprobability that the Redeemer would be represented as a monster. In his\nbeing represented as a lamb there is nothing that strikes the mind as\ninappropriate or unpleasant, for he is often spoken of in this manner,\nand the image is one that is agreeable to the mind. But all this beauty\nand fitness of representation is destroyed, if we think of him as\nhaving human hands proceeding from his breast or sides, or as blending\nthe form of a man and an animal together. The representation of having\nan unusual number of horns and eyes does not strike us as being\nincongruous in the same sense; for though the _number_ is increased,\nthey are such as pertain properly to the animal to which they are\nattached. (2) Another supposition is that suggested by Professor Stuart,\nthat the form was changed, and a human form resumed when the Saviour\nadvanced to take the book and open it. This would relieve the whole\ndifficulty, and the only objection to it is, that John has not given\nany express notice of such a change in the form; and the only question\ncan be whether it is right to _suppose_ it in order to meet the\ndifficulty in the case. In support of this it is said that all is\nsymbol; that the Saviour is represented in the book in various forms;\nthat as his appearing as a lamb was designed to represent in a striking\nmanner the fact that he was slain, and that all that he did was based\non the atonement, so there would be no impropriety in supposing that\nwhen an action was attributed to him he assumed the form in which that\nact would be naturally or is usually done. And as in taking a book from\nthe hand of another it is wholly incongruous to think of its being done\nby a _lamb_, is it not most natural to suppose that the usual form in\nwhich the Saviour is represented as appearing would be resumed, and\nthat he would appear again as a man?\u2015\u2015But is it absolutely certain that\nhe appeared in the form of a lamb at all? May not all that is meant\nbe, that John saw him near the throne, and among the elders, and was\nstruck at once with his appearance of meekness and innocence, and with\nthe marks of his having been slain as a sacrifice, and spoke of him\nin strong figurative language as a lamb? And where his \u201cseven horns\u201d\nand \u201cseven eyes\u201d are spoken of, is it necessary to suppose that there\nwas any real assumption of such horns and eyes? {126} May not all\nthat is meant be that John was struck with that in the appearance of\nthe Redeemer of which these _would be_ the appropriate symbols, and\ndescribed him _as if_ these had been visible? When John the Baptist saw\nthe Lord Jesus on the banks of the Jordan, and said, \u201cBehold the Lamb\nof God which taketh away the sin of the world\u201d (Jn. i. 29), is it\nnecessary to suppose that he actually appeared in the form of a\nlamb? Do not all at once understand him as referring to traits in\nhis character, and to the work which he was to accomplish, which made\nit proper to speak of him as a lamb? And why, therefore, may we not\nsuppose that John in the Apocalypse designed to use language in the\nsame way, and that he did not intend to present so incongruous a\ndescription as that of a _lamb_ approaching a throne and taking a book\nfrom the hand of Him that sat on it, and a lamb, too, with many horns\nand eyes? If this supposition is correct, then all that is meant in\nthis passage would be expressed in some such language as the following:\n\u201cAnd I looked, and lo there was one in the midst of the space occupied\nby the throne, by the living creatures, and by the elders, who, in\naspect, and in the emblems that represented his work on the earth, was\nspotless, meek, and innocent as a lamb; one with marks on his person\nwhich brought to remembrance the fact that he had been slain for the\nsins of the world, and yet one who had most striking symbols of power\nand intelligence, and who was therefore worthy to approach and take the\nbook from the hand of Him that sat on the throne.\u201d It may do something\nto confirm this view to recollect that when we use the term \u201cLamb\nof God\u201d now, as is often done in preaching and in prayer, it never\nsuggests to the mind the idea of a _lamb_. We think of the Redeemer\nas resembling a lamb in his moral attributes and in his sacrifice, but\nnever as to form. This supposition relieves the passage of all that is\nincongruous and unpleasant, and may be all that John meant.\n\n\n 8 And when he had taken the book, the [200]four beasts and\n four _and_ twenty elders fell down before the Lamb, having\n every one of them [201]harps, and golden vials full of\n [202]odours, which are the [203]prayers of saints.\n\n8. _And when he had taken the book, the four beasts_, &c. The acts\nof adoration here described as rendered by the four living creatures\nand the elders are, according to the explanation given in ch. iv. 4\u20127,\nemblematic of the honour done to the Redeemer by the church, and by the\ncourse of providential events in the government of the world. \u00b6 _Fell\ndown before the Lamb._ The usual posture of profound worship. Usually\nin such worship there was entire prostration on the earth. See Notes on\nMat. ii. 2; 1 Co. xiv. 25. \u00b6 _Having every one of them harps._ That is,\nas the construction, and the propriety of the case would seem to demand,\nthe _elders_ had each of them harps. The whole prostrated themselves\nwith profound reverence; the elders had harps and censers, and broke\nout into a song of praise for redemption. This construction is demanded,\nbecause (a) the Greek word\u2015\u2015\u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2\u2015\u2015more properly agrees with the word\n_elders_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b2\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u2015\u2015and not with the word _beasts_\u2015\u2015\u03b6\u1ff6\u03b1; (b) there\nis an incongruity in the representation that the living creatures, in\nthe form of a lion, a calf, an eagle, should have harps and censers;\nand (c) the song of praise that is sung (ver. 9) is one that properly\napplies to the elders as the representatives of the church, and not to\nthe living creatures\u2015\u2015\u201cThou hast redeemed us to God by thy blood.\u201d The\n_harp_ was a well-known instrument used in the service of God. Josephus\ndescribes it as having ten strings, and as struck with a key (_Ant._\nvii. 12, 3). See Notes on Is. v. 12. \u00b6 _And golden vials._ The word\n_vial_ with us, denoting a small slender bottle with a narrow neck,\nevidently does not express the idea here. The article here referred to\nwas used for offering incense, and must have been a vessel with a large\nopen mouth. The word _bowl_ or _goblet_ would better express the idea,\nand it is so explained by Professor Robinson, _Lex._, and by Professor\nStuart, _in loco_. The Greek word\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03b9\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u2015\u2015occurs in the New Testament\nonly in Revelation (v. 8; xv. 7; xvi. 1\u20124, 8, 10, 12, 17; xvii. 1;\nxxi. 9), and is uniformly rendered _vial_ and _vials_, though the idea\nis always that of a bowl or goblet. \u00b6 _Full of odours._ Or rather, as\nin the margin, full of _incense_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03c5\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd. See Notes on Lu. i. 9.\n\u00b6 _Which are the prayers of saints._ {127} Which represent or denote\nthe prayers of saints. Comp. Ps. cxli. 2, \u201cLet my prayer be set forth\nbefore thee as incense.\u201d The meaning is, that incense was a proper\nemblem of prayer. This seems to have been in two respects: (a) as being\nacceptable to God\u2015\u2015as incense produced an agreeable fragrance; and\n(b) in its being wafted towards heaven\u2015\u2015ascending towards the eternal\nthrone. In ch. viii. 3, an angel is represented as having a golden\ncenser: \u201cAnd there was given unto him much incense, that he should\noffer it with the prayers of all saints upon the golden altar which was\nbefore the throne.\u201d The representation there undoubtedly is, that the\nangel is employed in _presenting_ the prayers of the saints which were\noffered on earth before the throne. See Notes on that passage. It is\nmost natural to interpret the passage before us in the same way. The\nallusion is clearly to the temple service, and to the fact that incense\nwas offered by the priest in the temple itself at the time that prayer\nwas offered by the people in the courts of the temple. See Lu. i. 9, 10.\nThe idea here is, therefore, that the representatives of the church in\nheaven\u2015\u2015the elders\u2015\u2015spoken of as \u201cpriests\u201d (ver. 10), are described as\nofficiating in the temple above in behalf of the church still below,\nand as offering incense while the church is engaged in prayer. It is\nnot said that _they_ offer the prayers themselves, but that they offer\n_incense_ as representing the prayers of the saints. If this be the\ncorrect interpretation, as it seems to be the obvious one, then the\npassage lays no foundation for the opinion expressed by Professor\nStuart, as derived from this passage (_in loco_), that prayer is\noffered by the redeemed in heaven. Whatever may be the truth on that\npoint\u2015\u2015on which the Bible seems to be silent\u2015\u2015it will find no support\nfrom the passage before us. Adoration, praise, thanksgiving, are\nrepresented as the employment of the saints in heaven: the only\nrepresentation respecting _prayer_ as pertaining to that world is, that\nthere are emblems there which symbolize its ascent before the throne,\nand which show that it is acceptable to God. It is an interesting and\nbeautiful representation that there _are_ in heaven appropriate symbols\nof ascending prayer, and that while in the outer courts here below _we_\noffer prayer, incense, emblematic of it, ascends in the holy of holies\nabove. The _impression_ which this should leave on our minds ought to\nbe, that our prayers are wafted before the throne, and are acceptable\nto God.\n\n\n 9 And they sung a [204]new song, saying, Thou art worthy to\n take the book, and to open the seals thereof: for thou wast\n slain, and hast redeemed us to God [205]by thy blood, out of\n [206]every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation;\n\n9. _And they sung a new song._ Comp. ch. xiv. 3. _New_ in the sense\nthat it is a song consequent on redemption, and distinguished therefore\nfrom the songs sung in heaven before the work of redemption was\nconsummated. We may suppose that songs of adoration have always been\nsung in heaven; we know that the praises of God were celebrated by the\nangelic choirs when the foundations of the earth were laid (Job xxxviii.\n7); but the song of redemption was a different song, and is one that\nwould never have been sung there if man had not fallen, and if the\nRedeemer had not died. This song strikes notes which the other songs\ndo not strike, and refers to glories of the divine character which, but\nfor the work of redemption, would not have been brought into view. In\nthis sense the song was new; it will continue to be new in the sense\nthat it will be sung afresh as redeemed millions continue to ascend to\nheaven. Comp. Ps. xl. 3; xcvi. 1; cxliv. 9; Is. xlii. 10. \u00b6 _Thou art\nworthy to take the book_, &c. This was the occasion or ground of the\n\u201cnew song,\u201d that by his coming and death he had acquired a right to\napproach where no other one could approach, and to do what no other one\ncould do. \u00b6 _For thou wast slain._ The _language_ here is such as would\nbe appropriate to a lamb slain as a sacrifice. The idea is, that the\nfact that he was thus slain constituted the ground of his worthiness to\nopen the book. It could not be meant that there was in him no _other_\nground of worthiness, but that this was that which was most conspicuous.\nIt is just the outburst of the grateful feeling resulting from\nredemption, that he who has died to save the soul is worthy {128} of\n_all_ honour, and is fitted to accomplish what no other being in the\nuniverse _can_ do. However this may appear to the inhabitants of other\nworlds, or however it may appear to the dwellers on the earth who have\nno interest in the work of redemption, yet all who are redeemed will\nagree in the sentiment that He who has ransomed them with his blood\nhas performed a work to do which every other being was incompetent,\nand that now all honour in heaven and on earth may appropriately\nbe conferred on him. \u00b6 _And hast redeemed us._ The word here\nused\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03ac\u03b6\u03c9\u2015\u2015means properly to purchase, to buy; and is thus\nemployed to denote redemption, because redemption was accomplished by\nthe payment of a price. On the meaning of the word, see Notes on 2 Pe.\nii. 1. \u00b6 _To God._ That is, so that we become _his_, and are to be\nhenceforward regarded as such; or so that he might possess us as his\nown. See Notes on 2 Co. v. 15. This is the true nature of redemption,\nthat by the price paid we are rescued from the servitude of Satan, and\nare henceforth to regard ourselves as belonging unto God. \u00b6 _By thy\nblood._ See Notes on Ac. xx. 28. This is such language as they use\nwho believe in the doctrine of the atonement, and is such as would be\nused by them alone. It would not be employed by those who believe that\nChrist was a mere martyr, or that he lived and died merely as a teacher\nof morality. If he was truly an atoning sacrifice, the language is full\nof meaning; if not, it has no significance, and could not be understood.\n\u00b6 _Out of every kindred._ Literally, \u201cof every tribe\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u1fc6\u03c2. The\nword _tribe_ means properly a comparatively small division or class of\npeople associated together (Professor Stuart). It refers to a family,\nor race, having a common ancestor, and usually associated or banded\ntogether\u2015\u2015as one of the tribes of Israel; a tribe of Indians; a tribe\nof plants; a tribe of animals, &c. This is such language as a Jew\nwould use, denoting one of the smaller divisions that made up a nation\nof people; and the meaning would seem to be, that it will be found\nultimately to be true that the redeemed will have been taken from all\nsuch minor divisions of the human family\u2015\u2015not only from the different\n_nations_, but from the smaller _divisions_ of those nations. This can\nonly be true from the fact that the knowledge of the true religion will\nyet be diffused among all those smaller portions of the human race;\nthat is, that its diffusion will be universal. \u00b6 _And tongue._ People\nspeaking all languages. The word here used would seem to denote a\ndivision of the human family larger than a tribe, but smaller than a\nnation. It was formerly a fact that a nation might be made up of those\nwho spoke many different languages\u2015\u2015as, for example, the Assyrian,\nthe Babylonian, or the Roman nations. Comp. Da. iii. 29; iv. 1. The\nmeaning here is, that no matter what language the component parts of\nthe nations speak, the gospel will be conveyed to them, and in their\nown tongue they will learn the wonderful works of God. Comp. Ac.\nii. 8\u201211. \u00b6 _And people._ The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03bb\u03b1\u03cc\u03c2\u2015\u2015properly denotes\na people considered as _a mass_, made up of smaller divisions\u2015\u2015as an\nassociation of smaller bodies\u2015\u2015or as a multitude of such bodies united\ntogether. It is distinguished from another word commonly applied to\na people\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u1fc6\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015for that is applied to a community of free citizens,\nconsidered as on a level, or without reference to any minor divisions\nor distinctions. The words here used would apply to an army, considered\nas made up of regiments, battalions, or tribes; to a mass-meeting, made\nup of societies of different trades or professions; to a nation, made\nup of different associated communities, &c. It denotes a _larger_ body\nof people than the previous words; and the idea is, that no matter\nof what _people_ or _nation_, considered as made up of such separate\nportions, one may be, he will not be excluded from the blessings of\nredemption. The sense would be well expressed, by saying, for instance,\nthat there will be found there those of the Gaelic race, the Celtic,\nthe Anglo-Saxon, the Mongolian, the African, &c. \u00b6 _And nation._ \u1f14\u03b8\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2.\nA word of still larger signification; the people in a still wider sense;\na people or nation considered as distinct from all others. The word\nwould embrace all who come under one sovereignty or rule; as, for\nexample, the British nation, however many minor _tribes_ there may\nbe; however many different _languages_ may be spoken; and however many\nseparate _people_ there may be\u2015\u2015as the Anglo-Saxon, the Scottish, the\nIrish, the people of Hindoostan, of Labrador, of New South Wales, &c.\nThe words here used by John would together denote nations of every kind,\ngreat and {129} small; and the sense is, that the blessings of\nredemption will be extended to all parts of the earth.\n\n\n 10 And hast made us unto our God [207]kings and priests: and\n we shall [208]reign on the earth.\n\n10. _And hast made us unto our God kings and priests._ See Notes on ch.\ni. 6. \u00b6 _And we shall reign on the earth._ The redeemed, of whom we are\nthe representatives. The idea clearly is, in accordance with what is so\nfrequently said in the Scriptures, that the dominion on the earth will\nbe given to the saints; that is, that there will be such a prevalence\nof true religion, and the redeemed will be so much in the ascendency,\nthat the affairs of the nations will be in their hands. Righteous men\nwill hold the offices; will fill places of trust and responsibility;\nwill have a controlling voice in all that pertains to human affairs.\nSee Notes on Da. vii. 27, and Re. xx. 1\u20126. To such a prevalence of\nreligion all things are tending; and to this, in all the disorder and\nsin which now exist, are we permitted to look forward. It is not said\nthat this will be a reign under the Saviour in a literal kingdom on\nthe earth; nor is it said that the saints will descend from heaven,\nand occupy thrones of power under Christ as a visible king. The simple\naffirmation is, that they will _reign_ on the earth; and as this seems\nto be spoken in the name of the redeemed, all that is necessary to be\nunderstood is, that there will be such a prevalence of true religion\non the earth that it will become a vast kingdom of holiness, and that,\ninstead of being in the minority, the saints will everywhere have the\nascendency.\n\n\n 11 And I beheld, and I heard the voice of many angels round\n about the throne and the beasts and the elders: and the\n [209]number of them was ten thousand times ten thousand, and\n thousands of thousands;\n\n11. _And I beheld._ And I looked again. \u00b6 _And I heard the\nvoice of many angels._ The inhabitants of heaven uniting with the\nrepresentatives of the redeemed church in ascribing honour to the Lamb\nof God. The design is to show that there is universal sympathy and\nharmony in heaven, and that all worlds will unite in ascribing honour\nto the Lamb of God. \u00b6 _Round about the throne and the beasts and\nthe elders._ In a circle or area _beyond_ that which was occupied\nby the throne, the living creatures, and the elders. They occupied\nthe centre, as it appeared to John, and this innumerable company of\nangels surrounded them. The angels are represented here, as they are\neverywhere in the Scriptures, as taking a deep interest in all that\npertains to the redemption of men, and it is not surprising that they\nare here described as uniting with the representatives of the church in\nrendering honour to the Lamb of God. Comp. Notes on 1 Pe. i. 12. \u00b6 _And\nthe number of them was ten thousand times ten thousand._ One hundred\nmillions\u2015\u2015a general term to denote either a countless number, or an\nexceedingly great number. We are not to suppose that it is to be taken\nliterally. \u00b6 _And thousands of thousands._ Implying that the number\nbefore specified was not large enough to comprehend all. Besides the\n\u201cten thousand times ten thousand,\u201d there was a vast uncounted host\nwhich one could not attempt to enumerate. The language here would\nseem to be taken from Da. vii. 10: \u201cThousand thousands ministered unto\nhim, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him.\u201d Comp. Ps.\nlxviii. 17: \u201cThe chariots of God are twenty thousand, even thousands\nof angels. \u201d See also De. xxxiii. 2; 1 Ki. xxii. 19.\n\n\n 12 Saying with a loud voice, [210]Worthy is the Lamb that was\n slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength,\n and honour, and glory, and blessing.\n\n12. _Saying with a loud voice, Worthy is the Lamb that was slain._ See\nNotes on ver. 2, 9. The idea here is, that the fact that he was slain,\nor was made a sacrifice for sin, was the ground or reason for what\nis here ascribed to him. Comp. Notes on ver. 5. \u00b6 _To receive power._\nPower or authority to rule over all things. Comp. Notes on Mat. xxviii.\n18. The meaning here is, that he was worthy that these things should\nbe ascribed to him, or to be addressed and acknowledged as possessing\nthem. A part of these things were his in virtue of his very nature\u2015\u2015as\nwisdom, glory, riches; a part were conferred on him as the result of\nhis work\u2015\u2015as the mediatorial dominion over the universe, the honour\nresulting from his work, &c. In view of all that he was, and of all\nthat he has done, he is here spoken {130} of as \u201c_worthy_\u201d of all these\nthings. \u00b6 _And riches._ Abundance. That is, he is worthy that whatever\ncontributes to honour, and glory, and happiness, should be conferred on\nhim _in abundance_. Himself the original proprietor of all things, it\nis fit that he should be recognized as such; and having performed the\nwork which he has, it is proper that whatever may be made to contribute\nto his honour should be regarded as his. \u00b6 _And wisdom._ That he should\nbe esteemed as eminently wise; that is, that as the result of the work\nwhich he has accomplished, he should be regarded as having ability to\nchoose the best ends and the best means to accomplish them. The feeling\nhere referred to is that which arises from the contemplation of the\nwork of salvation by the Redeemer, as a work eminently characterized\nby _wisdom_\u2015\u2015wisdom manifested in meeting the evils of the fall; in\nhonouring the law; in showing that mercy is consistent with justice;\nand in adapting the whole plan to the character and wants of man. If\nwisdom was anywhere demanded, it was in reconciling a lost world to\nGod; if it has been anywhere displayed, it has been in the arrangements\nfor that work, and in its execution by the Redeemer. See Notes on 1 Co.\ni. 24; comp. Mat. xiii. 54; Lu. ii. 40, 52; 1 Co. i. 20, 21, 30; Ep.\ni. 8; iii. 10. \u00b6 _And strength._ Ability to accomplish his purposes.\nThat is, it is meet that he should be regarded as having such ability.\nThis _strength_ or _power_ was manifested in overcoming the great enemy\nof man; in his control of winds, and storms, and diseases, and devils;\nin triumphing over death; in saving his people. \u00b6 _And honour._ He\nshould be esteemed and treated with honour for what he has done. \u00b6 _And\nglory. _ This word refers to a _higher_ ascription of praise than the\nword _honour_. Perhaps that might refer to the honour which we feel in\nour hearts; this to the expression of that by the language of praise.\n\u00b6 _And blessing._ Everything which would express the desire that he\nmight be happy, honoured, and adored. To bless one is to desire that he\nmay have happiness and prosperity; that he may be successful, respected,\nand honoured. To bless God, or to ascribe blessing to him, is that\nstate where the heart is full of love and gratitude, and where it\ndesires that he may be everywhere honoured, loved, and obeyed as he\nshould be. The words here express the wish that the universe would\nascribe to the Redeemer all honour, and that he might be everywhere\nloved and adored.\n\n\n 13 And [211]every creature which is in heaven, and on the\n earth, and under the earth, and such as are in the sea, and\n all that are in them, heard I saying, [212]Blessing, and\n honour, and glory, and power, _be_ unto him that sitteth upon\n the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever.\n\n13. _And every creature which is in heaven._ The meaning of this verse\nis, that all created things seemed to unite in rendering honour to Him\nwho sat on the throne, and to the Lamb. In the previous verse a certain\nnumber\u2015\u2015a vast host\u2015\u2015of angels are designated as rendering praise as\nthey stood round the area occupied by the throne, the elders, and the\nliving creatures; here it is added that _all_ who were in heaven united\nin this ascription of praise. \u00b6 _And on the earth._ All the universe\nwas heard by John ascribing praise to God. A voice was heard from\nthe heavens, from all parts of the earth, from under the earth, and\nfrom the depths of the sea, _as if_ the entire universe joined in\nthe adoration. It is not necessary to press the language literally,\nand still less is it necessary to understand by it, as Professor\nStuart does, that _the angels_ who presided over the earth, over the\nunder-world, and over the sea, are intended. It is evidently _popular_\nlanguage; and the sense is, that John heard a universal ascription of\npraise. All worlds seemed to join in it; all the dwellers on the earth,\nand under the earth, and in the sea, partook of the spirit of heaven in\nrendering honour to the Redeemer. \u00b6 _Under the earth._ Supposed to be\ninhabited by the shades of the dead. See Notes on Job x. 21, 22; Is.\nxiv. 9. \u00b6 _And such as are in the sea._ All that dwell in the ocean.\nIn Ps. cxlviii. 7\u201210, \u201cdragons, and all deeps; beasts, and all cattle;\ncreeping things, and flying fowl,\u201d are called on to praise the\n{131} Lord; and there is no more incongruity or impropriety in one\ndescription than in the other. In the Psalm, the universe is called on\nto render praise; in the passage before us it is described as actually\ndoing it. The hills, the streams, the floods; the fowls of the air,\nthe dwellers in the deep, and the beasts that roam over the earth;\nthe songsters in the grove, and the insects that play in the sunbeam,\nin fact, declare the glory of their Creator; and it requires no very\nstrong effort of the fancy to imagine the universe as sending up a\nconstant voice of thanksgiving. \u00b6 _Blessing, and honour_, &c. There\nis a slight change here from ver. 12, but it is the same thing\nsubstantially. It is an ascription of all glory to God and to the Lamb.\n\n\n 14 And the [213]four beasts said, Amen. And the four _and_\n twenty elders fell down and worshipped him that liveth for\n ever and ever.\n\n14. _And the four beasts said, Amen._ The voice of universal praise\ncame to them from abroad, and they accorded with it, and ascribed\nhonour to God. \u00b6 _And the four and twenty elders fell down_, &c. The\nliving creatures and the elders _began_ the work of praise (ver. 8),\nand it was proper that it should conclude with them; that is, they give\nthe last and final response (Professor Stuart). The whole universe,\ntherefore, is sublimely represented as in a state of profound adoration,\nwaiting for the developments to follow on the opening of the mysterious\nvolume. All feel an interest in it; all feel that the secret is with\nGod; all feel that there is but One who _can_ open this volume; and all\ngather around, in the most reverential posture, awaiting the disclosure\nof the great mystery.\n\nThe truths taught in this chapter are the following: (1) The knowledge\nof the future is with God, ver. 1. It is as in a book held in his hand,\nfully written over, yet sealed with seven seals. (2) It is impossible\nfor man or angel to penetrate the future, ver. 2, 3. It seems to be a\nlaw of created being, that the ability to penetrate the future is\nplaced beyond the reach of any of the faculties by which a creature is\nendowed. Of the past we have a record, and we can remember it; but no\ncreated being seems to have been formed with a power in reference to\nthe future corresponding with that in reference to the past\u2015\u2015with no\nfaculty of _foresight_ corresponding to _memory_. (3) It is natural\nthat the mind should be deeply affected by the fact that we _cannot_\npenetrate the future, ver. 4. John _wept_ in view of this; and how\noften is the mind borne down with heaviness in view of that fact! What\nthings there are, there must be, in that future of interest to us! What\nchanges there may be for us to experience; what trials to pass through;\nwhat happiness to enjoy; what scenes of glory to witness! What progress\nmay we make in knowledge; what new friendships may we form; what\nnew displays of the divine perfections may we witness! All our great\ninterests are in the future\u2015\u2015in that which is to us now unknown. There\nis to be all the happiness which we are to enjoy, all the pain that\nwe are to suffer; all that we hope, all that we fear. All the friends\nthat we are to have are to be there; all the sorrows that we are to\nexperience are to be there. Yet an impenetrable veil is set up to hide\nall that from our view. We cannot remove it; we cannot penetrate it.\nThere it stands to mock all our efforts, and in all our attempts to\nlook into the future we soon come to the barrier, and are repelled and\ndriven back. Who has not felt his heart sad that he cannot look into\nthat which is to come? (4) The power of laying open the future to\nmortals has been intrusted to the Redeemer, ver. 5\u20127. It is a part of\nthe work which was committed to him to make known to men _as much_ as\nit was proper to be known. Hence he is at once a prophet, and is the\ninspirer of the prophets. Hence he came to teach men what is to be in\nthe future pertaining to them, and hence he has caused to be recorded\nby the sacred writers all that _is_ to be known of what is to come\nuntil it is slowly unfolded as events develop themselves. The Saviour\nalone takes the mysterious book and opens the seals; he only unrolls\nthe volume and discloses to man what is to come. (5) The fact that\nhe does this is the foundation of joy and gratitude for the church,\nver. 8\u201210. It is impossible that the church should contemplate what\nthe Saviour has revealed of the future without gratitude and joy; and\nhow often, in times of persecution and trouble, has the church joyfully\nturned to the developments made by the {132} Saviour of what is to\nbe when the gospel shall spread over the world, and when truth and\nrighteousness shall be triumphant. (6) This fact is of interest to\nthe angelic beings, and for them also it lays the foundation of praise,\nver. 11, 12. This may arise from these causes: (a) from the interest\nwhich they take in the church, and the happiness which they have from\nanything that increases its numbers or augments its joy; (b) from\nthe fact that in the disclosures of the future made by the Redeemer,\nthere may be much that is new and of interest to them (comp. Notes\non 1 Pe. i. 12); and (c) from the fact that they cannot but rejoice\nin the revelations which are made of the final triumphs of truth\nin the universe. (7) The universe at large has an interest in these\ndisclosures, and the fact that they are to be made by the Redeemer lays\nthe foundation for universal joy, ver. 13, 14. These events pertain to\nall worlds, and it is proper that all the inhabitants of the universe\nshould join in the expressions of adoration and thanksgiving. The\nuniverse is one; and what affects one portion of it really pertains to\nevery part of it. Angels and men have one and the same God and Father,\nand may unite in the same expressions of praise.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter contains an account of the opening of six of the seven\nseals. It need hardly be said to anyone who is at all familiar with the\nnumerous\u2015\u2015not to say numberless\u2015\u2015expositions of the Apocalypse, that\nit is at this point that interpreters begin to differ, and that here\ncommences the divergence towards those various, discordant, and many\nof them wild and fantastic theories, which have been proposed in the\nexposition of this wonderful book. Up to this point, though there may\nbe unimportant diversities in the exposition of words and phrases,\nthere is no material difference of opinion as to the general meaning\nof the writer. In the epistles to the seven churches, and in the\nintroductory scenes to the main visions, there can be no doubt, in the\nmain, as to what the writer had in view, and what he meant to describe.\nHe addressed churches then existing (ch. i.\u2012iii.), and set before them\ntheir sins and their duties; and he described scenes passing before\nhis eyes as then present (ch. iv. v.), which were merely designed to\nimpress his own mind with the importance of what was to be disclosed,\nand to bring the great actors on the stage, and in reference to which\nthere could be little ground for diversity in the interpretation. Here,\nhowever, the scene opens into the future, comprehending all the unknown\nperiod until there shall be a final triumph of Christianity, and all\nits foes shall be prostrate. The actors are the Son of God, angels,\nmen, Satan, storms, tempests, earthquakes, the pestilence and fire;\nthe scene is heaven, earth, hell. There is no certain designation of\nplaces; there is no mention of names\u2015\u2015as there is in Isaiah (xlv. 1)\nof Cyrus, or as there is in Daniel (viii. 21; x. 20; xi. 2) of the\n\u201cking of Grecia;\u201d there is no designation of time that is necessarily\nunambiguous; and there are no characteristics of the symbols used that\nmake it antecedently certain that they could be applied only to one\nclass of events. In the boundless future that was to succeed the times\nof John, there would be, of necessity, many events to which these\nsymbols might be applied, and the result has shown that it has required\nbut a moderate share of pious ingenuity to apply them, by different\nexpositors, to events differing widely from each other in their\ncharacter, and in the times when they would occur. It would be too long\nto glance even at the various theories which have been proposed and\nmaintained in regard to the interpretation of the subsequent portions\nof the Apocalypse, and wholly impossible to attempt to examine those\ntheories. Time, in its developments, has already exploded many of them;\nand time, in its future developments, will doubtless explode many more,\nand each one must stand or fall as, in the disclosures of the future,\nit shall be found to be true or false. It would be folly to add another\nto those numerous theories, even if I had any such theory (see the\nPreface), and perhaps equal folly to pronounce with certainty on\nany one of those which have been advanced. Yet this seems to be\nan appropriate place to state, in few words, what principles it is\ndesigned to pursue in the interpretation of the remainder of the book.\n\n(1) It may be assumed that large portions of the book relate to _the\nfuture_; that is, to that which was future when John wrote. In this\nall expositors are agreed, and this is manifest indeed on the very\nface of the representation. It would be impossible to attempt an\ninterpretation {133} on any other supposition, and somewhere _in_ that\nvast future the events are to be found to which the symbols here used\nhad reference. This is assumed, indeed, on the supposition that the book\nis _inspired_\u2015\u2015a fact which is assumed all along in this exposition,\nand which should be allowed to control our interpretation. But assuming\nthat the book relates to the future, though that supposition will do\nsomething to determine the true method of interpretation, yet it leaves\nmany questions still unsolved. Whether it refers to the destruction of\nJerusalem, on the supposition that the work was written before that\nevent, or to the history of the church subsequent to that; whether it\nis designed to describe events minutely, or only in the most general\nmanner; whether it is intended to furnish a _syllabus_ of civil and\necclesiastical history, or only a very general outline of future events;\nwhether the _times_ are so designated that we can fix them with entire\ncertainty; or whether it was intended to furnish any certain indication\nof the periods of the world when these things should occur;\u2015\u2015all these\nare still open questions, and it need not be said that on these the\nopinions of expositors have been greatly divided.\n\n(2) It may be assumed that there _is_ meaning in these symbols, and\nthat they were not used without an intention to convey some important\nideas to the mind of John and to the minds of his readers\u2015\u2015to the\nchurch then, and to the church in future times. Comp. Notes on ch.\ni. 3. The book is indeed surpassingly sublime. It abounds with the\nhighest flights of poetic language. It is Oriental in its character,\nand exhibits everywhere the proofs of a most glowing imagination in\nthe writer. But it is also to be borne in mind that it is an _inspired_\nbook, and this fact is to determine the character of the exposition.\n_If_ inspired, it is to be assumed that there is a _meaning_ in\nthese symbols; an idea in each one of them, and in all combined, of\nimportance to the church and the world. Whether we can ascertain the\nmeaning is another question; but it is never to be doubted by an\nexpositor of the Bible that there _is_ a meaning in the words and\nimages employed, and that to find out that meaning is worthy of earnest\nstudy and prayer.\n\n(3) Predictions respecting the future are often necessarily obscure\nto man. It cannot be doubted, indeed, that God _could_ have foretold\nfuture events in the most clear and unambiguous language. He who knows\nall that is to come as intimately as he does all the past, could have\ncaused a record to have been made, disclosing names, and dates, and\nplaces, so that the most minute statements of what is to occur might\nhave been in the possession of man as clearly as the records of the\npast now are. But there were obvious reasons why this should not occur,\nand in the prophecies it is rare that there is any such specification.\nTo have done this might have been to defeat the very end in view; for\nit would have given to man, a free agent, the power of embarrassing or\nfrustrating the divine plans. But if this course is _not_ adopted, then\nprophecy must, from the nature of the case, be obscure. The knowledge\nof any one particular fact in the future is so connected with many\nother facts, and often implies so much knowledge of other things, that\nwithout that other knowledge it could not be understood. Suppose that\nit had been predicted, in the time of John, that at some future period\nsome contrivance should be found out by which what was doing in one\npart of the world could be instantaneously known in another remote part\nof the world, and spread abroad by thousands of copies in an hour, to\nbe read by a nation. Suppose, for instance, that there had been some\nsymbol or emblem representing what actually occurs now, when in a\nmorning newspaper we read what occurred last evening at St. Louis,\nDubuque, Galena, Chicago, Cincinnati, Charleston, New Orleans; it is\nclear that at a time when the magnetic telegraph and the printing-press\nwere unknown, any symbol or language describing it that could be\nemployed must be obscure, and the impression must have been that this\ncould be accomplished only by miracle\u2015\u2015and it would not be difficult\nfor one who was disposed to scepticism to make out an argument to prove\nthat this could _not_ occur. It would be impossible to explain any\nsymbol that could be employed to represent this until these wonderful\ndescriptions should become reality, and in the meantime the book in\nwhich the symbols were found might be regarded as made up of mere\nriddles and enigmas; but when these inventions should be actually found\nout, however much ridicule or contempt had been poured on the book\nbefore, it {134} might be perfectly evident that the symbol was the\nmost appropriate that could be used, and no one could doubt that it was\na divine communication of what was to be in the future. Something of\nthe same kind _may_ have occurred in the symbols used by the writer of\nthe book before us.\n\n(4) It is not necessary to suppose that a prophecy will be understood\nin all its details until the prediction is accomplished. In the case\njust referred to, though the _fact_ of the rapid spread of intelligence\nmight be clear, yet nothing would convey any idea of the _mode_, or of\nthe actual meaning of the _symbols_ used, unless the inventions were\nthemselves anticipated by a direct revelation. The trial of _faith_\nin the case would be the belief that _the fact would occur_, but would\nnot relate to the _mode_ in which it was to be accomplished, or the\n_language_ employed to describe it. There might be great obscurity in\nregard to the symbols and language, and yet the knowledge of the fact\nbe perfectly plain. When, however, the fact should occur as predicted,\nall would be clear. So it is in respect to prophecy. Many recorded\npredictions that are now clear as noon-day, were once as ambiguous and\nuncertain in respect to their meaning as in the supposed case of the\npress and the telegraph. Time has made them plain; for the event to\nwhich they referred has so entirely corresponded with the symbol as to\nleave no doubt in regard to the meaning. Thus many of the prophecies\nrelating to the Messiah were obscure at the time when they were uttered;\nwere apparently so contradictory that they could not be reconciled;\nwere so unlike anything that then existed, that the fulfilment seemed\nto be impossible; and were so enigmatical in the symbols employed, that\nit seemed in vain to attempt to disclose their meaning. The advent of\nthe long-promised Messiah, however, removed the obscurity; and now they\nare read with no uncertainty as to their meaning, and with no doubt\nthat those predictions, once so obscure, had a divine origin.\n\nThe view just suggested may lead us to some just conceptions of\nwhat is necessary to be done in attempting to explain the prophecies.\nSuppose, then, _first_, that there had been, say in the dark ages, some\npredictions that claimed to be of divine origin, of the invention of\nthe art of printing and of the magnetic telegraph. The proper business\nof an interpreter, if he regarded this as a divine communication, would\nhave consisted in four things: (a) to explain, as well as he could,\nthe fair meaning of the symbols employed, and the language used; (b) to\nadmit the _fact_ referred to, and implied in the fair interpretation\nof the language employed, of the rapid spread of intelligence in that\nfuture period, though he could not explain _how_ it was to be done;\n(c) in the meantime it would be a perfectly legitimate object for him\nto inquire whether there were any events occurring in the world, or\nwhether there had been any, to which these symbols were applicable, or\nwhich would meet all the circumstances involved in them; (d) if there\nwere, then his duty would be ended; if there were not, then the symbols,\nwith such explanation as could be furnished of their meaning, should\nbe handed on to future times, _to be_ applied when the predicted events\nshould actually occur. Suppose, then, _secondly_, the case of the\npredictions respecting the Messiah, scattered along through many books,\nand given in various forms, and by various symbols. The proper business\nof an interpreter would have been, as in the other case, (a) to explain\nthe fair meaning of the language used, and to bring together all\nthe circumstances in one connected whole, that a distinct conception\nof the predicted Messiah might be before the mind; (b) to admit the\n_facts_ referred to, and thus predicted, however incomprehensible\nand apparently contradictory they might appear to be; (c) to inquire\nwhether anyone had appeared who combined within himself all the\ncharacteristics of the description; and (d) if no one had thus appeared,\nto send on the prophecies, with such explanations of words and symbols\nas could be ascertained to be correct, to future times, to have their\nfull meaning developed when the object of all the predictions should\nbe accomplished, and the Messiah should appear. Then the meaning of all\nwould be plain; and then the argument from prophecy would be complete.\nThis is obviously now the proper state of the mind in regard to the\npredictions in the Bible, and these are the principles which should be\napplied in examining the book of Revelation.\n\n(5) It may be assumed that new light _will_ be thrown upon the\nprophecies by time, and by the progress of events. It cannot be\nsupposed that {135} the investigations of the meaning of the prophetic\nsymbols will all be in vain. Difficulties, it is reasonable to hope,\nmay be cleared up; errors may be detected in regard to the application\nof the prophecies to particular events; and juster views on the\nprophecies, as on all other subjects, will prevail as the world grows\nolder. We become wiser by seeing the errors of those who have gone\nbefore us, and an examination of the causes which led them astray may\nenable us to avoid such errors in the future. Especially may it be\nsupposed that light will be thrown on the prophecies as they shall be\nin part or wholly fulfilled. The prophecies respecting the destruction\nof Babylon, of Petra, of Tyre, of Jerusalem, are now fully understood;\nthe prophecies respecting the advent of the Messiah, and his character\nand work, once so obscure, are now perfectly clear. So, we have reason\nto suppose, it will be with _all_ prophecy in the progress of events,\nand sooner or later the world will settle down into some uniform belief\nin regard to the design and meaning of these portions of the sacred\nwritings. Whether the time has yet come for this, or whether numerous\nother failures are to be added to the melancholy catalogue of past\nfailures on this subject, is another question; but ultimately all the\nnow unfulfilled prophecies will be as clear as to their meaning as are\nthose which have been already fulfilled.\n\n(6) The plan, therefore, which I propose in the examination of\nthe remaining portion of the Apocalypse is the following: (a) To\nexplain the meaning of the symbols; that is, to show, as clearly as\npossible, what those symbols properly express, independently of any\nattempt to apply them. This opens, of itself, an interesting field of\ninvestigation, and one where essential service may be done, even if\nnothing further is intended. Without any reference to the _application_\nof those symbols, this, of itself, is an important work of criticism,\nand, if successfully done, would be rendering a valuable service to\nthe readers of the sacred volume. (b) To state, as briefly as possible,\nwhat others who have written on this book, and who have brought eminent\nlearning and talent to bear on its interpretation, have supposed to be\nthe true interpretation of the symbols employed by John, and in regard\nto the times in which the events referred to would occur. It is in this\nway only that we can be made acquainted with the real progress made\nin interpreting this book, and it will be useful at least to know how\nthe subject has struck other minds, and how and why they have failed\nto perceive the truth. I propose, therefore, to state, as I go along,\nsome of the theories which have been held as to the meaning of the\nApocalypse, and as to the events which have been supposed by others to\nbe referred to. My limits require, however, that this should be briefly\ndone, and forbid my attempting to examine those opinions at length.\n(c) To state, in as brief and clear a manner as possible, the view\nwhich I have been led to entertain as to the proper application of the\nsymbols employed in the book, with such historical references as shall\nseem to me to confirm the interpretation proposed. (d) Where I cannot\nform an opinion as to the meaning, to confess my ignorance. He does no\nservice in a professed interpretation of the Bible who passes over a\ndifficulty without _attempting_ to remove it, or who, to save his own\nreputation, conceals the fact that there is a real difficulty; and he\ndoes as little service who is unwilling to confess his ignorance on\nmany points, or who attempts an explanation where he has no clear and\nsettled views. As his opinion can be of no value to anyone else unless\nit is based on reasons in his own mind that will bear examination, so\nit can usually be of little value unless those reasons are stated. It\nis as important for his readers to have those reasons before their own\nminds as it is for him; and unless he has it in his power to _state_\nreasons for what he advances, his opinions can be worth nothing to the\nworld. He who lays down this rule of interpretation may expect to have\nample opportunity, in interpreting such a book as the Apocalypse, to\nconfess his ignorance; but he who interprets a book which he believes\nto be inspired, may console himself with the thought that what is now\nobscure will be clear hereafter, and that he performs the best service\nwhich he can if he endeavours to explain the book _up to_ the time in\nwhich he lives. There will be developments hereafter which will make\nthat clear which is now obscure; developments which will make this\nbook, in all past ages apparently so enigmatical, as clear as any other\nportion of the inspired volume, as it is now, even with {136} imperfect\nview which we may have of its meaning, beyond all question one of the\nmost sublime books that has ever been written.\n\nThis chapter describes the opening of the first six seals. (1) The\nfirst discloses a white horse, with a rider armed with a bow. A crown\nis given to him, symbolical of triumph and prosperity, and he goes\nforth to conquer, ver. 1, 2. (2) The second discloses a red-coloured\nhorse, with a rider. The emblem is that of blood\u2015\u2015of sanguinary war.\nPower is given him to take peace from the earth, and a sword is given\nhim\u2015\u2015emblem of war, but not of certain victory. Triumph and prosperity\nare denoted by the former symbol; war, discord, bloodshed, by this,\nver. 3, 4. (3) The third discloses a black horse, with a rider. He\nhas a pair of balances in his hand, as if there were _scarcity_ in\nthe earth, and he announces the price of grain in the times of this\ncalamity, and a command is given not to hurt the oil and the wine,\nver. 5, 6. The emblem is that of scarcity\u2015\u2015as if there were oppression,\nor as a consequence of war or discord, while at the same time there is\ncare bestowed to preserve certain portions of the produce of the earth\nfrom injury. (4) The fourth discloses a pale horse, with a rider. The\nname of this rider is Death, and Hell (or Hades) follows him\u2015\u2015as if the\nhosts of the dead came again on the earth. Power is given to the rider\nover the fourth part of the earth, to kill with sword, with hunger,\nwith death, and with wild beasts. This emblem would seem to denote war,\nwide-wasting pestilence, famine, and desolation\u2015\u2015as if wild beasts were\nsuffered to roam over lands that had been inhabited; something of which\n_paleness_ would be an emblem. Here ends the array of _horses_; and\nit is evidently intended by these four symbols to refer to a series of\nevents that have a general resemblance\u2015\u2015something that could be made to\nstand by themselves, and that could be grouped together. (5) The fifth\nseal opens a new scene. The horse and the rider no longer appear. It\nis not a scene of war, and of the consequences of war, but a scene of\npersecution. The souls of those who were slain for the word of God and\nthe testimony which they held are seen under the altar, praying to God\nthat he would avenge their blood. White robes are given them\u2015\u2015tokens of\nthe divine favour, and emblems of their ultimate triumph; and they are\ncommanded to \u201crest for a little season, till their fellow-servants and\ntheir brethren that should be killed as they were should be fulfilled;\u201d\nthat is, that they should be _patient_ until the number of the martyrs\nwas filled up. In other words, there was (a) the assurance of the\ndivine favour towards them; (b) vengeance, or the punishment of those\nwho had persecuted them, would not be _immediate_; but (c) there was\nthe implied assurance that just punishment would be inflicted on their\npersecutors, and that the cause for which they had suffered would\nultimately triumph, ver. 9\u201211. (6) The opening of the sixth seal, ver.\n12\u201217. There was an earthquake, and the sun became dark, and the moon\nwas turned to blood, and the stars fell, and all kings and people were\nfilled with consternation. This symbol properly denotes the time of\npublic commotion, of revolution, of calamity; and it was evidently to\nbe fulfilled by some great changes on the earth, or by the overturning\nof the seats of power, and by such sudden revolutions as would fill the\nnations with alarm.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n\n AND I saw when [214]the Lamb opened one of the seals; and I\n heard, as it were the noise of thunder, one of the four beasts\n saying, Come and see.\n\n1. _And I saw._ Or, I looked. He fixed his eye attentively on what was\npassing, as promising important disclosures. No one had been found in\nthe universe who could open the seals but the Lamb of God (ch. v. 2\u20124);\nand it was natural for John, therefore, to look upon the transaction\nwith profound interest. \u00b6 _When the Lamb opened one of the seals._\nSee Notes on ch. v. 1, 5. This was the first or outermost of the seals,\nand its being broken would permit a certain portion of the volume to\nbe unrolled and read. See Notes on ch. v. 1. The representation in this\nplace is, therefore, that of a volume with a small portion unrolled,\nand written on both sides of the parchment. \u00b6 _And I heard, as it\nwere the noise of thunder._ One of the four living creatures speaking\nas with a voice of thunder, or with a loud voice. \u00b6 _One of the\nfour beasts._ Notes on ch. iv. 6, 7. {137} The particular one is not\nmentioned, though what is said in the subsequent verses leaves no doubt\nthat it was the first in order as seen by John\u2015\u2015the one like a lion,\nch. iv. 7. In the opening of the three following seals, it is expressly\nsaid that it was the second, the third, and the fourth of the living\ncreatures that drew near, and hence the conclusion is certain that the\none here referred to was the first. If the four living creatures be\nunderstood to be emblematic of the divine providential administration,\nthen there was a propriety that they should be represented as summoning\nJohn to witness what was to be disclosed. These events pertained to\nthe developments of the divine purposes, and these emblematic beings\nwould therefore be interested in what was occurring. \u00b6 _Come and see._\nAddressed evidently to John. He was requested to approach and _see_\nwith his own eyes what was disclosed in the portion of the volume now\nunrolled. He had wept much (ch. v. 4) that no one was found who was\nworthy to open that book, but he was now called on to approach and see\nfor himself. Some have supposed (Lord, _in loco_) that the address here\nwas not to John, but to the horse and his rider, and that the command\nto them was not to \u201ccome and see,\u201d but to _come forth_, and appear on\nthe stage, and that the act of the Redeemer in breaking the seal, and\nunrolling the scroll, was nothing more than an emblem signifying that\nit was by his act that the divine purposes were to be unfolded. But,\nin order to this interpretation, it would be necessary to omit from the\nreceived text the words \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b2\u03bb\u03ad\u03c0\u03b5\u2015\u2015\u201c_and see_.\u201d This is done, indeed,\nby Hahn and Tittmann, and this reading is followed by Professor Stuart,\nthough he says that the received text has \u201cprobability\u201d in its favour,\nand is followed by some of the critical editions. The most natural\ninterpretation, however, is that the words were addressed to John.\nJohn saw the Lamb open the seal; he heard the loud voice; he looked and\nbeheld a white horse\u2015\u2015that is, evidently, he looked on the unfolding\nvolume, and saw the representation of a horse and his rider. That the\nvoice was addressed to John is the common interpretation, is the most\nnatural, and is liable to no real objection.\n\n\n 2 And I saw, and behold [215]a white horse: and he that sat on\n him had a bow; and a crown was given unto him: and he went\n forth [216]conquering, and to conquer.\n\n2. _And I saw, and behold._ A question has arisen as to the mode of\nrepresentation here: whether what John saw in these visions was a\nseries of _pictures_, drawn on successive portions of the volume as one\nseal was broken after another; or whether the description of the horses\nand of the events was _written_ on the volume, so that John read it\nhimself, or heard it read by another; or whether the opening of the\nseal was merely the _occasion_ of a scenic representation, in which a\nsuccession of horses was introduced, with a written statement of the\nevents which are referred to. Nothing is indeed said by which this\ncan be determined with certainty; but the most probable supposition\nwould seem to be that there was some pictorial representation in\nform and appearance, such as he describes in the opening of the six\nseals. In favour of this it may be observed, (1) that, according\nto the interpretation of ver. 1, it was something _in_ or _on_ the\nvolume\u2015\u2015since he was invited to draw nearer, in order that he might\ncontemplate it. (2) Each one of the things under the first five seals,\nwhere John uses the word \u201csaw,\u201d is capable of being represented by a\npicture or painting. (3) The language used is not such as would have\nbeen employed if he had merely _read_ the description, or had _heard_\nit read. (4) The supposition that the pictorial representation was\nnot _in_ the volume, but that the opening of the seal was the occasion\nmerely of causing a scenic representation to pass before his mind, is\nunnatural and forced. What would be the use of a sealed _volume_ in\nthat case? What the use of the _writing_ within and without? On this\nsupposition the representation would be that, as the successive seals\nwere broken, nothing was disclosed in the volume but a succession\nof blank portions, and that the mystery or the difficulty was not\nin anything in the volume, but in the want of ability to summon\nforth these successive scenic representations. The most obvious\ninterpretation is, undoubtedly, that what John proceeds to describe\nwas in some way represented in the volume; and {138} the idea of\na succession of pictures or drawings better accords with the whole\nrepresentation, than the idea that it was a mere written description.\nIn fact, these successive scenes could be well represented now in a\npictorial form on a scroll. \u00b6 _And behold a white horse._ In order to\nany definite understanding of what was denoted by these symbols, it\nis proper to form in our minds, in the first place, a clear conception\nof what the symbol properly represents, or an idea of what it would\nnaturally convey. It may be assumed that the symbol was significant,\nand that there was some reason why that was used rather than another;\nwhy, for instance, a _horse_ was employed rather than an eagle or\na lion; why a _white_ horse was employed in one case, and a red one,\na black one, a pale one in the others; why in this case a bow was in\nthe hand of the rider, and a crown was placed on his head. Each one\nof these particulars enters into the constitution of the symbol; and\nwe must find something in the event which _fairly_ corresponds with\neach\u2015\u2015for the symbol is made up of all these things grouped together.\nIt may be farther observed, that where the general symbol is the\nsame\u2015\u2015as in the opening of the first four seals\u2015\u2015it may be assumed\nthat the same object or class of objects is referred to; and the\n_particular_ things denoted, or the diversity in the general\napplication, is to be found in the _variety_ in the representation\u2015\u2015the\ncolour, &c., of the horse, and the arms, apparel, &c., of the rider.\nThe specifications under the first seal are four: (1) the general\nsymbol of the horse\u2015\u2015common to the first four seals; (2) the colour\nof the horse; (3) the fact that he that sat on him had a bow; and\n(4) that a crown was given him by some one, as indicative of victory.\nThe question now is, what these symbols would naturally denote.\n\n(1) The horse. The meaning of this symbol must be drawn from the\nnatural use to which the symbol is applied, or the characteristics\nwhich it is known to have; and it may be added, that there might have\nbeen something for which that was best known in the time of the writer\nwho uses it, which would not be so prominent at another period of\nthe world, or in another country, and that it is necessary to have\nthat before the mind in order to obtain a correct understanding of\nthe symbol. The use of the horse, for instance, may have varied at\ndifferent times to some degree; at one time the prevailing use of the\nhorse may have been for battle; at another for rapid marches\u2015\u2015as of\ncavalry; at another for draught; at another for races; at another for\nconveying messages by the establishment of posts or the appointment of\ncouriers. To an ancient Roman the horse might suggest prominently one\nidea; to a modern Arab another; to a teamster in Holland another. The\nthings which would be most naturally suggested by the horse as a symbol,\nas distinguished, for instance, from an eagle, a lion, a serpent, &c.,\nwould be the following: (a) War, as this was probably one of the first\nuses to which the horse was applied. So, in the magnificent description\nof the horse in Job xxxix. 19\u201225, no notice is taken of any of his\nqualities but those which pertain to war. See, for a full illustration\nof this passage, and of the frequent reference in the classic writers\nto the horse as connected with war, Bochart, _Hieroz._ lib. ii.\nc. viii., particularly p. 149. Comp. Virg. _Geor._ iii. 83, 84:\n\n \u201cSi qua sonum procul arma ded\u00eare,\n Stare loco nescit, micat auribus, et tremit artus.\u201d\n\nOvid, _Metam._ iii.:\n\n \u201cUt fremit acer equus, cam bellicus, aere canoro\n Signa dedit tubicen, pugn\u00e6que assumit amorem.\u201d\n\n_Silius_, lib. xiii.:\n\n \u201cIs trepido alituum tinnitu, et stare neganti,\n Imperitans violenter equo.\u201d\n\nSo Solomon says (Pr. xxi. 31), \u201cThe horse is prepared against the day\nof battle.\u201d So in Zec. x. 3, the prophet says, God had made the house\nof Judah \u201cas his goodly horse in the battle;\u201d that is, he had made\nthem like the victorious war-horse. (b) As a consequence of this, and\nof the conquests achieved by the horse in war, he became the symbol\nof conquest\u2015\u2015of a people that could not be overcome. Comp. the above\nreference in Zec. Thus in Carthage the horse was an image of victorious\nwar, in contradistinction to the _ox_, which was an emblem of the arts\nof peaceful agriculture. This was based on a tradition respecting the\nfoundation of the city, referred to by Virgil, _\u00c6n._ i. 442\u2012445:\n\n \u201cQuo primum jactati undis et turbine Poeni\n Effod\u00eare loco signum, quod regia Juno\n Monstr\u00e2rat, _caput acris equi_: sic nam fore bello\n Egregiam, et facilem victu per Secula gentem.\u201d\n\n{139} In reference to this circumstance Justin (lib. xviii. 5)\nremarks, that \u201cin laying the foundations of the city the head of an ox\nwas found, which was regarded as an emblem of a fruitful land, but of\nthe necessity of labour and of dependence; on which account the city\nwas transferred to another place. Then the head of a horse was found,\nand this was regarded as a happy omen that the city would be warlike\nand prosperous.\u201d Comp. Creuzer, _Symbolik_, vol. ii. p. 456. (c) The\nhorse was an emblem of _fleetness_, and, consequently, of the rapidity\nof conquest. Comp. Joel ii. 4: \u201cThe appearance of them is as the\nappearance of horses; and as horsemen, so shall they run.\u201d Je. iv. 13:\n\u201cBehold, he shall come up as clouds, and his chariots shall be as the\nwhirlwind; his horses are swifter than eagles.\u201d Compare Job xxxix. 18.\n(d) The horse is an emblem of strength, and consequently of safety.\nPs. cxlvii. 10: \u201cHe delighteth not in the strength of the horse.\u201d In\ngeneral, then, the horse would properly symbolize war, conquest, or\nthe rapidity with which a message is conveyed. The particular character\nor complexion of the event\u2015\u2015as peaceful or warlike, prosperous or\nadverse\u2015\u2015is denoted by the colour of the horse, and by the character\nof the rider.\n\n(2) The colour of the horse: _a white horse_. It is evident that this\nis designed to be significant, because it is distinguished from the red,\nthe black, and the pale horse, referred to in the following verses. In\ngeneral, it may be observed that _white_ is the emblem of innocence,\npurity, prosperity\u2015\u2015as the opposite is of sickness, sin, calamity. If\nthe significance of the emblem turned alone on the _colour_, we should\nlook to something cheerful, prosperous, happy as the thing that was\nsymbolized. But the significance in the case is to be found not only in\nthe colour\u2015\u2015_white_\u2015\u2015but in the horse that was white; and the inquiry\nis, what would _a horse of that colour_ properly denote; that is,\non what occasions, and with reference to what ends, was such a horse\nused? Now, the general notion attached to the mention of a white horse,\naccording to ancient usage, would be that of state and triumph, derived\nfrom the fact that white horses were rode by conquerors on the days of\ntheir triumph; that they were used in the marriage cavalcade; that they\nwere employed on coronation occasions, &c. In the triumphs granted by\nthe Romans to their victorious generals, after a procession composed of\nmusicians, captured princes, spoils of battle, &c., came the conqueror\nhimself, seated on a high chariot drawn by four white horses, robed\nin purple, and wearing a wreath of laurel (Eschenburg, _Man. of Class.\nLiterature_, p. 283. Comp. Ovid _de Arte Amandi_, lib. v. 214). The\nname of \u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03ba\u03b9\u03c0\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015_leucippos_\u2015\u2015was given to Proserpine, because she\nwas borne from Hades to Olympus in a chariot drawn by white horses\n(_Scol. Pind. Ol._ vi. 161. See Creuzer\u2019s _Symbol._ iv. 253). White\nhorses are supposed, also, to excel others in fleetness. So Horace,\n_Sat._ lib. i. vii. 8:\n\n \u201cSisennas, Barrosque ut equis pr\u00e6curreret albis.\u201d\n\nSo Plaut. _Asin._ ii. 2, 12. So Homer, _Il._ K. 437:\n\n \u039b\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c7\u03b9\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03b4\u02b9 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9.\n\n\u2015\u2015\u201cWhiter than the snow, and swifter than the winds.\u201d And in the\n_\u00c6neid_, where Turnus was about to contend with \u00c6neas, he demanded\nhorses:\n\n \u201cQui candore nives anteirent cursibus auras.\u201d\n\n\u2015\u2015\u201cWhich would surpass the snow in whiteness, and the wind in\nfleetness\u201d (_\u00c6n._ xii. 84). So the poets everywhere describe the\nchariot of the sun as drawn by white horses (Bochart, _ut supra_).\nSo conquerors and princes are everywhere represented as borne on white\nhorses. Thus Propertius, lib. iv. eleg. i.:\n\n \u201cQuatuor huic albos Romulus egit equos.\u201d\n\nSo Claudian, lib. ii., _de Laudibus Stilichonis_:\n\n \u201cDeposito mitis clypeo, candentibus urbem\n Ingreditur trabeatus equis.\u201d\n\nAnd thus Ovid (lib. i. _de Arte_) addresses Augustus, auguring that he\nwould return a victor:\n\n \u201cErgo erit illa dies, qu\u00e2 tu, Pulcherrime rerum,\n Quatuor in niveis aureus ibis equis.\u201d\n\nThe preference of _white_ to denote triumph or victory was early\nreferred to among the Hebrews. Thus, Ju. v. 10, in the Song of Deborah:\n\n \u201cSpeak, ye that ride on white asses,\n Ye that sit in judgment,\n And walk by the way.\u201d\n\nThe expression, then, in the passage before us, would properly refer\nto some kind of _triumph_; to some joyous occasion; {140} to something\nwhere there was success or victory; and, so far as _this_ expression is\nconcerned, would refer to _any kind_ of triumph, whether of the gospel\nor of victory in war.\n\n(3) The bow: and _he that sat on him had a bow_. The bow would be\na natural emblem of war\u2015\u2015as it was used in war; or of hunting\u2015\u2015as it\nwas used for that purpose. It was a common instrument of attack or\ndefence, and seems to have been early invented, for it is found in all\nrude nations. Comp. Ge. xxvii. 3; xlviii. 22; xlix. 24; Jos. xxiv. 12;\n1 Sa. xviii. 4; Ps. xxxvii. 15; Is. vii. 24. The bow would be naturally\nemblematic of the following things: (a) _War._ See the passages above.\n(b) _Hunting._ Thus it was one of the emblems of Apollo as the god of\nhunting. (c) _The effect of truth_\u2015\u2015as that which secured conquest, or\novercame opposition in the heart. So far as _this_ emblem is concerned,\nit might denote a warrior, a hunter, a preacher, a ruler\u2015\u2015anyone who\nexerted power over others, or who achieved any kind of conquest over\nthem.\n\n(4) The crown: _and a crown was given unto him_. The word here\nused\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015means a circlet, chaplet, or crown\u2015\u2015usually such as\nwas given to a victor, 1 Co. ix. 25. It would properly be emblematic\nof victory or conquest\u2015\u2015as it was given to victors in war, or to the\nvictors at the Grecian games, and as it is given to the saints in\nheaven regarded as victors, Re. iv. 4, 10; 2 Ti. iv. 8. The crown or\nchaplet here was \u201cgiven\u201d to the rider as significant that he _would\nbe_ victorious, not that he _had been_; and the proper reference of\nthe emblem was to some conquest yet to be made, not to any which had\nbeen made. It is not said _by whom_ this was given to the rider; the\nmaterial fact being only that such a diadem _was_ conferred on him.\n\n(5) The going forth to conquest: _and he went forth, conquering and\nto conquer_. He went forth _as a conqueror, and that he might conquer_.\nThat is, he went forth with the spirit, life, energy, determined\npurpose of one who was confident that he would conquer, and who had the\nport and bearing of a conqueror. John saw in him two things: one, that\nhe had the aspect or port of a conqueror\u2015\u2015that is, of one who had been\naccustomed to conquest, and who was confident that he could conquer;\nthe other was, that this was clearly the design for which he went\nforth, and this would be the result of his going forth.\n\nHaving thus inquired into the natural meaning of the emblems used,\nperhaps the proper work of an expositor is done, and the subject might\nbe left here. But the mind naturally asks what was this designed to\nsignify, and to what events are these things to be applied? On this\npoint it is scarcely necessary to say, that the opinions of expositors\nhave been almost as numerous as the expositors themselves, and that\nit would be a hopeless task, and as useless as hopeless, to attempt\nto enumerate all the opinions entertained. They who are desirous\nof examining those opinions must be referred to the various books\non the Apocalypse where they may be found. Perhaps all the opinions\nentertained, though presented by their authors under a great variety\nof forms, might be referred to three: (1) That the whole passage in\nch. vi.\u2012xi. refers to the destruction of Jerusalem and the wasting\nof Jud\u00e6a, principally by the Romans\u2015\u2015and particularly the humiliation\nand prostration of the Jewish persecuting enemies of the church: on\nthe supposition that the book was written before the destruction of\nJerusalem. This is the opinion of Professor Stuart, and of those\ngenerally who hold that the book was written at that time. (2) The\nopinion of those who suppose that the book was written in the time of\nDomitian, about A.D. 95 or 96, and that the symbols refer to the Roman\naffairs subsequent to that time. This is the opinion of Mede, Elliott,\nand others. (3) The opinions of those who suppose that the different\nhorses and horsemen refer to the Saviour, to ministers of the gospel,\nand to the various results of the ministry. This is the opinion\nof Mr. David C. Lord and others. My purpose does not require me to\nexamine these opinions in detail. Justice could not be done to them\nin the limited compass which I have; and it is better to institute\na direct inquiry whether any events are known which can be regarded as\ncorresponding with the symbols here employed. In regard to this, then,\nthe following things may be referred to:\u2015\u2015\n\n(a) It will be assumed here, as elsewhere in these Notes, that the\nApocalypse was written in the time of Domitian, about A.D. 95 or 96.\nFor the reasons for this opinion, see Intro. \u00a7 2. Comp. an article by\nDr. Geo. Duffield in the _Biblical Repository_, July, 1847, pp. 385\u2012411.\nIt will also be assumed that the book is inspired, and {141} that\nit is not to be regarded and treated as a work of mere human origin.\nThese suppositions will preclude the necessity of any reference in the\nopening of the seals to the time of Nero, or to the events pertaining\nto the destruction of Jerusalem and the overthrow of the Jewish\npersecuting enemies of the church\u2015\u2015for the opinion that those events\nare referred to can be held only on one of two suppositions: either\nthat the work was written in the time of Nero, and before the Jewish\nwars, as held by Professor Stuart and others; or that it was penned\n_after_ the events referred to had occurred, and is such a description\nof the past as could have been made by one who was uninspired.\n\n(b) It is to be presumed that the events referred to, in the opening\nof the first seal, would occur _soon_ after the time when the vision\nappeared to John in Patmos. This is clear, not only because that would\nbe the most natural supposition, but because it is fairly implied in ch.\ni. 1: \u201cThe Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave unto him to show\nunto his servants things which must _shortly_ come to pass.\u201d See Notes\non that verse. Whatever may be said of _some_ of those events\u2015\u2015those\nlying most remotely in the series\u2015\u2015it would not accord with the fair\ninterpretation of the language to suppose that the _beginning_ of the\nseries would be far distant, and we therefore naturally look for that\nbeginning in the age succeeding the time of the apostle, or the reign\nof Domitian.\n\n(c) The inquiry then occurs whether there _were_ any such events in\nthat age as would properly be symbolized by the circumstances before\nus\u2015\u2015the horse; the colour of the horse; the bow in the hand of the\nrider; the crown given him; the state and bearing of the conqueror.\n\n(d) Before proceeding to notice what seems to me to be the\ninterpretation which best accords with all the circumstances of the\nsymbol, it may be proper to refer to the only other one which has\nany plausibility, and which is adopted by Grotius, by the author of\n_Hyponoia_, by Dr. Keith (_Signs of the Times_, i. 181, seq.), by\nMr. Lord, and others, that this refers to Christ and his church\u2015\u2015to\nChrist and his ministers in spreading the gospel. The objections to\nthis class of interpretations seem to me to be insuperable: (1) The\nwhole description, so far as it is a representation of triumph, is a\nrepresentation of the triumph of war, not of the gospel of peace. All\nthe symbols in the opening of the first four seals are warlike; all\nthe consequences in the opening of each of the seals where the horseman\nappears, are such as are usually connected with war. It is the march\nof empire, the movement of military power. (2) A horseman thus armed\nis not the usual representation of Christ, much less of his ministers\nor of his church. Once indeed (ch. xix. 14\u201216) Christ himself is thus\nrepresented; but the ordinary representation of the Saviour in this\nbook is either that of a man\u2015\u2015majestic and glorious, holding the stars\nin his right hand\u2015\u2015or of a lamb. Besides, if it _were_ the design of\nthe emblem to refer to Christ, it must be a representation of him\n_personally_ and _literally_ going forth in this manner; for it would\nbe incongruous to suppose that this relates to him, and then to give\nit a metaphorical application, referring it not to himself, but to his\ntruth, his gospel, his ministers. (3) If there is little probability\nthat this refers to Christ, there is still less that it refers to\nministers of the gospel\u2015\u2015as held by Lord and others\u2015\u2015for such a symbol\nis employed nowhere else to represent an order of ministers, nor do\nthe circumstances find a fulfilment in them. The minister of the gospel\nis a herald of peace, and is employed in the service of the Prince of\nPeace. He cannot well be represented by a warrior, nor is he in the\nScriptures. In itself considered, there is nothing more unlike or\nincongruous than a warrior going forth to conquest with hostile arms,\nand a minister of Christ. (4) Besides, this representation of a horse\nand his rider, when applied in the following verses, on this principle\nbecomes most forced and unnatural. If the warrior on the white horse\ndenotes the ministry, then the warrior on the red horse, the black\nhorse, the pale horse, must denote the ministry also, and nothing is\nmore fanciful and arbitrary than to attempt to apply these to teachers\nof various kinds of error\u2015\u2015error denoted by the red, black, and pale\ncolour\u2015\u2015as must be done on that supposition. It seems plain, therefore,\nto me, that the representation was not designed to symbolize the\nministry, or the state of the church considered with reference to its\nextension, or the various forms of belief which prevailed. But if so,\nit only remains to inquire whether a state of things existed in the\nRoman world of which these would be appropriate {142} symbols. We have,\nthen, the following facts, which are of such a nature as would properly\nbe symbolized by the horse of the first seal; that is, they are such\nfacts that if one were to undertake to devise an appropriate symbol of\nthem _since_ they occurred, they would be well represented by the image\nhere employed.\n\n(1) It was in general a period of prosperity, of triumph, of\nconquest\u2015\u2015well represented by the horseman on the white horse going\nforth to conquest. I refer now to the period immediately succeeding the\ntime of John\u2019s banishment, embracing some ninety years, and extending\nthrough the successive reigns of Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and the two\nAntonines, from the death of Domitian, A.D. 96, to the accession of\nCommodus, and the peace made by him with the Germans, A.D. 180. As an\n_illustration_ of this period, and of the pertinency of the symbol,\nI will first copy from an historical chart drawn up with no reference\nto the symbol here, and in the mind of whose author the application to\nthis symbol never occurred. The chart, distinguished for accuracy, is\nthat of A. S. Lyman, published A.D. 1845. The following is the account\nof this period, beginning at the death of Domitian:\u2015\u2015\u201cDomitian, a cruel\ntyrant, the last of the twelve C\u00e6sars.\u201d (His death, therefore, was an\nimportant epoch.) \u201cA.D. 96: Nerva, noted for his virtues, but enfeebled\nby age.\u201d \u201cA.D. 98: Trajan, _a great general, and popular emperor; under\nhim the empire attains its greatest extent_.\u201d \u201cA.D. 117: Adrian, an\nable sovereign; spends thirteen years travelling through the empire,\nreforming abuses and rebuilding cities.\u201d \u201cA.D. 138: Antoninus Pius,\ncelebrated for his wisdom, virtue, and humanity.\u201d \u201cA.D. 161: Marcus\nAurelius Antoninus, the Stoic Philosopher, noted for his virtues.\u201d Then\nbegins a new era\u2015\u2015a series of wicked princes and of great calamities.\nThe _next_ entry in the series is, \u201cA.D. 180: Commodus, profligate\nand cruel.\u201d Then follows a succession of princes of the same general\ndescription. Their character will be appropriately considered under\nthe succeeding seals. But in regard to the period now supposed to\nbe represented by the opening of the first seal, and the general\napplicability of the description here to that period, we have the\nfullest testimony in Mr. Gibbon, in his _Decline and Fall of the Roman\nEmpire_; a writer who, sceptic as he was, seems to have been raised\nup by Divine Providence to search deeply into historic records, and\nto furnish an inexhaustible supply of materials in confirmation of\nthe fulfilment of the prophecies, and of the truth of revelation. For\n(1) he was eminently endowed by talent, and learning, and patience, and\ngeneral candour, and accuracy, to prepare a history of that period of\nthe world, and to place his name in the very first rank of historians.\n(2) His history commences at about the period supposed in this\ninterpretation to be referred to by these symbols, and extends over\na very considerable portion of the time embraced in the book of\nRevelation. (3) It cannot be alleged that he was biassed in his\nstatements of facts by a desire to favour revelation; nor can it be\ncharged on him that he perverted _facts_ with a view to overthrow the\nauthority of the volume of inspired truth. He was, indeed, thoroughly\nsceptical as to the truth of Christianity, and he lost no opportunity\nto express his feelings towards it by a sneer\u2015\u2015for it seems to\nhave been an unfortunate characteristic of his mind to sneer at\neverything\u2015\u2015but there is no evidence that he ever designedly perverted\na _fact_ in history to press it into the service of infidelity, or that\nhe designedly falsified a statement for the purpose of making it bear\nagainst Christianity. It cannot be suspected that he had any _design_,\nby the statements which he makes, to confirm the truth of Scripture\nprophecies. Infidels, at least, are bound to admit his testimony as\nimpartial. (4) Not a few of the most clear and decisive proofs of\nthe fulfilment of prophecies are to be found in his history. They\nare frequently such statements as would be expected to occur in the\nwritings of a partial friend of Christianity who was endeavouring to\nmake the records of history speak out in favour of his religion; and\nif they had been found in such a writer, they would be suspected of\nhaving been shaped with a view to the confirmation of the prophecies,\nand it may be added also with an intention to defend some favourite\ninterpretation of the Apocalypse. In regard to the passage before\nus\u2015\u2015the opening of the first seal and the general explanation of the\nmeaning of that seal, above given, there is a striking resemblance\nbetween that representation and the state of the Roman empire as given\nby Mr. Gibbon at the period {143} under consideration\u2015\u2015from the end\nof the reign of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. By a singular\ncoincidence Mr. Gibbon _begins_ his history at about the period\nsupposed to be referred to by the opening of the seal\u2015\u2015the period\nfollowing the death of Domitian, A.D. 96. Thus in the opening sentences\nof his work he says: \u201cIn the second century of the Christian era the\nempire of Rome comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the\nmost civilized portion of mankind. During a happy period of more than\nfourscore years the public administration was conducted by the virtue\nand abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and the two Antonines. It is\nthe design of this and the two succeeding chapters to describe the\nprosperous condition of their empire; and afterwards, from the death\nof Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its\ndecline and fall; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is\nstill felt by the nations of the earth,\u201d vol. i. 1. Before Mr. Gibbon\nproceeds to give the history of the fall of the empire, he pauses to\ndescribe the happy condition of the Roman world during the period now\nreferred to\u2015\u2015for this is substantially his object in the first three\nchapters of his history. The _titles_ of these chapters will show their\nobject. They are respectively the following:\u2015\u2015Ch. i., \u201cThe Extent and\nMilitary Force of the Empire, _in the Age of the Antonines_;\u201d ch. ii.,\n\u201cOf the Union and Internal Prosperity of the Roman Empire, _in the Age\nof the Antonines_;\u201d ch. iii., \u201cOf the Constitution of the Roman Empire,\n_in the Age of the Antonines_.\u201d In the language of another, this is\n\u201cthe bright ground of his historic picture, from which afterwards more\neffectively to throw out in deep colouring the successive traits of the\nempire\u2019s corruption and decline\u201d (Elliott). The introductory remarks\nof Mr. Gibbon, indeed, professedly refer to \u201cthe age of the Antonines\u201d\n(A.D. 138\u2012180); but that he designed to describe, under this general\ntitle, the actual condition of the Roman world during the period which\nI suppose to be embraced under the first seal, as a time of prosperity,\ntriumph, and happiness\u2015\u2015from Domitian to Commodus\u2015\u2015is apparent (a) from\na remarkable statement which there will be occasion again to quote,\nin which he expressly designates this period in these words: \u201cIf a man\nwere called to fix the period in the history of the world during which\nthe condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would,\nwithout hesitation, name that which elapsed _from the death of Domitian\nto the accession of Commodus_,\u201d i. 47. The same thing is apparent also\nfrom a remark of Mr. Gibbon in the general summary which he makes of\nthe Roman affairs, showing that this period constituted, in his view,\nproperly an _era_ in the condition of the world. Thus he says (i. 4):\n\u201cSuch was the state of the Roman frontiers, and such the maxims of\nimperial policy, from the death of Augustus _to the accession of\nTrajan_.\u201d This was A.D. 98. The question now is, whether, during\nthis period, the events in the Roman empire were such as accord with\nthe representation in the first seal. There was nothing in the first\ncentury that could accord with this; and if John wrote the Apocalypse\nat the time supposed (A.D. 95 or 96), of course it does not refer to\nthat. Respecting that century Mr. Gibbon remarks: \u201cThe only accession\nwhich the Roman empire received, during the first century of the\nChristian era, was the province of Britain. In this single instance the\nsuccessors of C\u00e6sar and Augustus were persuaded to follow the example\nof the former rather than the precept of the latter. After a war of\nabout forty years, undertaken by the most stupid, maintained by the\nmost dissolute, and terminated by the most timid of all the emperors,\nthe far greater part of the island submitted to the Roman yoke,\u201d\ni. 2, 3. Of course the representation in the first seal _could not_\nbe applied to such a period as this. In the second century, however,\nand especially in the early part of it\u2015\u2015the beginning of the period\nsupposed to be embraced in the opening of the first seal\u2015\u2015a different\npolicy began to prevail, and though the main characteristic of the\nperiod, as a whole, was comparatively peaceful, yet it began with a\ncareer of conquests, and its general state might be characterized as\ntriumph and prosperity. Thus Mr. Gibbon speaks of Trajan on his\naccession after the death of Nerva: \u201cThat virtuous and active prince\nhad received the education of a soldier, and possessed the talents of\na general. The peaceful system of his predecessors _was interrupted by\nscenes of war and conquest_; and the legions, after a long interval,\nbeheld a military emperor at their head. The first exploits of Trajan\nwere against the {144} Dacians, the most warlike of men, who dwelt\nbeyond the Danube, and who, during the reign of Domitian, had insulted\nthe majesty of Rome. This memorable war, with a very short suspension\nof hostilities, lasted live years; and as the emperor could exert,\nwithout control, the whole force of the state, it was terminated by\nan absolute submission of the barbarians. The new province of Dacia,\nwhich formed a second exception to the precept of Augustus, was about\nthirteen hundred miles in circumference,\u201d i. 4. Speaking of Trajan\n(p. 4), he says farther: \u201cThe praises of Alexander, transmitted by a\nsuccession of poets and historians, had kindled a dangerous emulation\nin the mind of Trajan. Like him, the Roman emperor undertook an\nexpedition against the nations of the East; but he lamented with a\nsigh that his advanced age scarcely left him any hopes of equalling\nthe renown of the son of Philip. Yet the success of Trajan, however\ntransient, was rapid and specious. The degenerate Parthians, broken by\nintestine discord, fled before his arms. He descended the river Tigris,\n_in triumph_, from the mountains of Armenia to the Persian Gulf. He\nenjoyed the honour of being the first, as he was the last, of the\nRoman generals who ever navigated that remote sea. His fleets ravaged\nthe coasts of Arabia; and Trajan vainly flattered himself that he was\napproaching towards the confines of India. Every day the astonished\nsenate received the intelligence _of new names and new nations_ that\nacknowledged his sway. They were informed that the kings of Bosphorus,\nColchis, Iberia, Albania, Osrhoene, and even the Parthian monarch\nhimself, had accepted their diadems from the hand of the emperor; that\nthe independent tribes of the Median and Carduchian hills had implored\nhis protection; and that the rich countries of Armenia, Mesopotamia,\nand Assyria were reduced into the state of provinces.\u201d Of such a reign\nwhat more appropriate symbol could there be than the horse and the\nrider of the first seal? If Mr. Gibbon had been writing a designed\ncommentary on this, what more appropriate language could he have used\nin illustration of it? The reign of Hadrian, the successor of Trajan\n(A.D. 117\u2012138), was comparatively a reign of peace\u2015\u2015though one of\nhis first acts was to lead an expedition into Britain: but though\ncomparatively a time of peace, it was a reign of prosperity and triumph.\nMr. Gibbon, in the following language, gives a general characteristic\nof that reign:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe life of [Hadrian] was almost a perpetual journey;\nand as he possessed the various talents of the soldier, the statesman,\nand the scholar, he gratified his curiosity in the discharge of his\nduty. Careless of the difference of seasons and of climates, he marched\non foot, and bareheaded, over the snows of Caledonia and the sultry\nplains of Upper Egypt; nor was there a province of the empire which,\nin the course of his reign, was not honoured with the presence of the\nmonarch,\u201d p. 5. On p. 6 Mr. Gibbon remarks of this period: \u201cThe Roman\nname was revered amongst the remote nations of the earth. The fiercest\nbarbarians frequently submitted their differences to the arbitration\nof the emperor; and we are informed by a contemporary historian that\nhe had seen ambassadors who were refused the honour which they came\nto solicit, of being admitted into the rank of subjects.\u201d And again,\nspeaking of the reign of Hadrian, Mr. Gibbon remarks (i. 45): \u201cUnder\nhis reign, as has been already mentioned, the empire flourished in\npeace and prosperity. He encouraged the arts, reformed the laws,\nasserted military discipline, and visited all the provinces in person.\u201d\nHadrian was succeeded by the Antonines, Antoninus Pius and Marcus\nAurelius (the former from A.D. 138 to 161; the latter from A.D. 161\nto the accession of Commodus, A.D. 180). The general character of\ntheir reigns is well known. It is thus stated by Mr. Gibbon: \u201cThe two\nAntonines governed the world forty-two years with the same invariable\nspirit of wisdom and virtue. Their united reigns are possibly the only\nperiod of history in which the happiness of a great people was the sole\nobject of government,\u201d i. 46. And after describing the state of the\nempire in respect to its military and naval character, its roads, and\narchitecture, and constitution, and laws, Mr. Gibbon sums up the whole\ndescription of this period in the following remarkable words (vol. i.\np. 47):\u2015\u2015\u201c_If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the\nworld during which the condition of the human race was most happy and\nprosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from\nthe death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. The vast extent\nof the Roman empire was governed by absolute {145} power, under the\nguidance of virtue and wisdom. The armies were restrained by the\nfirm but gentle hands of four successive emperors, whose characters\nand authority commanded involuntary respect. The forms of the civil\nadministration were carefully preserved by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and\nthe Antonines, who delighted in the image of liberty, and were pleased\nwith considering themselves as the accountable ministers of the laws.\nSuch princes deserved the honour of restoring the republic, had the\nRomans of their days been capable of enjoying a rational freedom._\u201d If\nit be supposed now that John _designed_ to represent this period of the\nworld, could he have chosen a more expressive and significant emblem\nof it than occurs in the horseman of the first seal? If Mr. Gibbon had\nintended to prepare a commentary on it, could he have shaped the facts\nof history so as better to furnish an illustration?\n\n(2) The particular things represented in the symbol. (a) The bow\u2015\u2015a\nsymbol of war. Mr. Elliott has endeavoured to show that the _bow_\nat that period was _peculiarly_ the badge of the Cretians, and that\nNerva, who succeeded Domitian, was a Cretian by birth. The argument\nis too long to be abridged here, but, if well founded, the fulfilment\nis remarkable; for although the sword or the javelin was usually the\nbadge of the Roman emperor, if this were so there would be a peculiar\npropriety in making the _bow_ the badge during this period. See Elliott,\nvol. i. pp. 133\u2012140. But whatever may be said of this, the _bow_ was\nso generally the badge of a warrior, that there would be no impropriety\nin using it as a symbol of Roman victory. (b) The crown\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015was,\nup to the time of Aurelian, A.D. 270 (see Spanheim, p. 60), the\ndistinguishing badge of the Roman emperor; after that, the _diadem_,\nset with pearls and other jewels, was adopted and worn. The crown,\ncomposed usually of laurel, was properly the badge of the emperor\nconsidered as a military leader or commander. See Elliott, i. 130.\nAt the period now under consideration the proper badge of the Roman\nemperor would be the _crown_; after the time of Aurelian, it would have\nbeen the _diadem_. In illustration of this, two engravings have been\nintroduced, the first representing the emperor Nerva with the _crown_,\nor \u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, the second the emperor Valentinian, with the _diadem_.\n\n Illustration: Medal of the Emperor Nerva wearing Crown.\n\n Illustration: Medal of the Emperor Valentinian wearing Diadem.\n\n(c) The fact that the crown was _given_ to the rider. It was common\namong the Romans to represent an emperor in this manner; either on\nmedals, bas-reliefs, or triumphal arches. The emperor appears going\nforth on horseback, and with Victory represented as either crowning him,\nor as preceding him with a crown in her hand to present to him. The\nengraving on p. 146, copied from one of the bas-reliefs on a triumphal\narch erected to Claudius Drusus on occasion of his victories over the\nGermans, will furnish a good illustration of this, and, indeed, is so\nsimilar to the symbol described by John, that the one seems almost a\ncopy of the other.\n\n Illustration: Symbolic Bas-reliefs from a Roman Triumphal Arch.\n\nExcept that the bow is wanting, nothing could have a closer\nresemblance; and the fact that such symbols were employed, and were\nwell understood by the Romans, may be admitted to be a confirmation of\nthe view above taken of the meaning of the first seal. Indeed, so many\nthings combine to confirm this, that it seems impossible {146} to be\nmistaken in regard to it: for if it should be supposed that John lived\n_after_ this time, and that he _meant_ to furnish a striking emblem\nof this period of Roman history, he could not have employed a more\nsignificant and appropriate symbol than he has done.\n\n\n 3 And when he had opened the second seal, I heard the second\n beast say, Come and see.\n\n3. _And when he had opened the second seal._ So as to disclose another\nportion of the volume. Notes, ch. v. 1. \u00b6 _I heard the second beast\nsay._ The second beast was like a calf or an ox. Notes, ch. iv. 7.\nIt cannot be supposed that there is any special significancy in the\nfact that the _second_ beast addressed the seer on the opening of the\n_second_ seal, or that, so far as the symbol was concerned, there was\nany reason why this living creature should approach on the opening of\nthis seal rather than on either of the others. All that seems to be\ndesigned is, that as the living creatures are intended to be emblems\nof the providential government of God, it was proper to represent that\ngovernment as concerned in the opening of each of these four seals,\nindicating important events among the nations. \u00b6 _Come and see._ See\nNotes on ver. 1.\n\n\n 4 And there went out another horse _that was_ red: and _power_\n was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth,\n and that they should kill one another: and there was given\n unto him a great sword.\n\n4. _And there went out another horse._ In this symbol there were, as\nin the others, several particulars which it is proper to explain in\norder that we may be able to understand its application. The particular\nthings in the symbol are the following: (a) The horse. See this\nexplained in the Notes on ver. 2. (b) The colour of the horse: _another\nhorse |that was| red_. This symbol cannot be mistaken. As the white\nhorse denoted prosperity, triumph, and happiness, so this would denote\ncarnage, discord, bloodshed. This is clear, not only from the nature\nof the emblem, but from the explanation immediately added: \u201cAnd power\nwas given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth, and\nthat they should kill one another.\u201d On the _colour_, compare Bochart,\n_Hieroz._ P. i. lib. ii. c. vii. p. 104. See also Zec. i. 8. There is\nno possibility of mistaking this, that a time of _slaughter_ is denoted\nby this emblem. (c) The power given to him that sat on the horse:\n_and |power| was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from\nthe earth, and that they should kill one another_. This would seem\nto indicate that the condition immediately preceding this was a\ncondition of tranquillity, and that this was now disturbed by some\ncause producing discord and bloodshed. This idea is confirmed by the\noriginal words\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c1\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd\u2015\u2015\u201c_the_ peace;\u201d that is, the previously\nexisting peace. When peace in general is referred to, the word is used\nwithout the article: Mat. x. 34, \u201cThink not that I am come to send\npeace\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c1\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd\u2015\u2015upon the earth.\u201d Comp. Lu. i. 79; ii. 14; xix.\n38; Mar. v. 34; Jn. xiv. 27; xvi. 33; Ac. vii. 26; ix. 31, _et al._ in\nthe Greek. In these cases the word peace is without the article. The\ncharacteristics of the period referred to by this are: (a) that peace\nand tranquillity existed before; (b) that such peace and tranquillity\nwere now taken away, and were succeeded by confusion and bloodshed;\nand (c) that the particular form of that confusion was civil discord,\nproducing mutual slaughter: \u201cthat they should kill one another.\u201d\n(d) The presentation of a sword: _and there was given unto him a great\nsword_. As an emblem of what he was to do, or of the period that was\nreferred to by the opening of the {147} seal. The sword is an emblem\nof war, of slaughter, of authority (Ro. xiii. 4), and is here used as\nsignifying that that period would be characterized by carnage. Comp.\nIs. xxxiv. 5; Re. xix. 17, 18; Le. xxvi. 25; Ge. xxvii. 40; Mat. x. 34;\nxxvi. 52. It is not said _by whom_ the sword was presented, but _the\nfact_ is merely referred to, that the rider _was_ presented with a\nsword as a symbol of what would occur.\n\nIn inquiring now into the period referred to by this symbol, we\nnaturally look to that which immediately succeeded the one which was\nrepresented by the opening of the first seal; that is, the period\nwhich followed the accession of Commodus, A.D. 180. We shall find,\nin the events which succeeded his accession to the empire, a state\nof things which remarkably accords with the account given by John in\nthis emblem\u2015\u2015so much so, that if it were supposed that the book was\nwritten _after_ these events had occurred, and that John had _designed_\nto represent them by this symbol, he could not have selected a more\nappropriate emblem. The only authority which it is necessary to refer\nto here is Mr. Gibbon; who, as before remarked, seems to have been\nraised up by a special Providence to make a record of those events\nwhich were referred to by some of the most remarkable prophecies in\nthe Bible. As he had the highest qualifications for an historian, his\nstatements may be relied on as accurate; and as he had no belief in the\ninspiration of the prophetic records, his testimony will not be charged\nwith partiality in their favour. The following particulars, therefore,\nwill furnish a full illustration of the opening of the second seal:\n(a) The previous state of peace. This is implied in the expression,\n\u201cand power was given to him to _take peace_ from the earth.\u201d Of this\nwe have had a full confirmation in the peaceful reign of Hadrian and\nthe Antonines. See the Notes on the exposition of the first seal.\nMr. Gibbon, speaking of the accession of Commodus to the imperial\nthrone, says that he \u201chad nothing to wish, and everything to enjoy.\nThe beloved son of Marcus [Commodus] succeeded his father amidst the\nacclamations of the senate and armies; and when he ascended the throne,\nthe happy youth saw around him neither competitor to remove, nor\nenemies to punish. In this calm elevated station, it was surely natural\nthat he should prefer the love of mankind to their detestation; the\nmild glories of his five predecessors to the ignominious fate of Nero\nand Domitian,\u201d i. 51. So again, on the same page, he says of Commodus,\n\u201cHis graceful person, popular address, and imagined virtues attracted\nthe public favour; the honourable peace which he had recently granted\nto the barbarians diffused an universal joy.\u201d No one can doubt that the\naccession of Commodus was preceded by a remarkable prevalence of peace\nand prosperity. (b) Civil war and bloodshed: _to take peace from the\nearth, and that they should kill one another_. Of the applicability of\nthis to the time supposed to be represented by this seal, we have the\nfullest confirmation in the series of civil wars commencing with the\nassassination of the emperor Commodus, A.D. 193, and continued, with\nscarcely any intervals of intermission, for eighty or ninety years.\nSo Sismondi, on the fall of the Roman empire (i. 36), says, \u201cWith\nCommodus\u2019 death commenced the third and most calamitous period. It\nlasted ninety-two years, from 193 to 284. During that time, thirty-two\nemperors, and twenty-seven pretenders to the empire, alternately\nhurried each other from the throne, by incessant civil warfare.\nNinety-two years of almost incessant civil warfare taught the world\n_on what a frail foundation the virtue of the Antonines had reared the\nfelicity of the empire_.\u201d The full history of this period may be seen\nin Gibbon, i. pp. 50\u2012197. Of course it is impossible in these Notes\nto present anything like a complete account of the characteristics\nof those times. Yet the briefest summary may well show the general\ncondition of the Roman empire then, and the propriety of representing\nit by the symbol of a red horse, as a period when peace would be taken\nfrom the earth, and when men would kill one another. Commodus himself\nis represented by Mr. Gibbon in the following words:\u2015\u2015\u201cCommodus was not,\nas he has been represented, a tiger, born with an insatiate thirst of\nhuman blood, and capable, from his infancy, of the most inhuman actions.\nNature had formed him of a weak, rather than a wicked disposition. His\nsimplicity and timidity rendered him the slave of his attendants, who\ngradually corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at first obeyed the\ndictates of others, degenerated into habit, and at length became the\nruling passion of his soul,\u201d i. 51. During the first {148} three years\nof his reign \u201chis hands were yet unstained with blood\u201d (_Ibid._), but\nhe soon degenerated into a most severe and bloody tyrant, and \u201cwhen\nCommodus had once tasted human blood, he was incapable of pity or\nremorse,\u201d i. 52. \u201cThe tyrant\u2019s rage,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon (i. 52), \u201cafter\nhaving shed the noblest blood of the senate, at length recoiled on\nthe principal instrument of his cruelty. While Commodus _was immersed\nin blood and luxury_ he devolved the detail of public business on\nPerennis, a servile and ambitious minister, who had obtained his post\nby the murder of his predecessor,\u201d &c. \u201cEvery sentiment of virtue and\nhumanity was extinct in the mind of Commodus,\u201d i. 55. After detailing\nthe history of his crimes, his follies, and his cruelties, Mr. Gibbon\nremarks of him: \u201cHis cruelty proved at last fatal to himself. He had\nshed with impunity the best blood of Rome: he perished as soon as he\nwas dreaded by his own domestics. Marcia, his favourite concubine,\nEclectus, his chamberlain, and L\u00e6tus, his pretorian prefect, alarmed by\nthe fate of their companions and predecessors, resolved to prevent the\ndestruction which every hour hung over their heads, either from the mad\ncaprice of the tyrant, or the sudden indignation of the people. Marcia\nseized the occasion of presenting a draught of wine to her lover, after\nhe had fatigued himself with hunting some wild beasts. Commodus retired\nto sleep; but while he was labouring with the effects of poison and\ndrunkenness, a robust youth, by profession a wrestler, entered his\nchamber, and strangled him without resistance,\u201d i. 57. The immediate\nconsequence of the assassination of Commodus was the elevation of\nPertinax to the throne, and his murder eighty-six days after (_Decline\nand Fall_, i. 60). Then followed the public setting-up of the empire\nto sale by the pretorian guards, and its purchase by a wealthy Roman\nsenator, Didius Julianus, or Julian, who, \u201con the throne of the\nworld, found himself without a friend and without an adherent,\u201d i. 63.\n\u201cThe streets and public places in Rome resounded with clamours and\nimprecations.\u201d \u201cThe public discontent was soon diffused from the centre\nto the frontiers of the empire,\u201d i. 63. In the midst of this universal\nindignation Septimius Severus, who then commanded the army in the\nneighbourhood of the Danube, resolved to avenge the death of Pertinax,\nand to seize upon the imperial crown. He marched to Rome, overcame the\nfeeble Julian, and placed himself on the throne. Julian, after having\nreigned sixty-six days, was beheaded in a private apartment of the\nbaths of the palace, i. 67. \u201cIn less than four years Severus subdued\nthe riches of the East, and the valour of the West. He vanquished\ntwo competitors of reputation and ability, and defeated numerous\narmies provided with weapons and discipline equal to his own,\u201d i. 68.\nMr. Gibbon then enters into a detail of \u201cthe two _civil wars_ against\nNiger and Albinus\u201d\u2015\u2015rival competitors for the empire (i. 68\u201270), both\nof whom were vanquished, and both of whom were put to death \u201cin their\nflight from the field of battle.\u201d Yet he says, \u201cAlthough the wounds\nof civil war were apparently healed, its mortal poison still lurked\nin the vitals of the constitution,\u201d i. 71. After the death of Severus,\nthen follows an account of the contentions between his sons, Geta and\nCaracalla, and of the death of the former by the instigation of the\nlatter (i. 77); then of the remorse of Caracalla, in which it is said\nthat \u201chis disordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father\nand his brother rising into life to threaten and upbraid him\u201d (i. 77);\nthen of the cruelties which Caracalla inflicted on the friends of Geta,\nin which \u201cit was computed that, under the vague appellation of the\nfriends of Geta, above twenty thousand persons of both sexes suffered\ndeath\u201d (i. 78); then of the departure of Caracalla from the capital,\nand his cruelties in other parts of the empire, concerning which\nMr. Gibbon remarks (i. 78, 79), that \u201cCaracalla was the common enemy\nof mankind. Every province was by turns the scene of his rapine\nand cruelty. In the midst of peace and repose, upon the slightest\nprovocation, he issued his commands at Alexandria in Egypt for a\ngeneral massacre. From a secure post in the temple of Serapis he\nviewed and directed the slaughter of many thousand citizens, as well\nas strangers, without distinguishing either the number or the crime of\nthe sufferers,\u201d &c. Then follows the account of the assassination of\nCaracalla (i. 80); then, and in consequence of that, of the civil war\nwhich crushed Macrinus, and raised Elagabalus to the throne (i. 83);\nthen of the life and follies of that wretched voluptuary, and of his\nmassacre by the pretorian guards {149} (i. 86); then, after an interval\nof thirteen years, of the murder of his successor, the second Severus,\non the Rhine; then of the civil wars excited against his murderer and\nsuccessor, Maximin, in which the two emperors of a day\u2015\u2015the Gordians,\nfather and son\u2015\u2015perished in Africa, and Maximin himself, and his son,\nin the siege of Aquileia; then of the murder at Rome of the two joint\nemperors, Maximus and Balbinus; and quickly after that an account of\nthe murder of their successor in the empire, the third and youngest\nGordian, on the banks of the river Aboras; then of the slaughter of\nthe next emperor Philip, together with his son and associate in the\nempire, in the battle near Verona:\u2015\u2015and this state of things may be\nsaid to have continued until the accession of Diocletian to the empire,\nA.D. 284. See _Decline and Fall_, i. 110\u2012197. Does any portion of the\nhistory of the world present a similar period of connected history that\nwould be so striking a fulfilment of the symbols used here of \u201cpeace\nbeing taken from the earth,\u201d and \u201cmen killing one another?\u201d In regard\nto this whole period it is sufficient, after reading Mr. Gibbon\u2019s\naccount, to ask two questions: (1) If it were supposed that John lived\n_after_ this period, and designed to represent this by an expressive\nsymbol, could he have found one that would have characterized it\nbetter than this does? (2) And if it should be supposed that Mr. Gibbon\n_designed_ to write a commentary on this \u201cseal,\u201d and to show the exact\nfulfilment of the symbol, could he have selected a better portion of\nhistory to do it, or could he have better described facts that would\nbe a complete fulfilment? It is only necessary to observe further,\n(c) that this is a _marked_ and _definite_ period. It has such a\nbeginning, and such a continuance and ending, as to show that this\nsymbol was applicable to this _as_ a period of the world. For it was\nnot only preceded by a state of peace, as is supposed in the symbol,\nbut no one can deny that the condition of things in the empire, from\nCommodus onward through many years, was such as to be appropriately\ndesignated by the symbol here used.\n\n\n 5 And when he had opened the third seal, I heard the third\n beast say, Come and see. And I beheld, and lo, a black horse;\n and he that sat on him had a pair of balances in his hand.\n\n 6 And I heard a voice in the midst of the four beasts say,\n [217]A measure of wheat for a penny, and three measures of\n barley for a penny; and _see_ thou [218]hurt not the oil and\n the wine.\n\n5, 6. _And when he had opened the third seal._. Unfolding another\nportion of the volume. See Notes on ch. v. 1. \u00b6 _I heard the third\nbeast say, Come and see._ See Notes on ch. iv. 7. It is not apparent\nwhy the _third_ beast is represented as taking a particular interest\nin the opening of _this_ seal (comp. Notes on ver. 3), nor is it\nnecessary to show why it was so. The general design seems to have been,\nto represent each one of the four living creatures as interested in\nthe opening of the seals, but the _order_ in which they did this does\nnot seem to be a matter of importance. \u00b6 _And I beheld, and lo, a\nblack horse._ The specifications of the symbol here are the following:\n(a) As before, the horse. See Notes on ver. 2. (b) The _colour_ of the\nhorse: _lo, a black horse_. This would properly denote distress and\ncalamity\u2015\u2015for _black_ has been regarded always as such a symbol. So\nVirgil speaks of _fear_ as black: \u201catrumque timorem\u201d (_\u00c6n._ ix. 619).\nSo again, _Georg._ iv. 468:\n\n \u201cCaligantem nigra formidine lucum.\u201d\n\nSo, as applied to the dying Acca, _\u00c6n._ xi. 825:\n\n \u201cTenebris nigrescunt omnia circum.\u201d\n\nBlack, in the Scriptures, is the image of fear, of famine, of death.\nLa. v. 10: \u201cOur skin was black like an oven, because of the terrible\nfamine.\u201d Je. xiv. 2: \u201cBecause of the drought Judah mourneth, and the\ngates thereof languish; they are in deep mourning [literally, _black_]\nfor the land.\u201d Joel ii. 6: \u201cAll faces shall gather blackness.\u201d Na.\nii. 10: \u201cThe knees smite together, and there is great pain in all\nloins, and the faces of them all gather blackness.\u201d Comp. Re. vi. 12;\nEze. xxxii. 7. See also Bochart, _Hieroz._ P. i. lib. ii. c. vii.\npp. 106, 107. From the _colour_ of the horse here introduced we should\nnaturally look for some dire calamity, though the _nature_ of the\ncalamity would not be designated by the mere use of the word _black_.\nWhat the calamity was to be must be determined by what follows in\nthe symbol. Famine, pestilence, oppression, heavy taxation, tyranny,\ninvasion\u2015\u2015any of these might be denoted by the colour of the horse.\n(c) The balances: _and he that sat on him had a pair of balances in his\nhand_. The original word here rendered _a pair {150} of balances_, is\n\u03b6\u03c5\u03b3\u1f78\u03bd. This word properly means _a yoke_, serving to couple anything\ntogether, as a yoke for cattle. Hence it is used to denote the _beam_\nof a balance, or of a pair of scales\u2015\u2015and is evidently so used here.\nThe idea is, that something was to be _weighed_, in order to ascertain\neither its _quantity_ or its _value_. Scales or balances are the\nemblems of justice or equity (comp. Job xxxi. 6; Ps. lxii. 9; Pr.\nxi. 1; xvi. 11); and when joined with symbols that denote the sale of\ncorn and fruit by weight, become the symbol of scarcity. Thus \u201cbread by\nweight\u201d (Le. xxvi. 26) denotes scarcity. So in Eze. iv. 16, \u201cAnd they\nshall eat bread by weight.\u201d The use of balances here as a symbol would\nsignify that something was to be accurately and carefully weighed out.\nThe connection leads us to suppose that this would appertain to the\nnecessaries of life, and that it would occur either in consequence of\nscarcity, or because there would be an accurate or severe exaction, as\nin collecting a revenue on these articles. The balance was commonly the\nsymbol of equity and justice; but it was also, sometimes, the symbol\nof exaction and oppression, as in Ho. xii. 7: \u201cThe balance of deceit\nis in his hands; he loveth to oppress.\u201d If the balances stood alone,\nand there were no proclamation as to what was to occur, we should look,\nunder this seal, to a time of the exact administration of justice, as\nscales or balances are now used as emblems of the rigid application\nof the laws and of the principles of justice in courts, or in public\naffairs. If _this_ representation stood alone, or if the black horse\nand the scales constituted the whole of the symbol, we should look\nfor some severe administration, or perhaps some heavy calamity under a\nrigorous administration of laws. The reference, however, to the \u201cwheat\nand barley,\u201d and to the price for which they were to be weighed out,\nserves still further to limit and define the meaning of the symbol\nas having reference to the necessaries of life\u2015\u2015to the productions of\nthe land\u2015\u2015to the actual capital of the country. Whether this refers\nto scarcity, or to taxation, or both, must be determined by the other\nparts of the symbol. (d) The proclamation: _And I heard a voice in the\nmidst of the four beasts say_. That is, from the throne, ch. iv. 6.\nThe voice was not that of one of the four beasts, but it seemed to come\nfrom among them. As the rider went forth, this was the proclamation\nthat was made in regard to him; or this is that which is symbolized\nin his going forth, to wit, that there would be such a state of things\nthat a measure of wheat would be sold for a penny, &c. The proclamation\nconsists essentially of two things\u2015\u2015that which refers to the price\nor value of wheat and barley, and that which requires that care shall\nbe taken not to injure the oil and the wine. Each of these demands\nexplanation. \u00b6 _A measure of wheat for a penny._ See the margin. The\nword rendered _measure_\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bd\u03b9\u03be, _ch\u0153nix_\u2015\u2015denotes an Attic measure\nfor grain and things dry, equal to the forty-eighth part of the Attic\nmedimnus, or the eighth part of the Roman modius, and consequently was\nnearly equivalent to one quart English (Rob. _Lex._). The word rendered\n_penny_, \u03b4\u03b7\u03bd\u03ac\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015Lat. _denarius_\u2015\u2015was of the same value as the\nGreek \u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c7\u03bc\u03ae, _drachm\u0113_, and was equivalent to about fourteen cents or\nsevenpence. This was the usual price of a day\u2019s labour, Mat. xx. 2, 9.\nThe ch\u0153nix, or measure of grain here referred to, was the ordinary\ndaily allowance for one man [_Odyss._, xix. 27, 28). See Stuart, _in\nloco_. The common price of the Attic medimnus of wheat was five or six\ndenarii; but here, as that contained forty-eight ch\u0153nixes or quarts,\nthe price would be augmented to forty-eight denarii\u2015\u2015or it would\nbe about eight times as dear as ordinary; that is, there would be a\nscarcity or famine. The price of a _bushel_ of wheat at this rate would\nbe about four dollars and a half or 18 shillings\u2015\u2015a price which would\nindicate great scarcity, and which would give rise to much distress.\n\u00b6 _And three measures of barley for a penny._ It would seem from this\nthat barley usually bore about one-third the price of wheat. It was\na less valuable grain, and perhaps was produced in greater abundance.\nThis is not far from the proportion which the price of this grain\nusually {151} bears to that of wheat, and here, as in the case of\nthe wheat, the thing which would be indicated would be scarcity. This\nproclamation of \u201ca measure of wheat for a penny\u201d was heard either\nas addressed _to_ the horseman, as a rule of action for him, or as\naddressed _by_ the horseman as he went forth. If the former is the\nmeaning, it would be an appropriate address to one who was going forth\nto collect tribute\u2015\u2015with reference to the _exact_ manner in which this\ntribute was to be collected, implying some sort of severity of exaction;\nor to one who should distribute wheat and barley out of the public\ngranaries at an advanced price, indicating scarcity. Thus it would\nmean that a severe and heavy tax\u2015\u2015represented by the scales and the\nscarcity\u2015\u2015or a tax so severe as to _make_ grain dear, was referred\nto. If the latter is the meaning, then the idea is that there would be\na scarcity, and that grain would be dealt out by the government at a\nhigh and oppressive price. The latter idea would be as consonant with\nthe symbol of the scales and the price mentioned as the other, if it\nwere not for the _additional_ injunction not to \u201churt the oil and the\nwine\u201d\u2015\u2015which cannot be well applied to the idea of dealing out grain at\na high price. It can, however, be connected, by a fair interpretation\nof that passage, with such a severity of taxation that there would\nbe a propriety in such a command\u2015\u2015for, as we shall see, under the\nexplanation of that phrase, such a law was actually promulgated\nas resulting from severity of taxation. The idea, then, in\nthe passage before us, would seem to be, (a) that there would\nbe a rigid administration of the law in regard to the matter\nunder consideration\u2015\u2015that pertaining to the productions of the\nearth\u2015\u2015represented by the balances; and (b) that that would be\nconnected with general scarcity, or such an exercise of this power as\nto determine the price of grain, so that the price would be some three\ntimes greater than ordinary. \u00b6 _And see thou hurt not the oil and the\nwine._ There has been a great variety of interpretations proposed of\nthis passage, and it is by no means easy to determine the true sense.\nThe first inquiry in regard to it is, to whom is it addressed? Perhaps\nthe most common impression on reading it would be, that it is addressed\nto the horseman with the balances, commanding _him_ not to injure the\noliveyards and the vineyards. But this is not probably the correct view.\nIt does not appear that the horseman goes forth to destroy anything, or\nthat the effect of his going forth is directly to injure anything. This,\ntherefore, should not be understood as addressed to the horseman, but\nshould be regarded as a general command to any and all _not_ to injure\nthe oliveyards and vineyards; that is, an order that nothing should\nbe done essentially to injure them. If thus regarded as addressed to\nothers, a fair and congruous meaning would be furnished by either of\nthe following interpretations: either (a) considered as addressed to\nthose who were disposed to be prodigal in their manner of living, or\ncareless as to the destruction of the crop of the oil and wine, as\nthey would now be needed; or (b) as addressed to those who raised such\nproductions, on the supposition that they would be _taxed_ heavily,\nor that large quantities of these productions would be extorted for\nrevenue, that they should not mutilate their fruit-trees in order to\nevade the taxes imposed by the government. In regard to the things\nspecified here\u2015\u2015oil and wine\u2015\u2015it may be remarked, that they were\nhardly considered as articles of luxury in ancient times. They were\nalmost as _necessary_ articles as wheat and barley. They constituted\na considerable part of the food and drink of the people, as well as\nfurnished a large portion of the revenue, and it would seem to be with\nreference to that fact that the command here is given that they should\nnot be injured; that is, that nothing should be done to diminish\nthe quantity of oil and wine, or to impair the productive power of\noliveyards and vineyards. The state of things thus described by this\nseal, as thus interpreted, would be, (a) a rigid administration of the\nlaws of the empire, particularly in reference to taxation, producing a\nscarcity among the necessary articles of living; (b) a strong tendency,\n_from_ the severity of the taxation, to mutilate such kinds of property,\nwith a view either of concealing the real amount of property, or of\ndiminishing the amount of taxes; and (c) a solemn command from some\nauthoritative quarter _not_ to do this. A command from the ruling\npower _not_ to do this would meet all that would be fairly demanded\nin the _interpretation_ of the passage; and what is necessary in\nits _application_, is to find such a state of things as would {152}\ncorrespond with these predictions; that is, such as a writer _would\nhave_ described _by_ such symbols on the supposition that they were\nreferred to.\n\nNow it so happens that there _were_ important events which occurred\nin the Roman empire, and connected with its decline and fall, of\nsufficient importance to be noticed in a series of calamitous events,\nwhich corresponded with the symbol here, as above explained. They\nwere such as these: (a) The _general_ severity of taxation, or the\noppressive burdens laid on the people by the emperors. In the account\nwhich Mr. Gibbon gives of the operation of the _Indictions_, and\n_Superindictions_, though the specific laws on this subject pertained\nto a subsequent period, the general nature of the taxation of the\nempire and its oppressive character may be seen (_Decline and Fall_,\ni. 357\u2012359). A general estimate of the amount of revenue to be exacted\nwas made out, and the collecting of this was committed to the pretorian\nprefects, and to a great number of subordinate officers. \u201cThe lands\nwere measured by surveyors who were sent into the provinces; their\nnature, whether arable, or pasture, or woods, was distinctly reported;\nand an estimate made of their common value, from the average produce of\nfive years. The number of slaves and of cattle constituted an essential\npart of the report; an oath was administered to the proprietors, which\nbound them to disclose the true state of their affairs; and their\nattempts to prevaricate or elude the intention of the legislature were\nseverely watched, and punished as a capital crime, which included the\ndouble guilt of treason and of sacrilege. According to the different\nnature of lands, their real produce in the various articles of _wine or\noil, corn or barley_, wood or iron, was transported by the labour or at\nthe expense of the provincials to the imperial magazines, from whence\nthey were occasionally distributed for the use of the court or of the\narmy, and of the two capitals, Rome and Constantinople,\u201d i. p. 358.\nComp. Lactant. _de Mort. Persecut._, c. 23. (b) The particular order,\nunder this oppressive system of taxation, respecting the preservation\nof vineyards and oliveyards, may be referred to, also, as corresponding\nto the command sent forth under this rider, not to \u201churt the oil and\nthe wine.\u201d That order was in the following words:\u2015\u2015\u201cIf any one shall\nsacrilegiously cut a vine, or stint the fruit of prolific boughs,\nand craftily feign poverty in order to avoid a fair assessment,\nhe shall, immediately on detection, suffer death, and his property\nbe confiscated\u201d (_Cod. Theod._ l. xiii. lib. xi. seq.; Gibbon,\ni. 358, note). Mr. Gibbon remarks: \u201cAlthough this law is not without\nits studied obscurity, it is, however, clear enough to prove the\nminuteness of the inquisition, and the disproportion of the penalty.\u201d\n(c) Under this general subject of the severity of taxation\u2015\u2015as a fact\nfar-spreading and oppressive, and as so important as to hasten the\ndownfall of the empire, may be noticed a distinct edict of Caracalla\nas occurring more directly in the period in which the rider with\nthe balances may be supposed to have gone forth. This is stated by Mr.\nGibbon (i. 91) as one of the important causes which contributed to the\ndownfall of the empire. \u201cThe personal characters of the emperors, their\nvictories, laws, and fortunes,\u201d says he, \u201ccan interest us no farther\nthan they are connected with the general history of the decline and\nfall of the monarchy. Our constant attention to that object will not\nsuffer us to overlook a most important edict of Antoninus Caracalla,\nwhich communicated to all the free inhabitants of the empire the name\nand privileges of Roman citizens. His unbounded liberality, however,\nflowed not from the sentiments of a generous mind; it was the sordid\nresult of avarice,\u201d &c. He then proceeds at length to state the nature\nand operations of that law, by which a heavy tax, under the pretence\nof liberality, was in fact imposed on all the citizens of the empire\u2015\u2015a\nfact which, in its ultimate results, the historian of the _Decline and\nFall_ regards as so closely connected with the termination of the\nempire. See Gibbon, i. pp. 91\u201295. After noticing the laws of Augustus,\nNero, and the Antonines, and the real privileges conferred by them on\nthose who became entitled to the rank of Roman citizens\u2015\u2015privileges\nwhich were a compensation in the honour, dignity, and offices of that\nrank for the measure of taxation which it involved\u2015\u2015he proceeds to\nnotice the fact that the _title_ of \u201cRoman citizen\u201d was conferred\nby Caracalla on all the free citizens of the empire, involving\nthe subjection to all the heavy taxes usually imposed on those who\nsustained the rank expressed by the title, but with nothing of the\ncompensation connected {153} with the title when it was confined to\nthe inhabitants of Italy. \u201cBut the favour,\u201d says he, \u201cwhich implied\na distinction, was lost in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the\nreluctant provincials were compelled to assume _the vain title_, and\nthe real _obligations_, of Roman citizens. Nor was the rapacious son\nof Severus [Caracalla] contented with such a measure of taxation as\nhad appeared sufficient to his moderate predecessors. Instead of a\ntwentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances; and\nduring his reign he crushed alike every part of the empire under the\nweight of his iron sceptre,\u201d i. 95. So again (_Ibid._), speaking of\nthe taxes which had been lightened somewhat by Alexander, Mr. Gibbon\nremarks: \u201cIt is impossible to conjecture the motive that engaged him\nto spare so trifling a remnant of the evil; but the noxious weed,\nwhich had not been totally eradicated, again sprung up with the most\nluxuriant growth, and in the succeeding age darkened the Roman world\nwith its deadly shade. In the course of this history we shall be too\noften summoned to explain the land-tax, the capitation, and the heavy\ncontributions of _corn_, _wine_, _oil_, and meat, which were exacted\nfrom the provinces for the use of the court, the army, and the capital.\u201d\nIn reference to this whole matter of _taxation_ as being one of the\nthings which contributed to the downfall of the empire, and which\nspread woe through the falling empire\u2015\u2015a woe worthy to be illustrated\nby one of the seals\u2015\u2015a confirmation may be derived from the reign of\nGalerius, who, as C\u00e6sar, acted under the authority of Diocletian; who\nexcited Diocletian to the work of persecution (_Decline and Fall_,\ni. 317, 318); and who, on the abdication of Diocletian, assumed the\ntitle of Augustus (_Decline and Fall_, i. 222). Of his administration\nin general Mr. Gibbon (i. 226) remarks: \u201cAbout that time the avarice\nof Galerius, or perhaps the exigencies of the state, had induced him\nto make a very strict and rigorous inquisition into the property of\nhis subjects for the purpose of a general taxation, both on their\nlands and on their persons. A very minute survey appears to have been\ntaken of their real estates; and wherever there was the slightest\nsuspicion of concealment, torture was very freely employed to obtain\na sincere declaration of their personal wealth.\u201d Of the nature of this\nexaction under Galerius; of the cruelty with which the measure was\nprosecuted\u2015\u2015particularly in its bearing on Christians, towards whom\nGalerius cherished a mortal enmity (_Decline and Fall_, i. 317);\nand of the extent and severity of the suffering among Christians and\nothers, caused by it\u2015\u2015the following account of Lactantius (_De Mort.\nPersecut._, c. 23) will furnish a painful but most appropriate\nillustration:\u2015\u2015\u201cSwarms of exactors sent into the provinces and cities\nfilled them with agitation and terror, as though a conquering enemy\nwere leading them into captivity. The fields were separately measured,\nthe trees and vines, the flocks and herds numbered, and an examination\nmade of the men. In the cities the cultivated and rude were united as\nof the same rank. The streets were crowded with groups of families,\nand every one required to appear with his children and slaves. Tortures\nand lashes resounded on every side. Sons were gibbeted in the presence\nof their parents, and the most confidential servants harassed that\nthey might make disclosures against their masters, and wives that\nthey might testify unfavourably of their husbands. If there were\na total destitution of property, they were still tortured to make\nacknowledgments against themselves, and, when overcome by pain,\ninscribed for what they did not possess. Neither age nor ill-health was\nadmitted as an excuse for not appearing. The sick and weak were borne\nto the place of inscription, a reckoning made of the age of each, and\nyears added to the young and deducted from the old, in order to subject\nthem to a higher taxation than the law imposed. The whole scene was\nfilled with wailing and sadness. In the meantime individuals died,\nand the herds and the flocks diminished, yet tribute was none the less\nrequired to be paid for the dead, so that it was no longer allowed\neither to live or die without a tax. Mendicants alone escaped, where\nnothing could be wrenched, and whom misfortune and misery had made\nincapable of farther oppression. These the impious wretch affecting to\npity, that they might not suffer want, ordered to be assembled, borne\noff in vessels, and plunged into the sea.\u201d See Lord on the Apoc., pp.\n128, 129. These facts in regard to the severity of taxation, and the\nrigid nature of the law enforcing it; to the sources of the r\u00e9venue\nexacted in the provinces, and to the care that none {154} of those\nsources should be diminished; and to the actual and undoubted bearing\nof all this on the decline and fall of the empire, are so strikingly\napplicable to the symbol here employed, that if it be supposed that it\nwas _intended_ to refer to them, no more natural or expressive symbol\ncould have been used; if it were supposed that the historian _meant_ to\nmake a record of the fulfilment, he could not well have made a search\nwhich would more strikingly accord with the symbol. Were we _now_ to\nrepresent these things by a symbol, we could scarcely find one that\nwould be more expressive than that of a rider on a black horse with\na pair of scales, sent forth under a proclamation which indicated\nthat there would be a most rigid and exact administration of severe\nand oppressive laws, and with a special command, addressed to the\npeople, not for the purposes of concealment, or from opposition to the\ngovernment, to injure the sources of revenue. It may serve further to\nillustrate this, to copy one of the usual emblems of a Roman procurator\nor questor. It is taken from Spanheim, _De Usu Num. Diss._, vi. 545.\nSee Elliott, i. 169. It has a balance as a symbol of exactness or\njustice, and an ear of grain as a symbol employed with reference to\nprocuring or exacting grain from the provinces.\n\n Illustration: Emblem of a Roman Procurator.\n\n\n 7 And when he had opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of\n the fourth beast say, Come and see.\n\n7. _And when he had opened the fourth seal._ See Notes, ch. v. 1.\n\u00b6 _I heard the voice of the fourth beast say._ The flying eagle. Notes,\nch. iv. 7. As in the other cases, there does not appear to have been\nany particular reason why the _fourth_ of the living creatures should\nhave made this proclamation rather than either of the others. It was\npoetic and appropriate to represent each one in his turn as making\nproclamation. \u00b6 _Come and see._ See Notes, ver. 1.\n\n\n 8 And I looked, and behold a pale horse; and his name that\n sat on him was Death, and Hell followed with him. And power\n was given [219]unto them over the fourth part of the earth,\n to kill [220]with sword, and with hunger, and with death, and\n with the beasts of the earth.\n\n8. _And I looked, and behold a pale horse_\u2015\u2015\u1f35\u03c0\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c7\u03bb\u03c9\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2. On the\n_horse_, as an emblem, see Notes on ver. 2. The _peculiarity_ of\nthis emblem consists in the _colour_ of the horse, the rider, and the\npower that was given unto him. In these there is entire harmony, and\nthere can be comparatively little difficulty in the explanation and\napplication. The _colour_ of the horse was _pale_\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03bb\u03c9\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2. This word\nproperly means _pale-green_, _yellowish-green_, like the colour of the\nfirst shoots of grass and herbage; then _green_, _verdant_, like young\nherbage, Mar. vi. 39; Re. viii. 7; ix. 4; and then _pale yellowish_\n(Rob. _Lex._). The colour here would be an appropriate one to denote\nthe reign of death\u2015\u2015as one of the most striking effects of death is\n_paleness_\u2015\u2015and, of course, of death produced by any cause, famine,\npestilence, or the sword. From this portion of the symbol, if it stood\nwith nothing to limit and define it, we should naturally look for some\ncondition of things in which death would prevail in a remarkable manner,\nor in which multitudes of human beings would be swept away. And yet,\nperhaps, from the very nature of _this_ part of the symbol, we should\nlook for the prevalence of death in some such peaceful manner as by\nfamine or disease. The _red_ colour would more naturally denote the\nravages of death in war; the black, the ravages of death by sudden\ncalamity; the pale would more obviously suggest famine or wasting\ndisease. \u00b6 _And his name that sat on him was Death._ No description is\ngiven of his aspect; nor does he appear with any emblem\u2015\u2015as sword, or\nspear, {155} or bow. There is evident scope for the fancy to picture\nto itself the form of the destroyer; and there is just that kind of\nobscurity about it which contributes to sublimity. Accordingly, there\nhas been ample room for the exercise of the imagination in the attempts\nto paint \u201cDeath on the pale horse,\u201d and the opening of this seal has\nfurnished occasion for some of the greatest triumphs of the pencil. The\nsimple _idea_ in this portion of the symbol is, that death would reign\nor prevail under the opening of this seal\u2015\u2015whether by sword, by famine,\nor by pestilence, is to be determined by other descriptions in the\nsymbol. \u00b6 _And Hell followed with him._ Attended him as he went forth.\nOn the meaning of the word here rendered _hell_\u2015\u2015\u1f85\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2, _hades_\u2015\u2015see\nNotes on Lu. xvi. 23, comp. Notes on Job x. 21, 22; Is. xiv. 9. It is\nhere used to denote the abode of the dead, considered as a place where\nthey dwell, and not in the more restricted sense in which the word is\nnow commonly used as a place of punishment. The idea is, that the dead\nwould be so numerous at the going forth of this horseman, that it would\nseem as if the pale nations of the dead had come again upon the earth.\nA vast retinue of the dead would accompany him; that is, it would be\na time when death would prevail on the earth, or when multitudes would\ndie. \u00b6 _And power was given unto them._ Marg., _to him_. The common\nGreek text is \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\u2015\u2015_to them_. There are many MSS., however, which\nread \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7\u2015\u2015_to him_. So Professor Stuart reads it. The authority,\nhowever, is in favour of _them_ as the reading; and according to this,\ndeath and his train are regarded as grouped together, and the power is\nconsidered as given to them collectively. The sense is not materially\nvaried. \u00b6 _Over the fourth part of the earth._ That is, of the Roman\nworld. It is not absolutely necessary to understand this as extending\nover _precisely_ a fourth part of the world. Comp. Re. viii. 7\u201210, 12;\nix. 15, _et al._ Undoubtedly we are to look in the fulfilment of this\nto some far-spread calamity; to some severe visitations which would\nsweep off great multitudes of men. The _nature_ of that visitation\nis designated in the following specifications. \u00b6 _To kill with sword_.\nIn war and discord\u2015\u2015and we are, therefore, to look to a period of\nwar. \u00b6 _And with hunger._ With famine\u2015\u2015one of the accompaniments of\nwar\u2015\u2015where armies ravage a nation, trampling down the crops of grain;\nconsuming the provisions laid up; employing in war, or cutting off,\nthe men who would be occupied in cultivating the ground; making it\nnecessary that they should take the field at a time when the grain\nshould be sown or the harvest collected; and shutting up the people in\nbesieged cities to perish by hunger. Famine has been not an unfrequent\naccompaniment of war; and we are to look for the fulfilment of this\nin its extensive prevalence. \u00b6 _And with death._ Each of the other\nforms\u2015\u2015\u201cwith the sword and with hunger\u201d\u2015\u2015imply that _death_ would reign;\nfor it is said that \u201cpower was given to _kill_ with sword and with\nhunger.\u201d This word, then, must refer to death in some other form\u2015\u2015to\ndeath that seemed to reign without any such _visible_ cause as the\n\u201csword\u201d and \u201chunger.\u201d This would well denote the pestilence\u2015\u2015not\nan unfrequent accompaniment of war. For nothing is better fitted\nto produce this than the unburied bodies of the slain; the filth of\na camp; the want of food; and the crowding together of multitudes\nin a besieged city; and, accordingly, the pestilence, especially in\nOriental countries, has been often closely connected with war. That the\n_pestilence_ is referred to here is rendered more certain by the fact\nthat the Hebrew word \u05d3\u05b6\u05bc\u05d1\u05b6\u05e8, _pestilence_, which occurs about fifty times\nin the Old Testament, is rendered \u03b8\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, _death_, more than thirty\ntimes in the Septuagint. \u00b6 _And with the beasts of the earth_. With\nwild beasts. This, too, would be one of the consequences of war, famine,\nand pestilence. Lands would be depopulated, and wild beasts would be\nmultiplied. Nothing more is necessary to make them formidable than a\nprevalence of these things; and nothing, in the early stages of society,\nor in countries ravaged by war, famine, and the pestilence, is more\nformidable. Homer, at the very beginning of his _Iliad_, presents us\nwith a representation similar to this. Comp. Eze. xiv. 21: \u201cI send my\nfour sore judgments upon Jerusalem, the sword, and the famine, and the\nnoisome beast, and the pestilence,\u201d \u05d3\u05b6\u05d1\u05b6\u05e8\u2015\u2015Sept., as here, \u03b8\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd. See\nalso 2 Ki. xvii. 26.\n\nIn regard to the fulfilment of this there can be little difficulty, if\nthe principles adopted in the interpretation of the first three seals\nare correct. We {156} may turn to Gibbon, and, as in the other cases,\nwe shall find that he has been an unconscious witness of the fidelity\nof the representation in this seal. Two _general_ remarks may be made\nbefore there is an attempt to illustrate the particular things in the\nsymbol. (a) The first relates to _the place_ in the order of time, or\nin history, which this seal occupies. If the three former seals have\nbeen located with any degree of accuracy, we should expect that this\nwould follow, not very remotely, the severe laws pertaining to taxation,\nwhich, according to Mr. Gibbon, contributed so essentially to the\ndownfall of the empire. And if it be admitted to be probable that the\nfifth seal refers to a time of persecution, it would be most natural to\nfix this period between those times and the times of Diocletian, when\nthe persecution ceased. I may be permitted to say, that I was led to\nfix on this period without having any definite view beforehand of what\noccurred _in_ it, and was surprised to find in Mr. Gibbon what _seems_\nto be so accurate a correspondence with the symbol. (b) The second\nremark is, that the _general_ characteristics of this period, as\nstated by Mr. Gibbon, agree remarkably with what we should expect\nof the period from the symbol. Thus speaking of this whole period\n(A.D. 248\u2012268), embracing the reigns of Decius, Gallus, \u00c6milianus,\nValerian, and Gallienus, he says, \u201cFrom the great secular games\ncelebrated by Philip to the death of the emperor Gallienus, there\nelapsed twenty years of shame and misfortune. During this calamitous\nperiod every instant of time was marked, every province of the Roman\nworld was afflicted by barbarous invaders and military tyrants, and\nthe ruined empire seemed to approach the last and fatal moment of its\ndissolution,\u201d i. 135.\n\nIn regard to the _particular_ things referred to in the symbol, the\nfollowing specifications may furnish a sufficient confirmation and\nillustration: (a) The killing with the sword. A fulfilment of this,\nso far as the _words_ are concerned, might be found indeed in many\nportions of Roman history, but no one can doubt that it was eminently\ntrue of this period. It was the period of the _first_ Gothic invasion\nof the Roman empire; the period when those vast hordes, having\ngradually come down from the regions of Scandinavia, and having moved\nalong the Danube towards the Ukraine and the countries bordering on the\nBorysthenes, invaded the Roman territories from the East, passed over\nGreece, and made their appearance almost, as Mr. Gibbon says, within\nsight of Rome. Of this invasion Mr. Gibbon says, \u201cThis is the first\nconsiderable occasion [the fact that the emperor Decius was summoned\nto the banks of the Danube, A.D. 250, by the invasion of the Goths]\nin which history mentions that great people, who afterwards broke the\nRoman power, sacked the Capitol, and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy.\nSo memorable was the part which they acted in the subversion of the\nWestern empire, that the name of GOTHS is frequently, but improperly,\nused as a general appellation of rude and warlike barbarism,\u201d i. p. 136.\nAs one of the illustrations that the \u201csword\u201d would be used by \u201cDeath\u201d\nin this period, we may refer to the siege and capture of Philippolis.\n\u201cA hundred thousand persons are reported to have been massacred in the\nsack of that great city\u201d (_Dec. and Fall_, i. 140). \u201cThe whole period,\u201d\nsays Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, \u201cwas\none uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity. The Roman empire\nwas, at the same time, and on every side, attacked by the blind fury\nof foreign invaders, and the wild ambition of domestic usurpers,\u201d\ni. 144. \u201cSuch were the barbarians,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon in the close of\nhis description of the Goths at this period, and of the tyrants that\nreigned, \u201cand such the tyrants, who, under the reigns of Valerian and\nGallienus, dismembered the provinces, and reduced the empire to the\nlowest pitch of disgrace and ruin, from whence it seemed impossible\nthat it should ever emerge,\u201d i. 158. (b) Famine: \u201cShall kill with\nhunger.\u201d This would naturally be the consequence of long-continued\nwars, and of such invasions as those of the Goths. Mr. Gibbon says\nof this period: \u201cOur habits of thinking so fondly connect the order\nof the universe with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of\nhistory has been decorated with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon\nmeteors, preternatural darkness, and a crowd of prodigies, fictitious\nor exaggerated. But _a long and general famine_ was a calamity of a\nmore serious kind. It was the inevitable consequence of rapine and\noppression, which extirpated the produce of the present, and the hope\nof future harvests,\u201d i. p. 159. Prodigies, and preternatural {157}\ndarkness, and earthquakes, were _not_ seen in the vision of the opening\nof the _seal_\u2015\u2015but _war_ and _famine_ were; and the facts stated by\nMr. Gibbon are such as would be now appropriately symbolized by Death\non the pale horse. (c) Pestilence: \u201cAnd shall kill with death.\u201d Of the\npestilence which raged in this period Mr. Gibbon makes the following\nremarkable statement, in immediate connection with what he says of\nthe famine:\u2015\u2015\u201cFamine is almost always followed by epidemical diseases,\nthe effect of scanty and unwholesome food. Other causes must, however,\nhave contributed to the furious plague, which, from the year 250 to\nthe year 265, _raged without interruption in every province, every\ncity, and almost every family of the Roman empire_. During some time\nfive thousand persons died daily at Rome; and many towns that had\nescaped the hands of the barbarians were entirely depopulated,\u201d i. 159.\n(d) Wild beasts: \u201cAnd shall kill with the beasts of the earth.\u201d As\nalready remarked, these are formidable enemies in the early stages of\nsociety, and when a country becomes, from any cause, depopulated. They\nare not mentioned by Mr. Gibbon as contributing to the decline and fall\nof the empire, or as connected with the calamities that came upon the\nworld at that period. But no one can doubt that in such circumstances\nthey would be likely to abound, especially if the estimate of\nMr. Gibbon be correct (i. 159), when speaking of these times, and\nmaking an estimate of the proportion of the inhabitants of Alexandria\nthat had perished\u2015\u2015which he says was more than one-half\u2015\u2015he adds,\n\u201cCould we venture to extend the analogy to the other provinces, we\nmight suspect that _war_, _pestilence_, and _famine_ had consumed in\na few years the moiety of the human species.\u201d Yet, though not adverted\nto by Mr. Gibbon, there _is_ a record pertaining to this very period,\nwhich shows that this was one of the calamities with which the world\nwas then afflicted. It occurs in Arnobius, _Adv. Gentes_, lib. i.\np. 5. Within a few years after the death of Gallienus (about A.D. 300)\nhe speaks of wild beasts in such a manner as to show that they were\nregarded as a sore calamity. The public peril and suffering on this\naccount were so great, that in common with other evils this was charged\non Christians as one of the judgments of heaven which they brought\nupon the world. In defending Christians against the general charge that\nthese judgments were sent from heaven on their account, he adverts to\nthe prevalence of wild beasts, and shows that they could not have been\nsent as a judgment on account of the existence of Christianity, by\nthe fact that they had prevailed also in the times of heathenism,\nlong before Christianity was introduced into the empire. \u201cQuando cum\nferis bella, et proelia cum leonibus gesta sunt? Non ante nos? Quando\npernicies populis venenatis ab anguibus data est? Non ante nos?\u201d \u201cWhen\nwere wars waged with wild beasts, and contests with lions? Was it not\nbefore our times? When did a plague come upon men poisoned by serpents?\nWas it not before our times?\u201d In regard to the _extent_ of the\ndestruction which these causes would bring upon the world, there is a\nremarkable confirmation in Gibbon. To say, as is said in the account\nof the seal, that \u201ca _fourth_ part of the earth\u201d would be subjected to\nthe reign of death by the sword, by famine, by pestilence, and by wild\nbeasts, may seem to many to be an improbable statement\u2015\u2015a statement\nfor the fulfilment of which we should look in vain to any historical\nrecords. Yet Mr. Gibbon, without expressly mentioning the plague of\nwild beasts, but referring to the three others\u2015\u2015\u201cwar, pestilence, and\nfamine\u201d\u2015\u2015goes into a calculation, in a passage already referred to, by\nwhich he shows that it is probable that from these causes _half_ the\nhuman race was destroyed. The following is his estimate:\u2015\u2015\u201cWe have the\nknowledge of a very curious circumstance, of some use perhaps in the\nmelancholy calculation of human calamities. An exact register was kept\nat Alexandria of all the citizens entitled to receive the distribution\nof corn. It was found that the ancient number of those comprised\nbetween the ages of forty and seventy had been equal to the whole sum\nof claimants, from fourteen to fourscore years of age, who remained\nalive after the reign of Gallienus. Applying this authentic fact to\nthe most correct tables of mortality, it evidently proves that above\nhalf the people of Alexandria had perished; and could we venture to\nextend the analogy to the other provinces, _we might suspect that\nwar, pestilence, and famine had consumed in a few years the moiety\nof the human species_, \u201d i. 159. The historian says that it might be\n\u201c_suspected_ \u201d from these data that one-half of the {158} human race\nhad been cut off in a few years, from these causes; in the Apocalyptic\nvision it is said that power was given over one \u201c_fourth_\u201d of the earth.\nWe may remark, (a) that the description in the symbol is as _likely_\nto be correct as the \u201csuspicion\u201d of the historian; and (b) that his\nstatement that in this period \u201ca moiety of the race,\u201d or one-half of\nthe race, perished, takes away all improbability from the prediction,\nand gives a most graphic confirmation of the symbol of _Death on\nthe pale horse_. If such a desolation in fact occurred, there is no\nimprobability in the supposition that it might have been prefigured by\nthe opening of a prophetic seal. Such a wide-spread desolation would\nbe _likely_ to be referred to in a series of symbols that were designed\nto represent the downfall of the Roman power, and the great changes in\nhuman affairs that would affect the welfare of the church.\n\n\n 9 And when he had opened the fifth seal, I saw under\n the [221]altar the [222]souls of them that were slain for\n [223]the word of God, and for the testimony which they held:\n\n 10 And they cried with a loud voice, saying, [224]How long,\n O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and [225]avenge\n our blood on them that dwell on the earth?\n\n 11 And [226]white robes were given unto every one of them;\n and it was said unto them, that they should [227]rest yet\n for a little season, until[228] their fellow-servants also\n and their brethren, that should be killed as they _were_,\n should be fulfilled.\n\n9\u201211. _And when he had opened the fifth seal._ Notes, ch. v. 1; vi. 1.\n\u00b6 _I saw under the altar._ The four living creatures are no longer\nheard as in the opening of the first four seals. No reason is given\nfor the change in the manner of the representation; and none can be\nassigned, unless it be, that having represented each one of the four\nliving creatures in their turn as calling attention to the remarkable\nevents about to occur, there seemed to be no necessity or propriety\nin introducing them again. In itself considered, it cannot be supposed\nthat they would be any less interested in the events about to be\ndisclosed than they were in those which preceded. This seal pertains\nto _martyrs_\u2015\u2015as the former successively did to a time of prosperity\nand triumph; to discord and bloodshed; to oppressive taxation; to war,\nfamine, and pestilence. In the series of woes, it was natural and\nproper that there should be a vision of martyrs, if it was intended\nthat the successive seals should refer to coming and important periods\nof the world; and accordingly we have here a striking representation\nof the martyrs crying to God to interpose in their behalf and to\navenge their blood. The points which require elucidation are: (a) their\nposition\u2015\u2015under the altar; (b) their invocation\u2015\u2015or their prayer that\nthey might be avenged; (c) the clothing of them with robes; and (d) the\ncommand to wait patiently a little time. (1) The position of the\nmartyrs\u2015\u2015_under the altar_. There were in the temple at Jerusalem two\naltars\u2015\u2015the altar of burnt sacrifices, and the altar of incense. The\naltar here referred to was probably the former. This stood in front\nof the temple, and it was on this that the daily sacrifice was made.\nComp. Notes on Mat. v. 23, 24. We are to remember, however, that the\ntemple and the altar were both destroyed before the time when this\nbook was written, and this should, therefore, be regarded merely as\na vision. John saw these souls _as if_ they were collected under the\naltar\u2015\u2015the place where the sacrifice for sin was made\u2015\u2015offering their\nsupplications. _Why_ they are represented as being there is not so\napparent; but probably two suggestions will explain this: (a) The altar\nwas the place where sin was expiated, and it was natural to represent\nthese redeemed martyrs as seeking refuge there; and (b) it was usual to\noffer prayers and supplications _at_ the altar, in connection with the\nsacrifice made for sin, and on the ground of that sacrifice. The idea\nis, that they who were suffering persecution would naturally seek a\nrefuge in the place where expiation was made for sin, and where prayer\nwas appropriately offered. The _language_ here is such as a Hebrew\nwould naturally use; the _idea_ is appropriate to anyone who believes\nin the atonement, and who supposes that that is the appropriate refuge\nfor those who are in trouble. But while the language here is such as\na Hebrew would use, and while the reference in the language is to the\naltar of burnt sacrifice, the scene should be regarded as undoubtedly\nlaid in heaven\u2015\u2015the temple where God resides. The whole representation\nis that of fleeing to the atonement, and pleading with {159} God in\nconnection with the sacrifice for sin. \u00b6 _The souls of them that were\nslain._ That had been put to death by persecution. This is one of the\nincidental proofs in the Bible that the soul does not cease to exist\nat death, and also that it does not cease to be conscious, or does not\nsleep till the resurrection. These souls of the martyrs are represented\nas still in existence; as remembering what had occurred on the earth;\nas interested in what was now taking place; as engaged in prayer; and\nas manifesting earnest desires for the divine interposition to avenge\nthe wrongs which they had suffered. \u00b6 _For the word of God._ On account\nof the word or truth of God. See Notes on ch. i. 9. \u00b6 _And for the\ntestimony which they held._ On account of their testimony to the truth,\nor being faithful witnesses of the truth of Jesus Christ. See Notes on\nch. i. 9. (2) The invocation of the martyrs, ver. 10: _And they cried\nwith a loud voice._ That is, they pleaded that their blood might be\navenged. \u00b6 _Saying, How long, O Lord, holy and true._ They did not\ndoubt that God _would_ avenge them, but they inquired _how long_ the\nvengeance would be delayed. It seemed to them that God was slow to\ninterpose, and to check the persecuting power. They appeal therefore to\nhim as a God of holiness and truth; that is, as one who could not look\nwith approval on sin, and in whose sight the wrongs inflicted by the\npersecuting power must be infinitely offensive; as one who was true\nto his promises, and faithful to his people. On the ground of his own\nhatred of wrong, and of his plighted faithfulness to his church, they\npleaded that he would interpose. \u00b6 _Dost thou not judge and avenge our\nblood._ That is, dost thou _forbear_ to judge and avenge us; or dost\nthou delay to punish those who have persecuted and slain us. They do\nnot speak as if they had any doubt that it would be done, nor as if\nthey were actuated by a spirit of _revenge_; but as if it would be\n_proper_ that there should be an expression of the divine sense of the\nwrongs that had been done them. It is not right to desire vengeance\nor revenge; it is to desire that justice should be done, and that\nthe government of God should be vindicated. The word \u201c_judge_\u201d here\nmay either mean \u201cjudge _us_,\u201d in the sense of \u201cvindicate _us_,\u201d or\nit may refer to their persecutors, meaning \u201cjudge _them_.\u201d The more\nprobable sense is the latter: \u201cHow long dost thou forbear to execute\njudgment on our account on those that dwell on the earth?\u201d The word\n_avenge_\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03ba\u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ad\u03c9\u2015\u2015means to do justice; to execute punishment. \u00b6 _On\nthem that dwell on the earth._ Those who are still on the earth. This\nshows that the scene here is laid in heaven, and that the souls of\nthe martyrs are represented as there. We are not to suppose that this\n_literally_ occurred, and that John actually saw the souls of the\nmartyrs beneath the altars\u2015\u2015for the whole representation is symbolical;\nnor are we to suppose that the injured and the wronged in heaven\nactually pray for vengeance on those who wronged them, or that the\nredeemed in heaven will continue to pray with reference to things on\nthe earth; but it may be fairly inferred from this that there will be\n_as real_ a remembrance of the wrongs of the persecuted, the injured,\nand the oppressed, _as if_ such prayer were offered there; and that the\noppressor has as much to dread from the divine vengeance _as if_ those\nwhom he has injured should cry in heaven to the God who hears prayer,\nand who takes vengeance. The wrongs done to the children of God; to the\norphan, the widow, the down-trodden; to the slave and the outcast, will\nbe as certainly remembered in heaven as if they who are wronged should\nplead for vengeance there, for every act of injustice and oppression\ngoes to heaven and pleads for vengeance. Every persecutor should dread\nthe death of the persecuted _as if_ he went to heaven to plead against\nhim; every cruel master should dread the death of his slave that is\ncrushed by wrongs; every seducer should dread the death and the cries\nof his victim; every one who does wrong in any way should remember that\nthe sufferings of the injured cry to heaven with a martyr\u2019s pleadings,\nsaying, \u201cHow long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and\navenge our blood?\u201d (3) The robes that were given to the martyrs: _And\nwhite {160} robes were given unto every one of them._ Emblems of purity\nor innocence. See Notes on ch. iii. 5. Here the robes would be an\nemblem of their innocence as martyrs; of the divine approval of their\ntestimony and lives, and a pledge of their future blessedness. (4) The\ncommand to wait: _And it was said unto them, that they should rest yet\nfor a little season._ That is, that they must wait for a little season\nbefore they could be avenged as they desired, ver. 10. They had pleaded\nthat their cause might be at once vindicated, and had asked how long\nit would be before it should be done. The reply is, that the desired\nvindication would not at once occur, but that they must wait until\nother events were accomplished. Nothing definite is determined by the\nphrase \u201ca little season,\u201d or a short time. It is simply an intimation\nthat this would not _immediately_ occur, or was not soon to take place.\nWhether it refers to an existing persecution, and to the fact that\nthey were to wait for the divine interposition until that was over, and\nthose who were then suffering persecution should be put to death and\njoin them; or whether to a series of persecutions stretching along in\nthe history of the world, in such a sense that the promised vengeance\nwould take place only when all those persecutions were passed, and the\nnumber of the martyrs completed, cannot be determined from the meaning\nof their words. Either of these suppositions would accord well with\nwhat the language naturally expresses. \u00b6 _Until their fellow-servants\nalso._ Those who were then suffering persecution, or those who should\nafterwards suffer persecution, grouping all together. \u00b6 _And their\nbrethren._ Their brethren as Christians, and their brethren in\ntrial: those then living, or those who would live afterwards and pass\nthrough similar scenes. \u00b6 _Should be fulfilled._ That is, till these\npersecutions were passed through, and the number of the martyrs was\ncomplete. The state of things represented here would seem to be, that\nthere was then a persecution raging on the earth. Many had been put\nto death, and their souls had fled to heaven, where they pleaded\nthat their cause might be vindicated, and that their oppressors and\npersecutors might be punished. To this the answer was, that _they_ were\nnow safe and happy\u2015\u2015that God approved their course, and that in token\nof his approbation they should be clothed in white raiment; but that\nthe invoked vindication could not at once occur. There were others who\nwould yet be called to suffer as they had done, and they must wait\nuntil all that number was completed. _Then_, it is implied, God would\ninterpose, and vindicate his name. The scene, therefore, is laid in a\ntime of persecution, when many had already died, and when there were\nmany more that were exposed to death; and a sufficient fulfilment of\nthe passage, so far as the _words_ are concerned, would be found in\n_any_ persecution, where many might be represented as having already\ngone to heaven, and where there was a certainty that many more would\nfollow. We naturally, however, look for the fulfilment of it in some\nperiod succeeding those designated by the preceding symbols. There\nwould be no difficulty, in the early history of the church, in finding\nevents that would correspond with all that is represented by the\nsymbol; but it is natural to look for it in a period succeeding that\nrepresented, under the fourth seal, by Death on the pale horse. If the\nprevious seals have been correctly interpreted we shall not be much in\ndanger of erring in supposing that this refers to the persecution under\nDiocletian; and perhaps we may find in one who never intended to write\na word that could be construed as furnishing a proof of the fulfilment\nof the prophecies of the New Testament, what should be regarded as a\ncomplete verification of all that is represented here. The following\nparticulars may justify this application: (a) The _place_ of that\npersecution in history, or the time when it occurred. As already\nremarked, if the previous seals have been rightly explained, and the\nfourth seal denotes the wars, the famine, and the pestilence, under\nthe invasion of the Goths, and in the time of Valerian and Gallienus,\nthen the last great persecution of the church under Diocletian would\nwell accord with the period in history referred to. Valerian died in\nA.D. 260, being flayed alive by Sapor, king of Persia; Gallienus died\nin A.D. 268, being killed at Milan. Diocletian ascended the throne\nA.D. 284, and resigned the purple A.D. 304. It was during this period,\nand chiefly at the instigation of Galerius, that the tenth persecution\nof the Christians occurred\u2015\u2015the last under the Roman power; for in\nA.D. 306 Constantine ascended the throne, and ultimately became {161}\nthe protector of the church. (b) The _magnitude_ of this persecution\nunder Diocletian is as consonant to the representation here as its\nplace in history. So important was it, that, in a general chapter\non the persecutions of the Christians, Mr. Gibbon has seen fit,\nin his remarks on the nature, causes, extent, and character of the\npersecutions, to give a prominence to this which he has not assigned\nto any others, and to attach an importance to it which he has not to\nany other. See vol. i. pp. 317\u2012322. The _design_ of this persecution,\nas Mr. Gibbon expresses it (i. 318), was \u201cto set bounds to the progress\nof Christianity;\u201d or, as he elsewhere expresses it (on the same page),\n\u201cthe destruction of Christianity.\u201d Diocletian, himself naturally averse\nfrom persecution, was excited to this by Galerius, who urged upon the\nemperor every argument by which he could persuade him to engage in\nit. Mr. Gibbon says in regard to this, \u201cGalerius at length extorted\nfrom him [Diocletian] the permission of summoning a council, composed\nof a few persons, the most distinguished in the civil and military\ndepartments of the state. It may be presumed that they insisted on\nevery topic which might interest the pride, the piety, the fears\nof their sovereign _in the destruction of Christianity_,\u201d i. 318.\nThe _purpose_ evidently in the persecution, was, to make a last and\ndesperate effort, through the whole Roman empire, for the destruction\nof the Christian religion; for Mr. Gibbon (i. 320) says that \u201cthe\nedict against the Christians was designed for a general law _of the\nwhole empire_.\u201d Other efforts had failed. The religion still spread,\nnotwithstanding the rage and fury of nine previous persecutions. It was\nresolved to make one more effort. This was designed by the persecutors\nto be the last, in the hope that then the Christian name would cease\nto be: in the providence of God it _was_ the last\u2015\u2015for then even\nthese opposing powers became convinced that the religion could not be\ndestroyed in this manner\u2015\u2015and as this persecution was to establish this\nfact, it was an event of sufficient magnitude to be symbolized by the\nopening of one of the seals. (c) The _severity_ of this persecution\naccorded with the description here, and was such as to deserve a place\nin the series of important events which were to occur in the world. We\nhave seen above, from the statement of Mr. Gibbon, that it was designed\nfor the \u201cwhole empire,\u201d and it in fact raged with fury throughout the\nempire. After detailing some of the events of local persecutions under\nDiocletian, Mr. Gibbon says, \u201cThe resentment or the fears of Diocletian\nat length transported him beyond the bounds of moderation, which he\nhad hitherto preserved, and he declared, in a series of edicts, his\nintention of abolishing the Christian name. By the first of these\nedicts the governors of the provinces were directed to apprehend all\npersons of the ecclesiastical order; and the prisons destined for\nthe vilest criminals were soon filled with a multitude of bishops,\npresbyters, deacons, and exorcists. By a second edict the magistrates\nwere commanded to employ every method of severity which might reclaim\nthem from their odious superstition, and oblige them to return to the\nestablished worship of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a\nsubsequent edict, to the whole body of Christians, who were exposed to\na violent and general persecution. Instead of those salutary restraints\nwhich had required the direct and solemn testimony of an accuser,\nit became the duty as well as the interest of the imperial officers\nto discover, to pursue, and to torment the most obnoxious among the\nfaithful. Heavy penalties were denounced against all who should presume\nto save a proscribed sectary from the just indignation of the gods,\nand of the emperors,\u201d i. 322. The first decree against the Christians,\nat the instigation of Galerius, will show the general nature of this\nfiery trial of the church. That decree was to the following effect:\n\u201cAll assembling of the Christians for the purposes of religious worship\nwas forbidden; the Christian churches were to be demolished to their\nfoundations; all manuscripts of the Bible should be burned; those who\nheld places of honour or rank must either renounce their faith or be\ndegraded; in judicial proceedings the torture might be used against\nall Christians, of whatever rank; those belonging to the lower walks\nof private life were to be divested of their rights as citizens and\nas freemen; Christian slaves were to be incapable of receiving their\nfreedom, so long as they remained Christians\u201d (Neander, _Hist. of the\nChurch_, Torrey\u2019s Trans. i. 148). This persecution was the last against\nthe Christians by the Roman emperors; the {162} last that was waged by\nthat mighty Pagan power. Diocletian soon resigned the purple, and after\nthe persecution had continued to rage, with more or less severity,\nunder his successors, for ten years, the peace of the church was\nestablished. \u201cDiocletian,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon (i. 322), \u201chad no sooner\npublished his edicts against the Christians, than, as if he had been\ncommitting to other hands his work of persecution, he divested himself\nof the imperial purple. The character and situation of his colleagues\nand successors sometimes urged them to enforce, and sometimes to\nsuspend, the execution of these rigorous laws; nor can we acquire\na just and distinct idea of this important period of ecclesiastical\nhistory, unless we separately consider the state of Christianity in\nthe different parts of the empire, during the space of ten years which\nelapsed between the first edicts of Diocletian _and the final peace\nof the church_.\u201d For this detail consult Gibbon, i. 322\u2012329, and the\nauthorities there referred to; and Neander, _Hist. of the Church_,\ni. 147\u2012156. Respecting the details of the persecution, Mr. Gibbon\nremarks (i. 326), \u201cIt would have been an easy task, from the history\nof Eusebius, from the declamations of Lactantius, and from the most\nancient acts, to collect a long series of horrid and disgustful\npictures, and to fill many pages with racks and scourges, with\niron-hooks, and red-hot beds, and with the variety of tortures which\nfire and steel, savage beasts, and more savage executioners, could\ninflict on the human body.\u201d It is true that Mr. Gibbon professes to\ndoubt the truth of these records, and attempts to show that the account\nof the number of the martyrs has been greatly exaggerated; yet no one,\nin reading his own account of this persecution, can doubt that it was\nthe result of a determined effort to blot out the Christian religion,\nand that the whole of the imperial power was exerted to accomplish\nthis end. At length the last of the imperial persecutions ceased,\nand the great truth was demonstrated that Christianity could not be\nextinguished by power, and that \u201cthe gates of hell could not prevail\nagainst it.\u201d \u201cIn the year 311,\u201d says Neander (i. 156), \u201cthe remarkable\nedict appeared which put an end to the last sanguinary conflict of\nthe Christian church and the Roman empire.\u201d This decree was issued by\nthe author and instigator of the persecution, Galerius, who, \u201csoftened\nby a severe and painful disease, the consequence of his excesses, had\nbeen led to think that the God of the Christians might, after all, be\na powerful being, whose anger punished him, and whose favour he must\nendeavour to conciliate.\u201d This man suspended the persecution, and gave\nthe Christians permission \u201conce more to hold their assemblies, provided\nthey did nothing contrary to the good order of the Roman state.\u201d \u201cIta\nut ne quid contra disciplinam agant\u201d (Neander, _ibid._).\n\n\n 12 And I beheld when he had opened the sixth seal, and, lo,\n there was a great [229]earthquake; and the sun[230] became\n black as sackcloth of hair, and the moon became as blood;\n\n 13 And the [231]stars of heaven fell unto the earth, even as a\n fig-tree casteth her [232]untimely figs, when she is shaken of\n a mighty wind.\n\n 14 And the [233]heaven departed as a scroll when it is rolled\n together; and [234]every mountain and island were moved out of\n their places.\n\n 15 And the kings of the earth, and the great men, and the\n rich men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men, and every\n bondman, and every freeman, [235]hid themselves in the dens\n and in the rocks of the mountains;\n\n 16 And [236]said to the mountains and rocks, Fall on us, and\n hide us from the face of him that sitteth on the throne, and\n from the wrath of the Lamb:\n\n 17 For the [237]great day of his wrath is come; and [238]who\n shall be able to stand?\n\n12\u201217. _And I beheld when he had opened the sixth seal._ See Notes,\nch. v. 1; vi. 1. \u00b6 _And, lo, there was a great earthquake._ Before\nendeavouring to ascertain to what the sixth seal was designed to\nrefer, it is proper, as in the previous cases, to furnish a particular\nexplanation of the meaning of the symbols. All the symbols represented\nin the opening of this seal denote consternation, commotion, changes;\nbut still they are all significant, and we are to suppose that\nsomething would occur corresponding with each one of them. It cannot\nbe supposed that the things here described were represented on the\npart of the roll or volume that was now unfolded in any other way than\nthat they were pictures, or that the whole was a species of panoramic\nrepresentation made to pass before the eyes. Thus understood, it would\nnot be difficult to represent each one of these things in a painting:\nas the heaving ground\u2015\u2015the agitated forests\u2015\u2015the trembling hills\u2015\u2015the\nfalling cities and houses\u2015\u2015the sun blackened, and the moon turned to\nblood.\n\n(a) The earthquake, ver. 12: _There was a great earthquake._ The word\nhere used denotes a shaking or agitation of the earth. The effect, when\nviolent, is to produce important changes\u2015\u2015opening chasms in the earth;\nthrowing down houses and temples; sinking hills, and elevating plains;\ncausing ponds and lakes to dry up, or forming them where none existed;\nelevating the ocean from its bed, rending rocks, &c. As all that occurs\nin the opening of the other seals is symbolical, it is to be presumed\nthat this is also, and that for the fulfilment {163} of this we are not\nto look for a literal earthquake, but for such agitations and changes\nin the world as would be properly symbolized by this. The earthquake,\nas a symbol, would merely denote great agitations or overturnings on\nthe earth. The particular character of those changes must be determined\nby other circumstances in the symbol that would limit and explain it.\nThere are, it is said, but three literal earthquakes referred to in the\nScripture: that mentioned in 1 Ki. xix. 11; that in Uzziah\u2019s time, Am.\ni. 1; Zec. xiv. 5; and that which took place at the Saviour\u2019s death.\nAll the rest are emblematical or symbolical\u2015\u2015referring mostly to civil\ncommotions and changes. Then in Hag. ii. 6, 7: \u201cYet once, it is a\nlittle while, and I will shake the heavens and the earth, and the sea,\nand the dry land, and I will shake all nations, and the desire of all\nnations shall come; and I will fill this house with glory, saith the\nLord of hosts.\u201d That is, there would be great agitations in the world\nbefore he came. See Notes on He. xii. 26\u201228. So also great changes\nand commotions are referred to in Is. xxiv. 19, 20: \u201cThe earth is\nutterly broken down, the earth is clean dissolved, the earth is moved\nexceedingly. The earth shall reel to and fro like a drunkard, and shall\nbe removed like a cottage.\u201d An _earthquake_, if there were no other\ncircumstances limiting and explaining the symbol, would merely denote\ngreat agitation and commotion\u2015\u2015_as if_ states and empires were tumbling\nto ruin. As this is here a mere _symbol_, it is not necessary to\nlook for a literal fulfilment, or to expect to find in history actual\nearthquakes to which this had reference, any more than when it is said\nthat \u201cthe heavens departed as a scroll\u201d we are to expect that they will\nbe literally rolled up; but if, in the course of history, earthquakes\npreceded remarkable political convulsions and revolutions, it would be\nproper to represent such events in this way.\n\n(b) The darkening of the sun: _And the sun became black as sackcloth of\nhair._ Sackcloth was a coarse black cloth, commonly, though not always,\nmade of hair. It was used for sacks, for strainers, and for mourning\ngarments; and as thus worn it was not an improper emblem of sadness and\ndistress. The idea here is, that the sun put on a dark, dingy, doleful\nappearance, _as if_ it were in mourning. The general image, then, in\nthis emblem, is that of calamity\u2015\u2015_as if_ the very sun should put on\nthe robes of mourning. We are by no means to suppose that this was\n_literally_ to occur, but that _some_ great calamity would happen, of\nwhich this would be an appropriate emblem. See Notes on Is. xiii. 10;\nMat. xxiv. 29. Comp. Is. xxiv. 23; xxxiv. 4; l. 3; lx. 19, 20; Eze.\nxxxii. 7, 8; Joel ii. 10; iii. 15, 16; Am. viii. 9. What is the\nparticular nature of the calamity is to be learned from other parts\nof the symbol.\n\n(c) The discoloration of the moon: _And the moon became as blood._\nRed like blood\u2015\u2015either from the smoke and vapour that usually precedes\nan earthquake, or as a mere emblem. This also would betoken calamity,\nand _perhaps_ the symbol may be so far limited and modified by this\nas to denote _war_, for that would be most naturally suggested by the\ncolour\u2015\u2015_red_. Comp. Notes on ver. 4 of this chapter. But _any_ great\ncalamity would be appropriately represented by this\u2015\u2015as the change of\nthe moon to such a colour would be a natural emblem of distress.\n\n(d) The falling of the stars, ver. 13: _And the stars of heaven fell\nunto the earth._ This _language_ is derived from the poetic idea that\nthe sky seems to be a solid concave, in which the stars are _set_,\nand that when any convulsion takes place, that concave will be shaken,\nand the stars will be loosened and fall from their places. See this\nlanguage explained in the Notes on Is. xxxiv. 4. Sometimes the expanse\nabove us is spoken of as a curtain that is spread out, and that may\nbe rolled up; sometimes as a solid crystalline expanse in which the\nstars are fixed. According to either representation the stars are\ndescribed as falling to the earth. If the expanse is _rolled up_, the\nstars, having nothing to support them, fall; if violent tempests or\nconcussions shake the heavens, the stars, loosened from their fixtures,\nfall to the earth. Stars, in the Scriptures, are symbols of princes\nand rulers (see Da. viii. 10; Re. viii. 10, 11; ix. 1); and the natural\nmeaning of this symbol is, that there would be commotions which would\n{164} unsettle princes, and bring them down from their thrones\u2015\u2015like\nstars falling from the sky. \u00b6 _Even as a fig-tree casteth her untimely\nfigs._ Marg., _green_; Gr., \u1f40\u03bb\u03cd\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2. This word properly denotes\n_winter-figs_, or such as grow under the leaves, and do not ripen at\nthe proper season, but hang upon the trees during the winter (Rob.\n_Lex._). This fruit seldom matures, and easily falls off in the spring\nof the year (Stuart, _in loco_). A violent wind shaking a plantation of\nfig-trees would of course cast many such figs to the ground. The point\nof the comparison is, the ease with which the stars would seem to be\nshaken from their places, and hence the ease with which, in these\ncommotions, princes would be dethroned.\n\n(e) The departing of the heavens, ver. 14: _And the heaven departed\nas a scroll._ That is, as a book or volume\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b9\u03b2\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015rolled up. The\nheavens are here described as spread out, and their passing away\nis represented by the idea that they might be rolled up, and thus\ndisappear. See Notes on Is. xxxiv. 4. This, too, is a symbol, and we\nare not to suppose that it will literally occur. Indeed it never _can_\nliterally occur; and we are not, therefore, to look for the fulfilment\nof this in any physical fact that would correspond with what is here\nsaid. The plain meaning is, that there would be changes _as if_ such\nan event would happen; that is, that revolutions would occur in the\nhigh places of the earth, and among those in power, _as if_ the stars\nshould fall, and the very heavens were swept away. This is the natural\nmeaning of the symbol, and this accords with the usage of the language\nelsewhere.\n\n(f) The removal of mountains and islands, ver. 14: _And every\nmountain and island were moved out of their places._ This would denote\nconvulsions in the political or moral world, as great as would occur in\nthe physical world if the very mountains were removed and the islands\nshould change their places. We are not to suppose that this would\nliterally occur; but we should be authorized from this to expect that,\nin regard to those things which seemed to be permanent and fixed on\nan immovable basis, like mountains and islands, there would be violent\nand important changes. If thrones and dynasties long established were\noverthrown; if institutions that seemed to be fixed and permanent were\nabolished; if a new order of things should rise in the political world,\nthe meaning of the symbol, so far as the language is concerned, would\nbe fulfilled.\n\n(g) The universal consternation, ver. 15\u201217: _And the kings of the\nearth_, &c. The design of these verses (15\u201217), in the varied language\nused, is evidently to denote universal consternation and alarm\u2015\u2015_as\nif_ the earth should be convulsed, and the stars should fall, and\nthe heavens should pass away. This consternation would extend to all\nclasses of men, and fill the world with alarm, _as if_ the end of\nall things were coming. \u00b6 _The kings of the earth._ Rulers\u2015\u2015all who\noccupied thrones. \u00b6 _The great men._ High officers of state. \u00b6 _And\nthe rich men._ Their wealth would not secure them from destruction,\nand they would be alarmed like others. \u00b6 _And the chief captains._ The\ncommanders of armies, who tremble like other men when God appears in\njudgment. \u00b6 _And the mighty men._ Men of great prowess in battle, but\nwho feel now that they have no power to withstand God. \u00b6 _And every\nbondman._ Servant\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2. This word does not necessarily denote a\n_slave_ (comp. Notes on Ep. vi. 5; 1 Ti. vi. 1; Phile. 16), but here\nthe connection seems to demand it, for it stands in contrast with\n_freeman_. There were, in fact, slaves in the Roman empire, and there\nis no objection in supposing that they are here referred to. There\nis no reason why they should not be filled with consternation as well\nas others; and as this does not refer to the end of the world, or the\nday of judgment, the word here determines nothing as to the question\nwhether slavery is to continue on the earth. \u00b6 _And every freeman._\nWhether the master of slaves or not. The idea is, {165} that all\nclasses of men, high and low, would be filled with alarm. \u00b6 _Hid\nthemselves in the dens._ Among the caves or caverns in the mountains.\nSee Notes on Is. ii. 19. These places were resorted to for safety in\ntimes of danger. Comp. 1 Sa. xiii. 6; xxiv.; Ju. vi. 2; Je. xli. 9; Jos.\n_Ant._ book xiv. ch. xv.; _Jewish Wars_, book i. ch. xvi. \u00b6 _And in\nthe rocks of the mountains._ Among the crags or the fastnesses of the\nmountains\u2015\u2015also natural places of refuge in times of hostile invasion\nor danger. See Notes on Is. ii. 21. \u00b6 _And said to the mountains and\nrocks, Fall on us_, &c., ver. 16. This language is found substantially\nin Ho. x. 8: \u201cAnd they shall say to the mountains, Cover us; and to\nthe hills, Fall on us.\u201d It is also used by the Saviour as denoting the\nconsternation which would occur at his coming: \u201cThen shall they begin\nto say to the mountains, Fall on us; and to the hills, Cover us,\u201d\nLu. xxiii. 30. It is language denoting consternation, and an awful\nfear of impending wrath. The state of mind is that where there is\nan apprehension that God himself is coming forth with the direct\ninstruments of his vengeance, and where there is a desire rather to\nbe crushed by falling rocks and hills than by the vengeance of his\nuplifted arm. \u00b6 _From the face of him that sitteth on the throne._\nThe face of God\u2015\u2015for he seems to be coming forth with the displays of\nhis vengeance. It is not said that God would actually come forth in a\nvisible form, but their consternation would be as great as if he were\nto do this; the state of mind indicated by this was an apprehension\nthat it would be so. \u00b6 _And from the wrath of the Lamb._ The Lamb\nof God; the Lord Jesus. See Notes on ch. v. 6. There seems to be an\nincongruity between the words _wrath_ and _Lamb_; but the word _Lamb_\nhere is so far a proper name as to be used only to designate the\nRedeemer. He comes forth to execute wrath, not as a Lamb, but as the\nSon of God, who bore that name. It would seem from this that they who\nthus dreaded the impending terrors were aware of their source, or had\nknowledge enough to understand by whom they were to be inflicted. They\nwould see that these were _divine_ judgments, and would apprehend that\nthe end of the world drew near. \u00b6 _For the great day of his wrath is\ncome_, ver. 17. The threatening judgments would be so severe and awful\nthat they would suppose that the end of the world was coming. \u00b6 _And\nwho shall be able to stand?_ To stand before him, or to withstand his\njudgments.\n\nIt is unnecessary to say that there has been, in this case, as in\nreference to every other part of the book of Revelation, a great\ndiversity of opinion respecting the events symbolized by this seal.\nGrotius applied it to the wars between the Jews and Romans under Nero\nand Vespasian; Dr. Hammond supposed that the defeat of the Jewish\nleaders in those wars was particularly symbolized; Mr. Brightman\nreferred these symbols to the persecution under Diocletian; Mr. Mede,\nDr. Cressner, Dr. More, Mr. Whiston, Mr. Jurien, Mr. Daubuz, Mr. Lowman,\nBishop Newton, Mr. Elliott, and others, refer it to the defeat of the\nPagan powers, and the final suppression of those powers as opposed to\nChristianity; Vitringa regarded it as foreshadowing the overthrow of\nthe antichristian powers of the western Roman empire; Cocceius explains\nit of the wars of the Emperor Frederick against the German princes in\nthe sixteenth century; Dean Woodhouse, of the day of vengeance at the\nend of the world; Mr. Cunninghame, of the same period as the seventh\ntrumpet, commencing with the French revolution, and to be consummated\nby the visible advent of the Son of God; Professor Stuart, of the\ndestruction of Jerusalem; and Mr. Lord, of a series of events, part of\nwhich are fulfilled, three of them corresponding with the first three\nvials\u2015\u2015the first expressive of the revolution of France, the second\nof a despotism extending through several years, and the third of the\noverthrow of that violent dynasty, at the fall of {166} Bonaparte, in\n1815. It is not my purpose to examine these views; but, amidst this\ngreat variety of opinion, it seems to me that the obvious and natural\napplication of the opening of the seal has not been adverted to. I\nshall suggest it because it _is_ the most natural and obvious, and\nseems to be demanded by the explanations given of the previous seals.\nIt is, in one word, the impending judgments from the invasions of the\nnorthern hordes of Goths and Vandals, threatening the breaking up of\nthe Roman empire\u2015\u2015the gathering of the storm, and the hovering of those\nbarbarians on the borders of the empire; the approaches which they made\nfrom time to time towards the capital, though restrained as yet from\ntaking it; the tempest of wrath that was, as it were, _suspended_ yet\non the frontiers, until the events recorded in the next chapter should\noccur, then bursting forth in wrath in successive blasts, as denoted\nby the first four trumpets of the seventh seal (ch. viii.), when the\nempire was entirely overthrown by the Goths and Vandals. The precise\npoint of time which I suppose this seal occupies is that _succeeding_\nthe last persecution. It embraces the preparatory arrangements of\nthese hordes of invaders\u2015\u2015their gathering on the frontiers of the\nempire\u2015\u2015their threatened approaches toward the capital\u2015\u2015and the\nformation of such vast armies as would produce universal consternation.\nA brief notice of these preparatory scenes, as adapted to produce the\nalarm referred to in the opening of the sixth seal, is all that will\nbe necessary here; the more complete detail must be reserved for the\nexplanation of the four trumpets of the seventh seal, when the work\nof destruction was consummated. These preparations and threatened\ninvasions were events sufficiently important in their relation to the\nchurch, to what preceded, and to the future history of the world, to\nbe symbolized here; and they are events in which all the particulars of\nthe symbol may find a fulfilment. Anyone has only to look on a chart of\nhistory to see how appropriately this application of the symbol follows,\nif the previous explanations have been correct. In the illustration of\nthis, in order to show the probability that these events are referred\nto by the symbols of the sixth seal, I would submit the following\nremarks:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) The _time_ is that which would be naturally suggested by this\nseal in its relation to the others. If the fifth referred to the\npersecutions under Diocletian\u2015\u2015the last great persecution of the Pagan\npowers in attempting to extinguish the Christian name\u2015\u2015then we should\nnaturally look for the fulfilment of the opening of the next in some\nevent, or series of events, which would succeed that at no very distant\ninterval, and that pertained to the empire or power that had been the\nprominent subject of the predictions in the previous seals. It would\nalso be natural to look for some events that might be regarded as\nconveying an expression of the divine feeling in regard to that power,\nor that would present it in such an aspect that it would be seen that\nits power to persecute was at an end. This natural _expectation_ would\nbe answered either by some symbol that would refer to the complete\ntriumph of the Christian system, or by such a series of judgments as\nwould break the persecuting power itself in pieces. Now the threatened\nirruption of the northern barbarians followed the series of events\nalready described with sufficient _nearness_ to make it proper to\nregard that series of events as referred to.\n\n(2) The events were of sufficient _importance_ in the history of\nthe empire to deserve this notice in the foreshadowing of what would\noccur. They were connected with the breaking up of that mighty power,\nand the complete change of the aspect of the world, in a political and\nreligious point of view. A new order of things arose in the world\u2019s\nhistory. A new religion became established. New kingdoms from the\nfragments of the once-mighty Roman empire were founded, and the affairs\nof the world were put on a new footing. These mighty northern hordes\nnot only spread consternation and alarm, as if the world were coming\nto an end, but they laid the foundations of kingdoms which continue to\nthis day. In fact, few more important events have occurred in history.\n\n(3) This series of events was _introduced_ in the manner described\nin the opening of the sixth seal. I have already said that it is not\n_necessary_ to suppose, in the fulfilment of the symbol, that there\nwould be a literal earthquake; but nothing in the symbol forbids us\nto suppose that there might be, and if there were we could not but\nconsider it as remarkable. Now it so happens that the series of events\npertaining {167} to the Gothic invasions is introduced by Mr. Gibbon\nin the following language: \u201cA.D. 365. In the second year of the reign\nof Valentinian and Valens, on the morning of the twenty-first day of\nJuly, the greatest part of the Roman world was shaken by a violent and\ndestructive earthquake. The impression was communicated to the waters;\nthe shores of the Mediterranean were left dry by the sudden retreat\nof the sea; great quantities of fish were caught with the hand; large\nvessels were stranded on the mud; and a curious spectator amused his\neye, or rather his fancy, by contemplating the various appearances of\nvalleys and mountains which had never before, since the formation of\nthe globe, been exposed to the sun. But the tide soon returned, with\nthe weight of an immense and irresistible deluge, which was severely\nfelt on the coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece, and of Egypt;\nlarge boats were transported, and lodged on the roofs of houses, or\nat the distance of two miles from the shore; the people, with their\nhabitations, were swept away by the waters; and the city of Alexandria\nannually commemorated the day on which fifty thousand persons had\nlost their lives in the inundation. This calamity, the report of which\nwas magnified from one province to another, _astonished and terrified\nthe subjects of Rome_; and their affrighted imagination enlarged the\nreal extent of the momentary evil. They recollected the preceding\nearthquakes which had subverted the cities of Palestine and Bithynia;\nthey considered these alarming strokes as the prelude only of still\nmore dreadful calamities, and their fearful vanity was disposed to\nconfound _the symptoms of a declining empire and a sinking world_,\u201d\nvol. ii. pp. 115, 116. Mr. Gibbon then proceeds to detail the evils\nof war, as greatly surpassing the calamities produced by any natural\ncauses, and adds (p. 116), \u201cIn the disastrous period of the fall of the\nRoman empire, which may be justly dated from the reign of Valens, the\nhappiness and security of each individual was personally attacked; and\nthe arts and labours of ages were rudely defaced by the barbarians of\nScythia and Germany.\u201d He then proceeds with an exceedingly interesting\ndescription of the origin, the habits, and the movements of the\nTartar nations, particularly the Huns, as they moved to the West, and\nprecipitated the Gothic nations on the provinces of the Roman empire,\nuntil Rome itself was thrice besieged, was taken, and was sacked\n(ii. 116\u2012266). The earthquake referred to occurred in A.D. 365. The\nmovements of the Huns from their territories in the neighbourhood of\nChina had commenced about A.D. 100, and in A.D. 375 they overcame the\nGoths lying along the Danube. The Goths, pressed and overcome by these\nsavage invaders, asked permission of the Romans to cross the Danube, to\nfind protection in the Roman empire, and to cultivate the waste lands\nof Thrace (Gibbon, ii. 129, 130). In the year 376 they were transported\nover the Danube, by the permission of the Roman emperor Valens; an\nevent which, according to Mr. Gibbon, in its ultimate result, was\nthe cause of the downfall of the empire; for they learned their own\nstrength; they were attracted by the riches of the capital and the\nhope of reward, until they finally drew the Western emperor to Ravenna,\nsacked Rome, and took possession of Italy.\n\n(4) A slight reference to the _series_ of events in these periods\nof consternation and conquest may show more closely the nature of\nthe alarms which would be caused by the prospect of these dreadful\ninvasions, and may prepare us for a better understanding of the\nsuccessive calamities which occurred under these invaders, when the\nempire fell, as described by the four first trumpets of the seventh\nseal. I shall copy from the tables of contents of Mr. Gibbon\u2019s history,\nunder the twenty-sixth, thirtieth, and thirty-first chapters:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cA.D.\n 365. Earthquakes.\n 376. The Huns and Goths.\n 100. The emigration of the Huns.\n 375. Their victories over the Goths.\n 376. The Goths implore the protection of Valens.\n \u201d They are transported over the Danube into the\n Roman empire.\n \u201d They penetrate into Thrace.\n 377. Union of the Goths with Huns, Alani, &c.\n 378. Battle of Hadrianople.\n \u201d The defeat of the Romans.\n 383\u2012395. The settlement of the Goths in Thrace and Asia.\n 395. Revolt of the Goths.\n 396. Alaric marches into Greece.\n 398. Is proclaimed king of the Visigoths.\n 400\u2012403. He invades Italy.\n 406. Radagaisus invades Italy.\n \u201d Besieges Florence.\n \u201d Threatens Rome.\n \u201d The remainder of the Germans invade Gaul.\n 407. Desolation of Gaul.\n 408. Alaric marches to Rome.\n \u201d First siege of Rome by the Goths.\n {168} 408. Famine, plague, superstition.\n 409. Alaric accepts a ransom and raises the siege.\n \u201d Fruitless negotiations for peace.\n \u201d Second siege of Rome by the Goths.\n 410. Third siege and sack of Rome by the Goths.\n \u201d Respect of the Goths for the Christian religion.\n \u201d Pillage and fire of Rome.\n \u201d Captives and fugitives.\n 411\u2012416. Fall of the usurpers Jovinus, Sebastian, and\n Attalus.\n 409. Invasion of Spain by the Suevi, Vandals, Alani, &c.\n 415\u2012418. The Goths conquer and restore Spain.\u201d\n\n(5) This would coincide, in the _effects_ produced on the empire, with\nthe consternation and alarm described in the passage before us. The\nsymbols are such as _would be_ employed on the supposition that these\nare the events referred to; they are such as the events are fitted to\nsuggest. The mighty preparations in the East and North\u2015\u2015the report of\nwhich could not but spread through the empire\u2015\u2015would be appropriately\nsymbolized by the earthquake, the darkened sun, the moon becoming like\nblood, the stars falling, the departing heavens, and the kings and\ngreat men of the earth fleeing in alarm to find a place of safety, as\nif the end of the world were drawing near. Nothing could have been so\nwell adapted to produce the consternation described in the opening of\nthe sixth seal, as the dreaded approach of vast hosts of barbarians\nfrom the regions of the North. This alarm would be increased by the\nfact that their numbers were unknown; that their origin was hidden;\nand that the advancing multitudes would sweep everything before them.\nAs in other cases, also, rumour would increase their numbers and\naugment their ferocity. The sudden shock of an earthquake, the falling\nstars, the departing heavens, the removal of mountains and islands,\nand the consternation of kings and all classes of people, would be\nthe appropriate emblems to represent these impending calamities. In\nconfirmation of this, and as showing the _effect_ produced by the\napproach of the Goths, and the dread of the Gothic arms, in causing\nuniversal consternation, the following extracts may be adduced from Mr.\nGibbon, when describing the threatened invasion of Alaric, king of the\nVisigoths. He quotes from Claudian. \u201c\u2018Fame,\u2019 says the poet, \u2018encircling\nwith terror her gloomy wings, proclaimed the march of the barbarian\narmy, and filled Italy with consternation.\u2019\u201d Mr. Gibbon adds, \u201cthe\napprehensions of each individual were increased in just proportion\nto the measure of his fortune; and the most timid, who had already\nembarked their valuable effects, meditated their escape to the island\nof Sicily, or to the African coast. The public distress was aggravated\nby the fears and reproaches of superstition. Every hour produced some\nhorrid tale of strange and portentous accidents; the Pagans deplored\nthe neglect of omens and the interruption of sacrifices; but the\nChristians still derived some comfort from the powerful intercession of\nthe saints and martyrs,\u201d ii. 218, 219. See further illustrations in the\nNotes on ch. viii. 7\u201213.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VII.\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThe state of things represented in this chapter is, that where there\nhad been awful consternation and alarm, as if the end of the world\nwere coming, and where the signs of the approaching consummation of all\nthings are, as it were, held back until there should be an opportunity\nof sealing the number that was to be saved. This is symbolized by\nfour angels standing in the four quarters of the earth, and holding\nthe winds and the storms that they should not blow on the earth until\nthe servants of God should be sealed in their foreheads. The idea\nis that of sudden destruction about to burst on the world, which, if\nunrestrained, would apparently bring on the consummation of all things,\nbut which is held back until the purposes of God in regard to his\npeople shall be accomplished\u2015\u2015that is, until those who are the true\nservants of God shall be designated by some appropriate mark. This\nfurnishes an opportunity of disclosing a glorious vision of those who\nwill be saved, alike among the Jews and the Gentiles. The _fact_, as\nseen in the symbol, is, that the end of the world does _not_ come at\nthe opening of the sixth seal, as it seemed as if it would, and as\nit was anticipated in the time of the consternation. The number of\nthe chosen was not complete, and the impending wrath was therefore\nsuspended. God interposes in favour of his people, and discloses in\nvision a vast number from all lands who will yet be saved, and the\nwinds and storms are held back as if by angels.\n\nThe _points_, then, that are apparent in this chapter, without\nany reference {169} now to the question of the application, are the\nfollowing: (1) The impending ruin that seemed about to spread over\nthe earth, apparently bringing on the consummation of all things,\nrestrained or suspended, ver. 1. This impending ruin is symbolized by\nthe four winds of heaven that seemed about to sweep over the world;\nthe interposition of God is represented by the four angels who have\npower over those winds to hold them back, as if it depended on their\nwill to let them loose and to spread ruin over the earth or not. (2) A\nsuspension of these desolating influences and agents until another\nimportant purpose could be accomplished\u2015\u2015that is, until the servants\nof God could be sealed in their foreheads, ver. 2, 3. Another angel,\nacting independently of the four first seen, and having power to\ncommand, appears in the east, having the seal of the living God; and\nhe directs the four angels having the four winds not to let them loose\nupon the earth until the servants of God should be sealed in their\nforeheads. This obviously denotes some suspension of the impending\nwrath, and for a specific purpose, that something might be done by\nwhich the true servants of God would be so marked as to be publicly\nknown\u2015\u2015_as if_ they had a mark or brand to that effect imprinted on\ntheir foreheads. Whatever would serve to designate them, to determine\nwho they were, to ascertain their number, would be a fulfilment of this\nact of the sealing angel. The length of _time_ during which it would\nbe done is not designated; the essential thing is, that there would\nbe a suspension of impending judgments, _in order_ that it might be\ndone. Whether this was to occupy a longer or a shorter period is not\ndetermined by the symbol; nor is it determined _when_ the winds thus\nheld back would be suffered to blow. (3) The number of the sealed,\nver. 4\u20128. The seer does not represent himself as actually beholding\nthe process of sealing, but he says that he heard the number of those\nwho were sealed. That number was an hundred and forty-four thousand,\nand they were selected from the twelve tribes of the children of\nIsrael\u2015\u2015Levi being reckoned, who was not usually numbered with the\ntribes, and the tribe of Dan being omitted. The number from each tribe,\nlarge or small, was the same; the entire portion selected being but\na very small part of the whole. The general idea here, whatever may\nbe the particular application, is, that there would be a _selection_,\nand that the whole number of the tribe would not be embraced; that\nthe selection would be made from _each_ tribe, and that all would\nhave the same mark, and be saved by the same means. It would not be\nin accordance with the nature of symbolic representation to suppose\nthat the saved would be the precise number here referred to; but _some_\ngreat truth is designed to be represented by this fact. We should look,\nin the fulfilment, to some process by which the true servants of God\nwould be designated; we should expect that a portion of them would be\nfound in each one of the classes here denoted by a tribe; we should\nsuppose that the true servants of God thus referred to would be _as\nsafe_ in the times of peril as if they were designated by a visible\nmark. (4) After this, another vision presents itself to the seer. It\nis that of a countless multitude before the throne, redeemed out of all\nnations, with palms in their hands, ver. 9\u201217. The scene is transferred\nto heaven, and there is a vision of _all_ the redeemed\u2015\u2015not only of the\nhundred and forty-four thousand, but of all who would be rescued and\nsaved from a lost world. The _design_ is doubtless to cheer the hearts\nof the true friends of God in times of gloom and despondency, by a\nview of the great numbers that will be saved, and the glorious triumph\nthat awaits the redeemed in heaven. This portion of the vision embraces\nthe following particulars:\u2015\u2015(a) A vast multitude, which no man can\nnumber, is seen before the throne in heaven. They are clad in white\nrobes\u2015\u2015emblems of purity; they have palms in their hands\u2015\u2015emblems\nof victory, ver. 9. (b) They are engaged in ascribing praise to God,\nver. 10. (c) The angels, the elders, and the four living creatures,\nfall down before the throne, and unite with the redeemed in ascriptions\nof praise, ver. 11, 12. (d) A particular inquiry is made of the\nseer\u2015\u2015evidently to call his attention to it\u2015\u2015respecting those who\nappear there in white robes, ver. 13. (e) To this inquiry it is\nanswered, that they were those who had come up out of great tribulation,\nand who had washed their robes, and had made them pure in the blood of\nthe Lamb, ver. 14. (f) Then follows a description of their condition\nand employment in heaven, ver. 15\u201217. They are {170} constantly\nbefore the throne; they serve God continually; they neither hunger nor\nthirst; they are not subjected to the burning heat of the sun; they are\nprovided for by the Lamb in the midst of the throne; and all tears are\nforever wiped away from their eyes. This must be regarded, I think,\nas an episode, having no _immediate_ connection with what precedes or\nwith what follows. It seems to be thrown in here\u2015\u2015while the impending\njudgments of the sixth seal are suspended, and before the seventh is\nopened\u2015\u2015to furnish a _relief_ in the contemplation of so many scenes\nof woe, and to cheer the soul with inspiring hopes from the view of\nthe great number that would ultimately be saved. While these judgments,\ntherefore, are suspended, the mind is directed on to the world of\ntriumph, as a view fitted to sustain and comfort those who would be\npartakers in the scenes of woe. At the same time it is one of the most\ntouching and beautiful of all the representations of heaven ever penned,\nand is eminently adapted to comfort those, in all ages, who are in a\nvale of tears.\n\nIn the exposition it will be proper (ver. 1\u20128) to inquire into the\nfair meaning of the _language_ employed in the symbols; and then to\ninquire whether there are any known facts to which the description is\napplicable. The first inquiry may and should be pursued independently\nof the other; and it may be added, that the explanation offered on this\nmay be correct, even if the other should be erroneous. The same remark,\nalso, is applicable to the remainder of the chapter (ver. 9\u201217), and\nindeed is of general applicability in the exposition of this book.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VII.\n\n\n AND after these things I saw four angels standing on the four\n corners of the earth, holding the [239]four winds of the earth,\n that the wind should not blow on the earth, nor on the sea,\n nor on any tree.\n\n1. _And after these things._ After the vision of the things referred\nto in the opening of the sixth seal. The natural interpretation\nwould be, that what is here said of the angels and the winds occurred\n_after_ those things which are described in the previous chapter.\nThe exact chronology may not be always observed in these symbolical\nrepresentations, but doubtless there is a general order which is\nobserved. \u00b6 _I saw four angels._ He does not describe their forms,\nbut merely mentions their agency. This is, of course, a symbolical\nrepresentation. We are not to suppose that it would be _literally_\nfulfilled, or that, at the time referred to by the vision, four\ncelestial beings would be stationed in the four quarters of the world\nfor the purpose of checking and restraining the winds that blow from\nthe four points of the compass. The meaning is, that events would\noccur which would be properly _represented_ by four angels standing\nin the four quarters of the world, and having power over the winds.\n\u00b6 _Standing on the four corners of the earth._ This language is, of\ncourse, accommodated to the prevailing mode of speaking of the earth\namong the Hebrews. It was a common method among them to describe it as\na vast plain, having four corners, those corners being the prominent\npoints\u2015\u2015north, south, east, and west. So we speak now of the four winds,\nthe four quarters of the world, &c. The Hebrews spoke of the earth,\nas we do of the rising and setting of the sun and of the motions of\nthe heavenly bodies, according to appearances, and without aiming at\nphilosophical exactness. Comp. Notes on Job xxvi. 7. With this view\nthey spoke of the earth as an extended plain, and as having boundaries\nor corners, as a plain or field naturally has. Perhaps, also, they used\nthis language with some allusion to an edifice, as having four corners;\nfor they speak also of the earth as having _foundations_. The language\nwhich the Hebrews used was in accordance with the prevailing ideas\nand language of the ancients on the subject. \u00b6 _Holding the four winds\nof the earth._ The winds blow in fact from every quarter, but it is\nconvenient to speak of them as coming from the four principal points\nof the compass, and this method is adopted probably in every language.\nSo among the Greeks and Latins, the winds were arranged under four\nclasses\u2015\u2015Zephyrus, Boreas, Notus, and Eurus\u2015\u2015considered as under\nthe control of a king, \u00c6olus. See Eschenburg, _Man. Class. Lit._\n\u00a7 78, comp. \u00a7 108. The angels here are represented as \u201c_holding_\u201d the\nwinds\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2. That is, they held them back when about to sweep\nover {171} the earth, and to produce far-spread desolation. This is an\nallusion to a popular belief among the Hebrews, that the agency of the\nangels was employed everywhere. It is not suggested that the angels\nhad _raised_ the tempest here, but only that they now restrained and\ncontrolled it. The essential idea is, that they had _power_ over those\nwinds, and that they were now exercising that power by keeping them\nback when they were about to spread desolation over the earth. \u00b6 _That\nthe wind should not blow on the earth._ That there should be a calm,\n_as if_ the winds were held back. \u00b6 _Nor on the sea._ Nowhere\u2015\u2015neither\non sea nor land. The sea and the land constitute the surface of the\nglobe, and the language here, therefore, denotes that there would be a\nuniversal calm. \u00b6 _Nor on any tree._ To injure it. The _language_ here\nused is such as would denote a state of profound quiet; as when we say\nthat it is so still that not a leaf of the trees moves.\n\nIn regard to the literal meaning of the symbol here employed there can\nbe no great difficulty; as to its application there may be more. The\nwinds are the proper symbols of wars and commotions. Comp. Da. vii. 2.\nIn Je. xlix. 36, 37 the symbol is both used and explained: \u201cAnd upon\nElam will I bring the four winds from the four quarters of heaven, and\nwill scatter them toward all those winds; and there shall be no nation\nwhither the outcasts of Elam shall not come. For I will cause Elam to\nbe dismayed before their enemies, and before them that seek their life.\u201d\nSo in Je. li. 1, 2, a destroying wind is an emblem of destructive war:\n\u201cI will raise up against Babylon a destroying wind, and will send unto\nBabylon fanners, that shall fan her, and shall empty her land.\u201d Comp.\nHorace, _Odes_, b. i. 14. The essential ideas, therefore, in this\nportion of the symbol, cannot be mistaken. They are two: (1) that at\nthe period of time here referred to\u2015\u2015after the opening of the sixth\nseal and before the opening of the seventh\u2015\u2015there would be a state of\nthings which would be well represented by rising tempests and storms,\nwhich if unrestrained would spread desolation afar; and (2) that this\nimpending ruin was held back as if by angels having control of those\nwinds; that is, those tempests were not suffered to go forth to spread\ndesolation over the world. A suspended tempest; calamity held in check;\narmies hovering on the borders of a kingdom, but not allowed to proceed\nfor a time; hordes of invaders detained, or stayed in their march, as\nif by some restraining power not their own, and from causes not within\nthemselves\u2015\u2015any of these things would be an obvious fulfilling of the\nmeaning of the symbol.\n\n\n 2 And I saw another angel ascending from the east, having the\n [240]seal of the living God; and he cried with a loud voice\n to the four angels, to whom it was given to hurt the earth and\n the sea,\n\n2. _And I saw another angel._ Evidently having no connection with the\nfour, and employed for another purpose. _This_ angel, also, must have\nbeen symbolic; and all that is implied is, that something would be done\n_as if_ an angel had done it. \u00b6 _Ascending from the east._ He appeared\nin the east, and seemed to rise like the sun. It is not easy to\ndetermine what is the special significancy, if any, of the _east_ here,\nor why this quarter of the heavens is designated rather than the north,\nthe south, or the west. It may be that as light begins in the east,\nthis would be properly symbolic of something that could be compared\nwith the light of the morning; or that some influence in \u201csealing\u201d\nthe servants of God would in fact go out from the east; or perhaps no\nspecial significance is to be attached to the quarter from which the\nangel is seen to come. It is not necessary to suppose that every minute\nthing in a symbol is to receive a complete fulfilment, or that there\nwill be some particular thing to correspond with it. Perhaps all that\nis meant here is, that as the sun comes forth with splendour from the\neast, so the angel came with magnificence to perform a task\u2015\u2015that of\nsealing the servants of God\u2015\u2015cheerful and joyous like that which the\nsun performs. It is certain that from no other quarter of the heavens\nwould it be so appropriate to represent an angel as coming forth to\nperform a purpose of light, and mercy, and salvation. It does not\nseem to me, therefore, that we are to look, in the fulfilment of this,\nfor any special influence setting in _from the east_ as that which\nis symbolized here. \u00b6 _Having the seal of the living God._ Bearing\nit in his hands. In regard to this seal the following remarks may be\nmade:\u2015\u2015(a) {172} The phrase \u201cseal _of the living God_\u201d doubtless means\nthat which God had appointed, or which he would use; that is, if God\nhimself came forth in this manner, he would use this seal for these\npurposes. Men often have a seal of their own, with some name, symbol,\nor device, which designates it as theirs, and which no other one has a\nright to use. A seal is sometimes used by the person himself; sometimes\nintrusted to a high officer of state; sometimes to the secretary of a\ncorporation; and sometimes, as a mark of special favour, to a friend.\nIn this case it was intrusted to an angel, who was authorized to use it,\nand whose use of it would be sanctioned, of course, wherever he applied\nit, by the living God, as if he had employed it himself. (b) As to the\n_form_ of the seal, we have no information. It would be most natural to\nsuppose that the _name_ \u201cof the living God\u201d would be engraven on it, so\nthat that name would appear on anyone to whom it might be affixed. Comp.\nNotes on 2 Ti. ii. 19. It was customary in the East to brand the name\nof the master on the forehead of a slave (Grotius, _in loco_); and such\nan idea would meet all that is implied in the _language_ here, though\nthere is no certain evidence that there is an allusion to that custom.\nIn subsequent times, in the church, it was common for Christians\nto impress the sign of the cross on their foreheads (Tertullian\n_de Corona_; Cyrill. lib. vi. See Grotius). As nothing is said here,\nhowever, about any mark or device on the seal, conjecture is useless\nas to what it was. (c) As to what was to be designated by the seal,\nthe main idea is clear, that it was to place some such mark upon his\nfriends that they would be known to be his, and that they would be safe\nin the impending calamities. There is perhaps allusion here to Eze. ix.\n4\u20126, where the following direction to the prophet occurs:\u2015\u2015\u201cGo through\nthe midst of the city, through the midst of Jerusalem, and set a mark\nupon the foreheads of the men that sigh, and that cry, for all the\nabominations that be done in the midst thereof. And to the others he\nsaid in mine hearing, Go ye after him through the city, and smite; let\nnot your eye spare, neither have ye pity: slay utterly old and young,\nboth maids and little children, and women; but come not near any man\nupon whom is the mark.\u201d The essential ideas in the _sealing_, in the\npassage before us, would therefore seem to be, (1) that there would\nbe some mark, sign, or token, by which they who were the people of God\nwould be known; that is, there would be _something_ which would answer,\nin this respect, the same purpose _as if_ a seal had been impressed\nupon their foreheads. Whether this was an outward badge, or a religious\nrite, or the doctrines which they would hold and by which they would be\nknown, or something in their spirit and manner which would characterize\nhis true disciples, may be a fair subject of inquiry. It is not\nspecifically designated by the use of the word. (2) It would be\nsomething that would be conspicuous or prominent, _as if_ it were\nimpressed on the forehead. It would not be merely some _internal_\nsealing, or some designation by which they would be known to themselves\nand to God, but it would be something _apparent_, as if engraved on\nthe forehead. What this would be, whether a profession, or a form of\nreligion, or the holding of some doctrine, or the manifestation of a\nparticular spirit, is not here designated. (3) This would be something\nappointed by God himself. It would not be of human origin, but would\nbe _as if_ an angel sent from heaven should impress it on the forehead.\nIf it refers to the doctrines which they would hold, they could not be\ndoctrines of human origin; if to the spirit which they would manifest,\nit would be a spirit of heavenly origin; if to some outward protection,\nit would be manifest that it was from God. (4) This would be a pledge\nof safety. The design of sealing the persons referred to seems to have\nbeen to secure their safety in the impending calamities. Thus the winds\nwere held back until those who were to be sealed could be designated,\nand then they were to be allowed to sweep over the earth. These things,\ntherefore, we are to look for in the fulfilment of the symbol. \u00b6 _And\nhe cried with a loud voice._ As if he had authority to command, and as\nif the four winds were about to be let forth upon the world. \u00b6 _To whom\nit was given to hurt the earth and the sea._ Who had power committed\n{173} to them to do this by means of the four winds.\n\n\n 3 Saying, [241]Hurt not the earth, neither the sea, nor the\n trees, till we have [242]sealed the servants of our God\n [243]in their foreheads.\n\n3. _Saying, Hurt not the earth, neither the sea_, &c. Let the winds\nbe restrained until what is here designated shall be done. These\ndestroying angels were commanded to suspend the work of destruction\nuntil the servants of God could be rendered secure. The division here,\nas in ver. 1, of the \u201cearth, the sea, and the trees,\u201d seems to include\neverything\u2015\u2015water, land, and the productions of the earth. Nothing was\nto be injured until the angel should designate the true servants of God.\n\u00b6 _Till we have sealed the servants of our God._ The use of the plural\n\u201c_we_\u201d seems to denote that he did not expect to do it alone. Who were\nto be associated with him, whether angels or men, he does not intimate;\nbut the work was evidently such that it demanded the agency of more\nthan one. \u00b6 _In their foreheads._ See Notes on ver. 2; comp. Eze. ix. 4,\n5. A mark thus placed on the forehead would be conspicuous, and would\nbe something which could at once be recognized if destruction should\nspread over the world. The fulfilment of this is to be found in two\nthings: (a) in something which would be conspicuous or prominent\u2015\u2015so\nthat it could be seen; and (b) in the mark being of such a nature or\ncharacter that it would be a proper designation of the fact that they\nwere the true servants of God.\n\n\n 4 And I heard the number of them which were sealed: _and there\n were_ sealed [244]an hundred _and_ forty _and_ four thousand\n of all the tribes of the children of Israel.\n\n4. _And I heard the number of them which were sealed._ He does not\nsay _where_ he heard that, or _by whom_ it was communicated to him, or\n_when_ it was done. The material point is, that he _heard_ it; he did\nnot _see_ it done. Either by the angel, or by some direct communication\nfrom God, he was _told_ of the number that would be sealed, and of the\ndistribution of the whole number into twelve equal parts, represented\nby the tribes of the children of Israel. \u00b6 _|And there were| sealed\nan hundred |and| forty |and| four thousand of all the tribes of the\nchildren of Israel._ In regard to this number, the first and the main\nquestion is, whether it is meant that this was to be the _literal_\nnumber, or whether it was _symbolical_; and, if the latter, of what\nit is a symbol. I. As to the first of these inquiries, there does not\nappear to be any good reason for doubt. The fair interpretation seems\nto require that it should be understood as symbolical, or as designed\nnot to be literally taken; for (a) the whole scene is symbolical\u2015\u2015the\nwinds, the angels, the sealing. (b) It cannot be supposed that this\nnumber will include _all_ who will be sealed and saved. In whatever\nway this is interpreted, and whatever we may suppose it to refer\nto, we cannot but suppose that more than this number will be saved.\n(c) The number is too exact and artificial to suppose that it is\nliteral. It is inconceivable that exactly the same number\u2015\u2015precisely\ntwelve thousand\u2015\u2015should be selected from each tribe of the children of\nIsrael. (d) If literal, it is necessary to suppose that this refers to\nthe twelve tribes of the children of Israel. But on every supposition\nthis is absurd. Ten of their tribes had been long before carried away,\nand the distinction of the tribes was lost, no more to be recovered,\nand the Hebrew people never have been, since the time of John, in\ncircumstances to which the description here could be applicable. These\nconsiderations make it clear that the description here is symbolical.\nBut, II. Of _what_ is it symbolical? Is it of a large number, or of a\nsmall number? Is it of those who would be saved from among the Jews, or\nof all who would be saved in the Christian church\u2015\u2015represented as the\n\u201ctribes of the children of Israel?\u201d To these inquiries we may answer,\n(1) that the representation seems to be rather that of a comparatively\n_small_ number than a _large_ one, for these reasons: (a) The number\n_of itself_ is not large. (b) The number is not large as _compared_\nwith those who must have constituted the tribes here referred to\u2015\u2015the\nnumber twelve thousand, for example, as compared with the whole number\nof the tribe of Judah, of the tribe of Reuben, &c. (c) It would seem\nfrom the language that there would be some _selection_ from a much\ngreater number. Thus, not _all_ in the tribes were sealed, but those\nwho were sealed were \u201cof all the tribes\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u1fc6\u03c2; that is,\n_out of_ these tribes. So in the specification in each tribe\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03ba \u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u1fc6\u03c2\n\u1f38\u03bf\u03cd\u03b4\u03b1, \u03a1\u03bf\u03c5\u03b2\u1f74\u03bd, &c. Some _out of_ the tribe, to wit, twelve thousand,\nwere sealed. It is not said of the {174} twelve thousand of the tribes\nof Judah, Reuben, &c., that they _constituted_ the tribe, but that they\nwere sealed _out of_ the tribe, as a part of it preserved and saved.\n\u201cWhen the preposition \u1f10\u03ba, or _out of_, stands after any such verb as\n_sealed_, between a definite numeral and a noun of multitude in the\ngenitive, sound criticism requires, doubtless, that the numeral should\nbe thus construed as signifying, not the whole, but a part taken out\u201d\n(Elliott, i. 237). Comp. Ex. xxxii. 28; Nu. i. 21; 1 Sa. iv. 10. The\nphrase, then, would properly denote those taken _out of_ some other and\ngreater number\u2015\u2015as a portion of a tribe, and not the whole tribe. If\nthe reference here is to the church, it would seem to denote that a\nportion only of that church would be sealed. (d) For the same reason\nthe idea would seem to be, that comparatively a _small_ portion is\nreferred to\u2015\u2015as twelve thousand would be comparatively a small part\nof one of the tribes of Israel; and if this refers to the church, we\nshould expect to find its fulfilment in a state of things in which the\nlargest proportion would _not_ be sealed; that is, in a corrupt state\nof the church in which there would be many professors of religion, but\ncomparatively few who had real piety. (2) To the other inquiry\u2015\u2015whether\nthis refers to those who would be sealed and saved among the Jews, or\nto those in the Christian church\u2015\u2015we may answer, (a) that there are\nstrong reasons for supposing the latter to be the correct opinion. Long\nbefore the time of John all these distinctions of tribe were abolished.\nThe ten tribes had been carried away and scattered in distant lands,\nnever more to be restored; and it cannot be supposed that there was\nany such _literal_ selection from the twelve tribes as is here spoken\nof, or any such designation of twelve thousand from each. There was no\noccasion\u2015\u2015either when Jerusalem was destroyed, or at any other time\u2015\u2015on\nwhich there were such transactions as are here referred to occurring\nin reference to the children of Israel. (b) The language is such as\na Christian, who had been by birth and education a Hebrew, would\nnaturally use if he wished to designate the church. Comp. Notes on Ja.\ni. 1. Accustomed to speak of the people of God as \u201cthe twelve tribes\nof Israel,\u201d nothing was more natural than to transfer this language\nto the church of the Redeemer, and to speak of it in that figurative\nmanner. Accordingly, from the necessity of the case, the language is\nuniversally understood to have reference to the Christian church. Even\nProfessor Stuart, who supposes that the reference is to the siege and\ndestruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, interprets it of the\npreservation of Christians, and their flight to Pella, beyond Jordan.\nThus interpreted, moreover, it accords with the entire symbolical\ncharacter of the representation. (c) The reference to the particular\n_tribes_ may be a designed allusion to the Christian church as it would\nbe divided into denominations, or known by different names; and the\nfact that a certain portion would be sealed from every tribe would\nnot be an unfit representation of the fact that a portion of all the\nvarious churches or denominations would be sealed and saved. That\nis, salvation would be confined to no one church or denomination, but\namong them all there would be found true servants of God. It would be\nimproper to suppose that the division into tribes among the children\nof Israel was designed to be a _type_ of the sects and denominations\nin the Christian church, and yet the fact of such a division may not\nimproperly be employed as an _illustration_ of that; for the whole\nchurch is made up not of any one denomination alone, but of all\nwho hold the truth combined, as the people of God in ancient times\nconsisted not solely of any one tribe, however large and powerful,\nbut of all combined. Thus understood, the symbol would point to a\ntime when there would be various denominations in the church, and\nyet with the idea that true friends of God would be found among them\nall. (d) Perhaps nothing can be argued from the fact that exactly\ntwelve thousand were selected from each of the tribes. In language\nso figurative and symbolical as this, it could not be maintained that\nthis proves that the same definite number would be taken from each\ndenomination of Christians. Perhaps all that _can be_ fairly inferred\nis, that there would be no partiality or preference for one more than\nanother; that there would be no favouritism on account of the tribe\nor denomination to which any one belonged; but that the seal would\nbe impressed on all, of any denomination, who had the true spirit of\nreligion. No one would receive the token of the divine favour _because_\nhe was of the tribe {175} of Judah or Reuben; no one _because_ he\nbelonged to any particular denomination of Christians. Large numbers\nfrom every branch of the church would be sealed; none would be sealed\nbecause he belonged to one form of external organization rather than to\nanother; none would be excluded because he belonged to any one tribe,\nif he had the spirit and held the sentiments which made it proper to\nrecognize him as a servant of God. These views seem to me to express\nthe true sense of this passage. No one can seriously maintain that\nthe writer meant to refer literally to the Jewish people; and if he\nreferred to the Christian church, it seems to be to some selection\nthat would be made out of the whole church, in which there would\nbe no favouritism or partiality, and to the fact that, in regard to\nthem, there would be some something which, in the midst of abounding\ncorruption or impending danger, would designate them as the chosen\npeople of God, and would furnish evidence that they would be safe.\n\n\n 5 Of the tribe of Juda _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the\n tribe of Reuben _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the tribe of\n Gad _were_ sealed twelve thousand.\n\n 6 Of the tribe of Aser _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the\n tribe of Nepthalim _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the tribe\n of Manasses _were_ sealed twelve thousand.\n\n 7 Of the tribe of Simeon _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the\n tribe of Levi _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the tribe of\n Issachar _were_ sealed twelve thousand.\n\n 8 Of the tribe of Zabulon _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of\n the tribe of Joseph _were_ sealed twelve thousand. Of the\n tribe of Benjamin _were_ sealed twelve thousand.\n\n5\u20128. _Of the tribe of Juda |were| sealed twelve thousand._ That is, a\nselection was made, or a number sealed, _as if_ it had been made from\none of the tribes of the children of Israel\u2015\u2015the tribe of Judah. If the\nremarks above made are correct, this refers to the Christian church,\nand means, in connection with what follows, that each portion of the\nchurch would furnish a definite part of the whole number sealed and\nsaved. We are not required to understand this of the exact number of\ntwelve thousand, but that the designation would be made from all parts\nand branches of the church _as if_ a selection of the true servants\nof God were made from the whole number of the tribes of Israel.\u2015\u2015There\nseems to be no particular reason why the tribe of Judah was mentioned\nfirst. Judah was not the oldest of the sons of Jacob, and there was\nno settled order in which the tribes were usually mentioned. The order\nof their birth, as mentioned in Ge. xxix. xxx., is as follows: Reuben,\nSimeon, Levi, Judah, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun,\nJoseph, Benjamin. In the blessing of Jacob, Ge. xlix., this order is\nchanged, and is as follows:\u2015\u2015Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Zebulun,\nIssachar, Dan, Gad, Asher, Naphtali, Joseph, Benjamin. In the blessing\nof Moses, De. xxxiii., a different order still is observed: Reuben,\nJudah, Levi, Benjamin, Joseph, Zebulun, Issachar, Gad, Dan, Naphtali,\nAsher; and in this last, moreover, Simeon is omitted. So, again,\nin Eze. xlviii., there are two enumerations of the twelve tribes,\ndiffering from each other, and both differing from the arrangements\nabove referred to: viz., in ver. 31\u201234, where Levi is reckoned as one,\nand Joseph as only one; and in ver. 1\u201227, referring to the division of\nthe country, where Levi, who had no heritage in land, is omitted, and\nEphraim and Manasseh are counted as two tribes (Professor Stuart, ii.\n172, 173). From facts like these it is clear that there was no certain\nand settled order in which the tribes were mentioned by the sacred\nwriters. The same thing seems to have occurred in the enumeration of\nthe tribes, which would occur, for example, in the enumeration of the\nseveral States of the American Union. There is indeed an order which is\nusually observed, beginning with Maine, &c., but almost no two writers\nwould observe throughout the same order; nor should we deem it strange\nif the order should be materially varied by even the same writer in\nenumerating them at different times. Thus, at one time it might be\nconvenient to enumerate them according to their geographical position;\nat another, in the order of their settlement; at another, in the order\nof their admission into the Union; at another, in the order of their\nsize and importance; {176} at another, in the order in which they are\narranged in reference to political parties, &c. Something of the same\nkind may have occurred in the order in which the tribes were mentioned\namong the Jews. _Perhaps_ this may have occurred also of design, in\norder that no one tribe might claim the precedence or the pre-eminence\nby being always placed at the head of the list. If, as is supposed\nabove, the allusion in this enumeration of the tribes was to the\nvarious portions of the Christian church, then perhaps the idea\nintended to be conveyed is, that no one division of that church is to\nhave any preference on account of its locality, or its occupying any\nparticular country, or because it has more wealth, learning, or numbers\nthan others; but that all are to be regarded, where there is the true\nspirit of religion, as on a level.\n\nThere are, however, three peculiarities in this enumeration of the\ntribes which demand a more particular explanation. The number indeed is\ntwelve, but that number is made up in a peculiar manner. (1) _Joseph_\nis mentioned, and also _Manasseh_. The matter of fact was, that Joseph\nhad two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh (Ge. xlviii. 1), and that these two\nsons gave name to two of the tribes, the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh.\nThere was, properly speaking, no tribe of the name of _Joseph_. In Nu.\nxiii. the name Levi is omitted, as it usually is, because that tribe\nhad no inheritance in the division of the land; and in order that the\nnumber twelve might be complete, Ephraim _and_ Joseph are mentioned\nas two tribes, ver. 8, 11. In ver. 11 the writer states expressly\nthat by the tribe Joseph he meant Manasseh\u2015\u2015\u201cOf the tribe of Joseph,\n_namely_, of the tribe of Manasseh,\u201d &c. From this it would seem that,\nas Manasseh was the oldest (Ge. xlviii. 14), the name _Joseph_ was\nsometimes given to that tribe. As Ephraim, however, became the largest\ntribe, and as Jacob in blessing the two sons of Joseph (Ge. xlviii. 14)\nlaid his right hand on Ephraim, and pronounced a special blessing\non him (ver. 19, 20), it would seem not improbable that, when not\nparticularly designated, the name _Joseph_ was given to that tribe,\nas it is evidently in this place. Possibly the name _Joseph_ may have\nbeen a general name which was occasionally applied to _either_ of these\ntribes. In the long account of the original division of Canaan in Jos.\nxiii.\u2012xix., Levi is omitted, because he had no heritage, and Ephraim\nand Manasseh are mentioned as two tribes. The name Joseph in the\npassage before us (ver. 8) is doubtless designed, as remarked above,\nto refer to Ephraim. (2) In this list (ver. 7) the name of _Levi_\nis inserted among the tribes. As already remarked, this name is not\ncommonly inserted among the tribes of the children of Israel, because\nthat tribe, being devoted to the sacerdotal office, had no inheritance\nin the division of the country, but was scattered among the other\ntribes. See Jos. xiv. 3, 4; xviii. 7. It may have been inserted here,\nif this refers to the Christian church, to denote that the ministers of\nthe gospel, as well as other members of the church, would share in the\nprotection implied by the sealing; that is, to denote that no class in\nthe church would be excluded from the blessings of salvation. (3) The\nname of one of the tribes\u2015\u2015_Dan_\u2015\u2015is omitted; so that by this omission,\nand the insertion of the tribe of Levi, the original number of twelve\nis preserved. There have been numerous conjectures as to the reason why\nthe tribe of _Dan_ is omitted here, but none of the solutions proposed\nare without difficulty. All that can be known, or regarded as probable,\non the subject, seems to be this:\u2015\u2015(a) As the tribe of Levi was usually\nomitted in an enumeration of the tribes, because that tribe had no part\nin the inheritance of the Hebrew people in the division of the land\nof Canaan, so there appear to have been instances in which the names\nof some of the other tribes were omitted, the reason for which is not\ngiven. Thus, in De. xxxiii., in the blessing pronounced by Moses on\nthe tribes just before his death, the name Simeon is omitted. In 1 Ch.\niv.\u2012viii. the names of Zebulun and Dan are both omitted. It would seem,\ntherefore, that the name of a tribe might be sometimes omitted without\nany particular reason being specified. (b) It has been supposed by some\nthat the name _Dan_ was omitted because that tribe was early devoted\nto idolatry, and continued idolatrous to the time of the captivity.\nOf that _fact_ there can be no doubt, for it is expressly affirmed in\nJu. xviii. 30; and that fact seems to be a sufficient reason for the\nomission of the name. As being thus idolatrous, it was in a measure\nseparated {177} from the people of God, and deserved not to be reckoned\namong them; and in enumerating those who were the servants of God,\nthere seemed to be a propriety that a tribe devoted to idolatry should\nnot be reckoned among the number. This will account for the omission,\nwithout resorting to the supposition of Grotius, that the tribe of Dan\nwas extinct at the time when the Apocalypse was written\u2015\u2015a fact which\nalso existed in regard to all the ten tribes; or to the supposition\nof Andreas and others, that Dan is omitted because Antichrist was to\nspring from that tribe\u2015\u2015a supposition which is alike without proof and\nwithout probability. The fact that Dan was omitted cannot be supposed\nto have any special significancy in the case before us. Such an\nomission is what, as we have seen, might have occurred at any time in\nthe enumeration of the tribes.\n\nIn reference to the application of this portion of the book (ver. 1\u20128),\nor of what is designed to be here represented, there has been, as might\nbe expected, a great variety of opinions. From the exposition of the\nwords and phrases which has been given, it is manifest that we are to\nlook for a series of events like the following:\u2015\u2015(1) Some impending\ndanger, or something that threatened to sweep everything away\u2015\u2015like\nwinds that were ready to blow on the earth. (2) That tempest restrained\nor held back, as if the winds were held in check by an angel, and were\nnot suffered to sweep over the world. (3) Some new influence or power,\nrepresented by an angel coming from the east\u2015\u2015the great source of\nlight\u2015\u2015that should designate the true church of God\u2015\u2015the servants of\nthe Most High. (4) Some mark or note by which the true people of God\ncould be designated, or by which they could be known\u2015\u2015_as if_ some name\nwere impressed on their foreheads. (5) A selection or election of the\nnumber from a much greater number who were the professed, but were not\nthe true servants of God. (6) A definite, though comparatively a small\nnumber thus designated out of the whole mass. (7) This number taken\nfrom all the divisions of the professed people of God, in such numbers\nand in such a manner, that it would be apparent that there would be no\npartiality or favouritism; that is, that wherever the true servants of\nGod were found, they would be sealed and saved. These are things which\nlie on the face of the passage, if the interpretation above given is\ncorrect, and in its application it is necessary to find some facts that\nwill properly correspond with these things.\n\nIf the interpretation of the sixth seal proposed above is correct,\nthen we are to look for the fulfilment of this in events that soon\nsucceeded those which are there referred to, or at least which\nhad their commencement at about that time; and the inquiry now is,\nwhether there _were_ any events that would accord properly with the\ninterpretation here proposed: that is, any impending and spreading\ndanger; any restraining of that danger; any process of designating the\nservants of God so as to preserve them; anything like a designation or\nselection of them from among the masses of the professed people of God?\nNow, in respect to this, the following facts accord so well with what\nis demanded in the interpretation that it may be regarded as morally\ncertain that they were the things which were thus made to pass in\nvision before the mind of John. They have at least this degree of\nprobability, that if it were admitted that he intended to describe\nthem, the symbols which are actually employed are those which it would\nhave been proper to select to represent them.\n\nI. The impending danger, like winds restrained, that threatened\nto sweep everything away, and to hasten on the end of the world.\nIn reference to this, there may have been two classes of impending\ndanger\u2015\u2015that from the invasion of the northern hordes, referred to\nin the sixth seal (ch. vi.), and that from the influx of error, that\nthreatened the ruin of the church. (a) As to the former, the language\nused by John will accurately express the state of things as it existed\nat the period supposed at the time of the sixth seal\u2015\u2015the series of\nevents introduced, now suspended, like the opening of the seventh\nseal. The idea is that of nations pressing on to conquest; heaving like\ntempests on the borders of the empire; overturning everything in their\nway; spreading desolation by fire and sword, _as if_ the world were\nabout to come to an end. The language used by Mr. Gibbon in describing\nthe times here referred to is so applicable, that it would seem almost\nas if he had the symbols used by John in his eye. Speaking of the time\nof Constantine, he says, \u201cThe _threatening {178} tempest_ of barbarians,\nwhich so soon subverted the foundations of Roman greatness, was still\nrepelled, _or suspended on the frontiers_\u201d (i. 362). This language\naccurately expresses the condition of the Roman world at the period\nsucceeding the opening of the sixth seal; the period of suspended\njudgments, in order that the servants of God might be sealed. See the\nNotes on ch. vi. 12\u201217. The nations which ultimately spread desolation\nthrough the empire hovered around its borders, making occasional\nincursions into its territory; even carrying their arms, as we have\nseen in some instances, as far as Rome itself, but still restrained\nfrom accomplishing the final purpose of overthrowing the city and the\nempire. The church and the state alike were threatened with destruction,\nand the impending wrath seemed only to be held back _as if_ to give\ntime to accomplish some other purpose. (b) At the same time there was\nanother class of evils which threatened to sweep like a tempest over\nthe church\u2015\u2015the evils of error in doctrine that sprang up on the\nestablishment of Christianity by Constantine. That fact was followed\nwith a great increase of professors of religion, who, for various\npurposes, crowded into a church patronized by the state\u2015\u2015a condition of\nthings which tended to do more to destroy the church than all that had\nbeen done by persecution had accomplished. This effect was natural;\nand the church became filled with those who had yielded themselves to\nthe Christian faith from motives of policy, and who, having no true\nspiritual piety, were ready to embrace the most lax views of religion,\nand to yield themselves to any form of error. Of this period, and of\nthe effect of the conversion of Constantine in this respect, Mr. Gibbon\nmakes the following remarks, strikingly illustrative of the view now\ntaken of the meaning of this passage:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe hopes of wealth and honours,\nthe example of an emperor, his exhortations, his irresistible smiles,\ndiffused conviction among the venal and obsequious crowds which usually\nfill the apartments of a palace. The cities which signalized a forward\nzeal, by the voluntary destruction of their temples, were distinguished\nby municipal privileges, and rewarded with popular donatives; and\nthe new capital of the East gloried in the singular advantage, that\nConstantinople was never profaned by the worship of idols. As the lower\nranks of society are governed by imitation, the conversion of those\nwho possessed any eminence of birth, of power, or of riches, was soon\nfollowed by dependent multitudes. The salvation of the common people\nwas purchased at an easy rate, if it be true that, in one year, twelve\nthousand men were baptized at Rome, besides a proportionable number\nof women and children, and that a white garment, with twenty pieces\nof gold, had been promised by the emperor to every convert\u201d (i. 425).\nAt a time, therefore, when it might have been supposed that, under the\npatronage of a Christian emperor, the truth would have spread around\nthe world, the church was exposed to one of its greatest dangers\u2015\u2015that\narising from the fact that it had become united with the state. About\nthe same time, also, there sprang up many of those forms of error\nwhich have spread farthest over the Christian world, and which then\nthreatened to become the universal form of belief in the church.\nOf this class of doctrine were the views of Arius, and the views of\nPelagius\u2015\u2015forms of opinion which, there were strong reasons to fear,\nmight become the prevailing belief of the church, and essentially\nchange its character. About this time, also, the church was passing\ninto the state in which the Papacy would arise\u2015\u2015that dark and gloomy\nperiod in which error would spread over the Christian world, and the\ntrue servants of God would retire for a long period into obscurity.\n\u201cWe are now but a little way off from the commencement of that\nnoted period\u2015\u2015obscurely hinted at by Daniel, plainly announced by\nJohn\u2015\u2015the twelve hundred and sixty prophetic days or years, for which\npreparations of a very unusual kind, but requisite, doubtless, are\nmade. This period was to form the gloomiest, without exception, in\nthe annals of the world\u2015\u2015the period of Satan\u2019s highest success, and of\nthe church\u2019s greatest depression; and lest she should become during it\nutterly extinct, her members, never so few as then, were all specially\nsealed. The long night passes on, darkening as it advances; but the\nsealed company are not visible; they disappear from the Apocalyptic\nstage, just as they then disappeared from the observation of the\nworld; for they fled away to escape the fire and the dungeons of their\npersecutors, to hide in the hoary caves of the earth, or to inhabit\nthe {179} untrodden regions of the wilderness, or to dwell beneath the\nshadow of the Alps, or to enjoy fellowship with God, emancipated and\nunknown, in the deep seclusion and gloom of some convent\u201d (_The Seventh\nVial_, London, 1848, pp. 27, 28). These facts seem to me to show,\nwith a considerable degree of probability, what was designated by the\n_suspense_ which occurred after the opening of the sixth seal\u2015\u2015when\nthe affairs of the world _seemed_ to be hastening on to the great\ncatastrophe. At that period the prophetic eye sees the tendency of\nthings suddenly arrested; the winds held back, the church preserved,\nand a series of events introduced, intended to designate and to save\nfrom the great mass of those who professedly constituted the \u201ctribes of\nIsrael,\u201d a definite number who should be in fact the true church of God.\n\nII. The facts, then, to which there is reference in checking the\ntendency of things, and sealing the servants of God, may have been the\nfollowing:\u2015\u2015(a) The preservation of the church from extinction during\nthose calamitous periods when ruin seemed about to sweep over the Roman\nworld. Not only as a matter of fact was there a suspension of those\nimpending judgments that seemed to threaten the very extinction of the\nempire by the invasion of the northern hordes (see Notes on ch. vi.),\nbut there were _special_ acts in favour of the church, by which these\nfierce barbarians appeared not only to be restrained from destroying\nthe church, but to be influenced by tenderness and sympathy for it, as\nif they were raised up to preserve it when Rome had done all it could\nto destroy it. It would seem _as if_ God restrained the rage of these\nhordes for the sake of preserving his church; _as if_ he had touched\ntheir hearts that they might give to Christians an opportunity to\nescape in the impending storm. We may refer here particularly to the\nconduct of Alaric, king of the Goths, in the attack on Rome already\nreferred to; and, as usual, we may quote from Mr. Gibbon, who will not\nbe suspected of a design to contribute anything to the illustration of\nthe Apocalypse. \u201cAt the hour of midnight,\u201d says he (vol. ii. pp. 260,\n261), \u201cthe Salarian Gate was silently opened, and the inhabitants were\nawakened by the tremendous sound of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hundred\nand sixty-three years after the foundation of Rome, the imperial city,\nwhich had subdued and civilized so considerable a part of mankind,\nwas delivered to the licentious fury of the tribes of Germany and\nScythia. The proclamation of Alaric, when he forced his entrance into\nthe vanquished city, discovered, however, some regard for the laws\nof humanity and religion. He encouraged his troops boldly to seize\nthe rewards of valour, and to enrich themselves with the spoils of a\nwealthy and effeminate people; but he exhorted them at the same time\nto spare the lives of the unresisting citizens, _and to respect the\nchurches of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul as holy and inviolable\nsanctuaries_. While the barbarians roamed through the city in quest of\nprey, the humble dwelling of an aged virgin, who had devoted her life\nto the service of the altar, was forced open by one of the powerful\nGoths. He immediately demanded, though in civil language, all the\ngold and silver in her possession; and was astonished at the readiness\nwith which she conducted him to a splendid hoard of massy plate, of\nthe richest materials and the most curious workmanship. The barbarian\nviewed with wonder and delight this valuable acquisition, till he was\ninterrupted by a serious admonition, addressed to him in the following\nwords: \u2018These,\u2019 said she, \u2018are the consecrated vessels belonging to St.\nPeter; if you presume to touch them, the sacrilegious deed will remain\non your conscience: for my part, I dare not keep what I am unable to\ndefend.\u2019 The Gothic captain, struck with reverential awe, despatched a\nmessenger to inform the king of the treasure which he had discovered;\nand received a peremptory order from Alaric, that all the consecrated\nplate and ornaments should be transported, without damage or delay, to\nthe church of the apostle. From the extremity, perhaps, of the Quirinal\nhill, to the distant quarter of the Vatican, a numerous detachment of\nthe Goths, marching in order of battle through the principal streets,\nprotected, with glittering arms, the long train of their devout\ncompanions, who bore aloft on their heads the sacred vessels of gold\nand silver; and the martial shouts of the barbarians were mingled\nwith the sound of religious psalmody. From all the adjacent houses\na crowd of Christians hastened to join this edifying procession; and a\nmultitude of fugitives, without distinction of age or rank, or even of\nsect, had {180} the good fortune to escape to the secure and hospitable\nsanctuary of the Vatican.\u201d In a note Mr. Gibbon adds: \u201cAccording\nto Isidore, Alaric himself was heard to say, that he waged war with\nthe Romans, and not with the apostles.\u201d He adds also (p. 261), \u201cThe\nlearned work concerning the _City of God_ was professedly composed by\nSt. Augustine to justify the ways of Providence in the destruction\nof the Roman greatness. He celebrates with peculiar satisfaction this\nmemorable triumph of Christ; and insults his adversaries by challenging\nthem to produce some similar example of a town taken by storm, in\nwhich the fabulous gods of antiquity had been able to protect either\nthemselves or their deluded votaries.\u201d We may refer here, also, to that\nwork of Augustine as illustrating the passage before us. In book i.\nch. 2, he defends this position, that \u201cthere never was war in which\nthe conquerors would spare them whom they conquered for the gods they\nworshipped\u201d\u2015\u2015referring particularly to the sacking of Troy; in ch. 3\nhe appeals to the example of Troy; in ch. 4 he appeals to the sanctuary\nof Juno, in Troy; in ch. 5 he shows that the Romans never spared the\ntemples of those cities which they destroyed; and in ch. 6 he maintains\nthat the fact that mercy was shown by the barbarians in the sacking\nof Rome, was \u201cthrough the power of the name of Jesus Christ.\u201d In\nillustration of this he says, \u201cTherefore, all the spoil, murder,\nviolence, and affliction, that in this fresh calamity came upon Rome,\nwere nothing but the ordinary effects following the custom of war.\nBut that which was so unaccustomed, that the savage nature of the\nbarbarians should put on a new shape, and appear so merciful that it\nwould make choice of great and spacious churches to fill with such as\nit meant to show pity on, from which none should be haled to slaughter\nor slavery, in which none should be hurt, to which many by their\ncourteous foes should be conducted, and out of which none should be\nled into bondage; this is due to the name of Christ, this is due to\nthe Christian profession; he that seeth not is blind; he that seeth\nand praiseth it not is unthankful; he that hinders him that praiseth\nit is mad\u201d (_City of God_, p. 11; London, 1620). Such a preservation of\nChristians; such a suspension of judgments, when all things seemed to\nbe on the verge of ruin, would not be _inappropriately_ represented by\nwinds that threatened to sweep over the world; by the staying of those\nwinds by some remarkable power, as by an angel; and by the special\ninterposition which spared the church in the tumults and terrors\nof a siege, and of the sacking of a city. (b) There _may_ have been\na reference to another class of Divine interpositions at about the\nsame time, to designate the true servants of God. It has been already\nremarked, that from the time when Constantine took the church under\nhis patronage, and it became connected with the state, there was a\nlarge accession of nominal professors in the church, producing a great\ncorruption in regard to spiritual religion, and an extended prevalence\nof error. Now the delay here referred to, between the opening of the\nsixth and seventh seals, _may_ have referred to the fact, that during\nthis period the true doctrines of Christianity would be vindicated\nand established in such a way that the servants of God would be\n\u201csealed\u201d and designated in contradistinction from the great mass\nof the professed followers of Christ, and from the numerous advocates\nof error. _From_ that mass a certain and definite number was to be\nsealed\u2015\u2015implying, as we have seen, that there would be a _selection_,\nor that there would be something which would _discriminate_ them from\nthe multitudes as the true servants of God. This is represented by an\nangel coming from the east: the angel representing the new heavenly\ninfluence coming upon the church; and the coming from the east\u2015\u2015as the\neast is the quarter where the sun rises\u2015\u2015denoting that it came from the\nsource and fountain of light\u2015\u2015that is, God. The \u201csealing\u201d would denote\nanything in this new influence or manifestation which would mark the\ntrue children of God, and would be appropriately employed to designate\nany doctrines which would keep up true religion in the world; which\nwould preserve correct views about God, the way of salvation, and\nthe nature of true religion, and which would thus determine where the\nchurch of God really was. If there should he a tendency in the church\nto degenerate into formality; if the rules of discipline should be\nrelaxed; if error should prevail as to what constitutes spiritual\nreligion; and if there should be a new influence at that time which\nwould distinguish those who were the children {181} of God from those\nwho were not, _this_ would be appropriately represented by the angel\nfrom the east, and by the sealing of the servants of God. Now it\nrequires but a slight knowledge of the history of the Roman empire,\nand of the church at the period supposed here to be referred to, to\nperceive that all this occurred. There was a large influx of professed\nconverts. There was a vast increase of worldliness. There was a wide\ndiffusion of error. Religion was fast becoming mere formalism. The true\nchurch was apparently fast verging to ruin. At this period God raised\nup distinguished men\u2015\u2015as if they had been angels ascending from the\neast\u2015\u2015who came as with the \u201cseal of the living God\u201d\u2015\u2015the doctrines of\ngrace, and just views of spiritual religion\u2015\u2015to designate who were,\nand who were not, the \u201ctrue servants of God\u201d among the multitudes who\nprofessed to be his followers. Such were the doctrines of Athanasius\nand Augustine\u2015\u2015those great doctrines on which the very existence of the\ntrue church has in all ages depended. The doctrines thus illustrated\nand defended were fitted to make a broad line of distinction between\nthe true church and the world, and this would be well represented by\nthe symbol employed here\u2015\u2015for it is by these doctrines that the true\npeople of God are sealed and confirmed. On this subject comp. Elliott,\ni. 279\u2012292. The general sense here intended to be expressed is,\nthat there was at the period referred to, after the conversion of\nConstantine, a decided tendency to a worldly, formal, lax kind of\nreligion in the church; a very prevalent denial of the doctrine of\nthe Trinity and of the doctrines of grace; a lax mode of admitting\nmembers to the church, with little or no evidence of true conversion;\na disposition to attribute saving grace to the ordinances of religion,\nand especially to baptism; a disposition to rely on the outward\nceremonies of religion, with little acquaintance with its spiritual\npower; and a general breaking down of the barriers between the church\nand the world, as there is usually in a time of outward prosperity,\nand especially when the church is connected with the state. At\nthis time there arose another set of influences well represented\nby the angel coming from the east, and sealing the true servants\nof God, in illustration and confirmation of the true doctrines of\nChristianity\u2015\u2015doctrines on which the spirituality of the church has\nalways depended: the doctrines of the Trinity, the atonement, the\ndepravity of man, regeneration by the agency of the Holy Spirit,\njustification by faith, the sovereignty of God, and kindred doctrines.\nSuch doctrines have in all ages served to determine where the true\nchurch is, and to designate and \u201cseal\u201d the servants of the Most High.\n(c) This process of \u201csealing\u201d may be regarded as continued during the\nlong night of Papal darkness that was coming upon the church, when\nerror would abound, and the religion of forms would be triumphant.\nEven then, in places obscure and unknown, the work of sealing the true\nservants of God might be going forward\u2015\u2015for even in those times of\ngloomy night there _were_ those, though comparatively few in number,\nwho loved the truth, and who were the real servants of God. The number\nof the elect was filling up, for even in the darkest times there were\nthose who loved the cause of spiritual religion, and who bore upon them\nthe impress of the \u201cseal of the living God.\u201d Such appears to have been\nthe intent of this sealing vision: a staying of the desolation that,\nin various forms, was sweeping over the world, in order that the true\nchurch might be safe, and that a large number, from all parts of the\nchurch, might be sealed and designated as the true servants of God. The\nwinds that blowed from all quarters were stayed as if by mighty angels.\nA new influence, from the great source of light, came in to designate\nthose who were the true servants of the Most High, as if an angel had\ncome from the rising sun with the seal of the living God, to impress\nit on their foreheads. A selection was made out of a church filling up\nwith formalists, and in which the true doctrines of spiritual religion\nwere fast fading away, of those who could be designated as the true\nservants of God. By their creed, and their lives, and their spirit, and\ntheir profession, they could be designated as the true servants of God,\nas if a visible mark were impressed on their foreheads. This selection\nwas confined to no place, no class, no tribe, no denomination. It\nwas taken from the whole of Israel, in such numbers that it could be\nseen that none of the tribes were excluded from the honour, but that,\nwherever the true spirit of religion was, God was acknowledging these\ntribes\u2015\u2015or churches\u2015\u2015as his, and there he was gathering a people {182}\nto himself. This would be long continued, until new scenes would open,\nand the eye would rest on other developments in the series of symbols,\nrevealing the glorious host of the redeemed emerging from darkness, and\nin countless numbers triumphing before the throne.\n\n\n 9 After this I beheld, and, lo, a great multitude, which no\n man could number, [245]of all nations, and kindreds, and\n people, and tongues, stood before the throne, and before the\n Lamb, [246]clothed with white robes, and [247]palms in their\n hands;\n\n9. _After this._ Gr., \u201cAfter these things\u201d\u2015\u2015\u039c\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1: that is, after\nI saw these things thus represented I had another vision. This would\nundoubtedly imply, not only that he _saw_ these things after he had\nseen the sealing of the hundred and forty-four thousand, but that they\nwould _occur_ subsequently to that. But he does not state whether they\nwould immediately occur, or whether other things might not intervene.\nAs a matter of fact, the vision seems to be transferred from earth to\nheaven\u2015\u2015for the multitudes which he saw appeared \u201cbefore the throne\u201d\n(ver. 9); that is, before the throne of God in heaven. The design seems\nto be to carry the mind forward quite beyond the storms and tempests\nof earth\u2015\u2015the scenes of woe and sorrow\u2015\u2015the days of error, darkness,\ndeclension, and persecution\u2015\u2015to that period when the church should be\ntriumphant in heaven. Instead, therefore, of leaving the impression\nthat the hundred and forty-four thousand would be _all_ that would be\nsaved, the eye is directed to an innumerable host, gathered from all\nages, all climes, and all people, triumphant in glory. The multitude\nthat John thus saw was not, therefore, I apprehend, the same as the\nhundred and forty-four thousand, but a far greater number\u2015\u2015the whole\nassembled host of the redeemed in heaven, gathered there as _victors_,\nwith palm-branches, the symbols of triumph, in their hands. The\n_object_ of the vision is to cheer those who are desponding in times\nof religious declension and in seasons of persecution, and when the\nnumber of true Christians seems to be small, with the assurance that\nan immense host shall be redeemed from our world, and be gathered\ntriumphant before the throne. \u00b6 _I beheld._ That is, he saw them\nbefore the throne. The vision is transferred from earth to heaven; from\nthe contemplation of the scene when desolation seemed to impend over\nthe world, and when comparatively few in number were \u201csealed\u201d as the\nservants of God, to the time when the redeemed would be triumphant,\nand when a host which no man can number would stand before God. \u00b6 _And,\nlo._ Indicating surprise. A vast host burst upon the view. Instead\nof the comparatively few who were sealed, an innumerable company were\npresented to his vision, and surprise was the natural effect. \u00b6 _A\ngreat multitude._ Instead of the comparatively small number on which\nthe attention had been fixed. \u00b6 _Which no man could number._ The number\nwas so great that no one could count them, and John, therefore, did\nnot attempt to do it. This is such a statement as one would make who\nshould have a view of all the redeemed in heaven. It would appear to\nbe a number beyond all power of computation. This representation is\nin strong contrast with a very common opinion that only a few will be\nsaved. The representation in the Bible is, that immense hosts of the\nhuman race will be saved; and though vast numbers will be lost, and\nthough at any particular period of the world hitherto it may seem that\nfew have been in the path to life, yet we have every reason to believe\nthat, taking the race at large, and estimating it as a whole, a vast\nmajority of the whole will be brought to heaven. For the true religion\nis yet to spread all over the world, and perhaps for many, many\nthousands of years, piety is to be as prevalent as sin has been; and\nin that long and happy time of the world\u2019s history we may hope that the\nnumbers of the saved may surpass all who have been lost in past periods,\nbeyond any power of computation. See Notes on ch. xx. 3\u20126. \u00b6 _Of all\nnations._ Not only of Jews; not only of the nations which, in the time\nof the sealing vision, had embraced the gospel, but of all the nations\nof the earth. This implies two things: (a) that the gospel would be\npreached among all nations; and (b) that even when it was thus preached\nto them they would keep up their national characteristics. There can\nbe no hope of blending all the nations of the earth under one visible\nsovereignty. They may all be subjected to the spiritual reign of the\nRedeemer, but still there is no reason to suppose that they will not\nhave their distinct organizations and laws. \u00b6 _And kindreds_\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd.\nThis word properly refers to those who are {183} descended from a\ncommon ancestry, and hence denotes a race, lineage, kindred. It was\napplied to the tribes of Israel, as derived from the same ancestor,\nand for the same reason might be applied to a _clan_, and thence to\nany division in a nation, or to a nation itself\u2015\u2015properly retaining the\nnotion that it was descended from a common ancestor. Here it would seem\nto refer to a smaller class than a nation\u2015\u2015the different clans of which\na nation might be composed. \u00b6 _And people_\u2015\u2015\u03bb\u03b1\u1ff6\u03bd. This word refers\nproperly to a people or community as a _mass_, without reference to\nits origin or any of its divisions. The former word would be used by\none who should look upon a nation as made up of portions of distinct\nlanguages, clans, or families; this word would be used by one who\nshould look on such an assembled people as a mere mass of human\nbeings, with no reference to their difference of clanship, origin, or\nlanguage. \u00b6 _And tongues._ Languages. This word would refer also to\nthe inhabitants of the earth, considered with respect to the fact that\nthey speak different languages. The use of particular languages does\nnot designate the precise boundaries of nations\u2015\u2015for often many people\nspeaking different languages are united as one nation, and often those\nwho speak the same language constitute distinct nations. The view,\ntherefore, with which one would look upon the dwellers on the earth, in\nthe use of the word _tongues_ or _languages_, would be, not as divided\ninto nations; not with reference to their lineage or clanship; and not\nas a mere mass without reference to any distinction, but as divided\nby _speech_. The meaning of the whole is, that persons from all parts\nof the earth, as contemplated in these points of view, would be among\nthe redeemed. Comp. Notes on Da. iii. 4; iv. 1. \u00b6 _Stood before the\nthrone._ The throne of God. See Notes on ch. iv. 2. The throne is there\nrepresented as set up in heaven, and the vision here is a vision of\nwhat will occur in heaven. It is designed to carry the thoughts beyond\n_all_ the scenes of conflict, strife, and persecution on earth, to\nthe time when the church shall be triumphant in glory\u2015\u2015when all storms\nshall have passed by; when all persecutions shall have ceased; when\nall revolutions shall have occurred; when all the elect\u2015\u2015not only the\nhundred and forty-four thousand of the sealed, but of all nations and\ntimes\u2015\u2015shall have been gathered in. There was a beautiful propriety\nin this vision. John saw the tempests stayed, as by the might of\nangels. He saw a new influence and power that would seal the true\nservants of God. But those tempests were stayed only for a time,\nand there were more awful visions in reserve than any which had been\nexhibited\u2015\u2015visions of woe and sorrow, of persecution and of death. It\nwas appropriate, therefore, just at this moment of calm suspense\u2015\u2015of\ndelayed judgments\u2015\u2015to suffer the mind to rest on the triumphant close\nof the whole in heaven, when a countless host would be gathered there\nwith palms in their hands, uniting with angels in the worship of God.\nThe mind, by the contemplation of this beautiful vision, would be\nrefreshed and strengthened for the disclosure of the awful scenes\nwhich were to occur on the sounding of the trumpets under the seventh\nseal. The simple idea is, that, amidst the storms and tempests of\nlife\u2015\u2015scenes of existing or impending trouble and wrath\u2015\u2015it is well to\nlet the eye rest on the scene of the final triumph, when innumerable\nhosts of the redeemed shall stand before God, and when sorrow shall be\nknown no more. \u00b6 _And before the Lamb._ In the midst of the throne\u2015\u2015in\nheaven. See Notes on ch. v. 6. \u00b6 _Clothed with white robes._ The\nemblems of innocence or righteousness, uniformly represented as the\nraiment of the inhabitants of heaven. See Notes on ch. iii. 4; vi. 11.\n\u00b6 _And palms in their hands._ Emblems of victory. Branches of the\npalm-tree were carried by the victors in the athletic contests of\nGreece and Rome, and in triumphal processions. See Notes on Mat. xxi. 8.\nThe palm-tree\u2015\u2015straight, elevated, majestic\u2015\u2015was an appropriate emblem\nof triumph. The portion of it which was borne in victory was the long\n_leaf_ which shoots out from the top of the tree. Comp. Notes on Is.\niii. 26. See Eschenberg, _Manual of Class. Lit._ p. 243, and Le. xxiii.\n40: \u201cAnd ye shall take you on the first day the boughs of goodly trees,\n_branches of palm-trees_,\u201d &c. So in the Saviour\u2019s triumphal entry into\nJerusalem (Jn. xii. 12, 13)\u2015\u2015\u201cOn the next day much people took branches\nof {184} palm-trees, and went forth to meet him, and cried, Hosanna.\u201d\n\n\n 10 And [248]cried with a loud voice, saying, [249]Salvation to\n our God which sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb.\n\n10. _And cried with a loud voice._ Comp. Zec. iv. 7. This is\nexpressive of the greatness of their joy; the ardour and earnestness\nof their praise. \u00b6 _Salvation to our God._ The word rendered\n_salvation_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03c9\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u2015\u2015means properly safety, deliverance, preservation;\nthen welfare or prosperity; then victory; then, in a Christian sense,\ndeliverance from punishment and admission to eternal life. Here the\nidea seems to be that their deliverance from sin, danger, persecution,\nand death, was to be ascribed solely to God. It cannot be meant,\nas the words would seem to imply, that they desired that God might\nhave salvation; but the sense is, that _their_ salvation was to be\nattributed entirely to him. This will undoubtedly be the song of the\nreleased for ever, and all who reach the heavenly world will feel that\nthey owe their deliverance from eternal death, and their admission\nto glory, wholly to him. Professor Robinson (_Lex._) renders the word\nhere _victory_. The fair meaning is, that _whatever_ is included in the\nword _salvation_ will be due to God alone\u2015\u2015the deliverance from sin,\ndanger, and death; the triumph over every foe; the resurrection from\nthe grave; the rescue from eternal burnings; the admission to a holy\nheaven\u2015\u2015_victory_ in all that that word implies will be due to God.\n\u00b6 _Which sitteth upon the throne._ Notes on ch. iv. 2. \u00b6 _And unto the\nLamb._ Notes on ch. v. 6. God the Father, and He who is the Lamb of\nGod, alike claim the honour of salvation. It is observable here that\nthe redeemed ascribe their salvation to the Lamb as well as to Him who\nis on the throne. Could they do this if he who is referred to as the\n\u201cLamb\u201d were a mere man? Could they if he were an angel? Could they if\nhe were not equal with the Father? Do those who are in heaven worship a\ncreature? Will they unite a created being with the Anointed One in acts\nof solemn adoration and praise?\n\n\n 11 And all the angels stood round about the throne, and\n _about_ the elders and the four beasts, and fell before the\n throne on their faces, and worshipped God,\n\n11. _And all the angels stood round about the throne._ Notes on ch.\nv. 11. \u00b6 _And |about| the elders._ Notes on ch. iv. 4. \u00b6 _And the four\nbeasts._ Notes on ch. iv. 6. The meaning is, that the angels stood\nin the _outer_ circle, or _outside_ of the elders and the four living\ncreatures. The redeemed, it is manifest, occupied the inner circle, and\nwere near the throne, though their precise location is not mentioned.\nThe angels sympathize with the church redeemed and triumphant, as\nthey did with the church in its conflicts and trials, and they now\nappropriately unite with that church in adoring and praising God. They\nsee in that redemption new displays of the character of God, and they\nrejoice that that church is rescued from its troubles, and is now\nbrought triumphant to heaven. \u00b6 _And fell before the throne on their\nfaces._ The usual position of profound adoration, ch. iv. 10; v. 8.\n\u00b6 _And worshipped God._ Notes on ch. v. 11, 12.\n\n\n 12 Saying, [250]Amen: Blessing, and glory, and wisdom, and\n thanksgiving, and honour, and power, and might, _be_ unto our\n God for ever and ever. Amen.\n\n12. _Saying, Amen._ See Notes on ch. i. 7. The word _Amen_ here is\na word strongly affirming the truth of what is said, or expressing\nhearty assent to it. It may be uttered, as expressing this, either\nin the beginning or end of a sentence. Thus _wills_ are commonly\ncommenced, \u201cIn the name of God, _Amen_.\u201d \u00b6 _Blessing, and glory_, &c.\nSubstantially the same ascription of praise occurs in ch. v. 12. See\nNotes on that verse. The general idea is, that the highest kind of\npraise is to be ascribed to God; everything excellent in character\nis to be attributed to him; every blessing which is received is to be\ntraced to him. The _order_ of the words indeed is changed, but the\nsense is substantially the same. In the former case (ch. v. 12) the\nascription of praise is to the Lamb\u2015\u2015the Son of God; here it is to God.\nIn both instances the worship is described as rendered in heaven; and\nthe use of the language shows that God and the Lamb are regarded in\nheaven as entitled to equal praise. The only words found here which do\nnot occur in {185} ch. v. 12 are _thanksgiving_ and _might_\u2015\u2015words\nwhich require no particular explanation.\n\n\n 13 And one of the elders answered, saying unto me, What are\n these which are arrayed in white robes? and whence came they?\n\n13. _And one of the elders._ See Notes on ch. iv. 4. That is, as\nthere understood, one of the representatives of the church before the\nthrone. \u00b6 _Answered._ The word _answer_, with us, means to reply to\nsomething which has been said. In the Bible, however, the word is not\nunfrequently used in the _beginning_ of a speech, where nothing has\nbeen said\u2015\u2015as if it were a reply to something that _might_ be said\non the subject; or to something that is passing through the mind of\nanother; or to something in the case under consideration which suggests\nan inquiry. Comp. Is. lxv. 24; Da. ii. 26; Ac. v. 8. Thus it is used\nhere. John was looking on the host, and reflecting on the state of\nthings; and to the train of thought passing through his mind the angel\n_answered_ by an inquiry as to a part of that host. Professor Stuart\nrenders it _accosted me_. \u00b6 _What are these which are arrayed in white\nrobes?_ _Who_ are these? The object evidently is to bring the case of\nthese persons more particularly into view. The vast host with branches\nof palm had attracted the attention of John, but it was the object of\nthe speaker to turn his thoughts to a particular part of the host\u2015\u2015the\nmartyrs who stood among them. He would seem, therefore, to have turned\nto a particular portion of the immense multitude of the redeemed,\nand by an emphasis on the word _these_\u2015\u2015\u201cWho are _these_\u201d\u2015\u2015to have\nfixed the eye upon them. _All_ those who are before the throne are\nrepresented as clothed in white robes (ver. 9), but the eye might\nbe directed to a particular part of them as grouped together, and\nas having something peculiar in their position or appearance. There\nwas a _propriety_ in thus directing the mind of John to the martyrs\nas triumphing in heaven in a time when the churches were suffering\npersecution, and in view of the vision which he had had of times of\ndarkness and calamity coming upon the world at the opening of the sixth\nseal. Beyond all the scenes of sorrow and grief, he was permitted to\nsee the martyrs triumphing in heaven. \u00b6 _Arrayed in white robes._ Notes\non ver. 9. \u00b6 _And whence came they?_ The object is to fix the attention\nmore distinctly on what is said of them, that they came up out of great\ntribulation.\n\n\n 14 And I said unto him, Sir, thou knowest. And he said to me.\n These are they which [251]came out of great tribulation, and\n have [252]washed their robes, and made them white [253]in the\n blood of the Lamb.\n\n14. _And I said unto him, Sir, thou knowest._ The word _sir_ in this\nplace\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03b5, _lord_\u2015\u2015is a form of respectful address, such as would\nbe used when speaking to a superior, Ge. xliii. 20; Mat. xiii. 27;\nxxi. 30; xxvii. 63; Jn. iv. 11, 15, 19, 49; v. 7; xii. 21; xx. 15. The\nsimple meaning of the phrase \u201cthou knowest\u201d is, that he who had asked\nthe question must be better informed than he to whom he had proposed\nit. It is, on the part of John, a modest confession that he did not\nknow, or could not be presumed to know, and at the same time the\nrespectful utterance of an opinion that he who addressed this question\nto him must be in possession of this knowledge. \u00b6 _And he said unto\nme._ Not offended with the reply, and ready, as he had evidently\nintended to do, to give him the information which he needed. \u00b6 _These\nare they which came out of great tribulation._ The word rendered\n_tribulation_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03bb\u03af\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2\u2015\u2015is a word of general character, meaning\n_affliction_, though perhaps there is here an allusion to persecution.\nThe sense, however, would be better expressed by the phrase _great\ntrials_. The object seems to have been to set before the mind of\nthe apostle a view of those who had suffered much, and who by their\nsufferings had been sanctified and prepared for heaven, in order to\nencourage those who might be yet called to suffer. \u00b6 _And have washed\ntheir robes._ To wit, in the blood of the Lamb. \u00b6 _And made them white\nin the blood of the Lamb._ There is some incongruity in saying that\nthey had made them _white_ in the _blood_ of the Lamb; and the meaning\ntherefore must be, that they had _cleansed_ or _purified_ them in that\nblood. Under the ancient ritual, various things about the sanctuary\nwere _cleansed_ from ceremonial defilement by the sprinkling of blood\non them\u2015\u2015the {186} blood of sacrifice. In accordance with that usage,\nthe blood of the Lamb\u2015\u2015of the Lord Jesus\u2015\u2015is said to cleanse and purify.\nJohn sees a great company with white robes. The means by which it is\nsaid they became white or pure is the blood of the Lamb. It is not said\nthat they were made white as the result of their sufferings or their\nafflictions, but by the blood of the Lamb. The course of thought here\nis such that it would be natural to suppose that, if at any time the\ngreat deeds or the sufferings of the saints could contribute to the\nfact that they will wear white robes in heaven, this is an occasion on\nwhich there might be such a reference. But there is no allusion to that.\nIt is not by their own sufferings and trials, their persecutions and\nsorrows, that they are made holy, but by the blood of the Lamb that had\nbeen shed for sinners. This reference to the blood of the Lamb is one\nof the incidental proofs that occur so frequently in the Scriptures\nof the reality of the atonement. It could be only in allusion to that,\nand with an implied belief in that, that the blood of the Lamb could be\nreferred to as cleansing the robes of the saints in heaven. If he shed\nhis blood merely as other men have done; if he died only as a martyr,\nwhat propriety would there have been in referring to his blood more\nthan to the blood of any other martyr? And what influence could the\nblood of _any_ martyr have in cleansing the robes of the saints in\nheaven? The fact is, that if that were all, such language would be\nunmeaning. It is never used except in connection with the blood of\nChrist; and the language of the Bible everywhere is such as would be\nemployed on the supposition that he shed his blood to make expiation\nfor sin, and on no other supposition. On the general meaning of the\nlanguage used here, and the sentiment expressed, see Notes on He. ix.\n14 and 1 Jn. i. 7.\n\n\n 15 Therefore are they before the throne of God, and serve him\n day and night in his temple: and he that sitteth on the throne\n [254]shall dwell among them.\n\n15. _Therefore are they before the throne of God._ The reason why they\nare there is to be traced to the fact that the Lamb shed his blood to\nmake expiation for sin. No other reason can be given why any one of\nthe human race is in heaven; and that is reason enough why any of that\nrace are there. \u00b6 _And serve him day and night in his temple._ That is,\ncontinually or constantly. Day and night constitute the whole of time,\nand this expression, therefore, denotes constant and uninterrupted\nservice. On earth, toil is suspended by the return of night, and the\nservice of God is intermitted by the necessity of rest; in heaven,\nas there will be no weariness, there will be no need of intermission,\nand the service of God, varied doubtless to meet the state of the\nmind, will be continued for ever. The phrase, \u201cto serve him in his\ntemple,\u201d refers undoubtedly to heaven, regarded as the temple or\nholy dwelling-place of God. See Notes on ch. i. 6. \u00b6 _And he that\nsitteth on the throne._ God. Notes, ch. iv. 2. \u00b6 _Shall dwell among\nthem_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9. This word properly means, _to tent_, _to pitch a\ntent_; and, in the New Testament, to dwell as in tents. The meaning\nhere is, that God would dwell among them as in a tent, or would have\nhis abode with them. Perhaps the allusion is to the tabernacle in the\nwilderness. That was regarded as the peculiar dwelling-place of God,\nand that always occupied a central place among the tribes of Israel. So\nin heaven there will be the consciousness always that God dwells there\namong his people, and that the redeemed are gathered around him in his\nown house. Professor Stuart renders this, it seems to me, with less\nbeauty and propriety, \u201cwill spread his tent over them,\u201d as meaning that\nhe would receive them into intimate connection and union with him, and\noffer them his protection. Comp. ch. xxi. 3.\n\n\n 16 They shall [255]hunger no more, neither thirst any more;\n neither shall the sun light on them, [256]nor any heat.\n\n16. _They shall hunger no more._ A considerable portion of the\nredeemed who will be there, were, when on earth, subjected to the\nevils of famine; many who perished with hunger. In heaven they will be\nsubjected to that evil no more, for there will be no want that will not\nbe supplied. The bodies which the redeemed will have\u2015\u2015spiritual bodies\n(1 Co. xv. 44)\u2015\u2015will doubtless be such as will be nourished in some\nother way than by food, if they require any nourishment; and whatever\nthat nourishment may be, it will be fully supplied. The passage here\nis taken from Is. xlix. 10: {187} \u201cThey shall not hunger nor thirst;\nneither shall the heat nor sun smite them.\u201d See Notes on that passage.\n\u00b6 _Neither thirst any more._ As multitudes of the redeemed have\nbeen subjected to the evils of hunger, so have multitudes also been\nsubjected to the pains of thirst. In prison; in pathless deserts; in\ntimes of drought, when wells and fountains were dried up, they have\nsuffered from this cause\u2015\u2015a cause producing as intense suffering\nperhaps as any that man endures. Comp. Ex. xvii. 3; Ps. lxiii. 1;\nLa. iv. 4; 2 Co. xi. 27. It is easy to conceive of persons suffering so\nintensely from thirst that the highest vision of felicity would be such\na promise as that in the words before us\u2015\u2015\u201cneither thirst any more.\u201d\n\u00b6 _Neither shall the sun light on them._ It is hardly necessary,\nperhaps, to say that the word _light_ here does not mean to enlighten,\nto give light to, to shine on. The Greek is \u03c0\u03ad\u03c3\u1fc3\u2015\u2015_fall on_\u2015\u2015and the\nreference, probably, is to the intense and burning heat of the sun,\ncommonly called a _sunstroke_. Excessive heat of the sun, causing great\npain or sudden death, is not a very uncommon thing among us, and must\nhave been more common in the warm climates and burning sands of the\ncountries in the vicinity of Palestine. The meaning here is, that in\nheaven they would be free from this calamity. \u00b6 _Nor any heat._ In\nIs. xlix. 10, from which place this is quoted, the expression is \u05e9\u05b8\u05c1\u05e8\u05b8\u05d1,\n_sharab_, properly denoting heat or burning, and particularly the\n_mirage_, the excessive heat of a sandy desert producing a vapour\nwhich has a striking resemblance to water, and which often misleads the\nunwary traveller by its deceptive appearance. See Notes on Is. xxxv. 7.\nThe expression here is equivalent to intense heat; and the meaning is,\nthat in heaven the redeemed will not be subjected to any such suffering\nas the traveller often experiences in the burning sands of the desert.\nThe language would convey a most grateful idea to those who had been\nsubjected to these sufferings, and is one form of saying that, in\nheaven, the redeemed will be delivered from the ills which they suffer\nin this life. Perhaps the whole image here is that of travellers who\nhave been on a long journey, exposed to hunger and thirst, wandering in\nthe burning sands of the desert, and exposed to the fiery rays of the\nsun, at length reaching their quiet and peaceful home, where they would\nfind safety and abundance. The believer\u2019s journey from earth to heaven\nis such a _pilgrimage_.\n\n\n 17 For the Lamb, which is in the midst of the throne, shall\n [257]feed them, and shall lead them unto living fountains of\n waters: and God shall [258]wipe away all tears from their eyes.\n\n17. _For the Lamb, which is in the midst of the throne._ Notes on\nch. v. 6. He is still the great agent in promoting the happiness of the\nredeemed in heaven. \u00b6 _Shall feed them._ Rather, shall exercise over\nthem the office of a shepherd\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6. This includes much more than\nmere _feeding_. It embraces all the care which a shepherd takes of his\nflock\u2015\u2015watching them, providing for them, guarding them from danger.\nComp. Ps. xxiii. 1, 2, 5; xxxvi. 8. See this fully illustrated in the\nNotes on Is. xl. 11. \u00b6 _And shall lead them unto living fountains of\nwaters._ _Living_ fountains refer to running streams, as contrasted\nwith standing water and stagnant pools. See Notes on Jn. iv. 10.\nThe allusion is undoubtedly to the happiness of heaven, represented\nas fresh and everflowing, like streams in the desert. No image of\nhappiness, perhaps, is more vivid, or would be more striking to an\nOriental, than that of such fountains flowing in sandy and burning\nwastes. The word _living_ here must refer to the fact that that\nhappiness will be perennial. These fountains will always bubble; these\nstreams will never dry up. The thirst for salvation will always be\ngratified; the soul will always be made happy. \u00b6 _And God shall wipe\naway all tears from their eyes._ This is a new image of happiness taken\nfrom another place in Isaiah (ch. xxv. 8), \u201cThe Lord God will wipe\naway tears from off all faces.\u201d The expression is one of exquisite\ntenderness and beauty. The poet Burns said that he could never\nread this without being affected to weeping. Of all the _negative_\ndescriptions of heaven, there is no one perhaps that would be better\nadapted to produce consolation than this. This is a world of weeping\u2015\u2015a\n{188} vale of tears. Philosophers have sought a brief definition of man,\nand have sought in vain. Would there be any better description of him,\nas representing the reality of his condition here, than to say that he\nis _one who weeps_? Who is there of the human family that has not shed\na tear? Who that has not wept over the grave of a friend; over his own\nlosses and cares; over his disappointments; over the treatment he has\nreceived from others; over his sins; over the follies, vices, and woes\nof his fellow-men? And what a change would it make in our world if\nit could be said that henceforward not another tear would be shed;\nnot a head would ever be bowed again in grief! Yet this is to be\nthe condition of heaven. In that world there is to be no pain, no\ndisappointment, no bereavement. No friend is to lie in dreadful agony\non a sick-bed; no grave is to be opened to receive a parent, a wife, a\nchild; no gloomy prospect of death is to draw tears of sorrow from the\neyes. To that blessed world, when our eyes run down with tears, are\nwe permitted to look forward; and the prospect of such a world should\ncontribute to wipe away our tears here\u2015\u2015for all our sorrows will soon\nbe over. As already remarked, there was a beautiful propriety, at a\ntime when such calamities impended over the church and the world\u2015\u2015when\nthere was such a certainty of persecution and sorrow\u2015\u2015in permitting\nthe mind to rest on the contemplation of these happy scenes in heaven,\nwhere all the redeemed, in white robes, and with palms of victory\nin their hands, would be gathered before the throne. To us also\nnow, amidst the trials of the present life\u2015\u2015when friends leave us;\nwhen sickness comes; when our hopes are blasted; when calumnies and\nreproaches come upon us; when, standing on the verge of the grave,\nand looking down into the cold tomb, the eyes pour forth floods of\ntears\u2015\u2015it is a blessed privilege to be permitted to look forward to\nthat brighter scene in heaven, where not a pang shall ever be felt,\nand not a tear shall ever be shed.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VIII.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nOne seal of the mysterious roll (ch. v. 1) remains to be broken\u2015\u2015six\nhaving already disclosed the contents of the volume relating to the\nfuture. It was natural that the opening of the seventh, and the last,\nshould be attended with circumstances of peculiar solemnity, as being\nall that remained in this volume to be unfolded, and as the events thus\nfar had been evidently preparatory to some great catastrophe. It would\nhave been natural to expect that, like the six former, this seal would\nhave been opened at once, and would have disclosed all that was to\nhappen at one view. But, instead of that, the opening of this seal is\nfollowed by a series of events, seven also in number, which succeed\neach other, represented by new symbols\u2015\u2015the blowing of as many\nsuccessive trumpets. These circumstances retard the course of the\naction, and fix the mind on a new order of events\u2015\u2015events which could\nbe appropriately grouped together, and which, for some reason, might\nbe thus more appropriately represented than they could be in so many\nsuccessive seals. What was the reason of this arrangement will be more\nreadily seen on an examination of the particular events referred to in\nthe successive trumpet-blasts.\n\nThe points in the chapter are the following:\u2015\u2015(1) The opening of\nthe seventh seal, ver. 1. This is attended, not with an immediate\nexhibition of the events which are to occur, as in the case of the\nformer seals, but with a solemn silence in heaven for the space of\nhalf an hour. The _reason_ of this silence, apparently, is found in the\nsolemn nature of the events which are anticipated. At the opening of\nthe sixth seal (ch. vi. 12, seq.) the grand catastrophe of the world\u2019s\nhistory seemed about to occur. This had been suspended for a time, as\nif by the power of angels holding the winds and the storm (ch. vii.),\nand now it was natural to expect that there would be a series of\noverwhelming calamities. In view of these apprehended terrors, the\ninhabitants of heaven are represented as standing in awful silence, as\nif anticipating and apprehending what was to occur. This circumstance\nadds much to the interest of the scene, and is a forcible illustration\nof the position which the mind naturally assumes in the anticipation\nof dreaded events. Silence\u2015\u2015solemn and awful silence\u2015\u2015is the natural\nstate of the mind under such circumstances. In accordance with this\nexpectation of what was to come, a series of new representations is\nintroduced, adapted to prepare the mind for the fearful disclosures\nwhich are yet to be made. (2) Seven angels appear, on the opening\nof {189} the seal, to whom are given seven trumpets, as if they were\nappointed to perform an important part in introducing the series of\nevents which was to follow, ver. 2. (3) As a still farther preparation,\nanother angel is introduced, standing at the altar with a golden censer,\nver. 3\u20125. He is represented as engaged in a solemn act of worship,\noffering incense and the prayers of the saints before the throne.\nThis unusual representation seems to be designed to denote that some\nextraordinary events were to occur, making it proper that incense\nshould ascend, and prayer be offered to deprecate the wrath of God.\nAfter the offering of the incense, and the prayers, the angel takes\nthe censer and casts it to the earth; and the effect is, that there are\nvoices, and thunderings, and lightnings, and an earthquake. All these\nwould seem to be symbolical of the fearful events which are to follow.\nThe silence; the incense-offering; the prayers; the fearful agitations\nproduced by the casting of the censer upon the earth, as if the prayer\nwas not heard, and as if the offering of the incense did not avail\nto turn away the impending wrath,\u2015\u2015all are appropriate symbols to\nintroduce the series of fearful calamities which were coming upon\nthe world on the sounding of the trumpets. (4) The first angel sounds,\nver. 7. Hail and fire follow, mingled with blood. The third part of\nthe trees and of the green grass\u2015\u2015that is, of the vegetable world\u2015\u2015is\nconsumed. (5) The second angel sounds, ver. 8, 9. A great burning\nmountain is cast into the sea, and the third part of the sea becomes\nblood, and a third part of all that is in the sea\u2015\u2015fishes and ships\u2015\u2015is\ndestroyed. (6) The third angel sounds, ver. 10, 11. A great star,\nburning like a lamp, falls from heaven upon a third part of the rivers,\nand upon the fountains of waters, and the waters become bitter, and\nmultitudes of people die from drinking the waters. (7) The fourth\nangel sounds, ver. 12. The calamity falls on the sources of light\u2015\u2015the\nsun, the moon, and the stars\u2015\u2015and the third part of the light is\nextinguished, and for the third part of the day there is no light, and\nfor the third part of the night also there is no light. (8) At this\nstage of things, after the sounding of the four trumpets, there is a\npause, and an angel flies through the midst of heaven, thrice crying\n_woe_, by reason of the remaining trumpets which are to sound, ver. 13.\nHere would seem to be some natural interval, or something which\nwould separate the events which had occurred from those which were\nto follow. These four, from some cause, are grouped together, and\nare distinguished from those which are to follow\u2015\u2015as if the latter\nappertained to a new class of events, though under the same general\n_group_ introduced by the opening of the seventh seal.\n\nA few _general_ remarks are naturally suggested by the analysis of the\nchapter, which may aid us in its exposition and application. (a) These\nevents, in their order, undoubtedly _succeed_ those which are referred\nto under the opening of the first six seals. They are a continuation of\nthe _series_ which is to occur in the history of the world. It has been\nsupposed by some that the events here symbolized are substantially the\nsame as those already referred to under the first six seals, or that,\nat the opening of the sixth seal, there is a catastrophe; and, one\nseries being there concluded, the writer, by a new set of symbols, goes\nback to the same point of time, and passes over the same period by a\nnew and parallel set of symbols. But this is manifestly contrary to the\nwhole design. At the first (ch. v. 1) a volume was exhibited, sealed\nwith seven seals, the unrolling of which would manifestly develop\n_successive_ events, and the whole of which would embrace _all_ the\nevents which were to be disclosed. When _all_ these seven seals were\nbroken, and the contents of _that_ volume were disclosed, there might\nindeed be _another_ set of symbols going over the same ground with\nanother design, or giving a representation of future events in some\nother point of view; but clearly the series should not be broken\nuntil the whole seven seals are opened, nor should it be supposed\nthat there is, in the opening of the same volume, an arresting of the\ncourse of events, in order to go back again to the same beginning.\nThe representation in this series of symbols is like drawing out a\ntelescope. A telescope might be divided into seven parts, as well as\ninto the usual number, and the drawing out of the seventh part, for\nexample, might be regarded as a representation of the opening of the\nseventh seal. But the seventh part, instead of being one unbroken piece\nlike the other six, might be so constructed as to be subdivided {190}\ninto seven minor parts, each representing a smaller portion of the\nseventh part. In such a case, the drawing out of the seventh division\nwould _succeed_ that of the others, and would be designed to represent\na subsequent order of events. (b) There was some reason, manifestly,\nwhy these seven last events, or the series represented by the seven\ntrumpets, should be grouped together, as coming under the same general\nclassification. They were sufficiently distinct to make it proper to\nrepresent them by different symbols, and yet they had so much of the\nsame general character as to make it proper to group them together. If\nthis had not been so, it would have been proper to represent them by\na succession of _seals_ extending to thirteen in number, instead of\nrepresenting six seals in succession, and then, under the seventh, a\nnew series extending also to the number seven. In the fulfilment, it\nwill be proper to look for some events which have some such natural\nconnection and bearing that, for some reason, they can be classed\ntogether, and yet so distinct that, under the same general symbol of\nthe _seal_, they can be represented under the particular symbol of the\n_trumpets_. (c) For some reason there was a further distinction between\nthe events represented by the first four trumpets and those which were\nto follow. There was some reason why _they_ should be more particularly\ngrouped together, and placed in close connection, and why there should\nbe an interval (ch. viii. 13) before the other trumpet should sound.\nIn the fulfilment of this we should naturally look for such an order\nof events as would be designated by four successive symbols, and then\nfor such a change, in some respects, as to make an interval proper,\nand a proclamation of _woe_, before the soundings of the other three,\nch. viii. 13. Then it would be natural to look for such events as\ncould properly be grouped under the three remaining symbols\u2015\u2015the\nthree succeeding trumpets. (d) It is natural, as already intimated,\nto suppose that the _entire_ group would extend, in some general\nmanner at least, to the consummation of all things; or that there\nwould be, _under_ the last one, a reference to the consummation of all\nthings\u2015\u2015the end of the world. The _reason_ for this has already been\ngiven, that the apostle saw a volume (ch. v. 1), which contained a\nsealed account of the future, and it is natural to suppose that there\nwould be a reference to the great leading events which were to occur in\nthe history of the church and of the world. This _natural_ anticipation\nis confirmed by the events disclosed under the sounding of the seventh\ntrumpet (ch. xi. 15, seq.): \u201cAnd the seventh angel sounded; and there\nwere great voices in heaven, saying, The kingdoms of this world are\nbecome the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, and he shall reign\nfor ever and ever. And the four and twenty elders, which sat before God\non their seats, fell upon their faces, and worshipped God, saying, We\ngive thee thanks, O Lord God Almighty, which art, and wast, and art to\ncome; because thou hast taken thy great power, and hast reigned,\u201d &c.\nAt all events, this would lead us on to the final triumph of\nChristianity\u2015\u2015to the introduction of the millennium of glory\u2015\u2015to the\nperiod when the Son of God should reign on the earth. After that (ch.\nxi. 19, seq.) a new series of visions commences, disclosing, through\nthe same periods of history, a new view of the church to the time also\nof its final triumph:\u2015\u2015the church internally; the rise of Antichrist,\nand the effect of the rise of this formidable power. See the Analysis\nof the Book, part fifth.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VIII.\n\n\n AND when he had opened the [259]seventh seal, there was\n silence in heaven about the space of half an hour.\n\n1. _And when he had opened the seventh seal._ See Notes on ch. v. 1.\n\u00b6 _There was silence in heaven._ The whole scene of the vision is laid\nin heaven (ch. iv.), and John represents things as they seem to be\npassing there. The meaning here is, that on the opening of this seal,\ninstead of voices, thunderings, tempests, as perhaps was expected from\nthe character of the sixth seal (ch. vi. 12, seq.), and which seemed\nonly to have been suspended for a time (ch. vii.), there was an awful\nstillness, as if all heaven was reverently waiting for the development.\nOf course this is a symbolical representation, and is designed not to\nrepresent a pause in the events themselves, but only the impressive and\nfearful nature of the events which are now to be disclosed. \u00b6 _About\nthe space of half an hour._ He did not profess to {191} designate\nthe time exactly. It was a brief period\u2015\u2015yet a period which in such\ncircumstances would appear to be long\u2015\u2015_about_ half an hour. The word\nhere used\u2015\u2015\u1f21\u03bc\u03b9\u03ce\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015does not occur elsewhere in the New Testament.\nIt is correctly rendered _half an hour_; and as the day was divided\ninto twelve parts from the rising to the setting of the sun, the\ntime designated would not vary much from half an hour with us. Of\ncourse, therefore, this denotes a brief period. In a state, however,\nof anxious suspense, the moments would seem to move slowly; and\nto see the exact force of this, we are to reflect on the scenes\nrepresented\u2015\u2015the successive opening of seals disclosing most important\nevents\u2015\u2015increasing in interest as each new one was opened; the course\nof events which seemed to be leading to the consummation of all things,\narrested after the opening of the sixth seal; and now the last in the\nseries to be opened, disclosing what the affairs of the world would\nbe at the consummation of all things. John looks on this; and in this\nstate of suspense the half hour may have seemed an age. We are not,\nof course, to suppose that the silence in heaven is produced by the\n_character_ of the events which are now to follow\u2015\u2015for they are as\nyet unknown. It is caused by what, from the nature of the previous\ndisclosures, was naturally apprehended, and by the fact that this is\nthe last of the series\u2015\u2015the finishing of the mysterious volume. This\nseems to me to be the obvious interpretation of this passage, though\nthere has been here, as in other parts of the book of Revelation, a\ngreat variety of opinion as to the meaning. Those who suppose that\nthe whole book consists of a _triple series_ of visions designed to\nprefigure future events, parallel with each other, and each leading\nto the consummation of all things\u2015\u2015the series embracing the seals,\nthe trumpets, and the vials, each seven in number\u2015\u2015regard this as the\nproper ending of the first of this series, and suppose that we have\non the opening of the seventh seal the beginning of a new symbolical\nrepresentation, going over the same ground, under the representations\nof the trumpets, in a new aspect or point of view. Eichhorn and\nRosenm\u00fcller suppose that the silence introduced by the apostle is\nmerely for effect, and that, therefore, it is without any special\nsignification. Grotius applies the whole representation to the\ndestruction of Jerusalem, and supposes that the silence in heaven\nrefers to the restraining of the winds referred to in ch. vii. 1\u2015\u2015the\nwrath in respect to the city, which was now suspended for a short time.\nProfessor Stuart also refers it to the destruction of Jerusalem, and\nsupposes that the seven trumpets refer to seven gradations in the\nseries of judgments that were coming upon the persecutors of the church.\nMr. Daubuz regards the silence here referred to as a symbol of the\nliberty granted to the church in the time of Constantine; Vitringa\ninterprets it of the peace of the millennium which is to succeed the\noverthrow of the beast and the false prophet; Dean Woodhouse and\nMr. Cunninghame regard it as the termination of the series of events\nwhich the former seals denote, and the commencement of a new train of\nrevelations; Mr. Elliott, as the suspension of the winds during the\nsealing of the servants of God; Mr. Lord, as the period of repose\nwhich intervened between the close of the persecution by Diocletian\nand Galerius, in 311, and the commencement, near the close of that\nyear, of the civil wars by which Constantine the Great was elevated\nto the imperial throne. It will be seen at once how arbitrary and\nunsatisfactory most of those interpretations are, and how far from\nharmony expositors have been as to the meaning of this symbol. The most\nsimple and obvious interpretation is likely to be the true one; and\nthat is, as above suggested, that it refers to silence in heaven as\nexpressive of the fearful anticipation felt on opening the last seal\nthat was to close the series, and to wind up the affairs of the church\nand the world. Nothing would be more natural than such a state of\nsolemn awe on such an occasion; nothing would introduce the opening\nof the seal in a more impressive manner; nothing would more naturally\nexpress the anxiety of the church, the probable feelings of the pious\non the opening of these successive seals, than the representation that\nincense, accompanied with their prayers, was continually offered in\nheaven.\n\n {192} 2 And I saw the seven angels which [260]stood before God;\n and to them were given seven [261]trumpets.\n\n2. _And I saw the seven angels which stood before God._ Professor\nStuart supposes that by these angels are meant the \u201cpresence-angels\u201d\nwhich he understands to be referred to, in ch. i. 4, by the \u201cseven\nspirits which are before the throne.\u201d If, however, the interpretation\nof that passage above proposed, that it refers to the Holy Spirit,\nwith reference to his multiplied agency and operations, be correct,\nthen we must seek for another application of the phrase here. The only\ndifficulty in applying it arises from the use of the article\u2015\u2015\u201c_the_\nseven angels\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2\u2015\u2015as if they were angels already referred to; and\nas there has been no previous mention of \u201c_seven_ angels,\u201d unless\nit be in the phrase \u201cthe seven spirits which are before the throne,\u201d\nin ch. i. 4, it is argued that this must have been such a reference.\nBut this interpretation is not absolutely necessary. John might use\nthis language either because the angels had been spoken of before;\nor because it would be sufficiently understood, from the common use\nof language, who would be referred to\u2015\u2015as we now might speak of\n\u201c_the seven_ members of the cabinet of the United States,\u201d or \u201c_the_\nthirty-one governors of the states of the Union,\u201d though they had not\nbeen particularly mentioned; or he might speak of them as just then\ndisclosed to his view, and because his meaning would be sufficiently\ndefinite by the circumstances which were to follow\u2015\u2015their agency in\nblowing the trumpets. It would be entirely in accordance with the\nusage of the article for one to say that he saw an army, and _the_\ncommander-in-chief, and _the_ four staff-officers, and _the_ five bands\nof music, and _the_ six companies of sappers and miners, &c. It is not\nabsolutely necessary, therefore, to suppose that these angels had been\nbefore referred to. There is, indeed, in the use of the phrase \u201cwhich\nstood before God,\u201d the idea that they are to be regarded as permanently\nstanding there, or that that is their proper place\u2015\u2015as if they were\nangels who were particularly designated to this high service. Comp. Lu.\ni. 19: \u201cI am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of God.\u201d If this idea\nis involved in the phrase, then there is a sufficient reason why the\narticle is used, though they had not before been mentioned. \u00b6 _And to\nthem were given seven trumpets._ One to each. By whom the trumpets were\ngiven is not said. It may be supposed to have been done by Him who sat\non the throne. Trumpets were used then, as now, for various purposes;\nto summon an assembly; to muster the hosts of battle; to inspirit and\nanimate troops in conflict. Here they are given to announce a series\nof important events producing great changes in the world\u2015\u2015as if God\nsummoned and led on his hosts to accomplish his designs.\n\n\n 3 And another angel came and stood at the altar, having a\n golden censer; and there was given unto him much incense, that\n he should [262]offer _it_ with the [263]prayers of all saints\n upon the [264]golden altar which was before the throne.\n\n3. _And another angel came._ Who this angel was is not mentioned, nor\nhave we any means of determining. Of course a great variety of opinion\nhas been entertained on the subject (see Poole\u2019s _Synopsis_)\u2015\u2015some\nreferring it to angels in general; others to the ministry of the church;\nothers to Constantine; others to Michael; and many others to the Lord\nJesus. All that we know is, that it was an _angel_ who thus appeared,\nand there is nothing inconsistent in the supposition that anyone of\nthe angels in heaven may have been appointed to perform what is here\nrepresented. The design seems to be, to represent the prayers of the\nsaints as ascending in the anticipation of the approaching series\nof wonders in the world\u2015\u2015and there would be a beautiful propriety in\nrepresenting them as offered by an angel, feeling a deep interest in\nthe church, and ministering in behalf of the saints. \u00b6 _And stood at\nthe altar._ In heaven\u2015\u2015represented as a temple, with an altar, and with\nthe usual array of things employed in the worship of God. The altar was\nthe appropriate place for him to stand when about to offer the prayers\nof the saints\u2015\u2015for that is the place where the worshipper stood under\nthe ancient dispensation. Comp. Notes on Mat. v. 23, 24; Lu. i. 11. In\nthe latter place an angel is represented as appearing to Zacharias \u201con\nthe right side of the altar of incense.\u201d \u00b6 _Having a golden censer._\nThe _fire-pan_, made for the purpose of carrying fire, on which to\nburn incense in time of worship. See it described and illustrated\nin the Notes on He. ix. 4. There {193} seems reason to suppose that\nthe incense that was offered in the ancient worship was designed to\nbe emblematic of the prayers of saints, for it was the custom for\nworshippers to be engaged in prayer at the time the incense was offered\nby the priest. See Lu. i. 10. \u00b6 _And there was given unto him much\nincense._ See Notes on Lu. i. 9. A large quantity was here given to him,\nbecause the occasion was one on which many prayers might be expected\nto be offered. \u00b6 _That he should offer |it| with the prayers._ Marg.,\n\u201c_add |it| to_.\u201d Gr., \u201cthat he should _give_ it with\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03ce\u03c3\u1fc3. The idea\nis plain, that, when the prayers of the saints ascended, he would\nalso burn the incense, that it might go up at the same moment, and be\nemblematic of them. Comp. Notes on ch. v. 8. \u00b6 _Of all saints._ Of all\nwho are holy; of all who are the children of God. The idea seems to be,\nthat, at this time, all the saints would unite in calling on God, and\nin deprecating his wrath. As the events which were about to occur were\na matter of common interest to the people of God, it was to be supposed\nthat they would unite in common supplication. \u00b6 _Upon the golden\naltar._ The altar of incense. This in the tabernacle and in the\ntemple was overlaid with gold. \u00b6 _Which was before the throne._\nThis is represented as a temple-service, and the altar of incense is,\nwith propriety, placed before his seat or throne, as it was in the\ntabernacle and temple. In the temple, God is represented as occupying\nthe mercy-seat in the holy of holies, and the altar of incense is in\nthe holy place before that. See the description of the temple in the\nNotes on Mat. xxi. 12.\n\n\n 4 And the smoke of the [265]incense, _which came_ with the\n prayers of the saints, ascended up before God out of the\n angel\u2019s hand.\n\n4. _And the smoke of the incense_, &c. The smoke caused by the burning\nincense. John, as he saw this, naturally interpreted it of the prayers\nof the saints. The meaning of the whole symbol, thus explained, is\nthat, at the time referred to, the anxiety of the church in regard\nto the events which were about to occur would naturally lead to much\nprayer. It is not necessary to attempt to verify this by any distinct\nhistorical facts, for no one can doubt that, in a time of such\nimpending calamities, the church would be earnestly engaged in devotion.\nSuch has always been the case in times of danger; and it may always be\nassumed to be true, that when danger threatens, whether it be to the\nchurch at large or to an individual Christian, there will be a resort\nto the throne of grace.\n\n\n 5 And the angel took the censer, and filled it with fire\n of the altar, and cast _it_ [266]into the earth: and there\n were [267]voices, and thunderings, and lightnings, and an\n [268]earthquake.\n\n5. _And the angel took the censer._ Ver. 3. This is a new symbol,\ndesigned to furnish a new representation of future events. By the\nformer it had been shown that there would be much prayer offered; by\nthis it is designed to show that, notwithstanding the prayer that would\nbe offered, great and fearful calamities would come upon the earth.\nThis is symbolized by casting the censer upon the earth, _as if_ the\nprayers were not heard any longer, or as if prayer were now in vain.\n\u00b6 _And filled it with fire of the altar._ An image similar to this\noccurs in Eze. x. 2, where the man clothed in linen is commanded to go\nbetween the wheels under the cherub, and fill his hands with coals of\nfire from between the cherubims, and to scatter them over the city as\na symbol of its destruction. Here the coals are taken, evidently, from\nthe altar of sacrifice. Comp. Notes on Is. vi. 1. On these coals no\nincense was placed, but they were thrown at once to the earth. The new\nemblem, therefore, is the taking of coals, and scattering them abroad\nas a symbol of the destruction that was about to ensue. \u00b6 _And cast\nit into the earth._ Marg., _upon_. The margin expresses undoubtedly\nthe meaning. The symbol, therefore, properly denoted that fearful\ncalamities were about to come upon the earth. Even the prayers of\nsaints did not prevail to turn them away, and now the symbol of the\nscattered coals indicated that terrible judgments were about to come\nupon the world. \u00b6 _And there were voices._ Sounds, noises. See Notes on\nch. iv. 5. The _order_ is not the same here as there, but lightnings,\nthunderings, and voices are mentioned in both. {194} \u00b6 _And an\nearthquake._ Ch. vi. 12. This is a symbol of commotion. It is not\nnecessary to look for a literal fulfilment of it, any more than it is\nfor literal \u201cvoices,\u201d \u201clightnings,\u201d or \u201cthunderings.\u201d\n\n\n 6 And the seven angels which had the seven trumpets prepared\n themselves to sound.\n\n6. _And the seven angels which had the seven trumpets prepared\nthemselves to sound._ Ver. 7. Evidently in succession, perhaps by\narranging themselves in the order in which they were to sound. The way\nis now prepared for the sounding of the trumpets, and for the fearful\ncommotions and changes which would be indicated by that. The last seal\nis opened; heaven stands in suspense to know what is to be disclosed;\nthe saints, filled with solicitude, have offered their prayers; the\ncenser of coals has been cast to the earth, as if these judgments could\nbe no longer stayed by prayer; and the angels prepare to sound the\ntrumpets indicative of what is to occur.\n\n\n 7 The first angel sounded, and [269]there followed hail and\n fire mingled with blood, and they were cast upon the earth:\n and the third part of [270]trees was burnt up, and all green\n grass was burnt up.\n\n7. _The first angel sounded._ The first in order, and indicating\nthe first in the series of events that were to follow. \u00b6 _And there\nfollowed hail._ Hail is usually a symbol of the divine vengeance,\nas it has often been employed to accomplish the divine purposes of\npunishment. Thus in Ex. ix. 23, \u201cAnd the Lord sent thunder and hail,\nand the fire ran along the ground; and the Lord rained hail upon the\nland of Egypt.\u201d So in Ps. cv. 32, referring to the plagues upon Egypt,\nit is said, \u201cHe gave them hail for rain, and flaming fire in their\nland.\u201d So again, Ps. lxxviii. 48, \u201cHe gave up their cattle also to the\nhail, and their flocks to hot thunderbolts.\u201d As early as the time of\nJob hail was understood to be an emblem of the divine displeasure, and\nan instrument in inflicting punishment:\n\n \u201cHast thou entered into the treasures of the snow,\n Or hast thou seen the treasure of the hail?\n Which I have reserved against _the time of trouble_,\n Against _the day of battle and war_?\u201d\n Job xxxviii. 22, 23.\n\nSo also, the same image is used in Ps. xviii. 13;\n\n \u201cThe Lord also thundered in the heaven,\n And the Most High gave forth his voice,\n Hailstones and coals of fire.\u201d\n\nComp. Hag., ch. ii. 17. The destruction of the Assyrian army, it\nis said, would be accomplished in the same way, Is. xxx. 30. Comp.\nEze. xiii. 11; xxxviii. 22. \u00b6 _And fire._ Lightning. This also is an\ninstrument and an emblem of destruction. \u00b6 _Mingled with blood._ By\n_blood_ \u201cwe must naturally understand,\u201d says Professor Stuart, \u201cin this\ncase, a shower of coloured rain; that is, rain of a rubidinous aspect,\nan occurrence which is known sometimes to take place, and which, like\nfalling stars; eclipses, &c., was viewed with terror by the ancients,\nbecause it was supposed to be indicative of blood that was to be shed.\u201d\nThe appearance, doubtless, was that of a red shower, apparently of\n_hail_, or snow\u2015\u2015for _rain_ is not mentioned. It is not a _rain_-storm,\nit is a _hail_-storm that is the image here; and the image is that of a\ndriving hail-storm, where the lightnings flashed, and where there was\nthe intermingling of a reddish substance that resembled blood, and that\nwas an undoubted symbol of blood that was to be shed. I do not know\nthat there is red _rain_, or red _hail_, but red _snow_ is not very\nuncommon; and the image here would be complete if we suppose that there\nwas an intermingling of red snow in the driving tempest. This species\nof snow was found by Captain Ross at Baffin\u2019s Bay on the 17th of August,\n1819. The mountains that were dyed with the snow were about eight miles\nlong, and six hundred feet high. The red colour reached to the ground\nin many places ten or twelve feet deep, and continued for a great\nlength of time. Although red snow had not until this attracted much\nnotice, yet it had been long before observed in Alpine countries.\nSaussure discovered it on Mount St. Bernard in 1778. Ramond found it\non the Pyrenees; and Summerfield discovered it in Norway. \u201cIn 1818\nred snow fell on the Italian Alps and Apennines. In March, 1808, the\nwhole country about Cadore, Belluno, and Feltri was covered with a\nred-coloured snow to the depth of six and a half feet; but a white snow\nhad fallen both before and after it, the red formed a stratum in the\nmiddle of the white. At the same time a similar fall took place in\nthe mountains of the Valteline, Brescia, Carinthia, and Tyrol\u201d (_Edin.\nEncyclo._ art. \u201cSnow\u201d). These facts show that {195} what is referred\nto here in the symbol might possibly occur. Such a symbol would be\nproperly expressive of blood and carnage. \u00b6 _And they were cast upon\nthe earth._ The hail, the fire, and the blood\u2015\u2015denoting that the\nfulfilment of this was to be _on the earth_. \u00b6 _And the third part of\ntrees was burnt up._ By the fire that came down with the hail and the\nblood. \u00b6 _And all green grass was burnt up._ Wherever this lighted on\nthe earth. The meaning would seem to be, that wherever this tempest\nbeat the effect was to destroy a third part\u2015\u2015that is, a large portion\nof the _trees_, and to consume _all_ the grass. A portion of the\ntrees\u2015\u2015strong and mighty\u2015\u2015would stand against it; but that which was\nso tender as grass is, would be consumed. The sense does not seem to\nbe that the tempest would be confined to a third part of the world,\nand destroy _all_ the trees and the grass _there_; but that it would\nbe a sweeping and general tempest, and that wherever it spread it would\nprostrate a third part of the trees and consume all the grass. Thus\nunderstood, it would seem to mean, that in reference to those things\nin the world which were firm and established like _trees_, it would not\nsweep them _wholly_ away, though it would make great desolation; but\nin reference to those which were delicate and feeble\u2015\u2015like grass\u2015\u2015it\nwould sweep them wholly away.\u2015\u2015This would not be an inapt description\nof the ordinary effects of invasion in time of war. A few of those\nthings which seem most firm and established in society\u2015\u2015like trees in\na forest\u2015\u2015weather out the storm; while the gentle virtues, the domestic\nenjoyments, the arts of peace, like tender grass, are wholly destroyed.\nThe fulfilment of this we are undoubtedly to expect to find in the\nterrors of invasion; the evils of war; the effusion of blood; the\nmarch of armies. So far as the language is concerned, the symbol would\napply to _any_ hostile invasion; but in pursuing the exposition on the\nprinciples on which we have thus far conducted it, we are to look for\nthe fulfilment in one or more of those invasions of the northern hordes\nthat preceded the downfall of the Roman empire and that contributed\nto it.\u2015\u2015In the \u201cAnalysis\u201d of the chapter, some reasons were given why\nthese four trumpet signals were placed together, as pertaining to a\nseries of events of the same general character, and as distinguished\nfrom those which were to follow. The natural place which they occupy,\nor the events which we should suppose, from the views taken above of\nthe first six seals, would be represented, would be the successive\ninvasions of the northern hordes which ultimately accomplished the\noverthrow of the Roman empire. There are _four_ of these \u201ctrumpets,\u201d\nand it would be a matter of inquiry whether there were _four_ events of\nsufficient distinctness that would mark these invasions, or that would\nconstitute _periods_ or _epochs_ in the destruction of the Roman power.\nAt this point in writing, I looked on a chart of history, composed\nwith no reference to this prophecy, and found a singular and unexpected\nprominence given to _four_ such events extending from the first\ninvasion of the Goths and Vandals at the beginning of the fifth century,\nto the fall of the Western empire, A.D. 476. The first was the invasion\nof Alaric, king of the Goths, A.D. 410; the second was the invasion\nof Attila, king of the Huns, \u201cscourge of God,\u201d A.D. 447; a third was\nthe sack of Rome by Genseric, king of the Vandals, A.D. 455; and the\nfourth, resulting in the final conquest of Rome, was that of Odoacer,\nking of the Heruli, who assumed the title of King of Italy, A.D. 476.\nWe shall see, however, on a closer examination, that although two\nof these\u2015\u2015Attila and Genseric\u2015\u2015were, during a part of their career,\ncontemporary, yet the most prominent place is due to Genseric in the\nevents that attended the downfall of the empire, and that the second\ntrumpet probably related to him; the third to Attila. These were,\nbeyond doubt, four great periods or events attending the fall of\nthe Roman empire, which synchronize with the period before us. If,\ntherefore, we regard the opening of the sixth seal as denoting the\nthreatening aspect of these invading powers\u2015\u2015the gathering of the\ndark cloud that hovered over the borders of the empire, and the\nconsternation produced by that approaching storm; and if we regard the\ntransactions in the seventh chapter\u2015\u2015the holding of the winds in check,\nand the sealing of the chosen of God\u2015\u2015as denoting the _suspension_ of\nthe impending {196} judgments in order that a work might be done to\nsave the church, and as referring to the divine interposition in behalf\nof the church; then the appropriate place of these four trumpets, under\nthe seventh seal, will be when that delayed and restrained storm burst\nin successive blasts upon different parts of the empire\u2015\u2015the successive\ninvasions which were so prominent in the overthrow of that vast power.\nHistory marks four of these events\u2015\u2015four heavy blows\u2015\u2015four sweepings of\nthe tempest and the storm\u2015\u2015under Alaric, Genseric, Attila, and Odoacer,\nwhose movements could not be better symbolized than by these successive\nblasts of the trumpet.\n\nThe first of these is the invasion of Alaric; and the inquiry now is,\nwhether his invasion is such as would be properly symbolized by the\nfirst trumpet. In illustrating this, it will be proper to notice some\nof the movements of Alaric, and the alarm consequent on his invasion\nof the empire; and then to inquire how far this corresponds with the\nimages employed in the description of the first trumpet. For these\nillustrations I shall be indebted mainly to Mr. Gibbon. Alaric, the\nGoth, was at first employed in the service of the emperor Theodosius,\nin his attempt to oppose the usurper Arbogastes, after the murder\nof Valentinian, emperor of the West. Theodosius, in order to oppose\nthe usurper, employed, among others, numerous barbarians\u2015\u2015Iberians,\nArabs, and Goths. One of them was Alaric, who, to use the language\nof Mr. Gibbon (ii. 179), \u201cacquired in the school of Theodosius the\nknowledge of the art of war, which he afterwards so fatally exerted for\nthe destruction of Rome,\u201d A.D. 392\u2012394. After the death of Theodosius\n(A.D. 395) the Goths revolted from the Roman power, and Alaric, who had\nbeen disappointed in his expectations of being raised to the command\nof the Roman armies, became their leader (_Decline and Fall_, ii. 213).\n\u201cThat renowned leader was descended from the noble race of the Balti;\nwhich yielded only to the royal dignity of the Amali; he had solicited\nthe command of the Roman armies; and the imperial court provoked him\nto demonstrate the folly of their refusal, and the importance of their\nloss. In the midst of a divided court and a discontented people the\nemperor Arcadius was terrified by the aspect of the Gothic arms,\u201d &c.\nAlaric then invaded and conquered Greece, laying it waste in his\nprogress, until he reached Athens, ii. 214, 215. \u201cThe fertile fields of\nPhocis and B\u0153otia were instantly covered by a deluge of barbarians, who\nmassacred the males of age to bear arms, and drove away the beautiful\nfemales, with the spoil and cattle of the flaming villages.\u201d Alaric\nthen concluded a treaty with Theodosius, the emperor of the East\n(ii. 216); was made master-general of Eastern Illyricum, and created\na magistrate (ii. 217); soon united under his command the barbarous\nnations that had made the invasion, and was solemnly declared to be the\nking of the Visigoths, ii. 217. \u201cArmed with this double power, seated\non the verge of two empires, he alternately sold his deceitful promises\nto the courts of Arcadius and Honorius, till he declared and executed\nhis purpose of invading the dominions of the West. The provinces of\nEurope which belonged to the Eastern empire were already exhausted;\nthose of Asia were inaccessible; and the strength of Constantinople had\nresisted his attack. But he was tempted by the beauty, the wealth, and\nthe fame of Italy, which he had twice visited; and he secretly aspired\nto plant the Gothic standard on the walls of Rome; and to enrich his\narmy with the accumulated spoils of three hundred triumphs,\u201d ii. 217,\n218. In describing his march to the Danube, and his progress towards\nItaly, having increased his army with a large number of barbarians,\nMr. Gibbon uses the remarkable language expressive of the general\nconsternation, already quoted in the description of the sixth seal.\nAlaric approached rapidly towards the imperial city, resolved to\n\u201cconquer or die before the gates of Rome.\u201d But he was checked by\nStilicho, and compelled to make peace, and retired (_Decline and Fall_,\nii. 222), and the threatening storm was for a time suspended. See Notes\non ch. vii. 1, seq. So great was the consternation, however, that the\nRoman court, which then had its seat at Milan, thought it necessary\nto remove to a safer place, and became fixed at Ravenna, ii. 224.\nThis calm, secured by the retreat of Alaric, was, however, of short\ncontinuance. In A.D. 408 he again invaded Italy in a more successful\nmanner, attacked the capital, and more than once pillaged Rome. The\nfollowing facts, for which I am indebted to Mr. Gibbon, will illustrate\nthe progress {197} of the events, and the effects of this blast of the\n\u201cfirst trumpet\u201d in the series that announced the destruction of the\nWestern empire:\u2015\u2015\n\n(a) The effect, on the destiny of the empire, of removing the Roman\ncourt to Ravenna from the dread of the Goths. As early as A.D. 303 the\ncourt of the emperor of the West was, for the most part, established\nat Milan. For some time before, the \u201csovereignty of the capital was\ngradually annihilated by the extent of conquest,\u201d and the emperors\nwere required to be long absent from Rome on the frontiers, until in\nthe time of Diocletian and Maximian the seat of government was fixed\nat Milan, \u201cwhose situation at the foot of the Alps appeared far more\nconvenient than that of Rome for the important purpose of watching\nthe motions of the barbarians of Germany\u201d (Gibbon, i. 213). \u201cThe life\nof Diocletian and Maximian was a life of action, and a considerable\nportion of it was spent in camps, or in their long and frequent marches;\nbut whenever the public business allowed them any relaxation, they\nseem to have retired with pleasure to their favourite residences of\nNicomedia and Milan. Till Diocletian, in the twentieth year of his\nreign, celebrated his Roman triumph, it is extremely doubtful whether\nhe ever visited the ancient capital of the empire\u201d (Gibbon, i. 214).\nFrom this place the court was driven away, by the dread of the northern\nbarbarians, to Ravenna, a safer place, which thenceforward became the\nseat of government, while Italy was ravaged by the northern hordes,\nand while Rome was besieged and pillaged. Mr. Gibbon, under date of\nA.D. 404, says, \u201cThe recent danger to which the person of the emperor\nhad been exposed in the defenceless palace of Milan [from Alaric and\nthe Goths] urged him to seek a retreat in some inaccessible fortress\nin Italy, where he might securely remain, while the open country was\ncovered by a deluge of barbarians\u201d (vol. ii. p. 224). He then proceeds\nto describe the situation of Ravenna, and the removal of the court\nthither, and then adds (p. 225), \u201cThe fears of Honorius were not\nwithout foundation, nor were his precautions without effect. While\nItaly rejoiced in her deliverance from the Goths, a furious tempest was\nexcited among the nations of Germany, who yielded to the irresistible\nimpulse that appears to have been gradually communicated from the\neastern extremity of the continent of Asia.\u201d That mighty movement of\nthe Huns is then described, as the storm was preparing to burst upon\nthe Roman empire, ii. 225. The agitation and the removal of the Roman\ngovernment were events not inappropriate to be described by symbols\nrelating to the fall of that mighty power.\n\n(b) The particulars of that invasion, the consternation, the siege of\nRome, and the capture and pillage of the imperial city, would confirm\nthe propriety of this application to the symbol of the first trumpet.\nIt would be too long to copy the account\u2015\u2015for it extends through many\npages of the _History of the Decline and Fall of the Empire_; but a few\nselected sentences may show the general character of the events, and\nthe propriety of the symbols, on the supposition that they referred to\nthese things. Thus Mr. Gibbon (ii. 226, 227) says, \u201cThe correspondence\nof nations was, in that age, so imperfect and precarious, that the\nrevolutions of the North might escape the knowledge of the court of\nRavenna, till the dark cloud which was collected along the coast of the\nBaltic burst in thunder upon the banks of the Upper Danube. The king\nof the confederate Germans passed, without resistance, the Alps, the\nPo, and the Apennines; leaving on the one hand the inaccessible palace\nof Honorius securely buried among the marshes of Ravenna; and on the\nother the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his head-quarters at Ticinum,\nor Pavia, but who seems to have avoided a decisive battle till he had\nassembled his distant forces. Many cities of Italy were pillaged or\ndestroyed. The senate and people trembled at their approach within a\nhundred and eighty miles of Rome; and anxiously compared the danger\nwhich they had escaped with the new perils to which they were exposed,\u201d\n&c. Rome was besieged for the first time by the Goths A.D. 408. Of this\nsiege Mr. Gibbon (ii. 252\u2012254) has given a graphic description. Among\nother things, he says, \u201cThat unfortunate city gradually experienced the\ndistress of scarcity, and at length the horrid calamities of famine.\u201d\n\u201cA dark suspicion was entertained, that some desperate wretches fed on\nthe bodies of their fellow-creatures whom they had secretly murdered;\nand even mothers\u2015\u2015such were the horrid conflicts of the {198} two\nmost powerful instincts implanted by nature in the human breast\u2015\u2015even\nmothers are said to have tasted the flesh of their slaughtered infants.\nMany thousands of the inhabitants of Rome expired in their houses, or\nin the streets, for want of sustenance; and as the public sepulchres\nwithout the walls were in the power of the enemy, the stench which\narose from so many putrid and unburied carcasses infected the air; and\nthe miseries of famine were succeeded and aggravated by a pestilential\ndisease.\u201d The first siege was raised by the payment of an enormous\nransom (Gibbon, ii. 254). The second siege of Rome by the Goths\noccurred A.D. 409. _This_ siege was carried on by preventing the supply\nof provisions, Alaric having seized upon _Ostia_, the Roman port,\nwhere the provisions for the capital were deposited. The Romans finally\nconsented to receive a new emperor at the hand of Alaric, and Attalus\nwas appointed in the place of the feeble Honorius, who was then at\nRavenna, and who had abandoned the capital. Attalus, an inefficient\nprince, was soon publicly stripped of the robes of office, and Alaric,\nenraged at the conduct of the court at Ravenna towards him, turned his\nwrath a third time on Rome, and laid siege to the city. This occurred\nA.D. 410. \u201cThe king of the Goths, who no longer dissembled his appetite\nfor plunder and revenge, appeared in arms under the walls of the\ncapital; and the trembling senate, without any hope of relief, prepared,\nby a desperate effort, to delay the ruin of their country. But they\nwere unable to guard against the conspiracy of their slaves and\ndomestics, who, either from birth or interest, were attached to the\ncause of the enemy. At the hour of midnight the Salarian Gate was\nsilently opened, and the inhabitants were awakened by the tremendous\nsound of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hundred and sixty-three years\nafter the foundation of Rome, the imperial city, which had subdued\nand civilized so considerable a part of mankind, was delivered to the\nlicentious fury of the tribes of Germany and Scythia\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 260).\n\n(c) It is, perhaps, only necessary to add that the invasion of Alaric\nwas in fact but _one_ of the great events that led to the fall of the\nempire, and that, in announcing that fall, where a succession of events\nwas to occur, it would properly be represented by the blast of one of\nthe trumpets. The expressions employed in the symbol are, indeed, such\nas might be applied to _any_ invasion of hostile armies, but they are\nsuch as _would_ be used if the design were admitted to be to describe\nthe invasion of the Gothic conqueror. For (1) that invasion, as we\nhave seen, would be well represented by the storm of hail and lightning\nthat was seen in vision; (2) by the _red_ colour mingled in that\nstorm\u2015\u2015indicative of blood; (3) by the fact that it consumed the trees\nand the grass. This, as we saw in the exposition, would properly denote\nthe desolation produced by war\u2015\u2015applicable, indeed, to _all_ war,\nbut _as_ applicable to the invasion of Alaric as _any_ war that\nhas occurred, and it is such an emblem as would be used if it were\nadmitted that it was the design to represent his invasion. The sweeping\nstorm, prostrating the trees of the forest, is an apt emblem of the\nevils of war, and, as was remarked in the exposition, no more striking\nillustration of the consequences of a hostile invasion could be\nemployed than the destruction of the \u201cgreen grass.\u201d What is here\nrepresented in the symbol cannot, perhaps, be better expressed than in\nthe language of Mr. Gibbon, when describing the invasion of the Roman\nempire under Alaric. Speaking of that invasion, he says\u2015\u2015\u201cWhile the\npeace of Germany was secured by the attachment of the Franks and the\nneutrality of the Alemanni, the subjects of Rome, unconscious of their\napproaching calamities, enjoyed the state of quiet and prosperity which\nhad seldom blessed the frontiers of Gaul. Their flocks and herds were\npermitted to graze in the pastures of the barbarians; their huntsmen\npenetrated, without fear or danger, into the darkest recesses of the\nHercynian wood. The banks of the Rhine were crowned, like those of\nthe Tiber, with elegant houses and well-cultivated farms; and if a\npoet descended the river, he might express his doubt on which side\nwas situated the territory of the Romans. This scene of peace and\nplenty was suddenly changed into a desert; and the prospect of the\nsmoking ruins could alone distinguish the solitude of nature from the\ndesolation of man. The flourishing city of Mentz was surprised and\ndestroyed; and many thousand Christians were inhumanly massacred in\nthe church. Worms perished after a long and obstinate siege; Strasburg,\nSpires, Rheims, {199} Tournay, Arras, Amiens, experienced the cruel\noppression of the German yoke; and the consuming flames of war spread\nfrom the banks of the Rhine over the greatest part of the seventeen\nprovinces of Gaul. That rich and extensive country, as far as the ocean,\nthe Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to the barbarians, who drove\nbefore them, in a promiscuous crowd, the bishop, the senator, and the\nvirgin, laden with the spoils of their houses and altars,\u201d ii. 230. In\nreference, also, to the invasion of Alaric, and the particular nature\nof the desolation depicted under the first trumpet, a remarkable\npassage which Mr. Gibbon has quoted from Claudian, as describing the\neffects of the invasion of Alaric, may be here introduced. \u201cThe _old_\nman,\u201d says he, speaking of Claudian, \u201cwho had passed his simple and\ninnocent life in the neighbourhood of Verona, was a stranger to the\nquarrels both of kings and of bishops; _his_ pleasures, his desires,\nhis knowledge, were confined within the little circle of his paternal\nfarm; and a staff supported his aged steps on the same ground where\nhe had sported in infancy. Yet even this humble and rustic felicity\n(which Claudian describes with so much truth and feeling) was still\nexposed to the undistinguishing rage of war. His trees, his old\n_contemporary_[271] trees, must blaze in the conflagration of the whole\ncountry; a detachment of Gothic cavalry must sweep away his cottage and\nhis family; and the power of Alaric could destroy this happiness which\nhe was not able either to taste or to bestow. \u2018Fame,\u2019 says the poet,\n\u2018encircling with terror or gloomy wings, proclaimed the march of the\nbarbarian army, and filled Italy with consternation,\u2019\u201d ii. 218. And\n(4) as to the _extent_ of the calamity, there is also a striking\npropriety in the language of the symbol as applicable to the invasion\nof Alaric. I do not suppose, indeed, that it is necessary, in order to\nfind a proper fulfilment of the symbol, to be able to show that exactly\none-third part of the empire was made desolate in this way; but it is a\nsufficient fulfilment if desolation spread over a considerable portion\nof the Roman world\u2015\u2015_as if_ a third part had been destroyed. No one who\nreads the account of the invasion of Alaric can doubt that it would be\nan apt description of the ravages of his arms to say that a third part\nwas laid waste. That the desolations produced by Alaric were such as\nwould be _properly_ represented by this symbol may be fully seen by\nconsulting the whole account of that invasion in Gibbon, ii. 213\u2012266.\n\n\n 8 And the second angel sounded, and as it were a great\n [272]mountain burning with fire was [273]cast into the sea:\n and the third part of the sea [274]became blood;\n\n8. _And the second angel sounded._ Comp. Notes on ver. 2\u20127. This,\naccording to the interpretation proposed above, refers to the second\nof the four great events which contributed to the downfall of the Roman\nempire. It will be proper in this case, as in the former, to inquire\ninto the literal meaning of the symbol, and then whether there was any\nevent that corresponded with it. \u00b6 _And as it were a great mountain._ A\n_mountain_ is a natural symbol of strength, and hence becomes a symbol\nof a strong and powerful kingdom; for mountains are not only places\nof strength in themselves, but they anciently answered the purposes of\nfortified places, and were the seats of power. Hence they are properly\nsymbols of strong nations. \u201cThe stone that smote the image became _a\ngreat mountain_, and filled the whole earth,\u201d Da. ii. 35. Comp. Zec.\niv. 7; Je. li. 25. We naturally, then, apply this part of the symbol to\nsome strong and mighty nation\u2015\u2015not a nation, necessarily, that issued\n_from_ a mountainous region, but a nation that in strength _resembled_\na mountain. \u00b6 _Burning with fire._ A mountain in a blaze; that is, with\nall its woods on fire, or, more probably, a _volcanic_ mountain. There\nwould perhaps be no more sublime image than such a mountain lifted\nsuddenly from its base and thrown into the sea. One of the sublimest\nparts of the _Paradise Lost_ is that where the poet represents the\nangels in the great battle in heaven as lifting the mountains\u2015\u2015tearing\nthem from their base\u2015\u2015and hurling them on the foe:\u2015\u2015\n\n\u201cFrom their foundations heaving to and fro, They plucked the seated\nhills, with all their load, Rocks, waters, woods, and by the shaggy\ntops Uplifting, bore them in their hands,\u201d &c. Book vi. {200} The\npoet, however, has not, as John has, represented a volcano borne\nalong and cast into the sea. The symbol employed here would denote\nsome fiery, impetuous, destructive power. If used to denote a nation,\nit would be a nation that was, as it were, burning with the desire\nof conquest\u2015\u2015impetuous, and fierce, and fiery in its assaults\u2015\u2015and\nconsuming all in its way. \u00b6 _Cast into the sea._ The image is very\nsublime; the scene, should such an event occur, would be awfully grand.\nAs to the fulfilment of this, or the thing that was intended to be\nrepresented by it, there cannot be any material doubt. It is not to\nbe understood literally, of course; and the natural application is to\nsome _nation_, or _army_, that has a resemblance in some respects to\nsuch a blazing mountain, and the effect of whose march would be like\ncasting such a mountain into the ocean. We naturally look for agitation\nand commotion, and particularly in reference to the sea, or to some\nmaritime coasts. It is undoubtedly required in the application of this,\nthat we should find its fulfilment in some country lying beyond the sea,\nor in some sea-coast or maritime country, or in reference to commerce.\n\u00b6 _And the third part of the sea became blood._ Resembled blood; became\n_as red as blood_. The figure here is, that as such a blazing mountain\ncast into the sea would, by its reflection on the waters, seem to tinge\nthem with red, so there would be something corresponding with this in\nwhat was referred to by the symbol. It would be fulfilled if there was\na fierce maritime warfare, and if in some desperate naval engagement\nthe sea should be tinged with blood.\n\n\n 9 And the third part of the creatures which were in the sea,\n and had life, died; and the third part of the ships were\n destroyed.\n\n9. _And the third part of the creatures which were in the sea, and had\nlife, died._ The effect was _as if_ one-third of all the fish in the\nsea were cut off. Of course this is not to be taken literally. It is\ndesigned to describe an effect, pertaining to the maritime portion of\nthe world, _as if_ a third portion of all that was in the sea should\nperish. The _natural_ interpretation would be to apply it to some\ninvasion or calamity pertaining to the sea\u2015\u2015to the islands, to the\nmaritime regions, or to commerce. If the whole description pertains\nto the Roman empire, then this might be supposed to have particular\nreference to something that would have a bearing on the maritime parts\nof that empire. \u00b6 _And the third part of the ships were destroyed._\nThis also pertains to the same general calamity, affecting the\n_commerce_ of the empire. The destruction of the \u201cships\u201d was produced,\nin some way, by casting the mountain into the sea\u2015\u2015either by their\nbeing consumed by the contact with the burning mass, or by being\nsunk by the agitation of the waters. The essential idea is, that the\ncalamity would be of such a nature as would produce the destruction\nof vessels at sea\u2015\u2015either naval armaments, or ships of commerce. In\nlooking now for the application or fulfilment of this, it is necessary\n(a) to find some event or events which would have a particular bearing\non the maritime or commercial part of the world; and (b) some such\nevent or events that, on the supposition that they were the things\nreferred to, would be properly symbolized by the image here employed.\n(1) If the first trumpet had reference to the invasion of Alaric and\nthe Goths, then in this we naturally look for the next succeeding act\nof invasion which shook the Roman empire, and contributed to its fall.\n(2) The next invasion was that under Genseric, at the head of the\nVandals (Gibbon, ii. 306, seq.). This occurred A.D. 428\u2012468. (3) The\nsymbol of a blazing or burning mountain, torn from its foundation, and\nprecipitated into the ocean, would well represent this mighty nation\nmoved from its ancient seat, and borne along towards the maritime\nparts of the empire, and its desolations there\u2015\u2015as will be shown in\nthe following remarks. (4) The acts of the Vandals, under Genseric,\ncorresponded with the ideas expressed by the symbol. In illustrating\nthis I shall be indebted, as heretofore, principally to Mr. Gibbon.\n(a) His general account of the Vandals is this: they are supposed\n(i. 138) to have been originally the same people with the Goths, the\nGoths and Vandals constituting one great nation living on the shores\nof the Baltic. They passed in connection with them over the Baltic;\nemigrated to Prussia and the Ukraine; invaded the Roman provinces;\nreceived tribute from the Romans; subdued the countries about the\nBosphorus; plundered the cities of Bithynia; ravaged Greece and\n{201} Illyrium, and were at last settled in Thrace under the emperor\nTheodosius (Gibbon, i. 136\u2012166; ii. 110\u2012150), They were then driven\nforward by the Huns, and having passed through France and Spain\ninto Africa, conquered the Carthaginian territory, established an\nindependent government, and thence through a long period harassed the\nneighbouring islands, and the coasts of the Mediterranean by their\npredatory incursions, destroying the ships and the commerce of the\nRomans, and were distinguished in the downfall of the empire by\ntheir ravages on the islands and the sea. Thus they were moved along\nfrom place to place until the scene of their desolations became more\ndistinctly the maritime parts of the empire; and the effect of their\ndevastations might be well compared with a burning mountain moved\nfrom its ancient base, and then thrown into the sea. (b) This will\nbe apparent from the statements of Mr. Gibbon in regard to their\nravages under their leader Genseric. \u201cSeville and Carthagena became\nthe reward, or rather the prey of the ferocious conquerors\u201d [after they\nhad defeated the Roman Castinus], \u201cand the vessels which they found in\nthe harbour of Carthagena might easily transport them to the isles of\nMajorca and Minorca, where the Spanish fugitives, as in a secure recess,\nhad vainly concealed their families and fortunes. The experience of\nnavigation, and perhaps the prospect of Africa, encouraged the Vandals\nto accept the invitation which they received from Count Boniface\u201d [to\naid him in his apprehended difficulties with Rome, and to enter into an\nalliance with him by settling permanently in Africa (Gibbon, ii. 305,\n306)]: \u201cand the death of Gonderic\u201d [the Vandal king] \u201cserved only to\nforward and animate the bold enterprise. In the room of a prince, not\nconspicuous for any superior powers of the mind or body, they acquired\nhis bastard brother, the terrible Genseric\u2015\u2015_a name which, in the\ndestruction of the Roman empire, has deserved an equal rank with the\nnames of Alaric and Attila_. \u201d \u201cThe ambition of Genseric was almost\nwithout bounds, and without scruples; and the warrior could dexterously\nemploy the dark engines of policy to solicit the allies who might be\nuseful to his success, or to scatter among his enemies the seeds of\nenmity and contention. Almost in the moment of his departure he was\ninformed that Hermanric, king of the Suevi, had presumed to ravage the\nSpanish territories, which he was resolved to abandon. Impatient of\nthe insult, Genseric pursued the hasty retreat of the Suevi as far as\nMerida; precipitated the king and his army into the river Anas, and\ncalmly returned to the sea-shore to embark his troops. The vessels\nwhich transported the Vandals over the modern Straits of Gibraltar, a\nchannel only twelve miles in breadth, were furnished by the Spaniards,\nwho anxiously wished for their departure; and by the African general\nwho had implored their formidable assistance\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 306).\nGenseric, in the accomplishment of _his_ purposes, soon took possession\nof the northern coast of Africa, defeating the armies of Boniface, and\n\u201cCarthage, Cirta, and Hippo Regius were the only cities that appeared\nto rise above the general inundation\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 308). \u201cOn a sudden,\u201d\nsays Mr. Gibbon (ii. 309), \u201cthe seven fruitful provinces, from Tangier\nto Tripoli, were overwhelmed by the invasion of the Vandals; whose\ndestructive rage has perhaps been exaggerated by popular animosity,\nreligious zeal, and extravagant declamation. War in its fairest\nform implies a perpetual violation of humanity and justice; and the\nhostilities of barbarians are inflamed by the fierce and lawless spirit\nwhich perpetually disturbs their peaceful and domestic society. The\nVandals, where they found resistance, seldom gave quarter; and the\ndeaths of their valiant countrymen were expiated by the ruin of the\ncities under whose walls they had fallen,\u201d &c. The result of the\ninvasion was the conquest of all northern Africa; the reduction\nof Hippo and Carthage, and the establishment of a government under\nGenseric in Africa that waged a long war with Rome (Gibbon, ii. 310,\n311). The symbol before us has particular reference to _maritime_ or\n_naval_ operations and desolations, and the following extracts from Mr.\nGibbon will show with what propriety, if this symbol was designed to\nrefer to him, these images were employed. \u201cThe discovery and conquest\nof the black nations [in Africa] that might dwell beneath the torrid\nzone could not tempt the rational ambition of Genseric; but he cast his\neyes _towards the sea_; he resolved to create a naval power, and his\nbold resolution was executed with steady and active {202} perseverance.\nThe woods of Mount Atlas afforded an inexhaustible supply of timber;\nhis new subjects were skilled in the arts of navigation and ship-\nbuilding; he animated his daring Vandals to embrace a mode of warfare\nwhich would render every maritime country accessible to their arms;\nthe Moors and Africans were allured by the hope of plunder; and after\nan interval of six centuries the fleets that issued from the port of\nCarthage again claimed the empire of the Mediterranean. The success\nof the Vandals, the conquest of Sicily, the sack of Palermo, and the\nfrequent descents on the coasts of Lucania, awakened and alarmed the\nmother of Valentinian and the sister of Theodosius. Alliances were\nformed; and armaments, expensive and ineffectual, were prepared for\nthe destruction of the common enemy, who reserved his courage to\nencounter those dangers which his policy could not prevent or elude.\nThe revolutions of the palace, which left the Western empire without\na defender and without a lawful prince, dispelled the apprehension and\nstimulated the avarice of Genseric. He immediately equipped a numerous\nfleet of Vandals and Moors, and cast anchor at the mouth of the Tiber,\u201d\n&c. (Gibbon, ii. 352). \u201cOn the third day after the tumult [A.D. 455, on\nthe death of Maximus] Genseric boldly advanced from the port of Ostia\nto the gates of the defenceless city. Instead of a sally of the Roman\nyouth, there issued from the gates an unarmed and venerable procession\nof the bishop at the head of the clergy. But Rome and its inhabitants\nwere delivered to the licentiousness of the Vandals and the Moors,\nwhose blind passions revenged the injuries of Carthage. The pillage\nlasted fourteen days and nights; and all that yet remained of public\nor private wealth, of sacred or profane treasure, was diligently\ntransported to the vessels of Genseric,\u201d &c. See the account of\nthis pillage in Gibbon, ii. 355\u2012366. The emperor Majorian (A.D. 457)\nendeavoured to \u201crestore the happiness of the Romans,\u201d but \u201che\nencountered the arms of Genseric, from his character and situation\ntheir most formidable enemy. A fleet of Vandals and Moors landed at the\nmouth of the Liris, or Garigliano; but the imperial troops surprised\nand attacked the disorderly barbarians, who were encumbered with the\nspoils of Campania; they were chased with slaughter to their ships;\nand their leader, the king\u2019s brother-in-law, was found in the number\nof the slain. Such vigilance might announce the character of the new\nreign; but the strictest vigilance, and the most numerous forces,\nwere insufficient to protect the long-extended coast of Italy from\nthe depredations of a naval war\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 363). \u201cThe emperor had\nforeseen that it was impossible, without a maritime power, to achieve\nthe conquest of Africa. In the first Punic war the republic had\nexerted such incredible diligence, that within sixty days after the\nfirst stroke of the axe had been given in the forest a fleet of one\nhundred and sixty galleys proudly rode at anchor in the sea. Under\ncircumstances much less favourable Majorian equalled the spirit and\nperseverance of the ancient Romans. The woods of the Apennines were\nfelled, the arsenals and manufactures of Ravenna and Misenium were\nrestored, Italy and Gaul vied with each other in liberal contributions\nto the public service; and the imperial navy of three hundred large\ngalleys, with an adequate proportion of transports and smaller vessels,\nwas collected in the secure and capacious harbour of Carthagena in\nSpain\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 363, 364). The fate of this large navy is thus\ndescribed by Mr. Gibbon:\u2015\u2015\u201cGenseric was saved from impending and\ninevitable ruin by the treachery of some powerful subjects; envious\nor apprehensive of their master\u2019s success. Guided by their secret\nintelligence, he surprised the unguarded fleet in the bay of Carthagena;\nmany of the ships were sunk, or taken, or burnt; and the preparations\nof three years were destroyed in a single day,\u201d ii. 364. The farther\nnaval operations and maritime depredations of the Vandals under\nGenseric are thus stated by Mr. Gibbon:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe kingdom of Italy, a name\nto which the Western empire was gradually reduced, was afflicted, under\nthe reign of Ricimer, by the incessant depredations of Vandal pirates.\nIn the spring of each year they equipped a formidable navy in the\nport of Carthage; and Genseric himself, though in very advanced age,\nstill commanded in person the most important expeditions. His designs\nwere concealed with impenetrable secrecy till the moment that he\nhoisted sail. When he was asked by the pilot what course he should\nsteer\u2015\u2015\u2018Leave the determination to the winds,\u2019 replied the barbarian,\nwith pious {203} arrogance; \u2018_they_ will transport us to the guilty\ncoast whose inhabitants have provoked the divine justice;\u2019 but if\nGenseric himself deigned to issue more precise orders, he judged the\nmost wealthy to be the most criminal. The Vandals repeatedly visited\nthe coasts of Spain, Liguria, Tuscany, Campania, Lucania, Bruttium,\nApulia, Calabria, Venetia, Dalmatia, Epirus, Greece, and Sicily; they\nwere tempted to subdue the island of Sardinia, so advantageously placed\nin the centre of the Mediterranean; and their arms spread desolation,\nor terror, from the Columns of Hercules to the mouth of the Nile. As\nthey were more ambitious of spoil than of glory, they seldom attacked\nany fortified cities, or engaged any regular troops in the open field.\nBut the celerity of their motions enabled them, almost at the same time,\nto threaten and to attack the most distant objects which attracted\ntheir desires; and as they always embarked a sufficient number of\nhorses, they had no sooner landed than they swept the dismayed country\nwith a body of light cavalry,\u201d ii. 366. How far this description agrees\nwith the symbol in the passage before us\u2015\u2015\u201ca great mountain burning\nwith fire cast into the sea;\u201d \u201cthe third part of the ships were\ndestroyed\u201d\u2015\u2015must be left to the reader to judge. It may be asked,\nhowever, with at least some show of reason, whether, if it be admitted\nthat it was the _design_ of the author of the book of Revelation to\nrefer to the movements of the Vandals under Genseric as one of the\nimportant and immediate causes of the ruin of the Roman empire, he\ncould have found a more expressive symbol than this? Indeed, is there\nnow any symbol that would be more striking and appropriate? If one\nshould now undertake to represent this as one of the causes of the\ndownfall of the empire _by a symbol_, could he easily find one that\nwould be more expressive? It is a matter that is in itself perhaps\nof no importance, but it may serve to show that the interpretation\nrespecting the second trumpet was not _forced_, to remark that I had\ngone through with the interpretation of the _language_ of the symbol\nbefore I looked into Mr. Gibbon with any reference to the application.\n\n\n 10 And the third angel sounded, and there [275]fell a great\n star from heaven, burning as it were a lamp, and it fell upon\n the third part of the rivers, and upon the fountains of waters:\n\n10. _And the third angel sounded._ Indicating, according to the\ninterpretation above proposed, some important event in the downfall of\nthe Roman empire. \u00b6 _And there fell a great star from heaven._ A _star_\nis a natural emblem of a prince, of a ruler, of one distinguished by\nrank or by talent. Comp. Notes on ch. ii. 28. See Nu. xxiv. 17, and\nthe Notes on Is. xiv. 12. A star falling from heaven would be a natural\nsymbol of one who had left a higher station, or of one whose character\nand course would be like a meteor shooting through the sky. \u00b6 _Burning\nas it were a lamp._ Or, as a torch. The language here is such as would\ndescribe a meteor blazing through the air; and the reference in the\nsymbol is to something that would have a _resemblance_ to such a meteor.\nIt is not a _lurid_ meteor (livid, pale, ghastly) that is here referred\nto, but a bright, intense, blazing star\u2015\u2015emblem of fiery energy; of\nrapidity of movement and execution; of splendour of appearance\u2015\u2015such\nas a chieftain of high endowments, of impetuousness of character, and\nof richness of apparel, would be. In all languages, probably, a _star_\nhas been an emblem of a prince whose virtues have shone brightly, and\nwho has exerted a beneficial influence on mankind. In all languages\nalso, probably, a meteor flaming through the sky has been an emblem of\nsome splendid genius causing or threatening desolation and ruin; of a\nwarrior who has moved along in a brilliant but destructive path over\nthe world; and who has been regarded as sent to execute the vengeance\nof heaven. This usage occurs because a meteor is so bright; because\nit appears so suddenly; because its course cannot be determined by\nany known laws; and because, in the apprehensions of men, it is either\nsent as a proof of the divine displeasure, or is adapted to excite\nconsternation and alarm. In the application of this part of the symbol,\ntherefore, we naturally look for some prince or warrior of brilliant\ntalents, who appears suddenly and sweeps rapidly over the world; who\nexcites consternation and alarm; whose path is marked by desolation,\nand who is regarded as sent from heaven to execute the divine\npurposes\u2015\u2015who comes not to bless the world by brilliant talents {204}\nwell directed, but to execute vengeance on mankind. \u00b6 _And it fell upon\nthe third part of the rivers, and upon the fountains of waters._ On the\nphrase, \u201cthe third part,\u201d see Notes on ver. 7. This reference to the\n\u201crivers\u201d and to the \u201cfountains of waters\u201d seems, in part, to be for\nthe purpose of saying that _everything_ would be affected by this\nseries of judgments. In the previous visions the trees and the green\ngrass, the sea and the ships, had been referred to. The rivers and the\nfountains of waters are not less important than the trees, the grass,\nand the commerce of the world, and hence this judgment is mentioned as\nparticularly bearing on them. At the same time, as in the case of the\nother trumpets, there is a propriety in supposing that there would be\nsomething in the event referred to by the symbol which would make it\nmore appropriate to use this symbol in this case than in the others.\nIt is natural, therefore, to look for some desolations that would\nparticularly affect the portions of the world where rivers abound,\nor where they take their rise; or, if it be understood as having a\nmore metaphorical sense, to regard it as affecting those things which\n_resemble_ rivers and fountains\u2015\u2015the sources of influence; the morals,\nthe religion of a people, the institutions of a country, which are\noften so appropriately compared with running fountains or flowing\nstreams.\n\n\n 11 And the name of the star is called [276]Wormwood: and the\n third part of the [277]waters became wormwood; and many men\n died of the waters, because they were made bitter.\n\n11. _And the name of the star is called Wormwood._ Is _appropriately_\nso called. The writer does not say that it would be _actually_ so\ncalled, but that this name would be properly descriptive of its\nqualities. Such expressions are common in allegorical writings. The\nGreek word\u2015\u2015\u1f04\u03c8\u03b9\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015denotes _wormwood_, a well-known bitter herb.\nThat word becomes the proper emblem of bitterness. Comp. Je. ix. 15;\nxxiii. 15; La. iii. 15, 19. \u00b6 _And the third part of the waters became\nwormwood._ Became bitter as wormwood. This is doubtless an emblem\nof the calamity which _would_ occur if the waters should be thus\nmade bitter. Of course they would become useless for the purposes to\nwhich they are mostly applied, and the destruction of life would be\ninevitable. To conceive of the extent of such a calamity we have only\nto imagine a large portion of the wells, and rivers, and fountains of a\ncountry made bitter as wormwood. Comp. Ex. xv. 23, 24. \u00b6 _And many men\ndied of the waters, because they were made bitter._ This effect would\nnaturally follow if any considerable portion of the fountains and\nstreams of a land were changed by an infusion of wormwood. It is not\nnecessary to suppose that this is intended to be _literally_ true; for\nas, by the use of a symbol, it is not to be supposed that literally\na part of the waters would be turned into wormwood by the baleful\ninfluence of a falling meteor, so it is not necessary to suppose that\nthere is intended to be represented a literal destruction of human life\nby the use of waters. Great destruction and devastation are undoubtedly\nintended to be denoted by this\u2015\u2015destruction that would be well\nrepresented in a land by the natural effects if a considerable part\nof the waters were, by their bitterness, made unfit to drink.\n\nIn the interpretation and application, therefore, of this passage, we\nmay adopt the following principles and rules:\u2015\u2015(a) It may be assumed,\nin _this_ exposition, that the previous symbols, under the first and\nsecond trumpet-blasts, referred respectively to Alaric and his Goths,\nand to Genseric and his Vandals. (b) That the next great and decisive\nevent in the downfall of the empire is the one that is here referred to.\n(c) That there would be some chieftain or warrior who might be compared\nwith a blazing meteor; whose course would be singularly brilliant; who\nwould appear suddenly _like_ a blazing star, and then disappear like\na star whose light was quenched in the waters. (d) That the desolating\ncourse of that meteor would be mainly on those portions of the world\nthat abounded with springs of water and running streams. (e) That\nan effect would be produced _as if_ those streams and fountains were\nmade bitter; that is, that many persons would perish, and that wide\ndesolations would be caused in the vicinity of those rivers and streams,\n_as if_ a bitter and baleful star should fall into the waters, and\ndeath should spread over the lands adjacent to them, and watered by\nthem. {205} Whether any events occurred of which this would be the\nproper emblem is now the question. Among expositors there has been a\nconsiderable degree of unanimity in supposing that Attila, the king of\nthe Huns, is referred to; and if the preceding expositions are correct,\nthere can be no doubt on the subject. After Alaric and Genseric, Attila\noccupies the next place as an important agent in the overthrow of the\nRoman empire, and the only question is, whether _he_ would be properly\nsymbolized by this baleful star. The following remarks may be made\nto show the propriety of the symbol:\u2015\u2015(1) As already remarked, the\n_place_ which he occupies in history, as immediately succeeding\nAlaric and Genseric in the downfall of the empire. This will appear\nin any chronological table, or in the table of contents of any of\nthe histories of those times. A full detail of the career of Attila\nmay be found in Gibbon, vol. ii. pp. 314\u2012351. His career extended\nfrom A.D. 433 to A.D. 453. It is true that he was contemporary with\nGenseric, king of the Vandals, and that a portion of the operations\nof Genseric in Africa were subsequent to the death of Attila\n(A.D. 455\u2012A.D. 467); but it is _also_ true that Genseric _preceded_\nAttila in the career of conquest, and was properly the first in order,\nbeing pressed forward in the Roman warfare by the Huns, A.D. 428. See\nGibbon, ii. 306, seq. (2) In the manner of his appearance he strongly\nresembled a brilliant meteor flashing in the sky. He came from the\neast, gathering his Huns, and poured them down, as we shall see, with\nthe rapidity of a flashing meteor, suddenly on the empire. He regarded\nhimself also as devoted to Mars, the god of war, and was accustomed to\narray himself in a peculiarly brilliant manner, so that his appearance,\nin the language of his flatterers, was such as to dazzle the eyes\nof beholders. One of his followers perceived that a heifer that was\ngrazing had wounded her foot, and curiously followed the track of blood,\ntill he found in the long grass the point of an ancient sword, which\nhe dug out of the ground and presented to Attila. \u201cThat magnanimous,\nor rather that artful prince,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon, \u201caccepted with pious\ngratitude this celestial favour; and, as the rightful possessor of\n_the sword of Mars_, asserted his divine and indefeasible claim to the\ndominion of the earth. The favourite of Mars soon acquired a sacred\ncharacter, which rendered his conquests more easy and more permanent;\nand the barbarian princes confessed, in the language of devotion or\nflattery, that they could not presume to gaze, with a steady eye, on\nthe divine majesty of the king of the Huns,\u201d ii. 317. How appropriate\nwould it be to represent such a prince by the symbol of a bright and\nblazing star\u2015\u2015or a meteor flashing through the sky! (3) There may be\npropriety, as applicable to him, in the expression\u2015\u2015\u201ca great star _from\nheaven_ falling upon the earth.\u201d Attila was regarded as an instrument\nin the divine hand in inflicting punishment. The common appellation by\nwhich he has been known is \u201cthe scourge of God.\u201d This title is supposed\nby the modern Hungarians to have been first given to Attila by a hermit\nof Gaul, but it was \u201cinserted by Attila among the titles of his royal\ndignity\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 321, foot-note). To no one could the title be\nmore applicable than to him. (4) His career as a conqueror, and the\neffect of his conquests on the downfall of the empire, were such as\nto be properly symbolized in this manner. (a) The _general_ effect of\nthe invasion was worthy of an important place in describing the series\nof events which resulted in the overthrow of the empire. This is thus\nstated by Mr. Gibbon: \u201cThe western world was oppressed by the Goths\nand Vandals, who fled before the Huns; but the achievements of the\nHuns themselves were not adequate to their power and prosperity. Their\nvictorious hordes had spread from the Volga to the Danube, but the\npublic force was exhausted by the discord of independent chieftains;\ntheir valour was idly consumed in obscure and predatory excursions; and\nthey often degraded their national dignity by condescending, for the\nhopes of spoil, to enlist under the banners of their fugitive enemies.\nIn the reign of Attila the Huns again became the terror of the world;\nand I shall now describe the character and actions of that formidable\nbarbarian who alternately invaded and insulted the East and the West,\n_and urged the rapid downfall of the Roman empire_,\u201d vol. ii. pp. 314,\n315. (b) The parts of the earth affected by the invasion of the Huns\nwere those which would be properly symbolized by the things specified\nat the blowing of this trumpet. It is said particularly that the effect\nwould be on \u201cthe rivers,\u201d {206} and on \u201cthe fountains of waters.\u201d If\nthis has a literal application, or if, as was supposed in the case\nof the second trumpet, the language used was such as had reference\nto the portion of the empire that would be particularly affected by\nthe hostile invasion, then we may suppose that this refers to those\nportions of the empire that abounded in rivers and streams, and\nmore particularly those in which the rivers and streams had their\norigin\u2015\u2015for the effect was permanently in the \u201c_fountains_ of waters.\u201d\nAs a matter of fact, the principal operations of Attila were in the\nregions of the Alps, and on the portions of the empire whence the\nrivers flow down into Italy. The invasion of Attila is described by\nMr. Gibbon in this general language: \u201cThe whole breadth of Europe, as\nit extends above five hundred miles from the Euxine to the Adriatic,\nwas at once invaded, and occupied, and desolated, by the myriads\nof barbarians whom Attila led into the field, \u201d ii. 319, 320. After\ndescribing the progress and the effects of this invasion (pp. 320\u2012331)\nhe proceeds more particularly to detail the events in the invasion of\nGaul and Italy, pp. 331\u2012347. After the terrible battle of Ch\u00e2lons, in\nwhich, according to one account, one hundred and sixty-two thousand,\nand, according to other accounts, three hundred thousand persons were\nslain, and in which Attila was defeated, he recovered his vigour,\ncollected his forces, and made a descent on Italy. Under pretence of\nclaiming Honoria, the daughter of the Empress of Rome, as his bride,\n\u201cthe indignant lover took the field, passed the Alps, invaded Italy,\nand besieged Aquileia with an innumerable host of barbarians.\u201d After\nendeavouring in vain for three months to subdue the city, and when\nabout to abandon the siege, Attila took advantage of the appearance of\na stork as a favourable omen to arouse his men to a renewed effort, \u201ca\nlarge breach was made in the part of the wall where the stork had taken\nher flight; the Huns mounted to the assault with irresistible fury; and\nthe succeeding generation could scarcely discover the ruins of Aquileia.\nAfter this dreadful chastisement Attila pursued his march; and as he\npassed, the cities of Altinum, Concordia, and Padua were reduced into\nheaps of stones and ashes. The inland towns, Vicenza, Verona, and\nBergamo, were exposed to the rapacious cruelty of the Huns; Milan and\nPavia submitted without resistance to the loss of their wealth, and\napplauded the unusual clemency which preserved from the flames the\npublic as well as the private buildings, and spared the lives of the\ncaptive multitude. The popular traditions of Comum, Turin, or Modena,\nmay be justly suspected, yet they concur with more authentic evidence\nto prove that Attila spread his ravages over the rich plains of modern\nLombardy, which are divided by the Po, and bounded by the Alps and the\nApennines,\u201d ii. pp. 343, 344. \u201cIt is a saying worthy of the ferocious\npride of Attila, that the grass never grew on the spot where his horse\nhad trod\u201d (_ibid._ p. 345). Anyone has only to look on a map, and to\ntrace the progress of those desolations and the chief seats of his\nmilitary operations to see with what propriety this symbol would be\nemployed. In these regions the great rivers that water Europe have\ntheir origin, and are swelled by numberless streams that flow down from\nthe Alps; and about the fountains whence these streams flow were the\nprincipal military operations of the invader. (c) With equal propriety\nis he represented in the symbol as affecting \u201c_a third_\u201d part of these\nrivers and fountains. At least a third part of the empire was invaded\nand desolated by him in his savage march, and the _effects_ of his\ninvasion were as disastrous _on_ the empire as if a bitter star\nhad fallen into a third part of those rivers and fountains, and had\nconverted them into wormwood. (d) There is one other point which shows\nthe propriety of this symbol. It is, that the meteor, or star, seemed\nto be _absorbed_ in the waters. It fell into the waters; embittered\nthem; and was seen no more. Such would be the case with a meteor that\nshould thus fall upon the earth\u2015\u2015flashing along the sky, and then\ndisappearing for ever. Now, it was remarkable in regard to the Huns,\nthat their power was concentrated under Attila; that he alone appeared\nas the leader of this formidable host; and that when he died all the\nconcentrated power of the Huns was dissipated, or became absorbed and\nlost. \u201cThe revolution,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon (ii. 348), \u201cwhich subverted\nthe empire of the Huns, established the fame of Attila, _whose genius\nalone had sustained the huge and disjointed fabric_. After his death\nthe boldest chieftains aspired to the rank of kings; the most powerful\nkings refused to acknowledge a superior; and {207} the numerous sons,\nwhom so many various mothers bore to the deceased monarch, divided\nand disputed, like a private inheritance, the sovereign command of the\nnations of Germany and Scythia.\u201d Soon, however, in the conflicts which\nsucceeded, the empire passed away, and the empire of the _Huns_ ceased.\nThe people that composed it were absorbed in the surrounding nations,\nand Mr. Gibbon makes this remark, after giving a summary account of\nthese conflicts, which continued but for a few years: \u201cThe Igours of\nthe north, issuing from the cold Siberian regions, which produced the\nmost valuable furs, spread themselves over the desert, as far as the\nBorysthenes and the Caspian gates, _and finally extinguished the empire\nof the Huns_.\u201d These facts may, perhaps, show with what propriety\nAttila would be compared with a bright but beautiful meteor; and that,\nif the design was to symbolize him as acting an important part in the\ndownfall of the Roman empire, there is a fitness in the symbol here\nemployed.\n\n\n 12 And the fourth angel sounded, and the third part of\n [278]the sun was smitten, and the third part of the moon, and\n the third part of the stars; so as the third part of them was\n darkened, and the day shone not for a third part of it, and\n the night likewise.\n\n12. _And the fourth angel sounded._ Notes, ver. 6, 7. \u00b6 _And the\nthird part of the sea was smitten._ On the phrase _the third part_, see\nNotes on ver. 7. The darkening of the heavenly luminaries is everywhere\nan emblem of any great calamity\u2015\u2015_as if_ the light of the sun, moon,\nand stars should be put out. See Notes on ch. vi. 12, 13. There is no\ncertain evidence that this refers to _rulers_, as many have supposed,\nor to anything that would particularly affect the _government_ as such.\nThe meaning is, that calamity would come _as if_ darkness should spread\nover the sun, the moon, and the stars, leaving the world in gloom.\nWhat is the precise _nature_ of the calamity is not indicated by\nthe language, but anything that would diffuse gloom and disaster\nwould accord with the fair meaning of the symbol. There are a few\ncircumstances, however, in regard to this symbol which may aid us in\ndetermining its application. (1) It would follow in the _series_ of\ncalamities that were to occur. (2) It would be _separated_ in some\nimportant sense\u2015\u2015of time, place, or degree\u2015\u2015from those which were to\nfollow, for there is a _pause_ here (ver. 13), and the angel proclaims\nthat more terrible woes are to succeed this series. (3) Like the\npreceding, it is to affect \u201cone third part\u201d of the world; that is, it\nis to be a calamity _as if_ a third part of the sun, the moon, and the\nstars were suddenly smitten and darkened. (4) It is not to be _total_.\nIt is not as if the sun, the moon, and the stars were entirely blotted\nout, for there was still some remaining light; that is, there was\na continuance of the existing state of things\u2015\u2015as if these heavenly\nbodies should still give an obscure and partial light. (5) Perhaps it\nis also intended by the symbol that there would be light again. The\nworld was not to go into a state of total and permanent night. For a\nthird part of the day, and a third part of the night, this darkness\nreigned; but does not this imply that there would be light again\u2015\u2015that\nthe obscurity would pass away, and that the sun, and moon, and stars\nwould shine again? That is, is it not implied that there would still be\nprosperity in some future period?\n\nNow, in regard to the application of this, if the explanation of the\npreceding symbols is correct, there can be little difficulty. If the\nprevious symbols referred to Alaric, to Genseric, and to Attila, there\ncan be no difficulty in applying this to Odoacer, and to his reign\u2015\u2015a\nreign in which, in fact, the Roman dominion in the West came to an end,\nand passed into the hands of this barbarian. Anyone has only to open\nthe _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, to see that this is the\nnext event that _should_ be symbolized if the design were to represent\nthe downfall of the empire. These four great barbarian leaders succeed\neach other in order, and under the last, Odoacer, the barbarian\ndominion was established; for it is here that the existence of the\nRoman power, as such, ended. The Western empire terminated, according\nto Mr. Gibbon (ii. p. 380), about A.D. 476 or 479. Odoacer was \u201cKing of\nItaly\u201d from A.D. 476 to A.D. 490 (Gibbon, ii. 379). The Eastern empire\nstill lingered, but calamity, like blotting out the sun, and moon, and\nstars, had come over that {208} part of the world which for so many\ncenturies had constituted the seat of power and dominion.\u2015\u2015Odoacer was\nthe son of Edecon, a barbarian, who was in the service of Attila, and\nwho left two sons\u2015\u2015Onulf and Odoacer. The former directed his steps\nto Constantinople; Odoacer \u201cled a wandering life among the barbarians\nof Noricum, with a mind and fortune suited to the most desperate\nadventures; and when he had fixed his choice, he piously visited the\ncell of Severinus, the popular saint of the country, to solicit his\napprobation and blessing. The lowness of the door would not admit the\nlofty stature of Odoacer; he was obliged to stoop; but in that humble\nattitude the saint could discern the symptoms of his future greatness;\nand addressing him in a prophetic tone, \u2018Pursue,\u2019 said he, \u2018your design;\nproceed to Italy; you will soon cast away this coarse garment of skins;\nand your wealth will be adequate to the liberality of your mind.\u2019 The\nbarbarian, whose daring spirit accepted and ratified this prediction,\nwas admitted into the service of the Western empire, and soon obtained\nan honourable rank in the guards. His manners were gradually polished,\nhis military skill improved; and the confederates of Italy would not\nhave elected him for their general unless the exploits of Odoacer had\nestablished a high opinion of his courage and capacity. Their military\nacclamations saluted him with the title of king; but he abstained\nduring his whole reign from the use of the purple and the diadem, lest\nhe should offend those princes whose subjects, by their accidental\nmixture, had formed the victorious army which time and policy might\ninsensibly unite into a great nation\u201d (Gibbon, ii. 379, 380). In\nanother place Mr. Gibbon says: \u201cOdoacer was the first barbarian who\nreigned in Italy, over a people who had once asserted their superiority\nabove the rest of mankind. The disgrace of the Romans still excites\nour respectful compassion, and we fondly sympathize with the imaginary\ngrief and indignation of their degenerate posterity. But the calamities\nof Italy had gradually subdued the proud consciousness of freedom and\nglory. In the age of Roman virtue the provinces were subject to the\narms, and the citizens to the laws, of the republic; till those laws\nwere subverted by civil discord, and both the city and the provinces\nbecame the servile property of a tyrant. The forms of the constitution\nwhich alleviated or disguised their abject slavery were abolished by\ntime and violence; the Italians alternately lamented the presence or\nthe absence of the sovereigns whom they detested or despised; and the\nsuccession of five centuries inflicted the various evils of military\nlicense, capricious despotism, and elaborate oppression. During the\nsame period the barbarians had emerged from obscurity and contempt, and\nthe warriors of Germany and Scythia were introduced into the provinces,\nas the servants, the allies, and at length the masters of the Romans,\nwhom they insulted or protected,\u201d ii. 381, 382. Of the effect of the\nreign of Odoacer Mr. Gibbon remarks: \u201cIn the division and decline of\nthe empire the tributary harvests of Egypt and Africa were withdrawn;\nthe numbers of the inhabitants continually decreased with the means of\nsubsistence; and the country was exhausted by the irretrievable losses\nof war, famine, and pestilence. St. Ambrose has deplored the ruin of\na populous district, which had been once adorned with the flourishing\ncities of Bologna, Modena, Rhegium, and Placentia. Pope Gelasius was\na subject of Odoacer; and he affirms, with strong exaggeration, that\nin \u00c6milia, Tuscany, and the adjacent provinces the human species was\nalmost extirpated. _One-third_ of those ample estates, to which the\nruin of Italy is originally imputed, was extorted for the use of the\nconquerors,\u201d ii. 383. Yet the light was not _wholly_ extinct. It was\n\u201ca third part\u201d of it which was put out; and it was still true that\nsome of the forms of the ancient constitution were observed\u2015\u2015that the\nlight still lingered before it wholly passed away. In the language\nof another, \u201cThe authority of the Roman name had not yet entirely\nceased. The senate of Rome continued to assemble as usual. The consuls\nwere appointed yearly, one by the Eastern emperor, one by Italy\nand Rome. Odoacer himself governed Italy under a title\u2015\u2015that of\n_Patrician_\u2015\u2015conferred on him by the Eastern emperor. There was still\na certain, though often faint, recognition of the supreme imperial\nauthority. The moon and the stars might seem still to shine in the West,\nwith a dim reflected light. In the course of the events, however, which\nrapidly followed in the next half-century, these too were extinguished.\nAfter above a century and a half of calamities unexampled {209} almost,\nas Dr. Robertson most truly represents it,[279] in the history of\nnations, the statement of Jerome\u2015\u2015a statement couched under the very\nApocalyptic figure of the text, but prematurely pronounced on the first\ntaking of Rome by Alaric\u2015\u2015might be considered at length accomplished:\n\u2018Clarissimum terrarum _lumen_ extinctum est\u2019\u2015\u2015\u2018The world\u2019s glorious\n_sun_ has been extinguished;\u2019 or, as the modern poet Byron (_Childe\nHarold_, canto iv.) has expressed it, still under the Apocalyptic\nimagery:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u2018She saw her glories star by star expire,\u2019\n\ntill not even one star remained to glimmer in the vacant and dark\nnight\u201d (Elliott, i. 360, 361).\n\nI have thus endeavoured to explain the meaning of the four first\ntrumpets under the opening of the seventh seal, embracing the\nsuccessive severe blows struck on the empire by Alaric, Genseric,\nAttila, and Odoacer, until the empire fell, to rise no more. I cannot\nbetter conclude this part of the exposition than in the words of\nMr. Gibbon, in his reflections on the fall of the empire. \u201cI have now\naccomplished,\u201d says he, \u201cthe laborious narrative of the decline and\nfall of the Roman empire, from the fortunate age of Trajan and the\nAntonines to its total extinction in the West, about five centuries\nafter the Christian era. At that unhappy period the Saxons fiercely\nstruggled with the natives for the possession of Britain; Gaul and\nSpain were divided between the powerful monarchies of the Franks\nand the Visigoths, and the dependent kingdoms of the Suevi and the\nBurgundians; Africa was exposed to the cruel persecution of the Vandals,\nand the savage insults of the Moors; Rome and Italy, as far as the\nbanks of the Danube, were afflicted by an army of barbarian mercenaries,\nwhose lawless tyranny was succeeded by the reign of Theodoric the\nOstrogoth. All the subjects of the empire, who, by the use of the Latin\nlanguage, more particularly deserved the name and privileges of Romans,\nwere oppressed by the disgrace and calamities of foreign conquest; and\nthe victorious nations of Germany established a new system of manners\nand government in the western countries of Europe. The majesty of Rome\nwas faintly represented by the princes of Constantinople, the feeble\nand imaginary successors of Augustus\u201d (vol. ii. pp. 440, 441). \u201cThe\nsplendid days of Augustus and Trajan _were eclipsed by a cloud of\nignorance_ [a fine illustration of the language \u2018the third part of the\nsun was smitten, and the day shone not, and the night likewise\u2019]; and\nthe barbarians subverted the laws and palaces of Rome\u201d (_ibid._ p. 446).\n\nThus ended the history of the Gothic period, and, as I suppose, the\nimmediate symbolic representation of the affairs of the Western empire.\nAn interval now occurs (ver. 13) in the sounding of the trumpets,\nand the scene is transferred, in the three remaining trumpets, to the\nEastern parts of the empire. After that the attention is directed again\nto the West, to contemplate Rome under a new form, and exerting a new\ninfluence in the nations, under the Papacy, but destined ultimately to\npass away in its spiritual power, as its temporal power had yielded to\nthe elements of internal decay in its bosom, and to the invasions of\nthe northern hordes.\n\n\n 13 And I beheld, and heard an [280]angel flying through the\n midst of heaven, saying with a loud voice, Woe, woe, woe, to\n the inhabiters of the earth, by reason of the other voices of\n the trumpet of the three angels, which are yet to sound!\n\n13. _And I beheld._ My attention was attracted by a new vision.\n\u00b6 _And I heard an angel flying_, &c. I heard the voice of an angel\nmaking this proclamation. \u00b6 _Woe, woe, woe._ That is, there will be\n_great_ woe. The repetition of the word is intensive, and the idea is,\nthat the sounding of the three remaining trumpets would indicate great\nand fearful calamities. These three are grouped together as if they\npertained to a similar series of events, as the first four had been.\nThe two classes are separated from each other by this interval and by\nthis proclamation\u2015\u2015implying that the first series had been completed,\nand that there would be some interval, either of space or time, before\nthe other series would come upon the world. All that is fairly implied\nhere would be fulfilled by the supposition that the former referred to\nthe {210} _West_, and that the latter pertained to the _East_, and were\nto follow when those should have been completed.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IX.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThe three remaining trumpets (ch. ix.\u2012xi.) are usually called the\n_woe-trumpets_, in reference to the proclamation of woes, ch. viii. 13\n(Professor Stuart). The three extend, as I suppose, to the end of time,\nor, as it is supposed by the writer himself (ch. xi. 15), to the period\nwhen \u201cthe kingdoms of this world shall have become the kingdoms of\nChrist,\u201d embracing a succinct view of the most material events that\nwere to occur, particularly in a _secular_ point of view. See the\nAnalysis prefixed to the book. In ch. xi. 19, as I understand it, a\nnew view is commenced, referring to the church internally; the rise\nof Antichrist, and the effect of the rise of that formidable power on\nthe internal history of the church, to the time of its overthrow, and\nthe triumphant establishment of the kingdom of God. This, of course,\nsynchronizes in its beginning and its close with the portion already\npassed over, but with a different view. See the Analysis prefixed to\nch. xi. 19, seq.\n\nThis chapter contains properly three parts. _First_, a description of\nthe first of those trumpets, or the fifth in the order of the whole,\nver. 1\u201212. This woe is represented under the figure of calamities\nbrought upon the earth by an immense army of locusts. A star is seen\nto fall from heaven\u2015\u2015representing some mighty chieftain, and to him is\ngiven the key of the bottomless pit. He opens the pit, and then comes\nforth an innumerable swarm of locusts that darken the heavens, and they\ngo forth upon the earth. They have a command given them to do a certain\nwork. They are not to hurt the earth, or any green thing, but they\nare sent against those men which have not the seal of God on their\nforeheads. Their main business, however, was not to kill them, but\nto torment them for a limited time\u2015\u2015for five months. A description of\nthe appearance of the locusts then follows. Though they are _called_\nlocusts, because in their general appearance, and in the ravages they\ncommit, they resemble them, yet, in the main, they are imaginary beings,\nand combine in themselves qualities which are never found united in\nreality. They had a strong resemblance to horses prepared for battle;\nthey wore on their heads crowns of gold; they had the faces of men but\nthe hair of women and the teeth of lions. They had breastplates of iron,\nand tails like scorpions, with stings in their tails. They had a mighty\nking at their head, with a name significant of the destruction which\nhe would bring upon the world. These mysterious beings had their origin\nin the bottomless pit, and they are summoned forth to spread desolation\nupon the earth. _Second_, a description of the second of these trumpets,\nthe sixth in order, ver. 13\u201219. When this is sounded, a voice is heard\nfrom the four horns of the altar which is before God. The angel is\ncommanded to loose the four angels which are bound in the great river\nEuphrates. These angels are loosed\u2015\u2015angels which had been prepared\nfor a definite period\u2015\u2015a day, and a month, and a year, to slay the\nthird part of men. The number of the army that would appear\u2015\u2015composed\nof cavalry\u2015\u2015is stated to amount to two hundred thousand, and the\n_peculiarities_ of these horsemen are then stated. They are remarkable\nfor having breastplates of fire, and jacinth, and brimstone; the heads\nof the horses resemble lions; and they breathe forth fire and brimstone.\nA third part of men fall before them, by the fire, and the smoke, and\nthe brimstone. Their power is in their mouth and in their tails, for\ntheir tails are like serpents. _Third_, a statement of the effect of\nthe judgments brought upon the world under these trumpets, ver. 20, 21.\nThe effect, so far as the reasonable result could have been anticipated,\nis lost. The nations are not turned from idolatry. Wickedness still\nabounds, and there is no disposition to repent of the abominations\nwhich had been so long practised on the earth.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IX.\n\n\n AND the fifth angel sounded, and I saw a [281]star fall from\n heaven unto the earth: and to him was given the key of the\n [282]bottomless pit.\n\n1. _And the fifth angel sounded._ See Notes on ch. viii. 6, 7. \u00b6 _And I\nsaw a star fall from heaven unto the earth._ This denotes, as was shown\nin the Notes on ch. viii. 10, a leader, a military {211} chieftain,\na warrior. In the fulfilment of this, as in the former case, we look\nfor the appearance of some mighty prince and warrior, to whom is given\npower, as it were, to open the bottomless pit, and to summon forth\nits legions. That some such agent is denoted by the _star_ is farther\napparent from the fact that it is immediately added, that \u201cto _him_\n[the star] was given the key of the bottomless pit.\u201d It could not be\nmeant that a key would be given to a literal _star_, and we naturally\nsuppose, therefore, that some intelligent being of exalted rank, and\nof baleful influence, is here referred to. Angels, good and bad, are\noften called stars; but the reference here, as in ch. viii. 10, seems\nto me not to be to angels, but to some mighty leader of armies, who\nwas to collect his hosts, and to go through the world in the work of\ndestruction. \u00b6 _And to him was given the key of the bottomless pit._\nOf the under-world, considered particularly of the abode of the wicked.\nThis is represented often as a dark prison-house, inclosed with walls,\nand accessible by gates or doors. These gates or doors are fastened,\nso that none of the inmates can come out, and the key is in the hand of\nthe keeper or guardian. In ch. i. 18 it is said that the keys of that\nworld are in the hand of the Saviour (comp. Notes on that passage);\nhere it is said that for a time, and for a temporary purpose, they are\ncommitted to another. The word _pit_\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c1\u03ad\u03b1\u03c1\u2015\u2015denotes properly a well,\nor a pit for water dug in the earth; and then any pit, cave, abyss.\nThe reference here is doubtless to the nether world, considered as\nthe abode of the wicked dead, the prison-house of the guilty. The word\n_bottomless_, \u1f04\u03b2\u03c5\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015whence our word _abyss_\u2015\u2015means properly _without\nany bottom_ (from \u03b1, pr., and \u03b2\u03cd\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2, _depth_, _bottom_). It would be\napplied properly to the ocean, or to any deep and dark dell, or to any\nobscure place whose depth was unknown. Here it refers to Hades\u2015\u2015the\nregion of the dead\u2015\u2015the abode of wicked spirits\u2015\u2015as a deep, dark place,\nwhose bottom was unknown. Having the _key_ to this, is to have the\npower to confine those who are there, or to permit them to go at large.\nThe meaning here is, that this master-spirit would have power to evoke\nthe dead from these dark regions; and it would be fulfilled if some\nmighty genius, that could be compared with a fallen star, or a lurid\nmeteor, should summon forth followers which would _appear_ like the\ndwellers in the nether world called forth to spread desolation over\nthe earth.\n\n\n 2 And he opened the bottomless pit; and there arose a smoke\n out of the pit, as the smoke of a great furnace; and the sun\n and the air were [283]darkened by reason of the smoke of the\n pit.\n\n2. _And he opened the bottomless pit._ It is represented before as\nwholly confined, so that not even the smoke or vapour could escape.\n\u00b6 _And there arose a smoke out of the pit._ Comp. ch. xiv. 11. The\nmeaning here is, that the pit, as a place of punishment, or as the\nabode of the wicked, was filled with burning sulphur, and consequently\nthat it emitted smoke and vapour as soon as opened. The common image\nof the place of punishment, in the Scriptures, is that of a \u201clake that\nburns with fire and brimstone.\u201d Comp. ch. xiv. 10; xix. 20; xx. 10;\nxxi. 8. See also Ps. xi. 6; Is. xxx. 33; Eze. xxxviii. 22. It is not\nimprobable that this image was taken from the destruction of Sodom and\nGomorrah, Ge. xix. 24. Such burning sulphur would produce, of course,\na dense smoke or vapour; and the idea here is, that the pit had been\nclosed, and that as soon as the door was opened a dense column escaped\nthat darkened the heavens. The purpose of this is, probably, to\nindicate the _origin_ of the plague that was about to come upon the\nworld. It would be of such a character that it would appear as if it\nhad been emitted from hell; as if the inmates of that dark world had\nbroke loose upon the earth. Comp. Notes on ch. vi. 8. \u00b6 _As the smoke\nof a great furnace._ So in Ge. xix. 28, whence probably this image is\ntaken: \u201cAnd he looked towards Sodom and Gomorrah, and all the land of\nthe plain, and beheld, and lo, the smoke of the country went up as the\nsmoke of a furnace.\u201d \u00b6 _And the sun and the air were darkened_, &c.\nAs will be the case when a smoke ascends from a furnace. The meaning\nhere is, that an effect would be produced _as if_ a dense and dark\nvapour should ascend from the under-world. We are not, of course, to\nunderstand this literally.\n\n\n 3 And there came out of the smoke [284]locusts upon the earth:\n and unto them was given power, as the [285]scorpions of the\n earth have power.\n\n3. _And there came out of the smoke locusts upon the earth._ That\nis, they escaped from the pit with the smoke. {212} At first they were\nmingled with the smoke, so that they were not distinctly seen, but when\nthe smoke cleared away they appeared in great numbers. The idea seems\nto be, that the bottomless pit was filled with vapour and with those\ncreatures, and that as soon as the gate was opened the whole contents\nexpanded and burst forth upon the earth. The sun was immediately\ndarkened, and the air was full, but the smoke soon cleared away, so\nthat the locusts became distinctly visible. The _appearance_ of these\nlocusts is described in another part of the chapter, ver. 7, seq. The\nlocust is a voracious insect belonging to the grasshopper or grylli\ngenus, and is a great scourge in Oriental countries. A full description\nof the locust may be seen in Robinson\u2019s _Calmet_, and in Kitto\u2019s\n_Encyclo._ vol. ii. pp. 258, seq. There are ten Hebrew words to denote\nthe locust, and there are numerous references to the destructive\nhabits of the insect in the Scriptures. In fact, from their numbers\nand their destructive habits, there was scarcely any other plague that\nwas so much dreaded in the East. Considered as a _symbol_, or _emblem_,\nthe following remarks may be made in explanation:\u2015\u2015(1) The symbol is\n_Oriental_, and would most naturally refer to something that was to\noccur in the East. As locusts have appeared chiefly in the East, and as\nthey are in a great measure an _Oriental_ plague, the mention of this\nsymbol would most naturally turn the thoughts to that portion of the\nearth. The symbols of the first four trumpets had no especial locality,\nand would suggest no particular part of the world; but on the mention\nof this, the mind would be naturally turned to the East, and we should\nexpect to find that the scene of this woe would be located in the\nregions where the ravages of locusts most abounded. Compare, on this\npoint, Elliott, _Hor\u00e6 Apoc._ i. 394\u2012406. He has made it probable that\nthe prophets, when they used symbolical language to denote any events,\ncommonly, at least, employed those which had a local or geographical\nreference; thus, in the symbols derived from the vegetable kingdom,\nwhen Judah is to be symbolized, the olive, the vine, and the fig-tree\nare selected; when Egypt is referred to, the reed is chosen; when\nBabylon, the willow. And so, in the animal kingdom, the lion is the\nsymbol of Judah; the wild ass, of the Arabs; the crocodile, of Egypt,\n&c. Whether this theory could be wholly carried out or not, no one\ncan doubt that the symbol of locusts would most naturally suggest the\nOriental world, and that the natural interpretation of the passage\nwould lead us to expect its fulfilment there. (2) Locusts were\nremarkable for their _numbers_\u2015\u2015so great often as to appear like\nclouds, and to darken the sky. In this respect they would naturally\nbe symbolical of numerous armies or hosts of men. This natural symbol\nof numerous armies is often employed by the prophets. Thus, in Je.\nxlvi. 23:\u2015\u2015\n\n\n \u201cCut down her forests [_i.e._ her people, or cities],\n saith Jehovah,\n That it may not be found on searching;\n Although they surpass the locusts in multitude,\n And they are without number.\u201d\n\nSo in Na. iii. 15:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cThere shall the fire devour thee;\n The sword shall cut thee off; it shall devour thee as\n the locust,\n Increase thyself as the numerous locusts.\u201d\n\nSo also in Na. iii. 17:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cThy crowned princes are as the numerous locusts,\n And thy captains as the grasshoppers;\n Which encamp in the fences in the cold day,\n But when the sun ariseth they depart,\n And their place is not known where they were.\u201d\n\nSee also De. xxviii. 38, 42; Ps. lxxviii. 46; Am. vii. 1. Comp.\nJu. vi. 3\u20126; vii. 12; and Joel, ch. i. ii. (3) Locusts are an emblem\nof desolation or destruction. No symbol of desolation could be more\nappropriate or striking than this, for one of the most remarkable\nproperties of locusts is, that they devour every green thing and leave\na land perfectly waste. They do this even when what they destroy is not\nnecessary for their own sustenance. \u201cLocusts seem to devour not so much\nfrom a ravenous appetite as from a rage for destroying. Destruction,\ntherefore, and not food, is the chief impulse of their devastations,\nand in this consists their utility; they are, in fact, omnivorous.\nThe most poisonous plants are indifferent to them; they will prey even\nupon the crowfoot, whose causticity burns even the hides of beasts.\nThey simply consume _everything_, {213} without predilection\u2015\u2015vegetable\nmatter, linens, woollens, silk, leather, &c.; and Pliny does not\nexaggerate when he says, _fores quoque tectorum_\u2015\u2015\u2018even the doors\nof houses\u2019\u2015\u2015for they have been known to consume the very varnish of\nfurniture. They reduce everything indiscriminately to shreds, which\nbecome manure\u201d (Kitto\u2019s _Encyclo._ ii. 263). Locusts become, therefore,\na most striking symbol of an all-devouring army, and as such are often\nreferred to in Scripture. So also in Josephus, _de Bello Jud._ book v.\nch. vii.:\u2015\u2015\u201cAs after locusts we see the woods stripped of their leaves,\nso, in the rear of Simon\u2019s army, nothing but devastation remained.\u201d\nThe _natural_ application of this symbol, then, is to a numerous and\ndestructive army, or to a great multitude of people committing ravages,\nand sweeping off everything in their march. \u00b6 _And unto them was given\npower._ This was something that was _imparted_ to them beyond their\nordinary nature. The locust in itself is not strong, and is not a\nsymbol of strength. Though destructive in the extreme, yet neither\nas individuals, nor as combined, are they distinguished for strength.\nHence it is mentioned as a remarkable circumstance that they had such\npower conferred on them. \u00b6 _As the scorpions of the earth have power._\nThe phrase \u201cthe earth\u201d seems to have been introduced here because these\ncreatures are said to have come up from \u201cthe bottomless pit,\u201d and it\nwas natural to compare them with some well-known objects found on the\nearth. The scorpion is an animal with eight feet, eight eyes, and a\nlong, jointed tail, ending in a pointed weapon or sting. It is the\nlargest and the most malignant of all the insect tribes. It somewhat\nresembles the lobster in its general appearance, but is much more\nhideous. See Notes on Lu. x. 19. Those found in Europe seldom exceed\nfour inches in length, but in tropical climates, where they abound,\nthey are often found twelve inches long. There are few animals more\nformidable, and none more irascible, than the scorpion. Goldsmith\nstates that Maupertuis put about a hundred of them together in the\nsame glass, and that as soon as they came into contact they began\nto exert all their rage in mutual destruction, so that in a few days\nthere remained but fourteen, which had killed and devoured all the\nrest. The sting of the scorpion, Dr. Shaw states, is not always\nfatal; the malignity of their venom being in proportion to their\nsize and complexion. The torment of a scorpion, when he strikes a\nman, is thus described by Dioscorides, lib. vii. cap. 7, as cited by\nMr. Taylor:\u2015\u2015\u201cWhen the scorpion has stung, the place becomes inflamed\nand hardened; it reddens by tension, and is painful by intervals, being\nnow chilly, now burning. The pain soon rises high, and rages, sometimes\nmore, sometimes less. A sweating succeeds, attended by a shivering and\ntrembling; the extremities of the body become cold, the groin swells,\nthe hair stands on end, the members become pale, and the skin feels\nthroughout the sensation of a perpetual pricking, as if by needles\u201d\n(Fragments to Calmet\u2019s _Dic._ vol. iv. p. 376, 377). \u201cThe tail of the\nscorpion is long, and formed after the manner of a string of beads,\nthe last larger than the others, and longer; at the end of which are,\nsometimes, two stings which are hollow, and filled with a cold poison,\nwhich it ejects into the part which it stings\u201d (Calmet\u2019s _Dic._).\nThe sting of the scorpion, therefore, becomes the emblem of that\nwhich causes acute and dangerous suffering. On this comparison with\n_scorpions_ see the remark of Niebuhr, quoted in the Notes on ver. 7.\n\n\n 4 And it was [286]commanded them that they should not hurt the\n grass of the earth, neither any green thing, neither any tree;\n but only those men which have not the [287]seal of God in\n their foreheads.\n\n4. _And it was commanded them._ The writer does not say _by whom_ this\ncommand was given, but it is clearly by some one who had the direction\nof them. As they were evoked from the \u201cbottomless pit\u201d by one who had\nthe key to that dark abode, and as they are represented in ver. 11 as\nunder the command of one who is there called Abaddon, or Apollyon\u2015\u2015the\nDestroyer\u2015\u2015it would seem most probable that the command referred\nto is one that is given by him; that is, that this expresses one\nof the principles on which he would act in his devastations. At all\nevents, this denotes what would be one of the characteristics of these\ndestroyers. Their purpose {214} would be to vex and trouble men; not\nto spread desolation over vineyards, olive-yards, and fields of grain.\n\u00b6 _That they should not hurt the grass of the earth_, &c. See Notes on\nch. viii. 7. The meaning here is plain. There would be some sense in\nwhich these invaders would be characterized in a manner that was not\ncommon among invaders, to wit, that they would show particular care\nnot to carry their devastations into the vegetable world. Their warfare\nwould be with men, and not with orchards and green fields. \u00b6 _But only\nthose men which have not the seal of God in their foreheads._ See Notes\non ch. vii. 2, 3. They commenced war against that part of the human\nrace only. The _language_ here properly denotes those who were not the\nfriends of God. It may here refer, however, either to those who _in\nreality_ were not such, or to those who were regarded by him who gave\nthis command as not being such. In the former case, the commission\nwould have respect to real infidels in the sight of God\u2015\u2015that is, to\nthose who rejected the true religion; in the latter it would express\nthe sentiment of the leader of this host, as referring to those\nwho in _his_ apprehension were infidels or enemies of God. The true\ninterpretation must depend on the sense in which we understand the\nphrase \u201cit was commanded;\u201d whether as referring to God, or to the\nleader of the host himself. The language, therefore, is ambiguous,\nand the meaning must be determined by the other parts of the passage.\nEither method of understanding the passage would be in accordance with\nits fair interpretation.\n\n\n 5 And to them it was given that they should not kill them, but\n that they should be tormented five months: and their torment\n _was_ as the torment of a scorpion, when he striketh a man.\n\n5. _And to them it was given._ There is here the same indefiniteness\nas in the former verse, the impersonal verb being here also used. The\nwriter does not say _by whom_ this power was given, whether by God, or\nby the leader of the host. It may be admitted, however, that the most\nnatural interpretation is to suppose that it was given them by God, and\nthat this was the execution of _his_ purpose in this case. Still it is\nremarkable that this is not directly affirmed, and that the language is\nso general as to admit of the other application. The _fact_ that they\ndid not kill them, but tormented them\u2015\u2015if such a fact should be found\nto exist\u2015\u2015would be in every sense a fulfilment of what is here said.\n\u00b6 _That they should not kill them._ This is in accordance with the\nnature of the symbol. The locusts do not themselves destroy any living\ncreature; and the sting of the scorpion, though exceedingly painful, is\nnot usually fatal. The proper fulfilment of this would be found in that\nwhich would not be generally fatal, but which would diffuse misery and\nwretchedness. (Comp. ver. 6.) _Perhaps_ all that would be necessarily\nmeant by this would be, not that individual _men_ would not be killed,\nbut that they would be sent to inflict plagues and torments rather than\nto take life, and that the characteristic effects of their appearing\nwould be distress and suffering rather than death. There may be\nincluded in the fair interpretation of the words, general distress and\nsorrow; acts of oppression, cruelty, and violence; such a condition\nof public suffering that men would regard death as a relief if they\ncould find it. \u00b6 _But that they should be tormented._ That is, that\nthey should be subjected to ills and troubles which might be properly\ncompared with the sting of a scorpion. \u00b6 _Five months._ So far as the\n_words_ here are concerned this might be taken literally, denoting\nfive months or one hundred and fifty days; or as a prophetic reckoning,\nwhere a day stands for a year. Comp. Notes on Da. ix. 24, seq. The\nlatter is undoubtedly the correct interpretation here, for it is the\ncharacter of the book thus to reckon time. See Notes on ver. 15. [See\nalso Editor\u2019s Preface, pp. xi.\u2012xv.] If this be the true method of\nreckoning here, then it will be necessary to find some events which\nwill embrace about the period of one hundred and fifty years, during\nwhich this distress and sorrow would continue. The proper laws of\ninterpretation demand that one or the other of these periods should\nbe found\u2015\u2015either that of five months literally, or that of a hundred\nand fifty years. It may be true, as Professor Stuart suggests\n(_in loco_), that \u201cthe usual time of locusts is from May to September\ninclusive\u2015\u2015five months.\u201d It may be true, also, that this symbol was\nchosen partly _because_ that was the fact, and they would, from that\nfact, be well adapted to symbolize {215} a period that could be spoken\nof as \u201cfive months;\u201d but still the meaning must be more than simply it\nwas \u201c_a short period_,\u201d as he supposes. The phrase _a few months_ might\ndesignate such a period; but if that had been the writer\u2019s intention,\nhe would not have selected the definite number _five_. \u00b6 _And their\ntorment |was| as the torment of a scorpion_, &c. See Notes on ver. 3.\nThat is, it would be painful, severe, dangerous.\n\n\n 6 And in those days shall [288]men seek death, and shall not\n find it; and shall desire to die, and death shall flee from\n them.\n\n6. _And in those days shall men seek death_, &c. See Notes on ver. 5.\nIt is very easy to conceive of such a state of things as is here\ndescribed, and, indeed, this has not been very uncommon in the world.\nIt is a state where the distress is so great that men would consider\ndeath a relief, and where they anxiously look to the time when they may\nbe released from their sufferings by death. In the case before us it is\nnot intimated that they would lay violent hands on themselves, or that\nthey would take any positive measures to end their sufferings; and this,\nperhaps, _may be_ a circumstance of some importance to show that the\npersons referred to were servants of God. When it is said that \u201cthey\nwould _seek_ death,\u201d it can only be meant that they would look out for\nit\u2015\u2015or desire it\u2015\u2015as the end of their sorrows. This is descriptive, as\nwe shall see, of a particular period of the world; but the _language_\nis beautifully applicable to what occurs in all ages and in all lands.\nThere is always a great number of sufferers who are looking forward\nto death as a relief. In cells and dungeons; on beds of pain and\nlanguishing; in scenes of poverty and want; in blighted hopes and\ndisappointed affections, how many are there who would be glad to die,\nand who have no hope of an end of suffering but in the grave! A few, by\nthe pistol, by the halter, by poison, or by drowning, seek thus to end\ntheir woes. A large part look forward to death as a release, when, if\nthe reality were known, death would furnish no such relief, for there\nare deeper and longer woes beyond the grave than there are this side\nof it. Comp. Notes on Job iii. 20\u201222. But to a portion death _will_\nbe a relief. It will be an end of sufferings. They will find peace in\nthe grave, and are assured they shall suffer no more. Such bear their\ntrials with patience, for the end of _all_ sorrow to them is near, and\ndeath will come to release their spirits from the suffering clay, and\nto bear them in triumph to a world where a pang shall never be felt,\nand a tear never shed.\n\n\n 7 And the [289]shapes of the locusts _were_ like unto horses\n prepared unto battle; and on their heads _were_ as it were\n [290]crowns like gold, and their [291]faces _were_ as the\n faces of men.\n\n7. _And the shapes of the locusts |were| like unto horses prepared for\nbattle._ The resemblance between the locust and the horse, dissimilar\nas they are in most respects, has been often remarked. Dr. Robinson\n(_Bib. Research_, i. 59) says: \u201cWe found to-day upon the shrubs an\ninsect, either a species of black locust, or much resembling them,\nwhich our Bedouin called _Farras el Jundy_, \u2018soldiers\u2019 horses.\u2019 They\nsaid these insects were common on Mount Sinai, of a green colour, and\nwere found on dead trees, but did them no injury.\u201d The editor of the\n_Pictorial Bible_ makes the following remarks:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe first time we saw\nlocusts browsing with their wings closed, the idea of comparing them\nto horses arose spontaneously to our minds\u2015\u2015as we had not previously\nmet with such a comparison, and did not at that time advert to the\npresent text [Joel ii. 4]. The resemblance in the head first struck\nour attention; and this notion having once arisen, other analogies\nwere found or imagined in its general appearance and action in feeding.\nWe have since found the observation very common. The Italians, indeed,\nfrom this resemblance, called the locust _cavaletta_, or _little horse_.\nSir W. Ouseley reports: \u2018Zakaria Cazvine divides the locusts into two\nclasses, like horsemen and footmen\u2015\u2015mounted and pedestrian.\u2019 Niebuhr\nsays that he heard from a Bedouin, near Bussorah, a particular\ncomparison of the locust to other animals; but as this passage of\nScripture did not occur to him at the time he thought it a mere fancy\nof the Arab\u2019s, till he heard it repeated at Bagdad. He compared the\nhead of the locust to that of the horse; the feet to those of the\ncamel; {216} the belly with that of a serpent; the tail with that of a\nscorpion; and the feelers (if Niebuhr remembered rightly) to the hair\nof a virgin\u201d (_Pict. Bib._ on Joel ii. 4). The resemblance to horses\nwould naturally suggest the idea of _cavalry_, as being referred to by\nthe symbol. \u00b6 _And on their heads |were| as it were crowns like gold._\nThe writer does not say either that these were literally _crowns_, or\nthat they were actually made of _gold_. They were \u201c_as it were_\u201d (\u1f61\u03c2)\n_crowns_, and they were _like_ (\u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2) _gold_. That is, as seen by him,\nthey had a resemblance to crowns or diadems, and they also resembled\ngold in their colour and brilliancy. The word _crown_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015means\nproperly a circlet, chaplet, encircling the head (a) as an emblem of\nroyal dignity, and as worn by kings; (b) as conferred on victors in\nthe public games\u2015\u2015a chaplet, a wreath; (c) as an ornament, honour,\nor glory, Phi. iv. 1. No particular _shape_ is designated by the word\n\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015_stephanos_\u2015\u2015and perhaps the word _crown_ does not quite\nexpress the meaning. The word _diadem_ would come nearer to it. The\ntrue notion in the word is that of something that is passed around the\nhead, and that encircles it, and as such it would well describe the\nappearance of a _turban_ as seen at a distance. On the supposition that\nthe symbolic beings here referred to had turbans on their heads, and\non the supposition that something was referred to which was not much\nworn in the time of John, and, therefore, that had no name, the word\n_stephanos_, or _diadem_, would be likely to be used in describing it.\nThis, too, would accord with the use of the phrase \u201c_as it were_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f61\u03c2.\nThe writer saw such head-ornaments as he was accustomed to see. They\nwere not _exactly_ crowns or diadems, but they had a resemblance to\nthem, and he therefore uses this language: \u201cand on their heads were _as\nit were_ crowns.\u201d Suppose that these were _turbans_, and that they were\nnot in common use in the time of John, and that they had, therefore,\nno name, would not this be the exact language which he would use in\ndescribing them? The same remarks may be made respecting the other\nexpression. \u00b6 _Like gold._ They were not pure gold, but they had a\nresemblance to it. Would not a yellow turban correspond with all that\nis said in this description? \u00b6 _And their faces |were| as the faces\nof men._ They had a human countenance. This would indicate that, after\nall, they were human beings that the symbol described, though they had\ncome up from the bottomless pit. Horsemen, in strange apparel, with a\nstrange head-dress, would be all that would be properly denoted by this.\n\n\n 8 And they had hair as the hair of women, and their [292]teeth\n were as _the teeth_ of lions.\n\n8. _And they had hair as the hair of women._ Long hair; not such as men\ncommonly wear, but such as women wear. See Notes on 1 Co. xi. 14. This\nstruck John as a peculiarity, that, though warriors, they should have\nthe appearance of effeminacy indicated by allowing their hair to grow\nlong. It is clear from this, that John regarded their appearance as\nunusual and remarkable. Though manifestly designed to represent an army,\nyet it was not the usual appearance of men who went forth to battle.\nAmong the Greeks of ancient times, indeed, long hair was not uncommon\n(see the Notes above referred to on 1 Co. xi. 14), but this was by no\nmeans the usual custom among the ancients; and the fact that these\nwarriors had long hair like women was a circumstance that would\ndistinguish them particularly from others. On this comparison of the\nappearance of the locusts with the hair of women see the remarks of\nNiebuhr, in the Notes on ver. 7. \u00b6 _And their teeth were as |the teeth|\nof lions._ Strong; fitted to devour. The teeth of the locust are by\nno means prominent, though they are strong, for they readily cut down\nand eat up all vegetable substances that come in their way. But it is\nevident that John means to say that there was much that was unusual and\nremarkable in the teeth of these locusts. They would be ravenous and\nfierce, and would spread terror and desolation like the lions of the\ndesert.\n\n\n 9 And they had breastplates, as it were breastplates of\n iron; and the sound of their wings _was_ as the [293]sound\n of chariots of many horses running to battle.\n\n9. _And they had breastplates, as it were breastplates of iron._ Hard,\nhorny, impenetrable, _as if_ they were made of {217} iron. The locust\n_has_ a firm and hard cuticle on the forepart of the breast, which\nserves for a shield or defence while it moves in the thorny and furzy\nvegetation. On those which John saw this was peculiarly hard and horny,\nand would thus be well adapted to be an emblem of the breastplates\nof iron commonly worn by ancient warriors. The meaning is, that the\nwarriors referred to would be well clad with defensive armour. \u00b6 _And\nthe sound of their wings |was| as the sound of chariots of many horses\nrunning to battle._ The noise made by locusts is often spoken of by\ntravellers, and the comparison of that noise with that of chariots\nrushing to battle, is not only appropriate, but also indicates\nclearly what was symbolized. It was _an army_ that was symbolized,\nand everything about them served to represent hosts of men well armed,\nrushing to conflict. The same thing here referred to is noticed by\nJoel, ch. ii. 4, 5, 7:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cThe appearance of them is as the appearance of horses;\n And as horsemen so shall they run.\n Like the noise of chariots on the tops of mountains, shall\n they leap;\n Like the noise of a flame of fire that devoureth the stubble;\n As a strong people set in battle array.\n They shall run like mighty men;\n They shall climb the wall like men of war;\n And they shall march every one his ways, and shall not break\n their ranks,\u201d &c.\n\nIt is remarkable that Volney, who had no intention of illustrating\nthe truth of Scripture, has given a description of locusts, _as if_ he\nmeant to confirm the truth of what is here said. \u201cSyria,\u201d says he, \u201cas\nwell as Egypt, Persia, and almost all the south of Asia, is subject\nto another calamity no less dreadful [than earthquakes]; I mean those\n_clouds_ of locusts so often mentioned by travellers. The quantity of\nthese insects is incredible to all who have not themselves witnessed\ntheir astounding numbers; the whole earth is covered with them for\nthe space of several leagues. The _noise_ they make in browsing on the\ntrees and herbage may be heard to a great distance, and resembles that\nof an army foraging in secret\u201d (_Travels in Egypt and Syria_, vol. i.\npp. 283, 284).\n\n\n 10 And they had tails like unto scorpions, and there were\n stings in their tails: and [294]their power _was_ to hurt men\n five months.\n\n10. _And they had tails like unto scorpions._ The fancy of an Arab now\noften discerns a resemblance between the tail of the locust and the\nscorpion. See the remark of Niebuhr, quoted in the Notes on ver. 7.\n\u00b6 _And there were stings in their tails._ Like the stings of scorpions.\nSee Notes on ver. 3. This made the locusts which appeared to John the\nmore remarkable, for though the fancy may imagine a resemblance between\nthe tail of a locust and a scorpion, yet the locusts have properly\nno sting. The only thing which they have resembling a sting is a hard\nbony substance like a needle, with which the female punctures the bark\nand wood of trees in order to deposit her eggs. It has, however, no\nadaptation, like a sting, for conveying poison into a wound. These,\nhowever, appeared to be armed with stings properly so called. \u00b6 _And\ntheir power |was| to hurt men._ Not primarily to _kill_ men, but to\ninflict on them various kinds of tortures. See Notes on ver. 5. The\nword here used\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u1fc6\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9, rendered _to hurt_\u2015\u2015is different from the\nword in ver. 5\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03b9\u03c3\u03b8\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9, rendered _should be tormented_. This word\nproperly means _to do wrong_, _to do unjustly_, _to injure_, _to hurt_;\nand the two words would seem to convey the idea that they would produce\ndistress by _doing wrong_ to others, or by dealing unjustly with\nthem. It does not appear that the wrong would be by inflicting bodily\ntorments, but would be characterized by that injustice towards others\nwhich produces distress and anguish. \u00b6 _Five months._ See Notes on\nver. 5; [also Editor\u2019s Preface, page xxiv].\n\n\n 11 And they had a [295]king over them, _which is_ the angel\n of the bottomless pit, whose name in the Hebrew tongue _is_\n Abaddon, but in the Greek tongue hath _his_ name [296]Apollyon.\n\n11. _And they had a king over them._ A ruler who marshalled their\nhosts. Locusts often, and indeed generally, move in bands, though they\ndo not appear to be under the direction of any one as a particular\nruler or guide. In this case it struck John as a remarkable peculiarity\nthat they _had_ a king\u2015\u2015a king who, it would seem, had the absolute\ncontrol, and to whom was to {218} be traced all the destruction which\nwould ensue from their emerging from the bottomless pit. \u00b6 _|Which is|\nthe angel of the bottomless pit_. See Notes on ver. 1. The word _angel_\nhere would seem to refer to the chief of the evil angels, who presided\nover the dark and gloomy regions from whence the locusts seemed to\nemerge. This may either mean that this evil angel seemed to command\nthem personally, or that his spirit was infused into the leader\nof these hosts. \u00b6 _Whose name in the Hebrew tongue |is| Abaddon._\nThe name Abaddon means literally _destruction_, and is the same as\nApollyon. \u00b6 _But in the Greek tongue hath |his| name Apollyon._ From\n\u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03bb\u03c5\u03bc\u03b9\u2015\u2015_to destroy_. The word properly denotes a destroyer, and the\nname is given to this king of the hosts, represented by the locusts,\nbecause this would be his principal characteristic.\n\nAfter this minute explanation of the literal meaning of the symbol,\nit may be useful, before attempting to apply it, and to ascertain the\n_events_ designed to be represented, to have a distinct impression\nof the principal image\u2015\u2015the locust. It is evident that this is, in\nmany respects, a creature of the imagination, and that we are not to\nexpect the exact representation to be found in any forms of actual\nexistence in the animal creation. The following engraving, prepared\nby Mr. Elliott (vol. i. p. 410), will give a sufficiently accurate\nrepresentation of this symbolical figure as it appeared to John.\n\n Illustration: Symbolical Locust, according to Elliott.\n\nThe question now is, whether any events occurred in history, subsequent\nto and succeeding those supposed to be referred to in the fourth\ntrumpet, to which this symbol would be applicable. Reasons have already\nbeen suggested for supposing that there was a transfer of the seat of\nthe operations to another part of the world. The first four trumpets\nreferred to a continual series of events of the same general character,\nand having a proper close. These have been explained as referring\nto the successive shocks which terminated in the downfall of the\nWestern empire. At the close of that series there is a pause in the\nrepresentation (ch. viii. 13), and a solemn proclamation that other\nscenes were to open distinguished for woe. These were to be symbolized\nin the sounding of the remaining three trumpets, embracing the whole\nperiod till the consummation of all things\u2015\u2015or sketching great and\nmomentous events in the future, until the volume sealed with the seven\nseals (ch. v. 1) should have been wholly unrolled and its contents\ndisclosed. The whole scene now is changed. Rome has fallen. It has\npassed into the hands of strangers. The power that had spread itself\nover the world has, in that form, come to an end, and is to exist no\nmore\u2015\u2015though, as we shall see (ch. xi. seq.), _another_ power, quite as\nformidable, existing there, is to be described by a new set of symbols.\nBut here (ch. ix.) a new power appears. The scenery is all Oriental,\nand clearly has reference to events that were to spring up in the East.\nWith surprising unanimity, commentators have agreed in regarding this\nas referring to the empire of the Saracens, or to the rise and progress\nof the religion and the empire set up by Mahomet. The inquiry now is,\nwhether the circumstances introduced into the symbol find a proper\nfulfilment in the rise of the Saracenic power, and in the conquests of\nthe Prophet of Mecca.\n\n(1) _The country where the scene is laid._ As already remarked, the\nscene is Oriental\u2015\u2015for the mention of locusts naturally suggests the\nEast\u2015\u2015that being the part of the world where they abound, and they\nbeing in fact peculiarly an Oriental plague. It may now be added,\nthat in a more strict and proper sense Arabia may be intended; that is,\nif it be admitted that the design was to symbolize events pertaining\nto Arabia, or the gathering of the hosts of Arabia for conquest,\nthe symbol of _locusts_ would have been employed for the locust, the\ngroundwork of the symbol is peculiarly Arabic. It was the east wind\nwhich brought the locusts on Egypt (Ex. x. 13), and they must therefore\nhave come from some portion of Arabia\u2015\u2015for Arabia is the land that\nlies over against Egypt in the east. Such, too, is the testimony {219}\nof Volney; \u201cthe most judicious,\u201d as Mr. Gibbon calls him, \u201cof modern\ntravellers.\u201d \u201cThe inhabitants of Syria,\u201d says he, \u201chave remarked that\nlocusts come constantly from the desert of Arabia,\u201d ch. xx. sect. 5.\nAll that is necessary to say further on this point is, that on the\nsupposition that it was the design of the Spirit of inspiration in\nthe passage before us to refer to the followers of Mahomet, the image\nof the locusts was that which would be naturally selected. There was\nno other one so appropriate and so striking; no one that would so\nnaturally designate the country of Arabia. As some confirmation of\nthis, or as showing how _natural_ the symbol would be, a remark may be\nintroduced from Mr. Forster. In his _Mohammedanism Unveiled_, vol. i.\np. 217, he says, \u201cIn the Bedoween romance of _Antar_, the _locust_\nis introduced as the national emblem of the Ishmaelites. And it is\na remarkable coincidence that Mohammedan tradition speaks of locusts\nhaving dropped into the hands of Mohammed, bearing on their wings this\ninscription\u2015\u2015\u2018We are the army of the Great God.\u2019\u201d These circumstances\nwill show the propriety of the symbol on the supposition that it refers\nto Arabia and the Saracens.\n\n(2) _The people._ The question is, whether there was anything in\nthe symbol, as described by John, which would properly designate the\nfollowers of Mahomet, on the supposition that it was designed to have\nsuch a reference. (a) As to _numbers_. \u201cThey (the Midianite Arabs)\ncame as locusts for multitude,\u201d Ju. vi. 5. See Notes on ver. 3. Nothing\nwould better represent the _numbers_ of the Saracenic hordes that\ncame out of Arabia, and that spread over the East\u2015\u2015over Egypt, Libya,\nMauritania, Spain, and that threatened to spread over Europe\u2015\u2015than\nsuch an army of locusts. \u201cOne hundred years after his flight [Mahomet]\nfrom Mecca,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon, \u201cthe arms and the reign of his successors\nextended from India to the Atlantic Ocean, over the various and distant\nprovinces which may be comprised under the names of Persia, Syria,\nEgypt, Africa, and Spain,\u201d vol. iii. p. 410. \u201cAt the end of the first\ncentury of the Hegira the caliphs were the most potent and absolute\nmonarchs on the globe. Under the last of the Ommiades the Arabian\nempire extended two hundred days\u2019 journey from east to west, from the\nconfines of Tartary and India to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean\u201d\n(_ibid._ p. 460). In regard to the immense _hosts_ employed in these\nconquests, an idea may be formed by a perusal of the whole fifty-first\nchapter in Gibbon (vol. iii. pp. 408\u2012461). Those hosts issued primarily\nfrom Arabia, and in their numbers would be well compared with the\nswarms of locusts that issued from the same country, so numerous as\nto darken the sky. (b) The _description_ of the people. \u00b6 _Their faces\nwere as the faces of men._ This would seem to be in contrast with other\npeople, or to denote something that was peculiar in the appearance of\nthe persons represented. In other words, the meaning would seem to be,\nthat there was something manly and warlike in their appearance, so far\nas their _faces_ were concerned. It is remarkable that the appearance\nof the Goths (represented, as I suppose, under the previous trumpets)\nis described by Jerome (comp. on Is. viii.) as quite the reverse. They\nare described as having faces shaven and smooth; faces, in contrast\nwith the bearded Romans, _like women\u2019s faces_.[297] Is it fancy to\nsuppose that the reference here is to the beard and moustache of the\nArabic hosts? We know with what care they regarded the beard; and _if_\na representation was made of them, especially in contrast with nations\nthat shaved their faces, and who thus resembled women, it would be\nnatural to speak of those represented in the symbol as \u201chaving faces\nas the faces of _men_.\u201d \u00b6 _They had hair as the hair of women._ A\nstrange mingling of the appearance of effeminacy with the indication\nof manliness and courage. See Notes on ver. 8. And yet this strictly\naccords with the appearance of the Arabs or Saracens. Pliny, the\ncontemporary of John, speaks of the Arabs then as having the hair\nlong and uncut, with the moustache on the upper lip, or the beard:\nArabes mitrati sunt, aut _intonso crine_. Barba abraditur, _pr\u00e6terquam\nin superiore labro_. Aliis et _h\u00e6c intonsa_ (_Nat. Hist._ vol. vi.\np. 28). So Solinus describes them in the third century (Plurimis crinis\nintonsus, mitrata capita, pars ras\u00e2 in cutem barb\u00e2, c. 53); so Ammianus\nMarcellinus, in the fourth century (_Crinitus_ quidam a Saracenorum\ncuneo, vol. xxxi. p. 16); and so Claudian, Theodore of Mopsuesta, and\nJerome, in the fifth. Jerome lived {220} about two centuries before the\ngreat Saracen invasion; and as he lived at Bethlehem, on the borders\nof Arabia, he must have been familiar with the appearance of the Arabs.\nStill later, in that most characteristic of Arab poems, _Antar_, a poem\nwritten in the time of Mahomet\u2019s childhood, we find the moustache, and\nthe beard, and the long flowing hair on the shoulder, and the turban,\nall specified as characteristic of the Arabians: \u201cHe adjusted himself\nproperly, twisted his whiskers, _and folded up his hair under his\nturban_, drawing it from off his shoulders,\u201d vol. i. p. 340. \u201cHis hair\nflowed down on his shoulders,\u201d vol. i. p. 169. \u201cAntar cut off Maudi\u2019s\nhair in revenge and insult,\u201d vol. iii. p. 117. \u201cWe will hang him up by\nhis hair,\u201d vol. iv. p. 325. See Elliott, vol. i. pp. 411, 412. Comp.\n_Newton on the Prophecies_, p. 485. \u00b6 _And on their heads |were| as\nit were crowns of gold._ See Notes on ver. 7. That is, diadems, or\nsomething that appeared like crowns, or chaplets. This will agree well\nwith the _turban_ worn by the Arabs or Saracens, and which was quite\ncharacteristic of them in the early periods when they became known. So\nin the passage already quoted, Pliny speaks of them as Arabes _mitrati_;\nso Solinus, _mitrata capita_; so in the poem of _Antar_, \u201che folded up\nhis hair _under his turban_.\u201d It is remarkable also that Ezekiel (ch.\nxxiii. 42) describes the turbans of the Sabean or Keturite Arabs under\nthe very appellation here used by John: \u201cSabeans from the wilderness,\nwhich put beautiful _crowns_ upon their heads.\u201d So in the preface to\n_Antar_, it is said, \u201cIt was a usual saying among them, that God had\nbestowed four peculiar things on the Arabs; that their _turbans_ should\nbe unto them instead of _diadems_, their tents instead of walls and\nhouses, their swords instead of intrenchments, and their poems instead\nof written laws.\u201d Mr. Forster, in his _Mohammedanism Unveiled_, quotes\nas a precept of Mahomet: \u201cMake a point of wearing _turbans_, because it\nis the way of angels.\u201d Turbans might then with propriety be represented\nas crowns, and no doubt these were often so gilded and ornamented that\nthey might be spoken of as \u201ccrowns _of gold_.\u201d \u00b6 _They had breastplates,\nas it were breastplates of iron._ See Notes on ver. 9. As a _symbol_,\nthis would be properly descriptive of the Arabians or Saracens. In\nthe poem _Antar_ the steel and iron cuirasses of the Arab warriors are\nfrequently noticed: \u201cA warrior immersed in _steel armour_,\u201d vol. ii.\np. 203. \u201cFifteen thousand men armed with cuirasses, and well accoutred\nfor war,\u201d vol. ii. p. 42. \u201cThey were clothed in iron armour, and\nbrilliant cuirasses,\u201d vol. i. p. 23. \u201cOut of the dust appeared horsemen\nclad in iron,\u201d vol. iii. p. 274. The same thing occurs in the Koran:\n\u201cGod hath given you coats of mail to defend you in your wars,\u201d vol. ii.\np. 104. In the history of Mahomet we read expressly of the cuirasses of\nhimself and of his Arab troops. Seven cuirasses are noted in the list\nof Mahomet\u2019s private armoury (Gagnier, vol. iii. p. 328\u2012334). In his\nsecond battle with the Koreish, seven hundred of his little army are\nspoken of by Mr. Gibbon as armed with cuirasses. See Elliott, vol. i.\np. 413. These illustrations will show with what propriety the locusts\nin the symbol were represented as having breastplates like breastplates\nof iron. On the supposition that this referred to the Arabs and the\nSaracens this would have been the very symbol which would have been\nused. Indeed, all the features in the symbol are precisely such as\n_would_ properly be employed on the supposition that the reference was\nto them. It is true that beforehand it might not have been practicable\nto describe exactly what people were referred to, but (a) it would be\neasy to see that some fearful calamity was to be anticipated from the\nravages of hosts of fearful invaders; and (b) when the events occurred,\nthere would be no difficulty in determining to whom this application\nshould be made.\n\n(3) _The time when this would occur._ As to this there can be no\ndifficulty in the application to the Saracens. On the supposition that\nthe four first trumpets refer to the downfall of the Western empire,\nthen the proper time supposed to be represented by this symbol is\nsubsequent to that; and yet the manner in which the last three trumpets\nare introduced (ch. viii. 13) shows that there would be an _interval_\nbetween the sounding of the last of the four trumpets and the\nsounding of the fifth. The events referred to, as I have supposed, as\nrepresented by the fourth trumpet, occurred in the close of the fifth\ncentury (A.D. 476\u2012490). The principal events in the seventh century\nwere connected with the invasions and conquests of the Saracens. The\ninterval of a century is not more than the fair {221} interpretation of\nthe proclamation in ch. viii. 13 would justify.\n\n(4) _The commission given to the symbolical locusts._ This embraces the\nfollowing things:\u2015\u2015(a) They were not to hurt the grass of the earth,\nnor any green thing; (b) they were especially to go against those who\nhad not the seal of God in their foreheads; (c) they were not to _kill_\nthem, but were to _torment_ them. \u00b6 _They were not to hurt the grass of\nthe earth_, &c. Notes, ver. 4. This agrees remarkably with an express\ncommand in the Koran. The often-quoted order of the Caliph Aboubekir,\nthe father-in-law and successor of Mahomet, issued to the Saracen\nhordes on their invasion of Syria, shows what was understood to be the\nspirit of their religion: \u201cRemember that you are always in the presence\nof God, on the verge of death, in the assurance of judgment, and the\nhope of paradise. Avoid injustice and oppression; consult with your\nbrethren, and study to preserve the love and confidence of your troops.\nWhen you fight the battles of the Lord, acquit yourselves like men,\nwithout turning your backs; _but let not the victory be stained with\nthe blood of women or children. Destroy no palm-trees, nor burn any\nfields of corn. Cut down no fruit-trees, nor do any mischief to cattle,\nonly such as you kill to eat._ When you make any covenant or article,\nstand to it, and be as good as your word. As you go on, you will find\nsome religious persons who live retired in monasteries, and propose\nto themselves to serve God in that way; let them alone, and _neither\nkill them_ [\u2018and to them it was given that they should not kill them,\u2019\nver. 5], nor destroy their monasteries,\u201d &c. (Gibbon, iii. 417, 418).\nSo Mr. Gibbon notices this precept of the Koran: \u201cIn the siege of\nTayaf,\u201d says he, \u201csixty miles from Mecca, Mohammed violated _his own\nlaws_ by the extirpation of the fruit-trees,\u201d ii. 392. The same order\nexisted among the Hebrews, and it is not improbable that Mahomet\nderived his precept from the command of Moses (De. xx. 19), though what\nwas _mercy_ among the Hebrews was probably mere _policy_ with him. This\nprecept is the more remarkable because it has been the usual custom in\nwar, and particularly among barbarians and semi-barbarians, to destroy\ngrain and fruit, and especially to cut down fruit-trees, in order\nto do greater injury to an enemy. Thus we have seen (Notes on ch.\nviii. 7), that in the invasion of the Goths their course was marked\nby desolations of this kind. Thus, in more modern times, it has been\ncommon to carry the desolations of war into gardens, orchards, and\nvineyards. In the single province of Upper Messenia the troops of\nMahomet Ali, in the war with Greece, cut down half a million of\nolive-trees, and thus stripped the country of its means of wealth. So\nScio was a beautiful spot, the seat of delightful villas, and gardens,\nand orchards; and in one day all this beauty was destroyed. On the\nsupposition, therefore, that this prediction had reference to the\nSaracens, nothing could be more appropriate. Indeed, in all the history\nof barbarous and savage warfare it would be difficult to find another\ndistinct command that no injury should be done to gardens and orchards.\n(d) Their commission was expressly against \u201cthose men who had not the\nseal of God in their foreheads.\u201d See Notes on ver. 4. That is, they\nwere to go either against those who were not _really_ the friends of\nGod, or those who _in their estimation_ were not. Perhaps, if there\nwere nothing in the connection to demand a different interpretation,\nthe former would be the most natural explanation of the passage; but\nthe language _may be_ understood as referring to the purpose which\nthey considered themselves as called upon to execute: that is, that\nthey were to go against those whom they regarded as being strangers\nto the true God, to wit, idolaters. Now it is well known that Mahomet\nconsidered himself called upon, principally, to make war with idolaters,\nand that he went forth, professedly, to bring them into subjection to\nthe service of the true God. \u201cThe means of persuasion,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon,\n\u201chad been tried, the season of forbearance was elapsed, and he was\nnow commanded to propagate his religion by the sword, to destroy the\nmonuments of idolatry, and, without regarding the sanctity of days or\nmonths, to pursue the unbelieving nations of the earth,\u201d iii. 387. \u201cThe\nfair option of friendship, or submission, or battle, was proposed to\nthe enemies of Mahomet\u201d (_ibid._). \u201cThe sword,\u201d says Mahomet, \u201cis the\nkey of heaven and hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of God, a\nnight spent in arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting and\nprayer: whosoever falls in battle, his sins are forgiven; at the day\nof judgment his wounds shall be resplendent {222} as vermilion, and\nodoriferous as musk; and the loss of his limbs shall be supplied by the\nwings of angels and cherubim\u201d (Gibbon, iii. 387). The first conflicts\nwaged by Mahomet were against the _idolaters_ of his own country\u2015\u2015those\nwho can, on no supposition, be regarded as \u201chaving the seal of God in\ntheir foreheads;\u201d his subsequent wars were against _infidels_ of all\nclasses; that is, against those whom he regarded as not having the\n\u201cseal of God in their foreheads,\u201d or as being the enemies of God.\n(e) The other part of the commission was \u201cnot to kill, but to torment\nthem.\u201d Notes, ver. 5. Compare the quotation from the command of\nAboubekir, as quoted above: \u201cLet not the victory be stained with the\nblood of women and children.\u201d \u201cLet them alone, and neither kill them\nnor destroy their monasteries.\u201d The meaning of this, if understood\nas applied to their commission against Christendom, would seem to be,\nthat they were not to go forth to \u201ckill,\u201d but to \u201ctorment\u201d them; to\nwit, by the calamities which they would bring upon Christian nations\nfor a definite period. Indeed, as we have seen above, it was an express\ncommand of Aboubekir that they should not put those to death who were\nfound leading quiet and peaceable lives in monasteries, though against\nanother class he _did_ give an express command to \u201ccleave their skulls.\u201d\nSee Gibbon, iii. 418. As applicable to the conflicts of the Saracens\nwith Christians, the meaning here would seem to be, that the power\nconceded to those who are represented by the locusts was not to cut\noff and to destroy the church, but it was to bring upon it various\ncalamities to continue for a definite period. Accordingly, some of the\nseverest afflictions which have come upon the church have undoubtedly\nproceeded from the followers of the Prophet of Mecca. There were times\nin the early history of that religion when, to all human appearance,\nit would universally prevail, and wholly supplant the Christian church.\nBut the church still survived, and no power was at any time given to\nthe Saracenic hosts to destroy it altogether. In respect to this, some\nremarkable facts have occurred in history. The followers of the false\nprophet contemplated the subjugation of Europe, and the destruction of\nChristianity, from two quarters\u2015\u2015the East and the West\u2015\u2015expecting to\nmake a junction of the two armies in the north of Italy, and to march\ndown to Rome. Twice did they attack the _vital_ part of Christendom\nby besieging Constantinople: first, in the seven years\u2019 siege, which\nlasted from A.D. 668 to A.D. 675; and, secondly, in the years 716\u2012718,\nwhen Leo the Isaurian was on the imperial throne. But on both occasions\nthey were obliged to retire defeated and disgraced.\u2015\u2015Gibbon, iii. 461,\nseq. Again, they renewed their attack on the West. Having conquered\nNorthern Africa, they passed over into Spain, subdued that country and\nPortugal, and extended their conquests as far as the Loire. At that\ntime they designed to subdue France, and having united with the forces\nwhich they expected from the East, they intended to make a descent on\nItaly, and complete the conquest of Europe. This purpose was defeated\nby the valour of Charles Martel, and Europe and the Christian world\nwere saved from subjugation (Gibbon, iii. 467, seq.). \u201cA victorious\nline of march,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon, \u201chad been prolonged above a thousand\nmiles, from the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire; the\nrepetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the\nconfines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland. The Rhine is not\nmore impassable than the Nile or the Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet\nmight have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of the Thames.\nPerhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the\nschools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised\npeople the sanctity and truth of the revelations of Mohammed.\u201d The\narrest of the Saracen hosts before Europe was subdued, was what there\nwas no reason to anticipate, and it even yet perplexes historians\nto be able to account for it. \u201cThe calm historian,\u201d says Mr. Gibbon,\n\u201cwho strives to follow the rapid course of the Saracens, must\nstudy to explain by what means the church and state were saved from\nthis impending, and, as it should seem, inevitable danger.\u201d \u201cThese\nconquests,\u201d says Mr. Hallam, \u201cwhich astonish the careless and\nsuperficial, are less perplexing to a calm inquirer than their\ncessation\u2015\u2015the loss of half the Roman empire than the preservation\nof the rest\u201d (_Middle Ages_, ii. 3, 169). These illustrations may\nserve to explain the meaning of the symbol\u2015\u2015that their {223} grand\ncommission was not to annihilate or root out, but to annoy and afflict.\nIndeed, they did not go forth with a primary design to _destroy_. The\nannouncement of the Mussulman always was \u201cthe Koran, the tribute, or\nthe sword,\u201d and when there was submission, either by embracing his\nreligion or by tribute, life was always spared. \u201cThe fair option of\nfriendship, or submission, or battle, \u201d says Mr. Gibbon (iii. 387),\n\u201cwas proposed to the enemies of Mohammed. \u201d Comp. also vol. iii. 453,\n456. The _torment_ mentioned here, I suppose, refers to the calamities\nbrought upon the Christian world\u2015\u2015on Egypt, and Northern Africa, and\nSpain, and Gaul, and the East\u2015\u2015by the hordes which came out of Arabia,\nand which swept over all those countries like a troublesome and\ndestructive host of locusts. Indeed, would _any_ image better represent\nthe effects of the Saracenic invasions than such a countless host of\nlocusts? Even now, can we find an image that would better represent\nthis?\n\n(5) _The leader of this host._ (a) He was like a star that fell\nfrom heaven, (ver. 1), a bright and illustrious prince, _as if_\nheaven-endowed, but fallen. Would anything better characterize the\ngenius, the power, and the splendid but perverted talent of Mahomet?\nMahomet was, moreover, by birth, of the princely house of the Koreish,\ngovernors of Mecca, and to no one could the term be more appropriate\nthan to one of that family. (b) He was a king. That is, there was to be\none monarch\u2015\u2015one ruling spirit to which all these hosts were subject.\nAnd never was anything more appropriate than this title as applied to\nthe leader of the Arabic hosts. All those hosts were subject to one\nmind\u2015\u2015to the command of the single leader that originated the scheme.\n(c) The name _Abaddon_, or _Apollyon_\u2015\u2015_Destroyer_, ver. 11. This name\nwould be appropriate to one who spread his conquests so far over the\nworld; who wasted so many cities and towns; who overthrew so many\nkingdoms; and who laid the foundation of ultimate conquests by which\nso many human beings were sent to the grave. (d) The description of\nthe leader \u201cas the angel of the bottomless pit,\u201d ver. 11. If this be\nregarded as meaning that \u201cthe angel of the bottomless pit\u201d\u2015\u2015the spirit\nof darkness himself\u2015\u2015originated the scheme, and animated these hosts,\nwhat term would better characterize the leader? And if it be a poetic\ndescription of Mahomet as sent out by that presiding spirit of evil,\nhow could a better representative of the spirit of the nether world\nhave been sent out upon the earth than he was\u2015\u2015one more talented,\nmore sagacious, more powerful, more warlike, more wicked, more fitted\nto subdue the nations of the earth to the dominion of the Prince of\nDarkness, and to hold them for ages under his yoke?\n\n(6) _The duration of the torment._ It is said (ver. 5) that this would\nbe five months; that is, prophetically, a hundred and fifty years. See\nNotes on ver. 5. The Hegira, or flight of Mahomet, occurred A.D. 622;\nthe Saracens first issued from the desert into Syria, and began their\nseries of wars on Christendom, A.D. 629. Reckoning from these periods\nrespectively, the five months, or the hundred and fifty years, would\nextend to A.D. 772 or 779. It is not necessary to understand this\nperiod of a hundred and fifty years of the actual continued existence\nof the bodies symbolized by the locusts, but only of the period\nin which they would inflict their \u201ctorment\u201d\u2015\u2015\u201cthat they should be\ntormented five months.\u201d That is, this would be the period of the\n_intensity_ of the woe inflicted by them; there would be at that time\nsome marked intermission of the torrent. The question then is, whether,\nin the history of the Saracens, there was any period after their career\nof conquest had been continued for about a hundred and fifty years,\nwhich would mark the intermission or cessation of these \u201ctorments.\u201d If\nso, then this is all that is necessary to determine the applicability\nof the symbol to the Arabian hordes. Now, in reply to this question,\nwe have only to refer to Mr. Gibbon. The table of contents prefixed\nto chapters forty-one and forty-two of his work would supply all the\ninformation desired. I looked at that table, after making the estimate\nas to what period the \u201cfive months,\u201d or hundred and fifty years, would\nconduct us to, to see whether anything occurred at about that time in\nthe Mahometan power and influence, which could be regarded as marking\nthe time of the intermission or cessation of the calamities inflicted\nby the Arabic hordes on the Christian world. After Mr. Gibbon had\nrecorded in detail (vol. iii. 360\u2012460) the character and conquests of\nthe Arabian {224} hordes under Mahomet and his successors, I find the\nstatement of the decline of their power at just about the period to\nwhich the hundred and fifty years would lead us, for at that very time\nan important change came over the followers of the prophet of Mecca,\nturning them from the love of conquest to the pursuits of literature\nand science. From that period they ceased to be formidable to the\nchurch; their limits were gradually contracted; their power diminished;\nand the Christian world, in regard to them, was substantially at\npeace. This change in the character and purposes of the Saracens\nis thus described by Mr. Gibbon, at the close of the reign of the\ncaliph Abdalrahman, whose reign commenced A.D. 755, and under whom the\n_peaceful_ sway of the Ommiades of Spain began, which continued for a\nperiod of two hundred and fifty years. \u201cThe luxury of the caliphs, so\nuseless to their private happiness, relaxed the nerves, and terminated\nthe progress, of the Arabian empire. Temporal and spiritual conquest\nhad been the sole occupation of the first successors of Mahomet; and\nafter supplying themselves with the necessaries of life, the whole\nrevenue was scrupulously devoted to that salutary work. The Abassides\nwere impoverished by the multitude of their wants, and their contempt\nof economy. Instead of pursuing the great object of ambition, their\nleisure, their affections, and the powers of their minds were diverted\nby pomp and pleasure: the rewards of valour were embezzled by women\nand eunuchs, and the royal camp was encumbered by the luxury of the\npalace. A similar temper was diffused among the subjects of the caliph.\nTheir stern enthusiasm was softened by time and prosperity: they\nsought riches in the occupations of industry, fame in the pursuits of\nliterature, and happiness in the tranquillity of domestic life. War\nwas no longer the passion of the Saracens; and the increase of pay, the\nrepetition of donatives, were insufficient to allure the posterity of\nthose voluntary champions who had crowded to the standard of Aboubekir\nand Omar for the hopes of spoil and of paradise,\u201d iii. 477, 478. Of\nthe Ommiades, or princes who succeeded Abdalrahman, Mr. Gibbon remarks\nin general\u2015\u2015\u201cTheir mutual designs or declarations of war evaporated\nwithout effect; but instead of opening a door to the conquest of\nEurope, Spain was dissevered from the trunk of the monarchy, engaged\nin perpetual hostility with the East, _and inclined to peace and\nfriendship with the Christian sovereigns of Constantinople and France_,\u201d\niii. p. 472. How much does this look like some change occurring by\nwhich they would cease to be a source of \u201ctorment\u201d to the nations with\nwhom they now dwelt! From this period they gave themselves to the arts\nof peace; cultivated literature and science; lost entirely their spirit\nof conquest, and their ambition for universal dominion, until they\ngradually withdrew, or were driven, from those parts of the Christian\nworld where they had inspired most terror, and which in the days of\ntheir power and ambition they had invaded. By turning merely to the\n\u201ctable of contents\u201d of Mr. Gibbon\u2019s history, the following periods,\noccurring at about the time that would be embraced in the \u201cfive months,\u201d\nor hundred and fifty years, are distinctly marked:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cA.D.\n 668\u2012675. First siege of Constantinople by the Arabs.\n 677. Peace and tribute.\n 716\u2012718. Second siege of Constantinople.\n \u201d Failure and retreat of the Saracens.\n \u201d Invention and use of the Greek fire.\n 721. Invasion of France by the Arabs.\n 732. Defeat of the Saracens by Charles Martel.\n \u201d They retreat before the Franks.\n 746\u2012750. The elevation of the Abassides.\n 750. Fall of the Ommiades.\n 755. Revolt of Spain.\n \u201d Triple division of the caliphate.\n 750\u2012960. Magnificence of the caliphs.\n \u201d Its consequences on private and public happiness.\n 754, &c. Introduction of learning among the Arabians.\n \u201d Their real progress in the sciences.\u201d\n\nIt will be seen from this that the decline of their military and civil\npower; their defeats in their attempts to subjugate Europe; their\nturning their attention to the peaceful pursuits of literature and\nscience, synchronize remarkably with the period that would be indicated\nby the five months, or the hundred and fifty years. It should be added,\nalso, that in the year 762, Almanzor, the caliph, built Bagdad, and\nmade it the capital of the Saracen empire. Henceforward that became the\nseat of Arabic learning, luxury, and power, and the wealth and talent\nof the Saracen empire were gradually drawn to that capital, and they\nceased to vex and annoy the Christian world. The {225} building of\nBagdad occurred within just ten years of the time indicated by the\n\u201cfive months\u201d\u2015\u2015reckoning that from the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet; or\nreckoning from the time when Mahomet began to preach (A.D. 609\u2015\u2015Gibbon,\niii. 383), it wanted but three years of coinciding exactly with the\nperiod.\n\nThese considerations show with what propriety the fifth trumpet\u2015\u2015the\nsymbol of the locusts\u2015\u2015is referred to the Arabian hordes under the\nguidance of Mahomet and his successors. On the supposition that it\nwas the design of John to symbolize these events, the symbol has been\nchosen which of all others was best adapted to the end. If, now that\nthese events are past, we should endeavour to find some symbol which\nwould appropriately represent them, we could not find one that would be\nmore striking or appropriate than that which is here employed by John.\n\n\n 12 One[298] woe is past; _and_, behold, there come two woes\n more hereafter.\n\n12. _One woe is past._ The _woe_ referred to in ver. 1\u201211. In ch.\nviii. 13 three woes are mentioned which were to occur successively,\nand which were to embrace the whole of the period comprised in the\nseven seals and the seven trumpets. Under the last of the seals we\nhave considered four successive periods, referring to events connected\nwith the downfall of the Western empire; and then we have found one\nimportant event worthy of a place in noticing the things which would\npermanently affect the destiny of the world\u2015\u2015the rise, the character,\nand the conquests of the Saracens. This was referred to by the first\n_woe-trumpet_. We enter now on the consideration of the second. This\noccupies the remainder of the chapter, and in illustrating it the same\nmethod will be pursued as heretofore: first, to explain the literal\nmeaning of the words, phrases, and symbols; and then to inquire what\nevents in history, if any, succeeding the former, occurred, which would\ncorrespond with the language used. \u00b6 _|And|, behold, there come two\nwoes more hereafter_. Two momentous and important events that will be\nattended with sorrow to mankind. It cannot be intended that there would\nbe no _other_ evils that would visit mankind; but the eye, in glancing\nalong the future, rested on these as having a special pre-eminence in\naffecting the destiny of the church and the world.\n\n\n 13 And the sixth angel sounded, and I heard a voice from the\n four horns of the golden altar which is before God,\n\n13. _And the sixth angel sounded._ See Notes on ch. viii. 2, 7.\n\u00b6 _And I heard a voice from the four horns of the golden altar which\nis before God._ In the _language_ here used there is an allusion to the\ntemple, but the scene is evidently laid in heaven. The temple in its\narrangements was designed, undoubtedly, to be in important respects\na symbol of heaven, and this idea constantly occurs in the Scriptures.\nComp. the Epistle to the Hebrews _passim_. The golden altar stood\nin the holy place, between the table of show-bread and the golden\ncandlestick. See Notes on He. ix. 1, 2. This altar, made of shittim\nor acacia wood, was ornamented at the four corners, and overlaid\nthroughout with lamin\u00e6 of gold. Hence it was called \u201cthe golden altar,\u201d\nin contradistinction from the altar for sacrifice, which was made of\nstone. Comp. Notes on Mat. xxi. 12, seq. On its four corners it had\nprojections which are called _horns_ (Ex. xxx. 2, 3), which seem to\nhave been intended mainly for ornaments. See Jahn, _Arch._ \u00a7 332;\nJoseph. _Ant._ iii. 6, 8. When it is said that this was \u201cbefore God,\u201d\nthe meaning is, that it was directly before or in front of the symbol\nof the divine presence in the most holy place. This image, in the\nvision of John, is transformed to heaven. The voice seemed to come from\nthe very presence of the Deity; from the place where offerings are made\nto God.\n\n\n 14 Saying to the sixth angel, which had the trumpet, Loose the\n four angels which are bound in the great river [299]Euphrates.\n\n14. _Saying to the sixth angel, which had the trumpet._ Notes, ch.\nviii. 2. \u00b6 _Loose_, &c. This power, it would seem, was given to the\nsixth angel in addition to his office of blowing the trumpet. All this,\nof course, was in vision, and cannot be literally interpreted. The\nmeaning is, that the effect of his blowing the trumpet would be the\nsame _as if_ angels that had been bound should be suddenly loosed\nand suffered to go forth over the earth; that is, some event would\noccur which would be properly symbolized by {226} such an act. \u00b6 _The\nfour angels._ Comp. Notes, ch. viii. 2. It was customary to represent\nimportant events as occurring under the ministry of angels. The general\nmeaning here is, that in the vicinity of the river Euphrates there\nwere mighty powers which had been bound or held in check, which were\nnow to be let loose upon the world. What we are to look for in the\nfulfilment is evidently this\u2015\u2015some power that seemed to be kept back\nby an invisible influence as if by angels, now suddenly let loose\nand suffered to accomplish the purpose of desolation mentioned in the\nsubsequent verses. It is not necessary to suppose that angels were\nactually employed in these restraints, though no one can demonstrate\nthat their agency was _not_ concerned in the transactions here referred\nto. Comp. Notes on Da. x. 12, 13. It has been made a question why the\nnumber _four_ is specified, and whether the forces were in any sense\nmade up of four divisions, nations, or people. While nothing certain\ncan be determined in regard to that, and while the number four _may_\nbe used merely to denote a great and strong force, yet it must be\nadmitted that the most obvious interpretation would be to refer it to\nsome combination of forces, or to some union of powers, that was to\naccomplish what is here said. If it had been a single nation, it would\nhave been more in accordance with the usual method in prophecy to have\nrepresented them as restrained by an angel, or by angels in general,\nwithout specifying any number. \u00b6 _Which are bound._ That is, they\n_seemed_ to be bound. There was something which held them, and the\nforces under them, in check, until they were thus commanded to go forth.\nIn the fulfilment of this it will be necessary to look for something\nof the nature of a check or restraint on these forces, until they were\ncommissioned to go forth to accomplish the work of destruction. \u00b6 _In\nthe great river Euphrates._ The well-known river of that name, commonly\ncalled, in the Scriptures, \u201cthe great river,\u201d and, by way of eminence,\n\u201c_the_ river,\u201d Ex. xxiii. 31; Is. viii. 7. This river was on the east\nof Palestine; and the language here used naturally denotes that the\npower referred to under the sixth trumpet would spring up in the East,\nand that it would have its origin in the vicinity of that river. Those\ninterpreters, therefore, who apply this to the invasion of Jud\u00e6a by the\nRomans have great difficulty in explaining this\u2015\u2015as the forces employed\nin the destruction of Jerusalem came from the West, and not from\nthe East. The fair interpretation is, that there were forces in the\nvicinity of the Euphrates which were, up to this period, bound or\nrestrained, but which were now suffered to spread woe and sorrow over\na considerable portion of the world.\n\n\n 15 And the four angels were loosed, which were prepared\n [300]for an hour, and a day, and a month, and a year, for to\n [301]slay the third part of men.\n\n15. _And the four angels were loosed._ Who had this mighty host under\nrestraint. The loosening of the angels was, in fact, also a letting\nloose of all these hosts, that they might accomplish the work which\nthey were commissioned to do. \u00b6 _Which were prepared._ See ver. 7. The\nword here used properly refers to that which is made ready, fitted up,\narranged for anything: as persons prepared for a journey, horses for\nbattle, a road for travellers, food for the hungry, a house to live in,\n&c. See Rob. _Lex._, sub. voce \u1f19\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03ac\u03b6\u03c9. As used here, the word means\nthat whatever was necessary to _prepare_ these angels\u2015\u2015the leaders of\nthis host\u2015\u2015for the work which they were commissioned to perform, was\nnow done, and that they stood in a state of readiness to execute the\ndesign. In the fulfilment of this it will be necessary to look for some\narrangements existing in the vicinity of the Euphrates, by which these\nrestrained hosts were _in a state of readiness_ to be summoned forth to\nthe execution of this work, or in such a condition that they _would_ go\nforth spontaneously if the restraints existing were removed. \u00b6 _For an\nhour_, &c. Marg., _at_. The Greek\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2\u2015\u2015means properly _unto_, _with\nreference to_; and the sense is, that, with reference to that hour,\nthey had all the requisite preparation. Professor Stuart explains it as\nmeaning that they were \u201cprepared for the particular year, month, day,\nand hour, destined by God for the great catastrophe which is to follow.\u201d\nThe meaning, however, rather seems to be that they were prepared, not\nfor the _commencement_ of such a period, but they were prepared for\n_the whole period_ indicated by the hour, the day, the month, and\nthe year; that is, {227} that the continuance of this \u201cwoe\u201d would\nextend along through the whole period. For (a) this is the natural\ninterpretation of the word \u201cfor\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2; (b) it makes the whole sentence\nintelligible\u2015\u2015for though it might be proper to say of anything that it\nwas \u201cprepared for an hour,\u201d indicating the commencement of what was to\nbe done, it is not usual to say of anything that it is \u201cprepared for\nan hour, a month, a day, a year,\u201d when the design is merely to indicate\nthe _beginning_ of it; and (c) it is in accordance with the prediction\nrespecting the first \u201cwoe\u201d (ver. 5), where the time is specified in\nlanguage similar to this, to wit, \u201cfive months.\u201d It seems to me,\ntherefore, that we are to regard the time here mentioned as a prophetic\nindication of the period during which this woe would continue. \u00b6 _An\nhour, and a day, and a month, and a year._ If this were to be taken\nliterally, it would, of course, be but little more than a year. If\nit be taken, however, in the common prophetic style, where a day is\nput for a year (see Notes on Da. ix. 24, seq.; also Editor\u2019s Preface,\np. xxv. &c.), then the amount of time (360 + 30 + 1 + an hour) would be\nthree hundred and ninety-one years, and the portion of a year indicated\nby an hour\u2015\u2015a twelfth or twenty-fourth part, according as the day was\nsupposed to be divided into twelve or twenty-four hours. That this\nis the true view seems to be clear, because this accords with the\nusual style in this book; because it can hardly be supposed that the\n\u201cpreparation\u201d here referred to would have been for so brief a period as\nthe time would be if literally interpreted; and because the mention of\nso small a portion of time as an \u201chour,\u201d if literally taken, would be\nimprobable in so great transactions. The fair interpretation, therefore,\nwill require us to find some events that will fill up the period of\nabout three hundred and ninety-one years. \u00b6 _For to slay the third\npart of men._ Comp. ch. viii. 7, 9, 12. The meaning here is, that the\nimmense host which was restrained on the Euphrates would, when loosed,\nspread desolation over about a third part of the world. We are not\nto suppose that this is to be understood in exactly a literal sense;\nbut the meaning is, that the desolation would be so widespread that\nit would seem to embrace a third of the world. No such event as the\ncutting off of a few thousands of Jews in the siege of Jerusalem would\ncorrespond with the language here employed, and we must look for events\nmore general and more disastrous to mankind at large.\n\n\n 16 And the number of the [302]army of the horsemen _were_\n [303]two hundred thousand thousand: and [304]I heard the\n number of them.\n\n16. _And the number of the army of the horsemen._ It is to be observed\nhere that the strength of the army seemed to be cavalry. In the former\nplagues there is no distinct mention of horsemen; but here that which\nstruck the beholder was the immense and unparalleled number of horsemen.\n\u00b6 _|Were| two hundred thousand thousand._ A thousand thousand are a\nmillion, and consequently the number here referred to would be two\nhundred millions. This would be a larger army than was ever assembled,\nand it cannot be supposed that it is to be taken literally. That it\nwould be a very large host\u2015\u2015so large that it would not be readily\nnumbered\u2015\u2015is clear. The expression in the original, while it naturally\nconveys the idea of an immense number, would seem also to refer to\nsome peculiarity in the manner of reckoning them. The language is, _two\nmyriads of myriads_\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03bc\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd. The myriad was ten thousand.\nThe idea would seem to be this. John saw an immense host of cavalry.\nThey appeared to be divided into large bodies that were in some\ndegree separate, and that might be reckoned by ten thousands. Of these\ndifferent squadrons there were many, and to express their great and\nunusual numbers he said that there seemed to be _myriads_ of them\u2015\u2015two\nmyriads of myriads, or twice ten thousand myriads. The army thus would\nseem to be immense\u2015\u2015an army, as we should say, to be reckoned _by\ntens of thousands_. \u00b6 _And I heard the number of them._ They were so\nnumerous that he did not pretend to be able to estimate the number\nhimself, for it was beyond his power of computation; but he heard it\nstated in these round numbers, that there were \u201ctwo myriads of myriads\u201d\nof them.\n\n\n 17 And thus I saw the horses in the vision, and them that\n sat on them, having breastplates of fire, and of jacinth,\n and brimstone: and the heads of the horses _were_ as [305]the\n heads of lions: and out of their mouths issued fire and smoke\n and brimstone.\n\n17. _And thus I saw the horses in the {228} vision_. That\nis, he saw them as he proceeds to describe them, for the word\n_thus_\u2015\u2015\u03bf\u1f55\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2\u2015\u2015refers to what follows. Comp. Rob. _Lex._ on the word,\n(b), and see Mat. i. 18; ii. 5; Jn. xxi. 1; He. iv. 4. Professor Stuart,\nhowever, refers to what precedes. The meaning, as it seems to me, is,\nthat he fixed his attention on the appearance of the immense army\u2015\u2015the\nhorses and their riders, and proceeded to describe them as they struck\nhim. \u00b6 _And them that sat on them._ He fixed the attention on horse\nand rider. Their appearance was unusual, and deserved a particular\ndescription. \u00b6 _Having breastplates of fire._ That is, those who sat on\nthem had such breastplates. The word here rendered breastplate denoted\nproperly a coat of mail that covered the body from the neck to the\nthighs. See Notes on Ep. vi. 14. This would be a prominent object\nin looking at a horseman. This was said to be composed of \u201cfire, and\njacinth, and brimstone;\u201d that is, the part of the body usually incased\nin the coat of mail had these three colours. The word \u201cfire\u201d here\nsimply denotes _red_. It was burnished and bright, and seemed to be\na blaze of fire. The word \u201cjacinth\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f51\u03b1\u03ba\u03b9\u03bd\u03b8\u03af\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\u2015\u2015means hyacinthine.\nThe colour denoted is that of the hyacinth\u2015\u2015a flower of a deep\npurple or reddish blue. Then it refers to a gem of the same colour,\nnearly related to the _zircon_ of the mineralogists, and the colour\nhere mentioned is deep purple or reddish blue. The word rendered\n\u201cbrimstone\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03ce\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2\u2015\u2015means properly sulphurous, that is, made of\nsulphur, and means here simply _yellow_. The meaning of the whole\nthen is, that these horsemen appeared to be clad in a peculiar kind of\narmour\u2015\u2015armour that shone like fire, mingled with blue and yellow. It\nwill be necessary to look for the fulfilment of this in cavalry that\nwas so caparisoned. \u00b6 _And the heads of the horses |were| as the heads\nof lions._ Resembled, in some respects, the heads of lions. He does\nnot say that they _were_ the heads of lions, or that the riders were on\nmonsters, but only that they, in some respects, _resembled_ the heads\nof lions. It would be easy to give this general appearance by the way\nin which the head-dress of the horses was arrayed. \u00b6 _And out of their\nmouths issued._ That is, _appeared_ to issue. It is not necessary to\nunderstand this as affirming that it actually came from their _mouths_,\nbut only that, to one looking on such an approaching army, it would\nhave this _appearance_. The heathen poets often speak of horses\nbreathing out fire and smoke (Virg. _Geor._ vol. ii. p. 140; iii. 85;\nOvid, _Met._ vol. vii. p. 104), meaning that their _breath_ seemed\nto be mingled smoke and fire. There is an image superadded here not\nfound in any of the classic descriptions, that this was mingled with\n_brimstone_. All this _seemed_ to issue from their mouths\u2015\u2015that is, it\nwas breathed forth in front of the host, as if the horses emitted it\nfrom their mouths. \u00b6 _Fire and smoke and brimstone._ The _exact_ idea,\nwhether that was intended or not, would be conveyed by the discharge\nof musketry or artillery. The fire, the smoke, and the sulphurous smell\nof such a discharge would correspond precisely with this language; and\nif it be supposed that the writer _meant_ to describe such a discharge,\nthis would be the very language that would be used. Moreover, in\ndescribing a battle nothing would be more proper than to say that\nthis _appeared_ to issue from the horses\u2019 mouths. If, therefore, it\nshould be found that there were any events where firearms were used,\nin contradistinction from the ancient mode of warfare, this _language_\nwould be appropriate to describe that; and if it were ascertained that\nthe writer meant to refer to some such fact, then the language here\nused would be that which he would adopt. One thing is certain, that\nthis is _not_ language which would be employed to describe the onset\nof ancient cavalry in the mode of warfare which prevailed then. No one\ndescribing a charge of cavalry among the Persians, the Greeks, or the\nRomans, when the only armour was the sword and the spear, would think\nof saying that there seemed to be emitted from the horses\u2019 mouths fire,\nand smoke, and brimstone.\n\n\n 18 By these three was the third part of men killed, by the\n fire, and by the smoke, and by the brimstone, which issued out\n of their mouths.\n\n18. _By these three._ Three things\u2015\u2015explained {229} immediately as\nreferring to the fire, the smoke, and the brimstone. \u00b6 _Was the third\npart of men killed._ See Notes on ch. viii. 7\u201212, on each of which\nverses we have notices of calamities that came upon the third part of\nthe race, of the sea, of rivers, &c. We are not to suppose that this is\nto be taken literally, but the description is given as it _appeared_ to\nJohn. Those immense numbers of horsemen would sweep over the world, and\na full third part of the race of men would seem to fall before them.\n\n\n 19 For their power is in their mouth, and in their tails: for\n [306]their tails _were_ like unto serpents, and had heads, and\n with them they do hurt.\n\n19. _For their power is in their mouth._ That is, as described in the\nfire, smoke, and brimstone that proceeded out of their mouths. What\nstruck the seer as remarkable on looking on the symbol was, that this\nimmense destruction seemed to proceed out of their mouths. It was not\nthat they trampled down their enemies; nor that they destroyed them\nwith the sword, the bow, or the spear: it was some new and remarkable\npower in warfare\u2015\u2015in which the destruction seemed to proceed from fire,\nand smoke, and sulphur issuing from the mouths of the horses themselves.\n\u00b6 _And in their tails._ The tails of the horses. This, of course, was\nsomething unusual and remarkable in horses, for naturally they have\nno power there. The power of a fish, or a scorpion, or a wasp, may be\nsaid to be in their tails, for their strength or their means of defence\nor of injury are there; but we never think of speaking in this way of\nhorses. It is not necessary, in the interpretation of this, to suppose\nthat the reference is literally to the tails of the horses, any more\nthan it is to suppose that the smoke, and fire, and brimstone literally\nproceeded from their mouths. John describes things as they _appeared_\nto him in looking at them from a considerable distance. From their\nmouths the horses belched forth fire, and smoke, and sulphur, and\neven their tails seemed to be armed for the work of death. \u00b6 _For\ntheir tails |were| like unto serpents._ Not like the tails of serpents,\nbut like serpents themselves. \u00b6 _And had heads._ That is, there was\nsomething remarkable in the position and appearance of their _heads_.\nAll serpents, of course, have heads; but John saw something unusual\nin this\u2015\u2015or something so peculiar in their heads as to attract special\nattention. It would seem most probable that the heads of these serpents\nappeared to extend in every direction\u2015\u2015as if the hairs of the horses\u2019\ntails had been converted into snakes, presenting a most fearful and\ndestructive image. Perhaps it may illustrate this to suppose that there\nis reference to the Amphisb\u00e6na, or two-headed snake. It is said of this\nreptile that its tail resembles a head, and that with this it throws\nout its poison (Lucan, vol. ix. p. 179; Pliny\u2019s _Hist. Nat._ vol. viii.\np. 35). It really has but one head, but its tail has the appearance of\na head, and it has the power of moving in either direction to a limited\ndegree. If we suppose these snakes fastened to the tail of a horse,\nthe appearance of _heads_ would be very prominent and remarkable. The\nimage is that of the power of destruction. They seemed like ugly and\npoisonous serpents instead of tails. \u00b6 _And with them they do hurt._\nNot the main injury, but they have the power of inflicting _some_\ninjury by them.\n\n\n 20 And the rest of the men which were not killed by these\n plagues, [307]yet repented not of the works of their hands,\n that they should not [308]worship devils, and [309]idols of\n gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and of wood: which\n neither can see, nor hear, nor walk.\n\n 21 Neither repented they of their murders, nor of their\n [310]sorceries, nor of their fornication, nor of their thefts.\n\n20, 21. _And the rest of the men which were not killed by these\nplagues_, &c. One third part is represented as swept off, and it might\nhave been expected that a salutary effect would have been produced\non the remainder, in reforming them, and restraining them from error\nand sin. The writer proceeds to state, however, that these judgments\ndid _not_ have the effect which might {230} reasonably have been\nanticipated. No reformation followed; there was no abandonment of the\nprevailing forms of iniquity; there was no change in their idolatry and\nsuperstition. In regard to the _exact_ meaning of what is here stated\n(ver. 20, 21), it will be a more convenient arrangement to consider\nit _after_ we have ascertained the proper application of the passage\nrelating to the sixth trumpet. What is here stated (ver. 20, 21)\npertains to the state of the world _after_ the desolations which would\noccur under this woe-trumpet; and the explanation of the words may be\nreserved, therefore, with propriety, until the inquiry shall have been\ninstituted as to the general design of the whole.\n\nWith respect to the fulfilment of this symbol\u2015\u2015the sixth trumpet\u2015\u2015it\nwill be necessary to inquire whether there has been any event, or class\nof events, occurring at such a time, and in such a manner, as would be\nproperly denoted by such a symbol. The examination of this question\nwill make it necessary to go over the leading points _in_ the symbol,\nand to endeavour to apply them. In doing this I shall simply state,\nwith such illustrations as may occur, what seems to me to have been the\ndesign of the symbol. It would be an endless task to examine all the\nexplanations which have been proposed, and it would be useless to do so.\n\nThe reference, then, seems to me to be to the Turkish power, extending\nfrom the time of the first appearance of the Turks in the neighbourhood\nof the Euphrates, to the final conquest of Constantinople in 1453. The\ngeneral reasons for this opinion are such as the following:\u2015\u2015(a) If\nthe previous trumpet referred to the Saracens, or to the rise of the\nMahometan power among the Arabs, then the Turkish dominion, being\nthe next in succession, would be that which would most naturally be\nsymbolized. (b) The Turkish power rose on the decline of the Arabic,\nand was the next important power in affecting the destinies of the\nworld. (c) This power, like the former, had its seat in the East,\nand would be properly classified under the events occurring there as\naffecting the destiny of the world. (d) The introduction of this power\nwas _necessary_, in order to complete the survey of the downfall of the\nRoman empire\u2015\u2015the great object kept in view all along in these symbols.\nIn the first four of these trumpets, under the seventh seal, we found\nthe decline and fall of the _Western_ empire; in the first of the\nremaining three\u2015\u2015the fifth in order\u2015\u2015we found the rise of the Saracens,\nmaterially affecting the condition of the _Eastern_ portion of the\nRoman world; and the notice of the Turks, under whom the empire at last\nfell to rise no more, seemed to be demanded in order to the completion\nof the picture. As a leading design of the whole vision was to describe\nthe ultimate destiny of that formidable power\u2015\u2015the Roman\u2015\u2015which, in the\ntime when the Revelation was given to John, ruled over the whole world;\nunder which the church was then oppressed; and which, either as a civil\nor ecclesiastical power, was to exert so important an influence on\nthe destiny of the church, it was proper that its history should be\nsketched until it ceased\u2015\u2015that is, until the conquest of the capital\nof the Eastern empire by the Turks. Here the termination of the empire,\nas traced by Mr. Gibbon, closes; and these events it was important to\nincorporate in this series of visions.\n\nThe rise and character of the Turkish people may be seen stated\nin full in Gibbon, _Decline and Fall_, iii. 101\u2012103, 105, 486; iv.\n41, 42, 87, 90, 91, 93, 100, 127, 143, 151, 258, 260, 289, 350. The\nleading facts in regard to the history of the Turks, so far as they\nare necessary to be known before we proceed to apply the symbols, are\nthe following:\u2015\u2015(1) The Turks, or Turkmans, had their origin in the\nvicinity of the Caspian Sea, and were divided into two branches, one\non the east, and the other on the west. The latter colony, in the\ntenth century, could muster forty thousand soldiers; the other numbered\na hundred thousand families (Gibbon, iv. 90). By the latter of these,\nPersia was invaded and subdued, and soon Bagdad also came into their\npossession, and the seat of the caliph was occupied by a Turkish prince.\nThe various details respecting this, and respecting their conversion\nto the faith of the Koran, may be seen in Gibbon, iv. 90\u201293. A mighty\nTurkish and Moslem power was thus concentrated under Togrul, who had\nsubdued the caliph, in the vicinity of the Tigris and the Euphrates,\nextending east over Persia and the countries adjacent to the Caspian\nSea, but it had not yet crossed the Euphrates to carry its conquests to\nthe west. The conquest of Bagdad by Togrul, {231} the first prince of\nthe Seljuk race, was an important event, not only in itself, but as\nit was by this event that the Turk was constituted temporal lieutenant\nof the prophet\u2019s vicar, and so the head of the temporal power of\nthe religion of Islam. \u201cThe conqueror of the East kissed the ground,\nstood some time in a modest posture, and was led toward the throne\nby the vizier and an interpreter. After Togrul had seated himself on\nanother throne his commission was publicly read, which declared him the\ntemporal lieutenant of the prophet. He was successively invested with\nseven robes of honour, and presented with seven slaves, the natives of\nthe seven climates of the Arabian empire, &c. Their alliance [of the\nsultan and the caliph] was cemented by the marriage of Togrul\u2019s sister\nwith the successor of the prophet,\u201d &c. (Gibbon, iv. 93). The conquest\nof Persia, the subjugation of Bagdad, the union of the Turkish power\nwith that of the caliph, the successor of Mahomet, and the foundation\nof this powerful kingdom in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates, is\nall that is necessary to explain the sense of the phrase \u201cwhich were\n_prepared_ for an hour,\u201d &c., ver. 15. The arrangements were then\nmade for the important series of events which were to occur when\nthat formidable power should be summoned from the East, to spread\nthe predicted desolation over so large a part of the world. A mighty\ndominion had been forming in the East that had subdued Persia, and\nthat, by union with the caliphs, by the subjugation of Bagdad, and\nby embracing the Mahometan faith, had become \u201c_prepared_\u201d to play its\nsubsequent important part in the affairs of the world. (2) The next\nimportant event in their history was the crossing of the Euphrates, and\nthe invasion of Asia Minor. The account of this invasion can be best\ngiven in the words of Mr. Gibbon: \u201cTwenty-five years after the death\nof Basil [the Greek emperor], his successors were suddenly assaulted\nby an unknown race of barbarians, who united the Scythian valour with\nthe fanaticism of new proselytes, and the art and riches of a powerful\nmonarchy. The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier of six\nhundred miles from Taurus to Arzeroum, and the blood of one hundred\nand thirty thousand Christians was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian\nprophet. Yet the arms of Togrul did not make any deep or lasting\nimpression on the Greek empire. The torrent rolled away from the open\ncountry; the sultan retired without glory or success from the siege of\nan Armenian city; the obscure hostilities were continued or suspended\nwith a vicissitude of events; and the bravery of the Macedonian legions\nrenewed the fame of the conqueror of Asia. The name of Alp Arslan,\nthe valiant lion, is expressive of the popular idea of the perfection\nof man; and the successor of Togrul displayed the fierceness and\ngenerosity of the royal animal. [\u2018The heads of the horses were as the\nheads of lions.\u2019] He passed the Euphrates at the head of the Turkish\ncavalry, and entered C\u00e6sarea, the metropolis of Cappadocia, to which\nhe had been attracted by the fame and the wealth of the temple of\nSt. Basil\u201d (vol. iv. 93, 94; comp. also p. 95). (3) The next important\nevent was the establishing of the kingdom of _Roum_ in Asia Minor.\nAfter a succession of victories and defeats; after being driven once\nand again from Asia Minor, and compelled to retire beyond its limits;\nand after subjecting the East to their arms (Gibbon, iv. 95\u2012100) in\nthe various contests for the crown of the Eastern empire, the aid of\nthe Turks was invoked by one party or the other until they secured for\nthemselves a firm foothold in Asia Minor, and established themselves\nthere in a permanent kingdom\u2015\u2015evidently with the purpose of seizing\nupon Constantinople itself when an opportunity should be presented\n(Gibbon, iv. 100, 101). Of this kingdom of _Roum_ Mr. Gibbon (iv. 101)\ngives the following description, and speaks thus of the effect of its\nestablishment on the destiny of the Eastern empire: \u201cSince the first\nconquests of the caliphs, the establishment of the Turks in Anatolia,\nor Asia Minor, was the most deplorable loss which the church and empire\nhad sustained. By the propagation of the Moslem faith Soliman deserved\nthe name of Gazi, a holy champion; and his new kingdom of the Romans,\nor of _Roum_, was added to the table of Oriental geography. It is\ndescribed as extending _from the Euphrates to Constantinople_, from the\nBlack Sea to the confines of Syria; pregnant with mines of silver and\niron, of alum and copper, fruitful in corn and wine, and productive\nof cattle and excellent horses. The wealth of Lydia, the arts of the\nGreeks, the splendour of the Augustan age, {232} existed only in books\nand ruins, which were equally obscure in the eyes of the Scythian\nconquerors. By the choice of the Sultan, Nice, the metropolis of\nBithynia, was preferred for his palace and fortress\u2015\u2015the seat of\nthe Seljukian dynasty of Roum was planted one hundred miles from\nConstantinople; and the divinity of Christ was denied and derided in\nthe same temple in which it had been pronounced by the first general\nsynod of the Catholics. The unity of God and the mission of Mahomet\nwere preached in the mosques; the Arabian learning was taught in\nthe schools; the cadis judged according to the law of the Koran; the\nTurkish manners and language prevailed in the cities; and Turkman\ncamps were scattered over the plains and mountains of Anatolia,\u201d &c.\n(4) The next material event in the history of the Turkish power was the\nconquest of Jerusalem. See this described in Gibbon, iv. 102\u2012106. By\nthis the attention of the Turks was turned for a time from the conquest\nof Constantinople\u2015\u2015an event at which the Turkish power all along aimed,\nand in which they doubtless expected to be ultimately successful. Had\nthey not been diverted from it by the wars connected with the Crusades,\nConstantinople would have fallen long before it did fall, for it was\ntoo feeble to defend itself if it had been attacked. (5) The conquest\nof Jerusalem by the Turks, and the oppressions which Christians\nexperienced there, gave rise to the Crusades, by which the destiny\nof Constantinople was still longer delayed. The war of the Crusades\nwas made on the Turks, and as the crusaders mostly passed through\nConstantinople and Anatolia, all the power of the Turks in Asia Minor\nwas requisite to defend themselves, and they were incapable of making\nan attack on Constantinople until after the final defeat of the\ncrusaders and restoration of peace. See Gibbon, iv. 106\u2012210. (6) The\nnext material event in the history of the Turks was the conquest of\nConstantinople in A.D. 1453\u2015\u2015an event which established the Turkish\npower in Europe and completed the downfall of the Roman empire (Gibbon,\niv. 333\u2012359).\n\nAfter this brief reference to the general history of the Turkish power,\nwe are prepared to inquire more particularly whether the symbol in the\npassage before us is applicable to this series of events. This may be\nconsidered in several particulars.\n\n(1) _The time._ If the first woe-trumpet referred to the Saracens,\nthen it would be natural that the rise and progress of the Turkish\npower should be symbolized as the next great fact in history, and as\nthat under which the empire fell. As we have seen, the Turkish power\nrose immediately after the power of the Saracens had reached its height,\nand identified itself with the Mahometan religion; and was, in fact,\nthe next great power that affected the Roman empire, the welfare of the\nchurch, and the history of the world. There can be no doubt, therefore,\nthat the _time_ is such as is demanded in the proper interpretation of\nthe symbol.\n\n(2) _The place._ We have seen (in the remarks on ver. 14) that this was\non or near the river Euphrates, and that this power was long forming\nand consolidating itself on the east of that river before it crossed it\nin the invasion of Asia Minor. It had spread over Persia, and had even\ninvaded the region of the East as far as the Indies; it had secured,\nunder Togrul, the conquest of Bagdad, and had united itself with the\ncaliphate, and was, in fact, a mighty power \u201c_prepared_\u201d for conquest\nbefore it moved to the west. Thus Mr. Gibbon (iv. 92) says, \u201cThe more\nrustic, perhaps the wisest, portion of the Turkmans continued to dwell\nin the tents of their ancestors; and from the Oxus to the _Euphrates_\nthese military colonies were protected and propagated by their native\nprinces.\u201d So again, speaking of Alp Arslan, the son and successor of\nTogrul, he says (iv. 94), \u201cHe passed the _Euphrates_ at the head of\nthe Turkish cavalry, and entered C\u00e6sarea, the metropolis of Cappadocia,\nto which he was attracted by the fame and the wealth of the temple of\nSt. Basil.\u201d If it be admitted that it was _intended_ by John to refer\nto the Turkish power, it could not have been better represented than\nas a power that had been forming in the vicinity of that great river,\nand that was prepared to precipitate itself on the Eastern empire. To\none contemplating it in the time of Togrul or Alp Arslan, it would have\n_appeared_ as a mighty power growing up in the neighbourhood of the\nEuphrates.\n\n(3) _The four angels_: \u201cLoose the four angels which are bound.\u201d\nThat is, loose the powers which are in the vicinity of the Euphrates,\n_as if_ they were under the control of four angels. The most natural\nconstruction of this would {233} be, that under the mighty power that\nwas to sweep over the world, there were four subordinate powers, or\nthat there were such subdivisions that it might be supposed they were\nranged under _four_ angelic powers or leaders. The question is, whether\nthere was any such division or arrangement of the Turkish power, that,\nto one looking on it at a distance, there would _seem_ to be such a\ndivision. In the _History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_\n(iv. 100) we find the following statement:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe greatness and unity\nof the Turkish empire expired in the person of Malek Shah. The vacant\nthrone was disputed by his brother and his four sons; and, after\na series of civil wars, the treaty which reconciled the surviving\ncandidates confirmed a lasting separation in the Persian dynasty, the\noldest and principal branch of the house of Seljuk. The three younger\ndynasties were those of _Kerman_, of _Syria_, and of _Roum_; the first\nof these commanded an extensive, though obscure dominion, on the shores\nof the Indian Ocean; the second expelled the Arabian princes of Aleppo\nand Damascus; and the third (our peculiar care) invaded the Roman\nprovinces of Asia Minor. The generous policy of Malek contributed to\ntheir elevation; he allowed the princes of his blood, even those whom\nhe had vanquished in the field, to seek new kingdoms worthy of their\nambition; nor was he displeased that they should draw away the more\nardent spirits who might have disturbed the tranquillity of his reign.\nAs the supreme head of his family and nation, the great Sultan of\nPersia commanded the obedience and tribute of his royal brethren:\nthe thrones of Kerman and Nice, of Aleppo and Damascus; the atabeks\nand emirs of Syria and Mesopotamia erected their standards under\nthe shadow of his sceptre, and the hordes of Turkmans overspread the\nplains of Western Asia. After the death of Malek the bands of union\nand subordination were gradually relaxed and dissolved; the indulgence\nof the house of Seljuk invested their slaves with the inheritance of\nkingdoms; and, in the Oriental style, a crowd of princes arose from the\ndust of their feet.\u201d Here it is observable, that, at the period when\nthe Turkman hordes were about to precipitate themselves on Europe, and\nto advance to the destruction of the Eastern empire, we have distinct\nmention of _four_ great departments of the Turkish power: the original\npower that had established itself in Persia, under Malek Shah, and the\nthree subordinate powers that sprung out of that of Kerman, Syria, and\nRoum. It is observable (a) that this occurs at the period when that\npower would appear in the East as advancing in its conquests to the\nWest; (b) that it was in the vicinity of the great river Euphrates;\n(c) that it had never before occurred\u2015\u2015the Turkish power having been\nbefore united as one; and (d) that it never afterwards occurred\u2015\u2015for,\nin the words of Mr. Gibbon, \u201cafter the death of Malek the bands of\nunion and subordination were relaxed and finally dissolved.\u201d It would\nnot be improper, then, to look upon this one mighty power as under the\ncontrol of four spirits that were held in check in the East, and that\nwere \u201cprepared\u201d to pour their energies on the Roman empire.\n\n(4) _The preparation_: \u201cPrepared for an hour,\u201d &c. That is, arranged;\nmade ready\u2015\u2015as if by previous discipline\u2015\u2015for some mighty enterprise.\nApplied to the Turkmans, this would mean that the preparation for\nthe ultimate work which they executed had been making as that power\nincreased and became consolidated under Togrul, Alp Arslan, and Malek\nShah. In its successful strides Persia and the East had been subdued;\nthe caliph at Bagdad had been brought under the control of the sultan;\na union had been formed between the Turks and the Saracens; and the\nsultanies of Kerman, Syria, and Roum had been established\u2015\u2015embracing\ntogether all the countries of the East, and constituting this by far\nthe most mighty nation on the globe. All this would seem to be a work\nof _preparation_ to do what was afterwards done as seen in the visions\nof John.\n\n(5) _The fact that they were bound_: \u201cWhich are bound in the great\nriver Euphrates.\u201d That is, they were, as it were, _restrained_ and\n_kept back_ for a long time in that vicinity. It would have been\nnatural to suppose that that vast power would at once move on toward\nthe West to the conquest of the capital of the Eastern empire. Such\nhad been the case with the Huns, the Goths, and the Vandals. But\nthese Turkish hordes had been long restrained in the East. They had\nsubdued Persia. They had then achieved the conquest of India. They had\nconquered Bagdad, and the entire East was under their control. {234}\nYet for a long time they had now been inactive, and it would seem as if\nthey had been _bound_ or _restrained_ by some mighty power from moving\nin their conquests to the West.\n\n(6) _The material that composed the army_: \u201cAnd the number of the army\n_of the horsemen_.\u201d \u201cAnd thus I saw _the horses_ in the vision.\u2015\u2015And\nthe heads of _the horses_ were as the heads of lions.\u201d From this it\nappears that this vast host was composed mainly of cavalry; and it is\nhardly necessary to say that this description would apply better to\nthe Turkish hordes than to any other body of invaders known in history.\nThus Mr. Gibbon (vol. iv. p. 94) says, \u201cThe myriads of the Turkish\n_horse_ overspread a frontier of six hundred miles, from Taurus to\nArzeroum,\u201d A.D. 1050. So again, speaking of Togrul (vol. iv. p. 94),\n\u201cHe passed the Euphrates at the head of the Turkish _cavalry_\u201d\n(_ibid._). So again (vol. iii. p. 95), \u201cAlp Arslan flew to the scene\nof action at the head of forty thousand horse.\u201d A.D. 1071. So in the\nattack of the crusaders on Nice, the capital of the Turkish kingdom\nof Roum, Mr. Gibbon (vol. iv. p. 127) says of the sultan Soliman:\n\u201cYielding to the first impulse of the torrent, he deposited his\ntreasure and family in Nice; retired to the mountains with fifty\nthousand horse,\u201d &c. And so again (_ibid._), speaking of the Turks who\nrallied to oppose the \u201cstrange\u201d invasion of \u201cthe Western barbarians,\u201d\nhe says, \u201cThe Turkish emirs obeyed the call of loyalty or religion;\nthe Turkman hordes encamped round his standard; and his whole force is\nloosely stated by the Christians at two hundred, or even three hundred\nand sixty thousand horse,\u201d A.D. 1097. Every student of history knows\nthat the Turks, or Turkmans, in the early periods of their history,\nwere remarkable for their cavalry.\n\n(7) _Their numbers_: \u201cAnd the number of the army of the horsemen were\ntwo hundred thousand thousand.\u201d That is, it was _vast_, or it was such\nas to be reckoned by _myriads_, or by tens of thousands\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03bc\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2\n\u03bc\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u2015\u2015_two myriads of myriads_. Thus Mr. Gibbon (vol. iv. p. 94)\nsays, \u201cThe _myriads_ of Turkish horse overspread,\u201d &c. It has been\nsuggested by Daubuz that in this there may be probably an allusion to\nthe Turkman custom of numbering by _tomans_, or _myriads_. This custom,\nit is true, has existed elsewhere, but there is probably none with whom\nit has been so familiar as with the Tartars and Turks. In the Seljukian\nage the population of Samarcand was rated at seven _tomans_ (_myriads_),\nbecause it could send out 70,000 warriors. The dignity and rank of\nTamerlane\u2019s father and grandfather was thus described, that \u201cthey\nwere the hereditary chiefs of a _toman_, or 10,000 horse\u201d\u2015\u2015_a myriad_\n(Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 270); so that it is not without his usual\npropriety of language that Mr. Gibbon speaks of the _myriads_ of the\nTurkish horse, or of the cavalry of the earlier Turks of Mount Altai,\n\u201cbeing, both men and horses, proudly computed by _myriads_.\u201d One thing\nis clear, that to no other invading hosts could the language here used\nbe so well applied, and if it were supposed that John was writing\n_after_ the event, this would be the language which he would be likely\nto employ\u2015\u2015for this is nearly the identical language employed by the\nhistorian Gibbon.\n\n(8) _Their personal appearance_: \u201cThem that sat on them having\nbreastplates of fire, and of jacinth, and brimstone\u201d\u2015\u2015as explained\nabove, in a \u201cuniform\u201d of red, and blue, and yellow. This might,\nundoubtedly, be applicable to other armies besides the Turkish hordes;\nbut the proper question here is, whether it _would be_ applicable to\nthem. The fact of the application of the symbol to the Turks in general\nmust be determined from other points in the symbol which designate them\nclearly; the only natural inquiry here is, whether this description\nwould apply to the Turkish hosts; for if it would not, that would\nbe fatal to the whole interpretation. On the application of this\npassage to the Turks Mr. Daubuz justly remarks, that \u201cfrom their\nfirst appearance the Ottomans have affected to wear warlike apparel of\nscarlet, blue, and yellow\u2015\u2015a descriptive trait the more marked from its\ncontrast to the military appearance of the Greeks, Franks, or Saracens\ncontemporarily.\u201d Mr. Elliott adds: \u201cIt only needs to have seen the\nTurkish cavalry (as they _were_ before the late innovations), whether\nin war itself, or in the djerrid war\u2019s mimicry, to leave an impression\nof the absolute necessity of some such notice of their rich and varied\ncolourings, in order to give in description at all a just impression of\ntheir appearance,\u201d vol. i. p. 481.\n\n(9) _The remarkable appearance of the cavalry_: \u201cHaving breastplates\nof fire, and of jacinth, and brimstone; and the {235} heads of the\nhorses were as the heads of lions; and out of their mouths issued fire,\nand smoke, and brimstone.\u201d It was remarked in the exposition of this\npassage that this is just such a description as would be given of an\narmy to which the use of gunpowder was known, and which made use of\nit in these wars. Looking now upon a body of cavalry in the heat of\nan engagement, it would seem, if the cause were not known, that the\nhorses belched forth smoke and sulphurous flame. The only question\nnow is, whether in the warfare of the Turks there was anything which\nwould peculiarly or remarkably justify this description. And here it is\nimpossible not to advert to the historical fact that they were among\nthe first to make use of gunpowder in their wars, and that to the use\nof this destructive element they owed much of their success and their\nultimate triumphs. The historical truth of this it is necessary now to\nadvert to, and this will be done by a reference to Mr. Gibbon, and to\nthe account which he has given of the final conquest of Constantinople\nby the Turks. It will be seen how he puts this new instrumentality of\nwar into the foreground in his account; how prominent this seemed to\n_him_ to be in describing the victories of the Turks; and how probable,\ntherefore, it is that John, in describing an invasion by them, would\nrefer to the \u201cfire and smoke and brimstone,\u201d that seemed to be emitted\nfrom the mouths of their horses. As preparatory to the account of the\nsiege and conquest of Constantinople by the Turks, Mr. Gibbon gives\na description of the invention and use of gunpowder. \u201cThe chemists of\nChina or Europe had found, by casual or elaborate experiments, that\na mixture of saltpetre, sulphur, and charcoal produces, with a spark\nof fire, a tremendous explosion. It was soon observed that if the\nexpansive force were compressed in a strong tube, a ball of stone or\niron might be expelled with irresistible and destructive velocity. The\nprecise era of the invention and application of gunpowder is involved\nin doubtful traditions and equivocal language; yet we may clearly\ndiscern that it was known before the middle of the fourteenth century;\nand that before the end of the same the use of artillery in battles and\nsieges, by sea and land, was familiar to the states of Germany, Italy,\nSpain, France, and England. The priority of nations is of small account;\nnone could derive any exclusive benefit from their previous or superior\nknowledge; and in the common improvement they stood on the same\nlevel of relative power and military science. Nor was it possible to\ncircumscribe the secret within the pale of the church; it was disclosed\n_to the Turks_ by the treachery of apostates and the selfish policy of\nrivals; and the sultans had sense to adopt, and wealth to reward, the\ntalents of a Christian engineer. By the Venetians the use of gunpowder\nwas communicated without reproach to the sultans of Egypt and Persia,\ntheir allies against the Ottoman power; the secret was soon propagated\nto the extremities of Asia; and the advantage of the European was\nconfined to his easy victories over the savages of the New World,\u201d\nvol. iv. p. 291. In the description of the conquest of Constantinople\nMr. Gibbon makes frequent mention of their artillery, and of the\nuse of gunpowder, and of its important agency in securing their final\nconquests, and in the overthrow of the Eastern empire. \u201cAmong the\nimplements of destruction he [the Turkish sultan] studied with peculiar\ncare the recent and tremendous discovery of the Latins; and his\nartillery surpassed whatever had yet appeared in the world. A founder\nof cannon, a Dane or Hungarian, who had almost starved in the Greek\nservice, deserted to the Moslems, and was liberally entertained by\nthe Turkish sultan. Mahomet was satisfied with the answer to his first\nquestion, which he eagerly pressed on the artist: \u2018Am I able to cast a\ncannon capable of throwing a ball or stone of sufficient size to batter\nthe walls of Constantinople? I am not ignorant of their strength, but,\nwere they more solid than those of Babylon, I could oppose an engine\nof superior power; the position and management of that engine must be\nleft to your engineers.\u2019 On this assurance a foundry was established\nat Adrianople; the metal was prepared; and at the end of three months\nUrban produced a piece of brass ordnance of stupendous and almost\nincredible magnitude: a measure of twelve palms is assigned to the\nbore; and the stone bullet weighed above six hundred pounds. A vacant\nplace before the new palace was chosen for the first experiment; but to\nprevent the sudden and mischievous effects of astonishment and fear, a\nproclamation was issued that the cannon would be {236} discharged the\nensuing day. The explosion was felt or heard in a circuit of a hundred\nfurlongs; the ball, by force of gunpowder, was driven above a mile; and\non the spot where it fell it buried itself a fathom deep in the ground,\u201d\nvol. iv. p. 339. So, in speaking of the siege of Constantinople by\nthe Turks, Mr. Gibbon says of the defence by the Christians (vol. iv.\np. 343): \u201cThe incessant volleys of lances and arrows were accompanied\nwith the smoke, the sound, and the fire of their musketry and cannon.\u201d\n\u201cThe same destructive secret,\u201d he adds, \u201chad been revealed to the\nMoslems, by whom it was employed with the superior energy of zeal,\nriches, and despotism. The great cannon of Mahomet has been separately\nnoticed\u2015\u2015an important and visible object in the history of the times;\nbut that enormous engine was flanked by two fellows almost of equal\nmagnitude; the long order of the Turkish artillery was pointed against\nthe walls; fourteen batteries thundered at once on the most accessible\nplaces; and of one of these it is ambiguously expressed that it was\nmounted with one hundred and thirty guns, or that it discharged one\nhundred and thirty bullets,\u201d vol. iv. pp. 343, 344. Again: \u201cThe first\nrandom shots were productive of more sound than effect; and it was by\nthe advice of a Christian that the engineers were taught to level their\naim against the two opposite sides of the salient angles of a bastion.\nHowever imperfect, the weight and repetition of the fire made some\nimpression on the walls,\u201d vol. iv. p. 344. And again: \u201cA circumstance\nthat distinguishes the siege of Constantinople is the reunion of\nthe ancient and modern artillery. The cannon were intermingled with\nthe mechanical engines for casting stones and darts; the bullet\nand the battering-ram were directed against the same walls; nor\nhad the discovery of gunpowder superseded the use of the liquid and\ninextinguishable fire,\u201d vol. iv. p. 344. So again, in the description\nof the final conflict when Constantinople was taken, Mr. Gibbon says,\n\u201cFrom the lines, the galleys, and the bridge, the Ottoman artillery\nthundered on all sides; and the camp and city, the Greeks and the Turks,\nwere involved in a cloud of smoke which could only be dispelled by the\nfinal deliverance or destruction of the Roman empire,\u201d vol. iv. p. 350.\nAssuredly, if such was _the fact_ in the conquests of the Turks, it\nwas not unnatural in one who was looking on these warriors in vision\nto describe them as if they seemed to belch out \u201cfire and smoke and\nbrimstone.\u201d If Mr. Gibbon had _designed_ to describe the conquest of\nthe Turks as a fulfilment of the prediction, could he have done it in\na style more clear and graphic than that which he has employed? If this\nhad occurred in a _Christian_ writer, would it not have been charged on\nhim that he had shaped his facts to meet his notions of the meaning of\nthe prophecy?\n\n(10) The statement that \u201ctheir power was in their mouth, and in their\ntails,\u201d ver. 19. The former part of this has been illustrated. The\ninquiry now is, what is the meaning of the declaration that \u201ctheir\npower was in their tails?\u201d In ver. 19 their tails are described as\nresembling \u201cserpents, having heads,\u201d and it is said that \u201cwith them\nthey do hurt.\u201d See Notes on that verse. The allusion to the \u201cserpents\u201d\nwould seem to imply that there was something in the horses\u2019 tails, as\ncompared with them, or in some _use_ that was made of them, which would\nmake this language proper; that is, that their appearance would so\nsuggest the idea of death and destruction, that the mind would easily\nimagine they were a bundle of serpents. The following remarks may show\nhow applicable this was to the Turks: (a) In the Turkish hordes there\nwas _something_, whatever it was, that naturally suggested _some_\nresemblance to serpents. Of the Turkmans when they began to spread\ntheir conquests over Asia, in the eleventh century, and an effort\nwas made to rouse the people against them, Mr. Gibbon makes the\nfollowing remark: \u201cMassoud, the son and successor of Mahmoud, had too\nlong neglected the advice of his wisest Omrahs. \u2018Your enemies\u2019 [the\nTurkmans], they repeatedly urged, \u2019were in their origin a swarm of\nants; they are now little snakes; and unless they be instantly crushed,\nthey will acquire the venom and magnitude of serpents,\u201d vol. iv. p. 91.\n(b) It is a remarkable fact that the horse\u2019s tail is a well-known\nTurkish standard\u2015\u2015a symbol of office and authority. \u201cThe pashas are\ndistinguished, after a Tartar custom, by three horsetails on the side\nof their tents, and receive by courtesy the title of _beyler bey_,\nor prince of princes. The next in rank are the pashas of two tails,\nthe beys who are honoured with one tail.\u201d\u2015\u2015_Edin. Ency._ {237} (art.\n\u201cTurkey\u201d). In the times of their early warlike career the principal\nstandard was once lost in battle, and the Turkman commander, in default,\ncut off his horse\u2019s tail, lifted it on a pole, made it the rallying\nensign, and so gained the victory. So Tournefort in his _Travels_\nstates. The following is Ferrario\u2019s account of the origin of this\nensign:\u2015\u2015\u201cAn author acquainted with their customs says, that a general\nof theirs, not knowing how to rally his troops that had lost their\nstandards, cut off a horse\u2019s tail, and fixed it to the end of a spear;\nand the soldiers rallying at that signal, gained the victory.\u201d He adds\nfarther, that whereas \u201con his appointment a pasha of the three tails\n_used_ to receive a drum and a standard, now for the _drum_ there have\nbeen substituted three horses\u2019 tails, tied at the end of a spear, round\na gilded haft. One of the first officers of the palace presents him\nthese three tails as a standard\u201d (Elliott, vol. i. pp. 485, 486). This\nremarkable standard or ensign is found only among the Turks, and, if\nthere was an intended reference to them, the symbol here would be the\nproper one to be adopted. The _meaning_ of the passage where it is said\nthat \u201ctheir _power_ is in their tails\u201d would seem to be, that their\ntails were the symbol or emblem of their authority\u2015\u2015as in fact the\nhorse\u2019s tail is in the appointment of a pasha. The _image_ before the\nmind of John would seem to have been, that he saw the horses belching\nout fire and smoke, and, what was equally strange, he saw that their\npower of spreading desolation was connected with the tails of horses.\nAnyone looking on a body of cavalry with such banners or ensigns would\nbe struck with this unusual and remarkable appearance, and would speak\nof their banners as concentrating and directing their power. The above\nengraving, representing the standard of a Turkish pasha, will\nillustrate the passage before us.\n\n Illustration: Standard-bearer of a Turkish Pasha.\n\n(11) The number slain, ver. 18. That is said to have been \u201cthe third\npart of men.\u201d No one in reading the accounts of the wars of the Turks,\nand of the ravages which they have committed, would be likely to feel\nthat this is an exaggeration. It is not necessary to suppose that it is\n_literally_ accurate, but it is such a representation as would strike\none in looking over the world, and contemplating the effect of their\ninvasions. If the other specifications in the symbol are correct, there\nwould be no hesitation in admitting the propriety of this.\n\n(12) The time of the continuance of this power. This is a material,\nand a more difficult point. It is said (ver. 15) to be \u201can hour, and a\nday, and a month, and a year;\u201d that is, as explained, three hundred and\nninety-one years, and the portion of a year indicated by the expression\n\u201can hour;\u201d to wit, an additional twelfth or twenty-fourth part of\na year. The question now is, whether, supposing the time to which\nthis reaches to be the capture of Constantinople, and the consequent\ndownfall of the Roman empire\u2015\u2015the object in view in this series of\nvisions\u2015\u2015in reckoning _back_ from that period for 391 years, we should\nreach an epoch that would properly denote the moving forward of this\npower towards its final conquest; that is, whether there was any such\nmarked epoch that, if the 391 years were added to it, it would reach\nthe year of the conquest of Constantinople, A.D. 1453. The period\nthat would be indicated by taking the number 391 from 1453 would\nbe 1062\u2015\u2015and that is the time in which we are to look for the event\nreferred to. This is on the supposition that the year consisted of 360\ndays, or twelve months of thirty days each. If, however, instead of\nthis, we reckon 365 days and six hours, then the length of time would\nbe found to amount to 396 years and {238} 106 days.[311] This would\nmake the time of the \u201cloosening of the angels,\u201d or the moving forward\nof this power, to be A.D. 1057. In the uncertainty on this point, and\nin the unsettled state of ancient chronology, it would, perhaps, be\nvain to hope for minute accuracy, and it is not reasonable to demand\nit of an interpreter. On any fair principle of interpretation it would\nbe sufficient if at _about_ one of these periods\u2015\u2015A.D. 1062 or A.D.\n1057\u2015\u2015there was found such a definite or strongly marked event as would\nindicate a movement of the hitherto restrained power toward the West.\nThis is the real point, then, to be determined. Now, in a common work\non chronology I find this record: \u201cA.D. 1055, Turks reduce Bagdad, and\noverturn the empire of the caliphs.\u201d In a work still more important to\nour purpose (Gibbon, iv. 92, 93), under the date of A.D. 1055, I find\na series of statements which will show the propriety of referring to\nthat event as the one by which this power, so long restrained, was \u201clet\nloose;\u201d that is, was placed in such a state that its final conquest\nof the Eastern empire certainly followed. The event was the union of\nthe Turkish power with the caliphate in such a way that the sultan was\nregarded as \u201cthe temporal lieutenant of the vicar of the prophet.\u201d Of\nthis event Mr. Gibbon gives the following account. After mentioning the\nconversion of the Turks to the Moslem faith, and especially the zeal\nwith which the son of Seljuk had embraced that faith, he proceeds to\nstate the manner in which the Turkish sultan Togrul came in possession\nof Bagdad, and was invested with the high office of the \u201ctemporal\nlieutenant of the vicar of the prophet.\u201d There were two caliphs,\nthose of Bagdad and Egypt, and \u201cthe sublime character of the successor\nof the prophet\u201d was \u201cdisputed\u201d by them, iv. 93. Each of them became\n\u201csolicitous to prove his title in the judgment of the strong though\nilliterate barbarians.\u201d Mr. Gibbon then says, \u201cMahmoud the Gaznevide\nhad declared himself in favour of the line of Abbas; and had treated\nwith indignity the robe of honour which was presented by the Fatimite\nambassador. Yet the ungrateful Hashemite had changed with the change of\nfortune; he applauded the victory of Zendecan, and named the Seljukian\nsultan his temporal vicegerent over the Moslem world. As Togrul\nexecuted and enlarged this important trust, he was called to the\ndeliverance of the caliph Cayem, and obeyed the holy summons, which\ngave a new kingdom to his arms. In the palace of Bagdad the commander\nof the faithful still slumbered, a venerable phantom. His servant or\nmaster, the prince of the Bowides, could no longer protect him from\nthe insolence of meaner tyrants; and the Euphrates and the Tigris were\noppressed by the revolt of the Turkish and Arabian emirs. The presence\nof a conqueror was implored as a blessing; and the transient mischiefs\nof fire and sword were excused as the sharp but salutary remedies\nwhich alone could restore the health of the republic. At the head of an\nirresistible force the sultan of Persia marched from Hamadan; the proud\nwere crushed, the prostrate were spared; the prince of the Bowides\ndisappeared; the heads of the most obstinate rebels were laid at the\nfeet of Togrul; and he inflicted a lesson of obedience on the people\nof Mosul and Bagdad. After the chastisement of the guilty, and the\nrestoration of peace, the royal shepherd accepted the reward of his\nlabours; and a solemn comedy represented the triumph of religious\nprejudice over barbarian power. The Turkish sultan embarked on the\nTigris, landed at the gate of Racca, and made his public entry on\nhorseback. At the palace gate he respectfully dismounted, and walked on\nfoot preceded by his emirs without arms. The caliph was seated behind\nhis black veil; the black garment of the Abbassides was cast over his\nshoulders, and he held in his hand the staff of the Apostle of God. The\nconqueror of the East kissed the ground, stood some time in a modest\nposture, and was led toward the throne by the vizier and an interpreter.\nAfter Togrul had seated himself on another throne, his commission was\npublicly read, _which declared him the temporal lieutenant of the vicar\nof the {239} prophet_. He was successively invested with seven robes\nof honour, and presented with seven slaves, the natives of the seven\nclimates of the Arabian empire. His mystic veil was perfumed with musk;\ntwo crowns were placed on his head; two scimetars were girded to his\nside, as the symbols of a double reign over the East and West. Their\nalliance was cemented by the marriage of Togrul\u2019s sister with the\nsuccessor of the prophet,\u201d iv. 93, 94. This event, so described, was\nof sufficient importance, as constituting a _union_ of the Turkish\npower with the Moslem faith, as making it practicable to move in their\nconquests toward the West, and as connected in its ultimate results\nwith the downfall of the Eastern empire, to make it an _epoch_ in the\nhistory of nations. In fact, it was _the_ point which one would have\nparticularly looked at, after describing the movements of the Saracens\n(ch. ix. 1\u201211), as the next event that was to change the condition of\nthe world.\n\nHappily we have also the means of fixing the exact date of this event,\nso as to make it accord with singular accuracy with the period supposed\nto be referred to. The _general_ time specified by Mr. Gibbon is A.D.\n1055. This, according to the two methods referred to of determining\nthe period embraced in the \u201chour, and day, and month, and year,\u201d would\nreach, if the period were 391 years, to A.D. 1446; if the other method\nwere referred to, making it 396 years and 106 days to A.D. 1451, with\n106 days added, within less than two years of the actual taking of\nConstantinople. But there is a more accurate calculation as to the time\nthan the _general_ one thus made. In vol. iv. 93 Mr. Gibbon makes this\nremark:\u2015\u2015\u201cTwenty-five years after the death of Basil his successors\nwere suddenly assaulted by an unknown race of barbarians, who united\nthe Scythian valour with the fanaticism of new proselytes, and the art\nand riches of a powerful monarchy.\u201d He then proceeds (p. 94, seq.) with\nan account of the invasions of the Turks. In vol. iii. 307 we have an\naccount of the death of Basil. \u201cIn the sixty-eighth year of his age\nhis martial spirit urged him to embark in person for a holy war against\nthe Saracens of Sicily; he was prevented by death, and Basil, surnamed\nthe slayer of the Bulgarians, was dismissed from the world, with the\nblessings of the clergy and the curses of the people.\u201d This occurred\nA.D. 1025. \u201cTwenty-five years\u201d after this would make A.D. 1050. To\nthis add the period here referred to, and we have respectively, as\nabove, the years A.D. 1446, or A.D. 1451, and 106 days. Both periods\nare near the time of the taking of Constantinople and the downfall\nof the Eastern empire (A.D. 1453), and the latter strikingly so; and,\nconsidering the general nature of the statement of Mr. Gibbon, and the\ngreat indefiniteness of the dates in chronology, may be considered as\nremarkable.\u2015\u2015But we have the means of a still more accurate calculation.\nIt is by determining the exact period of the investiture of Togrul with\nthe authority of caliph, or as the \u201ctemporal lieutenant of the vicar of\nthe prophet.\u201d The time of this investiture, or coronation, is mentioned\nby Abulfeda as occurring on the 25th of Dzoulcad, in the year of\nthe Hegira 449; and the date of Elmakin\u2019s narrative, who has given\nan account of this, perfectly agrees with this. Of this transaction\nElmakin makes the following remark:\u2015\u2015\u201cThere was now none left in Irak\nor Chorasmia who could stand before him.\u201d The _importance_ of this\ninvestiture will be seen from the charge which the caliph is reported\nby Abulfeda to have given to Togrul on this occasion:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe caliph\ncommits to your care all that part of the world which God has committed\nto his care and dominion; and intrusts to thee, under the name of\nvicegerent, the guardianship of the pious, faithful, and God-serving\ncitizens.\u201d[312] The exact _time_ of this investiture is stated\nby Abulfeda, as above, to be the 25th of Dzoulcad, A.H. 449. Now,\nreckoning this as the time, and we have the following result:\u2015\u2015The 25th\nof Dzoulcad, A.H. 449, would answer to February 2, A.D. 1058. From this\nto May 29, 1453, the time when Constantinople was taken, would be 395\nyears and 116 days. The _prophetic_ period, as above, is 396 years and\n106 days\u2015\u2015making a difference only of 1 year and 10 days\u2015\u2015a result that\ncannot but be considered as remarkable, considering the difficulty of\nfixing ancient dates. Or if, with Mr. Elliott (i. 495\u2012499), we suppose\nthat the time is to be reckoned from the period when the Turkman {240}\npower went forth from Bagdad on a career of conquest, the reckoning\nshould be from the year of the Hegira 448, the year before the _formal_\ninvestiture, then this would make a difference of only 24 days. The\ndate of that event was the 10th of Dzoulcad, A.H. 448. That was the day\nin which Togrul with his Turkmans, now the representative and head of\nthe power of Islamism, quitted Bagdad to enter on a long career of war\nand conquest. \u201cThe part allotted to Togrul himself in the fearful drama\nsoon to open against the Greeks was to extend and establish the Turkman\ndominion over the frontier countries of Irak and Mesopotamia, that so\nthe requisite strength might be attained for the attack ordained of\nGod\u2019s counsels against the Greek empire. The first step to this was\nthe siege and capture of Moussul; his next of Singara. Nisibis, too,\nwas visited by him; that frontier fortress that had in other days\nbeen so long a bulwark to the Greeks. Everywhere victory attended his\nbanner\u2015\u2015a presage of what was to follow.\u201d Reckoning from that time, the\ncoincidence between the period that elapsed from that, and the conquest\nof Constantinople, would be 396 years and 130 days\u2015\u2015a period that\ncorresponds, with only a difference of 24 days, with that specified in\nthe prophecy according to the explanation already given. It could not\nbe expected that a coincidence more accurate than this could be made\nout on the supposition that the prophecy was designed to refer to\nthese events; and if it _did_ refer to them, the coincidence could have\noccurred only as a prediction by Him who sees with perfect accuracy all\nthe future.\n\n(13) The effect. This is stated, in ver. 20, 21, to be that those who\nsurvived these plagues did _not_ repent of their wickedness, but that\nthe abominations which existed before still remained. In endeavouring\nto determine the meaning of this, it will be proper, first, to\nascertain the exact sense of the words used, and then to inquire\nwhether a state of things existed subsequent to the invasions of the\nTurks which corresponded with the description here.\n\n(a) The explanation of the language used in ver. 20, 21. \u00b6 _The rest of\nthe men._ That portion of the world on which these plagues did not come.\nOne-third of the race, it is said, would fall under these calamities,\nand the writer now proceeds to state what would be the effect on the\nremainder. The language used\u2015\u2015\u201c_the rest of the men_\u201d\u2015\u2015is not such as\nto designate with certainty any particular portion of the world, but it\nis implied that the things mentioned were of very general prevalence.\n\u00b6 _Which were not killed by these plagues._ The two-thirds of the race\nwhich were spared. The language here is such as would be used on the\nsupposition that the crimes here referred to abounded in all those\nregions which came within the range of the vision of the apostle.\n\u00b6 _Yet repented not of the works of their hands._ To wit, of those\nthings which are immediately specified. \u00b6 _That they should not worship\ndevils._ Implying that they practised this before. The word used\nhere\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015means properly _a god_, _deity_; spoken of the heathen\ngods, Ac. xvii. 18; then a genius, or tutelary demon, _e.g._ that of\nSocrates; and, in the New Testament, a demon in the sense of an evil\nspirit. See the word fully explained in the Notes on 1 Co. x. 20. The\nmeaning of the passage here, as in 1 Co. x. 20, \u201cthey sacrifice to\ndevils,\u201d is not that they literally worshipped _devils_ in the usual\nsense of that term, though it is true that such worship does exist in\nthe world, as among the Yezidis (see Layard, _Nineveh and its Remains_,\nvol. i. pp. 225\u2012254, and Rosenm\u00fcller, _Morgenland_, i.i. 212\u2012216); but\nthat they worshipped beings _which were inferior to the Supreme God_;\ncreated spirits of a rank superior to men, or the spirits of men\nthat had been enrolled among the gods. This last was a common form of\nworship among the heathen, for a large portion of the gods whom they\nadored were heroes and benefactors who had been enrolled among the\ngods\u2015\u2015as Hercules, Bacchus, &c. All that is necessarily implied in this\nword is, that there prevailed in the time referred to the worship of\nspirits inferior to God, or the worship of the spirits of departed\nmen. This idea would be more naturally suggested to the mind of a Greek\nby the use of the word than the worship of evil spirits as such\u2015\u2015if\nindeed it would have conveyed that idea at all; and this word would\nbe properly employed in the representation if there was _any_ homage\nrendered to departed human spirits which came in the place of the\nworship of the true God. Comp. a dissertation on the meaning of the\nword used here, in {241} Elliott on the _Apocalypse_, Appendix I.\nvol. ii. \u00b6 _And idols of gold, and silver_, &c. Idols were formerly,\nas they are now in heathen lands, made of all these materials. The most\ncostly would, of course, denote a higher degree of veneration for the\ngod, or greater wealth in the worshipper, and all would be employed as\nsymbols or representatives of the gods whom they adored. The _meaning_\nof this passage is, that there would prevail, at that time, what would\nbe properly called _idolatry_, and that this would be represented\nby the worship paid to these images or idols. It is not necessary to\nthe proper understanding of this, to suppose that the images or idols\nworshipped were acknowledged _heathen idols_, or were erected in honour\nof _heathen gods_, as such. All that is implied is, that there would\nbe such images\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u1f34\u03b4\u03c9\u03bb\u03b1\u2015\u2015and that a degree of homage would be paid\nto them which would be in fact idolatry. The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u1f34\u03b4\u03c9\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd,\n\u03b5\u1f34\u03b4\u03c9\u03bb\u03b1\u2015\u2015properly means an image, spectre, shade; then an idol-image, or\nthat which was a representative of a heathen god; and then the idol-god\nitself\u2015\u2015a heathen deity. So far as the _word_ is concerned, it may be\napplied to any kind of image-worship. \u00b6 _Which neither can see, nor\nhear, nor walk._ The common representation of idol-worship in the\nScriptures, to denote its folly and stupidity. See Ps. cxv.; comp.\nIs. xliv. 9\u201219. \u00b6 _Neither repented they of their murders._ This\nimplies that, at the time referred to, murders would abound; or\nthat the times would be characterized by that which deserved to\nbe _called_ murder. \u00b6 _Nor of their sorceries._ The word rendered\n_sorceries_\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u2015\u2015whence our word _pharmacy_, means properly _the\npreparing and giving of medicine_, Eng. _pharmacy_ (Rob. _Lex._). Then,\nas the art of medicine was supposed to have magical power, or as the\npersons who practised medicine, in order to give themselves and their\nart greater importance, practised various arts of incantation, the word\ncame to be connected with the idea of magic sorcery, or enchantment.\nSee Schleusner, _Lex._ In the New Testament the word is _never_ used in\na good sense, as denoting the preparation of medicine, but always in\nthis secondary sense, as denoting sorcery, magic, &c. Thus in Ga. v. 20,\n\u201cthe works of the flesh\u2015\u2015idolatry, _witchcraft_,\u201d &c. Re. ix. 21, \u201cOf\ntheir _sorceries_.\u201d Re. xviii. 23, \u201cFor by thy _sorceries_ were all\nnations deceived.\u201d Re. xxi. 8, \u201cWhoremongers, and _sorcerers_.\u201d The\nword does not elsewhere occur in the New Testament; and the _meaning_\nof the word would be fulfilled in anything that purposed to accomplish\nan object by sorcery, by magical arts, by trick, by cunning, by sleight\nof hand, or by _deceiving the senses in any way_. Thus it would be\napplicable to all jugglery and to all pretended miracles. \u00b6 _Nor of\ntheir fornication._ Implying that this would be a prevalent sin in\nthe times referred to, and that the dreadful plagues which are here\npredicted would make no essential change in reference to its prevalence.\n\u00b6 _And of their thefts._ Implying that _this_, too, would be a common\nform of iniquity. The word used here\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03bb\u03ad\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1\u2015\u2015is the common word\nto denote _theft_. The true idea in the word is that of privately,\nunlawfully, and feloniously taking the goods or movables of another\nperson. In a larger and in the popular sense, however, this word might\nembrace all acts of taking the property of another by dishonest arts,\nor on false pretence, or without an equivalent.\n\n(b) The next point then is, the inquiry whether there was any such\nstate of things as is specified here existing in the time of the rise\nof the Turkish power, and in the time of the calamities which that\nformidable power brought upon the world. There are two things implied\nin the statement here: (1) that these things had an existence before\nthe invasion and destruction of the Eastern empire by the Turkish\npower; and (2) that they continued to exist after that, or were not\nremoved by these fearful calamities. The supposition all along in\nthis interpretation is, that the eye of the prophet was on the Roman\nworld, and that the design was to mark the various events which would\ncharacterize its future history. We look, then, in the application\nof this, to the state of things existing in connection with the Roman\npower, or that portion of the world which was then pervaded by the\nRoman religion. This will make it necessary to institute an inquiry\nwhether the things here specified prevailed in that part of the world\nbefore the invasions of the Turks, and the conquest of Constantinople,\nand whether the judgments inflicted by that formidable Turkish invasion\nmade any essential change in this respect.\n\n(1) The statement that they worshipped {242} devils; that is, as\nexplained, demons, or the deified souls of men. Homage rendered to the\nspirits of departed men, and substituted in the place of the worship\nof the true God, would meet all that is properly implied here. We may\nrefer, then, to the worship of _saints_ in the Romish communion as a\ncomplete fulfilment of what is here implied in the language used by\nJohn. The fact cannot be disputed that the invocation of saints took\nthe place, in the Roman Catholic communion, of the worship of sages\nand heroes in heathen Rome, and that the canonization of saints took\nthe place of the ancient deification of heroes and public benefactors.\nThe same kind of homage was rendered to them; their aid was invoked in\na similar manner, and on similar occasions; the effect on the popular\nmind was substantially the same; and the one interfered as really\nas the other with the worship of the true God. The decrees of the\nseventh general council, known as the second council of Nice, A.D. 787,\nauthorized and established the worshipping (\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03c5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c9\u2015\u2015the same word\nused here\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03c5\u03bd\u03ae\u03c3\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1) of the saints and their images.\nThis occurred _after_ the exciting scenes, the debates, and the\ndisorders produced by the Iconoclasts, or image-breakers, and after the\nmost careful deliberation on the subject. In that celebrated council\nit was decreed, according to Mr. Gibbon (iii. 341), \u201cunanimously,\u201d\n\u201cthat the worship of images is agreeable to Scripture and reason, to\nthe fathers and councils of the church; but they hesitate whether that\nworship be relative or direct; whether the Godhead and the figure of\nChrist be entitled to the same mode of adoration.\u201d This worship of\nthe \u201csaints,\u201d or prayer to the saints, asking for their intercession,\nit is well known, has from that time everywhere prevailed in the Papal\ncommunion. Indeed, a large part of the actual _prayers_ offered in\ntheir services is addressed to the Virgin Mary. Mr. Maitland, \u201cthe\nable and learned advocate of the Dark Ages,\u201d says, \u201cThe superstition of\nthe age supposed the glorified saint to know what was going on in the\nworld; and to feel a deep interest, and to possess a considerable\npower, in the church militant on earth. I believe that they who thought\nso are altogether mistaken; and I lament, abhor, and am amazed at the\nsuperstition, _blasphemies_, and _idolatries_, which have grown out\nof that opinion\u201d (Elliott, ii. p. 10). As to the question whether this\n_continued_ after the judgments brought upon the world by the hordes\n\u201cloosed on the Euphrates,\u201d or whether they repented and reformed on\naccount of the judgments, we have only to look into the Roman Catholic\nreligion everywhere. Not only did the old practice of \u201cd\u00e6monolatry,\u201d\nor the worship of departed saints, continue, but _new_ \u201csaints\u201d have\nbeen added to the number, and the list of those who are to receive\nthis homage has been continually increasing. Thus in the year 1460,\nCatharine of Sienna was canonized by Pope Pius II.; in 1482,\nBonaventura, the blasphemer,[313] by Sixtus IV.; in 1494, Anselm by\nAlexander VI. Alexander\u2019s bull, in language more heathen than Christian,\navows it to be the pope\u2019s _duty_ thus to choose out, and to hold\nup the illustrious dead, as their merits claim, for _adoration_ and\n_worship_.[314]\n\n(2) The statement that _idolatry_ was practised, and continued to be\npractised, after this invasion:\u2015\u2015\u201cRepented not that they should not\nworship idols of gold, silver, and brass.\u201d On this point, perhaps it\nwould be sufficient to refer to what has been already noticed in regard\nto the homage paid to the souls of the departed; but it may be farther\nand more clearly illustrated by a reference to the worship of _images_\nin the Romish communion. Anyone familiar with church history will\nrecollect the long conflicts which prevailed respecting the worship of\nimages; the establishment of images in the churches; the destruction\nof images by the \u201cIconoclasts;\u201d and the debates on the subject by the\ncouncil at Hiera; and the final decision in the second council of Nice,\nin which the propriety of image-worship was affirmed and established.\nSee, on this subject, Bowers\u2019 _History of the Popes_, ii. 98, seq.,\n144, seq.; Gibbon, vol. iii. pp. 322\u2012341. The importance of the\nquestion respecting _image-worship_ {243} may be seen from the remarks\nof Mr. Gibbon, iii. 322. He speaks of it as \u201ca question of popular\nsuperstition which produced the revolt of Italy, the _temporal power\nof the popes_, and the restoration of the Roman empire in the West.\u201d\nA few extracts from Mr. Gibbon\u2015\u2015who may be regarded as an impartial\nwitness on this subject\u2015\u2015will show what was the popular belief, and\nwill confirm what is said in the passage before us in reference to the\nprevalence of _idolatry_. \u201cThe first introduction of a symbolic worship\nwas in the veneration of the cross, and of relics. The saints and\nmartyrs, when intercession was implored, were seated on the right\nhand of God; but the gracious, and often supernatural favours, which,\nin the popular belief, were showered round their tombs, conveyed an\nunquestionable sanction of the devout pilgrims who visited, and touched,\nand kissed these lifeless remains, the memorials of their merits and\nsufferings. But a memorial, more interesting than the skull or the\nsandals of a departed worthy, is a faithful copy of his person and\nfeatures delineated by the arts of painting or sculpture. In every\nage such copies, so congenial to human feelings, have been cherished\nby the zeal of private friendship or public esteem; the images of the\nRoman emperors were adored with civil and almost religious honours;\na reverence, less ostentatious, but more sincere, was applied to\nthe statues of sages and patriots; and these profane virtues, these\nsplendid sins, disappeared in the presence of the holy men who had died\nfor their celestial and everlasting country. At first the experiment\nwas made with caution and scruple, and the venerable pictures were\ndiscreetly allowed to instruct the ignorant, to awaken the cold, and\nto gratify the prejudices of the heathen proselytes. By a slow, though\ninevitable progression, the honours of the original were transferred\nto the copy; the devout Christian prayed before the image of a saint,\nand the Pagan rites of genuflexion, luminaries, and incense again stole\ninto the Catholic church. The scruples of reason or piety were silenced\nby the strong evidence of visions and miracles; and the pictures which\nspeak, and move, and bleed, must be endowed with a divine energy, and\nmay be considered as the proper objects of religious adoration. The\nmost audacious pencil might tremble in the rash attempt of defining,\nby forms and colours, the infinite Spirit, the eternal Father, who\npervades and sustains the universe. But the superstitious mind was\nmore easily reconciled to paint and worship the angels, and above\nall, the Son of God, under the human shape, which on earth they have\ncondescended to assume. The Second Person of the Trinity had been\nclothed with a real and mortal body, but that body had ascended into\nheaven; and had not some similitude been presented to the eyes of his\ndisciples, the spiritual worship of Christ might have been obliterated\nby the visible relics and representations of the saints. A similar\nindulgence was requisite, and propitious, for the Virgin Mary; the\nplace of her burial was unknown; and the assumption of her soul and\nbody into heaven was adopted by the credulity of the Greeks and Latins.\n_The use, and even the worship of images, was firmly established\nbefore the end of the sixth century_; they were fondly cherished by\nthe warm imagination of the Greeks and Asiatics; _the Pantheon and\nthe Vatican were adorned with the emblems of a new superstition_;\nbut this semblance of idolatry was more coldly entertained by the\nrude barbarians and the Arian clergy of the West,\u201d vol. iii. p. 323.\nAgain:\u2015\u2015\u201cBefore the end of the sixth century these images, _made\nwithout hands_ (in Greek it is a single word\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03af\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2), were\npropagated in the camps and cities of the Eastern empire; _they were\nthe objects of worship_, and the instruments of miracles; and in the\nhour of danger or tumult their venerable presence could revive the\nhope, rekindle the courage, or repress the fury of the Roman legions,\u201d\nvol. iii. pp. 324, 325. So again (vol. iii. p. 340, seq.):\u2015\u2015\u201cWhile\nthe popes established in Italy their freedom and dominion, the images,\nthe first cause of their revolt, were restored in the Eastern empire.\nUnder the reign of Constantine the Fifth, the union of civil and\necclesiastical power had overthrown the tree, without extirpating the\nroot, of superstition. The _idols_, for such they were now held, were\nsecretly cherished by the order and the sex most prone to devotion;\nand the fond alliance of the monks and females obtained a final\nvictory over the reason and the authority of man.\u201d Under Irene a\ncouncil was convened\u2015\u2015the second council of Nice, or the seventh\ngeneral council\u2015\u2015in which, {244} according to Mr. Gibbon (iii. 341), it\nwas \u201cunanimously pronounced that the worship of images is agreeable to\nScripture and reason, to the fathers and councils of the church.\u201d The\n_arguments_ which were urged in favour of the worship of images, in the\ncouncil above referred to, may be seen in Bowers\u2019 _Lives of the Popes_,\nvol. ii. pp. 152\u2012158, Dr. Cox\u2019s edition. The answer of the bishops in\nthe council to the question of the empress Irene, whether they agreed\nto the decision which had been adopted in the council, was in these\nwords:\u2015\u2015\u201cWe all agree to it; we have all freely signed it; this is the\nfaith of the apostles, of the fathers, and of the Catholic church; we\nall salute, honour, worship, and adore the holy and venerable images;\nbe they accursed who do not honour, worship, and adore the adorable\nimages\u201d (Bowers\u2019 _Lives of the Popes_, ii. 159). As a matter of fact,\ntherefore, no one can doubt that these images were _worshipped_ with\nthe honour that was due to God alone\u2015\u2015or that the sin of _idolatry_\nprevailed; and no one can doubt that that has been continued, and is\nstill, in the Papal communion.\n\n(3) The next point specified is _murders_ (ver. 21):\u2015\u2015\u201cNeither\nrepented they of their murders.\u201d It can hardly be necessary to dwell\non this to show that this was strictly applicable to the Roman power,\nand extensively prevailed, both before and after the Turkish invasion,\nand that that invasion had no tendency to produce repentance. Indeed,\nin nothing has the Papacy been more remarkably characterized than\nin the number of murders perpetrated on the innocent in persecution.\nIn reference to the fulfilment of this we may refer to the following\nthings:\u2015\u2015(a) Persecution. This has been particularly the characteristic\nof the Roman communion, it need not be said, in all ages. The\npersecutions of the Waldenses, if there were nothing else, show that\nthe spirit here referred to prevailed in the Roman communion, or that\nthe times preceding the Turkish conquest were characterized by what is\nhere specified. In the third Lateran council, A.D. 1179, an anathema\nwas declared against certain dissentients and heretics, and then\nagainst the Waldenses themselves in Papal bulls of the years 1183, 1207,\n1208. Again, in a decree of the fourth Lateran council, A.D. 1215, a\n_crusade_, as it was called, was proclaimed against them, and \u201cplenary\nabsolution promised to such as should perish in the holy war, from the\nday of their birth to the day of their death.\u201d \u201cAnd never,\u201d says\nSismondi, \u201chad the cross been taken up with more unanimous consent.\u201d\nIt is supposed that in this crusade against the Waldenses a million\nof men perished. (b) That this continued to be the characteristic of\nthe Papacy _after_ the judgments brought upon the Roman world by the\nTurkish invasion, or that those judgments had no tendency to produce\nrepentance and reformation, is well known, and is manifest from the\nfollowing things:\u2015\u2015(1) The continuance of the spirit of persecution.\n(2) The establishment of the Inquisition. One hundred and fifty\nthousand persons perished by the Inquisition in thirty years; and\nfrom the beginning of the order of the Jesuits in 1540 to 1580, it\nis supposed that nine hundred thousand persons were destroyed by\npersecution. (3) The same spirit was manifested in the attempts to\nsuppress the true religion in England, in Bohemia, and in the Low\nCountries. Fifty thousand persons were hanged, burned, beheaded, or\nburied alive, for the crime of heresy, in the Low Countries, chiefly\nunder the Duke of Alva, from the edict of Charles V. against the\nProtestants to the peace of Chateau Cambresis in 1559. Comp. Notes on\nDa. vii. 24\u201228. To these are to be added all that fell in France on\nthe revocation of the edict of Nantz; all that perished by persecution\nin England in the days of Mary; and all that have fallen in the bloody\nwars that have been waged in the propagation of the Papal religion. The\nnumber is, of course, unknown to mortals, though efforts have been made\nby historians to form some estimate of the amount. It is supposed that\nfifty millions of persons have perished in these persecutions of the\nWaldenses, Albigenses, Bohemian Brethren, Wycliffites, and Protestants;\nthat some fifteen millions of Indians perished in Cuba, Mexico, and\nSouth America, in the wars of the Spaniards, professedly to propagate\nthe Catholic faith; that three millions and a half of Moors and Jews\nperished, by Catholic persecution and arms, in Spain; and that thus,\nprobably no less than sixty-eight millions and five hundred thousand\nhuman beings have been put to death by this one persecuting power. See\nDr. Berg\u2019s _Lectures on Romanism_, pp. 6, 7. Assuredly, if this be true,\nit would be proper to characterize the times here {245} referred to,\nboth before and after the Turkish invasion, as a time when _murders_\nwould prevail.\n\n(4) The fourth point specified is _sorceries_. It can hardly be\nnecessary to go into detail to prove that _this_ also abounded; and\nthat delusive appeals to the senses; false and pretended miracles; arts\nadapted to deceive through the imagination; the supposed virtue and\nefficacy of relics; and frauds calculated to impose on mankind, have\ncharacterized those portions of the world where the Roman religion has\nprevailed, and been one of the principal means of its advancement. No\nProtestant surely would deny this, no intelligent Catholic can doubt\nit himself. All that is necessary to be said in regard to this is, that\nin this, as in other respects, the Turkish invasion, and the judgments\nthat came upon the world, made no change. The very recent imposture\nof the \u201choly coat of Treves\u201d is a full proof that the _disposition_\nto practise such arts still exists, and that the _power_ to impose on\na large portion of the world in that denomination has not died away.\n\n(5) The fifth thing specified is _fornication_. This has abounded\neverywhere in the world; but the use of the term in this connection\nimplies that there would be something _peculiar_ here, and perhaps\nthat it would be associated with the other things referred to. It\nis as unnecessary as it would be improper to go into any detail on\nthis point. Anyone who is acquainted with the history of the Middle\nAges\u2015\u2015the period here supposed to be referred to\u2015\u2015must be aware of the\nwide-spread licentiousness which then prevailed, especially among the\nclergy. Historians and poets, ballads, and acts of councils, alike\ntestify to this fact.[315] It is to be remarked also, as illustrating\nthe subject, that the dissoluteness of the Middle Ages was closely, and\nalmost necessarily, connected with the worship of the images and the\nsaints above referred to. The character of many of those who were\nworshipped as saints, like the character of many of the gods of the\nPagan Romans, was just such as to be an incentive to every species\nof licentiousness and impurity. On this point Mr. Hallam makes the\nfollowing remarks:\u2015\u2015\u201cThat the exclusive worship of saints, under\nthe guidance of an artful though illiterate priesthood, degraded\nthe understanding, and begat a stupid credulity and fanaticism, is\nsufficiently evident. But it was also so managed as to loosen the bonds\nof religion, and pervert the standard of morality\u201d (_Middle Ages_,\nvol. ii. pp. 249, 250; edit. Phil. 1824). He then, in a note, refers\nto the legends of the saints as abundantly confirming his statements.\nSee particularly the stories in the _Golden Legend_. So, in speaking\nof the monastic orders, Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. 253) says:\n\u201cIn vain new rules of discipline were devised, or the old corrected by\nreforms. Many of their worst vices grew so naturally out of their mode\nof life that a stricter discipline would have no tendency to extirpate\nthem. Their extreme licentiousness was sometimes hardly concealed by\nthe cowl of sanctity.\u201d In illustration of this we may introduce here a\nremark of Mr. Gibbon, made in immediate connection with his statement\nabout the decrees respecting the worship of images. \u201cI shall only\nnotice,\u201d says he, \u201cthe judgment of the bishops on the comparative merit\nof image-worship and morality. A monk had concluded a truce with the\ndemon of fornication, on condition of interrupting his daily prayers to\na picture that hung in his cell. His scruples prompted him to consult\nthe abbot. \u2018Rather than abstain from adoring Christ and his mother in\ntheir holy images, it would be better for you,\u2019 replied the casuist,\n\u2018to enter every brothel, and visit every prostitute in the city,\u2019\u201d iii.\n341. So again, Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the pope, John XII., says: \u201cHis\nopen simony might be the consequence of distress; and his blasphemous\ninvocation of Jupiter and Venus, if it be true, could not possibly be\nserious. But we read with some surprise that the worthy grandson of\nMarozia lived in public adultery with the matrons of Rome; that the\nLateran palace was turned into a place for prostitution, and that\nhis rapes of virgins and of widows had deterred the female pilgrims\nfrom visiting the tomb of St. Peter, lest, in the devout act, they\nshould be violated by his successor,\u201d iii. 353. Again, the system of\n_indulgences_ led directly to licentiousness. In the pontificate of\nJohn XXII., about A.D. 1320, there was invented the celebrated Tax of\nIndulgences, of which more than forty editions are extant. According\nto this, _incest_ was to cost, if {246} not detected, _five groschen_;\nif known and flagrant, _six_. A certain price was affixed in a similar\nway to adultery, infanticide, &c. See Merle D\u2019Aubign\u00e9\u2019s _Reformation_,\nvol. i. p. 41. And farther, the very _pilgrimages_ to the shrines\nof the saints, which were enjoined as a penance for sin, and which\nwere regarded as a ground of merit, were occasions of the grossest\nlicentiousness. So Hallam, _Middle Ages_, says: \u201cThis licensed vagrancy\nwas naturally productive of dissoluteness, especially among the women.\nOur English ladies, in their zeal to obtain the spiritual treasuries\nof Rome, are said to have relaxed the necessary caution about one that\nwas in their own custody,\u201d vol. ii. 255. The celibacy of the clergy\nalso tended to licentiousness, and is known to have been everywhere\nproductive of the very sin which is here mentioned. The state of the\nnunneries in the middle ages is well known. In the fifteenth century\nGerson, the French orator so celebrated at the council of Constance,\ncalled them Prostibula meretricum. Clemangis, a French theologian, also\ncontemporary, and a man of great eminence, thus speaks of them: Quid\naliud sunt hoc tempore puellarum monasteria, nisi qu\u00e6dam non dico\nDei sanctuaria, sed veneris execranda prostibula; ut idem sit hodie\npuellam velare, quod et public\u00e8 ad scortandum exponere (Hallam, _Middle\nAges_, ii. 253). To this we may add the fact that it was a habit,\nnot unfrequent, to license the clergy to live in concubinage (see the\nproof in Elliott, i. 447, note), and that the practice of auricular\nconfession necessarily made \u201cthe tainting of the female mind an\nintegral part of Roman priestcraft, and gave consecration to the\ncommunings of impurity.\u201d It hardly needs any proof that these practices\ncontinued _after_ the invasions of the Turkish hordes, or that those\ninvasions made no changes in the condition of the world in this respect.\nIn proof of this we need refer only to Pope Innocent VIII., elected\nin 1484 to the Papacy;[316] to Alexander VI., his successor, who at\nthe close of the fifteenth century stood before the world a monster,\nnotorious to all, of impurity and vice; and to the general well-known\ncharacter of the Romish clergy. \u201cMost of the ecclesiastics,\u201d says the\nhistorian Infessura, \u201chad their mistresses; and all the convents of the\ncapital were houses of ill fame.\u201d\n\n(6) The sixth thing specified (ver. 21) is _thefts_; that is, as\nexplained, the taking of the property of others by dishonest arts, on\nfalse pretences, or without any proper equivalent. In the inquiry as\nto the applicability of this to the times supposed to be here referred\nto, we may notice the following things, as instances in which money\nwas extorted from the people:\u2015\u2015(a) The value fraudulently assigned to\n_relics_. Mosheim, in his historical sketch of the twelfth century,\nobserves: \u201cThe abbots and monks carried about the country the carcasses\nand relics of saints, in solemn procession, and permitted the multitude\nto behold, touch, and embrace the sacred remains, _at fixed prices_.\u201d\n(b) The exaltation of the miracle-working merit of particular saints,\nand the consecration of _new_ saints, and dedication of _new_ images,\nwhen the popularity of the former died away. Thus Mr. Hallam says:\n\u201cEvery cathedral or monastery had its tutelar saint, and every\nsaint his legend; fabricated in order to enrich the churches under\nhis protection; by exaggerating his virtues and his miracles, and\nconsequently his power of serving those who paid liberally for his\npatronage.\u201d (c) The invention and sale of _indulgences_\u2015\u2015well known\nto have been a vast source of revenue to the church. Wycliffe declared\nthat indulgences were mere forgeries whereby the priesthood \u201c_rob men\nof their money_; a subtle merchandise of Antichrist\u2019s clerks, whereby\nthey magnify their own fictitious power, and instead of causing\nmen to dread sin, encourage men to wallow therein as hogs.\u201d (d) The\nprescription of _pilgrimages_ as penances was another prolific source\nof gain to the church that deserves to be classed under the name of\n_thefts_. Those who made such pilgrimage were expected and required\nto make an offering at the shrine of the saint; and as multitudes went\non such pilgrimages, especially on the jubilee at Rome, the income\nfrom this source was enormous. An instance of what was offered at the\nshrine of Thomas \u00e0 Becket will illustrate this. Through his reputation\nCanterbury became the Rome of England. A jubilee was celebrated every\nfiftieth year to his honour, with plenary indulgence to all such as\nvisited his tomb; of whom one hundred thousand were registered at one\ntime. {247} Two large volumes were filled with accounts of the miracles\nwrought at his tomb. The following list of the value of offerings\nmade in two successive years to _his_ shrine, the Virgin Mary\u2019s, and\nChrist\u2019s, in the cathedral at Canterbury, will illustrate at the same\ntime the gain from these sources, and the _relative_ respect shown to\nBecket, Mary, and the Saviour:\u2015\u2015\n\n First Year. \u00a3 s. d.\n Christ\u2019s Altar 3 2 6\n Virgin Mary\u2019s 63 5 6\n Becket\u2019s 832 12 9\n\n Next Year.\n Christ\u2019s Altar 0 0 0\n Virgin Mary\u2019s 4 1 8\n Becket\u2019s 954 6 3\n\nOf the jubilee of A.D. 1300 Muratori relates the result as\nfollows:\u2015\u2015\u201cPapa innumerabilem pecuniam ab iisdem recepit; quia die et\nnocte duo clerici stabant ad altare Sancti Pauli, tenentes in eorum\nmanibus rastellos, rastellantes pecuniam infinitam.\u201d \u201cThe pope received\nfrom them a countless amount of money; for two clerks stood at the\naltar of St. Paul night and day, holding in their hands little rakes,\ncollecting an infinite amount of money\u201d (Hallam). (e) Another source of\ngain of this kind was the numerous testamentary bequests with which the\nchurch was enriched\u2015\u2015obtained by the arts and influence of the clergy.\nIn Wycliffe\u2019s time there were in England 53,215 f\u0153da militum, of which\nthe religious had 28,000\u2015\u2015more than one-half. Blackstone says that, but\nfor the intervention of the legislature, and the statute of mortmain,\nthe church would have appropriated in this manner the whole of the land\nof England, vol. iv. p. 107. (f) The money left by the dying to pay for\n_masses_, and that paid by survivors for masses to release the souls\nof their friends from purgatory\u2015\u2015all of which deserve to be classed\nunder the word _thefts_ as already explained\u2015\u2015was another source of\nvast wealth to the church; and the practice was systematized on a large\nscale, and, with the other things mentioned, deserves to be noticed\nas a characteristic of the times. It is scarcely necessary to add,\nthat the judgments which were brought upon the world by the Turkish\ninvasions made no essential change, and wrought no repentance or\nreformation, and hence that the _language_ here is strictly applicable\nto these things: \u201cNeither _repented they_ of their murders, nor of\ntheir sorceries, nor of their fornication, nor of their thefts.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER X.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter contains the record of a sublime vision of an angel\nwhich, at this juncture, John saw descending from heaven, disclosing\nnew scenes in what was yet to occur. The vision is interposed between\nthe sounding of the sixth, or second woe-trumpet, and the sounding\nof the seventh, or third woe-trumpet, under which is to be the final\nconsummation, ch. xi. 15, seq. It occupies an important _interval_\nbetween the events which were to occur under the sixth trumpet and\nthe last scene\u2015\u2015the final overthrow of the formidable power which had\nopposed the reign of God on the earth, and the reign of righteousness,\nwhen the kingdoms of the world shall become the kingdom of God, ch. xi.\n15. It is, in many respects, an unhappy circumstance that this chapter\nhas been separated from the following. They constitute one continued\nvision, at least to ch. xi. 15, where the sounding of the seventh and\nlast trumpet occurs.\n\nThe tenth chapter contains the following things:\u2015\u2015(1) An angel\ndescends from heaven, and the attention of the seer is for a time\nturned from the contemplation of what was passing in heaven to this new\nvision that appeared on the earth. This angel is clothed with a cloud;\nhe is encircled by a rainbow; his face is as the sun, and his feet\nlike pillars of fire\u2015\u2015all indicating his exalted rank, and all such\naccompaniments as became a heavenly messenger. (2) The angel appears\nwith a small volume in his hand, ver. 2. This book is not closed and\nsealed, like the one in ch. v., but was \u201copen\u201d\u2015\u2015so that it could be\nread. Such a book would indicate some new message or revelation from\nheaven; and the book would be, properly, a symbol of something that was\nto be accomplished _by_ such an open volume. (3) The angel sets his\nfeet upon the sea and the land, ver. 2:\u2015\u2015indicating by this, apparently,\nthat what he was to communicate appertained alike to the ocean and the\nland\u2015\u2015to all the world. (4) The angel makes a proclamation\u2015\u2015the nature\nof which is not here stated\u2015\u2015with a loud voice, like the roaring of a\nlion, as if the nations were called to hear, ver. 3. (5) This cry or\nroar is responded to by heavy thunders, ver. 3. What those thunders\nuttered is not stated, but it was evidently {248} so distinct that\n_John_ heard it, for he says (ver. 4) that he was about to make a\nrecord of what was said. (6) John, about to make this record, is\nforbidden to do so by a voice from heaven, ver. 4. For some reason, not\nhere stated, he was commanded not to disclose what was said, but so to\nseal it up that it should not be known. The _reason_ for this silence\nis nowhere intimated in the chapter. (7) The angel lifts his hand to\nheaven in a most solemn manner, and swears by the Great Creator of all\nthings that the time should not be yet\u2015\u2015in our common version, \u201cthat\nthere should be time no longer,\u201d ver. 5\u20127. It would seem that just at\nthis period there would be an expectation that the reign of God was\nto begin upon the earth; but the angel, in the most solemn manner,\ndeclares that this was not _yet_ to be, but that it would occur when\nthe seventh angel should begin to sound. Then the great \u201cmystery\u201d\nwould be complete, as it had been declared to the prophets. (8) John\nis then commanded, by the same voice which he heard from heaven, to\ngo to the angel and take the little book from him which he held in\nhis hand, and eat it\u2015\u2015with the assurance that it would be found to be\nsweet to the taste, but would be bitter afterwards, ver. 8\u201210. (9) The\nchapter concludes with a declaration that he must yet prophesy before\nmany people and nations (ver. 11), and then follows (ch. xi.) the\ncommission to measure the temple; the command to separate the pure\nfrom the profane; the account of the prophesying, the death, and the\nresurrection to life of the two witnesses\u2015\u2015all preliminary to the\nsounding of the seventh trumpet, and the introduction of the universal\nreign of righteousness.\n\nThe question to what does the chapter refer, is one which it is proper\nto notice before we proceed to the exposition. It is unnecessary to say,\nthat on this question very various opinions have been entertained, and\nthat very different expositions have been given of the chapter. Without\ngoing into an examination of these different opinions\u2015\u2015which would be\na task alike unprofitable and endless\u2015\u2015it will be better to state what\nseems to be the fair interpretation and application of the symbol,\nin its connection with what precedes. A few remarks here, preliminary\nto the exposition and application of the chapter, may help us in\n\ndetermining the place which the vision is designed to occupy. (a) In\nthe previous Apocalyptic revelations, if the interpretation proposed is\ncorrect, the _history_ had been brought down, in the regular course of\nevents, to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, and the complete\noverthrow of the Roman empire by that event, A.D. 1453, ch. ix. 13\u201219.\nThis was an important era in the history of the world; and if the\nexposition which has been proposed is correct, then the sketches of\nhistory pertaining to the Roman empire in the book of Revelation have\nbeen made with surprising accuracy. (b) A statement had been made\n(ch. ix. 20, 21) to the effect that the same state of things continued\nsubsequent to the plagues brought on by those invasions, which had\nexisted before, or that the effect had not been to produce any general\nrepentance and reformation. God had scourged the nations; he had cut\noff multitudes of men; he had overthrown the mighty empire that had so\nlong ruled over the world; but the same sins of superstition, idolatry,\nsorcery, murder, fornication, and theft prevailed _afterwards_ that had\nprevailed before. Instead of working a change in the minds of men, the\nworld seemed to be confirmed in these abominations more and more. In\nthe exposition of that passage (ch. ix. 20, 21) it was shown that those\nthings prevailed in the Roman church\u2015\u2015which then embraced the whole\nChristian world\u2015\u2015_before_ the invasion of the Eastern empire by the\nTurks, and that they continued to prevail _afterwards_: that, in fact,\nthe moral character of the world was not affected by those \u201cplagues.\u201d\n(c) The next event, in the order of _time_, was the Reformation, and\nthe circumstances in the case are such as to lead us to suppose that\nthis chapter refers to that. For (1) the order of _time_ demands this.\nThis was the next important event in the history of the church and\nthe world after the conquest of Constantinople producing the entire\ndownfall of the Roman empire; and if, as is supposed in the previous\nexposition, it was the design of the Spirit of inspiration to touch\non the great and material events in the history of the church and\nthe world, then it would be natural to suppose that the Reformation\nwould come next into view, for no previous event had more deeply or\npermanently affected the condition of mankind. (2) The state of the\nworld, as described in {249} ch. ix. 20, 21, was such as to _demand_\na reformation, or something that should be more effectual in purifying\nthe church than the calamities described in the previous verse had\nbeen. The representation is, that God had brought great judgments upon\nthe world, but that they had been ineffectual in reforming mankind. The\nsame kind of superstition, idolatry, and corruption remained _after_\nthose judgments which had existed before, and they were of such a\nnature as to make it every way desirable that a new influence should\nbe brought to bear upon the world to purify it from these abominations.\nSome such work as the Reformation is, therefore, what we should\nnaturally look for as the next in order; or, at least, such a work\nis one that well fits in with the description of the previous state\nof things. (d) It will be found, I apprehend, in the exposition of\nthe chapter, that the symbols are such as accord well with the great\nleading events of the Protestant Reformation; or, in other words,\nthat they are such that, on the supposition that it was intended to\nrefer to the Reformation, these are the symbols which would have been\nappropriately employed. Of course it is not necessary to suppose that\nJohn understood distinctly _all_ that was meant by these symbols, nor\nis it necessary to suppose that those who lived before the Reformation\nwould be able to comprehend them perfectly, and to apply them with\naccuracy. All that is _necessary_ to be supposed in the interpretation\nis, (1) that the symbol was designed to be of such a character as to\ngive some _general_ idea of what was to occur; and (2) that we should\nbe able, now that the event has occurred, to show that it is fairly\napplicable to the event; that is, that on the supposition that this was\ndesigned to be referred to, the symbols are such as would properly be\nemployed. This, however, will be seen more clearly after the exposition\nshall have been gone through.\n\nWith this general view of what we should naturally anticipate in this\nchapter, from the course of exposition in the preceding chapters, we\nare prepared for a more particular exposition and application of the\nsymbols in this new vision. It will be the most convenient course,\nkeeping in mind the general views presented here, to explain the\nsymbols, and to consider their application as we go along.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER X.\n\n\n AND I saw another mighty angel come down from heaven,\n clothed with a cloud; and a [317]rainbow _was_ upon his head,\n and [318]his face _was_ as it were the sun, and his feet as\n pillars of fire:\n\n1. _And I saw._ I had a vision of. The meaning is, that he saw this\nsubsequently to the vision in the previous chapter. The attention is\nnow arrested by a new vision\u2015\u2015as if some new dispensation or economy\nwas about to occur in the world. \u00b6 _Another mighty angel._ He had\nbefore seen the seven angels who were to blow the seven trumpets (ch.\nviii. 2), he had seen six of them successively blow the trumpet, he\nnow sees _another_ angel, different from them, and apparently having no\nconnection with them, coming from heaven to accomplish some important\npurpose before the seventh angel should give the final blast. The angel\nis here characterized as a \u201c_mighty_\u201d angel\u2015\u2015\u1f30\u03c3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd\u2015\u2015one of strength\nand power; implying that the work to be accomplished by his mission\ndemanded the interposition of one of the higher orders of the heavenly\ninhabitants. The coming of an angel at all was indicative of some\ndivine interposition in human affairs; the fact that he was one of\nexalted rank, or endowed with vast power, indicated the nature of the\nwork to be done\u2015\u2015that it was a work to the execution of which great\nobstacles existed, and where great power would be needed. \u00b6 _Clothed\nwith a cloud._ Encompassed with a cloud, or enveloped in a cloud.\nThis was a symbol of majesty and glory, and is often represented as\naccompanying the divine presence, Ex. xvi. 9, 10; xxiv. 16; xxxiv. 5;\nNu. xi. 25; 1 Ki. viii. 10; Ps. xcvii. 2. The Saviour also ascended\nin a cloud, Ac. i. 9; and he will again descend in clouds to judge the\nworld, Mat. xxiv. 30; xxvi. 64; Mar. xiii. 26; Re. i. 7. Nothing can be\nargued here as to the _purpose_ for which the angel appeared, from his\nbeing encompassed with a cloud; nor can anything be argued from it in\nrespect to the question _who_ this angel was. The fair interpretation\nis, that this was one of the angels now represented as sent forth on\nan errand of mercy to man, and coming with appropriate {250} majesty\nas the messenger of God. \u00b6 _And a rainbow |was| upon his head._ In ch.\niv. 3 the throne in heaven is represented as encircled by a rainbow.\nSee Notes on that verse. The rainbow is properly an emblem of peace.\n_Here_ the symbol would mean that the angel came not for wrath, but\nfor purposes of peace; that he looked with a benign aspect on men,\nand that the effect of his coming would be like that of sunshine\nafter a storm. \u00b6 _And his face |was| as it were the sun._ Bright\nlike the sun (Notes, ch. i. 16); that is, he looked upon men with\n(a) an _intelligent_ aspect\u2015\u2015as the sun is the source of light; and\n(b) with _benignity_\u2015\u2015not covered with clouds, or darkened by wrath.\nThe _brightness_ is probably the main idea, but the appearance of the\nangel would, as here represented, naturally suggest the ideas just\nreferred to. As an _emblem_ or _symbol_ we should regard his appearing\nas that which was to be followed by knowledge and by prosperity. \u00b6 _And\nhis feet as pillars of fire._ See Notes on ch. i. 15. In this symbol,\nthen, we have the following things:\u2015\u2015(a) An angel\u2015\u2015as the messenger\nof God, indicating that some new communication was to be brought to\nmankind, or that there would be some interposition in human affairs\nwhich might be well represented by the coming of an angel; (b) the\nfact that he was \u201cmighty\u201d\u2015\u2015indicating that the work to be done required\npower beyond human strength; (c) the fact that he came in a cloud\u2015\u2015on\nan embassage so grand and magnificent as to make this symbol of majesty\nproper; (d) the fact that he was encircled by a rainbow\u2015\u2015that the\nvisitation was to be one of peace to mankind; and (e) the fact that\nhis coming was like the sun\u2015\u2015or would diffuse light and peace.\n\nNow, in regard to the _application_ of this, without adverting to\nany other theory, no one can fail to see that, on the supposition that\nit was designed to refer to the Reformation, this would be the most\nstriking and appropriate symbol that could have been chosen. For (a) as\nwe have seen already, this is the _place_ which the vision naturally\noccupies in the series of historical representations. (b) It was at\na period of the world, and the world was in such a state, that an\nintervention of this kind would be properly represented by the coming\nof an angel from heaven. God had visited the nations with terrible\njudgments, but the effect had not been to produce reformation, for the\nsame forms of wickedness continued to prevail which had existed before.\nNotes, ch. ix. 20, 21. In this state of things any new interposition of\nGod for reforming the world would be properly represented by the coming\nof an angel from heaven as a messenger of light and peace. (c) The\ngreat and leading events of the Reformation were well represented by\nthe _power_ of this angel. It was not, indeed, physical power; but\nthe work to be done in the Reformation was a _great_ work, and was\nsuch as would be well symbolized by the intervention of a mighty angel\nfrom heaven. The task of reforming the church, and of correcting the\nabuses which had prevailed, was wholly beyond any ability which _man_\npossessed, and was well represented, therefore, by the descent of\nthis messenger from the skies. (d) The same thing may be said of\nthe _rainbow_ that was upon his head. Nothing would better symbolize\nthe general aspect of the Reformation, as fitted to produce peace,\ntranquillity, and joy upon the earth. And (e) the same thing was\nindicated by the splendour\u2015\u2015the light and glory\u2015\u2015that attended the\nangel. The symbol would denote that the new order of things would be\nattended with light; with knowledge; with that which would be benign\nin its influence on human affairs. And it need not be said, to anyone\nacquainted with the history of those times, that the Reformation was\npreceded and accompanied with a great increase of light; that at just\nabout that period of the world the study of the Greek language began\nto be common in Europe; that the sciences had made remarkable progress;\nthat schools and colleges had begun to flourish; and that, to a\ndegree which had not existed for ages before, the public mind had\nbecome awakened to the importance of truth and knowledge. For a full\nillustration of this, from the close of the eleventh century and onward,\nsee Hallam\u2019s _Middle Ages_, vol. ii. pp. 265\u2012292, ch. ix. part ii. To\ngo into any satisfactory detail on this point would be wholly beyond\nthe proper limits of these Notes, and the reader must be referred\nto the histories of those times, and especially to Hallam, who has\nrecorded all that is necessary to be known on the subject. Suffice it\nto say, that on the supposition that it was the intention to symbolize\nthose times, no more appropriate emblem could have {251} been found\nthan that of an angel whose face shone like the sun, and who was\ncovered with light and splendour. These remarks will show, that if\nit be supposed it was intended to symbolize the Reformation, no more\nappropriate emblem could have been selected than that of such an angel\ncoming down from heaven. If, after the events have occurred, we should\ndesire to represent the same things by a striking and expressive symbol,\nwe could find none that would better represent those times.\n\n\n 2 And he had in his hand a little book open: and he set his\n right foot upon the sea, and _his_ left _foot_ on the earth,\n\n2. _And he had in his hand a little book open._ This is the first\nthing that indicated the purpose of his appearing, or that would give\nany distinct indication of the design of his coming from heaven. The\ngeneral aspect of the angel, indeed, as represented in the former\nverse, was that of benignity, and his purpose, as there indicated,\nwas light and peace. But still there was nothing which would denote\nthe _particular_ design for which he came, or which would designate\nthe particular means which he would employ. Here we have, however, an\n_emblem_ which will furnish an indication of what was to occur as the\nresult of his appearing. To be able to apply this, it will be necessary,\nas in all similar cases, to explain the natural significancy of the\nemblem. (1) _The little book._ The word used here\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b9\u03b2\u03bb\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015occurs\nnowhere else in the New Testament except in ver. 8, 9, 10 of this\nchapter. The word \u03b2\u03b9\u03b2\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015_book_\u2015\u2015occurs frequently:\u2015\u2015Mat. xix. 7;\nMar. x. 4\u2015\u2015applied to a bill of divorcement; Lu. iv. 17, 20; Jn. xx. 30;\nxxi. 25; Ga. iii. 10; 2 Ti. iv. 13; He. ix. 19; x. 7. In the Apocalypse\nthis word is of common occurrence: ch. i. 11; v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9;\nvi. 14, rendered _scroll_; xvii. 8; xx. 12; xxi. 27; xxii. 7, 9, 10,\n18, 19. The word was evidently chosen here to denote something that\nwas peculiar in the size or form of the book, or to distinguish it from\nthat which would be designated by the ordinary word employed to denote\na book. The word properly denotes a small roll or volume; a little\nscroll (Rob. _Lex._, _Pollux._ _Onomast._ 7. 210). It is evident that\nsomething was intended by the diminutive _size_ of the book, or that\nit was designed to make a distinction between this and that which\nis indicated by the use of the word _book_ in the other parts of the\nApocalypse. It was, at least, indicated by this that it was something\ndifferent from what was seen in the hand of him that sat on the throne\nin ch. v. 1. That was clearly a large volume; this was so small that\nit could be taken in the hand, and could be represented as eaten,\nver. 9, 10. But of what is a book an emblem? To this question there can\nbe little difficulty in furnishing an answer. A book seen in a dream,\naccording to Artemidorus, signifies the life, or the acts of him that\nsees it (Wemyss). According to the Indian interpreters, a book is the\nsymbol of power and dignity. The Jewish kings, when they were crowned,\nhad the book of the law of God put into their hands (2 Ki. xi. 12; 2 Ch.\nxxiii. 11); denoting that they were to observe the law, and that their\nadministration was to be one of intelligence and uprightness. The gift\nof a Bible now to a monarch when he is crowned, or to the officer of a\ncorporation or society, denotes the same thing. A book, as such, thus\nborne in the hand of an angel coming down to the world, would be an\nindication that something of importance was to be communicated to men,\nor that something was to be accomplished by the agency _of a book_. It\nwas not, as in ch. vi. 2, _a bow_\u2015\u2015emblem of conquest; or ver. 4, _a\nsword_\u2015\u2015emblem of battle; or ver. 5, _a pair of scales_\u2015\u2015emblem of\nthe exactness with which things were to be determined; but it was _a\nbook_\u2015\u2015a speechless, silent thing, yet mighty; not designed to carry\ndesolation through the earth, but to diffuse light and truth. The\nnatural interpretation, then, would be, that something was to be\naccomplished by the agency of a book, or that a book was to be the\nprominent characteristic of the times\u2015\u2015as the bow, the sword, and the\nbalances had been of the previous periods. As to the _size_ of the book,\nperhaps all that can be inferred is, that this was to be brought about,\nnot by extended tomes, but by a comparatively small volume\u2015\u2015so that\nit could be taken in the hand; so that it could, without impropriety,\nbe represented as _eaten_ by an individual. (2) _The fact that it was\nopen_ \u201ca little book _open_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u1ff3\u03b3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd. The word here used means,\nproperly, to open or unclose in respect to that which was {252} before\nfastened or sealed, as that which is covered by a door, Mat. ii. 11;\ntombs, which were closed by large stones, Mat. xxvii. 60, 66; a gate,\nAc. v. 23; xii. 10; the abyss, Re. ix. 2\u2015\u2015\u201csince in the east pits or\nwells are closed with large stones, comp. Ge. xxix. 2\u201d (Rob. _Lex._).\nThe meaning of this word, as applied to a book, would be, that it was\nnow opened so that its contents could be read. The word would not\n_necessarily_ imply that it had been sealed or closed, though that\nwould be the most natural impression from the use of the word. Comp.\nfor the use of the word rendered _open_, Re. iii. 8, 20; iv. 1; v. 2, 3,\n4, 5, 9; vi. 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 12; viii. 1; ix. 2; x. 28; xi. 19; xx. 12.\nThis would find a fulfilment if some such facts as the following\nshould occur:\u2015\u2015(a) if there had been any custom or arrangement by which\n_knowledge_ was kept from men, or access was forbidden to books or to\nsome one book in particular; and (b) if something should occur by which\nthat which had before been kept hidden or concealed, or that to which\naccess had been denied, should be made accessible. In other words, this\nis the proper symbol of a diffusion of knowledge, or of _the influence\nof A BOOK on mankind_. (3) The fact that it was in the _hand_ of\nthe angel. All that seems to be implied in this is, that it was now\n_offered_, or was ready to be put in possession of John\u2015\u2015or of the\nchurch\u2015\u2015or of mankind. It was open, and was held out, as it were, for\nperusal.\n\nIn regard to the _application_ of this, it is plain that, if it be\nadmitted that it was the design of the author of the vision to refer to\nthe Reformation, no more appropriate emblem could have been chosen. If\n_we_ were now to endeavour to devise an emblem of the Reformation that\nwould be striking and expressive, we could not well select one which\nwould better represent the great work than that which is here presented.\nThis will appear plain from a few considerations:\u2015\u2015(1) The great agent\nin the Reformation, the moving cause of it, its suggestor and supporter,\nwas a _book_\u2015\u2015the _Bible_. Wycliffe had translated the New Testament\ninto the English language, and though this was suppressed, yet it\nhad done much to prepare the people for the Reformation; and all that\nLuther did can be traced to the discovery of the Bible, and to the use\nwhich was made of it. Luther had grown up into manhood; had passed from\nthe schools to the university of Erfurt, and there having, during the\nusual four years\u2019 course of study, displayed intellectual powers and an\nextent of learning that excited the admiration of the university, and\nthat seemed to open to his attainment both the honour and emolument\nof the world, he appeared to have been prepared to play an important\npart on the great drama of human affairs. Suddenly, however, to the\nastonishment and dismay of his friends, he betook himself to the\nsolitude and gloom of an Augustinian monastery. There he found a\n_Bible_\u2015\u2015a copy of the Vulgate\u2015\u2015hid in the shelves of the university\nlibrary. Till then he had supposed that there existed no other Gospels\nor Epistles than what were given in the Breviary, or quoted by the\npreachers.[319] To the study of that book he now gave himself with\nuntiring diligence and steady prayer; and the effect was to show to\n_him_ the way of salvation by faith, and ultimately to produce the\nReformation. No one acquainted with the history of the Reformation can\ndoubt that it is to be traced to the influence of _the Bible_; that the\nmoving cause, the spring of all that occurred in the Reformation, was\nthe impulse given to the mind of Luther and his fellow-labourers by the\nstudy of that one book. It is this well-known fact that gives so much\ntruth to the celebrated declaration of Chillingworth, that \u201cthe Bible\nis the religion of Protestants.\u201d If a symbol of this had been designed\nbefore it occurred, or if one should be sought for now that would\ndesignate the actual nature and influence of the Reformation, nothing\n_better_ could be selected than that of an angel descending from heaven,\nwith benignant aspect, with a rainbow around his head, and with light\nbeaming all around him, holding forth to mankind _a book_. (2) This\nbook had before been hidden, or closed; that is, it could not till then\nbe regarded as an _open_ volume. (a) It was in fact known by few even\nof the clergy, and it was not in the hands of the mass of the people at\nall. There is every reason to believe that the great body of the Romish\nclergy, in the time that preceded the Reformation, were even more\nignorant of the Bible than Luther himself was. Many of them were unable\nto read; few had access to the Bible; and those who had, drew their\ndoctrines {253} rather from the fathers of the church than from the\nWord of God. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, ii. 241) says: \u201cOf this prevailing\nignorance [in the tenth century and onward] it is easy to produce\nabundant testimony. In almost every council the ignorance of the clergy\nforms a subject for reproach. It is asserted by one held in 992, that\nscarcely a single person could be found in Rome itself who knew the\nfirst elements of letters. Not one priest of a thousand in Spain, about\nthe age of Charlemagne, could address a letter of common salutation\nto another. In England, Alfred declares that he could not recollect\na single priest south of the Thames (the best part of England), at\nthe time of his accession, who understood the ordinary prayers, or who\ncould translate the Latin into the mother tongue.\u201d There were few books\nof any kind in circulation, and even if there had been an ability to\nread, the _cost_ of books was so great as to exclude the great mass\nof the people from all access to the sacred Scriptures. \u201cMany of the\nclergy,\u201d says Dr. Robertson (_Hist. of Charles V._ p. 14, Harper\u2019s\ned.), \u201cdid not understand the Breviary which they were obliged daily to\nrecite; some of them could scarcely read it.\u201d \u201cPersons of the highest\nrank, and in the most eminent stations, could neither read nor write.\u201d\nOne of the questions appointed by the canons to be put to persons\nwho were candidates for orders was this, \u201cWhether they could read\nthe Gospels and Epistles, and explain the sense of them at least\nliterally?\u201d For the causes of this ignorance see Robertson\u2019s _Hist.\nof Charles V._ p. 515. One of those causes was the _cost_ of books.\n\u201cPrivate persons seldom possessed any books whatever. Even monasteries\nof considerable note had only one _Missal_. The price of books became\nso high that persons of a moderate fortune could not afford to purchase\nthem. The Countess of Anjou paid for a copy of the _Homilies of Haimon_,\nbishop of Alberstadt, two hundred sheep, five quarters of wheat, and\nthe same quantity of rye and millet,\u201d &c. Such was the cost of books\nthat few persons could afford to own a copy of the sacred Scriptures;\nand the consequence was, there were almost none in the hands of the\npeople. The few copies that were in existence were mostly in the\nlibraries of monasteries and universities, or in the hands of some of\nthe higher clergy. (b) But there was another reason that was still more\nefficacious, perhaps, in keeping the people at large from the knowledge\nof the Scriptures. It was found in the prevailing views in the Roman\nCatholic communion respecting the private use and interpretation of\nthe sacred volume. Whatever theory may now be advocated in the Roman\nCatholic communion on this point, as a matter of fact, the influence\nof that denomination has been to withhold the Bible from a free\ncirculation among the common people. No one can deny that, in the\ntimes just preceding the Reformation, the whole influence of the Papal\ndenomination was opposed to a free circulation of the Bible, and that\none of the great and characteristic features of the Reformation was the\nfact, that the doctrine was promulgated that the Bible was to be freely\ndistributed, and that the people everywhere were to have access to it,\nand were to form their own opinions of the doctrines which it reveals.\n(3) The Bible became, at the Reformation, in fact an \u201copen\u201d book. It\nwas made accessible. It became _the_ popular book of the world\u2015\u2015the\nbook that did more than all other things to change the aspect of\naffairs, and to give character to subsequent times. This occurred\nbecause (a) the art of printing was discovered just before the\nReformation, as if, in the providence of God, it was _designed_ then to\ngive this precious volume to the world; and the Bible was, in fact, the\nfirst book printed, and has been since printed more frequently than any\nother book whatever, and will continue to be to the end of the world.\nIt would be difficult to imagine now a more striking symbol of the art\nof printing, or to suggest a better device for it, than to represent an\nangel giving an open volume to mankind. (b) The leading doctrine of the\nReformers was, that the Bible is the source of all authority in matters\nof religion, and, consequently, is to be accessible to all the people.\nAnd (c) the Bible was the authority appealed to by the Reformers.\nIt became the subject of profound study; was diffused abroad; and\ngave form to all the doctrines that sprang out of the times of the\nReformation. These remarks, which might be greatly expanded, will show\nwith what propriety, on the supposition that the chapter here refers\nto the Reformation, the symbol of _a book_ was selected. Obviously no\nother symbol would have been so appropriate; nothing else would have\ngiven so just a view of the leading {254} characteristics of that\nperiod of the world.\n\n\u00b6 _And he set his right foot upon the sea, and |his| left |foot| upon\nthe earth._ This is the _third_ characteristic in the symbol. As a mere\ndescription this is eminently sublime. I was once (at Cape May, 1849)\nimpressively reminded of this passage. My window was in such a position\nthat it commanded a fine view at the same time of the ocean and the\nland. A storm arose such as I had never witnessed\u2015\u2015the clouds from the\ndifferent points of the compass seeming to come together over the place,\nand producing incessant lightning and thunder. As the storm cleared\naway the most magnificent rainbow that I ever saw appeared, arching\nthe heavens, one foot of it far off on the sea, and the other on the\nland\u2015\u2015an emblem of peace to both\u2015\u2015and most strikingly suggesting to\nme the angel in the Apocalypse. The natural meaning of such a symbol\nas that represented here would be, that something was to occur which\nwould pertain to the whole world, as the earth is made up of land and\nwater. It is hardly necessary to say, that on the supposition that this\nrefers to the Reformation, there is no difficulty in finding an ample\nfulfilment of the symbol. That great work was designed manifestly by\nProvidence to affect all the world\u2015\u2015the sea and the land\u2015\u2015the dwellers\nin the islands and in the continents\u2015\u2015those who \u201cgo down to the sea\nin ships, and do business in the great waters,\u201d and those who have\na permanent dwelling on shore. It may be admitted, indeed, that, in\nitself, this one thing\u2015\u2015the angel standing on the sea and the land, if\nit occurred alone, could not suggest the Reformation; and if there were\nnothing else, such an application might seem fanciful and unnatural;\nbut, taken in connection with the other things in the symbol,\nand assuming that the whole vision was designed to symbolize the\nReformation, it will not be regarded as unnatural that there _should_\nbe some symbol which would intimate that the blessings of a reformed\nreligion\u2015\u2015a pure gospel\u2015\u2015would be ultimately spread over land and\nocean\u2015\u2015over the continents and islands of the globe; in all the fixed\nhabitations of men, and in their floating habitations on the deep. The\nsymbol of a rainbow bending over the sea and land, would have expressed\nthis; the same thing would be expressed by an angel whose head was\nencircled by a rainbow, and whose face beamed with light, with one foot\non the ocean and the other on the land.\n\n\n 3 And cried with a loud voice, as _when_ a lion roareth: and\n when he had cried, seven [320]thunders uttered their voices.\n\n3. _And cried with a loud voice, as |when| a lion roareth._ The lion is\nthe monarch of the woods, and his roar is an image of terror. The point\nof the comparison here seems to be the _loudness_ with which the angel\ncried, and the _power_ of what he said to awe the world\u2015\u2015as the roar of\nthe lion keeps the dwellers of the forest in awe. _What_ he said is not\nstated; nor did John attempt to record it. Professor Stuart supposes\nthat it was \u201ca loud note of woe, some interjection uttered which would\nserve to call attention, and at the same time be indicative of the\njudgments which were to follow.\u201d But it is not necessary to suppose\nthat this particular thing was intended. _Any_ loud utterance\u2015\u2015any\nsolemn command\u2015\u2015any prediction of judgment\u2015\u2015any declaration of truth\nthat would arrest the attention of mankind, would be in accordance with\nall that is said here. As there is no _application_ of what is said,\nand no _explanation_ made by John, it is impossible to determine with\nany certainty what is referred to. But, supposing that the whole refers\nto the Reformation, would not the loud and commanding voice of the\nangel properly represent the proclamation of the gospel as it began to\nbe preached in such a manner as to command the attention of the world,\nand the reproof of the prevailing sins in such a manner as to keep\nthe world in awe? The voice that sounded forth at the Reformation\namong the nations of Europe, breaking the slumbers of the Christian\nworld, awaking the church to the evil of the existing corruptions and\nabominations, and summoning princes to the defence of the truth, might\nwell be symbolized by the voice of an angel that was heard afar. In\nregard to the effect of the \u201ctheses\u201d of Luther, in which he attacked\nthe main doctrines of the Papacy, a contemporary writer says, \u201cIn the\nspace of a fortnight they spread over Germany, and within a month they\nhad run through all Christendom, _as if angels {255} themselves had\nbeen the bearers of them to all men_.\u201d To John it might not be known\nbeforehand\u2015\u2015as it probably would not be\u2015\u2015what this symbolized; but\ncould we now find a more appropriate symbol to denote the Reformation\nthan the appearance of such an angel; or better describe the\n_impression_ made by the first announcement of the great doctrines of\nthe Reformation, than by the loud voice of such an angel? \u00b6 _And when\nhe had cried, seven thunders uttered their voices._ Professor Stuart\nrenders this, \u201c_the_ seven thunders uttered their voices,\u201d and insists\nthat the article should be retained, which it has not been in our\ncommon version. So Elliott, Bishop Middleton, and others. Bishop\nMiddleton says, \u201cWhy the article is inserted here I am unable to\ndiscover. It is somewhat remarkable that a few manuscripts and editions\nomit it in both places [ver. 3, 4]. Were the seven thunders anything\nwell known and pre-eminent? If not, the omission must be right in the\nformer instance, but wrong in the latter; if they were pre-eminent,\nthen is it wrong in both. Bengel omits the article in ver. 3, but\nhas it in ver. 4.\u201d He regards the insertion of the article as the\ntrue reading in both places, and supposes that there may have been a\nreference to some Jewish opinion, but says that he had not been able\nto find a vestige of it in Lightfoot, Schoettgen, or Meuschen. Storr\nsupposes that we are not to seek here for any Jewish notion, and that\nnothing is to be inferred from the article (Middleton, on the _Greek\nArticle_, p. 358). The best editions of the New Testament retain the\narticle in both places, and indeed there is no authority for omitting\nit. The use of the article here naturally implies either that these\nseven thunders were something which had been before referred to, either\nexpressly or impliedly; or that there was something about them which\nwas so well known that it would be at once understood what was referred\nto; or that there was something in the connection which would determine\nthe meaning. Comp. Notes on ch. viii. 2. It is plain, however, that\nthere had been no mention of \u201cseven thunders\u201d before, nor had anything\nbeen referred to which would at once suggest them. The reason for\nthe insertion of the article here must, therefore, be found in some\npre-eminence which these seven thunders had; in some well-known\nfacts about them; in something which would at once suggest them when\nthey were mentioned as when we mention _the_ sun, _the_ moon, _the_\nstars, though they might not have been distinctly referred to before.\nThe number \u201cseven\u201d is used here either (a) as a general or perfect\nnumber, as it is frequently in this book, where we have it so often\nrepeated\u2015\u2015seven spirits; seven angels; seven seals; seven trumpets;\nor (b) with some specific reference to the matter in hand\u2015\u2015the case\nactually in view of the writer. It cannot be doubted that it _might_\nbe used in the former sense here, and that no law of language would be\nviolated if it were so understood; as denoting _many_ thunders; but\nstill it is equally true that it _may_ be used in a specific sense as\ndenoting something that would be well understood by applying the number\n_seven_ to it. Now let it be _supposed_, in regard to the application\nof this symbol, that the reference is to Rome, the seven-hilled city,\nand to the thunders of excommunication, anathema, and wrath that were\nuttered from that city against the Reformers; and would there not\nbe _all_ that is fairly implied in this language, and is not this\nsuch a symbol as _would_ be appropriately used on such a supposition?\nThe following circumstances may be referred to as worthy of notice\non this point:\u2015\u2015(a) the place which this occupies in the series\nof symbols\u2015\u2015being just _after_ the angel had uttered his voice as\nsymbolical of the proclamation of the great truths of the gospel\nin the Reformation, if the interpretation above given is correct.\nThe _next_ event, in the order of nature and of fact, was the voice\nof excommunication uttered at Rome. (b) The word _thunder_ would\nappropriately denote the bulls of excommunication uttered at Rome,\nfor the name most frequently given to the decrees of the Papacy, when\ncondemnatory, was that of Papal _thunders_. So Le Bas, in his _Life\nof Wycliffe_, p. 198, says: \u201cThe _thunders_ which shook the world\nwhen they issued _from the seven hills_ sent forth an uncertain sound,\ncomparatively faint and powerless, when launched from a region of less\ndevoted sanctity.\u201d (c) The number _seven_ would, on such a supposition,\nbe used here with equal propriety. Rome was built on seven hills; was\nknown as the \u201cseven-hilled\u201d city, and the thunders from that city would\nseem to echo and re-echo from those hills. Comp. ch. xvii. 9. (d) This\nsupposition, {256} also, will accord with the use of the article here,\n_as if_ those thunders were something well known\u2015\u2015\u201c_the_ seven thunders;\n\u201d that is, the thunders which the nations were accustomed to hear.\n(e) This will also accord with the passage before us, inasmuch as the\nthunders would seem to have been of the nature of a response to what\nthe angel said, or to have been sent forth _because_ he had uttered his\nloud cry. In like manner, the anathemas were hurled from Rome because\nthe nations had been aroused by the loud cry for reformation, as if\nan angel had uttered that cry. For these reasons there is a propriety\nin applying this language to the thunders which issued from Rome\ncondemning the doctrines of the Reformation, and in defence of the\nancient faith, and excommunicating those who embraced the doctrines\nof the Reformers. If we were _now_ to attempt to devise a symbol\nwhich would be appropriate to express what actually occurred in the\nReformation, we could not think of one which would be better fitted to\nthat purpose than to speak of seven thunders bellowing forth from the\nseven-hilled city.\n\n\n 4 And when the seven thunders had uttered their voices, I was\n about to write: and I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me,\n [321]Seal up those things which the seven thunders uttered,\n and write them not.\n\n4. _And when the seven thunders had uttered their voices._ After he had\nlistened to those thunders; or when they had passed by. \u00b6 _I was about\nto write._ That is, he was about to record what was uttered, supposing\nthat that was the design for which he had been made to hear them. From\nthis it would seem that it was not mere thunder\u2015\u2015brutum fulmen\u2015\u2015but\nthat the utterance had a distinct and intelligible enunciation, or that\n_words_ were employed that could be recorded. It may be observed, by\nthe way, as Professor Stuart has remarked, that this proves that John\nwrote down what he saw and heard as soon as practicable, and in the\nplace where he was; and that the supposition of many modern critics,\nthat the Apocalyptic visions were written at Ephesus a considerable\ntime after the visions took place, has no good foundation. \u00b6 _And I\nheard a voice from heaven saying unto me._ Evidently the voice of God:\nat all events it came with the clear force of command. \u00b6 _Seal up those\nthings._ On the word _seal_, see Notes on ch. v. 1. The meaning here\nis, that he was not to record those things, but what he heard he was\nto keep to himself _as if_ it was placed under a seal which was not to\nbe broken. \u00b6 _And write them not._ Make no record of them. No reason is\nmentioned _why_ this was not to be done, and none can now be given that\ncan be proved to be the true reason. Vitringa, who regards the seven\nthunders as referring to the Crusades, supposes the reason to have\nbeen that a more full statement would have diverted the mind from the\ncourse of the prophetic narrative, and from more important events which\npertained to the church, and that nothing occurred in the Crusades\nwhich was worthy to be recorded at length: Nec dign\u00e6 erant qu\u00e6\nprolixius exponerentur\u2015\u2015\u201cfor,\u201d he adds, \u201cthese expeditions were\nundertaken with a foolish purpose, and resulted in real detriment to\nthe church,\u201d pp. 431, 432. Professor Stuart (vol. ii. pp. 204\u2012206)\nsupposes that these \u201cthunders\u201d refer to the destruction of the city and\ntemple of God, and that they were a sublime introduction to the last\ncatastrophe, and that the meaning is not that he should keep \u201c_entire_\nsilence,\u201d but only that he should state the circumstances in a general\nmanner, without going into detail. Mede supposes that John was\ncommanded to keep silence because it was designed that the meaning\nshould not then be known, but should be disclosed in future times;\nForerius, because it was the design that the wise should be able to\nunderstand them, but that they were not to be disclosed to the wicked\nand profane. Without attempting to examine these and other solutions\nwhich have been proposed, the question which, from the course of the\nexposition, is properly before us is, whether, on the supposition that\nthe voice of the seven thunders referred to the Papal anathemas, a\nrational and satisfactory solution of the reasons of this silence can\nbe given. Without pretending to _know_ the reasons which existed, the\nfollowing may be referred to as not improbable, and as those which\nwould meet the case:\u2015\u2015(1) In these Papal anathemas there was nothing\nthat was _worthy_ of record; there was nothing that was important\nas history; there was nothing that communicated {257} truth; there\nwas nothing that really indicated _progress_ in human affairs. In\nthemselves there was nothing more that deserved _record_ than the acts\nand doings of wicked men at any time; nothing that fell in with the\nmain design of this book. (2) Such a record would have retarded the\nprogress of the main statements of what was to occur, and would have\nturned off the attention from these to less important matters. (3) All\nthat was necessary in the case was simply to state that such thunders\nwere _heard_: that is, on the supposition that this refers to the\nReformation, that that great change in human affairs would not be\npermitted to occur without opposition and noise\u2015\u2015_as if_ the thunders\nof wrath should follow those who were engaged in it. (4) John evidently\n_mistook_ this for a real revelation, or for something that was to be\nrecorded as connected with the divine will in reference to the progress\nof human affairs. He was naturally about to record this as he did what\nwas uttered by the other voices which he heard; and if he had made the\nrecord, it would have been with this mistaken view. There was nothing\nin the voices, or in what was uttered, that would _manifestly_ mark it\nas distinct from what had been uttered as coming from God, and he was\nabout to record it under this impression. If this _was_ a mistake, and\nif the record would do anything, as it clearly would, to perpetuate the\nerror, it is easy to see a sufficient reason why the record should not\nbe made. (5) It is remarkable that there was an entire correspondence\nwith this in what occurred in the Reformation; in the fact that Luther\nand his fellow-labourers were, at first, and for a long time\u2015\u2015such\nwas the force of education, and of the habits of reverence for the\nPapal authority in which they had been reared\u2015\u2015disposed to receive the\nannouncements of the Papacy as the oracles of God, and to show to them\nthe deference which was due to divine communications. The language of\nLuther himself, if the general view here taken is correct, will be the\nbest commentary on the expressions here used. \u201cWhen I began the affairs\nof the Indulgences,\u201d says he, \u201cI was a monk, and a most mad Papist. So\nintoxicated was I, and drenched in Papal dogmas, that I would have been\nmost ready to murder, or assist others in murdering, any person who\nshould have uttered a syllable against the duty of obedience to the\npope.\u201d And again: \u201cCertainly at that time I adored him in earnest.\u201d He\nadds, \u201cHow distressed my heart was in that year 1517\u2015\u2015how submissive\nto the hierarchy, not feignedly but really\u2015\u2015those little knew who\nat this day insult the majesty of the pope with so much pride and\narrogance. I was ignorant of many things which now, by the grace of\nGod, I understand. I disputed; I was open to conviction; not finding\nsatisfaction in the works of theologians, I wished to consult the\nliving members of the church itself. There were some godly souls\nthat entirely approved my propositions. But I did not consider their\nauthority of weight with me in spiritual concerns. The popes, bishops,\ncardinals, monks, priests, were the objects of my confidence. After\nbeing enabled to answer every objection that could be brought against\nme from sacred Scripture, one difficulty alone remained, that _the\nChurch ought to be obeyed_. If I had then braved the pope as I now\ndo, I should have expected every hour that the earth would have opened\nto swallow me up alive, like Korah and Abiram.\u201d It was in this frame\nof mind that, in the summer of 1518, a few months after the affair\nwith Tetzel, he wrote that memorable letter to the pope, the tenor\nof which can be judged of by the following sentences: and what could\nmore admirably illustrate the passage before us, on the interpretation\nsuggested, than this language? \u201cMost blessed Father! Prostrate at the\nfeet of thy blessedness I offer myself to thee, with all that I am,\nand that I have. Kill me, or make me live; call or recall; approve or\nreprove, as shall please thee. I will acknowledge _thy voice as the\nvoice of Christ_ presiding and speaking in thee.\u201d See the authorities\nfor these quotations in Elliott, vol. ii. pp. 116, 117. (6) The command\n_not_ to record what the seven thunders uttered was of the nature of a\n_caution_ not to regard what was said in this manner; that is, not to\nbe deceived by these utterances as if they were the voice of God. Thus\nunderstood, if this is the proper explanation and application of the\npassage, it should be regarded as an injunction _not_ to regard the\ndecrees and decisions of the Papacy as containing any intimation of the\ndivine will, or as of authority in the church. That this is to be so\nregarded is the opinion of all Protestants; and if this is so, it is\nnot a forced supposition {258} that this might have been intimated by\nsuch a symbol as that before us.\n\n\n 5 And the angel which I saw stand upon the sea and upon the\n earth [322]lifted up his hand to heaven,\n\n5. _And the angel which I saw stand_, &c. Ver. 2. That is, John saw\nhim standing in this posture when he made the oath which he proceeds to\nrecord. \u00b6 _Lifted up his hand to heaven._ The usual attitude in taking\nan oath, as if one called heaven to witness. See Ge. xiv. 22; De.\nxxxii. 40; Eze. xx. 5, 6. Comp. Notes on Da. xii. 7.\n\n\n 6 And sware by [323]him that liveth for ever and ever, who\n created heaven, and the things that therein are, and the earth,\n and the things that therein are, and the sea, and the things\n which are therein, [324]that there should be time no longer:\n\n6. _And sware by him that liveth for ever and ever._ By the ever-living\nGod: a form of an oath in extensive use now. The essential idea in such\nan oath is an appeal to God; a solemn reference to Him as a witness;\nan utterance in the presence of Him who is acquainted with the truth or\nfalsehood of what is said, and who will punish him who appeals to him\nfalsely. It is usual, in such an oath, in order to give to it greater\nsolemnity, to refer to some _attribute_ of God, or something in the\ndivine character on which the mind would rest at the time, as tending\nto make it more impressive. Thus, in the passage before us, the\nreference is to God as \u201cever-living;\u201d that is, he is now a witness,\nand he ever will be; he has now the power to detect and punish, and\nhe ever will have the same power. \u00b6 _Who created heaven and the things\nthat therein are_, &c. Who is the Maker of all things in heaven, on\nthe earth, and in the sea; that is, throughout the universe. The design\nof referring to these things here is that which is just specified\u2015\u2015to\ngive increased solemnity to the oath by a particular reference to\nsome one of the attributes of God. With this view nothing could\nbe more appropriate than to refer to him as the Creator of the\nuniverse\u2015\u2015denoting his infinite power, his right to rule and control\nall things. \u00b6 _That there should be time no longer._ This is a very\nimportant expression, as it is the substance of what the angel affirmed\nin so solemn a manner; and as the interpretation of the whole passage\ndepends on it. It seems now to be generally agreed among critics that\nour translation does not give the true sense, inasmuch (a) as that was\nnot the close of human affairs, and (b) as he proceeds to state what\n_would_ occur _after_ that. Accordingly, different versions of the\npassage have been proposed. Professor Stuart renders it, \u201cthat delay\nshall be no longer.\u201d Mr. Elliott, \u201cthat the time shall not yet be; but\nin the days of the voice of the seventh angel, whensoever he may be\nabout to sound, then the mystery of God shall be finished.\u201d Mr. Lord,\n\u201cthat the time shall not be yet, but in the days of the voice of the\nseventh angel,\u201d &c. Andrew Fuller (_Works_, vol. vi. p. 113), \u201cthere\nshould be no delay.\u201d So Dr. Gill. Mr. Daubuz, \u201cthe time shall not be\nyet.\u201d Vitringa (p. 432), _tempus non fore amplius_, \u201ctime shall be\nno more.\u201d He explains it (p. 433) as meaning, \u201cnot that this is to be\ntaken _absolutely_, as if at the sounding of the seventh trumpet all\nthings were then to terminate, and the glorious epiphany\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c6\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1\n(or manifestation of Jesus Christ)\u2015\u2015was then to occur, who would\nput an end to all the afflictions of his church; but in a limited\nsense\u2015\u2015_restricte_\u2015\u2015as meaning that there would be no _delay_\nbetween the sounding of the seventh trumpet and the fulfilment\nof the prophecies.\u201d The sense of this passage is to be determined\nby the meaning of the words and the connection. (a) The word\n_time_\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015is the common Greek word to denote _time_, and may\nbe applied to time in general, or to any specified time or period.\nSee Robinson, _Lex._ _sub voce_, (a, b). In the word itself there is\nnothing to determine its particular signification here. It might refer\neither to time in general, or to the time under consideration, and\nwhich was the subject of the prophecy. Which of these is the true idea\nis to be ascertained by the other circumstances referred to. It should\nbe added, however, that the _word_ does not of itself denote _delay_,\nand is never used to denote that directly. It can only _denote_ that\nbecause _delay_ occupies or consumes _time_, but this sense of the noun\nis not found in the New Testament. It is {259} found, however, in the\nverb \u03c7\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03b6\u03c9, to linger, to delay, to be long in coming, Mat. xxv. 5;\nLu. i. 21. (b) The absence of the article\u2015\u2015\u201c_time_,\u201d not \u201c_the_\ntime\u201d\u2015\u2015would naturally give it a general signification, unless there\nwas something in the connection to limit it to some well-known period\nunder consideration. See Notes on ch. viii. 2; x. 3. In this latter\nview, if the time referred to would be sufficiently definite _without_\nthe article, the article need not be inserted. This is such a case,\nand comes under the rule for the omission of the article as laid down\nby Bishop Middleton, part i. ch. iii. The principle is, that when\nthe copula, or verb connecting the subject and predicate, is the verb\nsubstantive, then the article is omitted. \u201cTo affirm the existence,\u201d\nsays he, \u201cof that of which the existence is already assumed, would\nbe superfluous; to deny it, would be contradictory and absurd.\u201d As\napplicable to the case before us, the meaning of this rule would be,\nthat the nature of the time here referred to is implied in the use of\nthe substantive verb (\u1f14\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9), and that consequently it is not necessary\nto specify it. All that needs to be said on this point is, that, on\nthe supposition that John referred to a specified time, instead of\ntime in general, it would not be necessary, under this rule, to insert\nthe article. The reference would be understood without it, and the\ninsertion would be unnecessary. This is substantially the reasoning\nof Mr. Elliott (vol. ii. p. 123), and it is submitted for what it\nis worth. My own knowledge of the usages of the Greek article is too\nlimited to justify me in pronouncing an opinion on the subject, but\nthe authorities are such as to authorize the assertion that, on the\nsupposition that a particular well-known period were here referred\nto, the insertion of the article would not be necessary. (c) The\nparticle rendered \u201clonger\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f14\u03c4\u03b9)\u2015\u2015\u201ctime shall be no _longer_\u201d\u2015\u2015means\nproperly, according to Robinson (_Lex._), _yet_, _still_; implying\n(1) _duration_\u2015\u2015as spoken of the present time; of the present in\nallusion to the past, and, with a negative, _no more_, _no longer_;\n(2) implying accession, addition, _yet_, _more_, _farther_, _besides_.\nAccording to Buttmann, _Gram._ \u00a7 149, vol. i. p. 430, it means, when\nalone, \u201cyet still, yet farther; and with a negative, no more, no\nfarther.\u201d The particle occurs often in the New Testament, as may be\nseen in the _Concordance_. It is more frequently rendered \u201c_yet_\u201d than\nby any other word (comp. Mat. xii. 46; xvii. 5; xix. 20; xxvi. 47;\nxxvii. 63; Mar. v. 35; viii. 17; xii. 6; xiv. 43\u2015\u2015and so in the other\nGospels, the Acts, and the Epistles); in all, fifty times. In the book\nof Revelation it is only once rendered \u201c_yet_,\u201d ch. vi. 11, but is\nrendered \u201c_more_\u201d in ch. iii. 12; vii. 16; ix. 12; xii. 8; xviii. 21,\n22 (three times), 23 (twice); xx. 3; xxi. 1, 4 (twice); \u201c_longer_\u201d in\nch. x. 6; \u201c _still_\u201d in ch. xxii. 11 (four times). The usage, therefore,\nwill justify the rendering of the word by \u201c_yet_,\u201d and in connection\nwith the negative, \u201cnot yet\u201d\u2015\u2015meaning that the thing referred to would\nnot occur immediately, but would be hereafter. In regard to the general\nmeaning, then, of this passage in its connection, we may remark,\n(a) That it cannot mean, literally, that there would be _time_ no\nlonger, or that the world would then come to an end absolutely, for\nthe speaker proceeds to disclose events that would occur after that,\nextending far into the future (ch. x. 11), and the detail that follows\n(ch. xi.) before the sounding of the seventh trumpet is such as to\noccupy a considerable period, and the seventh trumpet is also yet to\nsound. No fair construction of the language, therefore, would require\nus to understand this as meaning that the affairs of the world were\nthen to terminate. (b) The connection, then, apart from the question\nof grammatical usage, will require some such construction as that above\nsuggested\u2015\u2015\u201cthat the time,\u201d to wit, some certain, known, or designated\ntime, \u201cwould not be _yet_,\u201d but would be in some future period; that is,\nas specified, ver. 7, \u201cin the days of the voice of the seventh angel,\nwhen he shall begin to sound.\u201d _Then_ \u201cthe mystery of God would be\nfinished,\u201d and the affairs of the world would be put on their permanent\nfooting. (c) This would imply that, at the time when the angel appeared,\nor in the time to which he refers, there would be some expectation\nor general belief that the \u201cmystery\u201d was _then_ to be finished, and\nthat the affairs of the world were to come to an end. The proper\ninterpretation would lead us to suppose that there would be so general\nan expectation of this, as to make the solemn affirmation of the angel\nproper to correct a prevailing opinion, and to show that the right\ninterpretation was not put on what {260} seemed to be the tendency\nof things. (d) As a matter of fact, we find that this expectation\ndid actually exist at the time of the Reformation; that such an\ninterpretation was put on the prophecies, and on the events that\noccurred; and that the impression that the Messiah was about to come,\nand the reign of saints about to commence, was so strong as to justify\nsome interference, like the solemn oath of the angel, to correct the\nmisapprehension. It is true that this impression had existed in former\ntimes, and even in the early ages of the church; but, as a matter of\nfact, it was true, and eminently true, in the time of the Reformation,\nand there was, on many accounts, a strong tendency to that form of\nbelief. The Reformers, in interpreting the prophecies, learned to\nconnect the downfall of the Papacy with the coming of Christ, and\nwith his universal reign upon the earth; and as they saw the evidences\nof the approach of the former, they naturally anticipated the latter\nas about to occur. Comp. Da. ii. 34; xii. 11; 2 Th. ii. 3, 8. The\nanticipation that the Lord Jesus was about to come; that the affairs\nof the world, in the present form, were to be wound up; that the reign\nof the saints would soon commence; and that the permanent kingdom of\nrighteousness would be established, became almost the current belief\nof the Reformers, and was frequently expressed in their writings.\nThus Luther, in the year 1520, in his answer to the pope\u2019s bull of\nexcommunication, expresses his anticipations: \u201cOur Lord Jesus Christ\nyet liveth and reigneth; who, I firmly trust, will shortly come, and\nslay with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness of\nhis coming, that Man of Sin\u201d (Merle D\u2019Aubig., vol. ii. p. 166). After\nbeing summoned before the Diet at Worms, and after condemnation had\nbeen pronounced on him by the emperor, he fell back for comfort on the\nsame joyous expectation. \u201cFor this once,\u201d he said, \u201cthe Jews, as on\nthe crucifixion-day, may sing their p\u00e6an; but Easter will come for us,\nand then we shall sing Hallelujah\u201d (D\u2019Aubig., vol. ii. p. 275). The\nnext year, writing to Staupitz, he made a solemn appeal against his\nabandoning the Reformation, by reference to the sure and advancing\nfulfilment of Daniel\u2019s prophecy. \u201cMy father,\u201d said he, \u201cthe\nabominations of the pope, with his whole kingdom, must be destroyed;\nand the Lord does this without hand, by the _Word_ alone. The subject\nexceeds all human comprehension. I cherish the best hopes\u201d (Milner,\np. 692). In 1523 he thus, in a similar strain, expresses his hopes:\n\u201cThe kingdom of Antichrist, according to the prophet Daniel, must be\nbroken _without hands_; that is, the Scriptures will be understood by\nand by; and every one will preach against Papal tyranny, from the Word\nof God, until the Man of Sin is deserted of all, and dies of himself\u201d\n(Milner, p. 796). The same sentiments respecting the approach of the\nend of the world were entertained by Melancthon. In commenting on the\npassage in Daniel relating to the \u201clittle horn,\u201d he thus refers to\nan argument which has been prevalent: \u201cThe words of the prophet Elias\nshould be marked by every one, and inscribed upon our walls, and on\nthe entrances of our houses. Six thousand years shall the world stand,\nand after that be destroyed; two thousand years without the law;\ntwo thousand years under the law of Moses; two thousand years under\nthe Messiah; and if any of these years are not fulfilled, they will\nbe shortened (a shortening intimated by Christ also, on account of\nour sins).\u201d The following manuscript addition to this argument has\nbeen found in Melancthon\u2019s hand, in Luther\u2019s own copy of the German\nBible:\u2015\u2015\u201cWritten A.D. 1557, and from the creation of the world, 5519;\nfrom which number we may see that this aged world is not far from its\nend.\u201d So also the British Reformers believed. Thus Bishop Latimer:\n\u201cLet us cry to God day and night\u2015\u2015Most merciful Father, let thy kingdom\ncome! St. Paul saith, The Lord will not come till the swerving from\nthe faith cometh (2 Th. ii. 3); which thing is already done and past.\nAntichrist is already known throughout all the world. Wherefore the\nday is not far off.\u201d Then, reverting to the consideration of the age\nof the world, as Melancthon had done, he says, \u201cThe world was ordained\nto endure, as all learned ones affirm, 6000 years. Now of that number\nthere be past 5552 years, so that there is no more left but 448 years.\nFurthermore, those days shall be shortened for the elect\u2019s sake.\nTherefore, all those excellent and learned men, whom without doubt God\nhath sent into the world in these last days to give the world warning,\ndo gather out of sacred Scripture {261} that the last day cannot be\nfar off.\u201d So again, in a sermon on the nearness of the second advent,\nhe says, \u201cSo that peradventure it may come in my days, old as I am,\nor in my children\u2019s days.\u201d Indeed, it is well known that this was a\nprevalent opinion among the Reformers; and this fact will show with\nwhat propriety, if the passage before us was _designed_ to refer to the\nReformation, this solemn declaration of the angel was made, that the\n\u201ctime would _not be yet_\u201d\u2015\u2015that those anticipations which would spring\nup from the nature of the case, and from the interpretations which\nwould be put on what _seemed_ to be the obvious sense of the prophecies,\nwere unfounded, and that a considerable time must yet intervene before\nthe events would be consummated. (e) The proper sense of this passage,\nthen, according to the above interpretation would be\u2015\u2015\u201cAnd the angel\nlifted up his hand to heaven, and sware by him that liveth for ever and\never, That the time should not yet be; but, in the days of the voice\nof the seventh angel, when he shall begin to sound, the mystery of\nGod shall be finished.\u201d Appearances, indeed, would then indicate that\nthe affairs of the world were to be wound up, and that the prophecies\nrespecting the end of the world were about to be fulfilled: but the\nangel solemnly swears \u201cby Him who lives for ever and ever\u201d\u2015\u2015and whose\nreign therefore extends through all the changes on the earth\u2015\u2015\u201cby\nHim who is the Creator of all things,\u201d and whose purpose alone can\ndetermine when the end shall be, that the time would not be _yet_.\nThose cherished expectations would not yet be realized, but there was\na series of important events to intervene before the end would come.\nThen\u2015\u2015at the time when the seventh angel should sound\u2015\u2015would be the\nconsummation of all things.\n\n\n 7 But in the days of the voice of the [325]seventh angel,\n when he shall begin to sound, the [326]mystery of God should\n be finished, as he hath declared to his servants the prophets.\n\n7. _But in the days of the voice of the seventh angel._ The days in\nthe period of time embraced by the sounding of the seventh trumpet.\nThat is, the affairs of this world would not be consummated in that\nperiod embraced in the sounding of the sixth trumpet, but in that\nembraced in the sounding of the seventh and last of the trumpets.\nComp. ch. xi. 15\u201219. \u00b6 _When he shall begin to sound._ That is, the\nevents referred to will _commence_ at the period when the angel shall\n_begin_ to sound. It will not be merely _during_ or _in_ that period,\nbut the sounding of the trumpet, and the beginning of those events,\nwill be contemporaneous. In other words, then would commence the reign\nof righteousness\u2015\u2015the kingdom of the Messiah\u2015\u2015the dominion of the\nsaints on the earth. \u00b6 _The mystery of God should be finished._ On the\nmeaning of the word _mystery_, see Notes on Ep. i. 9. It means here,\nas elsewhere in the New Testament, the purpose or truth of God which\nhad been concealed, and which had not before been communicated to man.\nHere the particular reference is to the divine purpose which had been\nlong concealed respecting the destiny of the world, or respecting the\nsetting up of his kingdom, but which had been progressively unfolded\nby the prophets. That purpose would be \u201cfinished,\u201d or consummated, in\nthe time when the seventh angel should begin to sound. Then all the\n\u201cmystery\u201d would be revealed; the plan would be unfolded; the divine\npurpose, so long concealed, would be manifested, and the kingdom of\nthe Messiah and of the saints would be set up on the earth. Under that\nperiod, the affairs of the world would be ultimately wound up, and\nthe whole work of redemption completed. \u00b6 _As he hath declared to\nhis servants the prophets._ As he has from time to time disclosed\nhis purposes to mankind through the prophets. The reference here is,\ndoubtless, to the prophets of the Old Testament, though _the language_\nwould include all who at any time had uttered any predictions\nrespecting the final condition of the world. These prophecies had been\nscattered along through many ages; but the angel says that at that\ntime all that had been said respecting the setting up of the kingdom\nof God, the reign of the saints, and the dominion of the Redeemer on\nthe earth, would be accomplished. See Notes on ch. xi. 15. From the\npassage thus explained, if the interpretation is correct, it will\nfollow that the sounding of the seventh trumpet (ch. xi. 15\u201218)\nis properly the conclusion of {262} this series of visions, and\ndenotes a \u201c_catastrophe_\u201d in the action, and that what follows is the\ncommencement of a new series of visions. This is clear, because (a) the\nwhole seven seals, comprising the seven trumpets of the seventh seal,\nmust embrace _one_ view of all coming events\u2015\u2015since this embraced all\nthat there was in the volume seen in the hand of him that sat on the\nthrone; (b) this is properly implied in the word here rendered \u201cshould\nbe finished\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u2015\u2015the fair meaning of which is, that the \u201cmystery\u201d\nhere referred to\u2015\u2015the hitherto unrevealed purpose or plan of God\u2015\u2015would,\nunder that trumpet, be consummated or complete (see the conclusive\nreasoning of Prof. Stuart on the meaning of the word, vol. ii. p. 210,\nfoot-note); and (c) it will be found in the course of the exposition\nthat, at ch. xi. 19, there commences a new series of visions, embracing\na view of the world in its _religious_ aspect, or _ecclesiastical_\ncharacteristics, reaching down to the same consummation, and stating\nat the close of that (ch. xx.) more fully what is here (ch. xi. 15\u201218)\ndesignated in a more summary way\u2015\u2015the final triumph of religion, and\nthe establishment of the kingdom of the saints. The present series\nof visions (ch. v.\u2012xi. 18) relates rather to the outward or secular\nchanges which would occur on the earth, which were to affect the\nwelfare of the church, to the final consummation; the next series\n(ch. xi. 19; xii.\u2012xx.) relates to the church internally, the rise of\nAntichrist, and the effect of the rise of that formidable power on the\ninternal history of the church, to the time of the overthrow of that\npower, and the triumphant establishment of the kingdom of God. See\nthe Analysis of the work, Intro. \u00a7 5. In other words, this series\nof visions, terminating at ch. xi. 18, refers, as the leading thing,\nto what would occur in relation to the Roman empire considered as a\nsecular power, in which the church would be interested; that which\nfollows (ch. xi. 19; xii.\u2012xx.) to the Roman power considered as a great\napostasy, and setting up a mighty and most oppressive domination over\nthe true church, manifested in deep corruption and bloody persecutions,\nrunning on in its disastrous influence on the world, until that power\nshould be destroyed, Babylon fall, and the reign of the saints be\nintroduced.\n\n\n 8 And the [327]voice which I heard from heaven spake unto me\n again, and said, Go _and_ take the little book which is open\n in the hand of the angel which standeth upon the sea and upon\n the earth.\n\n8. _And the voice which I heard from heaven._ Ver. 4. This is not\nthe voice of the angel, but a direct divine command. \u00b6 _Said, Go |and|\ntake the little book that is open_, &c. That is, take it out of his\nhand, and do with it as you shall be commanded. There is a very strong\nresemblance between this passage and the account contained in Eze. ii.\n9, 10; iii. 1\u20123. Ezekiel was directed to go to the house of Israel and\ndeliver a divine message, whether they would hear or forbear; and in\norder that he might understand what message to deliver, there was shown\nto him a roll of a book, written within and without. That roll he was\ncommanded to eat, and he found it to be \u201cin his mouth as honey for\nsweetness.\u201d John has added to this the circumstance that, though \u201csweet\nin the mouth,\u201d it made \u201cthe belly bitter.\u201d The additional command\n(ver. 11), that he must yet \u201cprophecy before many people,\u201d leads us to\nsuppose that he had the narrative in Ezekiel in his eye; for, as the\nresult of _his_ eating the roll, he was commanded to go and prophesy to\nthe people of Israel. The passage here (ver. 8) introduces a new symbol,\nthat of \u201ceating the book,\u201d and evidently refers to something that was\nto occur _before_ the \u201cmystery should be finished;\u201d that is, before the\nseventh trumpet should sound. \u00b6 _Which is open in the hand_, &c. On the\nsymbolical meaning of the word \u201copen,\u201d as applied to the book, see\nNotes on ver. 2.\n\n\n 9 And I went unto the angel, and said unto him, Give me the\n little book. And he said unto me, [328]Take _it_, and eat it\n up; and it shall make thy belly bitter, but it shall be in thy\n mouth sweet as honey.\n\n9. _And I went unto the angel._ This is symbolic action, and is not\nto be understood literally. As it is not necessary to suppose that an\nangel _literally_ descended, and stood upon the sea and the land, so\nit is not necessary to suppose that there was a literal act of going\nto him, and taking the book from his hand and eating it. \u00b6 _Give me\nthe little book._ In accordance with the command {263} in ver. 8. We\nmay suppose, in regard to this, (a) that the symbol was designed to\nrepresent that the book was to be used in the purpose here referred to,\nor was to be an important agent or instrumentality in accomplishing the\npurpose. The book is held forth in the hand of the angel as a striking\nemblem. There is a command to go and take it from his hand for some\npurpose not yet disclosed. All this seems to imply that the _book_\u2015\u2015or\nthat which is represented by it\u2015\u2015would be an important instrument in\naccomplishing the purpose here referred to. (b) The application _for_\nthe book might intimate that, on the part of him who made it, there\nwould be some strong _desire_ to possess it. He goes, indeed, in\nobedience to the command; but, at the same time, there would naturally\nbe a _desire_ to be in possession of the volume, or to know the\ncontents (comp. ch. v. 4), and his approach to the angel for the\nbook would be most naturally interpreted as expressive of such a\nwish. \u00b6 _And he said unto me, Take |it|._ As if he had expected this\napplication; or had come down to furnish him with this little volume,\nand had anticipated that the request would be made. There was no\nreluctance in giving it up; there was no attempt to withhold it; there\nwas no prohibition of its use. The angel had no commission, and no\ndesire to retain it for himself, and no hesitation in placing it\nin the hands of the seer on the first application. Would not the\nreadiness with which God gives his Bible into the hands of men, in\ncontradistinction from all human efforts to restrain its use, and to\nprevent its free circulation, be well symbolized by this act? \u00b6 _And\neat it up._ There is a similar command in Eze. iii. 1. Of course, this\nis to be understood figuratively, for no one would interpret literally\na command to eat a manuscript or volume. We have in common use a\nsomewhat similar phrase, when we speak of _devouring a book_, which\nmay illustrate this, and which is not liable to be misunderstood.\nIn Je. xv. 16, we have similar language: \u201cThy words were found, and\nI did eat them; and thy word was unto me the joy and rejoicing of my\nheart.\u201d Thus in Latin, the words _propinare_, _imbibere_, _devorare_,\n_deglutire_, &c., are used to denote the greediness with which\nknowledge is acquired. Comp. in the Apocrypha, 2 Esdras xiv. 38\u201240. The\nmeaning here, then, is plain. He was to possess himself of the contents\nof the book; to receive it into his mind; to apply it, as we do food,\nfor spiritual nourishment\u2015\u2015truth having, in this respect, the same\nrelation to the mind which food has to the body. If the little book was\na symbol of the Bible, it would refer to the fact that the truths of\nthat book became the nourisher and supporter of the public mind. \u00b6 _And\nit shall make thy belly bitter._ This is a circumstance which does not\noccur in the corresponding place in Eze. iii. 1\u20123. The expression here\nmust refer to something that would occur _after_ the symbolical action\nof \u201ceating\u201d the little book, or to some consequence of eating it\u2015\u2015for\nthe act of eating it is represented as pleasant: \u201cin thy mouth sweet\nas honey.\u201d The meaning here is, that the effect which followed from\neating the book was painful or disagreeable\u2015\u2015as food would be that was\npleasant to the taste, but that produced bitter pain when eaten. The\nfulfilment of this would be found in one of two things. (a) It might\nmean that the message to be delivered in consequence of devouring the\nbook, or the message which it contained, would be of a painful or\ndistressing character; that with whatever pleasure the book might be\nreceived and devoured, it would be found to contain a communication\nthat would be indicative of woe or sorrow. This was the case with the\nlittle book that Ezekiel was commanded to eat up. Thus, in speaking\nof this book, it is said, \u201cAnd it was written within and without: and\nthere was written therein lamentations, and mourning, and woe,\u201d Eze.\nii. 10. Comp. ch. iii. 4\u20129, where the contents of the book, and the\neffect of proclaiming the message which it contained, are more fully\nstated. So here the meaning may be, that, however gladly John may have\ntaken the book, and with whatever pleasure he may have devoured its\ncontents, yet that it would be found to be charged with the threatening\nof wrath, and with denunciations of a judgment to come, the delivery\nof which would be well represented by the \u201cbitterness\u201d which is said\nto have followed from \u201ceating\u201d the volume. Or (b) it may mean that the\nconsequence of devouring the book, that is, of embracing its doctrines,\nwould be persecutions and trouble\u2015\u2015well represented by the \u201cbitterness\u201d\nthat followed the \u201ceating\u201d of the volume. Either of these ideas would\nbe a fulfilment of the {264} proper meaning of the symbol; for, on the\nsupposition that either of these occurred in fact, it would properly\nbe symbolized by the eating of a volume that was sweet to the taste,\nbut that made the belly bitter. \u00b6 _But it shall be in thy mouth sweet\nas honey._ So in Eze. iii. 3. The proper fulfilment of this it is not\ndifficult to understand. It would well represent the pleasure derived\nfrom divine truth\u2015\u2015the sweetness of the Word of God\u2015\u2015the relish with\nwhich it is embraced by those that love it. On the supposition that\nthe \u201clittle book\u201d here refers to the Bible, and to the use which would\nbe made of it in the times referred to, it would properly denote the\nrelish which would exist for the sacred volume, and the happiness\nwhich would be found in its perusal; for this very image is frequently\nemployed to denote this. Thus in Ps. xix. 10: \u201cMore to be desired are\nthey than gold, yea, than much fine gold; sweeter also than honey and\nthe honeycomb.\u201d Ps. cxix. 103: \u201cHow sweet are thy words unto my taste!\nyea, sweeter than honey to my mouth.\u201d We are then to look for the\nfulfilment of this in some prevailing delight or satisfaction, in\nthe times referred to, in the Word of the Lord, or in the truths of\nrevelation.\n\n\n 10 And I took the little book out of the angel\u2019s hand, and ate\n it up; and it was in my mouth sweet as honey: and as soon as I\n had eaten it, my belly was bitter.\n\n10. _And as soon as I had eaten it, my belly was bitter._ The effect\nimmediately followed: that is, as soon as he was made acquainted with\nthe contents of the book, either, as above explained, requiring him\nto deliver some message of woe and wrath which it would be painful to\ndeliver, or that the consequence of receiving it was to bring on bitter\npersecutions and trials.\n\n\n 11 And he said unto me, Thou must prophesy again before many\n peoples, and nations, and tongues, and kings.\n\n11. _And he said unto me._ The angel then said. \u00b6 _Thou must prophesy._\nThe word \u201c_prophesy_\u201d here is evidently used in the large sense of\nmaking known divine truth in general; not in the comparatively narrow\nand limited sense in which it is commonly used, as referring merely to\nthe foretelling of future events. See the word explained in the Notes\non Ro. xii. 6; 1 Co. xiv. 1. The meaning is, that, as a consequence of\nbecoming possessed of the little volume and its contents, he would be\ncalled to proclaim divine truth, or to make the message of God known\nto mankind. The direct address is to John himself; but it is evidently\nnot to be understood of him personally. _He_ is represented as seeing\nthe angel; as hearkening to his voice; as listening to the solemn\noath which he took; as receiving and eating the volume; and then as\nprophesying to many people; but the reference is undoubtedly to the\nfar-distant future. If the allusion is to the times of the Reformation,\nthe meaning is, that the end of the world was not, as would be expected,\nabout to occur, but that there was to be an interval long enough to\npermit the gospel to be proclaimed before \u201cnations, and tongues, and\nkings;\u201d that in consequence of coming into possession of the \u201clittle\nbook,\u201d the Word of God, the truth was yet to be proclaimed far and wide\non the earth. \u00b6 _Again_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd. This had been done before. That is,\nsupposing this to refer to the time of the Reformation, it could be\nsaid, (a) that this had been done _before_\u2015\u2015that the gospel had been\nin former times proclaimed in its purity before \u201cmany peoples, and\nnations, and tongues, and kings;\u201d and (b) that it would be done \u201cagain;\u201d\nthat is, though the Word of God had been hidden, and a mass of corrupt\ntraditions had taken its place, yet the time would come when those\npure truths would be made known again to all lands. This will explain\nthe word \u201c_again_\u201d in this place\u2015\u2015not meaning that John would do\nthis personally, but that this would be in fact the result of the\nrestoration of the Bible to the church. \u00b6 _Before many peoples._ This\nword denotes people considered as _masses_, or as grouped together\nin masses, without reference to the manner in which it is done. It is\nused when we look on a _mass_ of men, without taking into account the\nquestion whether they are of the same nation, or language, or rank.\nSee Notes on ch. vii. 9. The plural is used here\u2015\u2015\u201c_peoples_\u201d\u2015\u2015perhaps\nto denote that those to whom the truth would be made known would be\n_very_ numerous. They would not only be numerous in regard to the\n_individuals_ to whom it would be communicated, but numerous considered\nas {265} communities or nations. \u00b6 _And nations._ The word _nations_\nhere denotes people considered as separated by national boundaries,\nconstitutions, laws, customs. See Notes on ch. vii. 9. \u00b6 _And tongues._\nPeople considered as divided by languages\u2015\u2015a division not always or\nnecessarily the same as that denoted by the word \u201cpeople,\u201d or \u201cnations\u201d\nas used in this passage. \u00b6 _And kings._ Rulers of the people. The\nmeaning is, that the gospel would not only be borne before the _masses_\nof mankind, but in a special manner before kings and rulers. The\neffect of thus possessing the \u201clittle volume,\u201d or of the \u201copen book\u201d of\nrevealed truth, would ultimately be that the message of life would be\ncarried with power before princes and rulers, and would influence them\nas well as the common people.\n\nIn inquiring now for the proper application of this symbol as thus\nexplained, we naturally turn to the Reformation, and ask whether\nthere was anything in that of which this would be the proper emblem.\nThe following things, then, are found in fact as occurring at that\ntime, of which the symbol before us may be regarded as the proper\nrepresentation:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) The reception of the Bible as from the hand of an angel\u2015\u2015or\nits recovery from obscurity and forgetfulness, _as if_ it were now\nrestored to the church by a heavenly interposition. The influence\nof the Bible on the Reformation; the fact that it was now recovered\nfrom its obscurity, and that it was made the grand instrument in the\nReformation, has already been illustrated. See Notes on ver. 2. The\nsymbolical action of taking it from the hand of an angel was not an\nimproper representation of its reception again by the church, and of\nits restoration to its true place _in_ the church. It became, as it is\nproper that it should always be, the grand means of the defence of the\nfaith, and of the propagation of truth in the world.\n\n(2) The statement that the little book when eaten was \u201cin the mouth\nsweet as honey,\u201d is a striking and proper representation of the relish\nfelt for the sacred Scriptures by those who love the truth (comp. Notes\non ver. 9), and is especially appropriate to describe the interest\nwhich was felt in the volume of revealed truth in the time of the\nReformation. For the Bible was to the Reformers emphatically a new\nbook. It had been driven from common use to make way for the legends\nof the saints and the traditions of the church. It had, therefore, when\ntranslated into the vernacular tongue, and when circulated and read,\nthe freshness of novelty\u2015\u2015the interest which a volume of revealed truth\nwould have if just given from heaven. Accordingly, it is well known\nwith what avidity and relish the sacred volume was studied by Luther\nand his fellow-labourers in the Reformation; how they devoured its\ndoctrines; how they looked to it for comfort in their times of trial;\nhow sweet and sustaining were its promises in the troubles that came\nupon them, and in the labours which they were called to perform.\n\n(3) The representation that, after it was eaten, it was \u201cbitter,\u201d\nwould not improperly describe the _effect_, in some respects, of thus\nreceiving the Bible, and making it the groundwork of faith. It brought\nthe Reformers at once into conflict with all the power of the Papacy\nand the priesthood; exposed them to persecution; aroused against them a\nhost of enemies among the princes and rulers of the earth; and was the\ncause for which many of them were put to death. Such effects followed\nsubstantially when Wycliffe translated the Bible; when John Huss and\nJerome of Prague published the pure doctrines of the New Testament; and\nwhen Luther gave to the people the Word of God in their own language.\nTo a great extent this is always so\u2015\u2015that, however sweet and precious\nthe truths of the Bible may be to the preacher himself, one of\nthe _effects_ of his attempting to preach those truths may be such\nopposition on the part of men, such cold indifference, or such fierce\npersecution, that it would be well illustrated by what is said here,\n\u201cit shall make thy belly bitter.\u201d\n\n(4) The representation that, as a consequence of receiving that book,\nhe would prophesy again before many people, is a fit representation of\nthe effect of the reception of the Bible again by the church, and of\nallowing it its proper place there. For, (a) it led to _preaching_, or,\nin the language of this passage, \u201cprophesying\u201d\u2015\u2015a thing comparatively\nlittle known before for many ages. The grand business in the Papal\ncommunion was not, and is not, _preaching_, but the performance of\nrites and ceremonies. Genuflexions, crossings, burning of incense,\n\nprocessions, music, constitute the characteristic {266} features of\nall Papal churches; the grand thing that distinguishes the Protestant\nchurches all over the world, just in proportion as they _are_\nProtestant, is _preaching_. The Protestant religion\u2015\u2015the pure form of\nreligion as it is revealed in the New Testament\u2015\u2015has few ceremonies:\nits rites are simple: it depends for success on the promulgation\nand defence of the _truth_, with the attending influence of the Holy\nGhost; and for this view of the nature and degree of religion the\nworld is indebted to the fact that the Bible was again restored to its\ntrue place in the church. (b) The Bible is the basis of all genuine\n_preaching_. Preaching will not be kept up in its purity, except in the\nplaces where the Bible is freely circulated, and where it is studied;\nand where it _is_ studied, there will be, in the proper sense of the\nterm, _preachers_. Just in proportion as the Bible is studied in the\nworld, we may expect that preaching will be better understood, and that\nthe number of preachers will be increased. (c) The study of the Bible\nis the foundation of all the efforts to spread the knowledge of the\ntruth to \u201cpeoples, and nations, and tongues, and kings,\u201d in our own\ntimes. All these efforts have been originated by the restoration of\nthe Bible to its proper place in the church, and to its more profound\nand accurate study in this age; for these efforts are but carrying out\nthe injunction of the Saviour as recorded in this book\u2015\u2015to \u201cgo into\nall the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.\u201d (d) The same\nthing will be true to the end of the world; or, in the language of the\nportion of the book of Revelation before us, till \u201cthe kingdoms of this\nworld become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ; and he shall\nreign for ever and ever,\u201d ch. xi. 15. The fact of the restoration of\nthe Bible to its proper place in the church will, therefore, ultimately\nbe the means of the conversion of the whole world to God; and this\nfact, so momentous in its nature and its consequences, was worthy to\nbe symbolized by the appearance of the \u201cangel descending from heaven\nclothed with a cloud;\u201d was properly represented by the manner in which\nhe appeared\u2015\u2015\u201chis face radiant as the sun, and his feet as pillars of\nfire;\u201d was worthy to be expressed by the position which he assumed,\nas \u201cstanding on the sea and the earth\u201d\u2015\u2015as if all the world were\ninterested in the purpose of his mission, and was worthy of the\nloud proclamation which he made\u2015\u2015as if a new order of things were to\ncommence. Beautiful and sublime, then, as this chapter is, and always\nhas been esteemed as a composition, it becomes still more beautiful and\nsublime if it be regarded as a symbol of the Reformation\u2015\u2015an event the\nmost glorious, and the most important in its issues, of any that has\noccurred since the Saviour appeared on the earth.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XI.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter, which is very improperly separated from the\npreceding, and improperly _ended_\u2015\u2015for it should have been closed at\nver. 18\u2015\u2015consists (excluding the last verse, which properly belongs to\nthe succeeding chapter) essentially of three parts:\u2015\u2015\n\nI. The measuring of the temple, ver. 1, 2. A reed, or measuring-stick,\nis given to John, and he is directed to arise and measure the temple.\nThis direction embraces two parts: (a) he was to measure, that is, to\ntake an exact estimate of the temple, of the altar, and of the true\nworshippers; (b) he was carefully to separate this, in his estimate,\nfrom the outward court, which was to be left out and to be given to\nthe Gentiles, to be trodden under foot forty-two months; that is, three\nyears and a half, or twelve hundred and sixty days\u2015\u2015a period celebrated\nin the book of Daniel as well as in this book.\n\nII. The two witnesses, ver. 3\u201213. This is, in some respects, the\nmost difficult portion of the book of Revelation, and its meaning can\nbe stated only after a careful examination of the signification of\nthe words and phrases used. The general statement in regard to these\nwitnesses is, that they should have power, and should prophesy for\ntwelve hundred and sixty days; that if anyone should attempt to injure\nthem, they had power, by fire that proceeded out of their mouths, to\ndevour and kill their enemies; that they had power to shut heaven so\nthat it should not rain, and power to turn the waters of the earth into\nblood, and power to smite the earth with plagues as often as they chose;\nthat when they had completed their testimony, the beast that ascends\nout of the bottomless pit would make war with them, and overcome them,\nand kill them; that their dead bodies {267} would lie unburied in that\ngreat city where the Lord was crucified three days and a half; that\nthey that dwelt upon the earth would exult in their death, and send\ngifts to one another in token of their joy; that after the three days\nand a half the spirit of life from God would enter into them again,\nand they would stand up on their feet; that they would then be taken\nup into heaven, in the sight of their enemies; and that, at the time\nof their ascension, there would be a great earthquake, and a tenth part\nof the city would fall, and many (seven thousand) would be killed, and\nthat the remainder would be affrighted, and would give glory to the God\nof heaven.\n\nIII. The sounding of the seventh trumpet, ver. 14\u201218. This is the\ngrand consummation of the whole; the end of this series of visions;\nthe end of the world. A rapid glance only is given of it here, for\nunder another series of visions a more detailed account of the state of\nthe world is given under the final triumph of truth. Here, as a proper\nclose of the first series of visions, the result is merely glanced\nat or adverted to\u2015\u2015that then the period would have arrived when the\nkingdoms of the world were to become the kingdoms of the Lord, and\nof his Christ, and when he should commence that reign which was to\ncontinue for ever. Then universal peace and happiness would reign, and\nthe long-promised and expected kingdom of God on the earth would be\nestablished. The \u201cnations\u201d had been \u201cangry,\u201d but the time had now come\nwhen a judgment was to be pronounced on the dead, and when the due\nreward was to be given to the servants of God\u2015\u2015the prophets, and\nthe saints, and those who feared his name, small and great\u2015\u2015in the\nestablishment of a permanent kingdom, and the complete triumph of the\ntrue religion in the world.\n\nI regard this chapter, therefore, to ver. 18, as extending down\nto the consummation of all things, and as disclosing the last of the\nvisions seen in the scroll or volume \u201csealed with the seven seals,\u201d ch.\nv. 1. For a reason above suggested, and which will appear more fully\nhereafter, the detail is here much less minute than in the earlier\nportions of the historic visions, but still it embraces the whole\nperiod, and states in few words what will be the condition of things\nin the end. This was all that was necessary; this was, in fact,\nthe leading design of the whole book. The end towards which all\ntended\u2015\u2015that which John needed most to know and which the church needed\nmost to know, was that religion _would_ ultimately triumph, and that\nthe period _would_ arrive when it could be announced that the kingdoms\nof this world had become the kingdoms of God and of his Christ. That is\nhere announced; and that is properly the close of one of the divisions\nof the whole book.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XI.\n\n\n AND there was given me a [329]reed like unto a rod: and the\n angel stood, saying, Rise, and [330]measure the temple of God,\n and the altar, and them that worship therein.\n\n1. _And there was given me._ He does not say by whom, but the\nconnection would seem to imply that it was by the angel. All this is\nof course to be regarded as symbolical. The representation undoubtedly\npertains to a future age, but the language is such as would be properly\naddressed to one who had been a Jew, and the imagery employed is such\nas he would be more likely to understand than any other. The language\nand the imagery are, therefore, taken from the temple, but there is no\nreason to suppose that it had any _literal_ reference to the temple,\nor even that John would so understand it. Nor does the language here\nused prove that the temple was standing at the time when the book was\nwritten; for, as it is symbolical, it is what would be employed whether\nthe temple were standing or not, and would be as likely to be used in\nthe one case as in the other. It is such language as John, educated as\na Jew, and familiar with the temple worship, would be likely to employ\nif he designed to make a representation pertaining to the church.\n\u00b6 _A reed_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2. This word properly denotes a plant with a jointed\nhollow stalk, growing in wet grounds. Then it refers to the stalk as\ncut for use\u2015\u2015as a measuring-stick, as in this place; or a mock sceptre,\nMat. xxvii. 29, 30; or a pen for writing, 3 Jn. 13. Here it means\nmerely a stick that could be used for measuring. \u00b6 _Like unto a rod._\nThis word\u2015\u2015\u1fe5\u03ac\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015means properly a rod, wand, staff, used either for\nscourging, 1 Co. iv. 21; or for leaning upon in walking, Mat. x. 10; or\nfor a sceptre, He. i. 8. Here the meaning {268} is, that the reed that\nwas put into his hands was like such a rod or staff in respect to size,\nand was therefore convenient for handling. The word _rod_ also is used\nto denote a measuring-pole, Ps. lxxiv. 2; Je. x. 16; li. 19. \u00b6 _And the\nangel stood, saying._ The phrase, \u201cthe angel stood,\u201d is wanting in many\nMSS. and editions of the New Testament, and is rejected by Professor\nStuart as spurious. It is also rejected in the critical editions\nof Griesbach and Hahn, and marked as doubtful by Tittmann. The\nbest critical authority is against it, and it appears to have been\nintroduced from Zec. iii. 5. The connection does not demand it, and we\nmay, therefore, regard the meaning to be, that the one who gave him the\nreed, whoever he was, at the same time addressed him, and commanded him\nto take a measure of the temple and the altar. \u00b6 _Rise, and measure the\ntemple of God._ That is, ascertain its true dimensions with the reed\nin your hand. Of course, this could not be understood of the _literal_\ntemple\u2015\u2015whether standing or not\u2015\u2015for the exact measure of that was\nsufficiently well known. The word, then, must be used of something\nwhich the temple would denote or represent, and this would properly be\nthe church, considered as the abode of God on the earth. Under the old\ndispensation, the temple at Jerusalem was that abode; under the new,\nthat peculiar residence was transferred to the church, and God is\nrepresented as dwelling in it. See Notes on 1 Co. iii. 16. Thus the\nword is undoubtedly used here, and the simple meaning is, that he who\nis thus addressed is directed to take an accurate estimate of the true\nchurch of God; _as_ accurate as if he were to apply a measuring-reed to\nascertain the dimensions of the temple at Jerusalem. In doing that, if\nthe direction had been literally to measure the temple at Jerusalem,\nhe would ascertain its length, and breadth, and height; he would\nmeasure its rooms, its doorways, its porticoes; he would take such\na measurement of it that, in a description or drawing, it could be\ndistinguished from other edifices, or that one could be constructed\nlike it, or that a just idea could be obtained of it if it should be\ndestroyed. If the direction be understood figuratively, as applicable\nto the Christian church, the work to be done would be to obtain\nan exact estimate or measurement of what the true church was\u2015\u2015as\ndistinguished from all other bodies of men, and as constituted\nand appointed by the direction of God; such a measurement that\nits characteristics could be made known; that a church could be\norganized according to this, and that the accurate description could\nbe transmitted to future times. John has not, indeed, preserved the\nmeasurement; for the main idea here is not that he was to preserve\nsuch a model, but that, in the circumstances, and at the time referred\nto, the proper business would be to engage in such a measurement\nof the church that its true dimensions or character might be known.\nThere would be, therefore, a fulfilment of this, if at the time here\nreferred to there should be _occasion_, from any cause, to inquire\nwhat constituted the true church; if it was necessary to separate and\ndistinguish it from all other bodies; and if there should be any such\nprevailing uncertainty as to make an accurate investigation necessary.\n\u00b6 _And the altar._ On the form, situation, and uses of the altar,\nsee Notes on Mat. v. 23, 24; xxi. 12. The altar here referred to was,\nundoubtedly, the altar situated in front of the temple, where the daily\nsacrifice was offered. To measure that literally, would be to take its\ndimensions of length, breadth, and height; but it is plain that that\ncannot be intended here, for there was no such altar where John was,\nand, if the reference were to the altar at Jerusalem, its dimensions\nwere sufficiently known. This language, then, like the former, must\nbe understood metaphorically, and then it must mean\u2015\u2015as the altar was\nthe place of _sacrifice_\u2015\u2015to take an estimate of the church considered\nwith reference to its notions of sacrifice, or of the prevailing\nviews respecting the sacrifice to be made for sin, and the method of\nreconciliation with God. It is by sacrifice that a method is provided\nfor reconciliation with God; by sacrifice that sin is pardoned; by\nsacrifice that man is justified; and the direction here is equivalent,\ntherefore, to a command to make an investigation on these subjects,\nand all that is implied would be fulfilled if a state of things should\nexist where it would be necessary to institute an examination into the\nprevailing views in the church on the subject of the atonement, and\nthe true method of justification before God. \u00b6 _And them that worship\ntherein._ In the temple, or, as the temple is the representation\nhere of the church, of those who are in the church {269} as professed\nworshippers of God. There is some apparent incongruity in directing\nhim to \u201c_measure_\u201d those who were engaged in worship; but the obvious\nmeaning is, that he was to take a correct estimate of their character;\nof what they professed; of the reality of their piety; of their lives,\nand of the general state of the church considered as professedly\nworshipping God. This would receive its fulfilment if a state of\nthings should arise in the church which would make it necessary to go\ninto a close and searching examination on all these points, in order\nto ascertain what was the true church, and what was necessary to\nconstitute true membership in it. There were, therefore, three things,\nas indicated by this verse, which John was directed to do, so far\nas the use of the measuring-rod was concerned: (a) to take a just\nestimate of what constitutes the true church, as distinguished from\nall other associations of men; (b) to institute a careful examination\ninto the opinions in the church on the subject of sacrifice or\natonement\u2015\u2015involving the whole question about the method of\njustification before God; and (c) to take a correct estimate of what\nconstitutes true membership in the church; or to investigate with care\nthe prevailing opinions about the qualifications for membership.\n\n\n 2 But the [331]court which is without the temple [332]leave\n out, and measure it not; for [333]it is given unto the\n Gentiles: and the holy city shall they [334]tread under foot\n forty _and_ two months.\n\n2. _But the court which is without the temple._ Which is outside of the\ntemple proper, and, therefore, which does not strictly appertain to it.\nThere is undoubtedly reference here to the \u201ccourt of the Gentiles,\u201d as\nit was called among the Jews\u2015\u2015the outer court of the temple to which\nthe Gentiles had access, and within which they were not permitted\nto go. For a description of this, see Notes on Mat. xxi. 12. To an\nobserver this would _seem_ to be a part of the temple, and the persons\nthere assembled a portion of the true worshippers of God; but it was\nnecessarily neither the one nor the other. In forming an estimate\nof those who, according to the Hebrew notions, were true worshippers\nof God, only those would be regarded as such who had the privilege\nof access to the inner court, and to the altar. In making such an\nestimate, therefore, those who had no nearer access than that court,\nwould be omitted; that is, they would not be reckoned as necessarily\nany part of those who were regarded as the people of God. \u00b6 _Leave out\nand measure it not._ Marg., _cast out_. So the Greek. The meaning is,\nthat he was not to reckon it as appertaining to the true temple of\nworshippers. There is, indeed, a degree of force in the words rendered\n\u201c_leave out_,\u201d or, in the margin, \u201c_cast out_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f14\u03ba\u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5 \u1f14\u03be\u03c9\u2015\u2015which\nimplies more than a mere _passing by_, or _omission_. The word (\u1f10\u03ba\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9)\nusually has the idea of _force_ or _impulse_ (Mat. viii. 12; xv. 17;\nxxv. 30; Mar. xvi. 9; Ac. xxvii. 38, _et al._); and the word here would\ndenote some decisive or positive act by which it would be indicated\nthat this was _not_ any part of the true temple, but was to be regarded\nas appertaining to something else. He was not merely _not_ to mention\nit, or _not_ to include it in the measurement, but he was to do this by\nsome act which would indicate that it was the result of design in the\ncase, and not by accidentally passing it by. \u00b6 _For it is given unto\nthe Gentiles._ It properly appertains to them as their own. Though near\nthe temple, and included in the general range of building, yet it does\nnot pertain to those who worship there, but to those who are regarded\nas heathen and strangers. It is not said that it was _then_ given to\nthe Gentiles; nor is it said that it was given to them to be overrun\nand trodden down by them, but that it _appertained to them_, and was to\nbe regarded as belonging to them. They occupied it, not as the people\nof God, but as those who were _without_ the true church, and who did\nnot appertain to its real communion. This would find a fulfilment if\nthere should arise a state of things in the church in which it would\nbe necessary to draw a line between those who properly constituted\nthe church and those who did not; if there should be such a condition\nof things that any considerable portion of those who professedly\nappertained to the church ought to be _divided off_ as not belonging to\nit, or would have such characteristic marks that it could be seen that\nthey were strangers and aliens. The interpretation would demand that\nthey should sustain _some_ relation to the {270} church, or that they\nwould _seem_ to belong to it\u2015\u2015as the court did to the temple; but\nstill that this was in appearance only, and that in estimating the true\nchurch it was necessary to leave them out altogether. Of course this\nwould not imply that there might not be some sincere worshippers among\nthem as individuals\u2015\u2015as there would be found usually, in the court\nof the Gentiles in the literal temple, some who were proselytes and\ndevout worshippers, but what is here said relates to them as a mass or\nbody\u2015\u2015that they did not belong to the true church, but to the Gentiles.\n\u00b6 _And the holy city._ The _whole_ holy city\u2015\u2015not merely the outer\ncourt of the Gentiles, which it is said was given to them, nor the\ntemple as such, but the _entire_ holy city. There is no doubt that the\nwords \u201cthe holy city\u201d _literally_ refer to Jerusalem\u2015\u2015a city so called\nbecause it was the peculiar place of the worship of God. See Notes on\nMat. iv. 5; comp. Ne. xi. 1, 18; Is. lii. 1; Da. ix. 24; Mat. xxvii. 53.\nBut it is not necessary to suppose that this is its meaning here. The\n\u201choly city,\u201d Jerusalem, was regarded as sacred to God\u2015\u2015as his dwelling-\nplace on earth, and as the abode of his people, and nothing was more\nnatural than to use the term as representing the church. Comp. Notes on\nGa. iv. 26; He. xii. 22. In this sense it is undoubtedly used here as\nthe whole representation is emblematical. John, if he were about to\nspeak of anything that was to occur to the church, would, as a native\nJew, be likely to employ such language as this to denote it. \u00b6 _Shall\nthey tread under foot._ That is, the Gentiles above referred to; or\nthose who, in the measurement of the city, were set off as Gentiles,\nand regarded as not belonging to the people of God. This is not spoken\nof the Gentiles in general, but only of that portion of the multitudes\nthat seemed to constitute the worshippers of God, who, in measuring the\ntemple, were set off or separated as not properly belonging to the true\nchurch. The phrase \u201cshould tread under foot\u201d is derived from warriors\nand conquerors, who tread down their enemies, or trample on the fields\nof grain. It is rendered in this passage by Dr. Robinson (_Lex._), \u201cto\nprofane and lay waste.\u201d As applied literally to a city, this would be\nthe true idea; as applied to the church, it would mean that they would\nhave it under their control or in subjection for the specified time,\nand that the practical effect of that would be to corrupt and prostrate\nit. \u00b6 _Forty |and| two months._ Literally this would be three years and\na half; but if the time here is prophetic time\u2015\u2015a day for a year\u2015\u2015then\nthe period would be twelve hundred and sixty years\u2015\u2015reckoning the year\nat 360 days. For a full illustration of this usage, and for the reasons\nfor supposing that this is prophetic time, see Notes on Da. vii. 25.\nSee also Editor\u2019s Preface, p. xxv. In addition to what is there said,\nit may be remarked, in reference to this passage, that it is impossible\nto show, with any degree of probability, that the city of Jerusalem was\n\u201ctrampled under foot\u201d by the Romans for the exact space of three years\nand a half. Professor Stuart, who adopts the opinion that it refers to\nthe conquest of Jerusalem by the Romans, says, indeed, \u201cIt is certain\nthat the invasion of the Romans lasted just about the length of the\nperiod named, until Jerusalem was taken. And although the city itself\nwas not besieged so long, yet the metropolis in this case, as in\ninnumerable others in both Testaments, appears to stand for the country\nof Jud\u00e6a.\u201d But it is to be remembered that the affirmation here is,\nthat \u201c_the holy city_\u201d was thus to be trodden under foot; and even\ntaking the former supposition, in what sense is it true that the \u201cwhole\ncountry\u201d was \u201ctrodden under foot\u201d by the Romans only three years and a\nhalf? Even the wars of the Romans were not of that exact duration; and,\nbesides, the fact was that Jud\u00e6a was held in subjection, and trodden\ndown by the Romans for centuries, and never, in fact, regained its\nindependence. If this is to be literally applied to Jerusalem, it has\nbeen \u201ctrodden down by the Gentiles,\u201d with brief intervals, since the\nconquest by the Romans, to the present time. There has been no precise\nperiod of three years and a half, in respect to which the language here\nused would be applicable to the literal city of Jerusalem.\n\nIn regard, then, to the proper _application_ of the language which\nhas thus been explained (ver. 1, 2), it may be remarked, in general,\nthat, for the reasons just stated, it is not to be taken _literally_.\nJohn could not have been directed literally to measure the temple at\nJerusalem, and the altar, and the worshippers; nor could he have been\n{271} requested literally to leave out, or \u201ccast out\u201d the court that\nwas without; nor could it be meant that the holy city literally was to\nbe trodden under foot for three years and a half. The language clearly\nis symbolical, and the reference must have been to something pertaining\nto the church. And, if the preceding exposition of the tenth chapter\nis correct, then it may be presumed that this would refer to something\nthat was to occur at about the period there referred to. Regarding\nit, then, as applicable to the time of the Reformation, and as being\na continuation of the vision in ch. x., we shall find, in the events\nof that period, what would be properly symbolized by the language here\nused. This will appear by reviewing the particulars which have been\nexplained in these verses:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) The command to \u201cmeasure the temple of God,\u201d ver. 1. This, we have\nseen, was a direction to take an estimate of what constituted the true\nchurch; the very work which it was necessary to do in the Reformation,\nfor this was the first point which was to be settled, whether the\nPapacy was the true church or was the Antichrist. This involved, of\ncourse, the whole inquiry as to what constitutes the church, alike in\nreference to its organization, its ministry, its sacraments, and its\nmembership. It was long before the Reformers made up their minds that\nthe Papacy was _not_ the true church; for the veneration which they had\nbeen taught to cherish for that lingered long in their bosoms. And even\nwhen they were constrained to admit that that corrupt communion was the\npredicted form of the great apostasy\u2015\u2015_Antichrist_\u2015\u2015and had acquired\nboldness enough to break away from it for ever, it was long before they\nsettled down in a uniform belief as to what _was_ essential to the true\nchurch. Indeed, the differences of opinion which prevailed, the warm\ndiscussions which ensued, and the diversities of sect which sprang up\nin the Protestant world, showed with what intense interest the mind\nwas fixed on this question, and how important it was to take an exact\n_measurement_ of the real church of God.\n\n(2) The direction to \u201cmeasure the altar.\u201d This, as we have seen, would\nrelate to the prevailing opinions on the subject of sacrifice and\natonement; on the true method of a sinner\u2019s acceptance with God; and,\nconsequently, on the whole subject of justification. As a matter of\nfact, it need not be said that this was one of the first questions\nwhich came before the Reformers, and was one which it was indispensable\nto settle, in order to a just notion of the church and of the way\nof salvation. The Papacy had exalted the Lord\u2019s supper into a real\nsacrifice; had made it a grand and essential point that the bread and\nwine were changed into the real body and blood of the Lord, and that\na real offering of that sacrifice was made every time that ordinance\nwas celebrated; had changed the office of the ministers of the New\nTestament from _preachers_ to that of _priests_; had become familiar\nwith the terms _altar_, and _sacrifice_, and _priesthood_, as founded\non the notion that a real sacrifice was made in the \u201cmass;\u201d and had\nfundamentally changed the whole doctrine respecting the justification\nof a sinner before God. The altar in the Romish communion had almost\ndisplaced the pulpit; and the doctrine of justification by the\nmerits of the great sacrifice made by the death of our Lord, had\nbeen superseded by the doctrine of justification by good works,\nand by the merits of the saints. It became necessary, therefore, to\nrestore the true doctrine respecting sacrifice for sin, and the way of\njustification before God; and this would be appropriately represented\nby a direction to \u201cmeasure _the altar_.\u201d\n\n(3) The direction to take an estimate of those \u201cwho worshipped in the\ntemple.\u201d This, as we have seen, would properly mean that there was to\nbe a true estimate taken of what constituted membership in the church,\nor of the qualifications of those who should be regarded as true\nworshippers of God. This, also, was one of the first works necessary\nto be done in the Reformation. Before that, for ages, the doctrine of\nbaptismal regeneration had been the established doctrine of the church;\nthat all that was necessary to membership was baptism and confirmation,\nwas the common opinion; the necessity of regeneration by the influences\nof the Holy Spirit, as a condition of church membership, was little\nunderstood, if not almost wholly unknown; and the grand requisition\n_in_ membership was not holy living, but the observance of the rites\nand ceremonies of the church. One of the first things necessary in the\nReformation was to restore to its true place the doctrine laid down\nby the Saviour, that a change {272} of heart\u2015\u2015that regeneration by\nthe Holy Ghost\u2015\u2015was necessary to membership in the church, and that\nthe true church was composed of those who had been thus renewed in the\nspirit of their mind. This great work would be appropriately symbolized\nby a direction to take an estimate of those who \u201cworshipped in the\ntemple of God;\u201d that is, to settle the question who should be regarded\nas true worshippers of God, and what should be required of those who\nprofessed to be such worshippers. No more important point was settled\nin the Reformation than this.\n\n(4) The direction to leave out, or to \u201ccast out\u201d the court\nwithout the temple. This, as we have seen, would properly mean that\na separation was to be made between that which was the true church\nand that which was not, though it might seem to belong to it. The one\nwas to be measured or estimated; the other was to be left out, as not\nappertaining to that, or as belonging to the Gentiles, or to heathenism.\nThe idea would be, that though it professedly appertained to the\ntrue church, and to the worship of God, yet that it deserved to be\ncharacterized _as_ heathenism. Now this will apply with great propriety,\naccording to all Protestant notions, to the manner in which the Papacy\nwas regarded by the Reformers, and should be regarded at all times.\nIt claimed to be the true church, and to the eye of an observer would\n_seem_ to belong to it, as much as the outer court seemed to pertain\nto the temple. But it had the essential characteristics of _heathenism_,\nand was, therefore, properly to be left out, or cast out, as not\npertaining to the true church. Can anyone doubt the truth of this\nrepresentation as applicable to the Papacy? Almost everything that was\npeculiar in the ancient heathen systems of religion had been introduced\ninto the Roman communion; and a stranger at Rome would see more\nthat would lead him to feel that he was in a heathen land, than he\nwould that he was in a land where the pure doctrines of Christianity\nprevailed, and where the worship was celebrated which the Redeemer had\ndesigned to set up on the earth. This was true not only in the pomp and\nsplendour of worship, and in the processions and imposing ceremonials;\nbut in the worship of images, in the homage rendered to the dead, in\nthe number of festival days, in the fact that the statues reared in\nheathen Rome to the honour of the gods had been reconsecrated in the\nservice of Christian devotion to the apostles, saints, and martyrs;\nand in the robes of the Christian priesthood, derived from those in use\nin the ancient heathen worship. The direction was, that, in estimating\nthe true church, this was to be \u201cleft out,\u201d or \u201ccast out;\u201d and, if\nthis interpretation is correct, the meaning is, that the Roman Catholic\ncommunion, as an organized body, is to be regarded as no part of the\ntrue church\u2015\u2015a conclusion which is inevitable, if the passages of\nScripture which are commonly supposed by Protestants to apply to it are\ncorrectly applied. To determine this, and to separate the true church\nfrom it, was no small part of the work of the Reformation.\n\n(5) The statement that the holy city was to be trodden under foot, ver.\n2. This, as we have seen, must mean that the true church would thus be\ntrodden down by those who are described as \u201cGentiles.\u201d So far as pure\nreligion was concerned; so far as appertained to the real condition of\nthe church, and the pure worship of God, it would be _as if_ the whole\nholy city where God was worshipped were given into the hands of the\nGentiles, and they should tread it down, and desecrate all that was\nsacred for the time here referred to. Everything in Rome at the time of\nthe Reformation would sustain this description. \u201cIt is incredible,\u201d\nsays Luther, on his visit to Rome, \u201cwhat sins and atrocities are\ncommitted in Rome; they must be seen and heard to be believed. So that\nit is usual to say: \u2018If there be a hell, Rome is built above it; it is\nan abyss from which all sins proceed.\u2019\u201d So again he says: \u201cIt is\ncommonly observed that he who goes to Rome for the first time, goes to\nseek a knave there; the second time he finds him; and the third time he\nbrings him away with him under his cloak. But now, people are become so\nclever, that they make the three journeys in one.\u201d So Machiavelli, one\nof the most profound geniuses in Italy, and himself a Roman Catholic,\nsaid, \u201cThe greatest symptom of the approaching ruin of Christianity\nis, that the nearer we approach the capital of Christendom, the less\ndo we find of the Christian spirit of the people. The scandalous\nexample and crimes of the court of Rome have caused Italy to lose every\nprinciple of piety and every religious sentiment.{273} We Italians are\nprincipally indebted to the church and to the priests for having become\nimpious and profane.\u201d See D\u2019Aubign\u00e9\u2019s _History of the Reformation_,\np. 54, ed. Phila. 1843. In full illustration of the sentiment that\nthe church seemed to be trodden down and polluted by heathenism, or by\nabominations and practices that came out of heathenism, we may refer\nto the general history of the Romish communion from the rise of the\nPapacy to the Reformation. For a sufficient illustration to justify\nthe application of the passage before us which I am now making, the\nreader may be referred to the Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21. Nothing would\nbetter describe the condition of Rome previous to and at the time of\nthe Reformation\u2015\u2015and the remark may be applied to subsequent periods\nalso\u2015\u2015than to say that it was a city which once seemed to be a\nChristian city, and was not improperly regarded as the centre of the\nChristian world and the seat of the church, and that it had been, as\nit were, overrun and trodden down by heathen rites and customs and\nceremonies, so that, to a stranger looking on it, it would seem to be\nin the possession of the \u201cGentiles\u201d or the heathens.\n\n(6) The _time_ during which this was to continue\u2015\u2015\u201cforty-two months;\u201d\nthat is, according to the explanation above given, twelve hundred and\nsixty years. This would embrace the whole period of the ascendency and\nprevalence of the Papacy, or the whole time of the continuance of that\ncorrupt domination in which Christendom was to be trodden down and\ncorrupted by it. The prophet of Patmos saw it in vision thus extending\nits dreary and corrupting reign, and during that time the proper\ninfluence of Christianity was trampled down, and the domination of\npractical heathenism was set up where the church should have reigned in\nits purity. Thus regarded, this would properly express the time of the\nascendency of the Papal power, and the end of the \u201cforty-two months,\u201d\nor twelve hundred and sixty years, would denote the time when the\ninfluence of that power would cease. If, therefore, the time of the\n_rise_ of the Papacy can be determined, it will not be difficult\nto determine the time when it will come to an end. But for a full\nconsideration of these points the reader is referred to the extended\ndiscussion on Da. vii. 25. See also Editor\u2019s Preface, p. xxv. As\nthe point is there fully examined it is unnecessary to go into an\ninvestigation of it here.\n\nThe general remark, therefore, in regard to this passage (ver. 1, 2)\nis, that it refers to what would be necessary to be done at the\nReformation in order to determine what is the true church and what are\nthe doctrines on which it is based; and to the fact that the Romish\ncommunion, to which the church had been given over for a definite time,\nwas to be set aside as not being the true church of Christ.\n\n\n 3 And I will [335]give _power_ unto my [336]two\n [337]witnesses, and they shall prophesy a thousand two hundred\n _and_ threescore days, [338]clothed in sackcloth.\n\n3. _And I will give |power| unto my two witnesses._ In respect to\nthis important passage (ver. 3\u201213) I propose to pursue the same method\nwhich I have pursued all along in this exposition: first, to examine\nthe meaning of the words and phrases in the symbol, with a purpose\nto ascertain the fair signification of the symbols; and, secondly, to\ninquire into the application\u2015\u2015that is, to inquire whether any events\nhave occurred which, in respect to their character and to the time\nof their occurrence, can be shown to be a _fair_ fulfilment of the\nlanguage. \u00b6 _And I will give |power|._ The word \u201cpower\u201d is not in the\noriginal. The Greek is simply, \u201cI will give\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, I will grant\nto my two witnesses the right or the power of prophesying during the\ntime specified\u2015\u2015correctly expressed in the margin, \u201cgive unto my two\nwitnesses that they may prophesy.\u201d The meaning is not that he would\n_send_ two witnesses to prophesy, but rather that these were _in fact_\nsuch \u201cwitnesses,\u201d and that he would during that time permit them to\nexercise their prophetic gifts, or give them the privilege and the\nstrength to enunciate the truth which they were commissioned to\ncommunicate as his \u201cwitnesses\u201d to mankind. Some word, then, like\n_power_, _privilege_, _opportunity_, or _boldness_, it is necessary to\nsupply in order to complete the sense. \u00b6 _Unto my two witnesses._ The\nword \u201c_two_\u201d evidently denotes that the number would be small; and yet\nit is not necessary to confine it literally to two persons, or to two\nsocieties or communities. Perhaps the meaning is, that {274} as, under\nthe law, two witnesses were required, and were enough, to establish any\nfact (Notes on Jn. viii. 17), such a number would during those times be\npreserved from apostasy as would be sufficient to keep up the evidence\nof truth; to testify against the prevailing abominations, errors, and\ncorruptions; to show what was the real church, and to bear a faithful\nwitness against the wickedness of the world. The law of Moses required\nthat there should be _two_ witnesses on a trial, and this, under that\nlaw, was deemed a _competent_ number. See Num. xxxv. 30; De. xvii. 6;\nxix. 15; Mat. xviii. 16; Jn. v. 30\u201233. The essential meaning of this\npassage then is, that there would be a _competent number_ of witnesses\nin the case; that is, as many as would be regarded as _sufficient_ to\nestablish the points concerning which they would testify, with perhaps\nthe additional idea that the number would be _small_. There is no\nreason for limiting it strictly to two persons, or for supposing that\nthey would appear in pairs, two and two; nor is it necessary to suppose\nthat it refers particularly to two people or nations. The word rendered\n_witnesses_\u2015\u2015\u03bc\u03ac\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u2015\u2015is that from which we have derived the word\n_martyr_. It means properly one who bears testimony, either in a\njudicial sense (Mat. xviii. 16; xxvi. 65), or one who can in any way\ntestify to the truth of what he has seen and known, Lu. xxiv. 48; Ro. i.\n9; Phi. i. 8; 1 Th. ii. 10; 1 Ti. vi. 12. Then it came to be employed\nin the sense in which the word _martyr_ is now\u2015\u2015to denote one who,\namidst great sufferings or by his death, bears witness to the truth;\nthat is, one who is so confident of the truth, and so upright, that he\nwill rather lay down his life than deny the truth of what he has seen\nand known, Acts xxii. 20; Rev. ii. 13. In a similar sense it comes to\ndenote one who is so thoroughly convinced on a subject that it is not\nsusceptible of being seen and heard, or who is so attached to one that\nhe is willing to lay down his life as the evidence of his conviction\nand attachment. The word, as used here, refers to those who, during\nthis period of \u201cforty and two months,\u201d would thus be _witnesses_ for\nChrist in the world; that is, who would bear their _testimony_ to the\ntruth of his religion, to the doctrines which he had revealed, and to\nwhat was required of man\u2015\u2015who would do this amidst surrounding error\nand corruption, and when exposed to persecutions and trials on account\nof their belief. It is not uncommon in the Scriptures to represent\nthe righteous as _witnesses_ for God. See Notes on Is. xliii. 10, 12;\nxliv. 8. \u00b6 _And they shall prophesy._ The word _prophesy_ does not\nnecessarily mean that they would predict future events; but the sense\nis, that they would give utterance to the truth as God had revealed\nit. See Notes on ch. x. 11. The sense here is, that they would in some\npublic manner hold up or maintain the truth before the world. \u00b6 _A\nthousand two hundred |and| threescore days._ The same period as the\nforty and two months (ver. 2), though expressed in a different form.\nReckoning a day for a year, this period would be twelve hundred and\nsixty years, or the same as the \u201ctime and times and the dividing of\ntime\u201d in Da. vii. 25. See Notes on that place; also Editor\u2019s Preface.\nThe meaning of this would be, therefore, that during that long period,\nin which it is said that \u201cthe holy city would be trodden under foot,\u201d\nthere would be those who might be properly called \u201cwitnesses\u201d for God,\nand who would be engaged in holding up his truth before the world;\nthat is, there would be no part of that period in which there would\nnot be found _some_ to whom this appellation could with propriety be\ngiven. Though the \u201choly city\u201d\u2015\u2015the church\u2015\u2015would _seem_ to be wholly\ntrodden down, yet there would be a few at least who would assert\nthe great doctrines of true godliness. \u00b6 _Clothed in sackcloth._\nSackcloth\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03ac\u03ba\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\u2015\u2015was properly a coarse black cloth commonly made\nof hair, used for sacks, for straining, and for mourning garments. See\nNotes on ch. vi. 12; Is. iii. 24; and Mat. xi. 21. Here it is an emblem\nof mourning; and the idea is, that they would prophesy in the midst of\ngrief. This would indicate that the time would be one of calamity, or\nthat, in doing this, there would be occasion for their appearing in\nthe emblems of grief, rather than in robes expressive of joy. The most\nnatural interpretation of this is, that there would be but few who\ncould be regarded as true witnesses for God in the world, and that they\nwould be exposed to persecution.\n\n\n 4 These are the [339]two olive-trees, and the two\n [340]candlesticks standing before the God of the earth.\n\n4. _These are the two olive-trees._ These {275} are represented by\nthe two olive-trees, or these are what are symbolized by the two\nolive-trees. There can be little doubt that there is an allusion here\nto Zec. iv. 3, 11, 14, though the imagery is in some respects changed.\nThe prophet (Zec. iv. 2, 3) saw in vision \u201ca candlestick all of gold,\nwith a bowl upon the top of it, and his seven lamps thereon, and\nseven pipes to the seven lamps, which were upon the top thereof;\nand two olive-trees by it, one upon the right side of the bowl, and\nthe other upon the left side thereof.\u201d These two \u201colive branches\u201d\nwere subsequently declared (ver. 14) to be \u201cthe two anointed ones,\nthat stand by the Lord of the whole earth.\u201d The olive-trees, or\nolive-branches (ver. 12), appear in the vision of the prophet to have\nbeen connected with the ever-burning lamp by golden pipes; and as the\nolive-tree produced the oil used by the ancients in their lamps, these\ntrees are represented as furnishing a constant supply of oil through\nthe golden pipes to the candlestick, and thus they become emblematic\nof the supply of grace to the church. John uses this emblem, not in\nthe sense exactly in which it was employed by the prophet, but to\ndenote that these two \u201cwitnesses,\u201d which might be compared with the two\nolive-trees, would be the means of supplying grace to the church. As\nthe olive-tree furnished oil for the lamps, the two trees here would\nseem properly to denote ministers of religion; and as there can be\nno doubt that the candlesticks, or lamp- bearers, denote churches,\nthe sense would appear to be that it was through the pastors of the\nchurches that the oil of grace which maintained the brightness of those\nmystic candlesticks, or the churches, was conveyed. The image is a\nbeautiful one, and expresses a truth of great importance to the world;\nfor God has designed that the lamp of piety shall be kept burning\nin the churches by truth supplied through ministers and pastors.\n\u00b6 _And the two candlesticks._ The prophet Zechariah saw but _one_\nsuch candlestick or lamp-bearer; John here saw two\u2015\u2015as there are two\n\u201cwitnesses\u201d referred to. In the vision described in ch. i. 12, he saw\nseven\u2015\u2015representing the seven churches of Asia. For an explanation of\nthe meaning of the symbol, see Notes on that verse. \u00b6 _Standing before\nthe God of the earth._ So Zec. iv. 14, \u201cThese be the two anointed ones,\nthat stand by the Lord of the whole earth.\u201d The meaning is, that they\nstood, as it were, in the very presence of God\u2015\u2015as, in the tabernacle\nand temple, the golden candlestick stood \u201cbefore\u201d the ark on which was\nthe symbol of the divine presence, though separated from it by a veil.\nComp. Notes on ch. ix. 13. This representation, that the ministers of\nreligion \u201cstand before the Lord,\u201d is one that is not uncommon in the\nBible. Thus it is said of the priests and Levites: \u201cThe Lord separated\nthe tribe of Levi, to _stand before the Lord_, to minister unto him,\nand to bless his name,\u201d De. x. 8; comp. xviii. 7. The same thing is\nsaid of the prophets, as in the cases of Elijah and Elisha: \u201cAs the\nLord liveth, _before whom I stand_,\u201d 1 Ki. xvii. 1; also, xviii. 15;\n2 Ki. iii. 14; v. 16; comp. Je. xv. 19. The representation is, that\nthey ministered, as it were, constantly in his presence, and under his\neye.\n\n\n 5 And if any man will hurt them, [341]fire proceedeth out of\n their mouth, and devoureth their enemies: and if any man will\n hurt them, [342]he must in this manner be killed.\n\n5. _And if any man will hurt them._ This implies that there would\nbe those who would be disposed to injure or wrong them; that is, that\nthey would be liable to persecution. The word \u201c_will_\u201d is here more\nthan the mere sign of the future; it denotes _intention_, _purpose_,\n_design_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u2015\u2015\u201cif any man _wills_ or _purposes_ to injure them.\u201d See\na similar use of the word in 1 Ti. vi. 9. The word _hurt_ here means\nto do _injury_ or _injustice_\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u1fc6\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9\u2015\u2015and may refer to wrong in\nany form\u2015\u2015whether in respect to their character, opinions, persons,\nor property. The general sense is, that there would be those who would\nbe disposed to do them harm, and we should naturally look for the\nfulfilment of this in some form of persecution. \u00b6 _Fire proceedeth out\nof their mouth._ It is, of course, not necessary that this should be\ntaken literally. The meaning is, that they would have the power of\ndestroying their enemies _as if_ fire should proceed out of their mouth;\nthat is, their words would be like burning coals or flames. There may\npossibly be an allusion here to 2 Ki. i. 10\u201214, where {276} it is said\nthat Elijah commanded the fire to descend from heaven to consume those\nwho were sent to take him (comp. Lu. ix. 54); but in that case Elijah\ncommanded the fire to come \u201cfrom heaven;\u201d here it proceedeth \u201cout of\nthe mouth.\u201d The allusion here, therefore, is to the denunciations which\nthey would utter, or the doctrines which they would preach, and which\nwould have the same effect on their enemies as if they breathed forth\nfire and flame. So Je. v. 14, \u201cBecause ye speak this word, Behold, I\nwill make my words in thy mouth fire and this people wood, and it shall\ndevour them.\u201d \u00b6 _And devoureth their enemies._ The word _devour_ is\noften used with reference to fire, which seems to _eat up_ or _consume_\nwhat is in its way, or to _feed on_ that which it destroys. This is the\nsense of the word here\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03af\u03b5\u03b9\u2015\u2015\u201cto eat down, to swallow down, to\ndevour.\u201d Comp. ch. xx. 9; Sept. Is. xxix. 6; Joel ii. 5; Le. x. 2. As\nthere is no reason to believe that there would be literal _fire_, so\nit is not necessary to suppose that their enemies would be literally\ndevoured or consumed. The meaning is fulfilled if their words should\nin any way produce an effect on their enemies _similar_ to what is\nproduced by fire: that is, if it should destroy their influence; if\nit should overcome and subdue them; if it should annihilate their\ndomination in the world. \u00b6 _And if any man will hurt them._ This is\nrepeated in order to make the declaration more intensive, and also\nto add another thought about the effect of persecuting and injuring\nthem. \u00b6 _He must in this manner be killed._ That is, in the manner\nspecified\u2015\u2015by fire. It does not mean that he would be killed in the\nsame manner in which the \u201cwitnesses\u201d were killed, but in the method\nspecified before\u2015\u2015by the fire that should proceed out of their mouth.\nThe meaning is, undoubtedly, that they would have power to bring down\non them divine vengeance or punishment, so that there would be a just\nretaliation for the wrongs done them.\n\n\n 6 These[343] have power to shut heaven, that it rain not in\n the days of their prophecy: and have [344]power over waters to\n turn them to blood, and to smite the earth with all plagues,\n as often as they will.\n\n6. _These have power to shut heaven._ That is, so far as rain is\nconcerned\u2015\u2015for this is immediately specified. There is probably a\nreference here to an ancient opinion that the rain was kept in the\nclouds of heaven as in reservoirs or bottles, and that when they were\nopened it rained; when they were closed it ceased to rain. So Job, \u201cHe\nbindeth up the waters in his thick clouds, and the cloud is not rent\nunder them,\u201d xxvi. 8. \u201cWhich the clouds do drop and distil upon man\nabundantly,\u201d Job xxxvi. 28. \u201cWho can number the clouds in wisdom? or\nwho can stay the bottles of heaven?\u201d Job xxxviii. 37; comp. Ge. i. 7;\nvii. 12; viii. 2; 2 Ki. vii. 2. To _shut or close up the heavens_,\ntherefore, is to restrain the rain from descending, or to produce a\ndrought. Comp. Notes on Ja. v. 17. \u00b6 _That it rain not in the days of\ntheir prophecy._ In the time when they prophesy. Probably the allusion\nhere is to what is said of Elijah, 1 Ki. xvii. 1. This would properly\nrefer to some miraculous power; but still it _may_ be used to denote\nmerely that they would be clothed with the power of causing blessings\nto be withheld from men, _as if_ rain were withheld; that is, that in\nconsequence of the calamities that would be brought upon them, and the\npersecutions which they would endure, God would bring judgments upon\nmen as if _they_ were clothed with this power. The language, therefore,\nit seems to me, does not necessarily imply that they would have the\npower of working miracles. \u00b6 _And have power over waters to turn them\nto blood._ The allusion here is doubtless to what occurred in Egypt,\nEx. vii. 17. Comp. Notes on Re. viii. 8. This, too, would literally\ndenote the power of working a miracle; but still it is not absolutely\nnecessary to suppose that this is intended. Anything that would be\n_represented_ by turning waters into blood, would correspond with all\nthat is necessarily implied in the language. If any great calamity\nshould occur in consequence of what was done to them that would be\nproperly represented by turning the waters into blood so that they\ncould not be used, and that was so connected with the treatment which\nthey received as to appear to be a judgment of heaven on that account,\nor that would appear to have come upon the world in consequence of\ntheir imprecations, it would be all that is necessarily implied in this\nlanguage. \u00b6 _And to {277} smite the earth with all plagues._ All kinds\nof plague or calamity; disease, pestilence, famine, flood, &c. The word\n_plague_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03b3\u1fc7\u2015\u2015which means, properly, _stroke_, _stripe_, _blow_,\nwould include any or all of these. The meaning here is, that great\ncalamities would follow the manner in which they were treated, _as if_\nthe power were lodged in their hands. \u00b6 _As often as they will._ So\nthat it would seem that they could exercise this power as they pleased.\n\n\n 7 And when they shall have finished their testimony [345]the\n beast that ascendeth out of the bottomless pit shall [346]make\n war against them, and shall overcome them, and kill them.\n\n7. _And when they shall have finished their testimony._ Professor\nStuart renders this, \u201cAnd whenever they shall have finished their\ntestimony.\u201d The reference is undoubtedly to a period when they should\nhave faithfully borne the testimony which they were appointed to\nbear. The word here rendered \u201cshall have finished\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ad\u03c3\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9, from\n\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u2015\u2015means properly to end, to finish, to complete, to accomplish. It\nis used, in this respect, in two senses\u2015\u2015either in regard to _time_ or\nin regard to the _end_ or _object in view_, in the sense of _perfecting\nit_, or _accomplishing it_. In the former sense it is employed in\nsuch passages as the following:\u2015\u2015\u201cTill the thousand years should\nbe _fulfilled_,\u201d Re. xx. 3. \u201cYe shall not have gone over the cities\nof Israel [Gr., ye shall not have _finished_ the cities of Israel]\ntill the Son of man be come,\u201d Mat. x. 23; that is, ye shall not have\nfinished passing through them. \u201cWhen Jesus had made an end [Gr.,\n_finished_] of commanding his twelve disciples,\u201d Mat. xi. 1. \u201cI have\n_finished_ my course,\u201d 2 Ti. iv. 7. In these passages it clearly\nrefers to _time_. In the other sense it is used in such places as the\nfollowing:\u2015\u2015\u201cAnd shall not the uncircumcision which is by nature, if it\n_fulfil_ the law,\u201d Ro. ii. 27; that is, if it accomplish or come up to\nthe demands of the law. \u201cIf ye _fulfil_ the royal law according to the\nscriptures,\u201d Ja. ii. 8. The word, then, may here refer not to _time_,\nmeaning that these events would occur at the _end_ of the \u201cthousand two\nhundred and threescore days,\u201d but to the fact that what is here stated\nwould occur when they had completed their testimony in the sense of\nhaving testified all that they were _appointed_ to testify; that is,\nwhen they had borne full witness for God, and fully uttered his truth.\nThus understood, the meaning here may be that the event here referred\nto would take place, not at the _end_ of the 1260 years, but at that\nperiod _during_ the 1260 years when it could be said with propriety\nthat they had accomplished their testimony in the world, or that they\nhad borne full and ample witness on the points intrusted to them.\n\u00b6 _The beast._ This is the first time in the book of Revelation in\nwhich what is here called \u201cthe beast\u201d is mentioned, and which has so\nimportant an agency in the events which it is said would occur. It is\nrepeatedly mentioned in the course of the book, and always with similar\ncharacteristics, and as referring to the same object. Here it is\nmentioned as \u201cascending out of the bottomless pit;\u201d in ch. xiii. 1,\nas \u201crising up out of the sea;\u201d in ch. xiii. 11, as \u201ccoming up out of\nthe earth.\u201d It is also mentioned with characteristics appropriate to\nsuch an origin, in ch. xiii. 2\u20124 (twice), 11, 12 (twice), 14 (twice),\n15 (twice), 17, 18; xiv. 9, 11; xv. 2; xvi. 2, 10, 13; xvii. 3, 7,\n8 (twice), 11, 12, 13, 16, 17; xix. 19, 20 (twice); xx. 4, 40. The word\nhere used\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015means properly _a beast, a wild beast_, Mar. i. 13;\nAc. x. 12; xi. 6; xxviii. 4, 5; He. xii. 20; Ja. iii. 7; Re. vi. 8.\nIt is once used tropically of brutal or savage men, Tit. i. 12.\nElsewhere, in the passages above referred to in the Apocalypse, it\nis used symbolically. As employed in the book of Revelation, the\ncharacteristics of the \u201cbeast\u201d are strongly marked. (a) It has its\n_origin_ from beneath\u2015\u2015in the bottomless pit; the sea; the earth, ch.\nxi. 7; xiii. 1, 11. (b) It has great _power_, ch. xiii. 4, 12; xvii.\n12, 13. (c) It claims and receives worship, ch. xiii. 3, 12, 14, 15;\nxiv. 9, 11. (d) It has a certain \u201cseat\u201d or throne from whence its\npower proceeds, ch. xvi. 10. (e) It is of scarlet colour, ch. xvii. 3.\n(f) It receives power conferred upon it by the kings of the earth,\nch. xvii. 13. (g) It has a mark by which it is known, ch. xiii. 17;\nxix. 20. (h) It has a certain \u201c_number_;\u201d that is, there are certain\nmystical letters or figures which so express its name that it may be\nknown, ch. xiii. 17, 18. These things serve to characterize the \u201cbeast\u201d\nas distinguished from all other things, and they are so numerous and\ndefinite, {278} that it would seem to have been intended to make it\neasy to understand what was meant when the power referred to should\nappear. In regard to the _origin_ of the imagery here, there can be\nno reasonable doubt that it is to be traced to Daniel, and that the\nwriter here means to describe the same \u201cbeast\u201d which Daniel refers to\nin ch. vii. 7. The evidence of this must be clear to anyone who will\ncompare the description in Daniel (ch. vii.) with the minute details\nin the book of Revelation. No one, I think, can doubt that John\nmeans to carry forward the description in Daniel, and to apply it to\nnew manifestations of the same great and terrific power\u2015\u2015the power\nof the fourth monarchy\u2015\u2015on the earth. For full evidence that the\nrepresentation in Daniel refers to the Roman power prolonged and\nperpetuated in the Papal dominion, I must refer the reader to the Notes\non Da. vii. 25. It may be assumed here that the opinion there defended\nis correct, and consequently it may be assumed that the \u201cbeast\u201d of this\nbook refers to the Papal power. \u00b6 _That ascendeth out of the bottomless\npit._ See Notes on ch. ix. 1. This would properly mean that its origin\nis the nether world; or that it will have characteristics which will\nshow that it was from beneath. The meaning clearly is, that what was\nsymbolized by the beast would have such characteristics as to show\nthat it was not of divine origin, but had its source in the world of\ndarkness, sin, and death. This, of course, could not represent the true\nchurch, or any civil government that is founded on principles which God\napproves. But if it represent a community pretending to be a church,\nit is an apostate church; if a civil community, it is a community\nthe characteristics of which are that it is controlled by the spirit\nthat rules over the world beneath. For reasons which we shall see in\nabundance in applying the descriptions which occur of the \u201cbeast,\u201d I\nregard this as referring to that great apostate power which occupies\nso much of the prophetic descriptions\u2015\u2015the Papacy. \u00b6 _Shall make\nwar against them._ Will endeavour to exterminate them by force. This\nclearly is not intended to be a general statement that they would\nbe _persecuted_, but to refer to the particular manner in which the\nopposition would be conducted. It would be in the form of \u201c_war_;\u201d\nthat is, there would be an effort to destroy them by arms. \u00b6 _And shall\novercome them._ Shall gain the victory over them; conquer them\u2015\u2015\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\n\u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2. That is, there will be some signal victory in which those\nrepresented by the two witnesses will be subdued. \u00b6 _And kill them._\nThat is, an effect would be produced _as if_ they were put to death.\nThey would be overcome; would be silenced; would be apparently dead.\nAny event that would cause them to cease to bear testimony, _as if_\nthey were dead, would be properly represented by this. It would not be\nnecessary to suppose that there would be literally _death_ in the case,\nbut that there would be some event which would be well represented _by_\ndeath\u2015\u2015such as an entire suspension of their prophesying in consequence\nof force.\n\n\n 8 And their [347]dead bodies _shall lie_ in the street of\n the great city, which spiritually is called [348]Sodom and\n [349]Egypt, where also our Lord was crucified.\n\n8. _And their dead bodies |shall lie| in the street._ Professor Stuart,\n\u201cShall be in the street.\u201d The words \u201cshall lie\u201d are supplied by the\ntranslators, but not improperly. The literal rendering would be, \u201cand\ntheir corpses upon the street of the great city;\u201d and the meaning is,\nthat there would be a state of things in regard to them which would\nbe well represented by supposing them to lie unburied. To leave a body\nunburied is to treat it with contempt, and among the ancients nothing\nwas regarded as more dishonourable than such treatment. See the\n_Ajax_ of Sophocles. Among the Jews also it was regarded as a special\nindignity to leave the dead unburied, and hence they are always\nrepresented as deeply solicitous to secure the interment of their dead.\nSee Ge. xxiii. 4. Comp. 2 Sa. xxi. 9\u201213; Ec. vi. 3; Is. xiv. 18\u201220;\nxxii. 16; liii. 9. The meaning here is, that, for the time specified,\nthose who are here referred to would be treated with indignity and\ncontempt. In the fulfilment of this, we are not, of course, to look\nfor any _literal_ accomplishment of what is here said, but for some\ntreatment of the \u201cwitnesses\u201d which would be well represented by this;\nthat is, which would show that they were treated, after they were\nsilenced, like unburied corpses putrefying in the sun. \u00b6 _Of {279}\nthe great city._ Where these transactions would occur. As a great city\nwould be the agent in putting them to death, so the result would be\n_as if_ they were publicly exposed in its streets. The word \u201cgreat\u201d\nhere supposes that the city referred to would be distinguished for\nits size\u2015\u2015a circumstance of some importance in determining the place\nreferred to. \u00b6 _Which spiritually is called_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bd\u03b5\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03c2. This word\noccurs only in one other place in the New Testament, 1 Co. ii. 14,\n\u201cbecause they are _spiritually_ discerned\u201d\u2015\u2015where it means, \u201cin\naccordance with the Holy Spirit,\u201d or \u201cthrough the aid of the Holy\nSpirit.\u201d Here it seems to be used in the sense of _metaphorically_, or\n_allegorically_, in contradistinction from the literal and real name.\nThere may possibly be an intimation here that the city is so called\nby the Holy Spirit to designate its real character, but still the\nessential meaning is, that that was not its literal name. For some\nreason the real name is not given to it; but such descriptions are\napplied as are designed to leave no doubt as to what is intended.\n\u00b6 _Sodom._ Sodom was distinguished for its wickedness, and especially\nfor that vice to which its abominations have given name. For the\ncharacter of Sodom, see Ge. xviii., xix. Comp. 2 Pe. ii. 6. In\ninquiring what \u201ccity\u201d is here referred to, it would be necessary\nto find in it such abominations as characterized Sodom, or so much\nwickedness that it would be proper to call it Sodom. If it shall\nbe found that this was designed to refer to Papal Rome, no one can\ndoubt that the abominations which prevailed there would justify such\nan appellation. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21. \u00b6 _And Egypt._ That\nis, it would have such a character that the _name_ Egypt might be\nproperly given to it. Egypt is known in the Scriptures as the land\nof oppression\u2015\u2015the land where the Israelites, the people of God, were\nheld in cruel bondage. Comp. Ex. i.\u2012xv. See also Eze. xxiii. 8. The\nparticular idea, then, which seems to be conveyed here is, that the\n\u201ccity\u201d referred to would be characterized by acts of oppression and\nwrong towards the people of God. So far as the _language_ is concerned,\nit might apply either to Jerusalem or to Rome\u2015\u2015for both were eminently\ncharacterized by such acts of oppression toward the true children of\nGod as to make it proper to compare their cruelties with those which\nwere inflicted on the Israelites by the Egyptians. Of whichever of\nthese places the course of the exposition may require us to understand\nthis, it will be seen at once that the language is such as is strictly\napplicable to either; though, as the reference is rather to Christians\nthan to the ancient people of God, it must be admitted that it would\nbe most natural to refer it to Rome. More acts authorizing persecution,\nand designed to crush the true people of God, have gone forth from\nRome than from any other city on the face of the earth; and taking\nthe history of the church together, there is no place that would be\nso properly designated by the term here employed. \u00b6 _Where also our\nLord was crucified._ If this refers to Jerusalem, it is to be taken\nliterally; if to another city, it is to be understood as meaning that\nhe was _practically_ crucified there: that is, that the treatment of\nhis friends\u2015\u2015his church\u2015\u2015was such that it might be said that he was\n\u201ccrucified afresh\u201d there; for what is done to his church may be said to\nbe done to him. Either of these interpretations would be justified by\nthe use of the language. Thus in He. vi. 6, it is said of apostates\nfrom the true faith (comp. Notes on the passage), that \u201cthey crucify\nto themselves the Son of God _afresh_.\u201d If the passage before us is\nto be taken figuratively, the meaning is, that acts would be performed\nwhich might properly be represented as crucifying the Son of God; that,\nas he lives in his church, the acts of perverting his doctrines, and\npersecuting his people, would be, in fact, an act of crucifying the\nLord again. Thus understood, the language is strictly applicable to\nRome; that is, if it is admitted that John _meant_ to characterize\nthat city, he has employed such language as a Jewish Christian would\nnaturally use. While, therefore, it must be admitted that the language\nis such as could be _literally_ applied only to Jerusalem, it is still\ntrue that it is such language as might be figuratively applied to\nany other city strongly resembling that, and that in this sense it\nwould characterize Rome above all other cities of the world. The\ncommon reading of the text here is \u201c_our_ Lord\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f21\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd; the text now\nregarded as correct, however (Griesbach, Tittmann, Hahn), is \u201c_their_\nLord\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd. This makes no essential difference in the sense, except\nthat it directs the attention more particularly to the fact that they\nwere treated like their own Master.\n\n\n 9 And they of the people, and kindreds, and tongues, and\n nations, shall [350]see their dead bodies three days and an\n half, and shall not suffer their dead bodies to be put in\n graves.\n\n{280} 9. _And they of the people._ Some of the people; a part of the\npeople\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bb\u03b1\u1ff6\u03bd. The language is such as would be employed to\ndescribe a scene where a considerable portion of a company of people\nshould be referred to, without intending to include all. The essential\nidea is, that there would be an assemblage of different classes of\npeople to whom their carcasses would be exposed, and that they would\ncome and look upon them. We should expect to find the fulfilment of\nthis in some place where, from any cause, a variety of people should be\nassembled\u2015\u2015as in some capital, or some commercial city, to which they\nwould be naturally attracted. \u00b6 _Shall see their dead bodies._ That is,\na state of things will occur _as if_ these witnesses were put to death,\nand their carcasses were publicly exposed. \u00b6 _Three days and an half._\nThis might be either literally three days and a half, or, more in\naccordance with the usual style of this book, these would be prophetic\ndays; that is, three years and a half. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 5, 15.\n\u00b6 _And shall not suffer their dead bodies to be put in graves._ That\nis, there would be a course of conduct in regard to these witnesses\nsuch as would be shown to the dead if they were not suffered to be\ndecently interred. The language used here\u2015\u2015\u201c_shall not suffer_\u201d\u2015\u2015seems\nto imply that there would be those who might be disposed to show them\nthe respect evinced by interring the dead, but that this would not be\npermitted. This would find a fulfilment if, in a time of persecution,\nthose who had borne faithful testimony were silenced and treated with\ndishonour, and if there should be those who were disposed to show them\nrespect, but who would be prevented by positive acts on the part of\ntheir persecutors. This has often been the case in persecution, and\nthere could be no difficulty in finding numerous instances in the\nhistory of the church to which this language would be applicable.\n\n\n 10 And they that dwell upon the earth shall rejoice over them,\n and make merry, and shall send gifts one to another; because\n these two prophets tormented them that dwelt on the earth.\n\n10. _And they that dwell upon the earth shall rejoice over them._\nThose dwelling in the land would rejoice over their fall and ruin. This\ncannot, of course, mean _all_ who inhabit the globe; but, according to\nthe usage in Scripture, those who dwell in the country where this would\noccur. Comp. Notes on Lu. ii. 1. We now affix to the word \u201cearth\u201d an\nidea which was not necessarily implied in the Hebrew word \u05d0\u05b6\u05e8\u05b6\u05e5 _\u0113r\u0115tz_\n(comp. Ex. iii. 8; xiii. 5; De. xix. 2, 10; xxviii. 12; Ne. ix. 22;\nPs. xxxvii. 9, 11, 22, 29; lxvi. 4; Pr. ii. 21; x. 30; Joel i. 2); or\nthe Greek word \u03b3\u1fc6\u2015\u2015_g\u0113_, comp. Mat. ii. 6, 20, 21; xiv. 15; Ac. vii. 7,\n11, 36, 40; xiii. 17. Our word _land_, as now commonly understood,\nwould better express the idea intended to be conveyed here; and thus\nunderstood, the meaning is, that the dwellers in the country where\nthese things would happen would thus rejoice. The meaning is, that\nwhile alive they would, by their faithful testimony against existing\nerrors, excite so much hatred against themselves, and would be so\ngreat an annoyance to the governing powers, that there would be general\nexultation when the voice of their testimony should be silenced. This,\ntoo, has been so common in the world that there would be no difficulty\nin applying the _language_ here used, or in finding events which it\nwould appropriately describe. \u00b6 _And make merry._ Be glad. See Notes\non Lu. xii. 19; xv. 23. The Greek word does not necessarily denote the\nlight-hearted mirth expressed by our word _merriment_, but rather joy\nor happiness in general. The meaning is, that they would be filled\nwith joy at such an event. \u00b6 _And shall send gifts one to another._ As\nexpressive of their joy. To send presents is a natural expression of\nour own happiness, and our desire for the happiness of others\u2015\u2015as is\nindicated now by \u201cChristmas\u201d and \u201cNew Year\u2019s gifts.\u201d Comp. also Ne.\nviii. 10\u201212: \u201cThen he said unto them, Go your way, eat the fat, and\ndrink the sweet, and send portions unto them for whom nothing is\nprepared: for this day is holy unto our Lord: neither be ye sorry;\nfor the joy of the Lord is your {281} strength,\u201d &c. See also Es. ix.\n19\u201222. \u00b6 _Because these two prophets tormented them that dwell on the\nearth._ They \u201ctormented\u201d them, or were a source of annoyance to them,\nby bearing testimony to the truth; by opposing the prevailing errors;\nand by rebuking the vices of the age: perhaps by demanding reformation,\nand by denouncing the judgment of heaven on the guilty. There is\nno intimation that they tormented them in any other way than by the\ntruths which they held forth. See the word explained in the Notes on\n2 Pe. ii. 8.\n\n\n 11 And after three days and an half the [351]Spirit of life\n from God entered into them, and they stood upon their feet;\n and great fear fell upon them which saw them.\n\n11. _And after three days and an half._ See Notes on ver. 9.\n\u00b6 _The Spirit of life from God._ The living, or life-giving Spirit\nthat proceeds from God entered into them. Comp. Notes on Job xxxiii. 4.\nThere is evidently allusion here to Ge. ii. 7, where God is spoken of\nas the Author of life. The meaning is, that they would seem to come to\nlife again, or that effects would follow _as if_ the dead were restored\nto life. If, when they had been compelled to cease from prophesying,\nthey should, after the interval here denoted by three days and a half,\nagain prophesy, or their testimony should be again borne to the truth\nas it had been before, this would evidently be all that would be\nimplied in the language here employed. \u00b6 _Entered into them._ Seemed to\nanimate them again. \u00b6 _And they stood upon their feet._ As if they had\ncome to life again. \u00b6 _And great fear fell upon them which saw them._\nThis would be true if those who were dead should be literally restored\nto life; and this would be the effect if those who had given great\nannoyance by their doctrines, and who had been silenced, and who\n_seemed_ to be dead, should again, as if animated anew by a divine\npower, begin to prophesy, or to proclaim their doctrines to the world.\nThe statement in the symbol is, that those who had put them to death\nhad been greatly troubled by these \u201cwitnesses;\u201d that they had sought\nto silence them, and in order to this had put them to death; that they\nthen greatly rejoiced, as if they would no more be annoyed by them.\nThe fact that they seemed to come to life again would, therefore, fill\nthem with consternation, for they would anticipate a renewal of their\ntroubles, and they would see in this fact evidence of the divine favour\ntowards those whom they persecuted, and reason to apprehend divine\nvengeance on themselves.\n\n\n 12 And they heard a great voice from heaven saying unto them,\n Come up hither. And they [352]ascended up to heaven in a cloud;\n and [353]their enemies beheld them.\n\n12. _And they heard a great voice from heaven._ Some manuscripts read,\n\u201cI heard\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f24\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u2015\u2015but the more approved reading is that of the common\ntext. John says that a voice was addressed to _them_ calling them to\nascend to heaven. \u00b6 _Come up hither._ To heaven. \u00b6 _And they ascended\nup to heaven in a cloud._ So the Saviour ascended, Ac. i. 9; and so\nprobably Elijah, 2 Ki. ii. 11. \u00b6 _And their enemies beheld them._\nThat is, it was done openly, so that their enemies, who had put them\nto death, saw that they were approved of God, _as if_ they had been\npublicly taken up to heaven. It is not necessary to suppose that\nthis would literally occur. All this is, manifestly, mere symbol.\nThe meaning is, that they would triumph _as if_ they should ascend\nto heaven, and be received into the presence of God. The sense of the\nwhole is, that these witnesses, after bearing a faithful testimony\nagainst prevailing errors and sins, would be persecuted and silenced;\nthat for a considerable period their voice of faithful testimony would\nbe hushed as if they were dead; that during that period they would be\ntreated with contempt and scorn, as if their unburied bodies should be\nexposed to the public gaze; that there would be general exultation and\njoy that they were thus silenced; that they would again revive, as if\nthe dead were restored to life, and bear a faithful testimony to the\ntruth again; and that they would have the divine attestation in their\nfavour, _as if_ they were raised up visibly and publicly to heaven.\n\n\n 13 And the same hour was there a great earthquake, and the\n tenth part[354] of the city fell, and in the earthquake\n were slain [355]of men seven thousand: and the remnant were\n affrighted, and [356]gave glory to the God of heaven.\n\n 13. _And the same hour._ In immediate connection with their triumph.\n\u00b6 _Was there a great earthquake._ An earthquake {282} is a symbol\nof commotion, agitation, change; of great political revolutions, &c.\nSee Notes on ch. vi. 12. The meaning here is, that the triumph of the\nwitnesses, represented by their ascending to heaven, would be followed\nby such revolutions as would be properly symbolized by an earthquake.\n\u00b6 _And the tenth part of the city fell._ That is, the tenth part of\nthat which is represented by the \u201ccity\u201d\u2015\u2015the persecuting power. A city\nwould be the seat and centre of the power, and the acts of persecution\nwould seem to proceed from it; but the destruction, we may suppose,\nwould extend to all that was represented by the persecuting power.\nThe word \u201ctenth\u201d is probably used in a general sense to denote that a\nconsiderable portion of the persecuting power would be thus involved\nin ruin; that is, that in respect to that power there would be such a\nrevolution, such a convulsion or commotion, such a loss, that it would\nbe proper to represent it by an earthquake. \u00b6 _And in the earthquake._\nIn the convulsions consequent on what would occur to the witnesses.\n\u00b6 _Were slain of men seven thousand._ Marg., as in the Greek, \u201cnames\nof men\u201d\u2015\u2015the name being used to denote the men themselves. The number\nhere mentioned\u2015\u2015seven thousand\u2015\u2015seems to have been suggested because\nit would bear some proportion to the tenth part of the city which fell.\nIt is not necessary to suppose, in seeking for the fulfilment of this,\nthat just seven thousand would be killed; but the idea clearly is,\nthat there would be such a diminution of numbers as would be well\nrepresented by a calamity that would overwhelm a tenth part of the\ncity, such as the apostle had in his eye, and a proportional number\nof the inhabitants. The number that would be slain, therefore, in the\nconvulsions and changes consequent on the treatment of the witnesses,\nmight be numerically much larger than seven thousand, and might be as\ngreat as if a tenth part of all that were represented by the \u201ccity\u201d\nshould be swept away. \u00b6 _And the remnant were affrighted._ Fear and\nalarm came on them in consequence of these calamities. The \u201cremnant\u201d\nhere refers to those who still remained in the \u201ccity\u201d\u2015\u2015that is,\nto those who belonged to the community or people designed to be\nrepresented here by the city. \u00b6 _And gave glory to the God of heaven._\nComp. Lu. v. 26: \u201cAnd they were all amazed, and they glorified God, and\nwere filled with fear, saying, We have seen strange things to-day.\u201d All\nthat seems to be meant by this is, that they stood in awe at what God\nwas doing, and acknowledged his power in the changes that occurred.\nIt does not mean, necessarily, that they would repent and become truly\nhis friends, but that there would be a prevailing impression that\nthese changes were produced by his power, and that his hand was in\nthese things. This would be fulfilled if there should be a general\nwillingness among mankind to acknowledge God, or to recognize his hand\nin the events referred to; if there should be a disposition extensively\nprevailing to regard the \u201cwitnesses\u201d as on the side of God, and to\nfavour their cause as one of truth and righteousness; and if these\nconvulsions should so far change public sentiment as to produce an\nimpression that theirs was the cause of God.\n\n\n 14 The [357]second woe is past; _and_, behold, the third woe\n cometh quickly.\n\n14. _The second woe is past._ That is, the second of the three\nthat were announced as yet to come, ch. viii. 13; comp. ch. ix. 12.\n\u00b6 _|And|, behold, the third woe cometh quickly._ The last of the series.\nThe meaning is, that that which was signified by the third \u201cwoe\u201d would\nbe the next, and final event, in order. On the meaning of the word\n\u201c_quickly_,\u201d see Notes on ch. i. 1; comp. ii. 5, 16; iii. 11; xxii. 7,\n12, 20.\n\nIn reference now to the important question about the application of\nthis portion of the book of Revelation, it need hardly be said that the\ngreatest variety of opinion has prevailed among expositors. It would\nbe equally unprofitable, humiliating, and discouraging to attempt to\nenumerate all the opinions which have been held; and I must refer the\nreader who has any desire to become acquainted with them to Poole\u2019s\n_Synopsis_, _in loco_, and to the copious statement of Professor Stuart,\n_Com._ {283} vol. ii. pp. 219\u2012227. Professor Stuart himself supposes\nthat the meaning is, that \u201ca competent number of divinely-commissioned\nand faithful Christian witnesses, endowed with miraculous powers,\nshould bear testimony against the corrupt Jews, during the last days\nof their commonwealth, respecting their sins; that they should proclaim\nthe truths of the gospel; and that the Jews, by destroying them,\nwould bring upon themselves an aggravated and an awful doom,\u201d ii. 226.\nInstead of attempting to examine in detail the opinions which have been\nheld, I shall rather state what seems to me to be the fair application\nof the language used, in accordance with the principles pursued thus\nfar in the exposition. The inquiry is, whether there have been any\nevents to which this language is applicable, or in reference to which,\nif it be admitted that it was the design of the Spirit of inspiration\nto describe them, it may be supposed that such language would be\nemployed as we find here.\n\nIn this inquiry it may be assumed that the preceding exposition\nis correct, and the application now to be made must accord with\nthat\u2015\u2015that is, it must be found that events occurred in such times and\ncircumstances as would be consistent with the supposition that that\nexposition is correct. It is to be assumed, therefore, that ch. ix. 20,\n21, refers to the state of the ecclesiastical world after the conquest\nof Constantinople by the Turks, and previous to the Reformation; that\nch. x. refers to the Reformation itself; that ch. xi. 1, 2, refers to\nthe necessity, at the time of the Reformation, of ascertaining what\nwas the true church, of reviving the Scripture doctrine respecting\nthe atonement and justification, and of drawing correct lines as to\nmembership in the church. All this has reference, according to this\ninterpretation, to the state of the church while the Papacy would have\nthe ascendency, or during the twelve hundred and sixty years in which\nit would trample down the church _as if_ the holy city were in the\nhands of the Gentiles. Assuming this to be the correct exposition, then\nwhat is here said (ver. 3\u201213) must relate to that period, for it is\nwith reference to that same time\u2015\u2015the period of \u201ca thousand two hundred\nand threescore days,\u201d or twelve hundred and sixty years\u2015\u2015that it is\nsaid (ver. 3) the witnesses would \u201cprophesy,\u201d \u201cclothed in sackcloth.\u201d\nIf this be so, then what is here stated (ver. 3\u201213) must be supposed to\noccur during the ascendency of the Papacy, and must mean, in general,\nthat during that long period of apostasy, darkness, corruption, and\nsin, there would be faithful witnesses for the truth, who, though they\nwere few in number, would be sufficient to keep up the knowledge of the\ntruth on the earth, and to bear testimony against the prevailing errors\nand abominations. The _object_ of this portion of the book, therefore,\nis to describe the character of the faithful witnesses for the truth\nduring this long period of darkness; to state their influence; to\nrecord their trials; and to show what would be the ultimate result in\nregard to them, when their \u201ctestimony\u201d should become triumphant. This\ngeneral view will be seen to accord with the exposition of the previous\nportion of the book, and will be sustained, I trust, by the more\nparticular inquiry into the application of the passage to which I now\nproceed. The essential points in the passage (ver. 3\u201213) respecting\nthe \u201cwitnesses\u201d are six: (1) who are meant by the witnesses; (2) the\nwar made on them; (3) their death; (4) their resurrection; (5) their\nreception into heaven; and (6) the consequences of their triumph in the\ncalamity that came upon the city.\n\nI. Who are meant by the witnesses, ver. 3\u20126. There are several\nspecifications in regard to this point which it is necessary to notice.\n(a) The fact that, during this long period of error, corruption, and\nsin, there were those who were faithful witnesses for the truth\u2015\u2015men\nwho opposed the prevailing errors; who maintained the great doctrines\nof the Christian faith; and who were ready to lay down their lives\nin defence of the truth. For a full confirmation of this it would be\nnecessary to trace the history of the church down from the rise of the\nPapal power through the long lapse of the subsequent ages; but such an\nexamination would be far too extensive for the purpose contemplated in\nthese Notes, and, indeed, would require a volume by itself. Happily,\nthis has already been done; and all that is necessary now is to\nrefer to the works where the fact here affirmed has been abundantly\nestablished. In many of the histories of the church\u2015\u2015Mosheim, Neander,\nMilner, Milman, G\u00efeseler\u2015\u2015most ample proof may be found, that amidst\n\nthe general darkness and corruption {284} there were those who\nfaithfully adhered to the truth as it is in Jesus, and who, amidst\nmany sufferings, bore their testimony against prevailing errors.\nThe investigation has been made, also, with special reference to an\nillustration of this passage, by Mr. Elliott, _Hor\u00e6 Apoca_. vol. ii.\npp. 193\u2012406; and although it must be admitted that some of the details\nare of doubtful applicability, yet the _main_ fact is abundantly\nestablished, that during that long period there were \u201cwitnesses\u201d\nfor the pure truths of the gospel, and a faithful testimony\nborne against the abominations and errors of the Papacy. These\n\u201cwitnesses\u201d are divided by Mr. Elliott into (1) the earlier Western\nwitnesses\u2015\u2015embracing such men, and their followers, as Serenus,\nbishop of Marseilles; the Anglo-Saxon church in England;[358] Agobard,\narchbishop of Lyons from A.D. 810 to 841, on the one side of the Alps,\nand Claude of Turin on the other; Gotteschalcus, A.D. 884; Berenger,\nArnold of Brescia, Peter de Bruys, and his disciple Henry, and then\nthe Waldenses. (2) The Eastern, or Paulikian line of witnesses, a sect\nderiving their origin, about A.D. 653, from an Armenian by the name\nof Constantine, who received from a deacon, by whom he was hospitably\nentertained, a present of two volumes, very rare, one containing the\nGospels, and the other the Epistles of Paul, and who applied himself\nto the formation of a new sect or church, distinct from the Manicheans,\nand from the Greek Church. In token of the nature of their profession,\nthey adopted the name by which they were ever after distinguished,\nPaulikiani, _Paulicians_, or \u201cdisciples of the disciple of Paul.\u201d\nThis sect continued to bear \u201ctestimony\u201d in the East from the time of\nits rise till the eleventh or twelfth centuries, when it commenced\na migration to the West, where it bore the same honourable character\nfor its attachment to the truth. See Elliott, ii. 233\u2012246, 275\u2012315.\n(3) Witnesses during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, up to the time\nof Peter Waldo. Among these are to be noticed those who were arraigned\nfor heresy before the councils of Orleans, Arras, Thoulouse, Oxford,\nand Lombers, in the years 1022, 1025, 1119, 1160, 1165, respectively,\nand who were condemned by those councils for their departure from the\ndoctrines held by the Papacy. For a full illustration of the doctrines\nheld by those who were thus condemned, and of the fact that they were\n\u201cwitnesses\u201d for the truth, see Elliott, ii. 247\u2012275. (4) The Waldenses\nand Albigenses. The nature of the testimony borne by these persecuted\npeople is so well known that it is not necessary to dwell on the\nsubject; and a full statement of their testimony would require the\nentire transcription of their history. No Protestant will doubt that\nthey were \u201cwitnesses\u201d for the truth, or that from the time of their\nrise, through all the periods of their persecution, they bore full\nand honourable testimony to the truth as it is in Jesus. The general\nground of this claim to be regarded as Apocalyptic witnesses, will be\nseen from the following summary statements of their doctrines. Those\nstatements are found in a work called _The Noble Lesson_, written\nwithin some twenty years of 1170. The treatise begins in this manner:\n\u201cO brethren, hear a Noble Lesson. We ought always to watch and pray,\u201d\n&c. In this treatise the following doctrines are drawn out, says\nMr. Elliott, \u201cwith much simplicity and beauty: the origin of sin in the\nfall of Adam; its transmission to all men, and the offered redemption\nfrom it through the death of Jesus Christ; the union and co-operation\nof the three persons of the blessed Trinity in man\u2019s salvation; the\nobligation and spirituality of the moral law under the gospel; the\nduties of prayer, watchfulness, self-denial, unworldliness, humility,\nlove, as \u2018the way of Jesus Christ;\u2019 their enforcement by the prospect\nof death and judgment, and the world\u2019s near ending; by the narrowness,\ntoo, of the way of life, and the fewness of those who find it; as also\nby the hope of coming glory at the judgment and revelation of Jesus\nChrist. Besides which we find in it a protest against the Romish system\ngenerally, as one of soul-destroying idolatry; against masses for the\ndead, and therein against the whole doctrine of purgatory; against the\nsystem of the confessional, and asserted power of the priesthood to\nabsolve from sin; this last point being insisted on as the most deadly\npoint of heresy, and its origin referred to the mercenariness of the\n\npriesthood, {285} and their love of money;\u2015\u2015the iniquity further\nnoticed of the Romish persecutions of good men and teachers that\nwished to teach the way of Jesus Christ; and the suspicion half-hinted,\nand apparently half-formed, that, though a personal Antichrist might\nbe expected, yet Popery itself might be one form of Antichrist.\u201d In\nanother work, the _Treatise of Antichrist_, there is a strong and\ndecided identification of the Antichristian system and the Papacy. This\nwas written probably in the last quarter of the fourteenth century.\n\u201cFrom this,\u201d says Mr. Elliott (ii. 355), \u201cthe following will appear\nto have been the Waldensian views: that the Papal or Romish system was\nthat of Antichrist; which, from infancy in apostolic times, had grown\ngradually by the increase of its constituent parts to the stature of\na full-grown man; that its prominent characteristics were\u2015\u2015to defraud\nGod of the worship due to Him, rendering it to creatures, whether\ndeparted saints, relics, images, or Antichrist;\u2015\u2015to defraud Christ,\nby attributing justification and forgiveness to Antichrist\u2019s authority\nand words, to saints\u2019 intercession, to the merits of men\u2019s own\nperformances, and to the fire of purgatory;\u2015\u2015to defraud the Holy Spirit,\nby attributing regeneration and sanctification to the _opus operatum_ of\nthe two sacraments; that the origin of this Antichristian religion was\nthe covetousness of the priesthood; its tendency, to lead men away from\nChrist; its essence, a ceremonial; its foundation, the false notion\nof grace and forgiveness.\u201d This work is so important as a \u201ctestimony\u201d\nagainst Antichrist, and for the truth, and is so clear as showing that\nthe Papacy was regarded as Antichrist, that I will copy, from the work\nitself, the portion containing these sentiments\u2015\u2015sentiments which may\nbe regarded as expressing the uniform testimony of the Waldenses on the\nsubject:\u2015\u2015\n\n\u201cAntichrist is the falsehood of eternal damnation, covered with the\nappearance of the truth and righteousness of Christ and his spouse. The\niniquity of such a system is with all his ministers, great and small:\nand inasmuch as they follow the law of an evil and blinded heart, such\na congregation, taken together, is called Antichrist, or Babylon, or\nthe Fourth Beast, or the Harlot, or the Man of Sin, who is the son of\nperdition.\n\n\u201cHis first work is, that the service of _latria_, properly due to\nGod alone, he perverts unto Antichrist himself and to his doings; to\nthe poor creature, rational or irrational, sensible or insensible;\nas, for instance, to male or female saints departed this life, and to\ntheir images, or carcasses, or relics. His doings are the sacraments,\nespecially that of the Eucharist, which he worships equally with God\nand Christ, prohibiting the adoration of God alone.\n\n\u201cHis second work is, that he robs and deprives Christ of the merits\nof Christ, with the whole sufficiency of grace, and justification,\nand regeneration, and remission of sins, and sanctification, and\nconfirmation, and spiritual nourishment; and imputes and attributes\nthem to his own authority, or to a form of words, or to his own\nperformances, or to the saints and their intercession, or to the fire\nof purgatory. Thus he divides the people from Christ, and leads them\naway to the things already mentioned; that so they may seek not the\nthings of Christ, nor through Christ, but only the work of their own\nhands; not through a living faith in God, and Jesus Christ, and the\nHoly Spirit; but through the will and the work of Antichrist, agreeably\nto the preaching that man\u2019s salvation depends on his own deeds.\n\n\u201cHis third work is, that he attributes the regeneration of the Holy\nSpirit to a dead outward faith; baptizing children in that faith, and\nteaching that by the mere outward consecration of baptism regeneration\nmay be procured.\n\n\u201cHis fourth work is, that he rests the whole religion of the people\nupon his Mass; for leading them to hear it, he deprives them of\nspiritual and sacramental manducation.\n\n\u201cHis fifth work is, that he does everything to be seen, and to glut his\ninsatiable avarice.\n\n\u201cHis sixth work is, that he allows manifest sins without ecclesiastical\ncensure.\n\n\u201cHis seventh work is, that he defends his unity, not by the Holy Spirit,\nbut by the secular power.\n\n\u201cHis eighth work is, that he hates, and persecutes, and searches after,\nand robs and destroys the members of Christ.\n\n\u201cThese things, and many others, are the cloak and vestment of\nAntichrist; by which he covers his lying wickedness, lest he should be\nrejected as a heathen. {286} But there is no other cause of idolatry\nthan a false opinion of grace, and truth, and authority, and invocation,\nand intercession; which this Antichrist has taken away from God, and\nwhich he has ascribed to ceremonies, and authorities, and a man\u2019s own\nworks, and to saints, and to purgatory\u201d (Elliott, ii. 354, 355).\n\nIt is impossible not to be struck with the application of this\nto the Papacy, and no one can doubt that the Papacy was intended\nto be referred to. And, if this be so, this was a bold and decided\n\u201ctestimony\u201d against the abominations of that system, and they who bore\nthis testimony deserved to be regarded as \u201cwitnesses\u201d for Christ and\nhis truth.\n\nIf to the \u201ctestimony\u201d thus briefly referred to, we add that of\nsuch men as Wycliffe, John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, and then that\nof the Reformers, Luther, Calvin, Zuingle, Melancthon, and their\nfellow-labourers, we can see with what propriety it was predicted\nthat even during the prevalence of the great apostasy there would\nbe a competent number of \u201cwitnesses\u201d to keep up the knowledge of\nthe truth in the world. And supposing that this is what was designed\nto be represented, it is easy to perceive that the symbol which is\nemployed is admirably appropriate. The design of what is here said\nis merely to show that during the whole of the period of the Papal\napostasy\u2015\u2015whenever it may be supposed to have begun, and whenever\nit shall cease, it is and will be true that the Saviour has had\ntrue \u201cwitnesses\u201d on the earth\u2015\u2015that there have been those who have\n\u201ctestified\u201d against these abominations, and who, often at great\npersonal peril and sacrifice, have borne a faithful testimony for the\ntruth.\n\n(b) The number of the witnesses. In ver. 3, this is said to be \u201ctwo,\u201d\nand this has been shown to mean that there would be a _competent_\nnumber, yet probably with the implied idea that the number would not be\nlarge. The only question then is, whether, in looking through this long\nperiod, it would be found that, according to the established laws of\ntestimony under the divine code, there was a _competent_ number to bear\nwitness to the truth. And of this no one can doubt, for, in respect to\neach and every part of the period of the great apostasy, it is possible\nnow to show that there was a sufficient number of the true friends of\n\nthe Redeemer to testify against all the great and cardinal errors of\nthe Papacy. This simple and obvious interpretation of the language,\nit may be added, also, makes wholly unnecessary and inappropriate all\nthe efforts which have been made by expositors to find precisely _two_\nsuch witnesses, or _two_ churches or people with whom the line of the\nfaithful testimony was preserved: all such interpretations as that\nthe Old and New Testaments are referred to, as Melchior, Affelman, and\nCroly suppose; or that preachers are referred to who are instructed by\nthe Law and the Gospel, as Pannonius and Thomas Aquinas, supposed; or\nthat Christ and John the Baptist are referred to, as Ubertinus supposed;\nor that Pope Sylvester and Mena, who wrote against the Eutychians, are\nmeant, as Lyranus and Ederus supposed; or that Francis and Dominic,\nthe respective heads of two orders of monks, are intended, as Cornelius\n\u00e0 Lapide supposed; or that the great _wisdom_ and _sanctity_ of the\nprimitive preachers are meant, as Alcassar maintained; or that John\nHuss and Luther, or John Huss and Jerome of Prague, or the Waldenses\nand Albigenses, or the Jewish and Gentile Christians in \u00c6lia, are\nintended, as others have supposed. According to the obvious and fair\nmeaning of the language, all this is mere fancy, and can illustrate\nnothing but the fertility of invention of those who have written on\nthe Apocalypse. All that is necessarily implied is, that the number\nof true and uncorrupted followers of the Saviour has been at all times\nsufficiently large to bear _a competent testimony_ to the world, or to\nkeep up the remembrance of the truth upon the earth\u2015\u2015and the reality of\nthis no one acquainted with the history of the church will doubt.\n\n(c) The condition of the \u201cwitnesses\u201d as \u201cclothed in sackcloth,\u201d ver. 3.\nThis has been shown to mean that they would be in a state of sadness\nand grief; and they would be exposed to trouble and persecution. It is\nunnecessary to prove that all this was abundantly fulfilled. The long\nhistory of those times was a history of persecutions; and if it be\nadmitted that the passage before us was designed to refer to those\nabove mentioned as \u201cwitnesses,\u201d no more correct description could be\ngiven of them than to say that they were \u201cclothed in sackcloth.\u201d\n\n{287} (d) The power of the witnesses, ver. 5, 6. Of this there are\nseveral specifications. (1) They had power over those who should injure\nor hurt them, ver. 5. This is represented by \u201cfire proceeding out\nof their mouth, and devouring their enemies.\u201d This has been shown to\nrefer to the doctrines which they would proclaim, and the denunciations\nwhich they would utter, and which would resemble consuming fire. This\nwould be accomplished or fulfilled if their solemn testimony\u2015\u2015their\nproclamations of truth\u2015\u2015and their denunciations of the wrath of God\nshould have the effect ultimately to bring down the divine vengeance\non their persecutors. And no one can doubt that this has had an ample\nfulfilment. That is, the effect of the testimony borne; of the solemn\nappeals made; of the denunciations of the judgment of heaven, has\nbeen to show that that great persecuting power that oppressed them is\narrayed against God, and must be finally overthrown. In order to see\nthe complete fulfilment of this, it would be necessary to trace all the\neffect of the testimony of the witnesses for the truth from age to age\non that power, and to see how far it has been among the causes of the\nultimate and final overthrow of the Papacy. Of course, it may be said\nthat in an important sense it is _all_ to be traced to that, since if\nthey had forborne to bear that testimony, and to protest against those\ncorruptions and abominations, that colossal power would have stood\nunshaken. But the solemn appeals made from age to age by the friends\nof truth, amidst much persecution, have contributed to weaken that\npower, and to prepare the world for its ultimate fall\u2015\u2015as if fire from\nheaven fell upon it. The causes of the decline of the Papal power were,\ntherefore, laid far back in the solemn truths urged by those persecuted\n\u201cwitnesses;\u201d and the calamities which have ravaged Europe for these\nthree hundred years, and the changes now occurring which make it so\ncertain that this mighty power hastens to its fall, may all be the\nregular results of the \u201ctestimony\u201d for the truths of a pure gospel\nborne long ago by the men that dwelt amidst the Alps, and their\nfellow-sufferers in persecution. (2) They \u201chave power to shut heaven,\nthat it rain not in the days of their prophecy,\u201d ver. 6. This has\nbeen shown to mean that they would have power to cause blessings to be\nwithheld from men _as if_ the rain were withheld. The reference here\nis probably to the spiritual heavens, and to that of which rain is\nthe natural emblem\u2015\u2015the influences of truth, and the influences of\nthe Divine Spirit on the world. So Moses says, in De. xxxii. 2, \u201cMy\ndoctrine shall drop as the rain, and my speech shall distil as the\ndew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon\nthe grass.\u201d So the psalmist (Ps. lxxii. 6), \u201cHe shall come down like\nrain upon the mown grass: as showers that water the earth.\u201d So Isaiah\n(lv. 10, 11), \u201cFor as the rain cometh down, and the snow from heaven,\nso shall my word be,\u201d &c. Comp. Mi. v. 7. The meaning here, then, must\nbe, that spiritual influences would seem to be under their control;\nor that they would be imparted at their bidding, and withheld at their\nwill. This found an ample fulfilment in the history of the church in\nthose dark periods, in the fact that it was in connection with these\n\u201cwitnesses,\u201d and in answer to their prayers, that the influences of the\nHoly Spirit were imparted to the world, and that the true religion was\nkept up on the earth. \u201cIt is an historical fact,\u201d says the author of\n_The Seventh Vial_ (p. 130), \u201cthat during the ages of their ministry,\nthere was neither dew nor rain of a spiritual kind upon the earth, but\nat the word of the witnesses. There was no knowledge of salvation but\nby their preaching\u2015\u2015no descent of the Spirit but in answer to their\nprayers; and, as the witnesses were shut out from Christendom generally,\na universal famine ensued.\u201d (3) They had power over the waters to turn\nthem to blood, and to smite the earth with all plagues, ver. 6. That\nis, as explained above, calamities would come upon the earth _as if_\nthe waters were turned into blood, and this would be so connected\nwith them, and with the treatment which they would receive, that these\ncalamities would _seem_ to have been called down from heaven in answer\nto their prayers, and in order to avenge their wrongs. And can anyone\nbe ignorant that wars, commotions, troubles, disasters have followed\nthe attempts to destroy those who have borne a faithful testimony for\nChrist in the dark period of the world here referred to? The calamities\nthat have befallen the Papal communion from time to time may have been,\nand seem to have been, to a great degree, the consequence of its {288}\npersecuting spirit, and of its attempts to quench the light of truth.\nWhen the oppressed and persecuted nations of Europe had borne it long,\nand when attempts had long been made to extinguish every spark of true\nliberty, the spirit of freedom and revenge was roused. The yoke was\nbroken; and in the wars that ensued rivers of blood flowed upon the\nearth, as if these \u201cwitnesses\u201d or martyrs had, by their own power and\nprayers, brought these calamities upon their oppressors. A philosophic\nhistorian carefully studying human nature, and the essential spirit\nof Christianity, might find in these facts a sufficient explanation\nof all the calamities that have come upon that once colossal power\u2015\u2015the\nPapacy\u2015\u2015and a full demonstration that, under the operation of these\ncauses, that power must ultimately fall\u2015\u2015_as if_ in revenge called down\nfrom heaven by the martyrs for the wrongs done to them who had borne a\nfaithful testimony to the truth.\n\nII. The war against the witnesses, ver. 7. There are several\ncircumstances stated in regard to this which demand explanation in\norder to a full understanding of the prophecy. Those circumstances\nrelate to the time when this would occur; to the government by which\nthis war would be waged; and to the victory.\n\n(a) The time when the war referred to would be waged. The whole\nnarrative (comp. ver. 3, 5) supposes that opposition would be made to\nthem at all times, and that their condition would be such that they\ncould properly be represented as always clothed in sackcloth; but it is\nevident that a particular period is here referred to, when there would\nbe _such_ a war waged with them that they would be for a time overcome,\nand would seem to be dead. This time is referred to by the phrase \u201cwhen\nthey shall have finished their testimony\u201d (ver. 7); and it is to the\nperiod when this could be properly said of them that we are to look\nfor the fulfilment of what is here predicted. This must mean, when\nthey should have borne _full_ or _ample_ testimony; that is, when they\nhad borne their testimony on all the great points on which they were\nappointed to bear witness. See Notes on ver. 7. This, then, must not be\nunderstood as referring to the time of the _completion_ of the twelve\nhundred and sixty years, but to any time _during_ that period when it\ncould be said that they had borne a full and ample testimony for the\ntruths of the gospel, and against the abominations and errors that\nprevailed. In this general expression there is not, indeed, anything\nthat would accurately designate the time, but no one can doubt that\nthis _had been done at the time of the Reformation_. In the preceding\nremarks it has been shown that there was a succession of faithful\nwitnesses for the truth in the darkest periods of the church, and that\nto all the great points pertaining to the system of religion revealed\nin the gospel, as well as against the errors that prevailed, they had\nborne an unambiguous testimony. There is no impropriety, therefore,\nin fixing this period at about the time of the Reformation, for all\nthat is necessarily implied in the language is fulfilled on such a\nsupposition. Faithful testimony had been borne during the long period\nof the Papal corruptions, until it could be said that their peculiar\nwork had been accomplished. The earlier witnesses for the truth\u2015\u2015the\nPaulicians, the Waldenses, the Vaudois, and other bodies of true\nChristians\u2015\u2015had borne an open testimony, from the beginning, against\nthe various corruptions of Rome\u2015\u2015her errors in doctrine, her idolatries\nin worship, and her immoralities, until in the end of the twelfth\ncentury\u2015\u2015the same century in which, according to Mr. Gibbon, the\nmeridian of Papal greatness was attained\u2015\u2015they proclaimed her, as\nwe have seen, to be the Antichrist of Scripture, the Harlot of the\nApocalypse. Thus did they fulfil their testimony; and then was the war\nwaged against them, with all the power of apostate Rome, to silence\nand to destroy them. This war was commenced in the edicts of councils,\nwhich stigmatized the pure doctrines of the Bible, and branded those\nwho held them as heretics. The next step was to pronounce the most\ndreadful anathemas on those who were regarded as heretics, which were\nexecuted in the same remorseless and exterminating manner in which\nthey were conceived. The confessors of the truth were denied both their\nnatural and their civil rights. They were forbidden all participation\nin dignities and offices; their goods were confiscated; their houses\nwere to be razed and never more to be rebuilt; and their lands were\ngiven to those who were able to seize them. They were shut out from\nthe solace of human converse; no one might give them shelter {289}\nwhile living, or Christian burial when dead. At length a crusade was\nproclaimed against them. Preachers were sent abroad through Europe to\nsound the trumpet of vengeance, and to assemble the nations. The pope\nwrote to all Christian princes, exhorting them to earn their pardon\nand win heaven rather by bearing the cross against heretics than by\nmarching against the Saracens. The war, in particular, which was waged\nagainst the Waldenses, is well known, and the horror of its details is\namong the darkest pages of history. The peaceful and fertile valleys of\nthe Vaudois were invaded, and speedily devastated with fire and sword;\ntheir towns and villages were burnt; while not one individual, in\nmany cases, escaped to carry the tidings to the next valley. To all\nthe cruelties of these wars, and to all the open persecutions which\nwere waged, are to be added the horrors of the Inquisition, as an\nillustration of the fact that \u201cwars\u201d would be made against the true\nwitnesses for Christ. Calculations, more or less accurate, have been\nmade of the numbers that Popery has slain; and the lowest of those\ncalculations would confirm what is said here, on the supposition that\nthe reference is to the Papal power. From the year 1540 to the year\n1570, comprehending a space of only thirty years, no fewer than nine\nhundred thousand Protestants were put to death by the Papists, in\ndifferent countries of Europe. During the short pontificate of Paul the\nFourth, which lasted only four years (A.D. 1555\u20121559), the Inquisition\nalone, on the testimony of Vergerius, destroyed a hundred and fifty\nthousand! When he died, the indignant populace of Rome crowded to the\nprison of the Inquisition, broke open the doors, and released seventeen\nhundred prisoners, and then set fire to the building (Bowers\u2019 _History\nof the Popes_, iii. 319, edit. 1845). Those who perished in Germany\nduring the wars of Charles the Fifth, and in Flanders, under the\ninfamous Duke of Alva, are reckoned by hundreds of thousands. In France\nseveral millions were destroyed in the innumerable massacres that took\nplace in that kingdom. It has been computed that since the rise of the\nPapacy, not fewer than fifty millions of persons have been put to death\non account of religion! Of this vast number the greater part have been\ncut off during the last six hundred years; for the Papacy persecuted\nvery little during the first half of its existence, and it was in this\nway that it was not until the witnesses had \u201ccompleted\u201d their testimony,\nor had borne full and ample testimony, that it made war against them.\nComp. _The Seventh Vial_, pp. 149\u2012157. For a full illustration of\nthe facts here referred to, see Notes on Da. vii. 21. There can be no\nreasonable doubt that Daniel and John refer to the same thing.\n\n(b) By whom this was to be done. In ver. 7, it is said that it would\nbe by \u201cthe beast that ascendeth out of the bottomless pit.\u201d This is\nundoubtedly the same as the fourth beast of Daniel (Da. vii.), and for\na full illustration I must refer to the Notes on that chapter. It is\nnecessary only to add here, if the above representation is correct,\nthat it is easy to see the propriety of this application of the symbol\nto the Papacy. Nothing would better represent that cruel persecuting\npower \u201cmaking war with the witnesses,\u201d than a fierce and cruel monster\nthat seemed to ascend from the bottomless pit.\n\n(c) The victory of the persecutors, and the death of the witnesses:\n\u201cand shall overcome them, and kill them,\u201d ver. 7. That is, they would\ngain a temporary victory over them, and the witnesses would seem for\na time to be dead. The subsequent statement shows, however, that they\nwould revive again, and would again resume their prophesying. Comp.\nNotes on ch. ix. 20. The victory over them would appear to be complete,\nand the great object of the persecuting power would seem to have been\ngained. A few facts on this subject will show the propriety of the\nstatement that \u201cwhen they had finished,\u201d or _had fully borne their\ntestimony_, a victory was obtained over them, and that they were so\nsilenced that it might be said they were _killed_. The first will be\nin the words of Milner, in his account of the opening of the sixteenth\ncentury (_History of the Church_, p. 660, ed. Edin. 1835): \u201cThe\nsixteenth century opened with a prospect of all others the most gloomy,\nin the eyes of every true Christian. Corruption both in doctrine and\nin practice had exceeded all bounds; and the general face of Europe,\nthough the name of Christ was everywhere professed, presented nothing\nthat was properly evangelical. The Waldenses were too feeble to molest\nthe popedom; and the Hussites, divided {290} among themselves, and\nworn out by a long series of contentions, were reduced to silence.\nAmong both were found persons of undoubted godliness, but they appeared\nincapable of making effectual impressions on the kingdom of Antichrist.\nThe Roman pontiffs were still the uncontrolled patrons of impiety;\nneither the scandalous crimes of Alexander VI., nor the military\nferocity of Julius II., seemed to have lessened the dominion of the\ncourt of Rome, or to have opened the eyes of men so as to induce them\nto make a sober investigation of the nature of true religion.\u201d The\nlanguage of Mr. Cunninghame may here be adopted as describing the\nstate of things at the beginning of the sixteenth century: \u201cAt the\ncommencement of the sixteenth century, Europe reposed in the deep sleep\nof spiritual death, under the iron yoke of the Papacy. That haughty\npower, like the Assyrian of the prophet, said in the plenitude of his\ninsolence, \u2018My hand hath found as a nest the riches of the people; and\nas one gathereth eggs, I have gathered all the earth; and there was\nnone that moved the wing, _or opened the mouth_, or peeped.\u2019\u201d And in\na similar manner, the writer of the article on the Reformation, in\nthe _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_\u2015\u2015in a statement made, of course, with no\nreference to the fulfilment of this passage\u2015\u2015thus speaks of that period:\n\u201cEverything was quiet; _every heretic was exterminated_, and the whole\nChristian world supinely acquiesced in the enormous absurdities\ninculcated by the Romish church.\u201d These quotations will show the\npropriety of the language used here by John, on the supposition that it\nwas intended to refer to this period. No symbol would be more striking,\nor more appropriate to that state of things, than to represent the\nwitnesses for the truth as overcome and slain, so that, for a time at\nleast, they would cease to bear their testimony against the prevailing\nerrors and corruptions. It will be remembered, also, that this occurred\nat a time when it might be said that they had \u201cfulfilled\u201d their\ntestimony, or when, in a most solemn manner, they had protested against\nthe existing idolatries and abominations.\n\nIII. The witnesses dead, ver. 8\u201210. The preceding verse contains the\nstatement that they would be overcome and killed; these verses describe\ntheir treatment when they would be dead; that is, when they would be\nsilenced. There are several circumstances referred to here which demand\nnotice.\n\n(a) The _place_ where it is said that this would occur\u2015\u2015that \u201cgreat\ncity which spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt, where also our\nLord was crucified,\u201d ver. 8. In the explanation of this verse, it has\nbeen shown that the language used here is such as would be properly\nemployed, on the supposition that the intention was to refer to Rome,\nor the Romish communion. A few testimonies may serve to confirm the\ninterpretation proposed in the Notes on ver. 8, and to show farther\nthe propriety of applying the appellation \u201cSodom\u201d and \u201cEgypt\u201d to Rome.\nThus among the Reformers, \u201cGrosteste perceived that the whole scheme\nof the Papal government was enmity with God, and exclaimed that nothing\nbut the sword could deliver the church from the _Egyptian_ bondage\u201d\n(D\u2019Aubign\u00e9). Wycliffe compared the Romish priestcraft to \u201cthe accursed\nsorceries with which the sages of Pharaoh presumed to emulate the works\nof Jehovah\u201d (Le Bas\u2019 _Wycliffe_, pp. 68, 147). Luther, in a letter to\nMelancthon, says, \u201cItaly is plunged, as in ancient times in Egypt, in\ndarkness that may be felt.\u201d And of Zuingle in Switzerland, they who\nlonged for the light of salvation said of him, \u201cHe will be our Moses,\nto deliver us out of the darkness of Egypt.\u201d Any number of passages\ncould be found in the writings of the Reformers, and even some in\nthe writings of Romanists themselves, in which the abominations that\nprevailed in Rome are compared with those in Sodom. Comp. Elliott, ii.\npp. 386, 387, notes. Assuming this to be the correct interpretation,\nthe meaning is, that a state of things would exist after the silencing\nof the witnesses which would be well represented by supposing that\ntheir dead bodies would lie unburied; that is, that there would be\ndishonour and indignity heaped upon them, such as is shown to the dead\nwhen they are suffered to lie unburied. No one needs to be informed\nthat this accurately represents the state of things throughout the\nRoman world. To the \u201cwitnesses\u201d thus persecuted, downtrodden, and\n_silenced_, there was the same kind of indignity shown which there is\nwhen the dead are left unburied.\n\n(b) The exposure of their bodies, ver. 8. That is, as we have seen,\nthey {291} would be treated with indignity, _as if_ they were not\nworthy of Christian burial. Now this not only expresses what was in\nfact the general feeling among the Papists in respect to those whom\nthey regarded as heretics, but it had a literal fulfilment in numerous\ncases where the rites of Christian burial were denied them. One of\nthe punishments most constantly decreed and constantly enforced in\nreference to those who were called \u201cheretics,\u201d was their exclusion from\nburial as persons excommunicated and without the pale of the church.\nThus, in the third council of Lateran (A.D. 1179), Christian burial was\ndenied to heretics; the same in the Lateran council A.D. 1215, and the\nPapal decree of Gregory IX., A.D. 1227; the same again in that of Pope\nMartin, A.D. 1422; and the same thing was determined in the council of\nConstance, A.D. 1422, which ordered that the body of Wycliffe should\nbe exhumed, and that the ashes of John Huss, instead of being buried,\nshould be collected and thrown into the lake of Constance. It may be\nadded that Savonarola\u2019s ashes were in a similar manner cast into the\nArno, A.D. 1498; and that in the first bull intrusted to the cardinal\nCajetan against Luther, this was one of the declared penalties, that\nboth Luther and his partisans should be deprived of ecclesiastical\nburial. See Waddington, p. 717; D\u2019Aubign\u00e9, i. 355; Foxe, v. 677.\n\n(c) The mutual congratulations of those who had put them to death;\ntheir exultation over them; and the expression of their joy by the\ninterchange of presents: \u201cAnd they that dwell upon the earth shall\nrejoice over them,\u201d &c., ver. 10. The language here used is expressive\nof general joy and rejoicing, and there can be no doubt that such joy\nand rejoicing occurred at Rome whenever a new victory was obtained over\nthose who were regarded as heretics. Pareus remarks on the passage in\nLuke xv. 32, \u201cIt was meet that we should make merry,\u201d &c., that \u201cwhen\nheretics are burnt, Papists play at frolicsome games, celebrate feasts\nand banquets, sing _Te Deum laudamus_, and wish one another joy.\u201d\nAnd so too Bullinger, _in loco_. But there was special rejoicing,\nwhich accorded entirely with the prediction here, at the close of the\nsessions of the Lateran council A.D. 1517, in the splendour of the\ndinners and f\u00eates given by the cardinals. The scene on the closing of\nthe council is thus described by Dean Waddington: \u201cThe pillars of the\nPapal strength seemed visible and palpable; and Rome surveyed them with\nexultation from her golden palaces. The assembled princes and prelates\nseparated from the council with _complacency_, _confidence_, and\n_mutual congratulations_ on the peace, unity, and purity of the church.\u201d\nStill, while this was true of that particular council, it should be\nadded that the language here used is general, and may be regarded as\ndescriptive of the usual joy which would be felt, and which was felt at\nRome, in view of the efforts made to suppress heresy in the church.\n\n(d) The _time_ during which the witnesses would remain \u201cdead.\u201d This,\nit is said (ver. 9), would be for \u201cthree days and an half,\u201d during\nwhich time they would \u201cnot suffer their dead bodies to be put in\ngraves;\u201d that is, there would be a course of conduct, and a state of\nthings, _as if_ the dead were left unburied. This _time_, as we have\nseen (Notes on ver. 9), means probably three years and a half; and in\nthe application of this we are to look for some striking event relating\nto the \u201cwitnesses,\u201d when they should have \u201cfinished their testimony,\u201d\nor when they had fully borne their testimony, that would fully\ncorrespond with this. Now it happens that there _was_ a point of time,\njust previous to the Reformation, when it was supposed that a complete\nvictory was gained for ever over those who were regarded as \u201cheretics,\u201d\nbut who were in fact the true witnesses for Christ. That point of time\nwas during the session of the council of Lateran, which was assembled\nA.D. 1513, and which continued its sessions to May 16, 1517. In the\nninth session of this council a remarkable proclamation was made,\nindicating that all opposition to the Papal power had now ceased. The\nscene is thus described by Mr. Elliott (ii. 396, 397): \u201cThe orator\nof the session ascended the pulpit; and, amidst the applause of the\nassembled council, uttered that memorable exclamation of triumph\u2015\u2015an\nexclamation which, notwithstanding the long multiplied anti-heretical\ndecrees of popes and councils, notwithstanding the yet more multiplied\nanti-heretical crusades and inquisitorial fires, was never, I believe,\npronounced before, and certainly never since\u2015\u2015\u2018Jam nemo reclamat,\nnullus obsistit\u2019\u2015\u2015\u2018There is an end of resistance to the Papal rule and\nreligion; opposers there exist no more:\u2019 {292} and again, \u2018The whole\nbody of Christendom is now seen to be subjected to its _Head_, _i.e._\nto _Thee_.\u2019\u201d This occurred May 5, 1514. It is, probably, from this\n\u201ctime\u201d that the three days and a half, or the three years and a half,\nduring which the \u201cdead bodies of the witnesses remained unburied,\u201d and\nwere exposed to public gaze and derision, are to be reckoned.\n\nBut it was with remarkable accuracy that a period of three years and\na half occurred from the time when this proclamation was made, and\nwhen it was supposed that these \u201cwitnesses\u201d were \u201cdead,\u201d to the time\nwhen the voice of living witnesses for the truth was heard again, as\nif those witnesses that had been silenced had come to life again; and\n\u201cnot in the compass of the whole ecclesiastical history of Christendom,\nexcept in the case of the death and resurrection of Christ himself,\nis there any such example of the sudden, mighty, and triumphant\nresuscitation of his church from a state of deep depression, as was,\njust after the separation of the Lateran council, exhibited in the\nprotesting voice of Luther, and the glorious Reformation.\u201d All accounts\nagree in placing the beginning of the Reformation in A.D. 1517. See\nBowers\u2019 _History of the Popes_, iii. 295; Murdock\u2019s _Mosheim_, iii. 11,\nnote. The _effect_ of this, as compared with the supposed suppression\nof heresy, or the death of the witnesses, and as an illustration of\nthe passage before us, will be seen from the following language of\na writer in the _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_:\u2015\u2015\u201cEverything was quiet;\n_every heretic exterminated_; and the whole Christian world supinely\nacquiescing in the enormous absurdities inculcated in the Romish\nchurch, when, in 1517, the empire of superstition received its first\nattack from Luther.\u201d Or, in the language of Mr. Cunninghame, \u201cAt the\ncommencement of the sixteenth century, Europe reposed in the deep sleep\nof spiritual death, under the iron yoke of the Papacy. There was none\nthat moved the wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped: when suddenly in\none of the universities of Germany the voice of an obscure monk was\nheard, the sound of which rapidly filled Saxony, Germany, and Europe\nitself, shaking the very foundations of the Papal power, and arousing\nmen from the lethargy of ages.\u201d\n\nThe remarkable coincidence in regard to _time_\u2015\u2015supposing that\nthree years and a half are intended\u2015\u2015will be seen from the following\nstatement. The day of the ninth session of the Lateran council, when\nthe proclamation above referred to was made, was, as we have seen,\nMay 5, 1514; the day of Luther\u2019s posting up his theses at Wittemberg\n(the well-known epoch of the beginning of the Reformation), was\nOctober 31, 1517. \u201cNow, from May 5, 1514, to May 5, 1517, are three\nyears; and from May 5, 1517, to October 31 of the same year, 1517, the\nreckoning in days is as follows:\u2015\u2015\n\n May 5\u201231 27\n June 30 30\n July 31 31\n August 31 31\n September 30 30\n October 31 31\n\nin all 180, or half of 360 days, that is, half a year; so that\nthe whole interval is precisely, to a day, three and a half years\u201d\n(Elliott, ii. 402, 403). But, without insisting on this very minute\naccuracy, anyone can see, and all must be prepared to admit, that, on\nthe supposition that it was intended by the Spirit of God to refer to\nthese events, this is the language which would be used; or, in other\nwords, nothing would better represent this state of things than the\ndeclaration that the witnesses would be \u201cslain,\u201d and would be suffered\nto \u201cremain unburied\u201d during this period of time, and that at the end of\nthis period, a public testimony would be borne again for the truth, and\nagainst the abominations of the Papacy, as if \u201cthe Spirit of life from\nGod should again enter into them, and they should stand upon their\nfeet,\u201d ver. 11.\n\nIV. The resurrection of the witnesses, ver. 11. Little need be added\non this point, after what has been said on the previous portions of\nthe chapter. We have seen (Notes on ver. 11) that this must mean that\na state of things would occur which would be well represented by their\nbeing restored to life again; and if the previous illustrations are\ncorrect, there will be little difficulty in admitting that this had\nits fulfilment in the commencement of the Reformation. As to the\n_time_ when they would revive, we have seen above how remarkably this\naccords with the commencement of the Reformation in 1517; and as to\nthe correspondence of this with what is here symbolized, nothing would\nbetter represent this than to describe the witnesses as coming to life\nagain. It was _as if_ \u201cthe Spirit of life from God entered into\u201d those\nwho had been slain, {293} and \u201cthey stood upon their feet\u201d again, and\nagain bore their solemn testimony to the truth as it is in Jesus. For\n(a) it was the same kind of testimony\u2015\u2015testimony _to_ the same truths,\nand _against_ the same evils\u2015\u2015which had been borne by the long array\nof the confessors and martyrs that had been put to death. The truths\nproclaimed by the Reformers on the great doctrines of grace were\nthe same which had been professed by the Waldenses, by Wycliffe, by\nJohn Huss, and others; and the abominations of image-worship, of the\ninvocations of the saints, of the arrogant claims of the pope, of the\ndoctrine of human merit in justification, of the corruptions of the\nmonastic systems, of the celibacy of the clergy, of the doctrine\nof purgatory, against which they testified, were the same. (b) That\ntestimony was borne by men of the same spirit and character. In what\nwould now be called _personal religious experience_ there was the\nclosest resemblance between the Waldenses and the other \u201cwitnesses\u201d\nbefore the Reformation, and the Reformers themselves\u2015\u2015between the\npiety of Huss, Jerome of Prague, Wycliffe, and Peter Waldo; and Luther,\nMelancthon, Zuingle, Calvin, Bucer, Latimer, Ridley, and Knox. They\nwere men who belonged to the same spiritual communion, and who had been\nmoulded and fashioned in their spiritual character by the same power\nfrom on high. (c) The testimony was borne with the same fearlessness,\nand in the midst of the same kind of persecution and opposition. All\nthat occurred was _as if_ the same \u201cwitnesses\u201d had been restored to\nlife and again lifted up their voice in the cause for which they had\nbeen persecuted and slain. The _propriety_ of this language, as applied\nto these events, may be further seen from expressions used by the\n\u201cwitnesses\u201d themselves, or by the persecuted friends of the truth. \u201cAnd\nI,\u201d said John Huss, speaking of the gospel-preachers who should appear\nafter he had suffered at the stake, \u201cand I, _awaking as it were from\nthe dead_, and _rising from the grave_, shall rejoice with exceeding\ngreat joy.\u201d Again, in 1523, after the Reformation had broken out,\nwe find Pope Hadrian saying, in a missive addressed to the Diet at\nNuremberg, \u201cThe heretics Huss and Jerome are now _alive again_ in the\nperson of Martin Luther\u201d (_The Seventh Vial_, p. 190).\n\nV. The ascension of the witnesses, ver. 12: \u201cAnd they ascended to\nheaven in a cloud.\u201d We have seen (Notes on this verse) that this means\nthat events would take place _as if_ they should ascend in triumph to\nheaven, or which should be properly symbolized _by_ such an ascent to\nheaven. All that is here represented would be fulfilled by a triumph\nof the truth under the testimony of the witnesses, or by its becoming\ngloriously established in view of the nations of the earth, _as if_ the\nwitnesses ascended publicly and were received to the presence of God\nin heaven. All this was fulfilled in the various influences that served\nto establish and confirm the Reformation, and to introduce the great\nprinciples of religious freedom, giving to that work ultimate triumph,\nand showing that it had the favour of God. This would embrace the whole\nseries of events after the Reformation was begun, by which its triumph\nwas secure, or by which that state of things was gradually introduced\nwhich now exists, in which the true religion is free from persecution,\nin which it is advancing into so many parts of the world where the\nPapacy once had the control, and in which, with so little molestation,\nand with such an onward march toward ultimate victory, it is extending\nits conquests over the earth. The triumphant ascent of the witnesses to\nheaven, and the public proof of the divine favour thus shown to them,\nwould be an appropriate symbol of this.\n\nVI. The consequences of the resurrection, ascension, and triumph of\nthe witnesses, ver. 13. These are said to be, that there would be \u201cin\nthe same hour a great earthquake; that a tenth part of the city would\nfall; that seven thousand would be slain, and that the remainder would\nbe affrighted and would give glory to the God of heaven.\u201d\n\n(a) The earthquake. This, as we have seen (Notes on ver. 13), denotes\nthat there would be a shock or a convulsion in the world, so that the\npowers of the earth would be shaken, as cities, trees, and hills are in\nthe shocks of an earthquake. There can be little difficulty in applying\nthis to the _shock_ produced throughout Europe by the boldness of\nLuther and his fellow-labourers in the Reformation. No events have ever\ntaken place in history that would be better compared with the shock\nof an earthquake than those which occurred when the long-established\ngovernments of Europe, and especially the {294} domination of the\nPapacy, so long consolidated and confirmed, were shaken by the\nReformation. In the suddenness of the attack made on the existing\nstate of things, in the commotions which were produced, in the\noverthrow of so many governments, there was a striking resemblance\nto the convulsions caused by an earthquake. So Dr. Lingard speaks\nof the Reformation: \u201cThat religious revolution which astonished and\n_convulsed_ the nations of Europe.\u201d Nothing would better represent the\nconvulsions caused in Germany, Switzerland, Prussia, Saxony, Sweden,\nDenmark, and England by the Reformation than an earthquake.\n\n(b) The fate of a part of the city: \u201cAnd the tenth part of the city\nfell.\u201d That is, as we have seen (Notes on ver. 13), of that which is\nrepresented by the city, to wit, the Roman power. The fall of a \u201ctenth\npart\u201d would denote the fall of a considerable portion of that power;\n_as if_, in an earthquake, a tenth part of a city should be demolished.\nThis would well represent what occurred in the Reformation, when\nso considerable a portion of the colossal Papal power suddenly fell\naway, and the immediate effect on the portions of Europe where the\nReformation prevailed, as compared with the whole of that power, might\nwell be represented by the fall of the _tenth_ part of a city. It is\ntrue that a much larger proportion _ultimately_ fell off from Rome, so\nthat now the number of Romanists and Protestants is not far from being\nequal; but in the first convulsion\u2015\u2015in what passed before the eye in\nvision as represented by the earthquake\u2015\u2015that proportion would not be\nimproperly represented by the tenth part of a city. The idea is, that\nthe sudden destruction of a tenth part of a great city by an earthquake\nwould well represent the convulsion at the breaking out of the\nReformation, by which a considerable portion of the Papal power would\nfall.\n\n(c) Those who were slain, ver. 13: \u201cAnd in the earthquake were slain\nof men seven thousand.\u201d That is, as we have seen (Notes on ver. 13),\na calamity would occur to this vast Papal power, _as if_ this number\nshould be killed in the earthquake, or which would be well represented\nby that. In other words, a portion of those who were represented by\nthe city would be slain, which, compared with the whole number, would\nbear about the same proportion which seven thousand would to the usual\ndwellers in such a city. As the numbers in the city are not mentioned,\nit is impossible to form any exact estimate of the numbers that would\nbe slain on this supposition. But if we suppose that the city contained\na hundred thousand, then the proportion would be something like a\nfourteenth part; but if it were half a million, then it would be about\na seventieth part; if it were a million, then it would be about a\nhundred and forty-fifth part; and, as we may suppose that John, in\nthese visions, had his eye on Rome as it was in the age in which\nhe lived, we may, if we can ascertain what the size of Rome was at\nthat period, take that estimate as the basis of the interpretation.\nMr. Gibbon (ii. 251, 252) has endeavoured to form an estimate of\nthe probable number of the inhabitants of ancient Rome; and, after\nenumerating all the circumstances which throw any light on the subject,\nsays: \u201cIf we adopt the same average which, under similar circumstances,\nhas been found applicable to Paris, and indifferently allow about\ntwenty-five persons for each house, of every degree, we may fairly\nestimate the inhabitants of Rome at twelve hundred thousand.\u201d Allowing\nthis to be the number of the inhabitants of the city, then the number\nhere specified that was slain\u2015\u2015seven thousand\u2015\u2015would be about the one\nhundred and seventieth part, or one in one hundred and seventy. This\nwould, according to the purport of the vision here, represent the\nnumber that would perish in the convulsion denoted by the earthquake\u2015\u2015a\nnumber which, though it would be large in the aggregate, is not\nprobably too large in fact as referring to the number of persons\nthat perished in Papal Europe in the wars that were consequent on the\nReformation.\n\n(d) The only other circumstance in this representation is, that \u201cthe\nremnant were affrighted and gave glory to the God of heaven,\u201d ver. 13.\nThat is, as we have seen (Notes on ver. 13), fear and consternation\ncame upon them, and they stood in awe at what was occurring, and\nacknowledged the power of God in the changes that took place. How well\nthis was fulfilled in what occurred in the Reformation, it is hardly\nnecessary to state. The events which then took place had every mark\nof being under the divine hand, and were such as to fill the minds of\nmen with awe and to teach them to recognize the hand of God. The power\nwhich tore asunder that immense ecclesiastical establishment, that {295}\nhad so long held the whole of Europe in servitude; which dissolved the\ncharm which had so long held kings, and princes, and people spell-bound;\nwhich rent away for ever so large a portion of the Papal dominions;\nwhich led kings to separate themselves from the control to which they\nhad been so long subjected, and which emancipated the human mind, and\ndiffused abroad the great principles of civil and religious liberty,\nwas well adapted to fill the mind with awe, and to lead men to\nrecognize the hand and the agency of God; and if it be admitted that\nthe Holy Spirit in this passage _meant_ to refer to these events,\nit cannot be doubted that the language here used is such as is well\nadapted to describe the effects produced on the minds of men at large.\n\n\n 15 And the [359]seventh angel sounded; and there were great\n voices in heaven, saying, [360]The kingdoms of this world are\n become _the kingdoms_ of our Lord, and of his Christ; and\n [361]he shall reign for ever and ever.\n\n15. _And the seventh angel sounded._ See Notes on ch. viii. 2, 6, 7.\nThis is the last of the trumpets, implying, of course, that under this\nthe series of visions was to end, and that this was to introduce the\nstate of things under which the affairs of the world were to be wound\nup. The place which this occupies in the order of time, is when the\nevents pertaining to the colossal Roman power\u2015\u2015the fourth kingdom of\nDaniel (Da. ii.\u2012vii.)\u2015\u2015should have been completed, and when the reign\nof the saints (Da. vii. 9\u201214, 27, 28) should have been introduced.\nThis, both in Daniel and in John, is to occur when the mighty power of\nthe Papacy shall have been overthrown at the termination of the twelve\nhundred and sixty years of its duration. See Notes on Da. vii. 25. In\nboth Daniel and John the termination of that persecuting power is the\ncommencement of the reign of the saints; the downfall of the Papacy,\nthe introduction of the kingdom of God, and its establishment on the\nearth. \u00b6 _And there were great voices in heaven._ As of exultation and\npraise. The grand consummation had come, the period so long anticipated\nand desired when God should reign on the earth had arrived, and this\nlays the foundation for joy and thanksgiving in heaven. \u00b6 _The kingdoms\nof this world._ The modern editions of the New Testament (see Tittmann\nand Hahn) read this in the singular number\u2015\u2015\u201cThe kingdom of this world\nhas become,\u201d &c. According to this reading, the meaning would be,\neither that the sole _reign_ over this world had become that of the\nLord Jesus; or, more probably, that the dominion over the earth had\nbeen regarded as one in the sense that Satan had reigned over it,\nbut had now become the kingdom of God; that is, that \u201cthe kingdoms of\nthis world are many considered in themselves; but in reference to the\nsway of Satan, there is only _one_ kingdom ruled over by the \u2018god of\nthis world\u2019\u201d (Professor Stuart). The sense is not materially different\nwhichever reading is adopted; though the authority is in favour of the\nlatter (Wetstein). According to the common reading, the sense is, that\nall the kingdoms of the earth, being many in themselves, had been now\nbrought under the one sceptre of Christ; according to the other, the\nwhole world was regarded as in fact one kingdom\u2015\u2015that of Satan\u2015\u2015and\nthe sceptre had now passed from his hands into those of the Saviour.\n\u00b6 _|The kingdoms| of our Lord._ Or, the _kingdom_ of our Lord,\naccording to the reading adopted in the previous part of the verse. The\nword _Lord_ here evidently has reference to God as such\u2015\u2015represented\nas the original source of authority, and as giving the kingdom to\nhis Son. See Notes on Da. vii. 13, 14; comp. Ps. ii. 8. The word\n_Lord_\u2015\u2015\u039a\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015implies the notion of possessor, owner, sovereign,\nsupreme ruler\u2015\u2015and is thus properly given to God. See Mat. i. 22; v. 33;\nMar. v. 19; Lu. i. 6, 28; Ac. vii. 33; He. viii. 2, 10; Ja. iv. 15,\n_al. s\u00e6pe_ \u00b6 _And of his Christ._ Of his anointed; of him who is set\napart as the Messiah, and consecrated to this high office. See Notes on\nMat. i. 1. He is called \u201c_his_ Christ,\u201d because he is set apart by him,\nor appointed by him to perform the work appropriate to that office on\nearth. Such language as that which occurs here is often employed, in\nwhich God _and_ Christ are spoken of as, in some respects, distinct\u2015\u2015as\nsustaining different offices, and performing different works. The\nessential meaning here is, that the kingdom of this world had now\nbecome the kingdom of God _under_ {296} Christ; that is, that that\nkingdom is administered by the Son of God. \u00b6 _And he shall reign for\never and ever._ A kingdom is commenced which shall never terminate. It\nis not said that this would be on the earth; but the essential idea is,\nthat the sceptre of the world had now, after so long a time, come into\nhis hands never more to pass away. The fuller characteristics of this\nreign are stated in a subsequent part of this book (ch. xx.\u2012xxii.).\nWhat is here stated is in accordance with all the predictions in the\nBible. A time is to come when, in the proper sense of the term, God\nis to _reign_ on the earth; when his kingdom is to be universal; when\nhis laws shall be everywhere recognized as binding; when all idolatry\nshall come to an end; and when the understandings and the hearts of\nmen everywhere shall bow to his authority. Comp. Ps. ii. 8; Is. ix. 7;\nxi. 9; xlv. 22; lx.; Da. ii. 35, 44, 45; vii. 13, 14, 27, 28; Zec.\nxiv. 9; Mal. i. 11; Lu. i. 33. On this whole subject, see the very\nample illustrations and proofs in the Notes on Da. ii. 44, 45; vii. 13,\n14, 27, 28; comp. Notes on chap. xx.\u2012xxii.\n\n\n 16 And the [362]four and twenty elders, which sat before God\n on their seats, fell upon their faces, and worshipped God.\n\n16. _And the four and twenty elders which sat_, &c. See Notes on\nch. iv. 4. \u00b6 _Fell upon their faces, and worshipped God._ Prostrated\nthemselves before him\u2015\u2015the usual form of profound adoration. See Notes\non ch. v. 8\u201214.\n\n\n 17 Saying, We give thee thanks, O Lord God Almighty,\n [363]which art, and wast, and art to come; because thou hast\n taken to thee thy great power, and [364]hast reigned.\n\n17. _Saying, We give thee thanks._ We, as the representatives of\nthe church, and as identified in our feelings with it (see Notes on\nch. iv. 4), acknowledge thy goodness in thus delivering the church\nfrom all its troubles, and having conducted it through the times of\nfiery persecution, thus establishing it upon the earth. The language\nhere used is an expression of their deep interest in the church,\nand of the fact that they felt themselves identified with it. They,\nas representatives of the church, would of course rejoice in its\nprosperity and final triumph. \u00b6 _O Lord God Almighty._ Referring to God\nas all-powerful, because it was by his omnipotent arm alone that this\ngreat work had been accomplished. Nothing else could have defended the\nchurch in its many trials; nothing else could have established it upon\nthe earth. \u00b6 _Which art, and wast, and art to come._ The Eternal One,\nalways the same. See Notes on ch. i. 8. The reference here is to the\nfact that God, who had thus established his church on the earth, is\nunchanging. In all the revolutions which occur on the earth, he always\nremains the same. What he was in past times he is now; what he is now\nhe always will be. The particular idea suggested here seems to be, that\nhe had now shown this by having caused his church to triumph; that is,\nhe had shown that he was the same God who had early _promised_ that it\nshould ultimately triumph; he had carried forward his glorious purposes\nwithout modifying or abandoning them amidst all the changes that had\noccurred in the world; and he had thus given the assurance that he\nwould now remain the same, and that all his purposes in regard to\nhis church would be accomplished. The fact that God remains always\nunchangeably the same is the sole reason why his church is safe, or\nwhy any individual member of it is kept and saved. Comp. Mal. iii. 6.\n\u00b6 _Because thou hast taken to thee thy great power._ To wit, by setting\nup thy kingdom over all the earth. Before that it _seemed_ as if he had\nrelaxed that power, or had given the power to others. Satan had reigned\non the earth. Disorder, anarchy, sin, rebellion, had prevailed. It\nseemed as if God had let the reins of government fall from his hand.\nNow he came forth as if to resume the dominion over the world, and\nto take the sceptre into his own hand, and to exert his great power\nin keeping the nations in subjection. The setting up of his kingdom\nall over the world, and causing his laws everywhere to be obeyed,\nwill be among the highest demonstrations of divine power. Nothing\ncan accomplish this but the power of God; when that power is exerted\nnothing can prevent its accomplishment. \u00b6 _And hast reigned._ Professor\nStuart, \u201cand shown thyself as king\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, \u201chast become king, or\nacted as a king.\u201d The idea is, that he had now vindicated {297} his\nregal power (Rob. _Lex._)\u2015\u2015that is, he had now set up his kingdom on\nthe earth, and had truly begun to reign. One of the characteristics of\nthe millennium\u2015\u2015and indeed the main characteristic\u2015\u2015will be that God\nwill be everywhere obeyed; for when that occurs all will be consummated\nthat properly enters into the idea of the millennial kingdom.\n\n\n 18 And the nations [365]were angry, and thy wrath is come,\n and [366]the time of the dead, that they should be judged,\n and that thou [367]shouldest give reward unto thy servants\n the prophets, and to the saints, and them that fear thy\n name, [368]small and great; and shouldest destroy them which\n [369]destroy the earth.\n\n18. _And the nations were angry._ Were enraged against thee. This they\nhad shown by their opposition to his laws; by persecuting his people;\nby slaying his witnesses; by all the attempts which they had made to\ndestroy his authority on the earth. The reference here seems to be to\nthe whole series of events preceding the final establishment of his\nkingdom on the earth; to all the efforts which had been made to throw\noff his government and to crush his church. At this period of glorious\ntriumph it was natural to look back to those dark times when the\n\u201cnations raged\u201d (comp. Ps. ii. 1\u20123), and when the very existence\nof the church was in jeopardy. \u00b6 _And thy wrath is come._ That is,\nthe time when thou wilt punish them for all that they have done in\nopposition to thee, and when the wicked shall be cut off. There will\nbe, in the setting up of the kingdom of God, some manifestation of\nhis wrath against the powers that opposed it; or something that will\nshow his purpose to destroy his enemies, and to judge the wicked.\nThe representations in this book lead us to suppose that the final\nestablishment of the kingdom of God on the earth will be introduced\nor accompanied by commotions and wars which will end in the overthrow\nof the great powers that have opposed his reign, and by such awful\ncalamities in those portions of the world as shall show that God has\narisen in his strength to cut off his enemies, and to appear as the\nvindicator of his people. Comp. Notes on ch. xvi. 12\u201216; xix. 11\u201226.\n\u00b6 _And the time of the dead, that they should be judged._ According to\nthe view which the course of the exposition thus far pursued leads us\nto entertain of this book, there is reference here, in few words, to\nthe same thing which is more fully stated in ch. xx., and the meaning\nof the sacred writer will, therefore, come up for a more distinct\nand full examination when we consider that chapter. See Notes on\nch. xx. 4\u20126, 12\u201215. The purpose of the writer does not require that\na _detailed_ statement of the order of the events referred to should\nbe made here, for it would be better made when, after another line\nof illustration and of symbol (ch. xi. 19, xii.\u2012xix.), he should have\nreached the same catastrophe, and when, in view of both, the mind would\nbe prepared for the fuller description with which the book closes,\nch. xx.\u2012xxii. All that occurs here, therefore, is a very _general_\nstatement of the final consummation of all things. \u00b6 _And that thou\nshouldest give reward unto thy servants._ The righteous. Comp. Mat.\nxxv. 34\u201240; Re. xxi., xxii. That is, in the final winding-up of human\naffairs, God will bestow the long-promised reward on those who have\nbeen his true friends. The wicked that annoyed and persecuted them will\nannoy and persecute them no more; and the righteous will be publicly\nacknowledged as the friends of God. For the _manner_ in which this will\nbe done, see the details in ch. xx.\u2012xxii. \u00b6 _The prophets._ All who,\nin every age, have faithfully proclaimed the truth. On the meaning of\nthe word, see Notes on ch. x. 11. \u00b6 _And to the saints._ To all who\nare holy\u2015\u2015under whatever dispensation, and in whatever land, and at\nwhatever time, they may have lived. Then will be the time when, in a\npublic manner, they will be recognized as belonging to the kingdom of\nGod, and as being his true friends. \u00b6 _And them that fear thy name._\nAnother way of designating his people, since religion consists in\na profound veneration for God, Mal. iii. 16; Job i. 1; Ps. xv. 4;\nxxii. 23; cxv. 11; Pr. i. 7; iii. 13; ix. 10; Is. xi. 2; Ac. x. 22, 35.\n\u00b6 _Small and great._ Young and old; low and high; poor and rich. The\nlanguage is designed to comprehend _all_, of every class, who have a\nclaim to be numbered among the friends of God, and it furnishes a plain\nintimation that men of all classes will be found at last {298} among\nhis true people. One of the glories of the true religion is, that, in\nbestowing its favours, it disregards all the artificial distinctions of\nsociety, and addresses man as man, welcoming all who are human beings\nto the blessings of life and salvation. This will be illustriously\nshown in the last period of the world\u2019s history, when the distinctions\nof wealth, and rank, and blood shall lose the importance which has been\nattributed to them, and when the honour of being a child of God shall\nhave its true place. Comp. Ga. iii. 28. \u00b6 _And shouldest destroy them\nwhich destroy the earth._ That is, all who have, in their conquests,\nspread desolation over the earth, and who have persecuted the righteous,\nand all who have done injustice and wrong to any class of men. Comp.\nNotes on ch. xx. 13\u201215.\n\nHere ends, as I suppose, the first series of visions referred to in the\nvolume sealed with the seven seals, ch. v. 1. At this point, where the\ndivision of the chapter should have been made, and which is properly\nmarked in our common Bibles by the sign of the paragraph (\u00b6), there\ncommences a new series of visions, intended also, but in a different\nline, to extend down to the consummation of all things. The former\nseries traces the history down mainly through the series of _civil_\nchanges in the world, or the _outward_ affairs which affect the destiny\nof the church; the latter\u2015\u2015the portion still before us\u2015\u2015embraces the\nsame period with a more direct reference to the rise of Antichrist, and\nthe influence of _that_ power in affecting the destiny of the church.\nWhen that is completed (ch. xi. 19, xii.\u2012xix.), the way is prepared\n(ch. xx.\u2012xxii.) for the more full statement of the final triumph of the\ngospel, and the universal prevalence of religion, with which the book\nso appropriately closes. That portion of the book, therefore, refers\nto the same period as the one which has just been considered under the\nsounding of the seventh trumpet, and the description of the final state\nof things would have immediately succeeded if it had not been necessary,\nby another series of visions, to trace more particularly the history\nof Antichrist on the destiny of the church, and the way in which that\ngreat and fearful power would be finally overcome. See the Analysis\nof the Book, part V. The way is then prepared for the description\nof the state of things which will exist when all the enemies of the\nchurch shall be subdued; when Christianity shall triumph; and when the\npredicted reign of God shall be set up on the earth, ch. xx.\u2012xxii.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XII.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF CH. XI. 19, XII.\n\nThis portion of the book commences, according to the view presented\nin the closing remarks on the last chapter, a new series of visions,\ndesigned more particularly to represent the internal condition of the\nchurch; the rise of Antichrist, and the effect of the rise of that\nformidable power on the internal history of the church to the time of\nthe overthrow of that power, and the triumphant establishment of the\nkingdom of God. See the Analysis of the Book, part V. The portion\nbefore us embraces the following particulars:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) A new vision of the temple of God as opened in heaven, disclosing\nthe ark of the testimony, and attended with lightnings, and voices,\nand thunderings, and an earthquake, and great hail, ch. xi. 19. The\nview of the \u201c_temple_,\u201d and the \u201c_ark_,\u201d would naturally suggest a\nreference to the church, and would be an appropriate representation on\nthe supposition that this vision related to the church. The attending\ncircumstances of the lightnings, &c., were well fitted to impress the\nmind with awe, and to leave the conviction that great and momentous\nevents were about to be disclosed. I regard this verse, therefore,\nwhich should have been separated from the eleventh chapter and attached\nto the twelfth, as the introduction to a new series of visions, similar\nto what we have in the introduction of the previous series, ch. iv. 1.\nThe vision was of the temple\u2015\u2015the symbol of the church\u2015\u2015and it was\n\u201copened\u201d so that John could see into its inmost part\u2015\u2015even within the\nveil where the ark was\u2015\u2015and could have a view of what most intimately\npertained to it.\n\n(2) A representation of the church, under the image of a woman about to\ngive birth to a child, ch. xii. 1, 2. A woman is seen, clothed, as it\nwere, with the sun\u2015\u2015emblem of majesty, truth, intelligence, and glory;\nshe has the moon under her feet, as if she walked the heavens; she\nhas on her head a glittering diadem of stars; she is about to become\na mother. This seems to have been designed to represent the church\nas about to be increased, and as in that {299} condition watched\nby a dragon\u2015\u2015a mighty foe\u2015\u2015ready to destroy its offspring, and thus\ncompelled to flee into the wilderness for safety. Thus understood, the\npoint of time referred to would be when the church was in a prosperous\ncondition, and when it would be encountered by Antichrist, represented\nhere by the dragon, and compelled to flee into the wilderness; that\nis, the church for a time would be driven into obscurity, and be almost\nunknown. It is no uncommon thing, in the Scriptures, to compare the\nchurch with a beautiful woman. See Notes on Isa. i. 8. The following\nremarks of Professor Stuart (vol. ii. 252), though he _applies_ the\nsubject in a manner very different from what I shall, seem to me\naccurately to express the general design of the symbol:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe _daughter\nof Zion_ is a common personification of the church in the Old Testament;\nand in the writings of Paul, the same image is exhibited by the phrase,\n_Jerusalem, which is the mother of us all_; _i.e._ of all Christians,\nGa. iv. 26. The main point before us is the illustration of that church,\nancient or later, under the image of a _woman_. If the Canticles are\nto have a spiritual sense given to them, it is plain enough, of course,\nhow familiar such an idea was to the Jews. Whether the woman thus\nexhibited as a symbol be represented as _bride_ or _mother_ depends,\nof course, on the nature of the case, and the relations and exigencies\nof any particular passage.\u201d\n\n(3) The dragon that stood ready to devour the child, ver. 3, 4.\nThis represents some formidable enemy of the church, that was ready\nto persecute and destroy it. The real enemy here referred to is,\nundoubtedly, Satan, the great enemy of God and the church, but here\nit is Satan in the form of some fearful opponent of the church that\nwould arise at a period when the church was prosperous, and when it\nwas about to be enlarged. We are to look, therefore, for some fearful\n_manifestation_ of this formidable power, having the characteristics\nhere referred to, or some opposition to the church such as we may\nsuppose Satan would originate, and by which the existence of the church\nmight seem to be endangered.\n\n(4) The fact that the child which the woman brought forth was caught up\nto heaven\u2015\u2015symbolical of its real safety, and of its having the favour\nof God\u2015\u2015a pledge that the ultimate prosperity of the church was certain,\nand that it was safe from real danger, ver. 5.\n\n(5) The fleeing of the woman into the wilderness, for the space of\na thousand two hundred and threescore days, or 1260 years, ver. 6.\nThis act denotes the persecuted and obscure condition of the church\nduring that time, and the period which would elapse before it would be\ndelivered from this persecution, and restored to the place in the earth\nwhich it was designed to have.\n\n(6) The war in heaven; a struggle between the mighty powers of heaven\nand the dragon, ver. 7\u20129. Michael and his angels contend against the\ndragon, in behalf of the church, and finally prevail. The dragon is\novercome, and is cast out, and all his angels with him; in other words,\nthe great enemy of God and his church is overcome and subdued. This is\nevidently designed to be symbolical, and the meaning is, that a state\nof things would exist in regard to the church, which would be well\nrepresented by supposing that such a scene should occur in heaven; that\nis, _as if_ a war should exist there between the great enemy of God and\nthe angels of light, and _as if_, being there vanquished, Satan should\nbe cast down to the earth, and should there exert his malignant power\nin a warfare against the church. The general idea is, that his warfare\nwould be _primarily_ against heaven, as if he fought with the angels in\nthe very presence of God, but that the form in which he would _seem_ to\nprevail would be against the church, _as if_, being unsuccessful in his\ndirect warfare against the angels of God, he was permitted, for a time,\nto enjoy the appearance of triumph in contending with the church.\n\n(7) The shout of victory in view of the conquest over the dragon, ver.\n10\u201212. A loud voice is heard in heaven, saying, that now the kingdom of\nGod is come, and that the reign of God would be set up, for the dragon\nis cast down and overcome. The grand instrumentality in overcoming\nthis foe was \u201cthe blood of the Lamb, and the word of their testimony;\u201d\nthat is, the great doctrines of truth pertaining to the work of the\nRedeemer would be employed for this purpose, and it is proclaimed that\nthe heavens and all that dwell therein had occasion to rejoice at the\ncertainty that a victory would be ultimately obtained over this great\nenemy of God. Still, however, his influence was not wholly at an end,\n{300} for he would yet rage for a brief period on the earth.\n\n(8) The persecution of the woman, ver. 13\u201215. She is constrained to\nfly, as on wings given her for that purpose, into the wilderness, where\nshe is nourished for the time that the dragon is to exert his power\u2015\u2015a\n\u201ctime, times, and half a time\u201d\u2015\u2015or for 1260 years. The dragon in rage\npours out a flood of water, that he may cause her to be swept away by\nthe flood: referring to the persecutions that would exist while the\nchurch was in the wilderness, and the efforts that would be made to\ndestroy it entirely.\n\n(9) The earth helps the woman, ver. 16. That is, a state of things\nwould exist _as if_, in such a case, the earth should open and swallow\nup the flood. The meaning is, that the church would not be swept away,\nbut that there would be an interposition in its behalf, _as if_ the\nearth should, in the case supposed, open its bosom, and swallow up the\nswelling waters.\n\n(10) The dragon, still enraged, makes war with all that pertains to the\nwoman, ver. 17. Here we are told literally who are referred to by the\n\u201cseed\u201d of the woman. They are those who \u201ckeep the commandments of God,\nand have the testimony of Jesus Christ\u201d (ver. 17); that is, the true\nchurch.\n\nThe chapter, therefore, may be regarded as a general vision of the\npersecutions that would rage against the church. It seemed to be about\nto increase and to spread over the world. Satan, always opposed to it,\nstrives to prevent its extension. The conflict is represented _as if_\nin heaven, where war is waged between the celestial beings and Satan,\nand where, being overcome, Satan is cast down to the earth, and\npermitted to wage the war there. The church is persecuted; becomes\nobscure and almost unknown, but still is mysteriously sustained; and\nwhen most in danger of being wholly swallowed up, is kept _as if_ a\nmiracle were wrought in its defence. The _detail_\u2015\u2015the particular form\nin which the war would be waged\u2015\u2015is drawn out in the following chapters.\n\n\n 19 And the [370]temple of God was opened in heaven, and there\n was seen in his temple the ark of his testament: and there\n were [371]lightnings, and voices, and thunderings, and an\n [372]earthquake, and great hail.\n\nCh. xi. 19. _And the temple of God was opened in heaven._ The temple\nof God at Jerusalem was a pattern of the heavenly one, or of heaven,\nHe. viii. 1\u20125. In that temple God was supposed to reside by the visible\nsymbol of his presence\u2015\u2015the Shekinah\u2015\u2015in the holy of holies. See Notes\non He. ix. 7. Thus God dwells in heaven, as in a holy temple, of which\nthat on earth was the emblem. When it is said that that was \u201copened in\nheaven,\u201d the meaning is, that John was permitted, as it were, to look\n_into_ heaven, the abode of God, and to see him in his glory. \u00b6 _And\nthere was seen in his temple the ark of his testament._ See Notes on\nHe. ix. 4. That is, the very interior of heaven was laid open, and John\nwas permitted to witness what was transacted in its obscurest recesses,\nand what were its most hidden mysteries. It will be remembered, as an\nillustration of the correctness of this view of the meaning of the\nverse, and of its proper place in the divisions of the book\u2015\u2015assigning\nit as the opening verse of a new series of visions\u2015\u2015that in the _first_\nseries of visions we have a statement remarkably similar to this,\nch. iv. 1: \u201cAfter this I looked, and, behold, _a door was opened in\nheaven_;\u201d that is, there was, as it were, an _opening_ made into heaven,\nso that John was permitted _to look in_ and see what was occurring\nthere. The same idea is expressed substantially here, by saying that\nthe very interior of the sacred temple where God resides was \u201copened\nin heaven,\u201d so that John was permitted to look in and see what was\ntransacted in his very presence. This, too, may go to confirm the idea\nsuggested in the Analysis of the Book, part V., that this portion of\nthe Apocalypse refers rather to the _internal_ affairs of the church,\nor the church itself\u2015\u2015for of this the _temple_ was the proper emblem.\nThen appropriately follows the series of visions describing, as in the\nformer case, what was to occur in future times: this series referring\nto the internal affairs of the church, as the former did mainly to\nwhat would outwardly affect its form and condition. \u00b6 _And there were\nlightnings_, &c. Symbolic of the awful presence of God, and of his\nmajesty and glory, as in the commencement of the first series of\nvisions. See Notes on ch. iv. 5. {301} The _similarity_ of the symbols\nof the divine majesty in the two cases may also serve to confirm the\nsupposition that this is the beginning of a new series of visions.\n\u00b6 _And an earthquake._ Also a symbol of the divine majesty, and perhaps\nof the great convulsions that were to occur under this series of\nvisions. Comp. Notes on ch. vi. 12. Thus, in the sublime description\nof God in Ps. xviii. 7, \u201cThen the earth shook and trembled, the\nfoundations also of the hills moved and were shaken, because he\nwas wroth.\u201d So in Ex. xix. 18, \u201cAnd Mount Sinai was altogether on a\nsmoke\u2015\u2015and the whole mount quaked greatly.\u201d Comp. Am. viii. 8, 9; Joel\nii. 10. \u00b6 _And great hail._ Also an emblem of the presence and majesty\nof God, perhaps with the accompanying idea that he would overwhelm and\npunish his enemies. So in Ps. xviii. 13, \u201cThe Lord also thundered in\nthe heavens, and the Highest gave his voice: hailstones and coals of\nfire.\u201d So also Job xxxviii. 22, 23:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cHast thou entered into the treasures of snow?\n Or hast thou seen the treasures of the hail?\n Which I have reserved against _the time of trouble_.\n Against the day of _battle and war_?\u201d\n\nSo in Ps. cv. 32:\n\n \u201cHe gave them hail for rain,\n And flaming fire in their land.\u201d\n\nComp. Ps. lxxviii. 48; Is. xxx. 30; Eze. xxxviii. 22.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XII.\n\n\n AND there appeared a great [373]wonder in heaven; a [374]woman\n clothed with the [375]sun, and the moon under her feet, and\n upon her head a crown of twelve stars:\n\nCh. xii. 1. _And there appeared a great wonder in heaven._ In that\nheavenly world thus disclosed, in the very presence of God, he saw the\nimpressive and remarkable symbol which he proceeds to describe. The\nword _wonder_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015properly means something extraordinary, or\nmiraculous, and is commonly rendered _sign_. See Mat. xii. 38, 39;\nxvi. 1, 3, 4; xxiv. 3, 24, 30; xxvi. 48; Mar. viii. 11, 12; xiii. 4, 22;\nxvi. 17, 20;\u2015\u2015in all which, and in numerous other places in the New\nTestament, it is rendered _sign_, and mostly in the sense of _miracle_.\nWhen used in the sense of a miracle, it refers to the fact that the\nmiracle is a _sign_ or _token_ by which the divine power or purpose\nis made known. Sometimes the word is used to denote _a sign of\nfuture things_\u2015\u2015a portent or presage of coming events; that is, some\nremarkable appearances which foreshadow the future. Thus in Mat. xvi. 3:\n\u201c_signs of the times_;\u201d that is, the miraculous events which foreshadow\nthe coming of the Messiah in his kingdom. So also in Mat. xxiv. 3, 30;\nMar. xiii. 4; Lu. xxi. 7, 11. This seems to be the meaning here, that\nthe woman who appeared in this remarkable manner was a portent or\ntoken of what was to occur. \u00b6 _A woman clothed with the sun._ Bright,\nsplendid, glorious, _as if_ the sunbeams were her raiment. Comp. ch.\ni. 16; x. 1; see also Ca. vi. 10\u2015\u2015a passage which, very possibly, was\nin the mind of the writer when he penned this description: \u201cWho is she\nthat looketh forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as the sun,\nand terrible as an army with banners?\u201d \u00b6 _And the moon under her feet._\nThe moon _seemed_ to be under her feet. She seemed as if she stood on\nthe moon, its pale light contrasted with the burning splendour of the\nsun, heightening the beauty of the whole picture. The woman, beyond all\nquestion, represents the church. See Notes on ver. 2. Is the splendour\nof the sunlight designed to denote the brightness of the gospel? Is the\nmoon designed to represent the comparatively feeble light of the Jewish\ndispensation? Is the fact that she stood upon the moon, or that it was\nunder her feet, designed to denote the superiority of the gospel to the\nJewish dispensation? Such a supposition gives much beauty to the symbol,\nand is not foreign to the nature of symbolic language. \u00b6 _And upon her\nhead a crown of twelve stars._ A diadem in which there were placed\ntwelve stars. That is, there were twelve sparkling gems in the crown\nwhich she wore. This would, of course, greatly increase the beauty of\nthe vision; and there can be no doubt that the number _twelve_ here\nis significant. If the woman here is designed to symbolize the church,\nthen the number twelve has, in all probability, some allusion either to\nthe twelve tribes of Israel\u2015\u2015as being a number which one who was born\nand educated as a Jew would be likely to use (comp. Ja. i. 1), or to\nthe twelve apostles\u2015\u2015an allusion which, it may be supposed, an apostle\nwould be more {302} likely to make. Comp. Mat. xix. 28; Re. xxi. 14.\n\n\n 2 And she being with child cried, travailing in birth, and\n pained to be delivered.\n\n2. _And she being with child cried, travailing in birth_, &c. That is,\nthere would be something which would be properly represented by a woman\nin such circumstances.\n\nThe question now is, what is referred to by this woman? And here\nit need hardly be said that there has been, as in regard to almost\nevery other part of the book of Revelation, a great variety of\ninterpretations. It would be endless to undertake to examine them,\nand would not be profitable if it could be done; and it is better,\ntherefore, and more in accordance with the design of these Notes, to\nstate briefly what seems to me to be the true interpretation. (1) The\nwoman is evidently designed to symbolize the church; and in this there\nis a pretty general agreement among interpreters. The image, which is\na beautiful one, was very familiar to the Jewish prophets. See Notes on\nIs. i. 8; xlvii. 1; comp. Eze. xvi. (2) But still the question arises,\n_to what time_ this representation refers: whether to the church before\nthe birth of the Saviour, or after? According to the former of these\nopinions, it is supposed to refer to the church as giving birth to the\nSaviour, and the \u201cman child\u201d that is born (ver. 5) is supposed to refer\nto Christ, who \u201csprang from the church\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c3\u03ac\u03c1\u03ba\u03b1\u2015\u2015according to the\nflesh (Professor Stuart, vol. ii. p. 252). The church, according to\nthis view, is not simply regarded as _Jewish_, but, in a more general\nand theocratic sense, as _the people of God_. \u201cFrom the Christian\nchurch, considered as Christian, he could not spring; for this took its\nrise only after the time of his public ministry. But from the bosom of\nthe _people of God_ the Saviour came. This church, _Judaical_ indeed\n(at the time of his birth) in respect to rites and forms, but to become\n_Christian_ after he had exercised his ministry in the midst of it,\nmight well be represented here by the woman which is described in ch.\nxii.\u201d (Professor Stuart). But to this view there are some, as it seems\nto me, unanswerable objections. For, (a) there seems to be a harshness\nand incongruity in representing the Saviour as _the Son of the church_,\nor representing the church as giving birth to him. Such imagery is\nnot found elsewhere in the Bible, and is not in accordance with the\nlanguage which _is_ employed, where Christ is rather represented as the\n_Husband_ of the church than the _Son_: \u201cPrepared as a bride adorned\nfor her husband,\u201d Re. xxi. 2. \u201cI will show thee the bride, the Lamb\u2019s\nwife,\u201d Re. xxi. 9; comp. Is. liv. 5; lxi. 10; lxii. 5. (b) If this\ninterpretation be adopted, then this must refer to the _Jewish_ church,\nand thus the woman will personify the Jewish community before the\nbirth of Christ. But this seems contrary to the whole design of the\nApocalypse, which has reference to the _Christian_ church, and not to\nthe ancient dispensation. (c) If this interpretation be adopted, then\nthe statement about the dwelling in the wilderness for a period of 1260\ndays or years (ver. 14) must be assigned to the Jewish community\u2015\u2015a\nsupposition every way improbable and untenable. In what sense could\nthis be true? When did anything happen to the Jewish people that could,\nwith any show of probability, be regarded as the fulfilment of this?\n(d) It may be added, that the statement about the \u201cman child\u201d (ver. 5)\nis one that can with difficulty be reconciled to this supposition. In\nwhat sense was this true, that the \u201cman _child_\u201d was \u201ccaught up unto\nGod, and to his throne?\u201d The Saviour, indeed, ascended to heaven, but\nit was not, as here represented, that he might be _protected_ from the\ndanger of being destroyed; and when he _did_ ascend, it was not as a\nhelpless and unprotected babe, but as a man in the full maturity of\nhis powers. The other opinion is, that the woman here refers to the\nChristian church, and that the object is to represent that church as\nabout to be enlarged\u2015\u2015represented by the condition of the woman, ver.\n2. A beautiful woman appears, clothed with light\u2015\u2015emblematic of the\nbrightness and purity of the church; with the moon under her feet\u2015\u2015the\nancient and comparatively obscure dispensation now made subordinate and\nhumble; with a glittering diadem of twelve stars on her head\u2015\u2015the stars\nrepresenting the usual well-known division of the people of God into\ntwelve parts\u2015\u2015as the stars in the American flag denote the original\nstates of the Union; and in a condition (ver. 2) which showed that\nthe church was to be increased. The time there referred to is at the\n{303} early period of the history of the church, when, as it were, it\nfirst appears on the theatre of things, and going forth in its beauty\nand majesty over the earth. John sees this church, as it was about\nto spread in the world, exposed to a mighty and formidable enemy\u2015\u2015a\nhateful dragon\u2015\u2015stationing itself to prevent its increase, and to\naccomplish its destruction. From that impending danger it is protected\nin a manner that would be well represented by the saving of the child\nof the woman, and bearing it up to heaven, to a place of safety\u2015\u2015an\nact implying that, notwithstanding all dangers, the progress and\nenlargement of the church was ultimately certain. In the meantime,\nthe woman herself flees into the wilderness\u2015\u2015an act representing the\nobscure, and humble, and persecuted state of the church\u2015\u2015till the great\ncontroversy is determined which is to have the ascendency\u2015\u2015God or the\nDragon. In favour of this interpretation, the following considerations\nmay be suggested:\u2015\u2015(a) It is the natural and obvious interpretation.\n(b) If it be admitted that John _meant_ to describe what occurred in\nthe world at the time when the true church seemed to be about to extend\nitself over the earth, and when that prosperity was checked by the rise\nof the Papal power, the symbol employed would be strikingly expressive\nand appropriate. (c) It accords with the language elsewhere used in the\nScriptures when referring to the _increase_ of the church. \u201cBefore she\ntravailed, she brought forth; before her pain came, she was delivered\nof a man child. Who hath heard such a thing? As soon as Zion travailed,\nshe brought forth her children,\u201d Is. lxvi. 7, 8. \u201cSing, O barren, thou\nthat didst not bear; for more are the children of the desolate than\nthe children of the married wife, saith the Lord,\u201d Is. liv. 1. \u201cThe\nchildren which thou shalt have, after thou shalt have lost the other,\nshall say again in thy ears, The place is too strait for me; give place\nto me that I may dwell,\u201d Is. xlix. 20. The comparison of the church\nto a woman as the mother of children, is one that is very common in\nthe Scriptures. (d) The future destiny of the child and of the woman\nagrees with this supposition. The child is caught up to heaven,\nver. 5\u2015\u2015emblematic of the fact that God will protect the church, and\nnot suffer its increase to be cut off and destroyed; and the woman\nis driven for 1260 years into the wilderness and nourished there,\nver. 14\u2015\u2015emblematic of the long period of obscurity and persecution\nin the true church, and yet of the fact that it would be protected and\nnourished. The _design_ of the whole, therefore, I apprehend, is to\nrepresent the peril of the church at the time when it was about to be\ngreatly enlarged, or in a season of prosperity, from the rise of a\nformidable enemy that would stand ready to destroy it. I regard this,\ntherefore, as referring to the time of the rise of the Papacy, when,\n_but_ for that formidable, corrupting, and destructive power, it might\nhave been hoped that the church would have spread all over the world.\nIn regard to the _rise_ of that power, see all that I have to say, or\ncan say, in the Notes on Da. vii. 24\u201228.\n\n\n 3 And there appeared another wonder[376] in heaven; and behold\n a [377]great red dragon, having seven heads and ten horns, and\n seven crowns upon his heads.\n\n3. _And there appeared another wonder in heaven._ Represented as in\nheaven. See Notes on ver. 1. That is, he saw this as occurring _at\nthe time_ when the church was thus about to increase. \u00b6 _And behold a\ngreat red dragon._ The word rendered _dragon_\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03c1\u03ac\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd\u2015\u2015occurs, in the\nNew Testament, only in the book of Revelation, where it is uniformly\nrendered as here\u2015\u2015_dragon_: ch. xii. 3, 4, 7, 9, 13, 16, 17; xiii. 2, 4,\n11; xvi. 13; xx. 2. In all these places there is reference to the same\nthing. The word properly means a large serpent; and the allusion in the\nword commonly is to some serpent, perhaps such as the anaconda, that\nresides in a desert or wilderness. See a full account of the ideas that\nprevailed in ancient times respecting the dragon, in Bochart, _Hieroz._\nlib. iii. cap. xiv., vol. ii. pp. 428\u2012440. There was much that was\nfabulous respecting this monster, and many notions were attached to the\ndragon which did not exist in reality, and which were ascribed to it by\nthe imagination at a time when natural history was little understood.\nThe characteristics ascribed to the dragon, according to Bochart,\nare, that it was distinguished (a) for its vast size; (b) that it had\nsomething like a beard or dew-lap; (c) that it had three rows of teeth;\n(d) that its colour was black, {304} red, yellow, or ashy; (e) that\nit had a wide mouth; (f) that in its breathing it not only drew in the\nair, but also birds that were flying over it; and (g) that its hiss\nwas terrible. Occasionally, also, feet and wings were attributed to the\ndragon, and sometimes a lofty crest. The dragon, according to Bochart,\nwas supposed to inhabit waste places and solitudes (comp. Notes on Is.\nxiii. 22), and it became, therefore, an object of great terror. It is\nprobable that the original of this was a huge serpent, and that all the\nother circumstances were added by the imagination. The prevailing ideas\nin regard to it, however, should be borne in mind, in order to see\nthe force and propriety of the use of the word by John. Two special\ncharacteristics are stated by John in the general description of the\ndragon: one is, its _red colour_; the other, that it was _great_. In\nregard to the former, as above mentioned, the dragon was supposed to\nbe black, red, yellow, or ashy. See the authorities referred to in\nBochart, _ut sup._, pp. 435, 436. There was doubtless a reason why\nthe one seen by John should be represented as _red_. As to the other\ncharacteristic\u2015\u2015_great_\u2015\u2015the idea is that it was a huge monster, and\nthis would properly refer to some mighty, terrible power which would be\nproperly symbolized by such a monster. \u00b6 _Having seven heads._ It was\nnot unusual to attribute many heads to monsters, especially to fabulous\nmonsters, and these greatly increased the terror of the animal. \u201cThus\nCerberus usually has three heads assigned to him; but Hesiod (_Theog._\n312) assigns him fifty, and Horace (Ode II. 13, 34) one hundred. So the\nHydra of the Lake Lerna, killed by Hercules, had fifty heads (Virg.\n_\u00c6n._ vi. 576); and in Kiddushim, fol. 29, 2, Rabbi Achse is said to\nhave seen a demon like a dragon with seven heads\u201d (Professor Stuart,\n_in loco_). The seven heads would somehow denote _power_, or seats of\npower. Such a number of heads increase the terribleness, and, as it\nwere, the _vitality_ of the monster. What is here represented would be\n_as_ terrible and formidable as such a monster; or such a monster would\nappropriately represent what was designed to be symbolized here. The\nnumber seven _may_ be used here \u201cas a perfect number,\u201d or merely to\nheighten the terror of the image; but it is more natural to suppose\nthat there would be something in what is here represented which would\nlay the foundation for the use of this number. There would be something\neither in the _origin_ of the power; or in the union of various powers\nnow combined in the one represented by the dragon; or in the _seat_\nof the power, which this would properly symbolize. Comp. Notes on Da.\nvii. 6. \u00b6 _And ten horns._ Emblems of power, denoting that, in some\nrespects, there were _ten_ powers combined in this one. See Notes on\nDa. vii. 7, 8, 20, 24. There can be little doubt that John had those\npassages of Daniel in his eye, and perhaps as little that the reference\nis to the same thing. The meaning is, that, in some respects, there\nwould be a tenfold origin or division of the power represented by the\ndragon. \u00b6 _And seven crowns upon his heads._ Gr., _diadems_. See Notes\non ch. ix. 7. There is a reference here to some _kingly_ power, and\ndoubtless John had some kingdom or sovereignty in his eye that would be\nproperly symbolized in this manner. The method in which these heads and\nhorns were arranged on the dragon is not stated, and is not material.\nAll that is necessary in the explanation is, that there was _something_\nin the power referred to that would be properly represented by the\nseven heads, and _something_ by the ten horns.\n\nIn the application of this, it will be necessary to inquire what was\nproperly symbolized by these representations, and to refer again to\nthese particulars with this view.\n\n(a) _The dragon._ This is explained in ver. 9 of this chapter: \u201cAnd\nthe great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the Devil, and\nSatan, which deceiveth the whole world.\u201d So again, ch. xx. 2, \u201cAnd he\nlaid hold on the dragon, that old serpent, which is the Devil.\u201d Comp.\nBochart, _Hieroz._ ii. pp. 439, 440. There can be no doubt, therefore,\nthat the reference here is to Satan, considered as the enemy of God,\nand the enemy of the peace of man, and especially as giving origin and\nform to some mighty power that would threaten the existence of the\nchurch.\n\n(b) _Great._ This will well describe the power of Satan as originating\nthe organizations that were engaged for so long a time in persecuting\nthe church, and endeavouring to destroy it. It was a work of vast\npower, controlling kings and nations for ages, and could have been\naccomplished only by one to whom the appellation here used could be\ngiven.\n\n{305} (c) _Red._ This, too, is an appellation properly applied here\nto the dragon, or Satan, considered as the enemy of the church, and\nas originating this persecuting power, either (1) because it well\nrepresents the bloody persecutions that would ensue, or (2) because\nthis would be the favourite _colour_ by which this power would be\nmanifest. Comp. ch. xvii. 3, 4; xviii. 12, 16.\n\n(d) _The seven heads._ There was, doubtless, as above remarked,\nsomething significant in these heads, as referring to the power\ndesigned to be represented. On the supposition that this refers to\nRome, or to the power of Satan as _manifested_ by Roman persecution,\nthere can be no difficulty in the application; and, indeed, it is such\nan image as the writer would naturally use on the supposition that it\nhad such a designed reference. Rome was built, as is well known, on\nseven hills (comp. Notes on ch. x. 3), and was called the seven-hilled\ncity (_Septicollis_), from having been originally built on seven hills,\nthough subsequently three hills were added, making the whole number\nten. See Eschenburg, _Manual of Classical Literature_, p. 1, \u00a7 53. Thus\nOvid:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cSed qu\u00e6 de septem totum circumspicit orbem\n Montibus, imperii Rom\u00e6 De\u00fbmque locus.\u201d\n\nHorace:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cDis quibus septem placuere colles.\u201d\n\nPropertius:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cSeptem urbs alta jugis, toti qu\u00e6 pr\u00e6sidet orbi.\u201d\n\nTertullian:\u2015\u2015\u201cI appeal to the citizens of Rome, the populace that\ndwell on the seven hills\u201d (Apol. 35). And again, Jerome to Marcella,\nwhen urging her to quit Rome for Bethlehem: \u201cRead what is said in the\nApocalypse of the seven hills,\u201d &c. The situation of the city, if that\nwas destined to be represented by the dragon, would naturally suggest\nthe idea of the seven-headed monster. Comp. Notes on ch. xiii. The\nexplanation which is here given of the meaning of the \u201cseven heads\u201d is,\nin fact, one that is given in the book of Revelation itself, and there\ncan be no danger of error in this part of the interpretation. See ch.\nxvii. 9: \u201cThe seven heads are seven mountains, on which the woman\nsitteth.\u201d Comp. ver. 18.\n\n(e) _The ten horns._ These were emblems of power, denoting that in\nreference to that power there were, in some respects, _ten_ sources.\nThe same thing is referred to here which is in Da. vii. 7, 8, 20, 24.\nSee the Notes on Da. vii. 24, where this subject is fully considered.\nThe creature that John saw was indeed a _monster_, and we are not to\nexpect entire congruity in the details. It is sufficient that the main\nidea is preserved, and that would be, if the reference was to Rome\nconsidered as the place where the energy of Satan, as opposed to God\nand the church, was centered.\n\n(f) _The seven crowns._ This would merely denote that kingly or royal\nauthority was claimed.\n\n Illustration: Roman Standard.\n\nThe _general_ interpretation which refers this vision to Rome may\nreceive confirmation from the fact that the _dragon_ was at one time\nthe Roman standard, as is represented by the annexed engraving from\nMontfau\u00e7on. Ammianus Marcellinus (xvi. 10) thus describes this standard:\n\u201cThe dragon was covered with purple cloth, and fastened to the end of a\npike gilt and adorned with precious stones. It opened its wide throat,\nand the wind blew through it; and it hissed as if in a rage, with its\ntail floating in several folds through the air.\u201d He elsewhere often\ngives it the epithet of _purpureus_\u2015\u2015purple-red: _purpureum signum\ndraconis_, &c. With {306} this the description of Claudian well agrees\nalso:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cHi volucres tollent aquilas; hi picta draconum\n Colla levant: multumque tumet per nubila serpens,\n Iratus stimulante noto, vivitque receptis\n Flatibus, et vario mentitur sibila flatu.\u201d\n\nThe dragon was first used as an ensign near the close of the second\ncentury of the Christian era, and it was not until the third century\nthat its use had become common; and the reference here, according to\nthis fact, would be to that period of the Roman power when this had\nbecome a common standard, and when the applicability of this image\nwould be readily understood. It is simply _Rome_ that is referred\nto\u2015\u2015Rome, the great agent of accomplishing the purposes of Satan\ntowards the church. The _eagle_ was the common Roman ensign in the time\nof the republic, and in the earlier periods of the empire; but in later\nperiods the dragon became also a standard as common and as well known\nas the eagle. \u201cIn the third century it had become almost as notorious\namong Roman ensigns as the _eagle_ itself; and is in the fourth century\nnoted by Prudentius, Vegetius, Chrysostom, Ammianus, &c.; in the fifth,\nby Claudian and others\u201d (Elliott).\n\n\n 4 And his [378]tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven,\n and did cast them to the earth: and the dragon stood before\n the woman which was ready to be delivered, for to devour her\n child as soon as it was born.\n\n4. _And his tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven._ The\nword rendered _drew_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03cd\u03c1\u03c9\u2015\u2015means to _draw_, _drag_, _haul_. Professor\nStuart renders it \u201cdrew along;\u201d and explains it as meaning that \u201cthe\ndanger is represented as being in the upper region of the air, so that\nhis tail may be supposed to interfere with and sweep down the stars,\nwhich, as viewed by the ancients, were all set in the visible expanse\nor welkin.\u201d So Daniel (viii. 10), speaking of the little horn, says\nthat \u201cit waxed great, even to the host of heaven, and it cast down some\nof the host and of the stars to the ground.\u201d See Notes on that passage.\nThe main idea here undoubtedly is that of _power_, and the object of\nJohn is to show that the power of the dragon was _as if_ it extended\nto the stars, and _as if_ it dragged down a third part of them to the\nearth, or swept them away with its tail, leaving two-thirds unaffected.\nA power that would sweep them _all_ away would be universal; a power\nthat would sweep away one-third only would represent a dominion of\nthat extent only. The dragon is represented as floating in the air\u2015\u2015a\nmonster extended along the sky\u2015\u2015and one-third of the whole expanse\nwas subject to his control. Suppose, then, that the dragon here was\ndesigned to represent the Roman Pagan power; suppose that it referred\nto that power about to engage in the work of persecution, and at a time\nwhen the church was about to be greatly enlarged, and to fill the world;\nsuppose that it referred to a time when but one-third part of the Roman\nworld was subject to Pagan influence, and the remaining two-thirds were,\nfor some cause, safe from this influence,\u2015\u2015all the conditions here\nreferred to would be fulfilled. Now it so happens that at a time when\nthe \u201cdragon\u201d had become a common standard in the Roman armies, and had\nin some measure superseded the eagle, a state of things _did_ exist\nwhich well corresponds with this representation. There were times under\nthe emperors when, in a considerable part of the empire, after the\nestablishment of Christianity, the church enjoyed protection, and the\nChristian religion was tolerated, while in other parts Paganism still\nprevailed, and waged a bitter warfare with the church. \u201cTwice, at least,\nbefore the Roman empire became divided permanently into the two parts,\nthe Eastern and the Western, there was a _tripartite_ division of\nthe empire. The first occurred A.D. 311, when it was divided between\nConstantine, Licinius, and Maximin; the other A.D. 337, on the death of\nConstantine, when it was divided between his three sons, Constantine,\nConstans, and Constantius.\u201d \u201cIn two-thirds of the empire, embracing its\nwhole European and African territory, Christians enjoyed toleration;\nin the other, or Asiatic portion, they were still, after a brief and\nuncertain respite, exposed to persecution, in all its bitterness and\ncruelty as before\u201d (Elliott). I do not deem it absolutely essential,\nhowever, in order to a _fair_ exposition of this passage, that we\nshould {307} be able to refer to minute historical facts with names\nand dates. A sufficient fulfilment is found if there was a period when\nthe church, bright, glorious, and prosperous, was apparently about to\nbecome greatly enlarged, but when the monstrous Pagan power still held\nits sway over a considerable part of the world, exposing the church to\npersecution. Even after the establishment of the church in the empire,\nand the favour shown to it by the Roman government, it was long before\nthe Pagan power ceased to rage, and before the church could be regarded\nas safe. \u00b6 _And the dragon stood before the woman which was ready to be\ndelivered, for to devour her child._ To prevent the increase and spread\nof the church in the world.\n\n\n 5 And [379]she brought forth a man child, [380]who was to rule\n all nations with a rod of iron: and her child was caught up\n unto God, and _to_ his throne.\n\n5. _And she brought forth a man child._ Representing, according to the\nview above taken, the church in its increase and prosperity\u2015\u2015_as if_ a\nchild were born that was to rule over all nations. See Notes on ver. 2.\n\u00b6 _Who was to rule all nations._ That is, according to this view, the\nchurch thus represented was destined to reign in all the earth, or all\nthe earth was to become subject to its laws. Comp. Notes on Da. vii.\n13, 14. \u00b6 _With a rod of iron._ The language here used is derived from\nPs. ii. 9: \u201cThou shalt break them with a rod of iron.\u201d The form of the\nexpression here used, \u201cwho was to _rule_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f43\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u2015\u2015is\nderived from the Septuagint translation of the Psalm\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2\u2015\u2015\u201cthou\nshalt _rule_ them;\u201d to wit, as a shepherd does his flock. The\nreference is to such control as a shepherd employs in relation to his\nflock\u2015\u2015protecting, guarding, and defending them, with the idea that\nthe flock is under his care; and, on the supposition that this refers\nto the church, it means that it would yet have the ascendency or the\ndominion over the earth. The meaning in the phrase, \u201cwith a rod of\niron,\u201d is, that the dominion would be strong or irresistible\u2015\u2015as an\niron sceptre is one that cannot be broken or resisted. The thoughts\nhere expressed, therefore, are, (a) that the church would become\nuniversal\u2015\u2015or that the principles of truth and righteousness\nwould prevail everywhere on the earth; (b) that the ascendency of\nreligion over the understandings and consciences of men would be\nirresistible\u2015\u2015as firm as a government administered under a sceptre of\niron; yet (c) that it would be rather of a character of protection than\nof force or violence, like the sway which a shepherd wields over his\nflock. I understand the \u201cman child\u201d here, therefore, to refer to the\nchurch in its increase under the Messiah, and the idea to be, that\nthat church was, at the time referred to, about to be enlarged, and\nthat, though its increase was opposed, yet it was destined ultimately\nto assert a mild sway over all the world. The _time_ here referred\nto would seem to be some period in the early history of the church\nwhen religion was likely to be rapidly propagated, and when it was\nopposed and retarded by violent persecution\u2015\u2015perhaps the last of the\npersecutions under the Pagan Roman empire. \u00b6 _And her child was caught\nup unto God._ This is evidently a symbolical representation. Some event\nwas to occur, or some divine interposition was to take place, _as if_\nthe child thus born were caught up from the earth to save it from death,\nand was rendered secure by being in the presence of God, and near his\nthrone. It cannot be supposed that anything like this would _literally_\noccur. Any divine interposition to protect the church in its increase,\nor to save it from being destroyed by the dragon\u2015\u2015the fierce Pagan\npower\u2015\u2015would be properly represented by this. Why may we not suppose\nthe reference to be to the time of Constantine, when the church came\nunder his protection; when it was effectually and finally saved from\nPagan persecution; when it was rendered safe from the enemy that waited\nto destroy it? On the supposition that this refers to an increasing\nbut endangered church, in whose defence a civil power was raised up,\nexalting Christianity to the throne, and protecting it from danger,\nthis would be well represented by the child caught up to heaven. This\nview may derive confirmation from some well-known facts in history. The\nold Pagan power was concentrated in Maximin, who was emperor from the\nNile to the Bosphorus, and who raged against the gospel and the church\n\u201cwith Satanic enmity.\u201d \u201cInfuriate at the now imminent prospect of the\nChristian body {308} attaining establishment in the empire, Maximin\nrenewed the persecution against Christians within the limits of his\nown dominion; prohibiting their assemblies, and degrading, and even\nkilling their bishops.\u201d Comp. Gibbon, i. 325, 326. The last struggle\nof Pagan Rome to destroy the church by persecution, before the triumph\nof Constantine, and the public establishment of the Christian religion,\nmight be well represented by the attempt of the dragon to destroy\nthe child; and the safety of the church, and its complete deliverance\nfrom Pagan persecution, by the symbol of a child caught up to heaven,\nand placed near the throne of God. The persecution under Maximin was\nthe last struggle of Paganism to retain the supremacy, and to crush\nChristianity in the empire. \u201cBefore the decisive battle,\u201d says Milner,\n\u201cMaximin vowed to Jupiter that, if victorious, he would abolish the\nChristian name. The contest between Jehovah and Jupiter was now at its\nheight, and drawing to a crisis.\u201d The result was the defeat and death\nof Maximin, and the termination of the efforts of Paganism to destroy\nChristianity by force. Respecting this event, Mr. Gibbon remarks, \u201cThe\ndefeat and death of Maximin soon delivered the church from the last and\nmost implacable of her enemies,\u201d i. 326. Christianity was, after that,\nrendered safe from Pagan persecution. Mr. Gibbon says, \u201cThe gratitude\nof the church has exalted the virtues of the generous patron _who\nseated Christianity on the throne of the Roman world_.\u201d If, however, it\nshould be regarded as a forced and fanciful interpretation to suppose\nthat the passage before us refers to this _specific_ event, yet the\n_general_ circumstances of the times would furnish a fulfilment of what\nis here said. (a) The church would be well represented by the beautiful\nwoman. (b) The prospect of its increase and universal dominion would\nbe well represented by the birth of the child. (c) The furious opposing\nPagan power would be well represented by the dragon in its attempts\nto destroy the child. (d) The safety of the church would be well\nrepresented by the symbol of the child caught up to God, and placed\nnear his throne.\n\n\n 6 And the woman fled into the wilderness, where she hath a\n place prepared of God, that they should feed her there [381]a\n thousand two hundred _and_ threescore days.\n\n6. _And the woman._ The woman representing the church. Notes, ver. 1.\n\u00b6 _Fled._ That is, she fled in the manner, and at the time, stated in\nver. 14. John here evidently anticipates, by a summary statement, what\nhe relates more in detail in ver. 14\u201217. He had referred (ver. 2\u20125) to\nwhat occurred to the child in its persecutions, and he here alludes,\nin general, to what befell the true church as compelled to flee into\nobscurity and safety. Having briefly referred to this, the writer\n(ver. 7\u201213) gives an account of the efforts of Satan consequent on the\nremoval of the child to heaven. \u00b6 _Into the wilderness._ On the meaning\nof the word _wilderness_ in the New Testament, see Notes on Mat. iii. 1.\nIt means a desert place, a place where there are few or no inhabitants;\na place, therefore, where one might be concealed and unknown\u2015\u2015remote\nfrom the habitations and the observations of men. This would well\nrepresent the fact, that the true church became for a time obscure and\nunknown\u2015\u2015_as if_ it had fled away from the habitations of men, and had\nretired to the solitude and loneliness of a desert. Yet even there (ver.\n14, 16) it would be mysteriously nourished, though seemingly driven out\ninto wastes and solitudes, and having its abode among the rocks and\nsands of a desert. \u00b6 _Where she hath a place prepared of God._ A place\nwhere she might be safe, and might be kept alive. The meaning is, that\nduring that time the true church, though obscure and almost unknown,\nwould be the object of the divine protection and care\u2015\u2015a beautiful\nrepresentation of the church during the corruptions of the Papacy and\nthe darkness of the middle ages. \u00b6 _That they should feed her._ That\nthey should _nourish_ or _sustain_ her\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03c1\u03ad\u03c6\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\u2015\u2015to wit, as specified\nin ver. 14, 16. Those who were to do this, represented by the word\n\u201c_they_,\u201d are not particularly mentioned, and the simple idea is that\nshe _would be_ nourished during that time. That is, stripped of the\nfigure, the church during that time would find true friends, and would\nbe kept alive. It is hardly necessary to say that this has, in fact,\noccurred in the darkest periods of the history of the church. \u00b6 _A\nthousand two hundred |and| threescore days._ That {309} is, regarding\nthese as prophetic days, in which a day denotes a year, twelve hundred\nand sixty years. The same period evidently is referred to in ver. 14,\nin the words \u201cfor a time, and times, and half a time.\u201d And the same\nperiod is undoubtedly referred to in Da. vii. 25: \u201cAnd they shall\nbe given into his hand until a time, and times, and the dividing of\ntime.\u201d For a full consideration of the meaning of this language, and\nits application to the Papacy, see Notes on Da. vii. 25. The full\ninvestigation there made of the meaning and application of the language\nrenders its consideration here unnecessary. I regard it here, as I\ndo there, as referring to the proper continuance of the Papal power,\nduring which the true church would remain in comparative obscurity, as\nif driven into a desert. Comp. Notes on ch. xi. 2. The meaning here is,\nthat during that period the true church would not become wholly extinct.\nIt would have an existence upon the earth, but its final triumph would\nbe reserved for the time when this great enemy should be finally\noverthrown. Comp. Notes on ver. 14\u201217.\n\n\n 7 And there was war in heaven: Michael and his angels fought\n against the dragon; and the dragon fought and his angels.\n\n7. _And there was war in heaven._ There was a state of things existing\nin regard to the woman and the child\u2015\u2015the church in the condition in\nwhich it would then be\u2015\u2015which would be well represented by a war in\nheaven; that is, by a conflict between the powers of good and evil, of\nlight and darkness. Of course it is not necessary to understand this\n_literally_, any more than the other symbolical representations in the\nbook. All that is meant is, that a vision passed before the mind of\nJohn _as if_ there was a conflict, in regard to the church, between\nthe angels in heaven and Satan. There is a vision of the persecuted\nchurch\u2015\u2015of the woman fleeing into the desert\u2015\u2015and the course of the\nnarrative is here interrupted by going back (ver. 7\u201213) to describe the\nconflict which led to this result, and the fact that Satan, as it were\ncast out of heaven, and unable to achieve a victory there, was suffered\nto vent his malice against the church on earth. The seat of this\nwarfare is said to be heaven. This language sometimes refers to heaven\nas it appears to us\u2015\u2015the sky\u2015\u2015the upper regions of the atmosphere,\nand some have supposed that that was the place of the contest. But\nthe language in ch. xi. 19, xii. 1 (see Notes on those places), would\nrather lead us to refer it to heaven considered as lying beyond the sky.\nThis accords, too, with other representations in the Bible, where Satan\nis described as appearing before God, and among the sons of God. See\nNotes on Job i. 6. Of course this is not to be understood as a _real_\ntransaction, but as a symbolical representation of the contest between\ngood and evil\u2015\u2015_as if_ there was a war waged in heaven between Satan\nand the leader of the heavenly hosts. \u00b6 _Michael._ There have been very\nvarious opinions as to who Michael is. Many Protestant interpreters\nhave supposed that Christ is meant. The reasons usually alleged\nfor this opinion, many of which are very fanciful, may be seen in\nHengstenberg (_Die Offenbarung des heiliges Johannes_), i. 611\u2012622. The\nreference to _Michael_ here is probably derived from Da. x. 13; xii. 1.\nIn those places he is represented as the guardian angel of the people\nof God; and it is in this sense, I apprehend, that the passage is to\nbe understood here. There is no evidence in the name itself, or in the\ncircumstances referred to, that Christ is intended; and if he had been,\nit is inconceivable why he was not referred to by his own name, or\nby some of the usual appellations which John gives him. Michael, the\narchangel, is here represented as the guardian of the church, and as\ncontending against Satan for its protection. Comp. Notes on Da. x. 13.\nThis representation accords with the usual statements in the Bible\nrespecting the interposition of the angels in behalf of the church (see\nNotes on He. i. 14), and is one which cannot be proved to be unfounded.\nAll the analogies which throw any light on the subject, as well as the\nuniform statements of the Bible, lead us to suppose that good beings\nof other worlds feel an interest in the welfare of the redeemed church\nbelow. \u00b6 _And his angels._ The angels under him. Michael is represented\nas the archangel, and all the statements in the Bible suppose that the\nheavenly hosts are distributed into different ranks and orders. See\nNotes on Jude 9; Ep. i. 21. If Satan is permitted to make war against\nthe church, there is no improbability in supposing that, in those\nhigher regions where {310} the war is carried on, and in those aspects\nof it which lie beyond the power and the knowledge of man, good angels\nshould be employed to defeat his plans. \u00b6 _Fought._ See Notes on Jude 9.\n\u00b6 _Against the dragon._ Against Satan. Notes, ver. 3. \u00b6 _And the dragon\nfought and his angels._ That is, the master-spirit\u2015\u2015Satan, and those\nunder him. See Notes on Mat. iv. 1. Of the nature of this warfare\nnothing is definitely stated. Its whole sphere lies beyond mortal\nvision, and is carried on in a manner of which we can have little\nconception. What weapons Satan may use to destroy the church, and in\nwhat way his efforts may be counteracted by holy angels, are points\non which we can have little knowledge. It is sufficient to know\nthat the fact of such a struggle is not improbable, and that Satan is\nsuccessfully resisted by the leader of the heavenly host.\n\n\n 8 And prevailed not; neither was their place found any more in\n heaven.\n\n8. _And prevailed not._ Satan and his angels failed in their purpose.\n\u00b6 _Neither was their place found anymore in heaven._ They were cast\nout, and were seen there no more. The idea is, that they were defeated\nand driven away, though for a time they were suffered to carry on the\nwarfare elsewhere.\n\n\n 9 And the great dragon was cast out, that old [382]serpent,\n called the [383]Devil, and [384]Satan, which deceiveth the\n whole world; he was cast out into the earth, and his angels\n were cast out with him.\n\n9. _And the great dragon was cast out._ See Notes on ver. 3. That there\nmay be an allusion in the _language_ here to what actually occurred in\nsome far-distant period of the past, when Satan was ejected from heaven,\nthere can be no reason to doubt. Our Saviour seems to refer to such an\nevent in the language which he uses when he says (Lu. x. 18), \u201cI beheld\nSatan as lightning fall from heaven;\u201d and Jude, perhaps (ver. 6), may\nrefer to the same event. All that we know on the subject leads us to\nsuppose that at some time there was a revolt among the angels, and that\nthe rebellious part were cast out of heaven, for an allusion to this is\nnot unfrequent in the Scriptures. Still the event _here_ referred to is\na symbolical representation of what could occur at a later period, when\nthe church would be about to spread and be triumphant, and when Satan\nwould wage a deadly war against it. That opposition would be _as if_\nhe made war on Michael the archangel, and the heavenly hosts, and his\nfailure would be as great _as if_ he were vanquished and cast out of\nheaven. \u00b6 _That old serpent._ This doubtless refers to the serpent that\ndeceived Eve (Ge. iii. 1\u201211; Re. xx. 2; comp. Notes on 2 Co. xi. 3);\nand this passage may be adduced as a proof that the real tempter of Eve\nwas the devil, who assumed the form of a serpent. The word _old_ here\nrefers to the fact that his appearance on earth was at an early stage\nof the world\u2019s history, and that he had long been employed in the work\nwhich is here attributed to him\u2015\u2015that of opposing the church. \u00b6 _Called\nthe Devil._ To whom the name _Devil_ is given. That is, this is the\nsame being that is elsewhere and commonly known by that name. See Notes\non Mat. iv. 1. \u00b6 _And Satan._ Another name given to the same being\u2015\u2015a\nname, like the other, designed to refer to something in his character.\nSee it explained in the Notes on Job i. 6. \u00b6 _Which deceiveth the whole\nworld._ Whose character is that of a deceiver; whose agency extends\nover all the earth. See Notes on Jn. viii. 44, and 1 Jn. v. 19. \u00b6 _He\nwas cast out into the earth._ That is, he was not suffered to pursue\nhis designs in heaven, but was cast down to the earth, where he is\npermitted for a time to carry on his warfare against the church.\nAccording to the interpretation proposed above, this refers to the\nperiod when there were indications that God was about to set up his\nkingdom on the earth. The _language_, however, is such as would be used\non the supposition that there had been, at some period, a rebellion in\nheaven, and that Satan and his followers had been cast out to return\nthere no more. It is difficult to explain this language except on that\nsupposition; and such a supposition is, in itself, no more improbable\nthan the apostasy and rebellion of man. \u00b6 _And his angels were cast out\nwith him._ They shared the lot of their leader. As applicable to the\nstate of things to which this refers, the meaning is, that _all_ were\noverthrown; that no enemy of the church would remain {311} unsubdued;\nthat the victory would be final and complete. As applicable to the\nevent from which the language is supposed to have been derived\u2015\u2015the\nrevolt in heaven\u2015\u2015the meaning is, that the followers in the revolt\nshared the lot of the leader, and that all who rebelled were ejected\nfrom heaven. The first and the only revolt in heaven was quelled; and\nthe result furnished to the universe an impressive proof that none who\nrebelled there would be forgiven\u2015\u2015that apostasy so near the throne\ncould not be pardoned.\n\n\n 10 And I heard a loud voice saying in heaven, [385]Now is come\n salvation, and strength, and the kingdom of our God, and the\n power of his Christ: for the accuser of our brethren is cast\n down, which accused them before our God day and night.\n\n10. _And I heard a loud voice saying in heaven._ The great enemy was\nexpelled; the cause of God and truth was triumphant; and the conquering\nhosts united in celebrating the victory. This representation of a song,\nconsequent on victory, is in accordance with the usual representations\nin the Bible. See the song of Moses at the Red Sea, Ex. xv.; the song\nof Deborah, Ju. v.; the song of David when the Lord had delivered him\nout of the hand of all his enemies, 2 Sa. xxii.; and Is. xii., xxv. On\nno occasion could such a song be more appropriate than on the complete\nrouting and discomfiture of Satan and his rebellious hosts. Viewed\nin reference to the _time_ here symbolized, this would relate to the\ncertain triumph of the church and of truth on the earth; in reference\nto the _language_, there is an allusion to the joy and triumph of the\nheavenly hosts when Satan and his apostate legions were expelled.\n\u00b6 _Now is come salvation._ That is, complete deliverance from the power\nof Satan. \u00b6 _And strength._ That is, now is the mighty power of God\nmanifested in casting down and subduing the great enemy of the church.\n\u00b6 _And the kingdom of our God._ The reign of our God. See Notes on Mat.\niii. 2. That is now established among men, and God will henceforward\nrule. This refers to the certain ultimate triumph of his cause in the\nworld. \u00b6 _And the power of his Christ._ His anointed; that is, the\nkingdom of Christ as the Messiah, or as anointed and set apart to\nrule over the world. See Notes on Mat. i. 1. \u00b6 _For the accuser of\nour brethren is cast down._ The phrase \u201c_our_ brethren\u201d shows by whom\nthis song is celebrated. It is sung in heaven; but it is by those\nwho belonged to the redeemed church, and whose brethren were still\nsuffering persecution and trial on the earth. It shows the tenderness\nof the tie which unites all the redeemed as brethren, whether on earth\nor in heaven; and it shows the interest which they \u201cwho have passed the\nflood\u201d have in the trials, the sorrows, and the triumphs of those who\nare still upon the earth. We have here another appellation given to the\ngreat enemy\u2015\u2015\u201caccuser of the brethren.\u201d The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2,\nin later editions of the New Testament \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03b3\u03c9\u03c1\u2015\u2015means properly _an\naccuser_, one who blames another, or charges another with crime. The\nword occurs in Jn. viii. 10; Ac. xxiii. 30, 35; xxiv. 8; xxv. 16, 18;\nRe. xii. 10, in all which places it is rendered _accuser_ or _accusers_,\nthough only in the latter place applied to Satan. The verb frequently\noccurs, Mat. xii. 10; xxvii. 12; Mar. iii. 2; xv. 3, _et al._ The\ndescription of Satan as an _accuser_ accords with the opinion of the\nancient Hebrews in regard to his character. Thus he is represented\nin Job i. 9\u201211; ii. 4, 5; Zec. iii. 1, 2; 1 Ch. xxi. 1. The phrase\n\u201cof the brethren\u201d refers to Christians, or to the people of God;\nand the meaning here is, that one of the characteristics of Satan\u2015\u2015a\ncharacteristic so well known as to make it proper to designate him by\nit\u2015\u2015is that he is an _accuser_ of the righteous; that he is employed in\nbringing against them charges affecting their character and destroying\ntheir influence. The propriety of this appellation cannot be doubted.\nIt is, as it has always been, one of the characteristics of Satan\u2015\u2015one\nof the means by which he keeps up his influence in the world\u2015\u2015to bring\naccusations against the people of God. Thus, under his suggestions,\nand by his agents, they are charged with hypocrisy; with insincerity;\nwith being influenced by bad motives; with pursuing sinister designs\nunder the cloak of religion; with secret vices and crimes. Thus it was\nthat the martyrs were accused; thus it is that unfounded accusations\nare often brought against {312} ministers of the gospel, palsying\ntheir power and diminishing their influence, or that when a professed\nChristian falls the church is made to suffer by an effort to cast\nsuspicion on all who bear the Christian name. Perhaps the most skilful\nthing that Satan does, and the thing by which he most contributes to\ndiminish the influence of the church, is in thus causing \u201caccusations\u201d\nto be brought against the people of God. \u00b6 _Is cast down._ The period\nhere referred to was, doubtless, the time when the church was about to\nbe established and to flourish in the world, and when accusations would\nbe brought against Christians by various classes of calumniators and\ninformers. It is well known that in the early ages of Christianity\ncrimes of the most horrid nature were charged on Christians, and\nthat it was by these slanders that the effort was made to prevent the\nextension of the Christian church. \u00b6 _Which accused them before our\nGod._ See Notes on Job i. 9, 10. The meaning is, that he accused them,\nas it were, in the very presence of God. \u00b6 _Day and night._ He never\nceased bringing these accusations, and sought by the perseverance and\nconstancy with which they were urged to convince the world that there\nwas no sincerity in the church and no reality in religion.\n\n\n 11 And they [386]overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, and\n by the word of their testimony; and [387]they loved not their\n lives unto the death.\n\n11. _And they overcame him._ That is, he was foiled in his attempt thus\nto destroy the church. The reference here, undoubtedly, is primarily\nto the martyr age and to the martyr spirit; and the meaning is, that\nreligion had not become extinct by these accusations, as Satan hoped\nit would be, but lived and triumphed. By their holy lives, by their\nfaithful testimony, by their patient sufferings, they showed that\nall these accusations were false, and that the religion which they\nprofessed was from God, and thus in fact gained a victory over their\naccuser. Instead of being themselves subdued, Satan himself was\nvanquished, and the world was constrained to acknowledge that the\npersecuted religion had a heavenly origin. No design was ever more\nineffectual than that of crushing the church by persecution, no victory\nwas ever more signal than that which was gained when it could be said\nthat \u201cthe blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church.\u201d \u00b6 _By the\nblood of the Lamb._ The Lord Jesus\u2015\u2015the Lamb of God. Notes, ch. v. 6;\ncomp. Notes on Jn. i. 29. The blood of Christ was that by which they\nwere redeemed, and it was in virtue of the efficacy of the atonement\nthat they were enabled to achieve the victory. Comp. Notes on Phi.\niv. 13. Christ himself achieved a victory over Satan by his death (see\nNotes on Col. ii. 15; He. ii. 15), and it is in virtue of the victory\nwhich he thus achieved that we are now able to triumph over our great\nfoe.\n\n \u201cI ask them whence their victory came.\n They, with united breath,\n Ascribe their conquest to the Lamb,\n Their triumph to his death.\u201d\n\n\u00b6 _And by the word of their testimony._ The faithful testimony which\nthey bore to the truth. That is, they adhered to the truth in their\nsufferings, they declared their belief in it, even in the pains of\nmartyrdom; and it was by this that they overcame the great enemy\u2015\u2015that\nis, by this that the belief in the gospel was established and\nmaintained in the world. The reference here is to the effects of\npersecution and to the efforts of Satan to drive religion from the\nworld by persecution. John says that the result as he saw it in vision\nwas, that the persecuted church bore a faithful testimony to the truth,\nand that the great enemy was overcome. \u00b6 _And they loved not their\nlives unto the death._ They did not so love their lives that they were\nunwilling to die as martyrs. They did not shrink back when threatened\nwith death, but remained firm in their attachment to their Saviour, and\nleft their dying testimony to the truth and power of religion. It was\nby these means that Christianity was established in the world, and John,\nin the scene before us, saw it thus triumphant, and saw the angels\nand the redeemed in heaven celebrating the triumph. The result of the\nattempts to destroy the Christian religion by persecution demonstrated\nthat it was to triumph. No more mighty power could be employed to crush\nit than was employed by the Roman emperors; and when it was seen that\nChristianity could survive those efforts to crush it it was certain\n{313} that it was destined to live for ever.\n\n\n 12 Therefore[388] rejoice, _ye_ heavens, and ye that dwell\n in them. Woe[389] to the inhabiters of the earth, and of the\n sea! for the devil is come down unto you, having great wrath,\n because [390]he knoweth that he hath but a short time.\n\n12. _Therefore rejoice, |ye| heavens._ It is not unusual in the\nScriptures to call on the heavens and the earth to sympathize with\nthe events that occur. Comp. Notes on Is. i. 2. Here the heavens are\ncalled on to rejoice because of the signal victory which it was seen\nwould be achieved over the great enemy. Heaven itself was secure from\nany further rebellion or invasion, and the foundation was laid for a\nfinal victory over Satan everywhere. \u00b6 _And ye that dwell in them._\nThe angels and the redeemed. This is an instance of the sympathy of\nthe heavenly inhabitants\u2015\u2015the unfallen and holy beings before the\nthrone\u2015\u2015with the church on earth, and with all that may affect its\nwelfare. Compare Notes on 1 Pe. i. 12. \u00b6 _Woe to the inhabiters of the\nearth._ This is not an imprecation, or a wish that woe _might_ come\nupon them, but a prediction that it _would_. The meaning is this: Satan\nwould ultimately be entirely overcome\u2015\u2015a fact that was symbolized by\nhis being cast out of heaven; but there would be still temporary war\nupon the earth, as if he were permitted to roam over the world for a\ntime and to spread woe and sorrow there. \u00b6 _And of the sea._ Those who\ninhabit the islands of the sea and those who are engaged in commerce.\nThe meaning is, that the world as such would have occasion to\nmourn\u2015\u2015the dwellers both on the land and on the sea. \u00b6 _For the devil\nis come down unto you._ As if cast out of heaven. \u00b6 _Having great\nwrath._ Wrath shown by the symbolical war with Michael and his angels\n(ver. 7); wrath increased and inflamed because he has been discomfited;\nwrath the more concentrated because he knows that his time is limited.\n\u00b6 _Because he knoweth that he hath but a short time._ That is, he knows\nthat the time is limited in which he will be permitted to wage war with\nthe saints on the earth. There is allusion elsewhere to the fact that\nthe time of Satan is limited, and that he is apprised of that. Thus in\nMat. viii. 29, \u201cArt thou come hither to torment us _before the time_?\u201d\nSee Notes on that passage. Within that limited space, Satan knows that\nhe must do all that he ever can do to destroy souls, and to spread woe\nthrough the earth, and hence it is not unnatural that he should be\nrepresented as excited to deeper wrath, and as rousing all his energy\nto destroy the church.\n\n\n 13 And when the dragon saw that he was cast unto the earth, he\n persecuted the woman which brought forth the man _child_.\n\n13. _And when the dragon saw that he was cast unto the earth._ That\nis, when Satan saw that he was doomed to discomfiture and overthrow,\n_as if_ he had been cast out of heaven; when he saw that his efforts\nmust be confined to the earth, and that only for a limited time,\nhe \u201cpersecuted the woman,\u201d and was more violently enraged against\nthe church on earth. \u00b6 _He persecuted the woman which brought forth\nthe man |child|._ See Notes on ver. 5. The child is represented as\nsafe; that is, the ultimate progress and extension of the church was\ncertain. But Satan was permitted still to wage a warfare against the\nchurch\u2015\u2015represented here by his wrath against the woman, and by her\nbeing constrained to flee into the wilderness. It is unnecessary to\nsay that, after the _Pagan_ persecutions ceased, and Christianity\nwas firmly established in the empire; after Satan saw that all hope\nof destroying the church in that manner was at an end, his enmity\nwas vented in another form\u2015\u2015in the rise of the Papacy, and in the\npersecutions under that\u2015\u2015an opposition to spiritual religion no less\ndetermined and deadly than that which had been waged by Paganism.\n\n\n 14 And to the woman were given two [391]wings of a great eagle,\n that she might fly into the wilderness, into her place, where\n she is nourished for a time, and times, and half a time, from\n the face of the serpent.\n\n14. _And to the woman were given two wings of a great eagle._ The\nmost powerful of birds, and among the most rapid in flight. See\nNotes on ch. iv. 7. The meaning here is, that the {314} woman is\nrepresented as prepared for a rapid flight; so prepared as to be able\nto outstrip her pursuer, and to reach a place of safety. Divested of\nthe figure, the sense is, that the church, when exposed to this form\nof persecution, would be protected _as if_ miraculously supplied with\nwings. \u00b6 _That she might fly into the wilderness._ There is here a\nmore full description of what is briefly stated in ver. 6. A wilderness\nor desert is often represented as a place of safety from pursuers.\nThus David (1 Sa. xxiii. 14, 15) is represented as fleeing into the\nwilderness from the persecutions of Saul. So Elijah (1 Ki. xix. 4) fled\ninto the wilderness from the persecutions of Jezebel. The simple idea\nhere is, that the church, in the opposition which would come upon it,\nwould find a refuge. \u00b6 _Into her place._ A place appointed for her;\nthat is, a place where she could be safe. \u00b6 _Where she is nourished._\nThe word here rendered _nourished_ is the same\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03c1\u03ad\u03c6\u03c9\u2015\u2015which occurs in\nver. 6, and which is there rendered _feed_. It means to feed, nurse,\nor nourish, as the young of animals (Mat. vi. 26; xxv. 37; Lu. xii. 24;\nAc. xii. 20); that is, to sustain by proper food. The meaning here is,\nthat the church would be kept alive. It is not indeed mentioned by whom\nthis would be done, but it is evidently implied that it would be by God.\nDuring this long period in which the church would be in obscurity, it\nwould not be suffered to become extinct. Comp. 1 Ki. xvii. 3\u20126. \u00b6 _For\na time, and times, and half a time._ A year, two years, and half a\nyear; that is, forty-two months (see Notes on ch. xi. 2); or, reckoning\nthe month at thirty days, twelve hundred and sixty days; and regarding\nthese as prophetic days, in which a day stands for a year, twelve\nhundred and sixty years. For a full discussion of the meaning of this\nlanguage, see Notes on Da. vii. 25; and Editor\u2019s Pref. For the evidence,\nalso, that the time thus specified refers to the Papacy, and to the\nperiod of its continuance, see the Notes on that place. The full\nconsideration given to the subject there renders it unnecessary to\ndiscuss it here. For it is manifest that there is an allusion here to\nthe passage in Daniel; that the twelve hundred and sixty days refer to\nthe same thing; and that the true explanation must be made in the same\nway. The main difficulty, as is remarked on the Notes on that passage,\nis in determining the time when the Papacy properly commenced. If\nthat could be ascertained with certainty, there would be no difficulty\nin determining when it would come to an end. But though there is\nconsiderable uncertainty as to the exact time when it arose, and though\ndifferent opinions have been entertained on that point, yet it is\ntrue that all the periods assigned for the rise of that power lead\nto the conclusion that the time of its downfall cannot be remote. The\nmeaning in the passage before us is, that during all the time of the\ncontinuance of that formidable, persecuting power, the true church\nwould not in fact become extinct. It would be obscure and comparatively\nunknown, but it would still live. The fulfilment of this is found in\nthe fact, that during all the time here referred to, there has been a\ntrue church on the earth. Pure, spiritual religion\u2015\u2015the religion of\nthe New Testament\u2015\u2015has never been wholly extinct. In the history of the\nWaldenses, and Albigenses, the Bohemian brethren, and kindred people;\nin deserts and places of obscurity; among individuals and among small\nand persecuted sects; here and there in the cases of individuals in\nmonasteries,[392] the true religion has been kept up in the world, as\nin the days of Elijah God reserved seven thousand men who had not bowed\nthe knee to Baal: and it is possible now for us, with a good degree of\ncertainty, to show, even during the darkest ages, and when Rome seemed\nto have entirely the ascendency, where the true church was. To find out\nthis, was the great design of the Ecclesiastical History of Milner;\nit has been done, also, with great learning and skill, by Neander.\n\u00b6 _From the face of the serpent._ The dragon\u2015\u2015or Satan represented\nby the dragon. Notes, ver. 3. The reference here is {315} to the\nopposition which Satan makes to the true church under the persecutions\nand corruptions of the Papacy.\n\n\n 15 And the serpent cast out of his mouth water as a [393]flood,\n after the woman, that he might cause her to be carried away of\n the flood.\n\n15. _And the serpent cast out of his mouth water as a flood._ This is\npeculiar and uncommon imagery, and it is not necessary to suppose that\nanything like this literally occurs in nature. Some serpents are indeed\nsaid to eject from their mouths poisonous bile when they are enraged,\nin order to annoy their pursuers; and some sea-monsters, it is known,\nspout forth large quantities of water; but the representation here does\nnot seem to be taken from either of those cases. It is the mere product\nof the imagination, but the sense is clear. The woman is represented as\nhaving wings, and as being able thus to escape from the serpent. But,\nas an expression of his wrath, and as if with the hope of destroying\nher in her flight by a deluge of water, he is represented as pouring a\nflood from his mouth, that he might, if possible, sweep her away. The\nfigure here would well represent the continued malice of the Papal\nbody against the true church, in those dark ages when it was sunk in\nobscurity, and, as it were, driven out into the desert. That malice\nnever slumbered, but was continually manifesting itself in some new\nform, as if it were the purpose of Papal Rome to sweep it entirely\naway. \u00b6 _That he might cause her to be carried away of the flood._\nMight cause the church wholly to be destroyed. The truth taught is,\nthat Satan leaves no effort untried to destroy the church.\n\n\n 16 And the earth helped the woman, and the earth opened her\n mouth, and swallowed up the flood which the dragon cast out of\n his mouth.\n\n16. _And the earth helped the woman._ The earth _seemed_ to sympathize\nwith the woman in her persecutions, and to interpose to save her. The\nmeaning is, that a state of things would exist in regard to the church\nthus driven into obscurity, which would be well represented by what\nis here said to occur. It was cut off from human aid. It was still\nin danger; still persecuted. In this state it was nourished from some\nunseen source. It was enabled to avoid the direct attacks of the enemy,\nand when he attacked it in a new form, a new mode of intervention in\nits behalf was granted, _as if_ the earth should open and swallow up\na flood of water. We are not, therefore, to look for any _literal_\nfulfilment of this, as if the earth interposed in some marvellous way\nto aid the church. The sense is, that, _in_ that state of obscurity\nand solitude, the divine interposition was manifested, in an unexpected\nmanner, _as if_, when an impetuous stream was rolling along that\nthreatened to sweep everything away, a chasm should suddenly open in\nthe earth and absorb it. During the dark ages many such interventions\noccurred, saving the church from utter destruction. Overflowing waters\nare often in the Scriptures an emblem of mighty enemies. Ps. cxxiv. 2\u20125,\n\u201cIf it had not been the Lord who was on our side, when men rose up\nagainst us; then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was\nkindled against us: then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream\nhad gone over our soul: then the proud waters had gone over our soul.\u201d\nPs. xviii. 16, \u201cHe sent from above, he took me, he drew me out of many\nwaters.\u201d Je. xlvii. 2, \u201cBehold, waters rise up out of the north, and\nshall be an overflowing flood, and shall overflow the land,\u201d &c. Comp.\nJe. xlvi. 7, 8, and Notes on Is. viii. 7, 8. \u00b6 _And the earth opened\nher mouth._ A chasm was made sufficient to absorb the waters. That is,\nJohn saw that the church was safe from this attack, and that, in order\nto preserve it, there was an interposition as marked and wonderful as\nif the earth should suddenly open and swallow up a mighty flood.\n\n\n 17 And [394]the dragon was wroth with the woman, and went\n to make war with the remnant of her seed, which keep the\n commandments of God, and have the testimony of Jesus Christ.\n\n17. _And the dragon was wroth with the woman._ This wrath had been\nvented by his persecuting her (ver. 13); by his pursuing her; and by\nhis pouring out the flood of water to sweep her away (ver. 15); and the\nsame wrath was now vented against her children. As he could not reach\nand destroy the woman {316} herself, he turned his indignation against\nall who were allied to her. Stripped of the imagery, the meaning is,\nthat as he could not destroy the church as such, he vented his malice\nagainst all who were the friends of the church, and endeavoured to\ndestroy them. \u201cThe church, as such, he could not destroy; therefore\nhe turned his wrath against individual Christians, to bring as many of\nthem as possible to death\u201d (De Wette). \u00b6 _And went to make war with the\nremnant of her seed._ No mention is made before of his persecuting the\nchildren of the woman, except his opposition to the \u201cman child\u201d which\nshe bore, ver. 1\u20124. The \u201cwoman\u201d represents the church, and the phrase\n\u201cthe remnant of her seed\u201d must refer to her scattered children, that is,\nto the scattered members of the church, wherever they could be found.\nThe reference here is to persecutions against individuals, rather than\na general persecution against the church itself, and all that is here\nsaid would find an ample fulfilment in the vexations and troubles of\nindividuals in the Roman communion in the dark ages, when they evinced\nthe spirit of pure evangelical piety; in the cruelties practised in\nthe Inquisition on individual Christians under the plea that they were\nheretics; and in the persecutions of such men as Wycliffe, John Huss,\nand Jerome of Prague. This warfare against individual Christians was\ncontinued long in the Papal church, and tens of thousands of true\nfriends of the Saviour suffered every form of cruelty and wrong as\nthe result. \u00b6 _Which keep the commandments of God._ Who were true\nChristians. This phrase characterizes correctly those who, in the dark\nages, were the friends of God, in the midst of abounding corruption.\n\u00b6 _And have the testimony of Jesus Christ._ That is, they bore a\nfaithful testimony to his truth, or were real _martyrs_. See ch. ii. 13.\n\nThe scene, then, in this chapter is this: John saw a most beautiful\nwoman, suitably adorned, representing the church as about to be\nenlarged, and to become triumphant in the earth. Then he saw a great\nred monster, representing Satan, about to destroy the church: the\nPagan power, infuriated, and putting forth its utmost energy for its\ndestruction. He then saw the child caught up into heaven, denoting\nthat the church would be ultimately safe, and would reign over all the\nworld. Another vision appears. It is that of a contest between Michael,\nthe protecting angel of the people of God, and the great foe, in\nwhich victory declares in favour of the former, and Satan suffers a\ndiscomfiture, _as if_ he were cast from heaven to earth. Still, however,\nhe is permitted for a time to carry on a warfare against the church,\nthough certain that he would be ultimately defeated. He puts forth\nhis power, and manifests his hostility, in another form\u2015\u2015that of the\nPapacy\u2015\u2015and commences a new opposition against the spiritual church\nof Christ. The church is, however, safe from _that_ attempt to destroy\nit, for the woman is represented as fleeing to the wilderness beyond\nthe power of the enemy, and is there kept alive. Still filled with\nrage, though incapable of destroying the true church itself, he turns\nhis wrath, under the form of Papal persecutions, against individual\nChristians, and endeavours to cut them off in detail.\n\nThis is the _general_ representation in this chapter, and on the\nsupposition that it was _designed_ to represent the various forms\nof opposition which Satan would make to the church of Christ, under\nPaganism and the Papacy, it must be admitted, I think, that no\nmore expressive or appropriate symbols could have been chosen.\nThis fact should be allowed to have due influence in confirming the\ninterpretation suggested above; and _if_ it be admitted to be a correct\ninterpretation, it is conclusive evidence of the inspiration of the\nbook. Further _details_ of this opposition of Satan to the church under\nthe _Papal_ form of persecution are made in the subsequent chapters.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIII.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter is closely connected with ch. xii., which is properly\nintroductory to this and to the subsequent portions of the book to\nch. xx. See the Analysis of the Book. The vision in this chapter is of\ntwo distinct \u201cbeasts,\u201d each with peculiar characteristics, yet closely\nrelated, deriving their power from a common source; aiding each other\nin the accomplishment of the same object, and manifestly relating\nto the same _power_ under different forms. To see the design of the\nchapter, it will be necessary to exhibit the peculiar characteristics\nof the two \u201cbeasts,\u201d and {317} the points in which they resemble each\nother, and sustain each other.\n\nI. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BEASTS.\n\nA. _The characteristics of the first beast_, ver. 1\u201210.\n\n(a) It comes up out of the sea (ver. 1)\u2015\u2015out of the commotion, the\nagitation of nations\u2015\u2015a new power that springs up from those disturbed\nelements.\n\n(b) It has seven heads and ten horns, and upon its horns ten crowns or\ndiadems, ver. 1.\n\n(c) In its general form it resembles a leopard; its feet are like those\nof a bear; its mouth like that of a lion. Its connection with the great\n\u201cdragon\u201d\u2015\u2015with Satan\u2015\u2015is indicated by the statement that it derives its\n\u201cpower, and its seat, and its authority\u201d from him (ver. 2)\u2015\u2015a striking\nrepresentation of the fact that the civil or secular Roman power\nwhich supported the church of Rome through all its corrupt and bloody\nprogress was the putting forth of the power of Satan on the earth.\n\n(d) One of the heads of this beast is \u201cwounded to death\u201d\u2015\u2015that is,\nwith a wound that is in itself mortal. This wound is, however, in some\nway as yet unexplained, so healed that the vitality yet remains, and\nall the world pays homage to the beast, ver. 3. A blow is aimed at\nthis authority which seems to be fatal; and there is some healing or\nrestorative process by which its power is recovered, and by which the\nuniversality of its dominion and influence is again restored.\n\n(e) The effect of this is, that the world renders homage really to the\n\u201cdragon,\u201d the source of this power, though _in the form_ of adoration\nof the \u201cbeast,\u201d ver. 4. That is, while the outward homage is rendered\nto the \u201cbeast,\u201d the real worship is that of the \u201cdragon,\u201d or Satan.\nThis beast is regarded as (1) _incomparable_\u2015\u2015\u201cWho is like unto the\n\u2018beast?\u2019\u201d and (2) _invincible_\u2015\u2015\u201cWho is able to war with him?\u201d\n\n(f) In this form the beast is endowed with a mouth that \u201cspeaks great\nthings and blasphemies,\u201d ver. 5\u2015\u2015that is, the power here referred to is\narrogant, and reviles the God of heaven.\n\n(g) The time during which he is to continue is \u201cforty and two\nmonths\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, twelve hundred and sixty days, or twelve hundred and\nsixty years. See Notes on ch. xi. 2.\n\n(h) The characteristics of this beast, and of his dominion, are\nthese:\u2015\u2015(1) He opens his mouth in blasphemy against God, and his\nchurch, and all holy beings, ver. 6. (2) He makes war with the saints\nand overcomes them, ver. 7. (3) He asserts his power over all nations,\nver. 7. (4) He is worshipped by all that dwell on the earth, whose\nnames are not in the book of life, ver. 8.\n\n(i) All are called on to hear\u2015\u2015as if the announcement were important\nfor the church, ver. 9.\n\n(j) The result or issue of the power represented by this monster, ver.\n10. It had led others into captivity, it would itself be made captive;\nit had been distinguished for slaying others, it would itself feel the\npower of the sword. Until this is accomplished the patience and faith\nof the saints must be sorely tried, ver. 10.\n\nB. _The characteristics of the second beast_, ver. 11\u201218.\n\n(a) It comes out of the earth (ver. 11)\u2015\u2015having a different origin\nfrom the former; not springing from troubled elements, as of nations\nat strife, but from that which is firm and established\u2015\u2015like the solid\nearth.\n\n(b) It has two horns like a lamb, but it speaks as a dragon (ver. 11).\nIt is apparently mild, gentle, lamb-like, and inoffensive; but it is,\nin fact, arrogant, haughty, and imperative.\n\n(c) Its dominion is coextensive with that of the first beast, and the\neffect of its influence is to induce the world to do homage to the\nfirst beast, ver. 12.\n\n(d) It has the power of performing great wonders, and particularly of\ndeceiving the world by the \u201cmiracles\u201d which it performs. This power\nis particularly manifested in restoring what might be regarded as an\n\u201cimage\u201d of the beast which was wounded, though not put to death, and\nby giving life to that image, and causing those to be put to death who\nwill not worship it, ver. 13\u201215.\n\n(e) This beast causes a certain mark to be affixed to all, small and\ngreat, and attempts a jurisdiction over all persons, so that none may\nbuy or sell, or engage in any business, who have not the mark affixed\nto them\u2015\u2015that is, the power represented attempts to set up a control\nover the commerce of the world, ver. 16, 17.\n\n(f) The way by which the power here referred to may be known is by\nsome {318} proper application of the number 666. This is stated in an\nenigmatical form, and yet with such clearness that it is supposed that\nit would be sufficient to indicate the power here referred to.\n\nII. POINTS IN WHICH THE TWO BEASTS RESEMBLE OR SUSTAIN EACH OTHER.\n\nIt is manifest, on the slightest inspection of the characteristics\nof the \u201cbeasts\u201d referred to in this chapter, that they have a close\nrelation to each other; that, in important respects, the one is\ndesigned to sustain the other, and that both are manifestations or\nembodiments of that one and the same power represented by the \u201cdragon,\u201d\nver. 4. He is the great original source of power to both, and both are\nengaged in accomplishing his purposes, and are combined to keep up his\ndominion over the earth. The points of resemblance which it is very\nimportant to notice are the following:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) They have the same origin\u2015\u2015that is, they both owe their power\nto the \u201cdragon,\u201d and are designed to keep up his ascendency in human\naffairs, ch. xii. 3; xiii. 2, 4, 12.\n\n(2) They have the same extent of power and dominion.\n\n FIRST BEAST.\n\n The world wonders after the beast, ver. 3. They worship the\n dragon and the beast, ver. 4; and all that dwell upon the\n earth shall worship him, ver. 8.\n\n SECOND BEAST.\n\n He exercises all the power of the first beast, ver. 12.\n He causes the earth and them which dwell therein to worship\n the first beast, ver. 12. He has power to give life unto the\n image of the beast, ver. 15. He sets up jurisdiction over the\n commerce of the world, ver. 16, 17.\n\n(3) They do the same things.\n\n FIRST BEAST.\n\n The dragon gives power to the beast, ver. 4. There is given\n unto him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemies, ver. 5.\n He opens his mouth in blasphemy against God, ver. 6. It is\n given him to make war with the saints, and to overcome them,\n ver. 7.\n\n SECOND BEAST.\n\n He exercises all the power of the first beast, ver. 12. He\n does great wonders, ver. 13. He makes fire come down from\n heaven in the sight of men, ver. 13. He performs miracles,\n ver. 14. He causes that as many as would not worship the first\n beast should be killed, ver. 15. He claims dominion over all,\n ver. 16, 17.\n\n(4) The one is the means of healing the wounded head of the other, and\nof restoring its authority.\n\n FIRST BEAST.\n\n One of his heads is, as it were, wounded to death: a wound\n that would be mortal if it were not healed, ver. 3.\n\n SECOND BEAST.\n\n Has power to heal the wound of the first beast, ver. 12; for\n it is manifest that the _healing_ comes from some influence of\n the second beast.\n\n(5) The one restores life to the other when dying.\n\n FIRST BEAST.\n\n Is wounded, ver. 3, and his power manifestly becomes exhausted.\n\n SECOND BEAST.\n\n Causes an \u201cimage\u201d of the first beast\u2015\u2015something that should\n resemble that, or be the same power revived, to be made, and\n to be worshipped, ver. 15.\n\n(6) They have the same general characteristics.\n\n FIRST BEAST.\n\n Has a mouth given him to speak great things and blasphemies,\n ver. 5; opens his mouth in blasphemy, ver. 6; blasphemes the\n name of God, and his tabernacle, and his people, ver. 6; makes\n war with the saints and overcomes them, ver. 7.\n\n SECOND BEAST.\n\n Speaks like a dragon, ver. 11; deceives those that dwell upon\n the earth, ver. 14; is a persecuting power\u2015\u2015causing those who\n would not worship the image of the first beast to be killed,\n ver. 15.\n\nFrom this comparison of the two beasts, the following things are\nplain:\u2015\u2015(1) That the same _general_ power is referred to, or that they\nare both modifications of one general dominion on the earth; having the\nsame origin, having the same locality, and aiming at the same result.\n(2) It is the same general domination _prolonged_\u2015\u2015that is, the one\nis, in another form, but the _continuation_ of the other. (3) The one\nbecomes weak, or is in some way likely to lose its authority and power,\nand is _revived_ by the other\u2015\u2015that is, the other restores its waning\nauthority, and sets up substantially the same dominion again over the\nearth, and causes the same great power to be acknowledged on the earth.\n(4) The one _runs into_ the other; that is, one naturally produces,\nor is followed by the other. (5) One _sustains_ the other. (6) They,\ntherefore, have a very close relation to each other: having the same\nobject; possessing the same general characteristics; and accomplishing\nsubstantially the same thing on the earth. What this was, will be\nbetter seen after the exposition of the chapter shall have been made.\nIt may be sufficient here to remark, that, on the very face of this\nstatement, it is impossible not to have {319} the Roman power suggested\nto the mind, as a mighty persecuting power, in the two forms of the\ncivil and ecclesiastical authority, both having the same origin; aiming\nat the same object; the one sustaining the other; and both combined to\nkeep up the dominion of the great enemy of God and man upon the earth.\nIt is impossible, also, not to be struck with the resemblance, in many\nparticulars, between this vision and that of Daniel (ch. vii.), and to\nbe impressed with the conviction that they are intended to refer to the\nsame kingdom in general, and to the same events. But this will be made\nmore manifest in the exposition of the chapter.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIII.\n\n\n AND I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a [395]beast\n rise up out of the sea, [396]having seven heads and ten\n horns, and upon his horns ten crowns, and upon his heads the\n [397]name of blasphemy.\n\n1. _And I stood upon the sand of the sea._ The sand upon the shore of\nthe sea. That is, he seemed to stand there, and then had a vision of\na beast rising out of the waters. The _reason_ of this representation\nmay, perhaps, have been that among the ancients the sea was regarded\nas the appropriate place for the origin of huge and terrible monsters\n(Professor Stuart, _in loco_). This vision strongly resembles that\nin Da. vii. 2, seq., where the prophet saw four beasts coming up in\nsuccession from the sea. See Notes on that place. In Daniel, the four\nwinds of heaven are described as striving upon the great sea (ver. 2),\nand the agitated ocean represents the nations in commotion, or in\na state of disorder and anarchy, and the four beasts represent four\nsuccessive kingdoms that would spring up. See Notes on Da. vii. 2.\nIn the passage before us, John indeed describes no storm or tempest;\nbut the sea itself, as compared with the land (see Notes on ver. 11),\nrepresents an agitated or unsettled state of things, and we should\nnaturally look for that in the rise of the power here referred to. If\nthe reference be to the civil or secular Roman power that has always\nappeared in connection with the Papacy, and that has always followed\nits designs, then it is true that it rose amidst the agitations of the\nworld, and from a state of commotion that might well be represented by\nthe restless ocean. The sea in either case naturally describes a nation\nor people, for this image is frequently so employed in the Scriptures.\nComp., as above, Da. vii. 2, and Ps. lxv. 7; Je. li. 42; Is. lx. 5;\nRe. x. 2. The natural idea, therefore, in this passage, would be that\nthe power that was represented by the \u201cbeast\u201d would spring up among\nthe nations, when restless or unsettled, like the waves of the ocean.\n\u00b6 _And saw a beast._ Daniel saw four in succession (ch. vii. 3\u20127), all\ndifferent, yet succeeding each other; John saw two in succession, yet\nstrongly resembling each other, ver. 1, 11. On the general meaning of\nthe word _beast_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015see Notes on ch. xi. 7. The beast here is\nevidently a symbol of some power or kingdom that would arise in future\ntimes. See Notes on Da. vii. 3. \u00b6 _Having seven heads._ So also the\ndragon is represented in ch. xii. 3. See Notes on that passage. The\nrepresentation there is of Satan, as the source of all the power lodged\nin the two beasts that John subsequently saw. In ch. xvii. 9, referring\nsubstantially to the same vision, it is said that \u201cthe seven heads\nare seven mountains;\u201d and there can be no difficulty, therefore, in\nreferring this to the seven hills on which the city of Rome was built\n(comp. Notes on ch. xii. 3), and consequently this must be regarded\nas designed, in some way, to be a representation of Rome. \u00b6 _And ten\nhorns._ See this also explained in the Notes on ch. xii. 3; comp. also\nthe more extended illustration in the Notes on Da. vii. 25, seq. The\nreference here is to Rome, or the one Roman power, contemplated as\nmade up of ten subordinate kingdoms, and therefore subsequently to the\ninvasion of the Northern hordes, and to the time when the Papacy was\nabout to rise. Comp. Re. xvii. 12: \u201cAnd the ten horns which thou sawest\nare ten kings [marg. _kingdoms_], which have received no kingdom as yet,\nbut receive power as kings with the beast.\u201d For a full illustration\nof this, see the copious Notes at the close of the seventh chapter of\nDaniel. \u00b6 _And upon his horns ten crowns._ Greek, _ten diadems_. See\nNotes on ch. xii. 3. These indicated dominion or authority. In ch.\nxii. 3, the \u201cdragon is represented as having _seven_ diadems on his\nhead;\u201d {320} here, the beast is represented as having _ten_. The dragon\nthere represents the Roman domination, _as such_, the _seven-hilled_,\nor _seven-headed_ power, and, therefore, properly described as having\n_seven_ diadems; the beast here represents the Roman power, as now\nbroken up into the ten dominations which sprung up (see Notes on\nDaniel as above) from the one original Roman power, and that became\nhenceforward the supporters of the Papacy, and, therefore, properly\nrepresented here as having _ten_ diadems. \u00b6 _And upon his heads the\nname of blasphemy._ That is, the whole power was blasphemous in its\nclaims and pretensions. The word _blasphemy_ here seems to be used in\nthe sense that titles and attributes were claimed by it which belonged\nonly to God. On the meaning of the word _blasphemy_, see Notes on Mat.\nix. 3; xxvi. 65. The meaning here is, that each one of these heads\nappeared to have a frontlet, with an inscription that was blasphemous,\nor that ascribed some attribute to this power that properly belonged\nto God; and that the whole power thus assumed was in derogation of\nthe attributes and claims of God. In regard to the propriety of this\ndescription considered as applicable to the Papacy, see Notes on\n2 Th. ii. 4.\n\n\n 2 And the beast which I saw was [398]like unto a leopard, and\n his feet were as _the feet_ of a bear, and his mouth as the\n mouth of a lion: and [399]the dragon gave him his power, and\n [400]his seat, and great authority.\n\n2. _And the beast which I saw was like unto a leopard._ For\na description of the leopard, see Notes on Da. vii. 6. It is\ndistinguished for bloodthirstiness and cruelty, and thus becomes an\nemblem of a fierce, tyrannical power. In its general character it\nresembles a lion, and the lion and the leopard are often referred\nto together. In this description, it is observable that John has\ncombined in _one_ animal or monster, all those which Daniel brought\n_successively_ on the scene of action as representing different empires.\nThus in Daniel (vii. 2\u20127) the _lion_ is introduced as the symbol of the\nBabylonian power; the bear, as the symbol of the Medo-Persian; the\nleopard, as the symbol of the Macedonian; and a nondescript animal,\nfierce, cruel, and mighty, with two horns, as the symbol of the Roman.\nSee Notes on that passage. In John there is one animal representing\nthe Roman power, as if it were made up of all these: a _leopard_ with\nthe feet of a _bear_, and the mouth of a _lion_, with two horns, and\nwith the general description of a fierce monster. There was an obvious\npropriety in this, in speaking of the Roman power, for it was, in fact,\nmade up of the empires represented by the other symbols in Daniel, and\n\u201ccombined in itself all the elements of the terrible and the oppressive,\nwhich had existed in the aggregate in the other great empires that\npreceded it.\u201d At the same time there was an obvious propriety in the\nsymbol itself; for the bloodthirstiness and cruelty of the leopard\nwould well represent the ferocity and cruelty of the Roman power,\n_especially_ as John saw it here as the great antagonistic power of\nthe true church, sustaining the Papal claim, and thirsting for blood.\n\u00b6 _And his feet mere as |the feet| of a bear._ See Notes on Da. vii. 5.\nThe idea here seems to be that of _strength_, as the strength of the\nbear resides much in its feet and claws. At the same time, there is the\nidea of a combination of fierce qualities\u2015\u2015_as if_ the bloodthirstiness,\nthe cruelty, and the agility of the leopard were united with the\nstrength of the bear. \u00b6 _And his mouth as the mouth of a lion._ See\nNotes on Da. vii. 4. The mouth of the lion is made to seize and hold\nits prey, and is indicative of the character of the animal as a beast\nof prey. John has thus brought together the qualities of activity,\nbloodthirstiness, strength, ferocity, all as symbolical of the power\nthat was intended to be represented. It is hardly necessary to say that\nthis description is one that would apply well, in all respects, to Rome;\nnor is it necessary to say, that if it be supposed that he _meant_ to\nrefer to Rome, this is such a description as he would have adopted.\n\u00b6 _And the dragon._ See Notes on ch. xii. 3. \u00b6 _Gave him his power._\nSatan claimed, in the time of the Saviour, all power over the kingdoms\nof the world, and asserted that he could give them to whomsoever he\npleased. See Notes on Mat. iv. 8, 9. How far the power of Satan in this\nrespect may extend, it may not be possible to determine; but it cannot\nbe doubted that the Roman power _seemed_ to have such an {321} origin,\nand that in the main it was such as, on that supposition, it would be.\nIn its arrogance and haughtiness\u2015\u2015in its thirst for dominion\u2015\u2015in its\npersecutions\u2015\u2015it had such characteristics as we may suppose Satan would\noriginate. If, therefore, as the whole connection leads us to suppose,\nthis refers to the Roman secular power, considered as the support of\nthe Papacy, there is the most evident propriety in the representation.\n\u00b6 _And the seat_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd. Hence our word _throne_. The word properly\nmeans a seat; then a high seat; then a _throne_, as that on which a\nking sits. Here it refers to this power as exercising dominion on the\nearth. \u00b6 _And great authority._ The authority _was_ great. It extended\nover a large part of the earth, and, alike in its extent and character,\nit was such as we may suppose Satan would set up in the world.\n\n\n 3 And I saw one of his heads, as it were [401]wounded to\n death; and his deadly wound was healed: and all [402]the world\n wondered after the beast.\n\n3. _And I saw one of his heads, as it were wounded to death._ The\nphrase \u201cwounded to death\u201d means properly that it received a mortal\nwound, that is, the wound would have been mortal if it had not been\nhealed. A blow was struck that would be naturally fatal, but there was\nsomething that prevented the fatal result. John does not say, however,\nby whom the wound was inflicted, nor does he describe farther the\nnature of the wound. He says that \u201c_one_ of the heads\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, one\nof the seven heads\u2015\u2015was thus wounded. In ch. xvii. 9, he says that \u201cthe\nseven heads are seven mountains on which the woman sitteth.\u201d In ch.\nxvii. 10, he says, \u201cthere are seven kings.\u201d And this would lead us to\nsuppose that there were \u201cseven\u201d administrations, or forms of dominion,\nor dynasties, that were presented to the eye of John; and that while\nthe number \u201cseven,\u201d as applied to the \u201cheads,\u201d so far identified\nthe power as to fix its location on the seven \u201chills\u201d (ch. xvii. 9),\nin another respect also the number \u201cseven\u201d suggested forms of\nadministration of dynasties, ch. xvii. 10. What is meant by saying\nthat one of these heads was wounded to death has been among the most\nperplexing of all the inquiries pertaining to the book of Revelation.\nThe use of the word _seven_, and the explanation in ch. xvii. 9, make\nit morally certain that _Rome_, in some form of its administration, is\nreferred to. Of this there can be no doubt, and in this all are agreed.\nIt is not, however, the _Papal_ power as such that is here referred\nto; for (a) the Papal power is designated under the image of the second\nbeast; (b) the descriptions pertaining to the first beast are all\napplicable to a secular power; and (c) there was no form of the Papal\nspiritual dominion which would properly correspond with what is said\nin ch. xvii. 10. The reference in this place is, therefore, to Rome\nconsidered as a civil or secular power, yet Rome regarded as giving\nsupport to the second beast\u2015\u2015the Papal power. The _general_ idea here\nis, that a state of things would exist in regard to that power, at the\ntime referred to, _as if_ one of the seven heads of the monster should\nreceive a wound which would be fatal, if it were not healed in some way.\nThat is, its power would be weakened; its dominion would be curtailed,\nand that portion of its power would have come to an end, if there\nhad not been something which would, as it were, restore it, and save\nit from the wrath that was impending. The great point of difficulty\nrelates to the _particular_ application of this; to the facts in\nhistory that would correspond with the symbol. On this there have\nbeen almost as many opinions as there have been interpreters of the\nApocalypse, and there is no impropriety in saying that none of the\nsolutions are wholly free from objection. The _main_ difficulty, so far\nas the interpretation proposed above is concerned, is, in the fact that\n\u201c_one_\u201d of the seven heads is referred to as wounded unto death; as if\n_one-seventh part_ of the power was endangered. I confess I am not able\nwholly to solve this difficulty; but, after all, is it certain that the\nmeaning is that just _one-seventh part_ of the power was in peril; that\nthe blow affected just such a portion that it might be described as the\none-seventh part? Is not the number _seven_ so used in the Scriptures\nas to denote a considerable portion\u2015\u2015a portion quite material and\nimportant? And may not all that is intended here be, that John saw a\nwound inflicted on that mighty power which would have been fatal if\nit had not been marvellously healed? And was it not true {322} that\nthe Roman civil and secular power was _so_ waning and decaying, that\nit might properly be represented _as if_ one of the seven heads of the\nmonster had received a fatal wound, until its power was restored by the\ninfluence of the spiritual domination of the church of Rome? If this be\nthe correct exposition, then what is implied here may be thus stated:\n(a) The general subject of the representation is the Roman power,\nas seen at first in its vigour and strength; (b) then that power\nis said to be greatly weakened, as if one of its heads were smitten\nwith a deadly wound; (c) then the wound was healed\u2015\u2015this power was\nrestored\u2015\u2015by being brought into alliance with the Papacy; that is, the\nwhole Roman power over the world would have died away, if it had not\nbeen restored and perpetuated by means of this new and mighty influence,\nver. 12. Under this new form, Rome had all the power which it had ever\nhad, and was guilty of all the atrocities of which it had ever been\nguilty: _it was Rome still_. Every wound that was inflicted on that\npower by the incursion of barbarians, and by the dividing off of\nparts of the empire, was healed by the Papacy, and under this form its\ndominion became as wide and as formidable as under its ancient mode of\nadministration. If a more _particular_ application of this is sought\nfor, I see no reason to doubt that it may be found in the quite common\ninterpretation of the passage given by Protestants, that the reference\nis to the _forms_ of administration under which this power appeared in\nthe world. The number of distinct forms of government which the Roman\npower assumed from first to last was the following:\u2015\u2015kings, consuls,\ndictators, decemvirs, military, tribunes, emperors. These _seven_ forms\nof administration were, at least, sufficiently prominent and marked to\nbe represented by this symbol, or to attract the attention of one\ncontemplating this formidable power\u2015\u2015for it was under these forms\nthat its conquests had been achieved, and its dominion set up over the\nearth. In the time of John, and the time contemplated in this vision,\nall these had passed away but the _imperial_. That, too, was soon to\nbe smitten with a deadly wound by the invasion of the Northern hordes;\nand that would have wholly and for ever ceased if it had not been\nrestored\u2015\u2015the deadly wound being healed\u2015\u2015by the influence of the Papal\npower, giving Rome its former ascendency. See Notes at the close of ver.\n15. \u00b6 _And his deadly wound was healed._ That is, as explained above,\nthe waning Roman secular power was restored by its connection with the\nspiritual power\u2015\u2015the Papacy. This was (a) a simple matter of fact, that\nthe waning secular power of Rome was thus restored by connecting itself\nwith the spiritual or ecclesiastical power, thus prolonging what might\nproperly be called the _Roman_ domination far beyond what it would\notherwise have been; and (b) this would be _properly_ represented by\njust the symbol employed here\u2015\u2015the fatal wound inflicted on the head,\nand the healing of that wound, or preventing what would naturally be\nthe effects. On the fulfilment of this, see Notes on ver. 15, at the\nclose. \u00b6 _And all the world wondered after the beast._ The word here\nused\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03b1\u03c5\u03bc\u03ac\u03b6\u03c9\u2015\u2015means, properly, to be astonished; to be amazed; then to\nwonder at; then to admire and follow (Rob. _Lex._). In ver. 4, it is\nsaid that the world \u201c_worshipped_\u201d the beast; and the general idea\nis, that the beast received such universal reverence, or inspired such\nuniversal awe, as to be properly called worship or adoration. There can\nbe no doubt of the propriety of this, considered as applicable to that\nsecular Roman power which sustained the Papacy. The homage was as wide\nas the limits of the Roman empire had ever been, and might be said to\nembrace \u201call the world.\u201d\n\n\n 4 And they worshipped the dragon which gave power unto the\n beast: and they worshipped the beast, saying, Who _is_ like\n unto the beast? [403]who is able to make war with him?\n\n4. _And they worshipped the dragon which gave power unto the beast._\nNotes, chap. xii. 3; xiii. 2. That is, they _in fact_ worshipped him.\nThe word _worship_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03c5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c9\u2015\u2015is not always, however, used in a\n_religious_ sense. It means, properly, _to kiss_; to kiss towards\nanyone; that is, to kiss his own hand and to extend it towards a person,\nin token of respect and homage (Rob. _Lex._). Comp. Job xxxi. 27.\nThen it means to show respect to one who is our superior; to kings and\nprinces; to parents; and pre-eminently to God. See Notes on Mat. ii. 2.\nThe word may be used here to mean that homage or reverence, {323} as to\na higher power, was rendered to the \u201cdragon;\u201d not strictly that he was\nopenly _worshipped_ in a religious sense as God. Can anyone doubt that\nthis was the case under Papal Rome; that the power which was set up\nunder that entire domination, civil and ecclesiastical, was such as\nSatan approved, and such as he sought to have established on the earth?\nAnd can anyone doubt that the homage thus rendered, so contrary to the\nlaw of God, and so much in derogation of his claims, was in fact homage\nrendered to this presiding spirit of evil? \u00b6 _And they worshipped the\nbeast._ That is, they did it, as is immediately specified, by saying\nthat he was _incomparable_ and _invincible_; in other words, that\nhe was superior to all others, and that he was almighty. For the\nfulfilment of this, see Notes on 2 Th. ii. 4. \u00b6 _Who is like unto the\nbeast?_ That is, he is to be regarded as unequalled and as supreme.\nThis was, in fact, ascribing honours to him which belonged only to\nGod; and this was the manner in which that civil and secular power\nwas regarded in the period here supposed to be referred to. It was the\npolicy of rulers and princes in those times to augment in every way\npossible the respect in which they were held; to maintain that they\nwere the viceregents of heaven; to claim for themselves sacredness of\ncharacter and of person; and to secure from the people a degree of\nreverence which was in fact idolatrous. Never was this more marked than\nin the times when the Papacy had the ascendency, for it was its policy\nto promote reverence for the power that sustained itself, and to secure\nfor itself the idolatrous veneration of the people. \u00b6 _Who is able to\nmake war with him?_ That is, he is invincible. They thus attributed\nto him omnipotence\u2015\u2015an attribute belonging only to God. This found a\nfulfilment in the honour shown to the civil authority which sustained\nthe Papacy; for the policy was to impress the public mind with the\nbelief that that power was invincible. In fact, it was so regarded.\nNothing was able to resist that absolute despotism; and the authority\nof princes and rulers that were allied with the Papal rule was of the\nmost absolute kind, and the subjugation of the world was complete.\nThere was no civil, as there was no religious liberty; and the whole\narrangement was so ordered as to subdue the world to an absolute and\nuncontrollable power.\n\n\n 5 And there was given unto him a[404] mouth speaking great\n things and blasphemies: and power was given unto him to\n [405]continue [406]forty _and_two months.\n\n5. _And there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things._ John\ndoes not say _by whom_ this was given; but we may suppose that it was\nby the \u201cdragon,\u201d who is said (ver. 2) to have given him his power,\nand seat, and authority. The fulfilment of this is found in the claims\nset up by the princes and rulers here referred to\u2015\u2015that mighty secular\npower that sustained the Papacy, and that was, in some sort, a part of\nthe Papacy itself. These arrogant claims consisted in the assertion of\na divine right; in the power assumed over the liberty, the property,\nand the consciences of the people; in the arbitrary commands that were\nissued; and in the right asserted of giving absolute law. The language\nhere used is the same as that which is found in Daniel (vii. 8) when\nspeaking of the \u201clittle horn:\u201d \u201cIn this horn were eyes like the eyes\nof a man, and a mouth speaking great things.\u201d For an illustration of\nthe meaning of this, see Notes on that passage. Comp. Notes on Da.\nvii. 25. \u00b6 _And blasphemies._ That is, the whole power represented by\nthe \u201cbeast\u201d will be blasphemous. See Notes on ver. 1. Comp. Notes on\nDa. vii. 25. \u00b6 _And power was given unto him to continue forty and two\nmonths._ Three years and a half, reckoned as months; or twelve hundred\nand sixty days, reckoning thirty days for a month; or twelve hundred\nand sixty years, regarding the days as prophetic days. For the evidence\nthat this is to be so regarded, see Notes on Da. vii. 25. This is the\nsame period that we meet with in chap. xi. 2, and in chap. xii. 6. See\nNotes on those places. This fact proves that the same power is referred\nto in these places and in Daniel; and this fact may be regarded as\na confirmation of the views here taken, that the power here referred\nto is designed to have a connection in some form with the Papacy. The\nduration of the existence of this power is the same as that which is\neverywhere ascribed to the Papacy, in the passages which refer to it;\nand {324} all the circumstances, as before remarked, show that the same\n_general_ power is referred to by the two \u201cbeasts\u201d which are described\nin this chapter. If so, the continuance or duration may be supposed to\nbe the same; and this is indicated in the passage before us, where it\nis said that it would be twelve hundred and sixty years. In regard to\nthe application of this to the Papal power, and the manner in which the\ncalculation is to be made of the duration of that power, see the Notes\non Da. vii. 25, and the remarks at the end of that chapter. The meaning\nin the passage before us I take to be, that the Papal power, considered\nas a civil or secular institution, will have, from the time when that\nproperly commenced, a duration of twelve hundred and sixty years. In\nthe Scriptures there is nothing more definite in regard to any future\nevent than this.\n\n\n 6 And he opened his mouth in blasphemy against God, to\n blaspheme his name, and [407]his tabernacle, and [408]them\n that dwell in heaven.\n\n6. _And he opened his mouth in blasphemy against God, to blaspheme his\nname._ By his own arrogant claims; by his assumed authority in matters\nof conscience; by setting aside the divine authority; and by impious\ndeclarations in derogation of the divine claims. See Notes on ver. 1.\n\u00b6 _And his tabernacle._ Literally, his \u201c_tent_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u1f74\u03bd. This is the\nword which is commonly applied to the sacred tent or tabernacle among\nthe Hebrews, in which the ark was kept, and which was the seat of the\nJewish worship before the building of the temple. It is thus used to\ndenote a place of worship, considered as the dwelling-place of God,\nand is in this sense applied to heaven, He. viii. 2; ix. 11; Re.\nxv. 5. It seems to be used here in a general sense to denote the place\nwhere God was worshipped; and the meaning is, that there would be a\ncourse of conduct in regard to the true church\u2015\u2015the dwelling-place of\nGod on the earth\u2015\u2015which could properly be regarded as blasphemy. Let\nanyone remember the anathemas and excommunications uttered against the\nWaldenses and Albigenses, and those of kindred spirit that appeared\nin the long period of the Papal rule, and he will find no difficulty\nin perceiving a complete fulfilment of all that is here said. \u00b6 _And\nthem that dwell in heaven._ The true worshippers; the members of\nthe true church, represented as dwelling in this holy tabernacle. No\none acquainted with the reproaches cast on the devoted and sincere\nfollowers of the Saviour during the dark periods of the Papal rule can\nfail to see that there was in that a complete fulfilment of all that is\nhere predicted.\n\n\n 7 And it was given unto him [409]to make war with the saints,\n and to overcome them: and [410]power was given him over all\n kindreds, and tongues, and nations.\n\n7. _And it was given unto him._ By the same power that taught him to\nblaspheme God and his church. Notes on ver. 2, 5. \u00b6 _To make war with\nthe saints._ See this fully illustrated in the Notes on the parallel\npassage in Da. vii. 21, and at the end of that chapter, (f). \u00b6 _And\nto overcome them._ In those wars. This was abundantly fulfilled in\nthe wars with the Waldenses, the Albigenses, and the other sincere\nfollowers of the Saviour in the time of the Papal persecutions. The\nlanguage here used is the same as that which is found in Da. vii. 21:\n\u201cThe same horn made war with the saints, and prevailed against them.\u201d\nSee Notes on that passage. \u00b6 _And power was given him._ See Notes\non ver. 2. \u00b6 _Over all kindreds, and tongues, and nations._ For the\nmeaning of these words see Notes on ch. vii. 9. The meaning here is,\nthat this dominion was set up over the world. Comp. Da. vii. 25. The\nfact that so large a portion of the kingdoms of the earth was under the\ninfluence of the Papacy, and sustained it, and the claim which it set\nup to universal dominion, and to the right of deposing kings and giving\naway kingdoms, corresponds entirely with the language here used.\n\n\n 8 And all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him, whose\n names are not written in [411]the book of life of the Lamb\n slain [412]from the foundation of the world.\n\n8. _And all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him._ That is, as\nimmediately stated, all whose names are not in the book of life. On\nthe word _worship_, see Notes on ver. 4. \u00b6 _Whose {325} names are\nnot written in the book of life of the Lamb._ That is, of the Lord\nJesus\u2015\u2015the Lamb of God. See Notes on Phi. iv. 3. Comp. Notes on Jn.\ni. 29. The representation here is, that the Lord Jesus keeps a book\nor register, in which are recorded the names of all who shall obtain\neverlasting life. \u00b6 _Slain from the foundation of the world._ See Notes\non ch. v. 6. Comp. Notes on ch. iii. 5. The meaning here is, not that\nhe was actually put to death \u201cfrom the foundation of the world,\u201d but\nthat the intention to give him for a sacrifice was formed then, and\nthat it was so _certain_ that it might be spoken of as actually then\noccurring. See Ro. iv. 17. The purpose was so certain, it was so\nconstantly represented by bloody sacrifices from the earliest ages, all\ntypifying the future Saviour, that it might be said that he was \u201cslain\nfrom the foundation of the world.\u201d Professor Stuart, however (_Com._\n_in loco_), supposes that this phrase should be connected with the\nformer member of the sentence, \u201cwhose names are not written, from the\nfoundation of the world, in the life-book of the Lamb, which was slain.\n\u201d Either construction makes good sense; but it seems to me that that\nwhich is found in our common version is the most simple and natural.\n\n\n 9 If any man have an ear, let him hear.\n\n9. _If any man have an ear, let him hear._ See Notes on ch. ii. 7. The\nidea here is, that what was here said respecting the \u201cbeast\u201d was worthy\nof special attention, as it pertained to most important events in the\nhistory of the church.\n\n\n 10 He[413] that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity:\n [414]he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the\n sword. Here is the [415]patience and the faith of the saints.\n\n10. _He that leadeth into captivity._ This is clearly intended to refer\nto the power or government which is denoted by the beast. The form of\nexpression here in the Greek is peculiar\u2015\u2015\u201cIf any one leadeth into\ncaptivity,\u201d &c.\u2015\u2015\u0395\u1f34 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f30\u03c7\u03bc\u03b1\u03bb\u03c9\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ac\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9. The statement is _general_,\nand is intended to make use of a general or prevalent truth with\nreference to this particular case. The general truth is, that men will,\nin the course of things, be dealt with according to their character\nand their treatment of others; that nations characterized by war and\nconquests will be subject to the evils of war and conquest\u2015\u2015or that\nthey may expect to share the same lot which they have brought on others.\nThis general statement accords with what the Saviour says in Mat.\nxxvi. 52: \u201cAll they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.\u201d\nThis has been abundantly illustrated in the world; and it is a very\nimportant admonition to nations not to indulge in the purposes of\nconquest and to individuals not to engage in strife and litigation. The\nparticular idea here is, that it would be a characteristic of the power\nhere referred to that it would \u201clead others into captivity.\u201d This would\nbe fulfilled if it was the characteristic of this power to invade other\ncountries and to make their inhabitants prisoners of war; if it made\nslaves of other people; if it set up an unjust dominion over other\npeople; or if it was distinguished for persecuting and imprisoning the\ninnocent, or for depriving the nations of liberty. It is unnecessary to\nsay that this is strikingly descriptive of Rome, considered in any and\nevery point of view, whether under the republic or the empire, whether\nsecular or ecclesiastical, whether Pagan or Papal. In the following\nforms there has been a complete fulfilment under that mighty power of\nwhat is here said: (a) In the desire of conquest or of extending its\ndominion, and, of course, leading others captive as prisoners of war or\nsubjecting them to slavery. (b) In its persecutions of true Christians,\nalike pursued under the Pagan and the Papal form of the administration.\n(c) Especially in the imprisonments practised under the Inquisition,\nwhere tens of thousands have been reduced to the worst kind of\ncaptivity. In every way this description is applicable to Rome,\nas seeking to lead the world _captive_ or to subject it to its own\nabsolute sway. \u00b6 _Shall go into captivity._ As a just recompense for\nsubjecting others to bondage, and as an illustration of a general\nprinciple of the divine administration. This is yet, in a great measure,\nto be fulfilled; and, as I understand it, it discloses the manner in\nwhich the Papal secular power will come to an end. It will be by being\nsubdued, so that it might _seem_ to be made captive and led off by some\nvictorious host. Rome now is practically held in subjection by foreign\narms, {326} and has no true independence; perhaps this will be more and\nmore so as its ultimate fall approaches. \u00b6 _He that killeth with the\nsword._ See Notes, as above, on Mat. xxvi. 52. There can be no doubt\nthat this is applicable to Rome in all the forms of its administration\nconsidered as a Pagan power; or considered as a nominally Christian\npower, either with reference to its secular or its spiritual dominion.\nCompute the numbers of human beings that have been put to death by\nthat Roman power, and no better language could have been chosen to\ncharacterize it than that which is here used\u2015\u2015\u201ckilled with the sword.\u201d\nComp. Notes on Da. vii. 24\u201228, II. (3), (g). \u00b6 _Must be killed with the\nsword._ This domination must be brought to an end by war and slaughter.\nNothing is more probable than this in itself; nothing could be more\nin accordance with the principles of the divine dealings in the world.\nSuch a power as that of Rome will not be likely to be overcome but by\nthe force of arms; and the probability is that it will ultimately be\noverthrown in a bloody revolution, or by foreign conquest. Indeed,\nthere are not a few intimations now that this result is hastening on.\nItaly is becoming impatient of the secular power swayed in connection\nwith the Papacy, and sighs for freedom; and it is every way probable\nthat that land would have been free, and that the secular power of\nthe Papacy, if not every form of the Papacy itself, would have come\nto an end in the late convulsion (1848), if it had not been for the\nintervention of France and Austria. The period designated by prophecy\nfor the final overthrow of that power had not arrived; but nothing can\nsecure its continuance for any very considerable period longer. \u00b6 _Here\nis the patience and the faith of the saints._ That is, the trial of\ntheir patience and of their faith. Nowhere on earth have the patience\nand the faith of the saints been put to a severer test than under the\nRoman persecutions. The same idea occurs in ch. xiv. 12.\n\n\n 11 And I beheld [416]another beast coming up out of the earth;\n and he had two horns like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon.\n\n11. _And I beheld another beast._ Comp. Notes on ver. 1. This was so\ndistinct from the first that its characteristics could be described,\nthough, as shown in the Analysis of the Chapter, there was in many\npoints a strong resemblance between them. The relations between the\ntwo will be more fully indicated in the Notes. \u00b6 _Coming up out of the\nearth._ Professor Stuart renders this, \u201cascending from the land.\u201d The\nformer was represented as rising up out of the sea (ver. 1); indicating\nthat the power was to rise from a perturbed or unsettled state of\naffairs\u2015\u2015like the ocean. This, from that which was more settled\nand stable\u2015\u2015as the land is more firm than the waters. It may not be\nnecessary to carry out this image; but the _natural_ idea, as applied\nto the two forms of the Roman power supposed to be here referred\nto, would be that the former\u2015\u2015the secular power that sustained the\nPapacy\u2015\u2015rose out of the agitated state of the nations in the invasions\nof the northern hordes, and the convulsions and revolutions of the\nfalling empire of Rome; and that the latter, the spiritual power\nitself\u2015\u2015represented by the beast coming up from the land\u2015\u2015grew up\nunder the more settled and stable order of things. It was comparatively\ncalm in its origin, and had less the appearance of a frightful monster\nrising up from the agitated ocean. Comp. Notes on ver. 1. \u00b6 _And he\nhad two horns like a lamb._ In some respects he resembled a lamb; that\nis, he seemed to be a mild, gentle, inoffensive animal. It is hardly\nnecessary to say that this is a most striking representation of the\nactual manner in which the power of the Papacy has always been put\nforth\u2015\u2015putting on the apparent gentleness of the lamb; or laying claim\nto great meekness and humility, even when deposing kings, and giving\naway crowns, and driving thousands to the stake, or throwing them into\nthe dungeons of the Inquisition. \u00b6 _And he spake as a dragon._ See\nNotes on ch. xii. 3. The meaning here is, that he spoke in a harsh,\nhaughty, proud, arrogant tone\u2015\u2015as we should suppose a dragon would\nif he had the power of utterance. The general sense is, that while\nthis \u201cbeast\u201d had, in one respect\u2015\u2015in its resemblance to a lamb\u2015\u2015the\nappearance of great gentleness, meekness, and kindness, it had,\nin another respect, a haughty, imperious, and arrogant spirit. How\nappropriate this is, as a symbol, to represent the Papacy, considered\nas a spiritual power, it is unnecessary to say. It will be admitted,\nwhatever may be thought {327} of the design of this symbol, that if it\nwas in fact _intended_ to refer to the Papacy, a more appropriate one\ncould not have been chosen.\n\n\n 12 And he exerciseth all the power of the first beast before\n him, and causeth the earth and them which dwell therein to\n worship the first beast, [417]whose deadly wound was healed.\n\n12. _And he exerciseth all the power of the first beast before\nhim._ The same amount of power; the same kind of power. This shows\na remarkable _relationship_ between these two beasts; and proves\nthat it was intended to refer to the same power substantially, though\nmanifested in a different form. In the fulfilment of this, we should\nnaturally look for some government whose authority extended far, and\nwhich was absolute and arrogant in its character, for this is the power\nattributed to the first beast. See Notes on ver. 2, 3, 4, 7, 8. This\ndescription had a remarkable fulfilment in the Papacy, considered as a\nspiritual dominion. The relation to the secular power is the same as\nwould be indicated by these two beasts; the dominion was as wide-spread;\nthe authority was as absolute and arrogant. In fact, on these points\nthey have been identical. The one has sustained the other; either one\nwould long since have fallen if it had not been upheld by the other.\nThe Papacy, considered as a spiritual domination, was in fact a new\npower starting up in the same place as the old Roman dominion, to give\nlife to that as it was tending to decay, and to continue its ascendency\nover the world. These two things, the secular and the spiritual power,\nconstituting _the Papacy_ in the proper sense of the term, are in fact\nbut the continuance or the prolongation of the old Roman dominion\u2015\u2015the\nfourth kingdom of Daniel\u2015\u2015united so as to constitute in reality\nbut one kingdom, and yet so distinct in their origin, and in their\nmanifestations, as to be capable of separate contemplation and\ndescription, and thus properly represented by the two \u201cbeasts\u201d that\nwere shown in vision to John. \u00b6 _And causeth the earth and them which\ndwell therein to worship the first beast._ That is, to respect, to\nreverence, to honour. The word _worship_ here refers to _civil_ respect,\nand not to _religious_ adoration. See Notes on ver. 4. The meaning here,\naccording to the interpretation proposed all along in this chapter,\nis, that the Papacy, considered in its religious influence, or as a\nspiritual power\u2015\u2015represented by the second beast\u2015\u2015secured for the civil\nor secular power\u2015\u2015represented by the first beast\u2015\u2015the homage of the\nworld. It was the means of keeping up that dominion, and of giving it\nits ascendency among the nations of the earth. The _truth_ of this,\nas an historical fact, is well known. The Roman civil power would have\nlong ago lost all its influence and been unknown, if it had not been\nfor the Papacy; and, in fact, all the influence which it has had since\nthe irruption of the northern barbarians, and the changes which their\ninvasion produced, can be traced to that new power which arose in the\nform of the Papacy\u2015\u2015represented in Daniel (ch. vii. 8) by the \u201clittle\nhorn.\u201d That new power gave life and energy to the declining influence\nof Rome, and brought the world again to respect and honour its\nauthority. \u00b6 _Whose deadly wound was healed._ See Notes on ver. 3. That\nis, was healed by the influence of this new power represented by the\nsecond beast. A state of things occurred, on the rise of that new power,\n_as if_ a wound in the head, otherwise fatal, was healed. The striking\napplicability of this to the decaying Roman power\u2015\u2015smitten as with\na deadly wound by the blows inflicted by the northern hordes, and\nby internal dissensions\u2015\u2015will occur to every one. It was as if a\nhealing process had been imparted by some life-giving power, and, as\na consequence, the Roman dominion\u2015\u2015the prolongation of Daniel\u2019s fourth\nkingdom\u2015\u2015has continued to the present time. Other kingdoms passed\naway\u2015\u2015the Assyrian, the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian, the Macedonian;\nRome alone, of all the ancient empires, has prolonged its power over\nmen. In all changes elsewhere, an influence has gone forth from the\nseven-hilled city as wide and as fearful as it was in the brightest\ndays of the republic, the triumvirate, or the empire, and a large part\nof the world still listens reverently to the mandates which issue from\nthe seat which so long gave law to mankind. The fact that it _is_ so is\nto be traced solely to the influence of that power represented here by\nthe second beast that appeared in vision to John\u2015\u2015the Papacy.\n\n\n 13 And he doeth [418]great wonders, so that he maketh fire\n come down from heaven on the earth in the sight of men,\n\n{328} 13. _And he doeth great wonders._ _Signs_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u1fd6\u03b1\u2015\u2015the word\ncommonly employed to denote _miracles_ (comp. Notes on Ac. ii. 19); and\nthe representation here is, that the power referred to by the second\nbeast would found its claim on pretended miracles, and would accomplish\nan effect on the world _as if_ it actually did work miracles. The\napplicability of this to Papal Rome no one can doubt. See Notes on\n2 Th. ii. 9. Comp. ver. 14. \u00b6 _That he maketh fire come down from\nheaven on the earth in the sight of men._ That is, he pretends this;\nhe accomplishes an effect _as if_ he did it. It is not necessary to\nsuppose that he actually did this, any more than it is to suppose that\nhe actually performed the other pretended miracles referred to in other\nplaces. John describes him as he saw him in the vision; and he saw him\nlaying claim to this power, and actually producing an effect _as if_ by\na miracle he actually made fire to descend from heaven upon the earth.\nThis is to be understood as included in what the apostle Paul (2 Th.\nii. 9) calls \u201csigns and lying wonders,\u201d as among the things by which\nthe \u201cman of sin and the son of perdition\u201d would be characterized, and\nby which he would be sustained. See Notes on that passage. Why this\nparticular pretended miracle is specified here is not certain. It may\nbe because this would be among the most striking and impressive of the\npretended miracles wrought\u2015\u2015as if lying beyond all human power\u2015\u2015as\nElijah made fire come down from heaven to consume the sacrifice (1 Ki.\nxviii. 37, 38), and as the apostles proposed to do on the Samaritans\n(Lu. ix. 54), _as if_ fire were called down on them from heaven. The\nphrase \u201cin the sight of men\u201d implies that this would be done publicly,\nand is such language as would be used of pretended miracles designed\nfor purposes of ostentation. Amidst the multitudes of pretended\nmiracles of the Papacy, it would probably not be difficult to find\ninstances in which the very thing here described was attempted, in\nwhich various devices of pyrotechnics were shown off as miracles. For\nan illustration of the wonders produced in the dark ages in reference\nto fire, having all the appearance of miracles, and regarded _as_\nmiracles by the masses of men, the reader is referred to Dr. Brewster\u2019s\n_Letters on Natural Magic_, particularly Letter xii.\n\n\n 14 And deceiveth them that dwell on the earth by _the means\n of_ those miracles which he had power to do in the sight of\n the beast; saying to them that dwell on the earth, that they\n should make an image to the beast, which had the [419]wound by\n a sword, and did live.\n\n14. _And deceiveth them that dwell on the earth by |the means of|\nthose miracles._ Nothing could possibly be more descriptive of the\nPapacy than this. It has been kept up by deception and delusion, and\nits pretended miracles have been, and are to this day, the means by\nwhich this is done. Anyone in the slightest degree acquainted with the\npretended miracles practised at Rome, will see the propriety of this\ndescription as applied to the Papacy. The main fact here stated, that\nthe Papacy would endeavour to sustain itself by pretended miracles,\nis confirmed by an incidental remark of Mr. Gibbon, when speaking\nof the pontificate of Gregory the Great; he says: \u201cThe credulity or\nthe prudence of Gregory was always disposed to confirm the truths of\nreligion by the evidence of ghosts, _miracles_, and resurrections\u201d\n(_Decline and Fall_, iii. 210). Even within a month of the time that\nI am writing (October 5, 1850), intelligence has been received in\nthis country of extraordinary privileges conferred on some city in\nItaly, because the eyes of a picture of the Virgin in that city have\nmiraculously moved\u2015\u2015greatly to the \u201cconfirmation of the faithful.\u201d Such\nthings are constantly occurring; and it is by these that the supremacy\nof the Papacy has been and is sustained. The _Breviary_ teems with\nexamples of miracles wrought by the saints. For instance: St. Francis\nXavier turned a sufficient quantity of salt water into fresh to save\nthe lives of five hundred travellers who were dying of thirst, enough\nbeing left to allow a large exportation to different parts of the world,\nwhere it wrought astonishing cures. St. Raymond de Pennafort laid his\ncloak on the sea, and sailed from Majorca to Barcelona, a distance of\na hundred and {329} sixty miles, in six hours. St. Juliana lay on her\ndeath-bed; her stomach rejected all solid food, and in consequence\nshe was prevented from receiving the Eucharist. In compliance with her\nearnest solicitations, the consecrated wafer was laid on her breast;\nthe priest prayed; the wafer vanished, and Juliana expired. Many pages\nmight be filled with accounts of modern miracles of the most ridiculous\ndescription, yet believed by Roman Catholics\u2015\u2015the undoubted means by\nwhich Papal Rome \u201cdeceives the world,\u201d and keeps up its ascendency\nin this age. See Forsyth\u2019s _Italy_, ii. pp. 154\u2012157; _Rome in the\nNineteenth Century_, i. p. 40, 86, ii. p. 356, iii. pp. 193\u2012201; Lady\nMorgan\u2019s _Italy_, ii. p. 306, iii. p. 189; Graham\u2019s _Three Months\u2019\nResidence_, &c. p. 241. \u00b6 _Saying to them that dwell on the earth._\nThat is, as far as its influence would extend. This implies that there\nwould be _authority_, and that this authority would be exercised to\nsecure this object. \u00b6 _That they should make an image to the beast._\nThat is, something that would _represent_ the beast, and that might\nbe an object of worship. The word rendered _image_\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u1f30\u03ba\u03ce\u03bd\u2015\u2015means\nproperly, (a) an image, effigy, figure, as an _idol_, image, or figure;\n(b) a likeness, resemblance, similitude. Here the meaning would seem to\nbe, that, in order to secure the acknowledgment of the beast, and the\nhomage to be rendered to him, there was something like a statue made,\nor that John saw in vision such a representation\u2015\u2015that is, that a\nstate of things existed _as if_ such a statue were made, and men were\nconstrained to acknowledge this. All that is stated here would be\nfulfilled if the old Roman civil power should become to a large extent\ndead, or cease to exert its influence over men, and if then the Papal\nspiritual power should cause a form of domination to exist, _strongly\nresembling_ the former in its general character and extent, and if it\nshould secure this result\u2015\u2015that the world would acknowledge its sway\nor render it homage as it did to the old Roman government. This would\nreceive its fulfilment if it be supposed that the first \u201cbeast\u201d\nrepresented the ancient Roman civil power as such; that this died\naway\u2015\u2015as if the head had received a fatal wound; that it was again\nrevived under the influence of the Papacy; and that, under that\ninfluence, a civil government, _strongly resembling_ the old Roman\ndominion, was caused to exist, depending for its vital energy on\nthe Papacy, and, in its turn, lending its aid to support the Papacy.\nAll this _in fact_ occurred in the decline of the Roman power after\nthe time of Constantine, and its final apparent extinction, as if\n\u201cwounded to death,\u201d in the exile of the last of the emperors, the son\nof Orestes, who assumed the names of Romulus and Augustus, names which\nwere corrupted, the former by the Greeks into _Momyllus_, and the\nlatter by the Latins \u201cinto the contemptible diminutive _Augustulus_.\u201d\nSee Gibbon ii. 381. Under him the empire ceased, until it was revived\nin the days of Charlemagne. In the empire which then sprung up, and\nwhich owed much of its influence to the sustaining aid of the Papacy,\nwe discern the \u201cimage\u201d of the former Roman power; the prolongation of\nthe Roman ascendency over the world. On the exile of the feeble son of\nOrestes (A.D. 476), the government passed into the hands of Odoacer,\n\u201cthe first barbarian who reigned in Italy\u201d (Gibbon); and then the\nauthority was divided among the sovereignties which sprang up after\nthe conquests of the barbarians, until the \u201cempire\u201d was again restored\nin the time and the person of Charlemagne. See Gibbon, iii. 344, seq.\n\u00b6 _Which had the wound by a sword, and did live._ Which had a wound\nthat was naturally fatal, but whose fatal consequences were prevented\nby the intervention of another power. See Notes on ver. 3. That is,\naccording to the explanation given above, the Roman imperial power\nwas \u201cwounded with a fatal wound\u201d by the invasions of the northern\nhordes\u2015\u2015the sword of the conquerors. Its power, however, was restored\nby the Papacy, giving life to that which _resembled_ essentially the\nRoman civil jurisdiction\u2015\u2015the \u201cimage\u201d of the former beast; and that\npower, thus restored, asserted its dominion again, as the prolonged\nRoman dominion\u2015\u2015the fourth kingdom of Daniel (see Notes on Dan.\nvii. 19, seq.)\u2015\u2015over the world.\n\n\n 15 And he had power to give life[420] unto the image of the\n beast, that the image of the beast should both speak, and\n cause that as many as would not [421]worship the image of the\n beast should be killed.\n\n{330} 15. _And he had power to give life unto the image of the\nbeast._ That is, that image of the beast would be naturally powerless,\nor would have no life in itself. The second beast, however, had power\nto impart life to it, so that it would be invested with authority, and\nwould exercise that authority in the manner specified. If this refers,\nas is supposed, to the Roman civil power\u2015\u2015the power of the empire\nrestored\u2015\u2015it would find a fulfilment in some act of the Papacy by which\nthe empire that resembled in the extent of its jurisdiction, and in its\ngeneral character, the former Roman empire, received some vivifying\nimpulse, or was invested with new power. That is, it would have power\nconferred on it through the Papacy which it would not have in itself,\nand which would confirm its jurisdiction. How far events actually\noccurred corresponding with this, will be considered in the Notes at\nthe close of this verse. \u00b6 _That the image of the beast should both\nspeak._ Should give signs of life; should issue authoritative commands.\nThe _speaking_ here referred to pertains to that which is immediately\nspecified, in issuing a command that they who \u201cwould not worship the\nimage of the beast should be killed.\u201d \u00b6 _And cause that as many as\nwould not worship the image of the beast._ Would not honour it, or\nacknowledge its authority. The \u201cworship\u201d here referred to is _civil_,\nnot _religious_ homage. See Notes on ver. 4. The meaning is, that what\nis here called the \u201cimage of the beast\u201d had power given it, by its\nconnection with the second \u201cbeast,\u201d to set up its jurisdiction over\nmen, and to secure their allegiance on pain of death. The power by\nwhich this was done was derived from the second beast; the obedience\nand homage demanded was of the most entire and submissive character;\nthe nature of the government was in a high degree arbitrary; and the\npenalty enforced for refusing this homage was death. The _facts_ that\nwe are to look for in the fulfilment of this are, (1) that the Roman\nimperial power was about to expire\u2015\u2015as if wounded to death by the sword;\n(2) that this was revived in the form of what is here called the \u201cimage\nof the beast\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, in a form closely resembling the former power;\n(3) that this was done by the agency of the Papal power, represented\nby the second beast; (4) that the effect of this was to set up over\nmen a wide-extended secular jurisdiction, of a most arbitrary and\nabsolute kind, where the penalty of disobedience to its laws was death,\nand where the infliction of this was, in fact, to be traced to the\ninfluence of the second beast\u2015\u2015that is, the Papal spiritual power. The\nquestion now is, whether _facts_ occurred that corresponded with this\nemblematic representation. Now, as to the leading fact, the decline\nof the Roman imperial power\u2015\u2015the fatal wound inflicted on that by the\n\u201csword\u201d\u2015\u2015there can be no doubt. In the time of \u201cAugustulus,\u201d as above\nstated, it had become practically extinct\u2015\u2015\u201cwounded as it were to\ndeath,\u201d and _so_ wounded that it would never have been revived again\nhad it not been for some foreign influence. It is true also, that, when\nthe Papacy arose, the necessity was felt of allying itself with some\nwide-extended civil or secular dominion, that might be under its own\ncontrol, and that would maintain its spiritual authority. It is true,\nalso, that the empire was revived\u2015\u2015the very \u201cimage\u201d or copy, so far\nas it could be, of the former Roman power, in the time of Charlemagne,\nand that the power which was wielded in what was called the \u201cempire,\u201d\nwas that which was, in a great measure, derived from the Papacy, and\nwas designed to sustain the Papacy, and was actually employed for that\npurpose. These are the main facts, I suppose, which are here referred\nto, and a few extracts from Mr. Gibbon will show with what propriety\nand accuracy the symbols were employed were used, on the supposition\nthat this was the designed reference. (a) The rise, or restoration\nof this imperial power in the time and the person of Charlemagne.\nMr. Gibbon says (iii. 342), \u201cIt was after the Nicene synod, and under\nthe reign of the pious Irene, that the popes consummated the separation\nof Rome and Italy [from the Eastern empire] _by the translation of the\nempire_ to the less orthodox Charlemagne. They were compelled to choose\nbetween the rival nations; religion was not the sole motive of their\nchoice; and while they dissembled the failings of their friends, they\nbeheld with reluctance and suspicion the Catholic virtues of their\nfoes. The difference of language and manners had perpetuated the enmity\nof the two capitals [Rome and Constantinople]; and they were alienated\nfrom each other by the hostile opposition of seventy {331} years.\nIn that schism the Romans had tasted of freedom, and the popes of\nsovereignty; their submission would have exposed them to the revenge of\na jealous tyrant, and the revolution of Italy had betrayed the impotence\nas well as the tyranny of the Byzantine court.\u201d Mr. Gibbon then proceeds\nto state reasons why _Charlemagne_ was selected as the one who was to\nbe placed at the head of the revived imperial power, and then adds\n(p. 343), \u201cThe title of patrician was below the merit and greatness of\nCharlemagne; and _it was only by reviving the Western empire_ that they\ncould pay their obligations, or secure their establishment. By this\ndecisive measure they would finally eradicate the claims of the Greeks;\nfrom the debasement of a provincial town the majesty of Rome would be\nrestored; the Latin Christians would be united, under a supreme head,\nin their ancient metropolis; _and the conquerors of the West would\nreceive their crown from the successors of St. Peter. The Roman church\nwould acquire a zealous and respectable advocate_; and under the shadow\nof the Carlovingian power, the bishop might exercise, with honour and\nsafety, the government of the city.\u201d All this seems as if it were a\n_designed_ commentary on such expressions as these: \u201cAnd he exerciseth\nall the power of the first beast, and causeth the earth and them\nwhich dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was\nhealed,\u201d \u201csaying to them that dwell on the earth that they should make\nan image to the beast which had the wound by a sword, and did live; and\nhe had power to give life unto the image of the beast,\u201d &c. (b) Its\nextent. It is said (ver. 12), \u201cAnd he exerciseth all the power of the\nfirst beast, and causeth the earth and them which dwell therein to\nworship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed.\u201d Comp. ver.\n14, 15. That is, the _extent_ of the jurisdiction of the revived power,\nor the restored empire, would be as great as it was before the wound\nwas inflicted. Of the _extent_ of the restored empire under Charlemagne,\nMr. Gibbon has given a full account, iii. pp. 546\u2012549. The passage is\ntoo long to be copied here in full, and a summary of it only can be\ngiven. He says, \u201cThe empire was not unworthy of its title; and some\nof the fairest kingdoms of Europe were the patrimony or conquest of a\nprince who reigned at the same time in France, Spain, Italy, Germany,\nand Hungary. I. The Roman province of Gaul had been transformed into\nthe name and monarchy of FRANCE, &c. II. The Saracens had been expelled\nfrom France by the grandfather and father of Charlemagne, but they\nstill possessed the greatest part of Spain, from the rock of Gibraltar\nto the Pyrenees. Amidst their civil divisions, an Arabian emir of\nSaragossa implored his protection in the diet of Paderborn. Charlemagne\nundertook the expedition, restored the emir, and, without distinction\nof faith, impartially crushed the resistance of the Christians, and\nrewarded the obedience and service of the Mohammedans. In his absence\nhe instituted the _Spanish March_, which extended from the Pyrenees to\nthe river Ebro: Barcelona was the residence of the French governor; he\npossessed the counties of _Rousillon_ and _Catalonia_; and the infant\nkingdoms of _Navarre_ and _Aragon_ were subject to his jurisdiction.\nIII. As king of the Lombards, and patrician of Rome, he reigned over\nthe greatest part of ITALY, a tract of a thousand miles from the\nAlps to the borders of Calabria, &c. IV. Charlemagne was the first\nwho united GERMANY under the same sceptre, &c. V. He retaliated on\nthe Avars, or Huns of Pannonia, the same calamities which they had\ninflicted on the nations: the royal residence of the Chagan was left\ndesolate and unknown; and the treasures, the rapine of two hundred and\nfifty years, enriched the victorious troops, or decorated the churches\nof Italy and Gaul.\u201d \u201cIf we retrace the outlines of the geographical\npicture,\u201d continues Mr. Gibbon, \u201cit will be seen that the empire of\nthe Franks extended, between east and west, from the Ebro to the Elbe\nor Vistula; between the north and south, from the duchy of Beneventum\nto the river Eyder, the perpetual boundary of Germany and Denmark.\nTwo-thirds of the Western empire of Rome were subject to Charlemagne,\nand the deficiency was amply supplied by his command of the\ninaccessible or invincible nations of Germany.\u201d (c) The dependence of\nthis civil or revived secular power on the Papacy. \u201cHis deadly wound\nwas healed.\u201d \u201cAnd caused the earth to worship the first beast.\u201d \u201cSaying\nto them that dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the\nbeast.\u201d \u201cHe had power to give life unto the image of the beast.\u201d Thus\nMr. Gibbon {332} (iii. 343) says, \u201cFrom the debasement of a provincial\ntown, the majesty of Rome would be restored; the Latin Christians would\nbe united, under a supreme head, in their ancient metropolis; _and the\nconquerors of the West would receive their crown from the successors\nof St. Peter_.\u201d And again (iii. 344) he says, \u201cOn the festival of\nChristmas, the last year of the eighth century, Charlemagne appeared\nin the church of St. Peter; and, to gratify the vanity of Rome, he\nhad exchanged the simple dress of his country for the habit of a\npatrician. After the celebration of the holy mysteries, Leo _suddenly\nplaced a precious crown on his head_, and the dome resounded with the\nacclamations of the people, \u2018Long life and victory to Charles, the most\npious Augustus, _crowned by God the great and pacific emperor of the\nRomans_!\u2019 The head and body of Charlemagne were consecrated by the\nroyal unction; his coronation oath represents a promise to maintain\nthe faith and privileges of the church; and the first-fruits are\npaid in rich offerings to the shrine of the apostle. In his familiar\nconversation the emperor protested his ignorance of the intentions of\nLeo, which he would have disappointed by his absence on that memorable\nday. But the preparations of the ceremony must have disclosed the\nsecret; and the journey of Charlemagne reveals his knowledge and\nexpectation; he had acknowledged that the imperial title was the object\nof his ambition, and a Roman senate had pronounced that it was the\nonly adequate reward of his merit and services.\u201d So again (iii. 350),\nMr. Gibbon, speaking of the conquests of Otho (A.D. 962), and of his\nvictorious march over the Alps, and his subjugation of Italy, says,\n\u201cFrom that memorable era, two maxims of public jurisprudence were\nintroduced by force and ratified by time. I. That the prince who was\nelected in the German diet, acquired from that instant the subject\nkingdoms of Italy and Rome. II. But that he might not legally assume\nthe titles of emperor and Augustus, _till he had received the crown\nfrom the hands of the Roman Pontiff_.\u201d In connection with these\nquotations from Mr. Gibbon, we may add, from Sigonius, the oath which\nthe emperor took on the occasion of his coronation: \u201cI, the Emperor, do\nengage and promise, in the name of Christ, before God and the blessed\napostle Peter, that I will be a protector and defender of this holy\nchurch of Rome, in all things wherein I can be useful to it, so far as\ndivine assistance shall enable me, and so far as my knowledge and power\ncan reach\u201d (quoted by Professor Bush, _Hieroph._ Nov. 1842, p. 141). We\nlearn, also, from the biographers of Charlemagne that a commemorative\ncoin was struck at Rome under his reign, bearing this inscription:\n\u201cRenovatio Imperii Romani\u201d\u2015\u2015\u201c_Revival of the Roman Empire_\u201d (_Ibid._).\nThese quotations, whose authority will not be questioned, and whose\nauthors will not be suspected of having had any design to illustrate\nthese passages in the Apocalypse, will serve to confirm what is said\nin the Notes of the decline and restoration of the Roman secular power;\nof its dependence on the Papacy to give it life and vigour; and of\nthe fact that it was designed to sustain the Papacy, and to perpetuate\nthe power of Rome. It needs only to be added, that down to the time\nof Charles the Fifth\u2015\u2015the period of the Reformation\u2015\u2015nothing was more\nremarkable in history than the readiness of this restored secular\npower to sustain the Papacy and to carry out its designs; or than the\nreadiness of the Papacy to sustain an absolute civil despotism, and to\nmake the world subject to it by suppressing all attempts in favour of\ncivil liberty.\n\n\n 16 And he caused all, both small and great, rich and poor,\n free and bond, to [422]receive a mark in their right hand, or\n in their foreheads:\n\n16. _And he caused all._ He claims jurisdiction, in the matters here\nreferred to, over all classes of persons, and compels them to do his\nwill. This is the second beast, and, according to the interpretation\ngiven above, it relates to the Papal power, and to its claim of\nuniversal jurisdiction. \u00b6 _Both small and great._ All these expressions\nare designed to denote _universality_\u2015\u2015referring to various divisions\ninto which the human family may be regarded as divided. One of those\ndivisions is into \u201csmall and great;\u201d that is, into young and old; those\nsmall in stature and those large in stature; those of humble, and those\nof elevated rank. \u00b6 _Rich and poor._ Another way of dividing the human\nrace, and denoting here, as in the former case, _all_\u2015\u2015for it is a\ncommon {333} method, in speaking of mankind, to describe them as \u201cthe\nrich and poor.\u201d \u00b6 _Free and bond._ Another method still of dividing the\nhuman race, embracing _all_\u2015\u2015for all the dwellers upon the earth are\neither free or bond. These various forms of expression, therefore, are\ndesigned merely to denote, in an emphatic manner, _universality_. The\nidea is, that, in the matter referred to, none were exempt, either on\naccount of their exalted rank, or on account of their humble condition;\neither because they were so mighty as to be beyond control, or so mean\nand humble as to be beneath notice. And if this refers to the Papacy,\nevery one will see the propriety of the description. The jurisdiction\nset up by that power has been as absolute over kings as over the feeble\nand the poor; over masters and their slaves; alike over those in the\nhumblest and in the most elevated walks of life. \u00b6 _To receive a mark\nin their right hand, or in their foreheads._ The word here rendered\n_mark_\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03ac\u03c1\u03b1\u03b3\u03bc\u03b1\u2015\u2015occurs only in one place in the New Testament except\nin the book of Revelation (Ac. xvii. 29), where it is rendered _graven_.\nIn all the other places where it is found (Re. xiii. 16, 17; xiv. 9, 11;\nxv. 2; xvi. 2; xix. 20; xx. 4), it is rendered _mark_, and is applied\nto the same thing\u2015\u2015the \u201cmark of the beast.\u201d The word properly means\nsomething graven or sculptured; hence, (a) a graving, sculpture,\nsculptured work, as images or idols; (b) a mark cut in or stamped\u2015\u2015as\nthe stamp on coin. Applied to men, it was used to denote some stamp or\nmark on the hand or elsewhere\u2015\u2015as in the case of a servant on whose\nhand or arm the name of the master was impressed; or of a soldier on\nwhom some mark was impressed denoting the company or phalanx to which\nhe belonged. It was no uncommon thing to mark slaves or soldiers in\nthis way; and the design was either to denote their ownership or rank,\nor to prevent their escaping so as not to be detected.[423] Most of us\nhave seen such marks made on the hands or arms of sailors, in which,\nby a voluntary _tattooing_, their names, or the names of their vessels,\nwere written, or the figure of an anchor, or some other device, was\nindelibly made by punctures in the skin, and by inserting some kind\nof colouring matter. The thing which it is here said was engraven on\nthe hand or the forehead was the \u201cname\u201d of the beast, or the \u201cnumber\u201d\nof his name, ver. 17. That is, the \u201cname\u201d or the \u201cnumber\u201d was so\nindelibly inscribed either on the hand or the forehead, as to show\nthat he who bare it appertained to the \u201cbeast,\u201d and was subject to his\nauthority\u2015\u2015as a slave is to his master, or a soldier to his commander.\nApplied to the Papacy, the meaning is, that there would be some mark\nof distinction; some indelible sign; something which would designate,\nwith entire certainty, those persons who belonged to it, and who were\nsubject to it. It is hardly necessary to say that, in point of fact,\nthis has eminently characterized the Papacy. All possible care has been\ntaken to designate with accuracy those who belong to that communion,\nand, all over the world, it is easy to distinguish those who render\nallegiance to the Papal power. Comp. Notes on ch. vii. 3.\n\n\n 17 And that no man might buy or sell, save he that had the\n mark, or the name of the beast, or [424]the number of his name.\n\n17. _And that no man might buy or sell._ That is, this mighty power\nwould claim jurisdiction over the traffic of the world, and endeavour\nto make it tributary to its own purposes. Comp. ch. xviii. 11\u201213, 17\u201219.\nThis is represented by saying that no one might \u201cbuy or sell\u201d except\nby its permission; and it is clear that where this power exists of\ndetermining who may \u201cbuy and sell,\u201d there is absolute control over\nthe wealth of the world. \u00b6 _Save he that had the mark._ To keep it\nall among its own friends; among those who showed allegiance to this\npower. \u00b6 _Or the name of the beast._ That is, the \u201cmark\u201d referred to\nwas _either_ the name of the beast, _or_ the number of his name. The\nmeaning is, that he had something branded on him that showed that he\n{334} belonged to the beast\u2015\u2015as a slave had the name of his master;\nin other words, there was something that certainly showed that he was\nsubject to its authority. \u00b6 _Or the number of his name._ In regard to\nwhat is denoted by the _number_ of the beast, see Notes on ver. 18. The\nidea here is, that that \u201cnumber,\u201d whatever it was, was so marked on him\nas to show to whom he belonged. According to the interpretation here\nproposed, the meaning of this passage is, that the Papacy would claim\njurisdiction over traffic and commerce; or would endeavour to bring it\nunder its control, and make it subservient to its own ends. Traffic or\ncommerce is one of the principal means by which property is acquired,\nand he who has the control of this has, to a great degree, the control\nof the wealth of a nation; and the question now is, whether any such\njurisdiction has been set up, or whether any such control has in fact\nbeen exercised, so that the wealth of the world has been subject to\nPapal Rome? For a more full illustration of this I may refer to the\nNotes on ch. xviii. 11\u201213, 16, 17; but at present it may be sufficient\nto remark, that the manifest aim of the Papacy, in all its history,\nhas been to control the world, and to get dominion over its wealth,\nin order that it might accomplish its own purposes. But, besides this,\nthere have been numerous specified acts more particularly designed to\ncontrol the business of \u201cbuying and selling.\u201d It has been common in\nRome to prohibit, by express law, all traffic with heretics. Thus a\ncanon of the Lateran council, under Pope Alexander III., commanded\nthat no man should entertain or cherish them in his house or land, or\n_traffic_ with them (Hard. vi., ii. 1684). The synod of Tours, under\nthe same Pope Alexander, passed the law that no man should presume to\nreceive or assist the heretics, no, not so much as to exercise commerce\nwith them in _selling_ or _buying_. And so, too, the Constance council,\nas expressed in Pope Martin\u2019s bull (Elliott, vol. iii. pp. 220, 221).\n\n\n 18 Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the\n number of the beast: for it is the number of a man; and his\n number _is_ six hundred threescore _and_ six.\n\n18. _Here is wisdom._ That is, in what is stated respecting the name\nand the number of the name of the beast. The idea is, either that there\nwould be need of peculiar sagacity in determining what the \u201cnumber\u201d of\nthe \u201cbeast\u201d or of his \u201cname\u201d was, or that peculiar \u201cwisdom\u201d was shown\nby the fact that the number could be thus expressed. The language used\nin the verse would lead the reader to suppose that the attempt to make\nout the \u201cnumber\u201d was not absolutely _hopeless_, but that the number was\nso far enigmatical as to require much skill in determining its meaning.\nIt may also be implied that, for some reason, there was true \u201cwisdom\u201d\nin designating the name by this number, either because a more direct\nand explicit statement might expose him who made it to persecution,\nand it showed practical wisdom thus to guard against this danger; or\nbecause there was \u201cwisdom\u201d or skill shown in the fact that a number\ncould be found which would thus correspond with the name. On either of\nthese suppositions, peculiar wisdom would be required in deciphering\nits meaning. \u00b6 _Let him that hath understanding._ Implying (a) that it\nwas _practicable_ to \u201ccount the number of the name;\u201d and (b) that it\nwould require uncommon skill to do it. It could not be successfully\nattempted by all; but still there were those who might do it. This is\nsuch language as would be used respecting some difficult matter, but\nwhere there was hope that, by diligent application of the mind, and\nby the exercise of a sound understanding, there would be a prospect\nof success. \u00b6 _Count the number of the beast._ In ver. 16 it is \u201cthe\nnumber of his name.\u201d The word here rendered \u201ccount\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c8\u03b7\u03c6\u03b9\u03c3\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u2015\u2015means,\nproperly, to count or reckon with pebbles, or counters; then to reckon,\nto estimate. The word here means _compute_; that is, ascertain the\nexact import of the number, so as to identify the beast. The \u201cnumber\u201d\nis that which is immediately specified, \u201csix hundred threescore and\nsix\u201d\u2015\u2015666. The phrase \u201cthe number of the beast\u201d means, that somehow\nthis number was so connected with the beast, or would so represent its\nname or character, that the \u201cbeast\u201d would be identified by its proper\napplication. The mention in ver. 17 of \u201cthe _name_ of the beast,\u201d\nand \u201cthe _number_ of his name,\u201d shows that this \u201cnumber\u201d was somehow\nconnected with his proper designation, so that by {335} this he would\nbe identified. The plain meaning is, that the number 666 would be so\nconnected with his _name_, or with that which would properly designate\nhim, that it could be determined who was meant by finding that number\n_in_ his name or in his proper designation. This is the exercise of\nthe skill or wisdom to which the writer here refers: substantially\nthat which is required in the solution of a riddle or a conundrum.\nIf it should be said here that this is undignified and unworthy of\nan inspired book, it may be replied, (a) that there might be some\nimportant reason why the name or designation should not be more plainly\nmade; (b) that it was important, nevertheless, that it should be\nso made that it would be possible to ascertain who was referred to;\n(c) that this should be done only in some way which would involve\nthe principle of the enigma\u2015\u2015\u201cwhere a known thing was concealed under\nobscure language\u201d (Webster\u2019s _Dict._); (d) that the use of symbols,\nemblems, hieroglyphics, and riddles was common in the early periods of\nthe world; and (e) that it was no uncommon thing in ancient times, as\nit is in modern, to test the capacity and skill of men by their ability\nto unfold the meaning of proverbs, riddles, and dark sayings. Comp. the\nriddle of Samson, Ju. xiv. 12, seq. See also Ps. xlix. 4; lxxviii. 2;\nEze. xvii. 2\u20128; Pr. i. 2\u20126; Da. viii. 23. It would be a _sufficient_\nvindication of the method adopted here if it was certain or probable\nthat a direct and explicit statement of what was meant would have been\nattended with immediate danger, and if the object could be secured\nby an enigmatical form. \u00b6 _For it is the number of a man._ Various\ninterpretations of this have been proposed. Clericus renders it,\n\u201cThe number is small, or not such as cannot be estimated by a man.\u201d\nRosenm\u00fcller, \u201cThe number indicates _a man_, or a certain race of\nmen.\u201d Professor Stuart, \u201cThe number is to be computed _more humano_,\nnot _more angelico_;\u201d \u201cit is a man\u2019s number.\u201d De Wette, \u201cIt is\nsuch a number as is commonly reckoned or designated by men.\u201d Other\ninterpretations may be seen in Poole\u2019s _Synopsis_. That which is\nproposed by Rosenm\u00fcller, however, meets all the circumstances of the\ncase. The idea is, evidently, that the number indicates or refers to\na certain man, or order of men. It does not pertain to a brute, or to\nangelic beings. Thus it would be understood by one merely interpreting\nthe language, and thus the connection demands. \u00b6 _And his number |is|\nsix hundred threescore |and| six._ The number of his name, ver. 17.\nThis cannot be supposed to mean that his name would be composed\nof six hundred and sixty-six letters; and it must, therefore, mean\nthat somehow the number 666 would be expressed by his name in some\nwell-understood method of computation. The _number_ here\u2015\u2015six hundred\nand sixty-six\u2015\u2015is, in Walton\u2019s _Polyglott_, written out in full:\n\u1f19\u03be\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f11\u03be\u03ac\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f15\u03be. In Wetstein, Griesbach, Hahn, Tittmann, and the\ncommon Greek text, it is expressed by the characters \u03c7\u03be\u03db\u02b9 = 666. There\ncan be no doubt that this is the correct number, though, in the time\nof Iren\u00e6us, there was in some copies another reading\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03b9\u03db\u02b9 = 616.\nThis reading was adopted by the expositor Tychonius; but against\nthis Iren\u00e6us inveighs (Liv. v. c. 30). There can be no doubt that the\nnumber 666 is the correct reading, though it would seem that this was\nsometimes expressed in letters, and sometimes written in full. Wetstein\nsupposes that _both_ methods were used by John; that in the first copy\nof his book he used the letters, and in a subsequent copy wrote it in\nfull. This inquiry is not of material consequence.\n\nIt need not be said that much has been written on this mysterious\n\u201cnumber,\u201d and that very different theories have been adopted in\nregard to its application. For the views which have been entertained\non the subject, the reader may consult, with advantage, the article\nin Calmet\u2019s _Dict._, under the word \u201cAntichrist.\u201d It was natural\nfor Calmet, being a Roman Catholic, to endeavour to show that the\ninterpretations have been so various, that there could be no certainty\nin the application, and especially in the common application to the\nPapacy. In endeavouring to ascertain the meaning of the passage, the\nfollowing _general_ remarks may be made, as containing the result of\nthe investigation thus far:\u2015\u2015(a) There was some _mystery_ in the\nmatter\u2015\u2015some designed concealment\u2015\u2015some reason why a more explicit\nstatement was not adopted. The reason of this is not stated; but it\nmay not be improper to suppose that it arose from something in the\ncircumstances of the writer, and that the adoption of this enigmatical\nexpression was designed to avoid some {336} peril to which he or others\nmight be exposed if there were a more explicit statement. (b) It is\nimplied, nevertheless, that it _could_ be understood; that is, that\nthe meaning was not so obscure that, by proper study, the designed\nreference could not be ascertained without material danger of error.\n(c) It required _skill_ to do this; either natural sagacity, or\nparticular skill in interpreting hieroglyphics and symbols, or uncommon\nspiritual discernment. (d) Some man, or order of men, is referred\nto that could properly be designated in this manner. (e) The method\nof designating persons obscurely by a reference to the numerical\nsignification of the letters in their names was not very uncommon, and\nwas one that was not unlikely, in the circumstances of the case, to\nhave been resorted to by John. \u201cThus, among the Pagans, the Egyptian\nmystics spoke of Mercury, or Thouth, under the name 1218, because\nthe Greek letters composing the word Thouth, when estimated by their\nnumerical value, together made up that number. By others, Jupiter\nwas invoked under the mystical number 717; because the letters of\n\u1f29 \u0391\u03a1\u03a7\u0397\u2015\u2015_Beginning_, or _First Origin_, which was a characteristic\nof the supreme deity worshipped as Jupiter, made up that number.\nAnd Apollo under the number 608, as being that of \u03b7\u03c5\u03c2 or \u1f51\u03b7\u03c2, words\nexpressing certain solar attributes. Again, the pseudo-Christian, or\nsemi-Pagan Gnostics, from St. John\u2019s time and downwards, affixed to\ntheir gems and amulets, of which multitudes remain to the present day,\nthe mystic word \u03b1\u03b2\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03b1\u03be [_abrasax_] or \u03b1\u03b2\u03c1\u03b1\u03be\u03b1\u03c2 [_abraxas_], under the\nidea of some magic virtue attaching to its number 365, as being that of\nthe days of the annual solar circle,\u201d &c. See other instances referred\nto in Elliott, iii. 205. These facts show that John would not be\nunlikely to adopt some such method of expressing a sentiment which it\nwas designed should be obscure in form, but possible to be understood.\nIt should be added here, that this was more common among the Jews than\namong any other people. (f) It seems clear that some _Greek_ word is\nhere referred to, and that the mystic number is to be found in some\nword of that language. The _reasons_ for this opinion are these:\n(1) John was writing in Greek, and it is most natural to suppose that\nthis would be the reference; (2) he expected that his book would be\nread by those who understood the Greek language, and it would have been\nunnatural to have increased the perplexity in understanding what he\nreferred to by introducing a word of a foreign language; (3) the first\nand last letters of the Greek alphabet, and not those of the Hebrew,\nare expressly selected by the Saviour to denote his eternity\u2015\u2015\u201cI am\nAlpha and Omega,\u201d ch. i. 8, 11; and (4) the numerals by which the\nenigma is expressed\u2015\u2015\u03c7\u03be\u03db\u02b9\u2015\u2015are Greek. It has indeed been supposed by\nmany that the solution is to be found in the Hebrew language, but these\nreasons seem to me to show conclusively that we are to look for the\nsolution in some _Greek_ word.\n\nThe question now is, whether there is any word which corresponds\nwith these conditions, and which would naturally be referred to by\nJohn in this manner. The exposition thus far has led us to suppose\nthat the Papacy in some form is referred to; and the inquiry now\nis, whether there is any word which is so certain and determinate\nas to make it probable that John meant to designate that. The word\n\u039b\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015_Lateinos, the Latin_ [Man]\u2015\u2015actually has all the conditions\nsupposed in the interpretation of this passage. From this word the\nnumber specified\u2015\u2015666\u2015\u2015is made out as follows:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u039b \u0391 \u03a4 \u0395 \u0399 \u039d \u039f \u03a3\n\n 30 1 300 5 10 50 70 200 = 666\n\nIn support of the opinion that this is the word intended to be\nreferred to, the following suggestions may be made: (a) It is a\nGreek word. (b) It expresses the exact number, and corresponds in this\nrespect with the language used by John. (c) It was early suggested as\nthe probable meaning, and by those who lived near the time of John;\nwho were intimately acquainted with the Greek language; and who may be\nsupposed to have been familiar with this mode of writing. Thus it was\nsuggested by Iren\u00e6us, who says, \u201cIt seems to me very probable; for this\nis a name of the last of Daniel\u2019s four kingdoms; they being _Latins_\nthat now reign.\u201d It is true that he also mentions two other words as\nthose which _may_ be meant\u2015\u2015\u03b5\u03c5\u03b1\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1\u03c2, a word which had been suggested by\nothers, but concerning which he makes no remarks, and which, of course,\nmust have been destitute of any probability in his view; and \u03a4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd,\nwhich he thinks has the clearest claims {337} for admission\u2015\u2015though\nhe speaks of the word _Lateinos_ as having a claim of probability.\n(b) This word would properly denote the Roman power, or the then\n_Latin_ power, and would refer to that dominion as a Latin dominion\u2015\u2015as\nit properly was; and if it be supposed that it was intended to refer\nto that, and, at the same time, that there should be some degree of\nobscurity about it, this would be more likely to be selected than the\nword _Roman_, which was better known; and (c) there was a _special_\npropriety in this, on the supposition that it was intended to refer\nto the _Papal_ Latin power. The most _appropriate_ appellation, if it\nwas designed to refer to Rome as a _civil_ power, would undoubtedly\nhave been the word _Roman_; but if it was intended to refer to the\n_ecclesiastical_ power, or to the Papacy, this is the _very_ word to\nexpress the idea. In earlier times the more common appellation was\n_Roman_. This continued until the separation of the Eastern and Western\nempires, when the Eastern was called _Greek_, and the Western the\n_Latin_; or when the Eastern empire assumed the name of _Roman_, and\naffixed to the Western kingdoms one and all that were connected with\nRome the appellation of _Latin_. This appellation, originally applied\nto the _language_ only, was adopted by the Western kingdoms, and came\nto be that by which they were best designated. It was the Latin world,\nthe Latin kingdom, the Latin church, the Latin patriarch, the Latin\nclergy, the Latin councils. To use Dr. More\u2019s words, \u201cThey _Latinize_\neverything: mass, prayers, hymns, litanies, canons, decretals, bulls,\nare conceived in Latin. The Papal councils speak in Latin, women\nthemselves pray in Latin. The Scriptures are read in no other language\nunder the Papacy than Latin. In short, all things are Latin.\u201d With what\npropriety, then, might John, under the influence of inspiration, speak,\nin this enigmatical manner, of the new power that was symbolized by the\nbeast as _Latin_.\n\nThe only objection to this solution that has been suggested is,\nthat the orthography of the Greek word is \u039b\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015_Latinos_, and\nnot \u039b\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015_Lateinos_, giving the number 661, and not 666; and\nBellarmine asserts that this is the uniform method of spelling in\nGreek authors. All that is necessary in reply to this is to copy the\nfollowing remark from Professor Stuart, vol. ii. p. 456: \u201cAs to the\nform of the Greek word \u039b\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 [_Lateinos_], viz., that \u03b5\u03b9 is employed\nfor the Latin long [_\u012b_], it is a sufficient vindication of it to\ncite \u03a3\u03b1\u03b2\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u03a6\u03b1\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u03a0\u03b1\u03c5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u0391\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u0391\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, \u039c\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2,\n\u03a0\u03b1\u03c0\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, \u039f\u03c5\u03b5\u1fd6\u03b2\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, &c. Or we may refer to the custom of the more\nancient Latin, as in Plautus, of writing _i_ by _ei_; _e.g._, solitei,\nDiveis, captivei, preimus, Lateina, &c.\u201d See this point examined\nfurther, in Elliott, iii. 210\u2012213.\n\nAs a matter of historical interest, it may be observed that the\nsolution of the difficulty has been sought in numerous other words, and\nthe friends of the Papacy and the enemies of the Bible have endeavoured\nto show that such terms are so numerous that there can be no certainty\nin the application. Thus Calmet (_Dict._ art. \u201cAntichrist\u201d), after\nenumerating many of these terms, says: \u201cThe number 666 is found in\nnames the most sacred, the most opposite to Antichrist. The wisest and\nbest way is to be silent.\u201d\n\nWe have seen that, besides the name _Lateinos_, two other words had\nbeen referred to in the time of Iren\u00e6us. Some of the words in which\nthe mysterious number has been since supposed to be found are the\nfollowing:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u05e0\u05e8\u05d5\u05df \u05e7\u05e1\u05e8 Neron C\u00e6sar = 50 + 200 + 6 + 50, and 100 + 60\n + 200 = 666\n\n Diocles Augustus (Dioclesian) = DCLXVI.\n\n C. F. Julianus C\u00e6sar Atheus (the Apostate) = DCLXVI.\n\n Luther\u2015\u2015\u05dc\u05d5\u05dc\u05ea\u05e8\u202d\u202c = 200 + 400 + 30 + 6 + 30 = 666\n\n Lampetis, \u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03c0\u03b5\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 = 30 + 1 + 40 + 80 + 5 + 300 + 10\n + 200 = 666\n\n \u03b7 \u039b\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b7 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1 = 8 + 30 + 1 + 300 + 10 + 50 + 8 +\n 2 + 1 + 200 + 10 + 30 + 5 + 10 + 1 = 666\n\n \u0399\u03c4\u03b1\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1 \u03b5\u03ba\u03ba\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1 = 10 + 300 + 1 + 30 + 10 + 20 + 1 +\n 5 + 20 + 20 + 30 + 8 + 200 + 10 + 1 = 666\n\n \u0391\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 (the Apostate) = 1 + 80 + 70 + 6 + 1 + 300\n + 8 + 200 = 666\n\n \u05e8\u05d5\u05de\u05d9\u05d9\u05ea (Roman, sc. _Sedes_) = 200 + 6 + 40 + 10 + 10 +\n 400 = 666\n\n \u05e8\u05de\u05e2\u05e0\u05d5\u05e9 (Romanus, sc. _Man_) = 200 + 40 + 70 + 50 + 6\n + 300 = 666\n\nIt will be admitted that many of these, and others that might be named,\nare fanciful, and perhaps had their origin in a determination, on the\none hand, to find _Rome_ referred to somehow, or in a determination,\non the other hand, equally strong, _not_ to find this; but still it is\n\nremarkable how {338} many of the most obvious solutions refer to Rome\nand the Papacy. But the mind need not be distracted, nor need doubt\nbe thrown over the subject, by the _number_ of the solutions proposed.\nThey show the restless character of the human mind, and the ingenuity\nof men; but this should not be allowed to bring into doubt a solution\nthat is simple and natural, and that meets all the circumstances\nof the case. Such a solution, I believe, is found in the word\n\u039b\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015_Lateinos_, as illustrated above; and as that, if correct,\nsettles the case, it is unnecessary to pursue the matter further. Those\nwho are disposed to do so, however, may find ample illustration in\nCalmet, _Dict._ art. \u201cAntichrist;\u201d Elliott, _Hor\u00e6 Apoca._ iii. 207\u2012221;\nProf. Stuart, _Com._ vol. ii. Excursus iv.; _Bibliotheca Sacra_, i.\n84\u201286; Robert Fleming on the _Rise and Fall of the Papacy_, 28, seq.;\nDe Wette, _Exegetisches Handbuch, N.T._, iii. 140\u2012142; Vitringa,\n_Com._ 625\u2012637, Excursus iv.; _Nov. Tes. Edi. Koppian\u00e6_, vol. x. b,\npp. 235\u2012265; and the Commentaries generally.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIV.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nIn the previous chapters (xii. xiii.) there is a description of the\nwoes and sorrows which, for a long period, would come upon the church,\nand which would threaten to destroy it. It was proper that this gloomy\npicture should be relieved, and accordingly this chapter, having much\nof the aspect of an episode, is thrown in to comfort the hearts of\nthose who should see those troublous times. There were bright scenes\nbeyond, and it was important to direct the eye to them, that the hearts\nof the sad might be consoled. This chapter, therefore, contains a\nsuccession of symbolical representations designed to show the ultimate\nresult of all these things\u2015\u2015\u201cto hold out the symbols of ultimate and\ncertain victory\u201d (Professor Stuart). Those symbols are the following:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) The vision of the hundred and forty-four thousand on Mount\nZion, as emblematical of the final triumph of the redeemed, ver. 1\u20125.\nThey have the Father\u2019s name in their foreheads (ver. 1); they sing\na song of victory (ver. 2, 3); they are found without fault before\nGod\u2015\u2015representatives, in this respect, of all that will be saved,\nver. 4, 5.\n\n(2) The vision of the final triumph of the gospel, ver. 6, 7. An angel\nis seen flying in the midst of heaven, having the everlasting gospel to\npreach to all that dwell upon the earth, and announcing that the end is\nnear\u2015\u2015a representation designed to show that the gospel _will_ be thus\npreached among all nations; and when that is done, the time will draw\non when the affairs of the world will be wound up.\n\n(3) The fall of Babylon, the mighty Antichristian power, ver. 8. An\nangel is seen going forth announcing the glad tidings that this mighty\npower is overthrown, and that, therefore, its oppressions are come to\nan end. This, to the church in trouble and persecution, is one of the\nmost comforting of all the assurances that God makes in regard to the\nfuture.\n\n(4) The certain and final destruction of all the upholders of\nthat Antichristian power, ver. 9\u201212. Another angel is seen making\nproclamation that all the supporters and abettors of this formidable\npower would drink of the wine of the wrath of God; that they would be\ntormented with fire and brimstone; and that the smoke of their torment\nwould ascend up for ever and ever.\n\n(5) The blessedness of all those who die in the Lord; who, amidst the\npersecutions and trials that were to come upon the church, would be\nfound faithful unto death, ver. 13. They would rest from their labours;\nthe works of mercy which they had done on the earth would follow them\nto the future world, securing rich and eternal blessings there.\n\n(6) The final overthrow of all the enemies of the church, ver. 14\u201220.\nThis is the grand completion; to this all things are tending; this\nwill be certainly accomplished in due time. This is represented under\nvarious emblems: (a) The Son of man appears seated on a cloud, having\non his head a golden crown, and in his hand a sharp sickle\u2015\u2015emblem of\ngathering in the great harvest of the earth, and of his own glorious\nreign in heaven, ver. 14. (b) An angel is seen coming out of the temple,\nannouncing that the time had come, and calling on the great Reaper to\nthrust in his sickle, for the harvest of the world was ripe, ver. 15.\n(c) He that has the sickle thrusts in his sickle to reap the great\nharvest, ver. 16. (d) Another angel is seen representing the final\njudgment of God on the wicked, ver. 17\u201220. He also has a sharp sickle;\nhe is commanded by an angel that has power over fire to thrust in his\nsickle {339} into the earth; he goes forth and gathers the clusters of\nthe vine of the earth, and casts them into the great wine-press of the\nwrath of God.\n\nThis whole chapter, therefore, is designed to relieve the gloom of\nthe former representations. The _action_ of the grand moving panorama\nis stayed that the mind may not be overwhelmed with gloomy thoughts,\nbut that it may be cheered with the assurance of the final triumph\nof truth and righteousness. The chapter, viewed in this light, is\nintroduced with great artistic skill, as well as great beauty of poetic\nillustration; and, in its place, it is adapted to set forth this great\ntruth, that, to the righteous, and to the church at large, in the\ndarkest times, and with the most threatening prospect of calamity and\nsorrow, there is the certainty of final victory, and that this should\nbe allowed to cheer and sustain the soul.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIV.\n\n\n AND I looked, and, lo, a [425]Lamb stood on the mount Zion,\n and with him [426]an hundred forty _and_ four thousand,\n [427]having his Father\u2019s name written in their foreheads.\n\n1. _And I looked._ My attention was drawn to a new vision. The eye was\nturned away from the beast and his image to the heavenly world\u2015\u2015the\nMount Zion above. \u00b6 _And, lo, a Lamb._ See Notes on ch. v. 6. \u00b6 _Stood\non the mount Zion._ That is, in heaven. See Notes on He. xii. 22.\nZion, literally the southern hill in the city of Jerusalem, was a name\nalso given to the whole city; and, as that was the seat of the divine\nworship on earth, it became an emblem of heaven\u2015\u2015the dwelling-place of\nGod. The scene of the vision here is laid in heaven, for it is a vision\nof the ultimate triumph of the redeemed, designed to sustain the church\nin view of the trials that had already come upon it, and of those which\nwere yet to come. \u00b6 _And with him an hundred forty |and| four thousand._\nThese are evidently the same persons that were seen in the vision\nrecorded in ch. vii. 3\u20128, and the representation is made for the same\npurpose\u2015\u2015to sustain the church in trial, with the certainty of its\nfuture glory. See Notes on ch. vii. 4. \u00b6 _Having his Father\u2019s name\nwritten in their foreheads._ Showing that they were his. See Notes\non ch. vii. 3; xiii. 16. In ch. vii. 3, it is merely said that they\nwere \u201csealed in their foreheads;\u201d the passage here shows _how_ they\nwere sealed. They had the name of God so stamped or marked on their\nforeheads as to show that they belonged to him. Comp. Notes on ch.\nvii. 3\u20128.\n\n\n 2 And I heard a voice from heaven, as [428]the voice of many\n waters, and as the voice of a great thunder: and I heard the\n voice of [429]harpers harping with their harps:\n\n2. _And I heard a voice from heaven._ Showing that the scene is laid in\nheaven, but that John in the vision was on the earth. \u00b6 _As the voice\nof many waters._ As the _sound_ of the ocean, or of a mighty cataract.\nThat is, it was so loud that it could be heard from heaven to earth.\nNo comparison could express this more sublimely than to say that it was\nlike the roar of the ocean. \u00b6 _As the voice of a great thunder._ As the\nloud sound of thunder. \u00b6 _And I heard the voice of harpers._ In heaven:\nthe song of redemption accompanied with strains of sweet instrumental\nmusic. For a description of the _harp_, see Notes on Is. v. 12.\n\u00b6 _Harping with their harps._ Playing on their harps. This image gives\nnew beauty to the description. Though the sound was loud and swelling,\nso loud that it could be heard on the earth, yet it was not mere\nshouting, or merely a tumultuous cry. \u201cIt was like the sweetness of\nsymphonious harps.\u201d The music of heaven, though elevated and joyous,\nis sweet and harmonious; and perhaps one of the best representations of\nheaven on earth, is the effect produced on the soul by strains of sweet\nand solemn music.\n\n\n 3 And they sung as it were [430]a new song before the throne,\n and before the four beasts, and the elders: and no man could\n learn that song but [431]the hundred _and_ forty _and_ four\n thousand, which were redeemed from the earth.\n\n3. _And they sung as it were a new song._ See Notes on ch. v. 9. It\nwas proper to call this \u201c_new_,\u201d because it was on a new occasion,\nor pertained to a new object. The song here was in celebration of the\ncomplete redemption of the church, and was the song to be sung in view\nof its final triumph over all its foes. Comp. Notes on ch. vii. 9, 10.\n\u00b6 _Before the throne._ The throne of God in heaven. See Notes {340} on\nch. iv. 2. \u00b6 _And before the four beasts._ See Notes on ch. iv. 6\u20128.\n\u00b6 _And the elders._ See Notes on ch. iv. 4. \u00b6 _And no man could learn\nthat song_, &c. None could understand it but the redeemed. That is,\nnone who had not been redeemed could enter fully into the feelings\nand sympathies of those who were. A great truth is taught here. To\nappreciate fully the songs of Zion; to understand the language of\npraise; to enter into the spirit of the truths which pertain to\nredemption; one must himself have been redeemed by the blood of Christ.\nHe must have known what it is to be a sinner under the condemnation of\na holy law; he must have known what it is to be in danger of eternal\ndeath; he must have experienced the joys of pardon, or he can never\nunderstand, in its true import, the language used by the redeemed.\nAnd this is only saying what we are familiar with in other things.\nHe who is saved from peril; he who is rescued from long captivity; he\nwho is pardoned at the foot of the scaffold; he who is recovered from\ndangerous illness; he who presses to his bosom a beloved child just\nrescued from a watery grave, will have an appreciation of the language\nof joy and triumph which he can never understand who has not been\nplaced in such circumstances: but of all the joy ever experienced in\nthe universe, so far as we can see, that must be the most sublime and\ntransporting, which will be experienced when the redeemed shall stand\non Mount Zion above, and shall realize that they are _saved_.\n\n\n 4 These are they which were not defiled with women; for they\n are [432]virgins. These are they [433]which follow the Lamb\n whithersoever he goeth. These were [434]redeemed from among\n men, _being_ [435]the first-fruits unto God and to the Lamb.\n\n4. _These are they._ In this verse, and in the following verse, the\nwriter states the leading characteristics of those who are saved. The\n_general_ idea is, that they are chaste; that they are the followers\nof the Lamb; that they are redeemed from among men; and that they are\nwithout guile. \u00b6 _Which were not defiled with women._ Who were chaste.\nThe word _defiled_ here determines the meaning of the passage, as\ndenoting that they were not guilty of illicit intercourse with women.\nIt is unnecessary to show that this is a virtue everywhere required\nin the Bible, and everywhere stated as among the characteristics of\nthe redeemed. On no point are there more frequent exhortations in\nthe Scriptures than on this; on no point is there more solicitude\nmanifested that the professed friends of the Saviour should be without\nblame. Comp. Notes on Ac. xv. 20; Ro. i. 24\u201232; 1 Co. vi. 18; He. xiii.\n4. See also 1 Co. v. 1; vi. 13; Ga. v. 19; Ep. v. 3; Col. iii. 5; 1 Th.\niv. 3. This passage cannot be adduced in favour of celibacy, whether\namong the clergy or laity, or in favour of monastic principles in any\nform; for the thing that is specified is, that they were not \u201c_defiled_\nwith women,\u201d and a lawful connection of the sexes, such as marriage,\nis _not_ defilement. See Notes on He. xiii. 4. The word here rendered\n_defiled_\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03cd\u03bd\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd, from \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03cd\u03bd\u03c9\u2015\u2015is a word that cannot be applied\nto the marriage relation. It means properly _to soil_, _to stain_, _to\ndefile_. 1 Co. viii. 7: \u201cTheir conscience being weak, is _defiled_.\u201d\nRe. iii. 4: \u201cWhich have not _defiled_ their garments.\u201d The word does\nnot elsewhere occur in the New Testament, except in the passage before\nus, and it will be seen at once that it cannot be applied to that which\nis lawful and proper, and consequently that it cannot be construed as\nan expression against marriage and in favour of celibacy. It is a word\nthat is properly expressive of illicit intercourse\u2015\u2015of impurity and\nunchastity of life\u2015\u2015and the statement is, that they who are saved\nare not impure and unchaste. \u00b6 _For they are virgins_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9. This\nis the masculine form, but this form is found in the later Greek and\nin the Christian fathers. See Suidas and Suicer, _Thes._ The meaning\nof the word, when found in the feminine form, is well understood. It\ndenotes a virgin, a maiden, and thence it is used to denote that which\nis chaste and pure: virgin modesty; virgin gold; virgin soil; virgin\nblush; virgin shame. The word in the masculine form must have a similar\nmeaning as applied to men, and may denote {341} (a) those who are\nunmarried; (b) those who are chaste and pure in general. The word is\napplied by Suidas to Abel and Melchizedek. \u201cThe sense,\u201d says De Wette,\n_in loco_, \u201ccannot be that all these 144,000 had lived an unmarried\nlife; for how could the apostle Peter, and others who were married,\nhave been excluded? But the reference must be to those who held\nthemselves from all impurity\u2015\u2015_unkeuschheit und hurerei_\u2015\u2015which, in the\nview of the apostles, was closely connected with idolatry.\u201d Comp. Bleek,\n_Beitr._ i. 185. Professor Stuart supposes that the main reference\nhere is to those who had kept themselves from idolatry, and who were\nthus pure. It seems to me, however, that the most obvious meaning is\nthe correct one, that it refers to the redeemed as chaste, and thus\nbrings into view one of the prominent things in which Christians are\ndistinguished from the devotees of nearly every other form of religion,\nand, indeed, exclusively from the world at large. This passage,\nalso, cannot be adduced in favour of the monastic system, because,\n(a) whatever may be said anywhere of the purity of virgins, there is no\n_such_ commendation of it as to imply that the married life is impure;\n(b) it cannot be supposed that God meant in any way to reflect on the\nmarried life as in itself impure or dishonourable; (c) the language\ndoes not demand such an interpretation; and (d) the _facts_ in regard\nto the monastic life have shown that it has had very little pretensions\nto a claim of virgin purity. \u00b6 _These are they which follow the Lamb._\nThis is another characteristic of those who are redeemed\u2015\u2015that they\nare followers of the Lamb of God. That is, they are his disciples; they\nimitate his example; they obey his instructions; they yield to his laws;\nthey receive him as their counsellor and their guide. See Notes on\nJn. x. 3, 27. \u00b6 _Whithersoever he goeth._ As sheep follow the shepherd.\nComp. Ps. xxiii. 1, 2. It is one characteristic of true Christians that\nthey follow the Saviour _wherever_ he leads them. Be it into trouble,\ninto danger, into difficult duty; be it in Christian or heathen lands;\nbe it in pleasant paths, or in roads rough and difficult, they commit\nthemselves wholly to his guidance, and submit themselves wholly to\nhis will. \u00b6 _These were redeemed from among men._ This is another\ncharacteristic of those who are seen on Mount Zion. They are there\n_because_ they are redeemed, and they have the character of the\nredeemed. They are not there in virtue of rank or blood (Jn. i. 13);\nnot on the ground of their own works (Tit. iii. 5); but because\nthey are redeemed unto God by the blood of his Son. See Notes on\nch. v. 9, 10. None will be there of whom it cannot be said that they\nare \u201credeemed;\u201d none will be absent who have been truly redeemed from\nsin. \u00b6 _|Being| the first-fruits unto God._ On the meaning of the word\n_first-fruits_, see Notes on 1 Co. xv. 20. The meaning here would seem\nto be, that the hundred and forty-four thousand were not to be regarded\nas the _whole_ of the number that was saved, but that they were\n_representatives_ of the redeemed. They had the same characteristics\nwhich all the redeemed must have; they were a pledge that all the\nredeemed would be there. Professor Stuart supposes that the sense\nis, that they were, as it were, \u201can offering peculiarly acceptable\nto God.\u201d The former explanation, however, meets all the circumstances\nof the case, and is more in accordance with the usual meaning of the\nword. \u00b6 _And to the Lamb._ They stood there as redeemed by him, thus\nhonouring him as their Redeemer, and showing forth his glory.\n\n\n 5 And in their mouth [436]was found no guile: for they are\n [437]without fault before the throne of God.\n\n5. _And in their mouth was found no guile._ No deceit, fraud,\nhypocrisy. They were sincerely and truly what they professed to be\u2015\u2015the\nchildren of God. This is the last characteristic which is given of\nthem as redeemed, and it is not necessary to say that this is always\nrepresented as one of the characteristics of the true children of\nGod. See Notes on Jn. i. 47. \u00b6 _For they are without fault before the\nthrone of God._ The word here rendered _without fault_\u2015\u2015\u1f04\u03bc\u03c9\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u2015\u2015means,\nproperly, _spotless_, _without blemish_, 1 Pe. i. 19. See Notes on Col.\ni. 22. This cannot be construed as meaning that they were by nature\npure and holy, but only that they were pure as they stood before the\nthrone of God in heaven\u2015\u2015\u201chaving washed their robes, and made them\npure in the blood of the Lamb.\u201d See Notes on ch. vii. 14. It will be\ncertainly true that all who stand there will {342} be, in fact, pure,\nfor nothing impure or unholy shall enter there, ch. xxi. 27.\n\nThe _design_ of this portion of the chapter was evidently to comfort\nthose to whom the book was addressed, and, in the same way, to comfort\nall the children of God in times of persecution and trial. Those living\nin the time of John were suffering persecution, and, in the previous\nchapters, he had described more fearful trials yet to come on the\nchurch. In these trials, therefore, present and prospective, there\nwas a propriety in fixing the thoughts on the final triumph of the\nredeemed\u2015\u2015that glorious state in heaven where all persecution shall\ncease, and where all the ransomed of the Lord shall stand before his\nthrone. What could be better fitted than this view to sustain the\nsouls of the persecuted and the sorrowful? And how often since in the\nhistory of the church\u2015\u2015in the dark times of religious declension and of\npersecution\u2015\u2015has there been occasion to seek consolation in this bright\nview of heaven? How often in the life of each believer, when sorrows\ncome upon him like a flood, and earthly consolation is gone, is there\noccasion to look to that blessed world where all the redeemed shall\nstand before God; where all tears shall be wiped away from every face;\nand where there shall be the assurance that the last pang has been\nendured, and that the soul is to be happy for ever?\n\n\n 6 And I saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having\n [438]the everlasting gospel to preach unto them that dwell on\n the earth, and to [439]every nation, and kindred, and tongue,\n and people,\n\n6. _And I saw another angel._ This must, of course, mean a different\none from some one mentioned before; but no such angel is referred to\nin the previous chapters, unless we go back to ch. xii. 7. It is not\nnecessary, however, to suppose that John refers to a particular angel\nimmediately preceding this. In the course of these visions he had seen\nmany angels; and now, accustomed to these visions, he says that he\nsaw \u201canother\u201d one employed in a remarkable embassy, whose message was\nfitted to cheer the hearts of the desponding, and to support the souls\nof the persecuted and the sad\u2015\u2015for his appearing was the pledge that\nthe gospel would be ultimately preached to all that dwell upon the\nearth. The _design_ of this vision is, therefore, substantially the\nsame as the former\u2015\u2015to cheer the heart, and to sustain the courage\nand the faith of the church, in the persecutions and trials which\nwere yet to come, by the assurance that the gospel would be ultimately\ntriumphant. \u00b6 _Fly in the midst of heaven._ In the air; so as to\nappear to be moving along the face of the sky. The scene cannot be _in_\nheaven, as the gospel is not to be preached there; but the word must\ndenote heaven as it appears to us\u2015\u2015the sky. Professor Stuart renders\nit correctly \u201cmid-air.\u201d He is represented as _flying_, to denote the\n_rapidity_ with which the gospel would spread through the world in\nthat future period referred to. Comp. Notes on Is. vi. 2. \u00b6 _Having the\neverlasting gospel._ The gospel is here called everlasting or eternal,\n(a) because its great truths have always existed, or it is conformed to\neternal truth; (b) because it will for ever remain unchanged\u2015\u2015not being\nliable to fluctuation like the opinions held by men; (c) because its\neffects will be everlasting\u2015\u2015in the redemption of the soul and the joys\nof heaven. In all the glorious eternity before the redeemed, they will\nbe but developing the effects of that gospel on their own hearts, and\nenjoying the results of it in the presence of God. \u00b6 _To preach unto\nthem that dwell on the earth._ To all men\u2015\u2015as is immediately specified.\nComp. Mat. xxviii. 19; Mar. xvi. 15. \u00b6 _And to every nation, and\nkindred_, &c. To all classes and conditions of men; to all men, without\nany distinction or exception. See Notes on ch. vii. 9. The truth\nhere taught is, that the gospel is to be preached to all men as on\nan equality, without any reference to their rank, their character, or\ntheir complexion; and it is implied also, that at the time referred\nto this _will_ be done. _When_ that time will be the writer does not\nintimate farther, than that it would be _after_ the beast and his\nadherents had attempted to stay its progress; and for the fulfilment of\nthis, therefore, we are to look to a period subsequent to the rise and\nfall of that great Antichristian power symbolized by the beast and his\nimage. This is in entire accordance with the prediction in Daniel. See\nNotes on Da. vii. 19\u201222.\n\n\n 7 Saying with a loud voice, Fear God, and give glory to him;\n for the [440]hour of his judgment is come: and worship him\n that made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and the fountains of\n waters.\n\n7. _Saying with a loud voice._ As if {343} all the nations were\nsummoned to hear. \u00b6 _Fear God._ That is, reverence, honour, obey God.\nRender homage not to the beast, to his image, or to _any_ idol, but to\nthe only true God. This is the _substance_ of the gospel\u2015\u2015its end and\ndesign\u2015\u2015to turn men from all forms of idol worship and superstition,\nto the worship of the only true God. \u00b6 _And give glory to him._ To\ngive glory to him is to acknowledge him as the only true God; to set\nup his pure worship in the heart; and to praise him as the great Ruler\nof heaven and earth. \u00b6 _For the hour of his judgment is come._ His\njudgment on the beast and on those who worship him. The imagery here is\nsubstantially the same as in Da. vii. 9, 10, 14, 26, 27; and there can\nbe no doubt that there is reference to the same subject. See Notes on\nthose verses. The main idea is, that when God shall be about to cause\nhis gospel to spread through the world, there will be, as it were, a\nsolemn judgment on that Antichristian power which had so long resisted\nhis truth and persecuted his saints, and that on the fall of that power\nhis own kingdom will be set up on the earth; that is, in the language\nof Daniel, \u201cthe kingdom, and the dominion, and the greatness of the\nkingdom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the\nsaints of the Most High.\u201d \u00b6 _And worship him that made heaven, and\nearth_, &c. The true God, the Creator of all things. As already\nremarked, this is the ultimate design of the gospel, and, when this is\naccomplished, the great end for which it was revealed will be reached.\n\nThe design of this portion of the chapter (ver. 6, 7), also, was to\ncomfort those to whom the book was addressed, and in the same way to\ncomfort the church in all the persecution and opposition which the\ntruth would encounter. The ground of consolation then was, that a\ntime was predicted when the \u201ceverlasting gospel\u201d would be made to fly\nspeedily through the earth, and when it would be announced that a final\njudgment had come upon the Antichristian power which had prevented its\nbeing before diffused over the face of the world. The same ground of\nencouragement and consolation exists now, and the more so as we see the\nday approaching; and in all times of despondency we should allow our\nhearts to be cheered as we see that great Antichristian power waning,\nand as we see evidence that the way is thus preparing for the rapid and\nuniversal diffusion of the pure gospel of Christ.\n\n\n 8 And there followed another angel, saying, [441]Babylon is\n fallen, is fallen, that great city, because she made all\n nations drink of the wine of the wrath of her fornication.\n\n8. _And there followed another angel._ That is, in the vision.\nIt is not necessary to suppose that this would, in the fulfilment,\nsucceed the other _in time_. The chapter is made up of a number of\nrepresentations, all designed to illustrate the same general thing, and\nto produce the same general effect on the mind\u2015\u2015that the gospel would\nbe finally triumphant, and that, therefore, the hearts of the troubled\nand the afflicted should be comforted. The representation in this\nverse, bearing on this point, is, that Babylon, the great enemy, would\nfall to rise no more. \u00b6 _Babylon._ This is the first time that the\nword _Babylon_ occurs in this book, though it is repeatedly mentioned\nafterwards, ch. xvi. 19; xvii. 5; xviii. 2, 10, 21. In reference to\nthe literal Babylon, the word is used, in the New Testament, in Mat.\ni. 11\u201213; Ac. vii. 43; 1 Pe. v. 13. See Intro. to 1 Peter, \u00a7 2. Babylon\nwas a well-known city on the Euphrates (for a full description of which\nsee Notes on Isaiah, analysis of ch. xiii., xiv.), and was, in the days\nof its pride and glory, the head of the heathen world. In reference to\nthe meaning of the word in this place, it may be remarked, (1) That the\ngeneral characteristics of Babylon were, that it was proud, haughty,\ninsolent, oppressive. It was chiefly known and remembered by the Hebrew\npeople as a power that had invaded the Holy Land; that had reduced its\ncapital and temple to ruins; that had destroyed the independence of\ntheir country, subjecting it to the condition of a province, and that\nhad carried away the inhabitants into a long and painful captivity.\nIt became, {344} therefore, the emblem of all that was haughty and\noppressive, and especially of all that persecuted the church of God.\n(2) The word must be used here to denote some power that resembled\nthe ancient and literal Babylon in these characteristics. The literal\nBabylon was no more; but the name might be properly used to denote a\nsimilar power. We are to seek, therefore, in the application of this,\nfor some power that had the same general characteristics which the\nliteral Babylon had. (3) In inquiring, then, what is referred to\nhere by the word Babylon, we may remark, (a) that it could not be\nthe _literal_ Babylon on the Euphrates, for the whole representation\nhere is of something _future_, and the literal Babylon had long since\ndisappeared, never, according to the prophecies, to be rebuilt. See\nNotes on Is. xiii. 20\u201222. (b) All the circumstances require us to\nunderstand this of Rome, at some period of its history: for Rome, like\nBabylon, was the seat of empire, and the head of the heathen world;\nRome was characterized by many of the same attributes as Babylon, being\narrogant, proud, oppressive; Rome, like Babylon, was distinguished for\nits conquests, and for the fact that it made all other nations subject\nto its control; Rome had been, like Babylon, a desolating power, having\ndestroyed the capital of the Holy Land, and burnt its beautiful temple,\nand reduced the country to a province. Rome, like Babylon of old, was\nthe most formidable power with which the church had to contend. Yet\n(c) it is not, I suppose, Rome considered as _Pagan_ that is here meant,\nbut Rome considered as the prolongation of the ancient power in the\n_Papal_ form. Alike in this book and in Daniel, Rome, Pagan and Papal,\nis regarded as _one_ power, standing in direct opposition to the gospel\nof Christ, resisting its progress in the world, and preventing its\nfinal prevalence. See Notes on Da. vii. When that falls, the last enemy\nof the church will be destroyed, and the final triumph of the true\nreligion will be speedy and complete. See Da. vii. 26, 27. (d) So it\nwas understood among the early Christians. Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the\nexpectations of the early Christians about the end of the world, and\nthe glory of the literal reign of the Messiah, says, \u201cWhilst the\nhappiness and glory of a temporal reign were promised to the disciples\nof Christ, the most dreadful calamities were denounced against an\nunbelieving world. The edification of the New Jerusalem was to advance\nby equal steps with the destruction of the mystic Babylon; and as\nlong as the emperors who reigned before Constantine persisted in the\nprofession of idolatry, the epithet of Babylon was applied to the city\nand to the empire of Rome,\u201d vol. i. p. 263. \u00b6 _Is fallen._ That is, an\nevent appeared in vision _as if_ a mighty city fell to rise no more.\n\u00b6 _Is fallen._ This is repeated to give emphasis to the declaration,\nand to express the joyousness of that event. \u00b6 _That great city._\nBabylon in its glory was the largest city of the world. Rome, in its\nturn, also became the largest; and the expression used here denotes\nthat the power here referred to would be properly represented by cities\nof their magnitude. \u00b6 _Because she made all nations drink of the wine._\nThis language is probably taken from Je. li. 7: \u201cBabylon hath been\na golden cup in the Lord\u2019s hand, that made all the earth drunken:\nthe nations have drunk of the wine, therefore the nations are mad.\u201d\nBabylon here, in accordance with the usual custom of the sacred writers\nwhen speaking of cities (see Notes on Is. i. 8), is represented as a\nfemale\u2015\u2015here a female of abandoned character, holding in her hand a\ncup of wine to attract her lovers; that is, she allures and intoxicates\nthem. This is a beautiful image to denote the _influence_ of a great\nand corrupt city, and especially a city corrupt in its religion and\ndevoted to idolatry and superstition, and may well be applied either\nto Babylon or Rome, literal or mystical. \u00b6 _Of the wrath._ There seems\nan incongruity in the use of this word here, and Professor Stuart\nproposes to render it \u201cthe inflammatory wine of her fornication;\u201d that\nis, inebriating wine\u2015\u2015wine that excited the passions and that led to\nuncleanness. He supposes that the word here used\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03c5\u03bc\u03cc\u03c2\u2015\u2015means _heat_,\n_inflammation_, corresponding to the Hebrew \u05d7\u05b7\u05de\u05b8\u05bc\u05d4. There are no instances,\nhowever, in the New Testament in which the word is used in this sense.\nThe common and proper meaning is _mind_, _soul_, then mind agitated\nwith passion or under the influence of desire\u2015\u2015a violent commotion of\nmind, as wrath, anger, indignation (Rob. _Lex._). The _ground_ of the\nrepresentation here seems to be that Jehovah is often described as\ngiving to the nations in his wrath an intoxicating cup so that they\nshould reel and stagger to their destruction. Comp. Je. xxv. 15; li. 7.\nThe meaning {345} here is, that the nations had drunk of that cup which\n_brought on the wrath of God_ on account of her \u201cfornication.\u201d Babylon\nis represented as a harlot, with a cup of wine in her hand, and the\n_effect_ of drinking that cup was to expose them to the wrath of God,\nhence called \u201cthe wine of the wrath of her fornication\u201d\u2015\u2015the alluring\ncup that was followed by wrath on account of her fornication. \u00b6 _Of\nher fornication._ Due to her fornication. The word \u201cfornication\u201d\nhere is used to denote _spiritual_ uncleanness; that is, heathen and\nsuperstitious rites and observances. The term is often used in the\nScriptures as applicable to idolatry and superstition. The general\nmeaning here is, that Rome\u2015\u2015Papal Rome\u2015\u2015would employ all forms of\nvoluptuous allurements to bring the nations to the worship of the beast\nand his image, and that the \u201cwrath\u201d of God would be poured out on\naccount of these abominations. The _design_ of this verse also is to\nimpart consolation by the assurance that this great enemy\u2015\u2015this mighty,\nformidable, persecuting power\u2015\u2015would be entirely overthrown. This is\neverywhere held up as the brightest hope of the church, for with this\nwill fall its last great enemy, and the grand obstruction to the final\ntriumph of the gospel on earth will be removed.\n\n\n 9 And the third angel followed them, saying with a loud voice,\n If[442] any man worship the beast and his image, and receive\n _his_ mark in his forehead, or in his hand,\n\n9. _And the third angel followed them._ This was a new vision\ndesigned to represent the removal of all the obstructions to the final\nprevalence of the gospel. We are not necessarily to suppose that this\nevent would succeed those mentioned before in the order of time, though\nthis would be the natural construction. The _design_ of this is to\nshow that the worshippers of the beast and his image would be certainly\nand finally destroyed. \u00b6 _Saying with a loud voice._ Making a loud\nproclamation. Ver. 7. \u00b6 _If any man worship the beast and his image._\nSee Notes on ch. xiii. 4, 8, 12, 15. This declaration is universal,\naffirming of _all_ who thus render idolatrous reverence to the power\nrepresented by the beast and his image that they should drink of the\nwine of the wrath of God. The general meaning is, that they were guilty\nof idolatry of a gross form; and wherever this existed they who were\nguilty of it would come under the denunciations in the Scriptures\nagainst idolaters. And why should not such denunciations fall on\nidolaters under the Papacy as well as on others? Is it not true that\nthere is as _real_ idolatry there as in the heathen world? Is not\nthe idolatry as gross and debasing? Is it not attended with as real\ncorruption in the heart and the life? Is it not encompassed with as\nmany things to inflame the passions, corrupt the morals, and alienate\nthe soul from God? And is it not all the worse for being a perversion\nof Christianity, and practised under the forms of the religion of the\nSaviour? On what principle should idolatry be denounced and condemned\nanywhere if it is not in Papal Rome? Comp. Notes on 2 Th. ii. 4. \u00b6 _And\nreceive |his| mark in his forehead or in his hand._ See Notes on ch.\nxiii. 16. The word \u201c_receive_\u201d here implies that there was, on their\npart, some degree of voluntariness: it was not a mark impressed _by\nforce_, but a mark _received_. This is true in respect to all idolatry;\nand this lays the ground for condemnation. Whatever art is used to\ninduce men to worship the beast and his image, it is still true that\nthe worshippers are _voluntary_, and that, being voluntary, it is right\nthat they should be treated as such. It is on this ground only that any\nidolaters, or any sinners of any kind, can be, in the proper sense of\nthat term, _punished_.\n\n\n 10 The same shall [443]drink of the wine of the wrath of\n God, which is poured out without mixture into the cup of his\n indignation; and he shall be tormented [444]with fire and\n brimstone in the presence of the holy angels, and in the\n presence of the Lamb:\n\n10. _The same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God._ See Notes\non ver. 8. The \u201cwine of the wrath of God\u201d is the cup in the hand of\nthe Lord, which, when drunk, makes them reel and fall. The image would\nseem to have been taken from the act of holding out a cup of poison\nto a condemned man that he might drink and die. See the sentiment here\nexpressed illustrated in the Notes on Is. li. 17. \u00b6 _Which is poured\n{346} out without mixture._ Without being diluted with water\u2015\u2015that\nis, in its full strength. In other words, there would be no mitigation\nof the punishment. \u00b6 _Into the cup of his indignation._ The cup\nheld in his hand, and given them to drink. This is expressive of his\nindignation, as it causes them to reel and fall. The sentiment here\nis substantially the same, though in another form, as that which\nis expressed in 2 Th. ii. 12. See Notes on that verse. \u00b6 _And he\nshall be tormented._ Shall be punished in a manner that would be well\nrepresented by being burned with fire and brimstone. On the meaning\nof this word see Notes on ch. ix. 5; xi. 10. Comp. also ch. xviii. 7,\n10, 15; xx. 10; Mat. viii. 29; Mar. v. 7; Lu. viii. 28. The word\ncommonly denotes severe torture. \u00b6 _With fire and brimstone._ _As if_\nwith burning sulphur. See Notes on Lu. xvii. 28\u201230. Comp. Ps. xi. 6;\nJob xviii. 15; Is. xxx. 33; Eze. xxxviii. 22. The imagery is taken\nfrom the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Ge. xix. 24. The common\nrepresentation of the punishment of the wicked is, that it will be in\nthe manner here represented, Mat. v. 22; xiii. 42; xviii. 9; xxv. 41;\nMar. ix. 44\u201248; 2 Pe. iii. 7; Jude 7; Re. xx. 14. Comp. Notes on Mat. v.\n22; Mar. ix. 44. \u00b6 _In the presence of the holy angels._ This may mean\neither (a) that the angels will be present at their condemnation (Mat.\nxxv. 31), or (b) that the _punishment_ will be actually witnessed by\nthe angels, as it is most probable it will be. Comp. Is. lxvi. 24; Lu.\nxvi. 23\u201226. \u00b6 _And in the presence of the Lamb._ The Lamb of God\u2015\u2015the\nfinal Judge. This also may mean either that the condemnation will occur\nin his presence, or that the punishment will be under his eye. Both\nof these things will be true in regard to him; and it will be no small\naggravation of the punishment of the wicked, that it will occur in the\nvery presence of their slighted and rejected Saviour.\n\n\n 11 And the [445]smoke of their torment ascendeth up for\n ever and ever: and they [446]have no rest day nor night, who\n worship the beast and his image, and whosoever receiveth the\n mark of his name.\n\n11. _And the smoke of their torment._ The smoke proceeding from\ntheir place of torment. This _language_ is probably derived from the\naccount of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Ge. xix. 28: \u201cAnd he\n[Abraham] looked toward Sodom and Gomorrah, and toward all the land of\nthe plain, and beheld, and lo, the smoke of the country went up as the\nsmoke of a furnace.\u201d The destruction of these cities is regarded as an\nemblem of the destruction of the wicked, and the smoke that ascended\nfrom them as a representation of that which ascends from the place\nwhere the wicked suffer for ever. See Notes on Jude 7. \u00b6 _Ascendeth\nup._ Continually rises from that world of woe. \u00b6 _For ever and ever._\nSee Notes on Jude 7. This does not indeed affirm that their individual\nsufferings would be eternal, since it is only a declaration that \u201cthe\nsmoke of their torment ascends;\u201d but it is such language as would be\nused on the supposition that they would suffer for ever, and as can\nbe explained only on that supposition. It implies that their torments\ncontinued, and were the cause of that ascending smoke; that is, that\nthey were tormented _while_ it ascended; and, as this is declared to be\n\u201cfor ever and ever,\u201d it implies that the sufferings of the wicked will\nbe eternal: and this is such language as _would_ not, and _could_ not\nhave been used in a revelation from God, unless the punishment of the\nwicked is eternal. Comp. Notes on Mat. xxv. 46. \u00b6 _And they have no\nrest day nor night._ \u201cDay and night\u201d include all time; and hence the\nphrase is used to denote perpetuity\u2015\u2015_always_. The meaning here is,\nthat they _never_ have any rest\u2015\u2015any interval of pain. This is stated\nas a circumstance strongly expressive of the severity of their torment.\nHere, rest comes to the sufferer. The prisoner in his cell lies down\non his bed, though hard, and sleeps; the overworked slave has also\nintervals of sleep; the eyes of the mourner are locked in repose, and\nfor moments, if not hours, he forgets his sorrows; no pain that we\nendure on earth can be so certain and prolonged that nature will not,\nsooner or later, find the luxury of sleep, or will find rest in the\ngrave. But it will be one of the bitterest ingredients in the cup of\nwoe, in the world of despair, that this luxury will be denied for ever,\nand that they who enter that gloomy prison sleep no more, never know\nthe respite of a moment, never even lose the consciousness of their\nheavy doom. Oh how different from the condition of sufferers here!\nAnd oh how sad and strange {347} that any of our race will persevere\nin sin, and go down to those unmitigated and unending sorrows! \u00b6 _Who\nworship the beast and his image._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 4, 15. \u00b6 _And\nwhosoever receiveth the mark of his name._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 17.\nThe meaning here is, that such worshippers will receive the punishment\nwhich other idolaters and sinners do. No exception will be made in\nfavour of an idolater, though he worships idols under the forms of an\nabused Christianity; none will be made in favour of a sinner because he\npractised iniquity under the garb of religion.\n\n\n 12 Here is the patience of the saints: here _are_ they that\n keep the commandments of God, and the faith of Jesus.\n\n12. _Here is the patience of the saints._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 10.\n\u00b6 _Here are they that keep the commandments of God._ That is, in\nexercising such patience. Those who exercise that \u201cpatience\u201d in these\nlong-continued persecutions and trials, will show that they belong to\nthose who keep the commandments of God, and are his true children. Or\nperhaps the meaning may be, \u201cHere is a disclosure respecting the final\ndestiny of these persecutors, which is adapted to comfort and sustain\nthe saints in the trials which they will endure; an encouragement to\nconstancy in obeying the commands of God, and in evincing the meek\nfaith of the gospel.\u201d \u00b6 _And the faith of Jesus._ To encourage\npersevering faith in the Saviour. In these times of trial it will be\nshown who are the friends of the Saviour; and in the prospect of the\ncertain overthrow of all the enemies of God and his cause, there is a\nground of encouragement for continued attachment to him.\n\nThe _design_ of this portion of the chapter (ver. 9\u201212) is to encourage\nChristians in their trials by the assurance, that this formidable\nAntichristian power would be overthrown, and that all the enemies of\nGod would receive their just doom in the world of despair. Fearful\nas that doctrine is, and terrible as is the idea of the everlasting\nsuffering of any of the creatures of God, yet the final overthrow\nof the wicked is necessary to the triumph of truth and holiness,\nand there is consolation in the belief that religion will ultimately\ntriumph. The desire for its triumph necessarily supposes that the\nwicked will be overthrown and punished; and indeed it is the aim of all\ngovernments, and of all administrations of law, that the wicked shall\nbe overthrown, and that truth and justice shall prevail. What would\nbe more consolatory in a human government than the idea that all the\nwicked would be arrested and punished as they deserve? For what else is\ngovernment instituted? For what else do magistrates and police-officers\ndischarge the functions of their office?\n\n\n 13 And I heard a voice from heaven, saying unto me, Write,\n Blessed _are_ the dead which [447]die in the Lord [448]from\n henceforth: Yea, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from\n their labours; and their works do follow them.\n\n13. _And I heard a voice from heaven._ A voice that seemed to speak\nfrom heaven. \u00b6 _Saying unto me, Write._ Make a record of this truth.\nWe may suppose that John was engaged in making a record of what he\n_saw_ in vision; he was now instructed to make a record of what he\n_heard_. This passage may be referred to as a proof that he wrote this\nbook while in Patmos, or as the heavenly disclosures were made to him,\nand not afterwards from memory. \u00b6 _Blessed are the dead._ That is, the\ncondition of those who die in the manner which is immediately specified,\nis to be regarded as a blessed or happy one. It is much to be able to\nsay of the dead that they are \u201cblessed.\u201d There is much in death that\nis sad; we so much dread it by nature; it cuts us off from so much that\nis dear to us; it blasts so many hopes; and the grave is so cold and\ncheerless a resting-place, that we owe much to a system of religion\nwhich will enable us to say and to feel, that it is a blessed thing to\ndie. Assuredly we should be grateful for any system of religion which\nwill enable us thus to speak of those who are dead; which will enable\nus, with corresponding feeling, to look forward to our own departure\nfrom this world. \u00b6 _Which die in the Lord._ Not all the dead; for God\nnever pronounces the condition of the wicked who die, blessed or happy.\nReligion guards this point, and confines the declaration to those who\nfurnish evidence that they are prepared for {348} heaven. The phrase\n\u201cto die in the Lord\u201d implies the following things:\u2015\u2015(1) That they who\nthus die are the friends of the Lord Jesus. The language \u201cto be in the\nLord\u201d is often used to denote true attachment to him, or close union\nwith him. Comp. Jn. xv. 4\u20127; Ro. xvi. 13, 22; 1 Co. iv. 17; vii. 39;\nPhi. i. 14; Col. iv. 7. The assurance, then, is limited to those who\nare sincere Christians; for this the language properly implies, and we\nare authorized to apply it only as there is evidence of true religion.\n(2) To \u201cdie in the Lord\u201d would seem also to imply that there should\nbe, at the time, the evidence of his favour and friendship. This\nwould apply (a) to those who die as martyrs, giving their lives as\na testimony to the truth of religion, and as an evidence of their\nlove for it; and (b) to those who have the comforting evidence of his\npresence and favour on the bed of death. \u00b6 _From henceforth_\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03c0\u03ac\u03c1\u03c4\u03b9.\nThis word has given no little perplexity to expositors, and it\nhas been variously rendered. Some have connected it with the word\n_blessed_\u2015\u2015\u201cBlessed henceforth are the dead who die in the Lord;\u201d\nthat is, they will be ever-onward blessed: some with the word _die_,\nreferring to the time when the apostle was writing\u2015\u2015\u201cBlessed are they\nwho, _after this time_, die in the Lord;\u201d designing to comfort those\nwho were exposed to death, and who would die as martyrs: some as\nreferring to the times contemplated in these visions\u2015\u2015\u201cBlessed will\nthey be who shall die in those future times.\u201d Witsius understands this\nas meaning that, from the time of their death, they would be blessed,\nas if it had been said, _immediately_ after their dissolution they\nwould be blessed. Doddridge renders it, \u201cHenceforth blessed are the\ndead.\u201d The language is evidently not to be construed, as implying that\nthey who _had_ died in the faith before were not happy, but that in\nthe times of trial and persecution that were to come, they were to be\nregarded as peculiarly blessed who should escape from these sorrows by\na Christian death. Scenes of woe were indeed to occur, in which many\nbelievers would die. But their condition was not to be regarded as one\nof misfortune, but of blessedness and joy, for (a) they would die in\nan honourable cause; (b) they would emerge from a world of sorrow; and\n(c) they would rise to eternal life and peace. The _design_, therefore,\nof the verse is to impart consolation and support to those who would be\nexposed to a martyr\u2019s death, and to those who, in times of persecution,\nwould see their friends exposed to such a death. It may be added that\nthe declaration here made is true still, and ever will be. It is a\nblessed thing to die in the Lord. \u00b6 _Yea, saith the Spirit._ The Holy\nSpirit; \u201cthe Spirit by whose inspiration and command I record this\u201d\n(Doddridge). \u00b6 _That they may rest from their labours._ The word here\nrendered _labour_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015means properly _wailing_, _grief_, from \u03ba\u03cc\u03c0\u03c4\u03c9,\n_to beat_, and hence a beating of the breast as in grief. Then the\nword denotes toil, labour, effort, Jn. iv. 38; 1 Co. iii. 8; xv. 58;\n2 Co. vi. 5; x. 15; xi. 23, 27. It is here used in the sense of\nwearisome toil in doing good, in promoting religion, in saving souls,\nin defending the truth. From such toils the redeemed in heaven will\nbe released; for although there will be employment there, it will be\nwithout the sense of fatigue or weariness. And in view of such eternal\nrest from toil, we may well endure the labours and toils incident to\nthe short period of the present life, for, however arduous or difficult,\nit will soon be ended. \u00b6 _And their works do follow them._ That is,\nthe _rewards_ or the _consequences_ of their works will follow them to\nthe eternal world, the word _works_ here being used for the _rewards_\nor _results_ of their works. In regard to this, considered as an\nencouragement to labour, and as a support in the trials of life, it may\nbe remarked, (a) that _all_ that the righteous do and suffer here will\nbe appropriately recompensed there. (b) This is _all_ that _can_ follow\na man to eternity. He can take with him none of his gold, his lands,\nhis raiment; none of the honours of this life; none of the means of\nsensual gratification. All that will go with him will be his character,\nand the results of his conduct here, and, in this respect, eternity\nwill be but a prolongation of the present life. (c) It is one of the\nhighest honours of our nature that we can make the present affect\nthe future for good; that by our conduct on the earth we can lay the\nfoundation for happiness millions of ages hence. In no other respect\ndoes man appear so dignified as in this; nowhere do we so clearly see\nthe grandeur of the soul as in the fact, that what we do to-day may\ndetermine our happiness in that future period, when all the affairs of\nthis world shall have been wound up, and when ages {349} which cannot\nnow be numbered shall have rolled by. It is then a glorious thing to\nlive, and will be a glorious thing to die. Comp. Notes on 1 Co. xv. 58.\n\n\n 14 And I looked, and behold a white cloud, and upon the cloud\n _one_ sat [449]like unto the Son of man, having on his head a\n golden crown, and in his hand a sharp sickle.\n\n14. _And I looked._ See Notes on ver. 1. His attention is arrested by\na new vision. The Son of man himself comes forth to close the scene,\nand to wind up the affairs of the world. This, too, is of the nature\nof an episode, and the _design_ is the same as the previous visions\u2015\u2015to\nsupport the mind in the prospect of the trials that the church was to\nexperience, by the assurance that it would be finally triumphant, and\nthat every enemy would be destroyed. \u00b6 _And behold a white cloud._\nBright, splendid, dazzling\u2015\u2015appropriate to be the seat of the Son of\nGod. Comp. Notes on Mat. xvii. 5; Re. i. 7. See also Mat. xxiv. 30;\nxxvi. 64; Lu. xx. 27; Ac. i. 9; 1 Th. iv. 17; Re. x. 1. \u00b6 _And upon the\ncloud |one| sat like unto the Son of man._ Comp. Notes on ch. i. 13; Da.\nvii. 13. It is probable that there is here a designed reference to the\npassage in Daniel. The meaning is, that one appeared on the cloud in a\nhuman form, whom John at once recognized as he to whom the appellation\nof \u201cthe Son of man\u201d peculiarly belonged\u2015\u2015the Lord Jesus. The meaning\nof that term had not been fixed in the time of Daniel (vii. 13);\nsubsequently it was appropriated by the Saviour, and was the favourite\nterm by which he chose to speak of himself, Mat. viii. 20; ix. 6; x. 23;\nxi. 19; xii. 8, 32, 40, _et al._ \u00b6 _Having on his head a golden crown._\nAppropriate to him as king. It was mainly in virtue of his kingly\npower and office that the work was to be done which John is now about\nto describe. \u00b6 _And in his hand a sharp sickle._ The word _sickle_\nhere\u2015\u2015\u03b4\u03c1\u03ad\u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015means a crooked knife or scythe for gathering the\nharvest, or vintage, by cutting off the clusters of grapes. See ver. 17.\nThe image of a _harvest_ is often employed in the New Testament to\ndescribe moral subjects, Mat. ix. 37, 38; xiii. 30, 39; Mar. iv. 29;\nLu. x. 2; Jn. iv. 35. Here the reference is to the consummation of all\nthings, when the great harvest of the world will be reaped, and when\nall the enemies of the church will be cut off\u2015\u2015for that is the grand\nidea which is kept before the mind in this chapter. In various forms,\nand by various images, that idea had already been presented to the mind,\nbut here it is introduced in a grand closing image, as if the grain of\nthe harvest-field were gathered in,\u2015\u2015illustrating the reception of the\nrighteous into the kingdom,\u2015\u2015and the fruit of the vineyard were thrown\ninto the wine-press, representing the manner in which the wicked would\nbe crushed, ver. 19, 20.\n\n\n 15 And another angel came out of the temple, crying with a\n loud voice to him that sat on the cloud, [450]Thrust in thy\n sickle, and reap: for the time is come for thee to reap; for\n the [451]harvest of the earth is [452]ripe.\n\n15. _And another angel._ The fourth in order, ver. 6, 8, 9. \u00b6 _Came\nout of the temple._ See Notes on ch. xi. 19. Came, as it were, from\nthe immediate presence of God; for the temple was regarded as his\npeculiar dwelling-place. \u00b6 _Crying with a loud voice to him that sat\non the cloud._ To the Messiah, ver. 14. That is, the command was borne\ndirectly from God by the angel to the Messiah, to go forth and reap the\ngreat harvest of the world. It is not a command _of the angel_, but a\ncommand from God the Father to the Son. This is in accordance with all\nthe representations in the New Testament, that the Son, as Messiah or\nRedeemer, is subordinate to the Father, and performs the work which\nhas been given him to do. See Jn. iii. 16, 17; v. 19; x. 18; xii. 49;\nxiv. 31. Comp. Notes on Re. i. 1. \u00b6 _Thrust in thy sickle, and reap._\nInto the great harvest of the world. \u00b6 _For the time is come for thee\nto reap._ That is, \u201cthe harvest which _thou_ art to reap is ripe; the\nseed which _thou_ hast sown has grown up; the earth which _thou_ hast\ncultivated has produced this golden grain, and it is fit that _thou_\nshouldst now gather it in.\u201d This language is appropriately addressed\nto the Son of God, for all the fruits of righteousness on the earth may\nbe regarded as the result of _his_ culture. \u00b6 _For the harvest of the\nearth is ripe._ The \u201charvest\u201d in {350} reference to the righteous\u2015\u2015the\nfruit of the good seed sown by the Saviour and his apostles and\nministers. The _time_ alluded to here is the end of the world, when the\naffairs of earth shall be about to be wound up. The design is to state\nthat the Redeemer will then gather in a great and glorious harvest, and\nby this assurance to sustain the hearts of his people in times of trial\nand persecution.\n\n\n 16 And he that sat on the cloud thrust in his sickle on the\n earth; and the earth was reaped.\n\n16. _And he that sat on the cloud._ The Saviour, ver. 14. \u00b6 _Thrust in\nhis sickle on the earth._ To cut down the harvest\u2015\u2015that is, to gather\nhis people to himself. \u00b6 _And the earth was reaped._ So far as the\nrighteous were concerned. The end had come; the church was redeemed;\nthe work contemplated was accomplished; and the results of the work of\nthe Saviour were like a glorious harvest.\n\n\n 17 And another angel came out of the temple which is in heaven,\n he also having a sharp sickle.\n\n17. _And another angel._ The fifth in order. This angel came for a\ndifferent purpose\u2015\u2015with reference to the cutting off of the enemies of\nGod, represented by the gathering of a vintage. Comp. Mat. xiii. 41;\nxxiv. 31. \u00b6 _Came out of the temple which is in heaven._ Sent or\ncommissioned by God. See Notes on ver. 15. \u00b6 _He also having a sharp\nsickle._ On the word _sickle_, see Notes on ver. 14.\n\n\n 18 And another angel came out from the altar, which had power\n over fire; and cried with a loud cry to him that had the sharp\n sickle, saying, [453]Thrust in thy sharp sickle, and gather\n the clusters of the vine of the earth; for her grapes are\n fully ripe.\n\n18. _And another angel._ The sixth in order. He came, like the angel\nin ver. 15, with a command to him who had the sickle to go forth and\nexecute his commission. \u00b6 _Came out from the altar._ This stood in the\nfront of the temple (see Notes on Mat. xxi. 12; comp. Notes on Mat.\nv. 23, 24), and was the place where burnt-sacrifices were made. As the\nwork now to be done was a work of destruction, this was an appropriate\nplace in the representation. \u00b6 _Which had power over fire._ _As if_ he\nkept the fire on the altar. Fire is the usual emblem of _destruction_;\nand as the work now to be done was such, it was proper to represent\nthis angel as engaged in it. \u00b6 _And cried with a loud cry_, &c. See\nver. 15. That is, he came forth, as with a command from God, to call on\nhim who was appointed to do the work of destruction, now to engage in\nperforming it. The time had fully come. \u00b6 _Thrust in thy sharp sickle._\nVer. 15. \u00b6 _And gather the clusters of the vine of the earth._ That\nportion of the earth which might be represented by a vineyard in which\nthe grapes were to be gathered and crushed. The image here employed\noccurs elsewhere to denote the destruction of the wicked. See the very\nbeautiful description in Is. lxiii. 1\u20126, respecting the destruction of\nEdom, and the Notes on that passage. \u00b6 _For her grapes are fully ripe._\nThat is, the time has come for the ingathering; or, to apply the image,\nfor the winding up of human affairs by the destruction of the wicked.\nThe _time_ here, as in the previous representation, is the end of the\nworld; and the design is, to comfort the church in its trials and\npersecutions, by the assurance that all its enemies will be cut off.\n\n\n 19 And the angel thrust in his sickle into the earth, and\n gathered the vine of the earth, and cast _it_ into the great\n [454]wine-press of the wrath of God.\n\n19. _And the angel thrust in his sickle into the earth._ That is, into\nthat part of the earth which might be represented by a vineyard; or the\nearth considered as having been the abode of wicked men. \u00b6 _And cast\n|it| into the great wine-press of the wrath of God._ See Is. lxiii. 1\u20126.\nThat is, the wine-press where the grapes are crushed, and where the\njuice, resembling blood, flows out, may be used as a symbol to denote\nthe destruction of the wicked in the last day; and as the _numbers_\nwill be immensely great, it is called the \u201c_great_ wine-press of divine\nwrath.\u201d The symbol appears to be used here alike with reference to the\n_colour_ of the wine resembling blood, and the _pressure_ necessary to\nforce it out; and thus employed it is one of the most striking emblems\nconceivable to denote the final destruction of the wicked.\n\n\n 20 And the wine-press was [455]trodden [456]without the city,\n and [457]blood came out of the wine-press, [458]even unto the\n horse-bridles, by the space of a thousand _and_ six hundred\n furlongs.\n\n{351} 20. _And the wine-press was trodden without the city._ The\nrepresentation was made _as if_ it were outside of the city\u2015\u2015that is,\nthe city of Jerusalem, for that is represented as the abode of the\nholy. The word _trodden_ refers to the manner in which wine was usually\nprepared, by being trodden by the feet of men. See Notes on Is. lxiii.\n2. The wine-press was usually in the vineyard\u2015\u2015not in the city\u2015\u2015and\nthis is the representation here. As appearing to the eye of John, it\nwas not within the walls of any city, but standing without. \u00b6 _And\nblood came out of the wine-press._ The representation is, that there\nwould be a great destruction which would be well represented by the\njuice flowing from a wine-press. \u00b6 _Even unto the horse-bridles._ Deep,\nas blood would be in a field of slaughter where it would come up to\nthe very bridles of the horses. The idea is, that there would be a\n_great_ slaughter. \u00b6 _By the space of a thousand |and| six hundred\nfurlongs._ That is, two hundred miles; covering a space of two hundred\nmiles square\u2015\u2015a lake of blood. This is designed to represent a _great_\nslaughter; but why the space here employed to describe it was chosen\nis unknown. Some have supposed it was in allusion to the length of\nPalestine. Professor Stuart supposes that it refers to the _breadth of\nItaly_, and that the allusion is to the attack made on the city of the\nbeast. But it is impossible to determine _why_ this space was chosen,\nand it is unnecessary. The idea is, that there would be a slaughter\nso great, as it were, as to produce a lake or sea of blood; that the\nenemies of the church would be completely and finally overthrown, and\nthat the church, therefore, delivered from all its enemies, would be\ntriumphant.\n\nThe _design_ of this, as of the previous representations in this\nchapter, is to show that _all_ the enemies of God will be destroyed,\nand that, therefore, the hearts of the friends of religion should be\ncheered and consoled in the trials and persecutions which were to come\nupon it. What could be better fitted to sustain the church in the time\nof trial, than the assurance that every foe will be ultimately cut off?\nWhat is better fitted to sustain the heart of the individual believer,\nthan the assurance that all _his_ foes will be quelled, and that he\nwill ere long be safe in heaven?\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XV.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter has a close connection in design with the previous\nchapter. In that, pledges and assurances had been given that all\nthe enemies of religion would be cut off, and that the church would\nbe ultimately triumphant, and particularly that that formidable\nAntichristian power represented by the \u201cbeast\u201d would be destroyed. This\nchapter commences the statement in regard to the manner in which these\npledges would be accomplished, and the statement is pursued through\nthe subsequent chapters, giving in detail what is here promised in a\ngeneral manner. The vision in this chapter may be thus described:\u2015\u2015\n\nI. The writer sees a new sign or wonder in heaven. Seven angels appear,\nhaving the seven last plagues that fill up or complete the wrath of God;\nrepresenting the wrath that is to come upon the beast, or the complete\noverthrow of this formidable Antichristian power, ver. 1.\n\nII. Those who in former times had \u201cgotten the victory over the beast,\u201d\nnow appear standing on a sea of glass, rejoicing and rendering thanks\nfor the assurance that this great enemy of the church was now to be\ndestroyed, and that now all nations were to come and worship before God,\nver. 2\u20124.\n\nIII. The writer sees the interior of the temple opened in heaven,\nand the seven angels, having the seven plagues, issuing forth to\nexecute their commission. They come clothed in pure and white linen,\nand girded with golden girdles. One of the four beasts before the\nthrone forthwith gives them the seven golden vials full of the wrath\nof God, to empty them upon the earth\u2015\u2015that is, to bring upon the beast\nthe predicted destruction. The temple is immediately filled with smoke,\nso that no one might enter; that is, no one could now approach to make\nintercession, and the destruction of this great enemy\u2019s power is now\ncertain, ver. 5\u20128.\n\nThis chapter, therefore, is merely introductory to what follows, and\nits {352} interpretation is attended with no particular difficulty. It\nis a beautiful scenic representation preparatory to the infliction of\npredicted judgments, and designed to introduce the account of those\njudgments with suitable circumstances of solemnity.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XV.\n\n\n AND I saw another sign in heaven, great and marvellous, seven\n angels having the seven last plagues; for in them is filled up\n the [459]wrath of God.\n\n1. _And I saw another sign in heaven._ Another wonder or extraordinary\nsymbol. The word _sign_ here\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015is the same which in ch. xii.\n1, 3; xiii. 13, is rendered _wonder_ and _wonders_, and in ch. xiii. 14;\nxvi. 14; xix. 20, _miracles_. The word is not elsewhere found in the\nbook of Revelation, though it is of frequent occurrence in other parts\nof the New Testament. See it explained in the Notes on ch. xii. 1.\nHere it is used to denote something wonderful or marvellous. This is\nrepresented as appearing in heaven, for the judgments that were to fall\nupon the world were to come thence. Comp. ch. xi. 19; xii. 1; xiv. 1, 6,\n13, 14, 17. \u00b6 _Great and marvellous._ Great and wonderful, or fitted to\nexcite admiration\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03b1\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd. The subsequent statements fully justify\nthis, and show that the vision was one of portentous character, and\nthat was fitted to hold the mind in astonishment. \u00b6 _Seven angels._\nComp. Notes on ch. i. 4. \u00b6 _Having the seven last plagues._ The article\nhere, \u201c_the_ seven last plagues,\u201d would seem to imply that the plagues\nreferred to had been before specified, or that it would be at once\nunderstood what is referred to. These plagues, however, have not been\nmentioned before, and the reason why the article is used here seems to\nbe this: the destruction of this great Antichristian power _had been_\ndistinctly mentioned, ch. xiv. That might be spoken of as a thing now\nwell known, and the mention of it would demand the article; and as that\nwas well known, and would demand the article, so any allusion to it,\nor description of it, might be spoken of in the same manner, as a thing\nthat was definite and fixed, and hence the mention of the plagues by\nwhich it was to be accomplished would be referred to in the same manner.\nThe word _plagues_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03b3\u1f70\u03c2, from \u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03b3\u03ae\u2015\u2015means properly a wound caused\nby a stripe or blow, and is frequently rendered _stripe_ and _stripes_,\nLu. xii. 48; Ac. xvi. 23, 33; 2 Co. vi. 5; xi. 23. It does not\nelsewhere occur in the New Testament, except in the book of Revelation.\nIn this book it is rendered _wound_ in ch. xiii. 3, 12, 14; and\n_plagues_ in ch. ix. 20; xi. 6; xv. 1, 6, 8; xvi. 9, 21; xviii. 4, 8;\nxxi. 9; xxii. 18. It does not occur elsewhere. The secondary meaning\nof the word, and the meaning in the passage before us, is _a stripe_ or\n_blow inflicted by God_; calamity or punishment. The word \u201clast\u201d means\nthose under which the order of things here referred to would terminate;\nthe winding up of the affairs respecting the beast and his image\u2015\u2015not\nnecessarily the closing of the affairs of the world. Important events\nwere to occur subsequent to the destruction of this Antichristian power\n(xix.\u2012xxii.), but _these_ were the plagues which would come finally\nupon the beast and his image, and which would terminate the existence\nof this formidable enemy. \u00b6 _For in them is filled up the wrath of God.\n_ That is, in regard to the beast and his image. All the expressions\nof the divine indignation towards that oppressive and persecuting power\nwill be completed or exhausted by the pouring out of the contents of\nthese vials. Comp. Notes on ch. x. 7, where the word rendered _filled\nup_\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u2015\u2015is rendered _finished_.\n\n\n 2 And I saw as it were a [460]sea of glass [461]mingled with\n fire: and them that had gotten the victory [462]over the beast,\n and over his image, and over his mark, _and_ over the number\n of his name, stand on the sea of glass, having the [463]harps\n of God.\n\n2. _And I saw as it were a sea of glass._ In ch. iv. 6, a similar\nvision is recorded\u2015\u2015\u201cAnd before the throne there was a sea of glass,\nlike unto crystal.\u201d See the Notes on that passage. The sea of _glass_\nhere means a sea clear, pellucid, like glass: an expanse that seemed to\nbe made of glass. There it was entirely clear; here it is mingled with\nfire. \u00b6 _Mingled with fire._ That is, a portion of the sea was red like\nfire. It was not all clear and pellucid, as in ch. iv. 6, but it was\nas it were a tesselated expanse, composed in part of what seemed to\nbe glass, and in part of a material of a red or fiery colour. In the\nformer case (ch. iv. 6), the emblem was designed {353} to represent\nthe pure worship of heaven without reference to any other symbolic\ndesign, and hence the sea is wholly clear and pellucid; here, in\nconnection with the purpose of furnishing an appropriate symbol of\nthe divine majesty, there is united the idea of punishment on the foes\nof God, represented by the fiery or red colour. If it is proper, from\nconjecture, to suggest the meaning of this as an emblem, it would be\nthat the foundation\u2015\u2015the main element\u2015\u2015of all the divine dealings is\njustice or holiness\u2015\u2015represented by the portion of the sea that seemed\nto be glass; and that there was, in this case, intermingled with that,\nthe image of wrath or anger\u2015\u2015represented by the portion that was fiery\nor red. The very sight of the pavement, therefore, on which they stood\nwhen worshipping God, would keep before their minds impressive views\nof his character and dealings. \u00b6 _And them that had gotten the victory\nover the beast._ Ch. xiii. 11. That is, they who had gained a victory\nin times of persecution and temptation; or they whom the \u201cbeast\u201d had\nnot been able, by arts or arms, to subdue. The persons referred to here,\nI suppose, are those who in the long dominion of the Papal power, and\namidst all its arts and corruptions\u2015\u2015its threats and persecutions\u2015\u2015had\nremained steadfast in the truth, and who might thus be said to\nhave gained _a victory_\u2015\u2015for such victories of piety, virtue, and\ntruth, amidst the corrupting influences of sin and error, and the\nintimidations of power, are the most important that are gained in\nthis world. \u00b6 _And over his image._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 14, 15.\nThe meaning is, that they had not been led to apostatize by the dread\nof the power represented here by the \u201cimage of the beast.\u201d In all the\nattempts of that power to subdue them\u2015\u2015to intimidate them\u2015\u2015to induce\nthem to give up their attachment to the truth as it is in Jesus\u2015\u2015they\nhad remained steadfast in the faith, and had triumphed. \u00b6 _And over his\nmark._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 16. Over all the attempts of the beast\nto fix his mark upon them, or to designate them as his own. \u00b6 _And\nover the number of his name._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 17, 18. Over all\nthe attempts to fix upon them that mysterious number which expressed\nhis name. The general sense is, that in times of general error and\ncorruption; when the true friends of Christ were exposed to persecution;\nwhen every effort was made to induce them to become the followers of\nthe \u201cbeast,\u201d and to yield to the corrupt system represented by the\n\u201cbeast,\u201d they remained unmoved, and adhered firmly to the truth. The\nnumber of such in the aggregate was not small; and with great beauty\nand propriety they are here represented as rejoicing and giving thanks\nto God on the overthrow of that corrupt and formidable power. \u00b6 _Stand\non the sea of glass._ That is, before God. They are now seen in heaven,\nredeemed and triumphant. \u00b6 _Having the harps of God._ Harps that\npertained to the worship of God; harps to be employed in his praise.\nSee Notes on ch. xiv. 2.\n\n\n 3 And they sing the [464]song of Moses the servant of God,\n and the [465]song of the Lamb, saying, Great and marvellous\n _are_ thy works, Lord God Almighty; [466]just and true _are_\n thy ways, thou King of [467]saints.\n\n3. _And they sing the song of Moses the servant of God._ A song of\nthanksgiving and praise, such as Moses taught the Hebrew people to\nsing after their deliverance from Egyptian bondage. See Ex. xv. The\nmeaning here is, not that they would sing that identical song, but\nthat, as Moses taught the people to celebrate their deliverance with an\nappropriate hymn of praise, the redeemed would celebrate their delivery\nand redemption in a similar manner. There is an obvious propriety\nhere in referring to the \u201csong of Moses,\u201d because the circumstances\nare very similar; the occasion of the redemption from that formidable\nAntichristian power here referred to, had a strong resemblance to the\nrescue from Egyptian bondage. \u00b6 _And the song of the Lamb._ The hymn\nwhich is sung in honour of the Lamb, as their great deliverer. {354}\nComp. Notes on ch. v. 9, 10, 12, 13. \u00b6 _Saying, Great and marvellous\n|are| thy works._ See Notes on ver. 1. The meaning is, that great\n_power_ was evinced in redeeming them; and that the interposition\nof the divine goodness in doing it was _marvellous_, or was such as\nto excite wonder and admiration. \u00b6 _Lord God Almighty._ This would\nseem to mean the same thing as the expression so common in the Old\nTestament, \u201cJehovah, God of hosts.\u201d The union of these appellations\ngive solemnity and impressiveness to the ascription of praise, for\nit brings into view the fact, that he whose praise is celebrated\nis _Lord_\u2015\u2015the JEHOVAH\u2015\u2015the uncreated and eternal One; that he is\n_God_\u2015\u2015the creator, upholder, and sovereign of all things; and that\nhe is _Almighty_\u2015\u2015having all power in all worlds. All these names\nand attributes are suggested when we think of redemption; for all\nthe perfections of a glorious God are suggested in the redemption of\nthe soul from death. It is the _Lord_\u2015\u2015the Ruler of all worlds; it is\n_God_\u2015\u2015the Maker of the race, and the Father of the race, who performs\nthe work of redemption; and it is a work which could be accomplished\nonly by one who is _Almighty_. \u00b6 _Just and true._ The attributes of\n_justice_ and _truth_ are brought prominently into view also in the\nredemption of man. The fact that God is just, and that in all this\nwork he has been careful to maintain his justice (Ro. iii. 26); and\nthe fact that he is true to himself, true to the creation, true to\nthe fulfilment of all his promises, are prominent in this work, and it\nis proper that these attributes should be celebrated in the songs of\npraise in heaven. \u00b6 _|Are| thy ways._ Thy ways or _dealings_ with us,\nand with the enemies of the church. That is, all the acts or \u201cways\u201d of\nGod in the redemption of his people had been characterized by justice\nand truth. \u00b6 _Thou King of saints._ King of those who are holy; of\nall who are redeemed and sanctified. The more approved reading here,\nhowever, is _King of nations_\u2015\u2015\u1f41 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03b8\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd\u2015\u2015instead of _King\nof saints_\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f01\u03b3\u03af\u03c9\u03bd. So it is read in the critical editions of\nGriesbach, Tittmann, and Hahn. The sense is not materially affected by\nthe difference in the reading.\n\n\n 4 Who[468] shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy\n name? for _thou_ [469]only _art_ holy: for [470]all nations\n shall come and worship before thee; for thy judgments are made\n manifest:\n\n4. _Who shall not fear thee, O Lord._ Reverence and adore thee; for\nthe word _fear_, in the Scriptures, is commonly used in this sense\nwhen applied to God. The sense here is, that the judgments about to\nbe inflicted on the beast and his image should and would teach men\nto reverence and adore God. There is, perhaps, included here also the\nidea of awe, inasmuch as this would be the effect of punishment. \u00b6 _And\nglorify thy name._ Honour thee\u2015\u2015the _name_ being put for the person who\nbare it. The sense is, that, as a consequence of these judgments, men\nwould be brought to honour God, and to acknowledge him as the Ruler of\nthe earth. \u00b6 _For |thou| only |art| holy._ That is, in these judgments\nhe would show himself to be a holy God; a God hating sin, and loving\nrighteousness and truth. When it is said that he \u201c_only_\u201d is holy,\nthe expression is used, of course, in a comparative sense. He is _so_\npure that it may be said that, in comparison with him, no one else is\nholy. Comp. Notes on Job iv. 18; xv. 15. \u00b6 _For all nations shall come\nand worship before thee._ That is, as the result of these punishments\ninflicted on this dread Antichristian power, they shall come and\nworship thee. Everywhere in the New Testament the destruction of that\npower is connected with the promise of the speedy conversion of the\nworld. \u00b6 _For thy judgments are made manifest._ To wit, on the beast.\nThat formidable power is overthrown, and the grand hindrance to the\nuniversal spread of the true religion is now taken away. Comp. Notes on\nIs. xxvi. 9.\n\n\n 5 And after that I looked, and behold, the [471]temple of the\n tabernacle of the testimony in heaven was opened:\n\n5. _And after that I looked._ After I had seen in vision the redeemed\nthus referred to, celebrating the praises of God, I saw the preparation\nmade for the execution of these purposes of judgment. \u00b6 _And behold,\nthe temple of the tabernacle of the testimony._ Not the _whole_\ntemple, but only that part to which this name was given. The word\n_tabernacle_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u03ae\u2015\u2015means properly a booth, hut, tent, and was the\nname commonly given {355} to the _tent_ or _tabernacle_ that was\nerected in the wilderness for the service of God. See Notes on Ac. vii.\n44. The same word came naturally to be applied to the temple that was\nreared for the same purpose in Jerusalem. It is called the \u201ctabernacle\nof testimony,\u201d because it was a _testimony_ or _witness_ of the\npresence of God among the people\u2015\u2015that is, it served to keep up the\nremembrance of him. See Notes as above on Ac. vii. 44, where the same\nGreek phrase is used as here\u2015\u2015rendered there \u201ctabernacle of _witness_.\u201d\nThe word _temple_ here\u2015\u2015\u03bd\u03b1\u03cc\u03c2\u2015\u2015does not refer to the _whole_ of the\nbuilding called the \u201ctemple,\u201d but to the holy of holies. See Notes on\nHe. ix. 3. This was regarded as the peculiar dwelling-place of God;\nand it was this sacred place, usually closed from all access, that\nnow seemed to be opened, implying that the command to execute these\npurposes came directly from God himself. \u00b6 _In heaven._ That is, that\npart of heaven which corresponds to the most holy place in the temple\nwas opened; to wit, that which is the peculiar residence of God himself.\n\u00b6 _Was opened._ Was thrown open to the view of John, so that he was\npermitted to look, as it were, upon the very dwelling-place of God.\nFrom his holy presence now came forth the angels to execute his\npurposes of judgment on that Antichristian power which had so long\ncorrupted religion and oppressed the world.\n\n\n 6 And the seven angels came out of the temple, having the\n seven plagues, clothed in pure and white linen, and having\n their breasts girded with golden girdles.\n\n6. _And the seven angels._ See Notes on ver. 1. \u00b6 _Came out of the\ntemple._ Were seen to come from the temple; that is, from the immediate\npresence of God. \u00b6 _Having the seven plagues._ See Notes on ver. 1.\nEach one intrusted with a single \u201cplague\u201d to be executed upon the earth.\nThe meaning here is, that they were designated or appointed to execute\nthose plagues in judgments. The _symbols_ of their office\u2015\u2015the golden\nvials\u2015\u2015were given to them afterwards, ver. 7. \u00b6 _Clothed in pure and\nwhite linen._ The emblem of holiness\u2015\u2015the common representation in\nregard to the heavenly inhabitants. See Notes on ch. iii. 4; vii. 13.\nComp. Mat. xvii. 2; Lu. ix. 29; Mar. xvi. 5. \u00b6 _And having their\nbreasts girded with golden girdles._ See Notes on ch. i. 13. The\nmeaning is, that they were attired in a manner befitting their rank\nand condition.\n\n\n 7 And one of the four beasts gave unto the seven angels seven\n golden vials, full of the wrath of God, who liveth for ever\n and ever.\n\n7. _And one of the four beasts._ See Notes on ch. iv. 6, 7. _Which_ one\nof the four is not mentioned. From the explanation given of the design\nof the representation of the \u201cfour beasts,\u201d or _living creatures_, in\nthe Notes on ch. iv. 6, 7, it would seem that the meaning here is, that\nthe great principles of that divine government would be illustrated\nin the events which are now to occur. In events that were so closely\nconnected with the honour of God and the triumph of his cause on the\nearth, there was a propriety in the representation that these living\ncreatures, symbolizing the great principles of divine administration,\nwould be particularly interested. \u00b6 _Gave unto the seven angels seven\ngolden vials._ The Word here used\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03b9\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u2015\u2015means properly, \u201ca bowl or\ngoblet, having more breadth than depth\u201d (Rob. _Lex._). Our word vial,\nthough derived from this, means rather a thin long bottle of glass,\nused particularly by apothecaries and druggists. The word would be\nbetter rendered by _bowl_ or _goblet_, and probably the representation\nhere was of such bowls as were used in the temple service. See Notes on\nch. v. 8. They are called in ch. xvi. 1, \u201cvials of the wrath of God;\u201d\nand here they are said to be \u201cfull of the wrath of God.\u201d The allusion\nseems to be to a drinking cup or goblet filled with poison, and given\nto persons to drink\u2015\u2015an allusion drawn from one of the methods of\npunishment in ancient times. See Notes on ch. xiv. 10. These vials or\ngoblets thus became emblems of divine wrath, to be inflicted on the\nbeast and his image. \u00b6 _Full of the wrath of God._ Filled with that\nwhich represented his wrath; that is, they seemed to be filled with\na poisonous mixture, which being poured upon the earth, the sea,\nthe rivers, the sun, the seat of the beast, the river Euphrates, and\ninto the air, was followed by severe divine judgments on this great\nAntichristian power. See ch. xvi. 2\u20124, 8, 10, 12, 17. \u00b6 _Who liveth\nfor ever and ever._ The eternal God. {356} The particular object in\nreferring to this attribute here appears to be, that though there may\nseem to be delay in the execution of his purposes, yet they will be\ncertainly accomplished, as he is the ever-living and unchangeable God.\nHe is not under a necessity of abandoning his purposes, like men, if\nthey are not soon accomplished.\n\n\n 8 And the temple was [472]filled with smoke from the\n [473]glory of God, and from his power; and no man was able\n to enter into the temple, till the seven plagues of the seven\n angels were fulfilled.\n\n8. _And the temple was filled with smoke._ The usual symbol of the\ndivine presence in the temple. See Notes on Is. iv. 5; vi. 4. \u00b6 _From\nthe glory of God._ From the manifestation of the divine majesty. That\nis, the smoke was the proper accompaniment of the Divine Being when\nappearing in majesty. So on Mount Sinai he is represented as appearing\nin this manner: \u201cAnd mount Sinai was altogether on a smoke, because\nthe Lord descended on it in fire: and the smoke thereof ascended as the\nsmoke of a furnace, and the whole mount quaked greatly,\u201d Ex. xix. 18.\nThe purpose _here_ seems to have been, partly to represent the smoke\nas the proper symbol of the divine presence, and partly to represent\nit as so filling the temple that no one could enter it until the seven\nplagues were fulfilled. \u00b6 _And from his power._ Produced by his power;\nand the symbol of his power. \u00b6 _And no man was able to enter into the\ntemple, till the seven plagues of the seven angels were fulfilled._\nTill those vials had been poured out, and all that was indicated by\nthem was accomplished. The meaning here seems to be, that no one would\nbe permitted to enter to make intercession\u2015\u2015to turn away his wrath\u2015\u2015to\ndivert him from his purpose. That is, the purpose of punishment\nhad been formed, and would certainly be executed. The agents or\ninstrumentalities in this fearful work had been now sent forth, and\nthey would by no means be recalled. The mercy-seat, in this respect,\nwas inaccessible; the time of judgment on the great foe had come, and\nthe destruction of the grand enemy of the church was certain. The\npoint, therefore, at which this vision leaves us is, that where all the\npreparations are made for the infliction of the threatened punishment\non the grand Antichristian power which had so long stood up against\nthe truth; where the agents had prepared to go forth; and where no\nintercession will ever avail to turn away the infliction of the divine\nwrath. The detail follows in the next chapter.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVI.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThe previous chapter had described the preparation for the last plagues\nthat were to come upon that mighty Antichristian power to which this\nseries of prophetic visions refers. All is now ready; and this chapter\ncontains the description of those seven last \u201cplagues\u201d under which this\npower would reel and fall. These \u201cplagues\u201d are described _as if_ they\nwere a succession of physical calamities that would come upon this\nAntichristian power, and bring it to an end; though perhaps it is not\nnecessary to look for a _literal_ infliction of such calamities. The\ncourse of the exposition thus far will lead us to regard this chapter\nas a description of the _successive blows by which the Papacy will\nfall_. A part of this is still undoubtedly future, though perhaps not\nfar distant; and, in reference to this, and to some portions of the\nremainder of the book, there may be more difficulty in satisfying the\nmind than in the portions which pertain to past events.\n\nThe chapter comprises statements on the following points:\u2015\u2015\n\nA command is issued from the temple to the seven angels, to go and\nexecute the commission with which they were intrusted, ver. 1.\n\nThe first angel pours out his vial upon the earth\u2015\u2015followed by a plague\nupon those who had worshipped the beast and his image, ver. 2.\n\nThe second angel pours out his vial upon the sea\u2015\u2015followed by the death\nof all that were in the sea, ver. 3.\n\nThe third angel pours out his vial upon the rivers and fountains of\nwaters, and they become blood. This is followed by an ascription of\npraise from the angel of the waters, because God had given to those who\nhad shed the blood {357} of the saints blood to drink, with a response\nfrom the altar that this was just, ver. 4\u20127.\n\nThe fourth angel pours out his vial upon the sun, and an intenser heat\nis given to it to scorch men. The consequence is, that they blaspheme\nthe name of God, but repent not of their sins, ver. 8, 9.\n\nThe fifth angel pours out his vial upon the very seat of the beast,\nand his kingdom is full of darkness. Men still blaspheme the name of\nGod and repent not of their sins, ver. 10, 11.\n\nThe sixth angel pours out his vial upon the great river Euphrates. The\nconsequence is, that the waters of the river are dried up, so that the\nway of the kings of the East might be prepared. The writer sees also,\nin this connection, three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the\nmouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the\nmouth of the false prophet, that go forth into all the earth to gather\nall nations to the great day of the battle of God Almighty, ver. 12\u201216.\n\nThe seventh angel pours out his vial into the air, and a voice is heard\nanswering that \u201cit is done:\u201d the time of the consummation has come\u2015\u2015the\nformidable Antichristian power is to come to an end. The great city is\ndivided into three parts; the cities of the nations fall; great Babylon\nthus comes up in remembrance before God to receive the punishment\nwhich is her due. This terrific scene is accompanied with voices,\nand thunderings, and lightnings, and an earthquake, and with great\nhail\u2015\u2015a tempest of wrath beating upon that formidable power that had\nso long stood up against God, ver. 17\u201221. The _detail_ of the actual\ndestruction of this power is carried forward in the subsequent chapters.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVI.\n\n\n AND I heard a great voice out of the temple saying to the\n seven[474] angels, Go your ways, and pour out the vials of the\n wrath of God upon the earth.\n\n1. _And I heard a great voice out of the temple._ A loud voice out\nof the temple as seen in heaven (Notes on ch. xi. 19), and that came,\ntherefore, from the very presence of God. \u00b6 _Saying to the seven\nangels._ That had the seven vials of wrath. Notes on ch. xv. 1, 7.\n\u00b6 _Go your ways._ Your respective ways, to the fulfilment of the task\nassigned to each. \u00b6 _And pour out the vials of the wrath of God._\nEmpty those vials; cause to come upon the earth the plagues indicated\nby their contents. The _order_ in which this was to be done is not\nintimated. It seems to be supposed that that would be understood by\neach. \u00b6 _Upon the earth._ The particular part of the _earth_ is not\nhere specified, but it should not be inferred that it was to be upon\nthe earth in general, or that there were any calamities, in consequence\nof this pouring out of the vials of wrath, to spread over the whole\nworld. The subsequent statements show what parts of the earth were\nparticularly to be affected.\n\n\n 2 And the first went, and poured out his vial [475]upon the\n earth; and there fell a noisome and grievous [476]sore upon\n the men which had the [477]mark of the beast, and _upon_ them\n which worshipped his image.\n\n2. _And the first went._ Went forth from heaven, where the seat of the\nvision was laid. \u00b6 _And poured out his vial upon the earth._ That is,\nupon the _land_, in contradistinction from the sea, the rivers, the air,\nthe seat of the beast, the sun, as represented in the other vials. In\nver. 1, the word _earth_ is used in the general sense to denote this\nworld as distinguished from heaven; in this verse it is used in the\nspecific sense, to denote _land_ as distinguished from other things.\nComp. Mar. iv. 1; vi. 47; Jn. vi. 21; Ac. xxvii. 29, 43, 44. In many\nrespects there is a strong resemblance between the pouring out of those\nseven vials, and the sounding of the seven trumpets, in ch. viii.,\nix., though they refer to different events. In the sounding of the\nfirst trumpet (ch. viii. 7), it was the _earth_ that was particularly\naffected in contradistinction from the sea, the fountains, and the sun:\n\u201cThe first angel sounded, and there followed hail and fire mingled with\nblood, and they were cast _upon the earth_.\u201d Comp. ch. viii. 8, 10, 12.\nIn regard to the symbolical meaning of the term _earth_, considered\nwith reference to divine judgments, see Notes on ch. viii. 7. \u00b6 _And\nthere fell a noisome and grievous sore._ The judgment here is\nspecifically different from that inflicted under the first trumpet, ch.\nviii. 7. {358} There it is said to have been that \u201cthe third part of\ntrees was burnt up, and all green grass was burnt up.\u201d Here it is that\nthere fell upon _men_ a \u201cnoisome and grievous sore.\u201d The two, therefore,\nare designed to refer to different events, and to different forms of\npunishment. The word rendered _sore_ properly denotes a _wound_ (Hom.\n_Il._ xi. 812), and then, in later writers, an _ulcer_ or _sore_. It\nis used in the New Testament only in the following places: Lu. xvi. 21,\n\u201cThe dogs came and licked his _sores_;\u201d and in Re. xvi. 2, 11, where\nit is rendered _sore_, and _sores_. It is used in the Septuagint, in\nreference to the _boils_ that were brought upon the Egyptians, in Ex.\nix. 9\u201212, and probably De. xxviii. 27; in reference to the leprosy,\nLe. xiii. 18\u201220, 23; in reference to the boil, ulcer, or elephantiasis\nbrought upon Job, ch. ii. 7; and in reference to any sore or ulcer, in\nDe. xxviii. 35. In all these places it is the translation of the word\n\u05e9\u05b0\u05bc\u05c1\u05d7\u05b4\u05d9\u05df _shehhin_\u2015\u2015rendered in our English version _boil_, Ex. ix. 9\u201211;\nLe. xiii. 18\u201220, 23; 2 Ki. xx. 7; Job ii. 7; Is. xxxviii. 21; and\n_botch_, De. xxviii. 27, 35. The proper meaning, therefore, is that or\na sore, ulcer, or boil of a severe and painful character; and the most\nobvious reference in the passage, to one who was accustomed to the\nlanguage of Scripture, would be to some fearful plague like that which\nwas sent upon the Egyptians. In the case of Hezekiah (2 Ki. xx. 7;\nIs. xxxviii. 21), it was probably used to denote a _plague-boil_,\nor the black leprosy. See Notes on Is. xxxviii. 21. The word\n\u201cnoisome\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u1f78\u03bd, _evil_, _bad_\u2015\u2015is used here to characterize the\nplague referred to as being peculiarly painful and dangerous. The word\n_grievous_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03b7\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd\u2015\u2015_bad_, _malignant_, _hurtful_\u2015\u2015is further used\nto increase the intensity of the expression, and to characterize the\nplague as particularly severe. There is no reason to suppose that it is\nmeant that this would be _literally_ inflicted, any more than it is in\nthe next plague, where it is said that the \u201crivers and fountains became\n_blood_.\u201d What is obviously meant is, that there would be some calamity\nwhich would be well represented or symbolized by such a fearful plague.\n\u00b6 _Upon the men._ Though the plague was poured upon \u201c_the earth_,\u201d yet\nits effects were seen upon \u201c_men_.\u201d Some grievous calamity would befall\nthem, _as if_ they were suddenly visited with the plague. \u00b6 _Which had\nthe mark of the beast._ Notes on ch. xiii. 16, 17. This determines the\nportion of the earth that was to be afflicted. It was not the whole\nworld; it was only that part of it where the \u201cbeast\u201d was honoured.\nAccording to the interpretation proposed in ch. xiii., this refers\nto those who are under the dominion of the Papacy. \u00b6 _And |upon| them\nwhich worshipped his image._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 14, 15. According\nto the interpretation in ch. xiii., those are meant who sustained the\ncivil or secular power to which the Papacy gave life and strength, and\nfrom which it, in turn, received countenance and protection.\n\nIn regard to the application or fulfilment of this symbol, it is\nunnecessary to say that there have been very different opinions in the\nworld, and that very different opinions still prevail. The great mass\nof Protestant commentators suppose that it refers to the Papacy; and of\nthose who entertain this opinion, the greater portion suppose that the\ncalamity referred to by the pouring out of this vial is already past,\nthough it is supposed by many that the things foreshadowed by a part of\nthese \u201cvials\u201d are yet to be accomplished. As to the true meaning of the\nsymbol before us, I would make the following remarks:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) It refers to the Papal power. This application is demanded by\nthe results which were reached in the examination of ch. xiii. See the\nremarks on the \u201cbeast\u201d in the Notes on ch. xiii. 1, 2, 11, and on \u201cthe\nimage of the beast\u201d in the Notes on ch. xiii. 14, 15. This one mighty\npower existed in two forms closely united, and mutually sustaining each\nother\u2015\u2015the civil or secular, and the ecclesiastical or spiritual. It\nis this combined and consolidated power\u2015\u2015the Papacy as such\u2015\u2015that is\nreferred to here, for this has been the grand Antichristian power in\nthe world.\n\n(2) It refers to some grievous and fearful calamity which would come\nupon that power, and which would be _like_ a plague-spot on the human\nbody\u2015\u2015something which would be of the nature of a divine judgment,\nresembling that which came upon the Egyptians for their treatment of\nthe people of God.\n\n(3) The course of this exposition leads us to suppose, that this\nwould be the beginning in the series of judgments, {359} which would\nterminate in the complete overthrow of that formidable power. It\nis the _first_ of the vials of wrath, and the whole description\nevidently contemplates a _series_ of disasters, which would be properly\nrepresented by these successive vials. In the application of this,\ntherefore, we should naturally look for the first of a series of such\njudgments, and should expect to find some facts in history which would\nbe properly represented by the vial \u201cpoured upon the earth.\u201d\n\n(4) In accordance with this representation, we should expect to\nfind such a series of calamities gradually weakening, and finally\nterminating the Papal power in the world, as would be properly\nrepresented by the number _seven_.\n\n(5) In regard now to the _application_ of this series of symbolical\nrepresentations, it may be remarked, that most recent expositors\u2015\u2015as\nElliott, Cunninghame, Keith, Faber, Lord, and others\u2015\u2015refer them to the\nevents of the French revolution, as important events in the overthrow\nof the Papal power; and this, I confess, although the application is\nattended with some considerable difficulties, has more plausibility\nthan any other explanation proposed. In support of this application,\nthe following considerations may be suggested:\u2015\u2015\n\n(a) France, in the time of Charlemagne, was the kingdom to which\nthe Papacy owed its civil organization and its strength\u2015\u2015a kingdom to\nwhich could be traced all the civil or secular power of the Papacy, and\nwhich was, in fact, a restoration or reconstruction of the old Roman\npower\u2015\u2015the fourth kingdom of Daniel. See Notes on Da. vii. 24\u201228; and\ncomp. Notes on Re. xiii. 3, 12\u201214. The restoration of the old Roman\ndominion under Charlemagne, and the aid which he rendered to the Papacy\nin its establishment as to a temporal power, would make it probable\nthat this kingdom _would be_ referred to in the series of judgments\nthat were to accomplish the overthrow of the Papal dominion.\n\n(b) In an important sense France has always been the head of the\nPapal power. The king of France has been usually styled, by the popes\nthemselves, \u201cthe eldest son of the church.\u201d In reference to the whole\nPapal dominion in former times, one of the principal reliances has\nbeen on France, and, to a very large extent, the state of Europe has\nbeen determined by the condition of France. \u201cA revolution in France,\u201d\nsaid Napoleon, \u201cis sooner or later followed by a revolution in Europe\u201d\n(Alison). Its central position; its power; its direct relation to all\nthe purposes and aims of the Papacy, would seem to make it probable\nthat, in the account of the final destruction of that power, this\nkingdom would not be overlooked.\n\n(c) The scenes which occurred in the times of the French revolution\nwere such as would be properly symbolized by the pouring out of the\nfirst, the second, the third, and the fourth vials. In the passage\nbefore us\u2015\u2015the pouring out of the first vial\u2015\u2015the symbol employed is\nthat of \u201ca noisome and grievous sore\u201d\u2015\u2015boil, ulcer, plague-spot\u2015\u2015\u201con\nthe men which had the mark of the beast, and on them which worshipped\nhis image.\u201d This representation was undoubtedly derived from the\naccount of the sixth plague on Egypt (Ex. ix. 9\u201211); and the sense\nhere is, not that this would be literally inflicted on the power here\nreferred to, but that a calamity would come upon it which would be\n_well represented_ by that, or of which that would be an appropriate\nemblem. This interpretation is further confirmed by ch. xi. 8, where\nRome is referred to under the name of _Egypt_, and where it is clear\nthat we are to look for a course of divine dealing, in regard to the\none, resembling that which occurred to the other. See Notes on that\npassage. Now, this \u201cnoisome and grievous sore\u201d would well represent\nthe moral corruption, the pollution, the infidelity, the atheism,\nthe general dissolution of society, that preceded and accompanied\nthe French revolution; for that was a universal _breaking out_ of\nloathsome internal disease\u2015\u2015of corruption at the centre\u2015\u2015and in its\ngeneral features might be represented as a universal plague-spot on\nsociety, extending over the countries where the beast and his image\nwere principally worshipped. The symbol would properly denote that\n\u201ctremendous outbreak of social and moral evil, of democratic fury,\natheism, and vice, which was specially seen to characterize the French\nrevolution: that of which the ultimate source was in the long and\ndeep-seated corruption and irreligion of the nation; the outward vent,\nexpression, and organ of its Jacobin clubs, and seditious and atheistic\npublications; the result, the dissolution of all society, all morals,\nand all {360} religion; with acts of atrocity and horror accompanying,\nscarce paralleled in the history of men; and suffering and anguish\nof correspondent intensity throbbing throughout the social mass and\ncorroding it; that which, from France as a centre, spread like a\nplague throughout its affiliated societies to the other countries\nof Papal Christendom, and was, wherever its poison was imbibed, as\nmuch the punishment as the symptoms of the corruption within.\u201d Of\nthis sad chapter in the history of man, it is unnecessary to give\nany description here. For scenes of horror, pollution, and blood, its\nparallel has _never_ been found in the history of our race, and, as\nan event in _history_, it was worthy of a notice in the symbols which\nportrayed the future. The full details of these amazing scenes must\nbe sought in the histories which describe them, and to such works as\nAlison\u2019s _History of Europe_, and Burke\u2019s _Letters on a Regicide\nPeace_, the reader must be referred. A few expressions copied from\nthose letters of Mr. Burke, penned with no design of illustrating this\npassage in the Apocalypse, and no expectation that they would be ever\nso applied, will show with what propriety the spirit of inspiration\nsuggested the phrase, \u201ca noisome and grievous sore\u201d or plague-spot,\non the supposition that the design was to refer to these scenes. In\nspeaking of the revolutionary spirit in France, Mr. Burke calls it\n\u201cthe fever of aggravated Jacobinism,\u201d \u201cthe epidemic of atheistical\nfanaticism,\u201d \u201can evil lying deep in the corruptions of human nature,\u201d\n\u201cthe malignant French distemper,\u201d \u201ca plague, with its fanatical spirit\nof proselytism, that needed the strictest quarantine to guard against\nit,\u201d whereof, though the mischief might be \u201cskimmed over\u201d for a time,\nyet the result, into whatever country it entered, was \u201cthe corruption\nof all morals,\u201d \u201cthe decomposition of all society,\u201d &c. But it is\nunnecessary to describe those scenes farther. The \u201cworld has them by\nheart,\u201d and they can never be obliterated from the memory of man. In\nthe whole history of the race there has never been an outbreak of evil\nthat showed so deep pollution and corruption within.\n\n(d) The result of this was to affect the Papacy\u2015\u2015a blow, in fact, aimed\nat that power. Of course, all the infidelity and atheism of the French\nnation, before so strongly Papal, went just so far in weakening the\npower of the Papacy; and in the ultimate result it will perhaps yet\nbe found that the horrid outbreaks in the French revolution were the\nfirst in the series of providential events that will result in the\nentire overthrow of that Antichristian power. At all events, it will be\nadmitted, I think, that, on the supposition that it was _intended_ that\nthis should be descriptive of the scenes that occurred in Europe at the\nclose of the last century, no more expressive symbol could have been\nchosen than has been employed in the pouring out of this first vial of\nwrath.\n\n\n 3 And the second angel poured out his vial [478]upon the sea;\n and it became as the [479]blood of a dead _man_: and every\n living soul died in the sea.\n\n3. _And the second angel poured out his vial upon the sea._ So the\nsecond trumpet (ch. viii. 8), \u201cAnd the second angel sounded, and as\nit were a great mountain burning with fire was cast into the sea; and\nthe third part of the sea became blood.\u201d For the meaning of this as\na symbol, see Notes on that verse. \u00b6 _And it became as the blood of\na dead |man|._ \u201cEither very bloody, like a mangled corse, or else\ncoloured, as it were, with the dark and almost black blood of a dead\nman\u201d (Professor Stuart, _in loco_). The latter would seem to be, most\nprobably, the meaning; implying that the ocean would become discoloured,\nand indicating that this was the effect of blood shed in great\nquantities on its waters. In ch. viii. 8 it is, \u201cthe sea became blood;\u201d\nhere the allusion to the blood of a dead man would more naturally\nsuggest the idea of naval conflicts, and of the blood of the slain\npoured in great quantities into the deep. \u00b6 _And every living soul\ndied in the sea._ In ch. viii. 9 it is said that \u201cthe third part of the\ncreatures that were in the sea died, and the third part of the ships\nwere destroyed.\u201d Here the destruction is more general; the calamity\nis more severe and awful. It is as if _every living thing_\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b1 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u03ae\n\u03b6\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b1\u2015\u2015had died. No emphasis should be put on the word _soul_ here, for\nthe word means merely a creature, a living thing, an animal, Ac. ii. 43;\niii. 23; Ro. xiii. 1; 1 Co. xv. 45. See Rob. _Lex._ _sub voce_, c. {361}\nThe sense here is, that there would be some dreadful calamity, _as if_\nthe sea were to be changed into dark blood, and as if every living\nthing in it were to die.\n\nIn inquiring into the proper application of this, it is natural to\nlook for something pertaining to the sea, or the ocean (see Notes\non ch. viii. 8, 9), and we should expect to find the fulfilment in\nsome calamity that would fall on the marine force, or the commerce\nof the power that is here referred to; that is, according to the\ninterpretation all along adopted, of the Papal power; and the proper\napplication, according to this interpretation, would be the complete\ndestruction or annihilation of the naval force that contributed to\nsustain the Papacy. This we should look for in respect to the naval\npower of France, Spain, and Portugal, for these are the only Papal\nnations that have had a navy. We should expect, in the fulfilment of\nthis, to find a series of naval disasters, reddening the sea with blood,\nwhich would tend to weaken the power of the Papacy, and which might be\nregarded as _one_ in the series of events that would ultimately result\nin its entire overthrow. Accordingly, in pursuance of the plan adopted\nin explaining the pouring out of the first vial, it is to be observed\nthat immediately succeeding, and connected with, the events thus\nreferred to, there was a series of naval disasters that swept away the\nfleets of France, and that completely demolished the most formidable\nnaval power that had ever been prepared by any nation under the Papal\ndominion. This series of disasters is thus noticed by Mr. Elliott\n(iii. 329, 330):\u2015\u2015\u201cMeanwhile, the great _naval_ war between France and\nEngland was in progress; which, from its commencement in February,\n1793, lasted for above twenty years, with no intermission but that\nof the short and delusive peace of Amiens; in which war the maritime\npower of Great Britain was strengthened by the Almighty Providence that\nprotected her to destroy everywhere the French ships, commerce, and\nsmaller colonies; including those of the fast and long-continued allies\nof the French, Holland and Spain. In the year 1793, the greater part of\nthe French fleet at Toulon was destroyed by Lord Hood; in June, 1794,\nfollowed Lord Howe\u2019s great victory over the French off Ushant; then the\ntaking of Corsica, and nearly all the smaller Spanish and French West\nIndia Islands; then, in 1795, Lord Bridport\u2019s naval victory, and the\ncapture of the Cape of Good Hope; as also soon after of a French and\nDutch fleet, sent to retake it; then, in 1797, the victory over the\nSpanish fleet off Cape St. Vincent; and that of Camperdown over the\nDutch; then, in succession, Lord Nelson\u2019s three mighty victories\u2015\u2015of\nthe Nile in 1798, of Copenhagen in 1801, and in 1805 of Trafalgar.\nAltogether in this naval war, from its beginning in 1793, to its end in\n1815, it appears that there were destroyed near 200 ships of the line,\nbetween 300 and 400 frigates, and an almost incalculable number of\nsmaller vessels of war and ships of commerce. The whole history of the\nworld does not present such a period of naval war, destruction, and\nbloodshed.\u201d This brief summary may show, if this was referred to, the\npropriety of the expression, \u201cThe sea became as the blood of a dead\nman;\u201d and may show also that, on the supposition that it was intended\nthat these events should be referred to, an appropriate symbol has\nbeen employed. No language could more strikingly set forth these bloody\nscenes.\n\n\n 4 And the third angel poured out his vial [480]upon the rivers\n and fountains of waters; and they became blood.\n\n4. _And the third angel poured out his vial upon the rivers and\nfountains of waters._ This coincides also with the account of the\nsounding of the third trumpet (ch. viii. 10, 11):\u2015\u2015\u201cAnd the third angel\nsounded, and there fell a great star from heaven, burning as a lamp,\nand it fell upon the third part of the rivers, and upon the fountains\nof waters.\u201d As to the meaning of the phrase, \u201crivers and fountains of\nwaters,\u201d see Notes on that passage. We found, it was supposed, in the\napplication of that passage, that the invasion of the Roman empire\nby Attila, king of the Huns, was referred to, affecting mainly those\nparts of the empire where the rivers and streams had their origin. The\n_analogy_ would lead us, in the fulfilment of the passage before us,\nto look for some similar desolations on those portions of Europe. See\nNotes at the close of ver. 7. \u00b6 _And they became blood._ This would\nproperly mean that they became _as_ blood; or became red {362} _with_\nblood; and it would be fulfilled if bloody battles were fought near\nthem, so that they seemed to run blood.\n\n\n 5 And I heard the angel of the waters say, [481]Thou art\n righteous, O Lord, which art, and wast, and shalt be, because\n thou hast judged thus.\n\n5. _And I heard the angel of the waters say._ The angel who presides\nover the element of water; in allusion to the common opinion among\nthe Hebrews that the angels presided over elements, and that each\nelement was committed to the jurisdiction of a particular angel. Comp.\nNotes on ch. vii. 1. \u00b6 _Thou art righteous, O Lord_. In view of the\njudgments that reddened these streams and fountains with the blood of\nmen, the angel ascribes righteousness to God. These judgments seemed\nterrible\u2015\u2015the numbers slain were so vast\u2015\u2015the bloody stream indicated\nso great slaughter, and such severity of the divine judgment; yet the\nangel sees in all this only the act of a righteous God bringing just\nretribution on the guilty. \u00b6 _Which art, and wast, and shalt be._ That\nis, who art _eternal_\u2015\u2015existing now; who hast existed in all past time;\nand who will exist ever onward. See Notes on ch. i. 8. The _reason_ why\nthis attribute of God is here referred to, seems to be that the mind\nof the angel adverts to it in the _changes_ and _desolations_ that were\noccurring around him. In such overturnings among men\u2015\u2015such revolutions\nof kingdoms\u2015\u2015such desolations of war\u2015\u2015the mind naturally turns to\none who is unchanging; to one whose throne is from everlasting to\neverlasting. \u00b6 _Because thou hast judged thus._ Hast suffered these\nwars to occur that have changed rivers and fountains to blood.\n\n\n 6 For they have shed the blood of saints and prophets, and\n [482]thou hast given them blood to drink; for they are worthy.\n\n6. _For they have shed the blood of saints._ The nations here referred\nto. They have been engaged in scenes of bloody persecution, and this\nis a just recompense. \u00b6 _And prophets._ Teachers of religion; ministers\nof truth. It is not necessary to understand the word _prophets_ here\nin its technical sense, as denoting those who are raised up by God and\nsent forth as inspired men, but it may be understood in its more common\nsignification in the New Testament as denoting teachers of religion in\ngeneral. See Notes on Ro. xii. 6; 1 Co. xiv. 1. \u00b6 _And thou hast given\nthem blood to drink._ To wit, by turning the streams and fountains\ninto blood, ver. 4. Blood had been poured out in such abundance that\nit seemed to mingle with the very water that they drank. This was a\nrecompense for their having, in those very regions, poured out so much\nblood in persecuting the saints and prophets\u2015\u2015the pious private members\nof the church, and the public teachers of religion. \u00b6 _For they are\nworthy._ That is, they deserve this; or this is a just recompense\nfor their sins. It is not intended that those who would thus suffer\nhad been individually guilty of this, or that this was properly a\npunishment on _them_; but it is meant that in those countries there had\nbeen bloody persecutions, and that this was a fit recompense for what\nhad there occurred.\n\n\n 7 And I heard another out of the altar say, Even so, [483]Lord\n God Almighty, true and righteous _are_ thy judgments.\n\n7. _And I heard another._ Evidently another _angel_, though this is not\nspecified. \u00b6 _Out of the altar._ Either the angel _of_ the altar\u2015\u2015that\nis, who presided over the altar (Professor Stuart), or an angel whose\nvoice seemed to come from the altar. The sense is essentially the same.\nThe writer seemed to hear a voice coming from the altar responding\nto what had just been said in regard to the judgment of God, or to\nhis righteousness in bringing the judgment upon men, ver. 5. This\nwas evidently the voice of some one who was interested in what was\noccurring, or to whom these things particularly appertained; that\nis, one who was particularly connected with the _martyrs_ referred\nto, whose blood was now, as it were, to be avenged. We are naturally\nreminded by this of the martyr-scene in ch. vi. 9\u201211, in the opening\nof the fifth seal, though it cannot be supposed that the same _events_\nare referred to. There \u201cthe souls of those that had been slain for the\nword of God\u201d are represented as being \u201cunder the altar,\u201d and as crying\nto God to \u201cavenge their blood on them who dwelt on the earth.\u201d Here\na voice is heard with reference to martyrs, as of one interested _in_\nthem, {363} ascribing praise to God for _having_ brought a righteous\njudgment on those who had shed the blood of the saints. They are both,\nfor similar reasons, connected with the \u201caltar,\u201d and the voice is\nheard proceeding from the same source. In regard to the meaning of\nthe word _altar_ here, and the reason why the martyrs are represented\nin connection with it, see Notes on ch. vi. 9. \u00b6 _True and righteous,\n|are| thy judgments._ Responding to what is said in ver. 5. That\nis, God is \u201ctrue\u201d or faithful to his promises made to his people,\nand \u201crighteous\u201d in the judgments which he has now inflicted. These\njudgments had come upon those who had shed the blood of the martyrs,\nand they were just.\n\nIn regard to the application of this there are several things to be\nsaid. The following points are clear:\u2015\u2015(a) That this judgment would\n_succeed_ the first-mentioned, and apparently at a period not remote.\n(b) It would occur in a region where there had been much persecution.\n(c) It would be in a country of streams, and rivers, and fountains.\n(d) It would be a just retribution for the bloody persecutions which\nhad occurred there. The question now is, where we shall find the\nfulfilment of this, assuming that the explanation of the pouring out of\nthe first vial is correct. And here, I think, there can be no mistake\nin applying it to the events bearing on the Papacy, and the Papal\npowers, which followed the French revolution. The next material event,\nafter that revolution, was the invasion of Italy, where Napoleon began\nhis career of victories, and where he first acquired his fame. At\nthis stage of my examination of this passage, I looked into Alison\u2019s\n_History of Europe_ to see what events, in fact, followed the scenes\nof confusion, crime, blood, atheism, and pollution in the French\nrevolution, and I found that the next chapters in these eventful scenes,\nwere such as would be well represented by the vial poured upon the\nrivers and fountains, and by their being turned into blood. The detail\nwould be too long for my limits, and I can state merely a summary of a\nfew of the chapters in that history. Ch. xix. contains the \u201cHistory of\nthe French Republic from the fall of Robespierre to the establishment\nof the Directory\u201d\u2015\u2015comprising properly the closing scenes of \u201cthe\nReign of Terror.\u201d Ch. xx. contains an account of the campaign in Italy\nin 1796, embracing, as stated in the summing up of contents in this\nchapter, the \u201cBattles of Montenotte, Millesimo, Dego; the passage of\nthe bridge of Lodi, and fall of Milan; the siege of Mantua, and the\nbattle of Castiglione; the battles of Caldero and Arcola; and the\nbattles of Rivoli and Mantua.\u201d This is followed (ch. xxiii.) with an\naccount of the campaign of 1797, which closed with the fall of Venice;\nand this is followed (ch. xxvi.) with an account of the invasion\nof Switzerland, &c. It is unnecessary to dwell on the details of\nthe wars which followed the French revolution on the Rhine, the\nPo, and the Alpine streams of Piedmont and Lombardy. The slightest\nacquaintance with that history will show the propriety of the following\nremarks:\u2015\u2015(a) These wars occurred in regions under the influence of\nthe Papacy, for these were all Papal states and territories. (b) These\nscenes followed closely on the French revolution, and grew out of it\nas a natural consequence, and would be properly represented as a second\n\u201cvial\u201d poured out immediately after the first. (c) The country is\nsuch as here supposed\u2015\u2015\u201cof rivers and fountains\u201d\u2015\u2015for, being mostly a\nmountainous region, it abounds with springs, and fountains, and streams.\nIndeed, on the supposition that this is the land referred to, a more\nappropriate description could not have been given of it than is found\nin this passage. One has only to look upon a map of Northern Italy\nto see that there is no other portion of the world which would more\nnaturally be _suggested_ when speaking of a country abounding in\n\u201crivers and fountains of water.\u201d The admirable map of this region\nprefixed to the volume, for which I am indebted to the work of Dr.\nAlexander Keith, on the _Signs of the Times_, will clearly illustrate\nthis passage, and the corresponding passage in ch. viii. 10, 11. Let\nanyone look at the Po and its tributaries on the map, and then read\nwith attention the twentieth chapter of Alison\u2019s _History of Europe_\n(vol. i. pp. 391\u2012424), and he will be struck with the appropriateness\nof the description, on the supposition that this portion of the book of\nRevelation was designed to refer to these scenes; for he cannot but see\nthat the battles there described were fought in a country in every way\ncorresponding with the statement here. (d) This country corresponds\nwith the description here given in another respect. In {364} ver.\n5, 6 there is a tribute of praise rendered to God, in view of these\njudgments, because he was righteous in bringing them upon a land where\nthe blood of saints and prophets had been shed\u2015\u2015a land of martyrs. Now\nthis is applicable to the circumstances supposed, not only in the sense\nthat Italy in general had been the land where the blood of martyrs had\nbeen shed\u2015\u2015the land of Roman persecution, alike under Paganism and the\nPapacy\u2015\u2015but true in a more definite sense, from the fact that this was\nthe very region where the persecutions against the Waldenses and the\nAlbigenses had been carried on\u2015\u2015_the valleys of Piedmont_. In the times\nof Papal persecution these valleys had been made to flow with the blood\nof the saints; and it _seemed_, at least, to be a righteous retribution\nthat these desolations of war, these conflagrations, and these scenes\nof carnage, should occur in that very land, and that the very fountains\nand streams which had before been turned into blood, by the slaughter\nof the friends of the Saviour, should now be reddened with the blood\nof men slain in battle. This is, perhaps, what John saw in vision: a\nland where persecution had raged, and the blood of the holy had flowed\nfreely, and then the same land brought under the awful judgments of\nGod, and the fountains and streams reddened with the blood of the\nslain. There was a propriety, therefore, that a voice should be heard\nascribing righteousness to God for avenging the blood of the saints\n(ver. 5, 6), and that another voice should be heard from the \u201caltar\u201d of\nthe martyrs (ver. 7) responding and saying, \u201cEven so, Lord God Almighty,\ntrue and righteous are thy judgments.\u201d (e) It may be added, to show the\npropriety of this, that this was _one_ of the series of events which\nwill be found in the end to have contributed to the overthrow of the\nPapal power; for a blow was struck, in the French invasion of Italy,\nfrom which Rome has never recovered, and sentiments were diffused as\nthe result in favour of liberty which it has been difficult ever since\nto suppress, and which are destined yet to burst out in favour of\nfreedom, and to be one of the means of the final destruction of the\npower. Comp. Alison\u2019s _History of Europe_, vol. i. p. 403.\n\n\n 8 And the fourth angel poured out his vial [484]upon the sun:\n and power was given unto him to scorch men [485]with fire.\n\n8. _And the fourth angel poured out his vial upon the sun._ Toward\nthe sun, or so as to reach the sun. The effect was _as if_ it had been\npoured _upon_ the sun, giving it an intense heat, and thus inflicting a\nsevere judgment upon men. This corresponds also with the fourth trumpet\n(ch. viii. 12), where it is said, that the \u201cthird part of the sun was\nsmitten, and the third part of the moon, and the third part of the\nstars.\u201d For the general meaning of this symbol see Notes on that place.\nThe idea is, that a scene of calamity and woe would occur _as if_ the\nsun should be made to pour forth such intense heat that men would be\n\u201cscorched.\u201d It cannot be supposed that the sun would be _literally_\nmade hotter, or that the exact nature of these calamities would be that\nmen would be consumed by its rays. \u00b6 _And power was given unto him._\nTo the sun. The meaning is, that a calamity would follow _as if_ such\nan increased power should be given to its rays. \u00b6 _To scorch men with\nfire._ Literally, \u201cAnd it was given him to scorch men with fire\u201d\u2015\u2015that\nis, with heat so great that it _seemed_ to be fire. The Greek\nword\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03af\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9\u2015\u2015meaning _to burn_, _to scorch_\u2015\u2015is used in the New\nTestament only in Mat. xiii. 6; Mar. iv. 6; Re. xvi. 8, 9, in all which\nplaces it is rendered _scorch_ and _scorched_. Compare, however, the\nuse of the word \u03ba\u03b1\u1fe6\u03bc\u03b1, in Re. vii. 16; xvi. 9; \u03ba\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, in He. vi. 8;\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03c5\u03c3\u03cc\u03c9, in 1 Pe. iii. 10, 12; and \u03ba\u03b1\u03cd\u03c3\u03c9\u03bd, in Mat. xx. 12; Lu. xii. 55;\nJa. i. 11. The notion of intense or consuming heat is implied in all\nthe forms of the word; and the reference here is to some calamity that\nwould be well represented by such an increased heat of the sun.\n\n\n 9 And men were [486]scorched with great heat, and\n [487]blasphemed the name of God, which hath power over these\n plagues: and [488]they repented not, to give him glory.\n\n9. _And men were scorched with great heat._ That is, as above\nexpressed, calamity came upon them which would be well represented\nby such heat. It is said that this calamity would come upon _men_,\nand we are to suppose that it would be such that human life would\nbe particularly affected; and as that heat of the {365} sun must be\nexceedingly intense which would cut down _men_, we are to suppose\nthat the judgment here referred to would be intensely severe. \u00b6 _And\nblasphemed the name of God._ The effect would be to cause them to\nblaspheme God or to reproach him as the author of these calamities;\nand in the fulfilment of this we are to look for a state of things when\nthere would be augmented wickedness and irreligion, and when men would\nbecome worse and worse, notwithstanding the woes that had come upon\nthem. \u00b6 _Which hath power over these plagues._ Who had brought these\nplagues upon them, and who had power to remove them. \u00b6 _And they\nrepented not._ The effect was not to produce repentance, though it was\nmanifest that these judgments had come upon them on account of their\nsins. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 21. \u00b6 _To give him glory._ To turn from\nsin; to honour him by lives of obedience. Comp. Notes on Jn. ix. 24.\n\nIn regard to the _application_ of this the following things may be\nremarked:\u2015\u2015(a) That the calamity here referred to was one of the\nseries of events which would precede the overthrow of the \u201cbeast,\u201d and\ncontribute to that, for to this all these judgments tend. (b) In the\norder in which it stands it is to follow, and apparently to follow\n_soon_, the third judgment\u2015\u2015the pouring of the vial upon the fountains\nand streams. (c) It would be a calamity such _as if_ the sun, the\nsource of light and comfort to mankind, were smitten, and became a\nsource of torment. (d) This would be attended by a great destruction\nof _men_, and we should naturally look in such an application for\ncalamities in which multitudes of _men_ would be, as it were, consumed.\n(e) This would _not_ be followed, as it might be hoped it would,\nby repentance, but would be attended with reproaches of God, with\nprofaneness, with a great increase of wickedness.\n\nNow, on the supposition that the explanation of the previous passages\nis correct, there can be no great difficulty in supposing that this\nrefers to the wars of Europe following the French revolution, the wars\nthat preceded the direct attack on the Papacy and the overthrow of the\nPapal government, for these events had all the characteristics here\nreferred to. (a) They were one of a series in weakening the Papal\npower in Europe\u2015\u2015heavy blows that will yet be seen to have been among\nthe means preliminary to its final overthrow. (b) They followed in\ntheir order the invasion of Northern Italy, for one of the purposes of\nthat invasion was to attack the _Austrian_ power there, and ultimately\nthrough the Tyrol to attack Austria itself. Napoleon, after his\nvictories in Northern Italy, above referred to (comp. ch.xx. of\nAlison\u2019s _History of Europe_), thus writes to the French Directory:\n\u201cConi, Ceva, and Alexandria are in the hands of our army; if you do not\nratify the convention I will keep these fortresses and march upon Turin.\nMeanwhile I shall march to-morrow against Beaulieu, and drive him\nacross the Po; I shall follow close at his heels, overrun all Lombardy,\nand in a month be in the Tyrol, join the army of the Rhine, and carry\nour united forces into Bavaria. _That design is worthy of you, of\nthe army, and of the destinies of France_\u201d (Alison, i. 401). (c) The\ncampaign in Germany in 1796 followed immediately this campaign in Italy.\nThus, in ch. xx. of Alison\u2019s _History_, we have an account of the\ncampaign in Italy; in ch. xxi. we have the account of the campaign in\nGermany; and the other wars in Europe that continued so long, and that\nwere so fierce and bloody, followed in quick succession\u2015\u2015all tending,\nin their ultimate results, to weaken the Papal power and to secure its\nfinal overthrow. (d) It is hardly necessary to say here that these wars\nhad all the characteristics here supposed. It was _as if_ the sun were\nsmitten in the heavens and power were given to scorch men with fire.\nEurope seemed to be on fire with musketry and artillery, and presented\nalmost the appearance of the broad blaze of a battle-field. The number\nthat perished was immense. These wars were attended with the usual\nconsequences\u2015\u2015blasphemy, profaneness, and reproaches of God in every\nform. And yet there was another effect wholly in accordance with the\nstatement here, that none of these judgments brought men to \u201crepentance,\nthat they might give God the glory.\u201d Perhaps these remarks, which might\nbe extended to great length, will show that, on the supposition that it\nwas _intended_ to refer to those scenes by the outpouring of this vial,\nthe symbol was well chosen and appropriate.\n\n\n 10 And the fifth angel poured out his vial upon the [489]seat\n of the beast; and his kingdom was full of [490]darkness; and\n they gnawed their tongues for pain,\n\n10. _And the fifth angel poured out his {366} vial upon the seat of\nthe beast._ The previous judgments had been preparatory to this. They\nall had a bearing on this, and were all preliminary to it; but the\n\u201cseat\u201d\u2015\u2015the home, the centre of the power of the beast\u2015\u2015had not yet\nbeen reached. Here, however, there was a direct blow aimed at that\npower, still not such yet as to secure its _final_ overthrow, for that\nis reserved for the pouring out of the last vial, ver. 17\u201221. All that\nis represented here is a heavy judgment which was merely _preliminary_\nto that final overthrow, but which affected _the very seat of\nthe beast_. The phrase \u201cthe seat of the beast\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03b8\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n\u03b8\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u2015\u2015means the _seat_ or _throne_ which the representative of\nthat power occupied, the central point of the Antichristian dominion.\nComp. Notes on ch. xiii. 2. See also ch. ii. 13. I understand this\nas referring to the very seat of the Papal power\u2015\u2015Rome\u2015\u2015the Vatican.\n\u00b6 _And his kingdom was full of darkness._ Confusion\u2015\u2015disorder\u2015\u2015distress,\nfor darkness is often the emblem of calamity, Is. lix. 9, 10; Je.\nxiii. 16; Eze. xxx. 18; xxxii. 7, 8; xxxiv. 12; Joel ii. 2. \u00b6 _And they\ngnawed their tongues for pain._ This is a \u201cmost significant expression\nof the writhings of anguish.\u201d The word here rendered _gnawed_ does not\noccur elsewhere in the New Testament, nor is the expression elsewhere\nused in the Bible; but its meaning is plain\u2015\u2015it indicates deep anguish.\n\n\n 11 And blasphemed the God of heaven because of [491]their\n pains and their sores, and repented not of their deeds.\n\n11. _And blasphemed the God of heaven._ The same effect which it was\nsaid would be produced by the pouring out of the fourth vial, ver. 9.\n\u00b6 _Because of their pains and their sores._ Of the calamities that\nhad come upon them. \u00b6 _And repented not of their deeds._ See Notes on\nver. 9. Comp. ch. ix. 21.\n\nIn regard to the fulfilment and application of this, the following\ngeneral remarks may be made here:\u2015\u2015(a) It would succeed, at no great\ninterval probably, what is referred to under the previous \u201cvials,\u201d\nand would be one in the series tending to the same result. (b) It\nwould fall directly on the seat of the authority of the \u201cbeast\u201d\u2015\u2015on\nthe central power of the Papacy, according to the interpretation of the\nother symbols; and we should look, therefore, for some calamity that\nwould come upon Rome itself, and still more specifically upon the pope\nhimself, and those immediately around him. (c) This would be attended\nwith deep distress and darkness in the Papal dominions. (d) There would\nbe an increase of what is here called \u201cblasphemy;\u201d that is, of impiety\nand reproaches of the Divine Being. (e) There would be no repentance\nproduced. There would be no reformation. The system would be as corrupt\nas it was before, and men would be as much under its influence. And\n(f) we should not expect that this would be the _final_ overthrow of\nthe system. _That_ is reserved for the outpouring of the seventh and\nlast vial in the series (ver. 17\u201221), and under that the system would\nbe overthrown, and would come to an end. This is distinctly stated in\nthe account of that \u201cvial;\u201d and therefore we are not to expect to find,\nin the application of the fifth \u201cvial,\u201d that the calamity brought upon\n\u201cthe seat of the beast\u201d would be such that it would not recover for a\ntime, and maintain, apparently, in some good degree, its former power\nand influence.\n\nWith this view of what we are to expect, and in connection with the\nexplanations of the previous symbols, it seems to me that there can\nbe no hesitation in applying this to the direct attacks on the Papal\npower and on the pope himself, as one of the consequences of the French\nrevolution, and to the calamities that were thus brought upon the Papal\nStates. In order to show the appropriateness of this application, I\nwill state a few facts which will show that, on the supposition that\nit was the _intention_ in this symbol to refer to the Papal power at\nthat time, the symbol has been well chosen, and has been fulfilled. And,\nin doing this, I will merely copy from Alison\u2019s _History of Europe_\n(vol. i. pp. 542\u2012546) a few statements, which, like many that have been\nquoted from Mr. Gibbon in the former part of these Notes, would seem\nalmost to have been penned in view of this prophecy, and with a view to\nrecord its fulfilment. The statement is as follows:\u2015\u2015\n\n\u201cThe Ecclesiastical States were the {367} next object of attack. It had\nlong been an avowed object of ambition with the Republican government\nto revolutionize the Roman people, and plant the tricolour flag in the\ncity of Brutus,\u201d and fortune at length presented them with a favourable\nopportunity to accomplish the design.\n\n\u201cThe situation of the pope had become, since the French conquests\nin Italy, in the highest degree precarious. Cut off by the Cisalpine\nRepublic from any support from Austria; left by the treaty of Campo\nFormio entirely at the mercy of the French republic; threatened by\nthe heavings of the democratic spirit within his own dominions; and\nexposed to all the contagion arising from the complete establishment\nand close vicinity of republican governments in the north of Italy,\nhe was almost destitute of the means of resisting so many seen and\nunseen enemies. The pontifical treasury was exhausted by the immense\npayments stipulated by the treaty of Tolentino; while the activity\nand zeal of the revolutionary clubs in all the principal towns of the\nEcclesiastical States was daily increasing with the prospect of success.\nTo enable the government to meet the enormous demands of the French\narmy, the principal Roman families, like the pope, had sold their\ngold, their silver, their jewels, their horses, their carriages\u2015\u2015in a\nword, all their valuable effects; but the exactions of the republican\nagents were still unabated. In despair they had recourse to the fatal\nexpedient of issuing a paper circulation; but that, in a country\ndestitute of credit, soon fell to an inconsiderable value, and\naugmented rather than relieved the public distress. Joseph Bonaparte,\nbrother to Napoleon, had been appointed ambassador at the court of Rome;\nbut as his character was deemed too honourable for political intrigue,\nGenerals Duphot and Sherlock were sent along with him, the former of\nwhom had been so successful in effecting the overthrow of the Genoese\naristocracy. The French embassy, under their direction, soon became\nthe centre of the revolutionary action; and those numerous ardent\ncharacters with which the Italian cities abound, flocked there as to a\ncommon focus, from whence the next great explosion of democratic power\nwas to be expected. In this extremity, Pius VI., who was above eighty\nyears of age, and sinking into the grave, called to his counsels\nthe Austrian general Provera, already distinguished in the Italian\ncampaigns; but the Directory soon compelled the humiliated pontiff to\ndismiss that intrepid counsellor. As his recovery then seemed hopeless,\nthe instructions of government to their ambassador were to delay the\nproclamation of a republic till his death, when the vacant chair of\nSt. Peter might be overturned with little difficulty; but such was\nthe activity of the revolutionary agents, that the train was ready\nto take fire before that event took place, and the ears of the Romans\nwere assailed by incessant abuse of the ecclesiastical government, and\nvehement declamations in favour of republican freedom.\n\n\u201cThe resolution to overturn the Papal government, like all the other\nambitious projects of the Directory, received a very great impulse\nfrom the re-ascendent of Jacobin influence at Paris, by the results\nof the revolution of 18th Fructidor. One of the first measures of the\nnew government was to despatch an order to Joseph Bonaparte at Rome,\nto promote, by all the means in his power, the approaching revolution\nin the Papal States; and, above all things, to take care that at the\npope\u2019s death no successor should be elected to the chair of St. Peter.\nNapoleon\u2019s language to the Roman pontiff became daily more menacing.\nImmediately before setting out for Rastadt, he ordered his brother\nJoseph to intimate to the pope that three thousand additional troops\nhad been forwarded to Ancona; that if Provera was not dismissed\nwithin twenty-four hours, war would be declared; that if any of the\nrevolutionists who had been arrested were executed, reprisals would\nforthwith be exercised on the cardinals; and that, if the Cisalpine\nRepublic was not recognized, it would be the signal for immediate\nhostilities. At the same time ten thousand troops of the Cisalpine\nRepublic advanced to St. Leon, in the Papal duchy of Urbino, and made\nthemselves masters of that fortress; while at Ancona, which was still\ngarrisoned by French troops, notwithstanding its stipulated restoration\nby the treaty of Tolentino to the Holy See, the democratic party openly\nproclaimed the \u2018Anconite Republic.\u2019 Similar revolutionary movements\ntook place at Corneto, Civita Vecchia, Pesaro, and Senigaglia; while at\nRome itself, Joseph {368} Bonaparte, by compelling the Papal government\nto liberate all persons confined for political offences, suddenly\nvomited forth upon the capital several hundreds of the most heated\nrepublicans in Italy. After this great addition, measures were no\nlonger kept with the government. Seditious meetings were constantly\nheld in every part of the city; immense collections of tricolour\ncockades were made to distinguish the insurgents, and deputations of\nthe citizens openly waited on the French ambassador to invite him to\nsupport the insurrection, to which he replied, in ambiguous terms\u2015\u2015\u2018The\nfate of nations, as of individuals, being buried in the womb of\nfuturity, it is not given to me to penetrate its mysteries.\u2019\n\n\u201cIn this temper of men\u2019s minds, a spark was sufficient to occasion an\nexplosion. On the 27th of December, 1797, an immense crowd assembled,\nwith seditious cries, and moved to the palace of the French ambassador,\nwhere they exclaimed, \u2018Vive la R\u00e9publique Romaine!\u2019 and loudly invoked\nthe aid of the French to enable them to plant the tricolour flag on the\nCapitol. The insurgents displayed the tricolour cockade, and evinced\nthe most menacing disposition; the danger was extreme; from similar\nbeginnings the overthrow of the governments of Venice and Genoa had\nrapidly followed. The Papal ministers sent a regiment of dragoons to\nprevent any sortie of the revolutionists from the palace of the French\nambassador; and they repeatedly warned the insurgents that their\norders were to allow no one to leave its precincts. Duphot, however,\nindignant at being restrained by the pontifical troops, drew his sword,\nrushed down the staircase, and put himself at the head of one hundred\nand fifty armed Roman democrats, who were now contending with the\ndragoons in the courtyard of the palace. He was immediately killed\nby a discharge ordered by the sergeant commanding the patrol of the\nPapal troops; and the ambassador himself, who had followed to appease\nthe tumult, narrowly escaped the same fate. A violent scuffle ensued;\nseveral persons were killed and wounded on both sides; and, after\nremaining several hours in the greatest alarm, Joseph Bonaparte, with\nhis suite, retired to Florence.\n\n\u201cThis catastrophe, however, obviously occasioned by the revolutionary\nschemes which were in agitation at the residence of the French\nambassador, having taken place within the precincts of his palace, was,\nunhappily, a violation of the law of nations, and gave the Directory\ntoo fair a ground to demand satisfaction. But they instantly resolved\nto make it the pretext for the immediate occupation of Rome and\noverthrow of the Papal government. The march of troops out of Italy\nwas countermanded, and Berthier, the commander-in-chief, received\norders to advance rapidly into the Ecclesiastical States. Meanwhile,\nthe democratic spirit burst forth more violently than ever at Ancona\nand the neighbouring towns, and the Papal authority was soon lost\nin all the provinces on the eastern slope of the Apennines. To these\naccumulated disasters the pontiff could only oppose the fasts and\nprayers of an aged conclave\u2015\u2015weapons of spiritual warfare little\ncalculated to arrest the conquerors of Arcola and Lodi.\n\n\u201cBerthier, without an instant\u2019s delay, carried into execution the\norders of the Directory. Six thousand Poles were stationed at Rimini to\ncover the Cisalpine Republic; a reserve was established at Tolentino,\nwhile the commander-in-chief, at the head of eighteen thousand veteran\ntroops, entered Ancona. Having completed the work of revolution in that\nturbulent district, and secured the fortress, he crossed the Apennines;\nand, advancing by Foligno and Narni, appeared on the 10th of February\nbefore the Eternal City. The pope, in the utmost consternation, shut\nhimself up in the Vatican, and spent night and day at the foot of the\naltar in imploring the divine protection.\n\n\u201cRome, almost defenceless, would have offered no obstacle to the\nentrance of the French troops; but it was part of the policy of\nthe Directory to make it appear that their aid was invoked by the\nspontaneous efforts of the inhabitants. Contenting himself, therefore,\nwith occupying the castle of St. Angelo, from which the feeble guards\nof the pope were soon expelled, Berthier kept his troops for five\ndays encamped without the walls. At length, the revolutionists having\ncompleted their preparations, a noisy crowd assembled in the Campo\nVaccino, the ancient Forum; the old foundations of the Capitol were\nmade again to resound with the cries, if not the spirit, of freedom,\nand the venerable {369} ensigns, S. P. Q. R., after the lapse of\nfourteen hundred years, again floated in the winds. The multitude\ntumultuously demanded the overthrow of the Papal authority; the French\ntroops were invited to enter; the conquerors of Italy, with a haughty\nair, passed the gates of Aurelian, defiled through the Piazza del\nPopolo, gazed on the indestructible monuments of Roman grandeur, and,\namid the shouts of the inhabitants, the tricolour flag was displayed\nfrom the summit of the Capitol.\n\n\u201cBut while part of the Roman populace were surrendering themselves to\na pardonable intoxication upon the fancied recovery of their liberties,\nthe agents of the Directory were preparing for them the sad realities\nof slavery. The pope, who had been guarded by five hundred soldiers\never since the entry of the republicans, was directed to retire into\nTuscany; his Swiss guard relieved by a French one; and he himself\nordered to dispossess himself of all his temporal authority. He replied,\nwith the firmness of a martyr, \u2018I am prepared for every species of\ndisgrace. As supreme pontiff, I am resolved to die in the exercise of\nall my powers. You may employ force\u2015\u2015you have the power to do so; but\nknow that, though you may be masters of my body, you are not so of\nmy soul. Free in the region where it is placed, it fears neither the\nevents nor the sufferings of this life. I stand on the threshold of\nanother world; there I shall be sheltered alike from the violence\nand impiety of this.\u2019 Force was soon employed to dispossess him\nof his authority; he was dragged from the altar in his palace, his\nrepositories all ransacked and plundered, the rings even torn from\nhis fingers, the whole effects in the Vatican and Quirinal inventoried\nand seized, and the aged pontiff conducted, with only a few domestics,\namid the brutal jests and sacrilegious songs of the French dragoons,\ninto Tuscany, where the generous hospitality of the grand-duke strove\nto soften the hardships of his exile. But, though a captive in the\nhands of his enemies, the venerable old man still retained the supreme\nauthority in the church. From his retreat in the convent of the\nChartreuse, he yet guided the counsels of the faithful; multitudes fell\non their knees wherever he passed, and sought that benediction from\na captive which they would, perhaps, have disregarded from a ruling\npontiff.\n\n\u201cThe subsequent treatment of this venerable man was as disgraceful\nto the republican government as it was honourable to his piety and\nconstancy as the head of the church. Fearful that from his virtues and\nsufferings he might have too much influence on the continent of Italy,\nhe was removed by their orders to Leghorn, in March, 1799, with the\ndesign of transferring him to Cagliari in Sardinia; and the English\ncruisers in the Mediterranean redoubled their vigilance in the generous\nhope of rescuing the father of an opposite church from the persecution\nof his enemies. Apprehensive of losing their prisoner, the French\naltered his destination; and forcing him to traverse, often during the\nnight, the Apennines and the Alps in a rigorous season, he at length\nreached Valence, where, after an illness of ten days, he expired,\nin the eighty-second year of his age, and the twenty-fourth of his\npontificate. The cruelty of the Directory increased as he approached\ntheir dominions, all his old attendants were compelled to leave him,\nand the father of the faithful was allowed to expire, attended only\nby his confessor. Yet even in this disconsolate state he derived the\nhighest satisfaction from the devotion and reverence of the people in\nthe provinces of France through which he passed. Multitudes from Gap,\nVizelle, and Grenoble flocked to the road to receive his benediction;\nand he frequently repeated, with tears in his eyes, the words of\nScripture: \u2018Verily, I say unto you, I have not seen such faith, no,\nnot in Israel.\u2019\n\n\u201cBut long before the pope had sunk under the persecution of his\noppressors, Rome had experienced the bitter fruits of republican\nfraternization. Immediately after the entry of the French troops,\ncommenced the regular and systematic pillage of the city. Not only\nthe churches and the convents, but the palaces of the cardinals and of\nthe nobility, were laid waste. The agents of the Directory, insatiable\nin the pursuit of plunder, and merciless in the means of exacting it,\nransacked every quarter within its walls, seized the most valuable\nworks of art, and stripped the Eternal City of those treasures which\nhad survived the Gothic fire and the rapacious hands of the Spanish\nsoldiers. The bloodshed was much less, but the spoil collected\nincomparably greater, {370} than at the disastrous sack which followed\nthe death of the Constable Bourbon. Almost all the great works of art\nwhich have since that time been collected throughout Europe, were then\nscattered abroad. The spoliation exceeded all that the Goths or Vandals\nhad effected. Not only the palaces of the Vatican, and the Monte\nCavallo, and the chief nobility of Rome, but those of Castel Gandolfo,\non the margin of the Alban Lake, of Terracina, the Villa Albani, and\nothers in the environs of Rome, were plundered of every article of\nvalue which they possessed. The whole sacerdotal habits of the pope\nand cardinals were burned, in order to collect from the flames the gold\nwith which they were adorned. The Vatican was stripped to its naked\nwalls; the immortal frescoes of Raphael and Michael Angelo, which could\nnot be removed, remained in solitary beauty amid the general desolation.\nA contribution of four millions in money, two millions in provisions,\nand three thousand horses, was imposed on a city already exhausted by\nthe enormous exactions it had previously undergone. Under the direction\nof the infamous commissary Haller, the domestic library, museum,\nfurniture, jewels, and even the private clothes of the pope were sold.\nNor did the palaces of the Roman nobility escape devastation. The noble\ngalleries of the Cardinal Braschi, and the Cardinal York, the last\nrelic of the Stuart line, underwent the same fate. Others, as those of\nthe Chigi, Borghese, and Doria palaces, were rescued from destruction\nonly by enormous ransoms. Everything of value that the treaty of\nTolentino had left in Rome became the prey of republican cupidity,\nand the very name of freedom soon became odious, from the sordid and\ninfamous crimes which were committed in its name.\n\n\u201cNor were the exactions of the French confined to the plunder of\npalaces and churches. Eight cardinals were arrested and sent to Civita\nCastellana, while enormous contributions were levied on the Papal\nterritory, and brought home the bitterness of conquest to every poor\nman\u2019s door. At the same time the ample territorial possessions of the\nchurch and the monasteries were confiscated, and declared national\nproperty\u2015\u2015a measure which, by drying up at once the whole resources\nof the affluent classes, precipitated into the extreme of misery the\nnumerous poor who were maintained by their expenditure, or fed by their\nbounty. All the respectable citizens and clergy were in fetters; and\na base and despicable faction alone, among whom, to their disgrace be\nit told, were found fourteen cardinals, followed in the train of the\noppressors; and, at a public festival, returned thanks to God for the\nmiseries they had brought upon their country.\u201d[492]\n\n\n 12 And the sixth angel poured out his vial upon [493]the great\n river Euphrates; and the water thereof was [494]dried up, that\n the way of the kings of the east might be prepared.\n\n12. _And the sixth angel poured out his vial upon the great river\nEuphrates._ On the situation of that river, and the symbolical meaning\nof this language, see Notes on ch. ix. 14\u201221. The reference there was\nsupposed to be to the Turkish power, and the analogy of interpretation\nwould seem to require that it should be so understood here. There is\nevery reason, therefore, to suppose that this passage has reference\nto something in the future history of the Turkish dominions, and to\nsome bearing of the events which are to occur in that history on the\nultimate downfall of the Antichristian power referred to by the \u201cbeast.\u201d\n\u00b6 _And the water thereof was {371} dried up, that the way of the kings\nof the east might be prepared._ That is, as the effect of pouring out\nthe vial. There is an allusion here, undoubtedly, to the dividing of\nthe waters of the Red Sea, so that the children of Israel might pass.\nSee Ex. xiv. 21, 22. Comp. Notes on Is. xi. 15. In this description the\nEuphrates is represented as _a barrier_ to prevent the passage of \u201cthe\nkings of the East,\u201d on their way to the West for some purpose not yet\nspecified; that is, applying the symbol of the Euphrates as being the\nseat of the Turkish power, the meaning is, that _that power_ is such\na hindrance, and that, in some way that hindrance is to be removed\n_as if_ the waters of an unbridged and unfordable river were dried\nup so as to afford a safe and easy passage through. Still there are\nseveral inquiries as to the application of this, which is not easy,\nand, as it refers to what is still future, it may be impossible\nto answer. The _language_ requires us to put upon it the following\ninterpretation:\u2015\u2015(a) The persons here referred to as \u201ckings of the\nEast,\u201d were ready to make a movement towards the West, over the\nEuphrates, and would do this if this obstruction were not in their way.\n_Who_ these \u201ckings of the East\u201d are is not said, and perhaps cannot\nbe conjectured. The natural interpretation is, that they are the kings\nthat reign in the East, or that preside over the countries of the\neastern hemisphere. _Why_ there was a proposed movement to the West\nis not said. It might have been for conquest, or it might have been\nthat they were to bring their tribute to the spiritual Jerusalem, in\naccordance with what is so often said in the prophets, that under the\ngospel kings and princes would consecrate themselves and their wealth\nto God. See Ps. lxxii. 10, 11: \u201cThe kings of Tarshish and of the isles\nshall bring presents: the kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts.\nYea, all kings shall fall down before him.\u201d So also Is. lx. 4\u20126, 9, 11:\n\u201cThy sons shall come from far.\u2015\u2015The forces of the Gentiles shall come\nunto thee.\u2015\u2015All they from Sheba shall come: they shall bring gold and\nincense.\u2015\u2015The isles shall wait for me, and the ships of Tarshish first,\nto bring thy sons from far, their silver and their gold with them.\u2015\u2015Thy\ngates shall be open continually; they shall not be shut day nor night;\nthat men may bring unto thee the forces of the Gentiles, and that their\nkings may be brought.\u201d All that is _fairly_ implied in the language\nused here is, that the kings of the East would be converted to the true\nreligion, or that they were, at the time referred to, in a state of\nreadiness to be converted, if there were no hindrance or obstruction.\n(b) There was some hindrance or obstruction to their conversion; that\nis, as explained, from the Turkish power: in other words, they would\nbe converted to the true faith if it were not for the influence of that\npower. (c) The destruction of that power, represented by the drying up\nof the Euphrates, would remove that obstruction, and the way would thus\nbe \u201cprepared\u201d for their conversion to the true religion. We should most\nnaturally, therefore, look, in the fulfilment of this, for some such\ndecay of the Turkish power as would be followed by the conversion of\nthe rulers of the East to the gospel.\n\n\n 13 And I saw three unclean spirits like frogs _come_ out of\n the mouth of [495]the dragon, and out of the mouth of [496]the\n beast, and out of the mouth of [497]the false prophet.\n\n13. _And I saw three unclean spirits._ They assumed a visible\nform which would well represent their odiousness\u2015\u2015that of frogs\u2015\u2015but\nstill they are spoken of as \u201cspirits.\u201d They were evil powers, or evil\ninfluences (ver. 14, \u201cspirits of devils\u201d), and the language here is\nundoubtedly designed to represent some such power or influence which\nwould, at that period, proceed from the dragon, the beast, and the\nfalse prophet. \u00b6 _Like frogs_\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03ac\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c7\u03bf\u03b9. This word does not occur\nin the New Testament except in the passage before us. It is properly\ntranslated _frogs_. The _frog_ is here employed clearly as a _symbol_,\nand it is designed that certain qualities of the \u201cspirits\u201d here\nreferred to should be designated by the symbol. For a full illustration\nof the meaning of the symbol, the reader may consult Bochart, _Hieroz._\nP. II. lib. v. cap. iv. According to Bochart, the frog is characterized,\nas a symbol, (1) for its rough, harsh, coarse voice; (2) on this\naccount, as a symbol of complaining or reproaching; (3) as a symbol\nof empty loquacity; (4) as a symbol of heretics and philosophers,\nas understood by Augustine; (5) because the frog has its origin in\n{372} mud, and lives in mud, as a symbol of those who are born in sin,\nand live in pollution; (6) because the frog endures all changes of\nthe season\u2015\u2015cold and heat, summer, winter, rain, frost\u2015\u2015as a symbol\nof _monks_ who practise self-denial; (7) because the frog, though\nabstemious of food, yet lives in water and drinks often, as a symbol\nof drunkards; (8) as a symbol of impudence; (9) because the frog\nswells his size, and distends his cheeks, as a symbol of pride. See\nthe authorities for these uses of the word in Bochart. How many or few\nof these ideas enter into the symbol here, it is not easy to decide.\nWe may suppose, however, that the spirits referred to would be\ncharacterized by pride, arrogance, impudence, assumption of authority;\nperhaps impurity and vileness, for all these ideas enter into the\nmeaning of the symbol. They are not here, probably, symbols of\n_persons_, but of _influences_ or _opinions_ which would be spread\nabroad, and which would characterize the age referred to. The reference\nis to what the \u201cdragon,\u201d the \u201cbeast,\u201d and the \u201cfalse prophet\u201d would\n_do_ at that time in opposing the truth, and in preparing the world for\nthe great and final conflict. \u00b6 _Out of the mouth of the dragon._ One\nof which seemed to issue from the mouth of the dragon. On the symbolic\nmeaning of the word \u201cdragon,\u201d see Notes on ch. xii. 3. It, in general,\nrepresents Satan, the great enemy of the church; perhaps here Satan\nunder the form of heathenism or paganism, as in ch. xii. 3, 4. The\nidea then is, that, at the time referred to, there would be some\nmanifestation of the power of Satan in the heathen nations, which\nwould be bold, arrogant, proud, loquacious, hostile to truth, and which\nwould be well represented by the hoarse murmur of the frog. \u00b6 _And out\nof the mouth of the beast._ The Papacy, as above explained, ch. xiii.\nThat is, there would be some putting forth of arrogant pretensions;\nsome loud denunciation or complaining; some manifestation of pride and\nself-consequence, which would be well represented by the croaking of\nthe frog. We have seen above (Notes on ver. 5, 6), that although the\nfifth vial was poured upon \u201cthe seat of the beast,\u201d the effect was\nnot to crush and overthrow that power entirely. The Papacy would\nstill survive, and would be finally destroyed under the outpouring\nof the seventh vial, ver. 17\u201221. In the passage before us we have a\nrepresentation of it as still living; as having apparently recovered\nits strength; and as being as hostile as ever to the truth, and able\nto enter into a combination, secret or avowed, with the \u201cdragon\u201d and\nthe \u201cfalse prophet,\u201d to oppose the reign of truth upon the earth.\n\u00b6 _And out of the mouth of the false prophet._ The word rendered\n_false prophet_\u2015\u2015\u03c8\u03b5\u03c5\u03b4\u03bf\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03ae\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u2015\u2015does not before occur in the book of\nRevelation, though the use of the article would seem to imply that some\nwell-known power or influence was referred to by this. Comp. Notes on\nch. x. 3. The word occurs in other places in the New Testament, Mat.\nvii. 15; xxiv. 11, 24; Mar. xiii. 22; Lu. vi. 26; Ac. xiii. 6; 2 Pe.\nii. 1; 1 Jn. iv. 1; and twice elsewhere in the book of Revelation, with\nthe same reference as here, ch. xix. 20; xx. 10. In both these latter\nplaces it is connected with the \u201cbeast:\u201d \u201cAnd the beast was taken,\nand with him the false prophet;\u201d \u201cAnd the devil that deceived them was\ncast into the lake of fire and brimstone, where the beast and the false\nprophet are.\u201d It would seem, then, to refer to some power that was\nsimilar to that of the beast, and that was to share the same fate\nin the overthrow of the enemies of the gospel. As to the application\nof this, there is no opinion so probable as that it alludes to the\nMahometan power\u2015\u2015not strictly the _Turkish_ power, for that was to be\n\u201cdried up,\u201d or to diminish; but to the Mahometan power as such, that\nwas still to continue for a while in its vigour, and that was yet to\nexert a formidable influence against the gospel, and probably in some\ncombination, in fact, if not in form, with Paganism and the Papacy. The\n_reasons_ for this opinion are: (a) that this was referred to, in the\nformer part of the book, as one of the formidable powers that would\narise, and that would materially affect the destiny of the world\u2015\u2015and\nit may be presumed that it would be again referred to in the account\nof the final consummation, see ch. ix. 1\u201211; (b) the name \u201c_false\nprophet_\u201d would, better than any other, describe that power, and would\nnaturally suggest it in future times\u2015\u2015for to no one that has ever\nappeared in our world could the name be so properly applied as to\nMahomet; and (c) what is said will be found to agree with the facts\nin regard to that power, as, in connection with the Papacy and with\nPaganism, constituting the sum of the {373} obstruction to the spread\nof the gospel around the world.\n\n\n 14 For they are the [498]spirits of devils, [499]working\n miracles, _which_ go forth unto the kings of the earth and of\n [500]the whole world, to gather them to the [501]battle of\n that great day of God Almighty.\n\n14. _For they are the spirits of devils._ On the meaning of the word\nused here, see Notes on ch. ix. 20. It is used here, as it is in ch.\nix. 20, in a bad sense, as denoting _evil_ spirits. Comp. Notes on\nMat. iv. 1, 2, 24. \u00b6 _Working miracles._ Working what _seemed_ to be\nmiracles; that is, such wonders as to deceive the world with the belief\nthat they were miracles. See Notes on ch. xiii. 13, 14, where the same\npower is ascribed to the \u201cbeast.\u201d \u00b6 _|Which| go forth unto the kings\nof the earth._ Which particularly affect and influence kings and\nrulers. No class of men have been more under the influence of Pagan\nsuperstition, Mahometan delusion, or the Papacy, than kings and princes.\nWe are taught by this passage that this will continue to be so in the\ncircumstances referred to. \u00b6 _And of the whole world._ That is, so\nfar that it might be represented as affecting the whole world\u2015\u2015to wit,\nthe heathen, the Mahometan, and the Papal portions of the earth. These\nstill embrace so large a portion of the globe, that it might be said,\nthat what would affect those powers now would influence the whole world.\n\u00b6 _To gather them._ Not literally to assemble them all in one place,\nbut so to unite and combine them that it might be represented as an\nassembling of the hosts for battle. \u00b6 _To the battle of that great\nday of God Almighty._ Not the day of judgment, but the day which would\ndetermine the ascendency of true religion in the world\u2015\u2015the final\nconflict with those powers which had so long opposed the gospel. It is\nnot necessary to suppose that there would be a literal \u201c_battle_,\u201d in\nwhich God would be seen to contend with his foes; but there would be\nthat which might be properly _represented_ as a battle. That is, there\nwould be a combined struggle against the truth, and in that God would\nappear by his providence and Spirit on the side of the church, and\nwould give it the victory. It accords with all that has occurred in the\npast, to suppose that there will be such a combined struggle before the\nchurch shall finally triumph in the world.\n\n\n 15 Behold, [502]I come as a thief. Blessed _is_ he that\n watcheth, and keepeth his garments, lest he walk [503]naked,\n and they see his shame.\n\n15. _Behold, I come as a thief._ That is, suddenly and unexpectedly.\nSee Notes on Mat. xxiv. 43; 1 Th. v. 2. This is designed evidently\nto admonish men to watch, or to be in readiness for his coming, since,\nwhenever it would occur, it would be at a time when men were not\nexpecting him. \u00b6 _Blessed |is| he that watcheth._ Comp. Mat. xxiv.\n42\u201244. The meaning here is, that he who watches for these events, who\nmarks the indications of their approach, and who is conscious of a\npreparation for them, is in a better and happier state of mind than\nhe on whom they come suddenly and unexpectedly. \u00b6 _And keepeth his\ngarments._ The allusion here seems to be to one who, regardless of\ndanger, or of the approach of an enemy, should lay aside his garments\nand lie down to sleep. Then the thief might come and take away his\ngarments, leaving him naked. The essential idea, therefore, here,\nis the duty of vigilance. We are to be awake to duty and to danger;\nwe are not to be found sleeping at our post; we are to be ready for\ndeath\u2015\u2015ready for the coming of the Son of man. \u00b6 _Lest he walk naked._\nHis raiment being carried away while he is asleep. \u00b6 _And they see\nhis shame._ Comp. Notes on ch. iii. 18. The meaning here is, that, as\nChristians are clothed with the garments of righteousness, they should\nnot lay them aside, so that their spiritual nakedness should be seen.\nThey are to be always clothed with the robes of salvation; always ready\nfor any event, however soon or suddenly it may come upon them.\n\n\n 16 And he gathered them together into a place called in the\n Hebrew tongue Armageddon.\n\n16. _And he gathered them together._ _Who_ gathered them? Professor\nStuart renders it, \u201c_they_ gathered them together,\u201d supposing that it\nrefers to the \u201cspirits\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bd\u03b5\u03cd\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u2015\u2015in ver. 13, and that this is the\nconstruction of the neuter plural with a singular verb. So De Wette\nunderstands it. Hengstenberg supposes {374} that it means that _God_\ngathered them together; others suppose that it was the sixth angel;\nothers that it was Satan; others that it was the beast; and others that\nit was Christ. See Poole\u2019s _Synopsis_, _in loco_. The authority of De\nWette and Professor Stuart is sufficient to show that the construction\nwhich they adopt is authorized by the Greek, as indeed no one can\ndoubt, and perhaps this accords better with the context than any other\nconstruction proposed. Thus, in ver. 14, the spirits are represented\nas going forth into the whole world for _the purpose_ of gathering the\nnations together to the great battle, and it is natural to suppose that\nthe reference is to them here as having accomplished what they went\nforth to do. But who are to be gathered together? Evidently those who,\nin ver. 14, are described by the word \u201c_them_\u201d\u2015\u2015the \u201ckings of the earth,\nand the whole world;\u201d that is, there will be a state of things which\nwould be well described by a universal gathering of forces in a central\nbattle-field. It is by no means necessary to suppose that what is\nhere represented will _literally_ occur. There will be a mustering of\nspiritual forces; there will be a combination and a unity of opposition\nagainst the truth; there will be a rallying of the declining powers\nof Heathenism, Mahometanism, and Romanism, _as if_ the forces of\nthe earth, marshalled by kings and rulers, were assembled in some\ngreat battle-field, where the destiny of the world was to be decided.\n\u00b6 _Into a place called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon._ The word\n_Armageddon_\u2015\u2015\u1f08\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03b3\u03b5\u03b4\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u2015\u2015occurs nowhere else in the New Testament, and\nis not found in the Septuagint. It seems to be formed from the Hebrew\n\u05d4\u05b7\u05e8 \u05de\u05b0\u05d2\u05b4\u05d3\u05bc\u05d5\u05b9 _Har Megiddo_\u2015\u2015_Mountain of Megiddo_. Comp. 2 Ch. xxxv. 22, where\nit is said that Josiah \u201ccame to fight _in the valley of Megiddo_.\u201d\nMegiddo was a town belonging to Manasseh, although within the limits\nof Issachar, Jos. xvii. 11. It had been originally one of the royal\ncities of the Canaanites (Jos. xii. 21), and was one of those of which\nthe Israelites were unable for a long time to take possession. It was\nrebuilt and fortified by Solomon (1 Ki. ix. 15), and thither Ahaziah\nking of Judah fled when wounded by Jehu, and died there, 2 Ki. ix. 27.\nIt was here that Deborah and Barak destroyed Sisera and his host (Ju.\nv. 19); and it was in a battle near this that Josiah was slain by\nPharaoh-Necho, 2 Ki. xxiii. 29, 30; 2 Ch. xxxv. 20\u201225. From the great\nmourning held for his loss, it became proverbial to speak of any\ngrievous mourning as being \u201clike the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the\nvalley of Megiddon,\u201d Zec. xii. 11. It has not been found easy to\nidentify the place, but recent searches have made it probable that the\nvale or plain of Megiddo comprehended, if it was not wholly composed of,\nthe prolongation of the plain of Esdraelon, towards Mount Carmel; that\nthe city of Megiddo was situated there; and that the waters of Megiddo,\nmentioned in Ju. v. 19, are identical with the stream Kishon in that\npart of its course. See _Biblical Repository_, vol. i. pp. 602, 603.\nIt is supposed that the modern town called _Lejj\u00fbn_ occupies the site\nof the ancient Megiddo (Robinson\u2019s _Biblical Researches_, vol. iii. pp.\n177\u2012180). Megiddo was distinguished for being the place of the decisive\nconflict between Deborah and Sisera, and of the battle in which Josiah\nwas slain by the Egyptian invaders; and hence it became emblematic\nof _any_ decisive battle-field\u2015\u2015just as Marathon, Leuctra, Arbela, or\nWaterloo is. The word \u201cmountain,\u201d in the term Armageddon\u2015\u2015\u201cMountain of\nMegiddo\u201d\u2015\u2015seems to have been used because Megiddo was in a mountainous\nregion, though the battles were fought in a _valley_ adjacent. The\nmeaning here is, that there would be, as it were, a decisive battle\nwhich would determine the question of the prevalence of true religion\non the earth. What we are to expect as the fulfilment of this would\nseem to be, that there will be some mustering of strength\u2015\u2015some\nrallying of forces\u2015\u2015some opposition made to the kingdom of God in\nthe gospel, by the powers here referred to, which would be _decisive_\nin its character, and which would be well represented by the battles\nbetween the people of God and their foes in the conflicts in the valley\nof Megiddo.\n\nAs this constitutes, according to the course of the exposition by which\nwe have been conducted, an important division in the book of Revelation,\nit may be proper to pause here and make a few remarks. The previous\nparts of the book, according to the interpretation proposed, relate\nto the past, and thus far we have found such a correspondence between\nthe predictions and facts which have occurred as to lead us to suppose\nthat these predictions have {375} been fulfilled. At this point, I\nsuppose, we enter on that part which remains yet to be fulfilled, and\nthe investigation must carry us into the dark and unknown future. The\nremaining portion comprises a very general sketch of things down to the\nend of time, as the previous portion has touched on the great events\npertaining to the church and its progress for a period of more than one\nthousand eight hundred years. A few general remarks, therefore, seem\nnot inappropriate at this point.\n\n(a) In the previous interpretations, we have had the facts of history\nby which to test the accuracy of the interpretation. The plan pursued\nhas been, first, to investigate the meaning of the words and symbols,\nentirely independent of any supposed application, and then to inquire\nwhether there have been any facts that may be regarded as corresponding\nwith the meaning of the words and symbols as explained. Of this method\nof testing the accuracy of the exposition, we must now take our leave.\nOur sole reliance must be in the exposition itself, and our work must\nbe limited to that.\n\n(b) It is always difficult to interpret a prophecy. The language of\nprophecy is often apparently enigmatical; the symbols are sometimes\nobscure; and prophecies relating to the same subject are often in\ndetached fragments, uttered by different persons at different times;\nand it is necessary to collect and arrange them, in order to have\na full view of the one subject. Thus the prophecies respecting the\nMessiah were many of them obscure, and indeed apparently contradictory,\nbefore he came; they were uttered at distant intervals, and by\ndifferent prophets; at one time one trait of his character was dwelt\nupon, and at another another; and it was difficult to combine these\nso as to have an accurate view of what he would be, until he came.\nThe result has shown what the meaning of the prophecies was; and at\nthe same time has demonstrated that there was entire consistency in\nthe various predictions, and that to one who could have comprehended\nall, it would have been _possible_ to combine them so as to have had\na _correct_ view of the Messiah, and of his work, even before he came.\nThe same remark is still more applicable to the predictions in the book\nof Revelation, or to the similar predictions in the book of Daniel, and\nto many portions of Isaiah. It is easy to see how _difficult_ it would\nhave been, or rather how _impossible_ by any human powers, to have\napplied these prophecies in detail before the events occurred; and yet,\nnow that they have occurred, it may be seen that the symbols were the\nhappiest that could have been chosen, and the only ones that could with\npropriety have been selected to describe the remarkable events which\nwere to take place in future times.\n\n(c) The same thing we may presume to be the case in regard to events\nwhich are to occur. We may expect to find (1) language and symbols that\nare, in themselves, capable of clear interpretation as to their proper\nmeaning; (2) the events of the future so sketched out by that language,\nand by those symbols, that we may obtain a _general_ view that will be\naccurate; and yet (3) an entire impossibility of filling up beforehand\nthe minute details.\n\nIn regard, then, to the application of the particular portion now\nbefore us, ver. 12\u201216, the following remarks may be made:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) The Turkish power, especially since its conquest of Constantinople\nunder Mahomet II. in 1453, and its establishment in Europe, has been\n_a_ grand hindrance to the spread of the gospel. It has occupied a\ncentral position; it has possessed some of the richest parts of the\nworld; it has, in general, excluded all efforts to spread the pure\ngospel within its limits; and its whole influence has been opposed\nto the spread of pure Christianity. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 14\u201221. \u201cBy\nits laws it was death to a Mussulman to apostatize from his faith, and\nbecome a Christian; and examples, not a few, have occurred in recent\ntimes to illustrate it.\u201d It was not until quite recently, and that\nunder the influence of missionaries in Constantinople, that evangelical\nChristianity has been tolerated in the Turkish dominions.\n\n(2) The prophecy before us implies that there would be a _decline_ of\nthat formidable power\u2015\u2015represented by the \u201cdrying up of the great river\nEuphrates.\u201d See Notes on ver. 12. And no one can be insensible to the\nfact that events are occurring which would be properly represented by\nsuch a symbol; or that there is, in fact, now such a decline of that\nTurkish power, and that the beginning of that decline closely followed,\nin regard to _time_, if not in regard to the _cause_, the events which\nit is supposed {376} were designated by the previous vials\u2015\u2015those\nconnected with the successive blows on the Papacy and the seat of the\nbeast. In reference, then, to the decline of that power, we may refer\nto the following things:\u2015\u2015(a) The first great cause was _internal\nrevolt and insurrection_. In 1820 Ali Pasha asserted his independence,\nand by his revolt precipitated the Greek insurrection which had been\na long time secretly preparing\u2015\u2015an insurrection so disastrous to the\nTurkish power. (b) The Greek insurrection followed. This soon spread\nto the \u00c6gean isles, and to the districts of Northern Greece, Epirus,\nand Thessaly; while at the same time the standard of revolt was raised\nin Wallachia and Moldavia. The progress and issue of that insurrection\nare well known. A Turcoman army of 30,000 that entered the Morea to\nreconquer it was destroyed in 1823 in detail, and the freedom of the\npeninsula was nearly completed by the insurgents. By sea the Greeks\nemulated their ancestors of Salamis and Mycale; and, attended with\nalmost uniform success, encountered and vanquished the superior Turkish\nand Egyptian fleets. Meanwhile the sympathies of Western Christendom\nwere awakened in behalf of their brother Christians struggling for\nindependence; and just when the tide of success began to turn, and\nthe Morea was again nearly subjected by Ibrahim Pasha, the united\nfleets of England, France, and Russia (in contravention of all their\nusual principles of policy) interposed in their favour; attacked\nand destroyed the Turco-Egyptian fleets in the battle of Navarino\n(September, 1827), and thus secured the independence of Greece. Nothing\nhad ever occurred that tended so much to weaken the power of the\nTurkish empire. (c) The rebellion of the great Egyptian pasha, Mehemet\nAli, soon followed. The French invasion of Egypt had prepared him\nfor it, by having taught him the superiority of European discipline,\nand thus this event was one of the proper results of those described\nunder the first four vials. Mehemet Ali, through Ibrahim, attacked\nand conquered Syria; defeated the sultan\u2019s armies sent against him\nin the great battles of Hems, of Nezib, and of Iconium; and, but for\nthe intervention of the European powers of England, Russia, Prussia,\nand Austria, by which he was driven out of Syria, and forced back\nto his proper pashalic, Egypt, he would probably have advanced to\nConstantinople and subdued it. (d) There has been for centuries a\ngradual weakening of the Turkish power. It has done nothing to extend\nits empire by arms. It has been resting in inglorious ease, and, in the\nmeantime, its wealth and its strength have been gradually decreasing.\nIt has lost Moldavia, Wallachia, Greece, Algiers, and, practically,\nEgypt; and is doing nothing to recruit its wasted and exhausted\nstrength. Russia only waits for a favourable opportunity to strike\nthe last blow on that enfeebled power, and to put an end to it\nfor ever. (e) The general condition of the Turkish empire is thus\ndescribed by the Rev. Mr. Walsh, chaplain to the British ambassador\nto Constantinople:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe circumstances most striking to a traveller\npassing through Turkey is its _depopulation_. Ruins where villages had\nbeen built, and fallows where land had been cultivated, are frequently\nseen with no living thing near them. This effect is not so visible in\nlarger towns, though the cause is known to operate there in a still\ngreater degree. Within the last twenty years, Constantinople has lost\nmore than half its population. Two conflagrations happened while I was\nin Constantinople, and destroyed fifteen thousand houses. The Russian\nand Greek wars were a constant drain on the janizaries of the capital;\nthe silent operation of the plague is continually active, though not\nalways alarming; it will be no exaggeration to say that, within the\nperiod mentioned, from three to four hundred thousand persons have been\nswept away in one city in Europe by causes which were not operating in\nany other\u2015\u2015_conflagration_, _pestilence_, _and civil commotion_. The\nTurks, though naturally of a robust and vigorous constitution, addict\nthemselves to such habits as are very unfavourable to population\u2015\u2015the\nbirths do little more than exceed the ordinary deaths, and cannot\nsupply the waste of casualties. The surrounding country is, therefore,\ncontinually drained to supply this waste in the capital, which,\nnevertheless, exhibits districts _nearly depopulated_. We see every day\nlife going out in the fairest portion of Europe; _and the human race\nthreatened with extinction_ in a soil and climate capable of supporting\nthe most abundant population\u201d (Walsh\u2019s _Narrative_, pp. 22\u201226, as\nquoted in Bush _on the Millennium_, 243, 244). The probability now is,\nthat this gradual decay {377} will be continued; that the Turkish power\nwill more and more diminish; that one portion after another will set up\nfor independence; and that, by a gradual process of decline, this power\nwill become practically extinct, and what is here symbolized by the\n\u201cdrying up of the great river Euphrates\u201d will have been accomplished.\n\n(3) This obstacle removed, we may look for a general turning of the\nprinces, and rulers, and people of the Eastern world to Christianity,\nrepresented (ver. 12) by its being said that \u201cthe way of the kings of\nthe East might be prepared.\u201d See Notes on that verse. It is clear that\nnothing would be more _likely_ to contribute to this, or to prepare the\nway for it, than the removal of that Turcoman dominion which for more\nthan four hundred years has been an effectual barrier to the diffusion\nof the gospel in the lands where it has prevailed. How rapidly, we\nmay suppose, the gospel would spread in the East, if all the obstacles\nthrown in its way by the Turkish power were at once removed!\n\n(4) In accordance with the interpretation suggested on ver. 13, 14,\nwe may look for something that would be well represented by a combined\neffort on the part of Heathenism, Mahometanism, and Romanism, to stay\nthe progress and prevent the spread of evangelical religion. That is,\naccording to the fair interpretation of the passage, we should look for\nsome simultaneous movement _as if_ their influence was to be about to\ncease, and as if it were necessary to arouse all their energies for a\nlast and desperate struggle. It may be added that, in itself, nothing\nwould be more _probable_ than this; but when it will occur, and what\nform the aroused enemy will assume, it would be vain to conjecture.\n\n(5) And in accordance with the interpretation suggested on ver. 15,\nwe are to suppose that something will occur which would be well\nrepresented by the decisive conflicts in the valley of Megiddo; that\nis, something that will determine the ascendency of true religion in\nthe world, _as if_ these great powers of Heathenism, Mahometanism,\nand Romanism should stake all their interests on the issue of a single\nbattle. It is not necessary to suppose that this will _literally_\noccur, and there are no certain intimations as to the time when what is\nrepresented will happen; but all that is meant may be, that events will\ntake place which would be well represented by such a conflict. Still,\nnothing in the prophecy prevents the supposition that these combined\npowers _may be_ overthrown in some fierce conflict with Christian\npowers.\n\n\n 17 And the seventh angel poured out his vial into the air; and\n there came a great voice out of the temple of heaven, from the\n throne, saying, [504]It is done.\n\n17. _And the seventh angel poured out his vial into the air._ This\nintroduces the final catastrophe in regard to the \u201cbeast\u201d\u2015\u2015his complete\nand utter overthrow, accompanied with tremendous judgments. Why\nthe vial was poured into _the air_ is not stated. The most probable\nsupposition as to the idea intended to be represented is, that,\nas storms and tempests seem to be engendered in the air, so this\ndestruction would come from some supernatural cause, as if the whole\natmosphere should be filled with wind and storm; and a furious and\ndesolating whirlwind should be aroused by some invisible power. \u00b6 _And\nthere came a great voice out of the temple of heaven._ The voice of God.\nSee Notes on ch. xi. 19. \u00b6 _From the throne._ See Notes on ch. iv. 2.\nThis shows that it was the voice of God, and not the voice of an\nangel. \u00b6 _Saying, It is done._ The series of judgments is about to be\ncompleted; the dominion of the beast is about to come to an end for\never. The meaning here is, that that destruction was so certain, that\nit might be spoken of as now actually accomplished.\n\n\n 18 And there were voices, and thunders, and lightnings; and\n there was a [505]great earthquake, [506]such as was not since\n men were upon the earth, so mighty an earthquake, _and_ so\n great.\n\n18. _And there were voices, and thunders, and lightnings._ Accompanying\nthe voice that was heard from the throne. See Notes on ch. iv. 5; xi.\n19. \u00b6 _And there was a great earthquake_, &c. See Notes on ch. vi. 12;\nxi. 19. The meaning is, that a judgment followed _as if_ the world\nwere shaken by an earthquake, or which would be properly represented\nby that.\u00b6 _So mighty an {378} earthquake_, and _so great_. All this is\nintensive, and is designed to represent the severity of the judgment\nthat would follow.\n\n\n 19 And the [507]great city was divided into three parts, and\n the cities of the nations fell: and great Babylon came in\n remembrance before God, to give unto her the [508]cup of the\n wine of the fierceness of his wrath.\n\n19. _And the great city was divided into three parts._ The city of\nBabylon; or the mighty power that was represented by Babylon. See\nNotes on ch. xiv. 8. The division here mentioned into three parts was\nmanifestly with reference to its destruction\u2015\u2015either that one part\nwas smitten and the others remained for a time, or that one form of\ndestruction came on one part, and another on the others. In ch. xi. 13\nit is said, speaking of \u201cthe great city spiritually called Sodom and\nEgypt\u201d\u2015\u2015representing Rome, that \u201cthe tenth part of the city fell, and\nin the earthquake were slain of men seven thousand\u201d (see Notes on that\nplace); here it is said that the whole city, in the calamities that\ncame upon it, was divided into three portions, though it is evidently\nimplied that, in these calamities, the _whole_ city was sooner or later\ndestroyed. Professor Stuart (_in loco_) supposes that the number _three_\nis used here, as it is throughout the book, \u201cin a symbolical way,\u201d and\nthat the meaning is, that \u201cthe city was severed and broken in pieces,\nso that the whole was reduced to a ruinous state.\u201d He supposes that\nit refers to Pagan Rome, or to the Pagan Roman persecuting power.\nOthers refer it to Jerusalem, and suppose that the allusion is to the\ndivisions of the city, in the time of the siege, into Jewish, Samaritan,\nand Christian parties; others suppose that it refers to a division of\nthe Roman empire under Honorius, Attalus, and Constantine; others to\nthe fact, that when Jerusalem was besieged by Titus, it was divided\ninto three factions; and others, that the number three is used to\ndenote _perfection_, or the total ruin of the city. All that, it seems\nto me, can be said now on the point is, (a) that it refers to Papal\nRome, or the Papal power; (b) that it relates to something yet future,\nand that it may not be possible to determine with precise accuracy\nwhat will occur; (c) that it probably means that, in the time of the\nfinal ruin of that power, there will be a threefold judgment\u2015\u2015either\na different judgment in regard to some threefold manifestation of that\npower, or a succession of judgments, _as if_ one part were smitten at\na time. The certain and entire ruin of the power is predicted by this,\nbut still it is not improbable that it will be by such divisions, or\nsuch successions of judgments, that it is proper to represent the city\nas divided into three portions. \u00b6 _And the cities of the nations fell._\nIn alliance with it, or under the control of the central power. As the\ncapital fell, the dependent cities fell also. Considered as relating to\nPapal Rome, the meaning here is, that what may be properly called \u201cthe\ncities _of the nations_\u201d that were allied with it would share the same\nfate. The cities of numerous \u201cnations\u201d are now, and have been for ages,\nunder the control of the Papal power, or the spiritual Babylon; and the\ncalamity that will smite the central power _as such_\u2015\u2015that is, _as_ a\nspiritual power\u2015\u2015will reach and affect them all. Let the central power\nat Rome be destroyed; the Papacy cease; the superstition with which\nRome is regarded come to an end; the power of the priesthood in Italy\nbe destroyed, and however widely the Roman dominion is spread now,\nit cannot be kept up. If it falls _in_ Rome, there is not influence\nenough _out of_ Rome to continue it in being\u2015\u2015and in all its extended\nramifications it will die as the body dies when the head is severed;\nas the power of provinces ceases when ruin comes upon the capital.\nThis the prophecy leads us to suppose will be the final destiny of the\nPapal power. \u00b6 _And great Babylon._ See Notes on ch. xiv. 8. \u00b6 _Came\nin remembrance before God._ That is, for purposes of punishment. It\nhad been, as it were, overlooked. It had been permitted to carry on its\npurposes, and to practise its abominations, unchecked, as if God did\nnot see it. Now the time had come when all that it had done was to be\nremembered, and when the long-suspended judgment was to fall upon it.\n\u00b6 _To give unto her the cup of the wine_, &c. To punish; to destroy\nher. See Notes on ch. xiv. 10.\n\n\n 20 And [509]every island fled away, and the mountains were not\n found.\n\n{379} 20. _And every island fled away._ Expressive of great and\nterrible judgments, _as if_ the very earth were convulsed, and\neverything were moved out of its place. See Notes on ch. vi. 14.\n\u00b6 _And the mountains were not found._ The same image occurs in ch.\nvi. 14. See Notes on that place.\n\n\n 21 And there fell upon men a great [510]hail out of heaven,\n _every stone_ about the weight of a talent: and men blasphemed\n God because of the plague of the hail; for the plague thereof\n was exceeding great.\n\n21. _And there fell upon men a great hail out of heaven._ Perhaps this\nis an allusion to one of the plagues of Egypt, Ex. ix. 22\u201226. Comp.\nNotes on ch. xi. 19. For a graphic description (by Com. Porter) of\nthe effects of a hail-storm, see Notes on Is. xxx. 30. Comp. Notes on\nJob xxxviii. 22. \u00b6 _|Every stone| about the weight of a talent._ The\nAttic talent was equal to about 55 lbs. or 56 lbs. Troy weight; the\nJewish talent to about 113 lbs. Troy. Whichever weight is adopted,\nit is easy to conceive what must be the horror of such a storm, and\nwhat destruction it must cause. We are not, of course, to suppose\nnecessarily, that this would literally occur; it is a frightful image\nto denote the terrible and certain destruction that would come upon\nBabylon\u2015\u2015that is, upon the Papal power. \u00b6 _And men blasphemed God._ See\nNotes on ver. 9. \u00b6 _Because of the plague of the hail._ Using the word\n_plague_ in allusion to the plagues of Egypt. \u00b6 _For the plague thereof\nwas exceeding great._ The calamity was great and terrible. The design\nof the whole is to show that the destruction would be complete and\nawful.\n\nThis finishes the summary statement of the final destruction of this\nformidable Antichristian power. The details and the consequences of\nthat overthrow are more fully stated in the subsequent chapters. The\n_fulfilment_ of what is here stated will be found, according to the\nmethod of interpretation proposed, in the ultimate overthrow of the\nPapacy. The process described in this chapter is that of successive\ncalamities that would weaken it and prepare it for its fall; then\na rallying of its dying strength; and then some tremendous judgment\nthat is compared with a storm of hail, accompanied with lightning, and\nthunder, and an earthquake, that would completely overthrow all that\nwas connected with it. We are not, indeed, to suppose that this will\n_literally_ occur; but the fair interpretation of prophecy leads us to\nsuppose that that formidable power will, at no very distant period, be\noverthrown in a manner that would be well represented by such a fearful\nstorm.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVII.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter properly commences a more detailed description of the\njudgment inflicted on the formidable Antichristian power referred to\nin the last chapter, though under a new image. It contains an account\nof the sequel of the pouring out of the last vial, and the description,\nin various forms, continues to the close of ch. xix. The whole of this\ndescription (ch. xvii.\u2012xix.) constitutes the last great catastrophe\nrepresented under the seventh vial (ch. xvi. 17\u201221), at the close of\nwhich the great enemy of God and the church will be destroyed, and the\nchurch will be triumphant, ch. xix. 17\u201221. The image in this chapter\nis that of a harlot, or abandoned woman, on whom severe judgment is\nbrought for her sins. The action is here _delayed_, and this chapter\nhas much the appearance of _an explanatory episode_, designed to give\na more clear and definite idea of the character of that formidable\nAntichristian power on which the judgment was to descend. The chapter,\nwithout any formal division, embraces the following points:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) Introduction, ver. 1\u20123. One of the seven angels intrusted with\nthe seven vials comes to John, saying that he would describe to him\nthe judgment that was to come upon the great harlot with whom the kings\nof the earth had committed fornication, and who had made the dwellers\nupon the earth drunk by the wine of her fornication\u2015\u2015that is, of that\nAntichristian power so often referred to in this book, which by its\ninfluence had deluded the nations, and brought their rulers under its\ncontrol.\n\n(2) A particular description of this Antichristian power\u2015\u2015represented\nas an abandoned and attractive female, in the usual attire of an harlot,\nver. 3\u20126. She is seated on a scarlet-coloured beast, covered over with\nblasphemous names\u2015\u2015a beast with seven heads and {380} ten horns. She is\narrayed in the usual gorgeous and alluring attire of an harlot, clothed\nin purple, decked with gold, and precious stones, and pearls, with a\ngolden cup in her hand full of abomination and filthiness. She has on\nher forehead a name expressive of her character. She is represented\nas drunken with the blood of the saints, and is such as to attract\nattention and excite wonder.\n\n(3) An explanation of what is meant by this scarlet-clothed woman, and\nof the design of the representation, ver. 7\u201218. This comprises several\nparts: (a) A promise of the angel that he would explain this, ver. 7.\n(b) An enigmatical or symbolical representation of the design of the\nvision, ver. 8\u201214. This description consists of an account of the beast\non which the woman sat, ver. 8; of the seven heads of the beast, as\nrepresenting seven mountains, ver. 9; of the succession of kings or\ndynasties represented, ver. 9\u201211; of the ten horns as representing\nten kings or kingdoms giving their power and strength to the beast,\nver. 12, 13; and of the conflict or warfare of all these confederated\nor consolidated powers with the Lamb, and their discomfiture by\nhim, ver. 14. (c) A more literal statement of what is meant by this,\nver. 15\u201218. The waters on which the harlot sat represent a multitude\nof people subject to her control, ver. 15. The ten horns, or the ten\nkingdoms, on the beast, would ultimately hate the harlot, and destroy\nher, _as if_ they should eat her flesh, and consume her with fire,\nver. 16. This would be done _because_ God would put it into their\nhearts to fulfil his purposes, alike in giving their kingdom to the\nbeast, and then turning against it to destroy it, ver. 17. The woman\nreferred to is at last declared to be the great city which reigned over\nthe kings of the earth, ver. 18. For particularity and definiteness,\nthis is one of the most remarkable chapters in the book, and there can\nbe no doubt that it was the design in it to give such an _explanation_\nof what was referred to in these visions, that there could be no\nmistake in applying the description. \u201cAll that remains between this\nand the twentieth chapter,\u201d says Andrew Fuller, \u201cwould in modern\npublications be called _notes of illustration_. No new subject is\nintroduced, but mere enlargement on what has already been announced\u201d\n(_Works_, vi. 205).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVII.\n\n\n AND there came one of the seven angels which had the seven\n vials, and talked with me, saying unto me, Come hither; I\n will show unto thee the judgment of the [511]great whore that\n [512]sitteth upon many waters:\n\n1. _And there came one of the seven angels which had the seven vials._\nSee Notes on ch. xv. 1, 7. Reference is again made to these angels in\nthe same manner in ch. xxi. 9, where one of them says that he would\nshow to John \u201cthe bride, the Lamb\u2019s wife.\u201d No particular one is\nspecified. The general idea seems to be, that to those seven angels\nwas intrusted the execution of the last things, or the winding up of\naffairs introductory to the reign of God, and that the communications\nrespecting those last events were properly made through them. It is\nclearly quite immaterial by which of these it is done. The expression\n\u201cwhich had the seven vials,\u201d would seem to imply that though they had\nemptied the vials in the manner stated in the previous chapter, they\nstill retained them in their hands. \u00b6 _And talked with me._ Spake to\nme. The word _talk_ would imply a more protracted conversation than\noccurred here. \u00b6 _Come hither._ Gr., \u03b4\u03b5\u1fe6\u03c1\u03bf\u2015\u2015\u201cHere, hither.\u201d This is a\nword merely calling the attention, as we should say now, \u201c_Here_.\u201d It\ndoes not imply that John was to leave the place where he was. \u00b6 _I will\nshow thee._ Partly by symbols, and partly by express statements; for\nthis is the way in which, in fact, he showed him. \u00b6 _The judgment._\nThe condemnation and calamity that will come upon her. \u00b6 _Of the great\nwhore._ It is not uncommon in the Scriptures to represent a city under\nthe image of a woman\u2015\u2015a pure and holy city under the image of a virgin\nor chaste female; a corrupt, idolatrous, and wicked city under the\nimage of an abandoned or lewd woman. See Notes on Is. i. 21: \u201cHow is\nthe faithful city become an harlot!\u201d Comp. Notes on Is. i. 8. In ver.\n18 of this chapter it is expressly said that \u201cthis woman is that great\ncity which reigneth over the kings of the earth\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, as I suppose,\nPapal Rome; and the design here is to represent it as resembling an\nabandoned female\u2015\u2015fit representative of an apostate, {381} corrupt,\nunfaithful church. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 21. \u00b6 _That sitteth upon many\nwaters._ An image drawn either from Babylon, situated on the Euphrates,\nand encompassed by the many artificial rivers which had been made to\nirrigate the country, or Rome, situated on the Tiber. In ver. 15 these\nwaters are said to represent the peoples, multitudes, nations, and\ntongues over which the government symbolized by the woman ruled. See\nNotes on that verse. Waters are often used to symbolize nations.\n\n\n 2 With[513] whom the kings of the earth have committed\n fornication, and the inhabitants of the earth have been made\n drunk with the wine of her fornication.\n\n2. _With whom the kings of the earth have committed fornication._\nSpiritual adultery. The meaning is, that Papal Rome, unfaithful to God,\nand idolatrous and corrupt, had seduced the rulers of the earth, and\nled them into the same kind of unfaithfulness, idolatry, and corruption.\nComp. Jer. iii. 8, 9; v. 7; xiii. 27; xxiii. 14; Eze. xvi. 32; xxiii.\n37; Ho. ii. 2; iv. 2. How true this is in history need not be stated.\nAll the princes and kings of Europe in the dark ages, and for many\ncenturies were, and not a few of them are now, entirely under the\ninfluence of Papal Rome. \u00b6 _And the inhabitants of the earth have been\nmade drunk with the wine of her fornication._ The alluring cup which,\nas an harlot, she had extended to them. See this image explained in\nthe Notes on ch. xiv. 8. There it is said that Babylon\u2015\u2015referring to\nthe same thing\u2015\u2015had \u201cmade them drink of the wine _of the wrath_ of her\nfornication;\u201d that is, of the cup that led to wrath or punishment. Here\nit is said that the harlot had made them \u201c_drunk_ with the wine of her\nfornication;\u201d that is, they had been, as it were, intoxicated by the\nalluring cup held out to them. What could better describe the influence\nof Rome on the people of the world, in making them, under these\ndelusions, incapable of sober judgment, and in completely fascinating\nand controlling all their powers?\n\n\n 3 So he carried me away in the spirit into the wilderness; and\n I saw a woman sit upon a [514]scarlet-coloured beast, full of\n names of blasphemy, [515]having seven heads and ten horns.\n\n3. _So he carried me away in the spirit._ In vision. He _seemed_ to\nhimself to be thus carried away; or the scene which he is about to\ndescribe was made to pass before him _as if_ he were present. \u00b6 _Into\nthe wilderness._ Into a desert. Comp. Notes on ch. xii. 6. Why this\nscene is laid in a wilderness or desert is not mentioned. Professor\nStuart supposes that it is because it is \u201cappropriate to symbolize\nthe future condition of the beast.\u201d So De Wette and Rosenm\u00fcller. The\nimagery is changed somewhat from the first appearance of the harlot\nin ver. 1. There she is represented as \u201csitting upon many waters.\u201d Now\nshe is represented as \u201criding on a beast,\u201d and of course the imagery\nis adapted to that. Possibly there may have been no intentional\nsignificancy in this; but on the supposition, as the interpretation has\nled us to believe all along, that this refers to Papal Rome, may not\nthe propriety of this be seen in the condition of Rome and the adjacent\ncountry, at the rise of the Papal power? That had its rise (see Notes\non Da. vii. 25, seq.) after the decline of the Roman civil power,\nand properly in the time of Clovis, Pepin, or Charlemagne. Perhaps\nits first _visible_ appearance, as a power that was to influence\nthe destiny of the world, was in the time of Gregory the Great, A.D.\n590\u2012605. On the supposition that the passage before us refers to the\nperiod when the Papal power became thus marked and defined, the state\nof Rome at this time, as described by Mr. Gibbon, would show with what\npropriety the term _wilderness_ or _desert_ might be then applied to\nit. The following extract from this author, in describing the state of\nRome at the accession of Gregory the Great, has almost the appearance\nof being a designed _commentary_ on this passage, or is, at anyrate,\nsuch as a partial interpreter of this book would _desire_ and _expect_\nto find. Speaking of that period, he says (_Decline and Fall_, iii.\n207\u2012211):\u2015\u2015\u201cRome had reached, about the close of the sixth century, the\nlowest period of her depression. By the removal of the seat of empire,\nand the successive loss of the provinces, the sources of public and\nprivate opulence were exhausted; {382} the lofty tree under whose shade\nthe nations of the earth had reposed was deprived of its leaves and\nbranches, and the sapless trunk was left to wither on the ground. The\nministers of command and the messengers of victory no longer met on\nthe Appian or Flaminian Way; and the hostile approach of the Lombards\nwas often felt and continually feared. The inhabitants of a potent and\npeaceful capital, who visit without an anxious thought the garden of\nthe adjacent country, will faintly picture in their fancy the distress\nof the Romans; they shut or opened their gates with a trembling\nhand, beheld from the walls the flames of their houses, and heard the\nlamentations of their brethren who were coupled together like dogs,\nand dragged away into distant slavery beyond the sea and the mountains.\nSuch incessant alarms must annihilate the pleasures, and interrupt the\nlabours of a rural life; _and the Campagna of Rome was speedily reduced\nto the state of a dreary WILDERNESS, in which the land is barren, the\nwaters are impure, and the air is infectious_. Curiosity and ambition\nno longer attracted the nations to the capital of the world; but\nif chance or necessity directed the steps of a wandering stranger,\nhe contemplated with horror _the vacancy and solitude of the city;\nand might be tempted to ask, Where is the Senate, and where are the\npeople?_ In a season of excessive rains, the Tiber swelled above its\nbanks, and rushed with irresistible violence into the valleys of the\nseven hills. A pestilential disease arose from the stagnation of the\ndeluge, and so rapid was the contagion that fourscore persons expired\nin an hour in the midst of a solemn procession which implored the mercy\nof Heaven. A society in which marriage is encouraged, and industry\nprevails, soon repairs the accidental losses of pestilence and war;\nbut as the far greater part of the Romans was condemned to hopeless\nindigence and celibacy, _the depopulation was constant and visible,\nand the gloomy enthusiasts might expect the approaching failure of\nthe human race_. Yet the number of citizens still exceeded the measure\nof subsistence; their precarious food was supplied from the harvests\nof Sicily or Egypt; and the frequent repetition of famine betrays the\ninattention of the emperor to a distant province. _The edifices of Rome\nwere exposed to the same ruin and decay; the mouldering fabrics were\neasily overthrown by inundations, tempests, and earthquakes; and the\nmonks who had occupied the most advantageous stations exulted in their\nbase triumph over the ruins of antiquity_.\n\n\u201cLike Thebes, or Babylon, or Carthage, the name of Rome might have\nbeen erased from the earth, if the city had not been animated by a\nvital principle which again restored her to honour and dominion. The\npower as well as the virtue of the apostles resided with living energy\nin the breast of their successors; and the chair of St. Peter, under\nthe reign of Maurice, was occupied by the first and greatest of the\nname of Gregory. The sword of the enemy was suspended over Rome; it was\naverted by the mild eloquence and seasonable gifts of the pontiff, who\ncommanded the respect of heretics and barbarians.\u201d Comp. Rev. xiii. 3,\n12\u201215. On the supposition, now, that the inspired author of the\nApocalypse had Rome, in that state when the civil power declined and\nthe Papacy arose, in his eye, what more expressive imagery could he\nhave used to denote it than he has employed? On the supposition\u2015\u2015if\nsuch a supposition could be made\u2015\u2015that Mr. Gibbon _meant_ to furnish\na commentary on this passage, what more appropriate language could\n_he_ have used? Does not this language look as if the author of the\nApocalypse and the author of the _Decline and Fall_ _meant_ to play\ninto each other\u2019s hands?\n\nAnd, in further confirmation of this, I may refer to the testimony of\ntwo Roman Catholic writers, giving the same view of Rome, and showing\nthat, in their apprehension also, it was only by the reviving influence\nof the Papacy that Rome was saved from becoming a total waste. They\nare both of the middle ages. The first is Augustine Steuchus, who thus\nwrites:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe empire having been overthrown, unless God had raised up\nthe _pontificate_, Rome, resuscitated and restored by none, would have\nbecome uninhabitable, and been a most foul habitation thenceforward\nof cattle. But in the pontificate it revived as with a _second birth_;\nits empire in magnitude not indeed equal to the old empire, but its\nform not very dissimilar: because all nations, from East and from West,\nvenerate the pope, not otherwise than they before obeyed the emperor.\u201d\nThe other is Flavio Blondas:\u2015\u2015\u201cThe princes of the world now adore and\nworship as {383} _perpetual dictator_ the successor not of C\u00e6sar but of\nthe fisherman Peter; that is, the _supreme pontiff_, the substitute of\nthe aforesaid emperor.\u201d See the original in Elliott, iii. 113.\n\n\u00b6 _And I saw a woman._ Evidently the same which is referred to in\nver. 1. \u00b6 _Sit upon a scarlet-coloured beast._ That is, either the\nbeast was itself naturally of this colour, or it was covered with\ntrappings of this colour. The word _scarlet_ properly denotes a bright\nred colour\u2015\u2015brighter than crimson, which is a red colour tinged with\nblue. See Notes on Is. i. 18. The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03cc\u03ba\u03ba\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015occurs\nin the New Testament only in the following places:\u2015\u2015Mat. xxvii. 28;\nHe. ix. 19; Re. xvii. 3, 4; xviii. 12, 16\u2015\u2015in all which places it is\nrendered _scarlet_. See Notes on Mat. xxvii. 28 and He. ix. 19. The\ncolour was obtained from a small insect which was found adhering to\nthe shoots of a species of oak in Spain and Western Asia. This was\nthe usual colour in the robes of princes, military cloaks, &c. It\nis applicable in the description of Papal Rome, because this is a\nfavourite colour there. Thus it is used in ch. xii. 3, where the same\npower is represented under the image of a \u201cred dragon.\u201d See Notes on\nthat passage. It is remarkable that nothing would better represent\nthe favourite colour at Rome than this, or the actual appearance\nof the pope, the cardinals, and the priests in their robes, on some\ngreat festival occasion. Those who are familiar with the descriptions\ngiven of Papal Rome by travellers, and those who have passed much time\nin Rome, will see at once the propriety of this description, on the\nsupposition that it was intended to refer to the Papacy. I caused this\ninquiry to be made of an intelligent gentleman who had passed much\ntime in Rome\u2015\u2015without his knowing my design\u2015\u2015what would strike a\nstranger on visiting Rome, or what would be likely particularly\nto arrest his attention as remarkable there; and he unhesitatingly\nreplied, \u201cThe scarlet colour.\u201d This is the colour of the dress of the\ncardinals\u2015\u2015their hats, and cloaks, and stockings being always of this\ncolour. It is the colour of the carriages of the cardinals, the entire\nbody of the carriage being scarlet, and the trappings of the horses\nthe same. On occasion of public festivals and processions, scarlet is\nsuspended from the windows of the houses along which processions pass.\nThe inner colour of the cloak of the pope is scarlet; his carriage is\nscarlet; the carpet on which he treads is scarlet. A large part of the\ndress of the body-guard of the pope is scarlet; and no one can take\nup a picture of Rome without seeing that this colour is predominant.\nI looked through a volume of engravings representing the principal\nofficers and public persons of Rome. There were few in which the\nscarlet colour was not found as constituting some part of their apparel;\nin not a few the scarlet colour prevailed almost entirely. And in\nillustration of the same thought, I introduce here an extract from\na foreign newspaper, copied into an American newspaper of Feb. 22,\n1851, as an illustration of the fact that the scarlet colour is\ncharacteristic of Rome, and of the readiness with which it is referred\nto in that respect:\u2015\u2015\u201c_Curious Costumes_.\u2015\u2015The three new cardinals,\nthe archbishops of Thoulouse, Rheims, and Besan\u00e7on, were presented to\nthe president of the French Republic by the Pope\u2019s nuncio. They wore\nred caps, red stockings, black Roman coats lined and bound with red,\nand small cloaks.\u201d I conclude, therefore, that if it be admitted that\nit was _intended_ to represent Papal Rome in the vision, the precise\ndescription would have been adopted which is found here. \u00b6 _Full of\nnames of blasphemy._ All covered over with blasphemous titles and names.\nWhat could more accurately describe Papal Rome than this? Comp. for\nsome of these names and titles the Notes on 2 Th. ii. 4; 1 Ti. iv. 1\u20124;\nand Notes on Re. xiii. 1, 5. \u00b6 _Having seven heads and ten horns._ See\nNotes on ch. xiii. 1.\n\n\n 4 And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet colour,\n and decked[516] with gold and precious stones and pearls,\n [517]having a golden cup in her hand full of abominations of\n filthiness of her fornication:\n\n4. _And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet colour._ On\nthe nature of the _scarlet colour_, see Notes on ver. 3. The _purple_\ncolour\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u2015\u2015was obtained from a species of shell-fish found on\nthe coasts of the Mediterranean, which yielded a reddish-purple dye,\nmuch prized by the ancients. Robes dyed in that colour were commonly\n{384} worn by persons of rank and wealth, Mar. xv. 17, 20; Lu. xvi. 19.\nThe purple colour contains more blue than the crimson, though the\nlimits are not very accurately defined, and the words are sometimes\ninterchanged. Thus the mock robe put on the Saviour is called\nin Mar. xv. 17, 20, \u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u2015\u2015_purple_, and in Mat. xxvii. 28,\n\u03ba\u03bf\u03ba\u03ba\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd\u2015\u2015_crimson_. On the applicability of this to the Papacy, see\nNotes on ver. 3. \u00b6 _And decked with gold._ After the manner of an\nharlot, with rich jewelry. \u00b6 _And precious stones._ Sparkling diamonds,\n&c. \u00b6 _And pearls._ Also a much-valued female ornament. Comp. Notes on\nMat. vii. 6; xiii. 46. \u00b6 _Having a golden cup in her hand._ As if to\nentice lovers. See Notes on ch. xiv. 8. \u00b6 _Full of abominations._ Of\nabominable things; of things fitted to excite abhorrence and disgust;\nthings unlawful and forbidden. The word, in the Scriptures, is commonly\nused to denote the impurities and abominations of idolatry. See Notes\non Da. ix. 27. The meaning here is, that it seemed to be a cup filled\nwith wine, but it was in fact a cup full of all abominable drugs,\nleading to all kinds of corruption. How much in accordance this is with\nthe fascinations of the Papacy, it is not necessary now to say, after\nthe ample illustrations of the same thing already furnished in these\nNotes. \u00b6 _And filthiness of her fornication._ The image here is that\nof Papal Rome, represented as an abandoned woman in gorgeous attire,\nalluring by her arts the nations of the earth, and seducing them into\nall kinds of pollution and abomination. It is a most remarkable fact\nthat the Papacy, as if _designing_ to furnish a fulfilment of this\nprophecy, has chosen to represent itself almost precisely in this\nmanner\u2015\u2015as a female extending an alluring cup to passers by\u2015\u2015as will\nbe seen by the engraving on this page. Far as the design of striking\nthis medal may have been from confirming this portion of the book of\nRevelation, yet no one can fail to see that if this _had_ been the\ndesign, no more happy illustration could have been adopted. Apostate\nchurches, and guilty nations, often furnish the very proofs necessary\nto confirm the truth of the Scriptures.\n\n Illustration: Medal of Pope Leo XII.\n\n\n 5 And upon her forehead _was_ a name written, [518]MYSTERY,\n BABYLON THE GREAT, THE MOTHER OF [519]HARLOTS AND ABOMINATIONS\n OF THE EARTH.\n\n5. _And upon her forehead._ In a circlet around her forehead. That\nis, it was made prominent and public, _as if_ written on the forehead\nin blazing capitals. In ch. xiii. 1 it is said that \u201cthe name of\nblasphemy\u201d was written on the \u201cheads\u201d of the beast. The meaning in\nboth places is substantially the same, that it was prominent and\nunmistakable. See Notes on that verse. Comp. Note on ch. xiv. 1.\n\u00b6 _|Was| a name written._ A title, or something that would properly\nindicate her character. \u00b6 _Mystery._ It is proper to remark that there\nis nothing in the original as written by John, so far as now known,\nthat corresponded with what is implied in placing this inscription\nin capital letters; and the same remark may be made of the \u201ctitle\u201d\nor inscription that was placed over the head of the Saviour on the\ncross, Mat. xxvii. 37; Mar. xv. 26; Lu. xxiii. 38; Jn. xix. 19. Our\ntranslators have adopted this form, apparently for the sole purpose of\ndenoting that it _was_ an inscription or title. On the meaning of the\nword _mystery_, see Notes on 1 Co. ii. 7. Comp. Notes on {385} 1 Ti.\niii. 16. Here it seems to be used to denote that there was something\nhidden, obscure, or enigmatical, under the title adopted; that is, the\nword _Babylon_, and the word _mother_, were symbolical. Our translators\nhave printed and pointed the word _mystery_ as if it were part of the\ninscription. It would probably be better to regard it as referring to\nthe inscription, thus: \u201ca name was written\u2015\u2015a _mysterious_ name, to wit,\nBabylon,\u201d &c. Or, \u201ca name was written mysteriously.\u201d According to this,\nit would mean, not that there was any wonderful \u201cmystery\u201d about the\nthing itself, whatever might be true on that point, but that the _name_\nwas enigmatical or symbolical; or that there was something _hidden_\nor _concealed_ under the name. It was not to be literally understood.\n\u00b6 _Babylon the great._ Papal Rome, the nominal head of the Christian\nworld, as Babylon had been of the heathen world. See Notes on ch. xiv.\n8. \u00b6 _The mother of harlots._ (a) Of that spiritual apostasy from God\nwhich, in the language of the prophets, might be called adultery. See\nNotes on ch. xiv. 8. (b) The promoter of lewdness by her institutions.\nSee Notes on ch. ix. 21. In both these senses, there never was a more\nexpressive or appropriate title than the one here employed. \u00b6 _And\nabominations of the earth._ Abominable things that prevail on the earth,\nver. 4. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21.\n\n\n 6 And I saw the woman [520]drunken with the blood of the\n saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus: and when I\n saw her I wondered with great admiration.\n\n6. _And I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the saints._ A\nreeling, intoxicated harlot, for that is the image which is kept up\nall along. In regard to the phrase \u201cdrunken with blood,\u201d comp. Je.\nxlvi. 10. \u201cThe phraseology is derived from the barbarous custom (still\nextant among many Pagan nations) of drinking the blood of the enemies\nslain in the way of revenge. The effect of drinking blood is said to be\nto exasperate, and to intoxicate with passion and a desire of revenge\u201d\n(Prof. Stuart, _in loco_). The meaning here is, that the persecuting\npower referred to had shed the blood of the saints; and that, in its\nfury, it had, as it were, drunk the blood of the slain, and had become,\nby drinking that blood, intoxicated and infuriated. No one need say how\napplicable this has been to the Papacy. Compare, however, the Notes on\nDa. vii. 21, 25; Re. xii. 13, 14; xiii. 15. \u00b6 _And with the blood of\nthe martyrs of Jesus._ _Especially_ with their blood. The meaning is,\nthat the warfare, in which so much blood was shed, was directed against\nthe _saints as such_, and that, in fact, it terminated particularly on\nthose who, amidst cruel sufferings, were faithful _witnesses_ for the\nLord Jesus, and deserved to be called, by way of eminence, _martyrs_.\nComp. Notes on ch. ii. 13; vi. 9; xi. 5, 7. How applicable this is to\nthe Papacy, let the blood shed in the valleys of Piedmont; the blood\nshed in the Low Countries by the Duke of Alva; the blood shed on\nSt. Bartholomew\u2019s day; and the blood shed in the Inquisition, testify.\n\u00b6 _And when I saw her, I wondered with great admiration._ I was\nastonished at her appearance, at her apparel, and at the things which\nwere so significantly symbolized by her.\n\n\n 7 And the angel said unto me, Wherefore didst thou marvel? I\n will tell thee the mystery of [521]the woman, and of [522]the\n beast that carrieth her, which hath the seven heads and ten\n horns.\n\n7. _And the angel said unto me, Wherefore didst thou marvel?_ He\nwas doubtless struck with the appearance of John as he stood fixed in\nastonishment. The question asked him, _why_ he wondered, was designed\nto show him that the cause of his surprise would be removed or lessened,\nfor that he would proceed so to explain this that he might have a\ncorrect view of its design. \u00b6 _I will tell thee the mystery of the\nwoman._ On the word _mystery_, see Notes on ver. 5. The sense is, \u201cI\nwill explain what is meant by the symbol\u2015\u2015the hidden meaning that is\ncouched under it.\u201d That is, he would so far explain it that a just\nview might be obtained of its signification. The explanation follows,\nver. 8\u201218. \u00b6 _And of the beast that carrieth her_, &c. Ver. 3.\n\n\n 8 The beast that thou sawest was, and is not; and shall\n [523]ascend out of the bottomless pit, and [524]go into\n perdition, and they that dwell on the earth shall [525]wonder,\n whose names were not written in the book of life from the\n foundation of the world, when they behold the beast that was,\n and is not, and yet is.\n\n8. _The beast that thou sawest was, and is not._ In the close of the\nverse it is added, \u201cand yet is\u201d\u2015\u2015\u201cthe beast that was, and is not, and\nyet is.\u201d There are {386} three things affirmed here: first, that there\nis a sense in which it might be said of the power here referred to,\nthat it \u201cwas,\u201d or that, _before_ this, it had an existence; second,\nthat there was a sense in which it might be said that it is \u201cnot,\u201d that\nis, that it had become practically extinct; and third, that there is a\nsense in which that power would be so _revived_ that it might be said\nthat it \u201cstill is.\u201d The \u201cbeast\u201d here referred to is the same that is\nmentioned in ver. 3 of this chapter, and in ch. xiii. 1, 3, 11\u201216. That\nis, there was one great formidable power, having essentially the same\norigin, though manifested under somewhat different modifications, to\none and all of which might, in their different manifestations, be given\nthe same name, \u201c_the beast_.\u201d \u00b6 _And shall ascend out of the bottomless\npit_\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03b2\u03cd\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c5. On the meaning of the word here used, see Notes\non ch. ix. 1. The meaning here is, that this power would _seem_ to come\nup from the nether world. It would appear at one time to be extinct,\nbut would revive again _as if_ coming from the world over which Satan\npresides, and would, in its revived character, be such as might be\nexpected from such an origin. \u00b6 _And go into perdition._ That is,\nits end will be destruction. It will not be permanent, but will\nbe overthrown and destroyed. The word _perdition_ here is properly\nrendered by Prof. Stuart _destruction_, but nothing is indicated by the\nword of the _nature_ of the destruction that would come upon it. \u00b6 _And\nthey that dwell on the earth._ The inhabitants of the earth generally;\nthat is, the matter referred to will be so remarkable as to attract\ngeneral attention. \u00b6 _Shall wonder._ It will be so contrary to the\nregular course of events, so difficult of explanation, so remarkable\nin itself, as to excite attention and surprise. \u00b6 _Whose names were not\nwritten in the book of life from the foundation of the world._ See this\nexplained in the Notes on ch. xiii. 8. The idea seems to be, that those\nwhose names _are_ written in the book of life, or who are truly the\nfriends of God, would not be drawn off in admiration of the beast, or\nin rendering homage to it. \u00b6 _When they behold the beast that was, and\nis not, and yet is._ That is, the power that once was mighty; that had\ndeclined to such a state that it became, as it were, extinct; and that\nwas revived again with so much of its original strength, that it might\nbe said that it still exists. The fact of its being revived in this\nmanner, as well as the nature of the power itself, seemed fitted to\nexcite this admiration.\n\n\n 9 And here _is_ the mind which hath wisdom. The [526]seven\n heads are seven mountains, on which the woman sitteth.\n\n9. _And here |is| the mind which hath wisdom._ Here is that which\nrequires wisdom to interpret it; or, here is a case in which the mind\nthat shows itself able to explain it will evince true sagacity. So\nin ch. xiii. 18. See Notes on that place. Prof. Stuart renders this,\n\u201cHere is a meaning which compriseth wisdom.\u201d It is undoubtedly implied\nthat the symbol _might_ be understood\u2015\u2015whether in the time of John,\nor afterwards, he does not say; but it was a matter which could not\nbe determined by ordinary minds, or without an earnest application of\nthe understanding. \u00b6 _The seven heads are seven mountains._ Referring,\nundoubtedly, to Rome\u2015\u2015the seven-hilled city\u2015\u2015_Septicollis Roma_. See\nNotes on ch. xii. 3, (d). \u00b6 _On which the woman sitteth._ The city\nrepresented as a woman, in accordance with a common usage in the\nScriptures. See Notes on Is. i. 8.\n\n\n 10 And there are seven kings: five are fallen, and one is,\n _and_ the other is not yet come; and when he cometh, he must\n continue a short space.\n\n10. _And there are seven kings._ That is, seven in all, as they are\nenumerated in this verse and the next. An _eighth_ is mentioned in\nver. 11, but it is, at the same time, said that this one so pertains to\nthe seven, or is so properly in one sense of the number seven, though,\nin another sense, to be regarded as an eighth, that it may be properly\nreckoned as the seventh. The word _kings_\u2015\u2015\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2\u2015\u2015may be understood,\nso far as the meaning of the word is concerned, (a) literally, as\ndenoting a king, or one who exercises royal authority; (b) in a more\ngeneral sense, as denoting one of distinguished honour\u2015\u2015a viceroy,\nprince, leader, chief, Mat. ii. 1, 3, 9; Lu. i. 5; Ac. xii. 1; (c) in a\nstill larger sense, {387} as denoting a dynasty, a form of government,\na mode of administration, as that which, in fact, _rules_. See Notes\non Da. vii. 24, where the word _king_ undoubtedly denotes a dynasty, or\nform of rule. The notion of _ruling_, or of authority, is undoubtedly\nin the word, for the verb \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03c9 means _to rule_, but the word may be\napplied to anything in which sovereignty resides. Thus it is applied to\na king\u2019s son, to a military commander, to the gods, to a Greek archon,\n&c. See Passow. It would be contrary to the whole spirit of this\npassage, and to what is demanded by the proper meaning of the word,\nto insist that the word should denote literally _kings_, and that it\ncould not be applied to emperors, or to dictators, or to dynasties.\n\u00b6 _Five are fallen._ Have passed away as if fallen; that is, they have\ndisappeared. The language would be applicable to rulers who have died,\nor who had been dethroned; or to dynasties or forms of government that\nhad ceased to be. In the fulfilment of this, it would be necessary\nto find _five_ such successive kings or rulers who had died, and who\nappertained to one sovereignty or nation; or five such dynasties or\nforms of administrations that had successively existed, but which had\nceased. \u00b6 _And one is._ That is, there is one\u2015\u2015a sixth\u2015\u2015that now reigns.\nThe proper interpretation of this would be, that this existed in the\ntime of the writer; that is, according to the view taken of the time\nof the writing of the Apocalypse (see Intro., \u00a7 2), at the close of\nthe first century. \u00b6 _And the other is not yet come._ The sixth one\nis to be succeeded by another in the same line, or occupying the same\ndominion. \u00b6 _And when he cometh._ When that form of dominion is set\nup. No intimation is yet given as to the _time_ when this would occur.\n\u00b6 _He must continue a short space_\u2015\u2015\u1f40\u03bb\u03af\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd. A short time; his dominion\nwill be of short duration. It is observable that this characteristic\nis stated as applicable _only_ to this one of the seven; and the fair\nmeaning would seem to be, that the time would be short _as compared_\nwith the six that preceded, and as compared with the one that\nfollowed\u2015\u2015the _eighth_\u2015\u2015into which it was to be merged, ver. 11.\n\n\n 11 And the beast that was, and is not, even he is the eighth,\n and is of the seven, and goeth into perdition.\n\n11. _And the beast that was, and is not._ That is, the one power\nthat was formerly mighty; that died away so that it might be said\nto be extinct; and yet (ver. 8) that \u201cstill is,\u201d or has a prolonged\nexistence. It is evident that, by the \u201cbeast\u201d here, there is some one\npower, dominion, empire, or rule, whose essential identity is preserved\nthrough all these changes, and to which it is proper to give the\nsame name. It finds its termination, or _its last form_, in what is\nhere called the \u201ceighth;\u201d a power which, it is observed, sustains\nsuch a peculiar relation to the seven, that it may be said to be\n\u201cof the seven,\u201d or to be a mere prolongation of the same sovereignty.\n\u00b6 _Even he is the eighth._ The eighth in the succession. This form of\nsovereignty, though a mere prolongation of the former government, so\nmuch so as to be, in fact, but keeping up the same empire in the world,\nappears in such a novelty of form, that, in one sense, it deserves\nto be called the _eighth_ in order, and yet is so essentially a mere\nconcentration and continuance of the one power, that, in the general\nreckoning (ver. 10), it might be regarded as pertaining to the former.\nThere was a sense in which it was proper to speak of it as the eighth\npower; and yet, viewed in its relation to the whole, it so essentially\ncombined and concentrated all that there was _in_ the seven, that, in\na general view, it scarcely merited a separate mention. We should look\nfor the fulfilment of this in some such concentration and embodiment of\nall that it was, in the previous forms of sovereignty referred to, that\nit perhaps would deserve mention as an _eighth_ power, but that it was,\nnevertheless, such a more prolongation of the previous forms of the one\npower, that it might be said to be \u201c_of_ the seven;\u201d so that, _in this\nview_, it would not claim a separate consideration. This seems to be\nthe fair meaning, though there is much that is enigmatical in the form\nof the expression. \u00b6 _And goeth into perdition._ See Notes on ver. 8.\n\nIn inquiring now into the application of this very difficult passage,\nit may be proper to suggest some of the principal opinions which have\nbeen held, and then to endeavour to ascertain the true meaning.\n\n{388} I. The principal opinions which have been held may be reduced to\nthe following:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) That the seven kings here refer to the succession of Roman\nemperors, yet with some variation as to the manner of reckoning. Prof.\nStuart begins with Julius C\u00e6sar, and reckons them in this manner:\u2015\u2015the\n\u201cfive that are fallen\u201d are Julius C\u00e6sar, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula,\nClaudius. Nero, who, as he supposes, was the reigning prince at the\ntime when the book was written, he regards as the sixth; Galba, who\nsucceeded him, as the seventh. Others, who adopt this literal method\nof explaining it, suppose that the time begins with Augustus, and then\nGalba would be the sixth, and Otho, who reigned but three months, would\nbe the seventh. The expression, \u201cthe beast that was, and is not, who is\nthe eighth,\u201d Prof. Stuart regards as referring to a general impression\namong the heathen and among Christians, in the time of the persecution\nunder Nero, that he would again appear after it was reported that\nhe was dead, or that he would rise from the dead and carry on his\npersecution again. See Prof. Stuart, _Com._ vol. ii., Excur. iii.\nThe _beast_, according to this view, denotes the Roman emperors,\nspecifically Nero, and the reference in ver. 8 is to \u201cthe well-known\nhariolation respecting Nero, that he would be assassinated, and would\ndisappear for a while, and then make his appearance again to the\nconfusion of all his enemies.\u201d \u201cWhat the angel,\u201d says he, \u201csays,\nseems to be equivalent to this\u2015\u2015\u2018The _beast_ means the Roman emperors,\nspecifically Nero, of whom the report spread throughout the empire\nthat he will revive, after being apparently slain, and will come, as it\nwere, from the abyss or Hades, but he will perish, and that speedily,\u2019\u201d\nvol. ii. p. 323.\n\n(2) That the word \u201ckings\u201d is not to be taken literally, but that it\nrefers to forms of government, dynasties, or modes of administration.\nThe general opinion among those who hold this view is, that the first\nsix refer to the forms of the Roman government\u2015\u2015(1) kings; (2) consuls;\n(3) dictators; (4) decemvirs; (5) military tribunes; (6) the imperial\nform, beginning with Augustus. This has been the common Protestant\ninterpretation, and in reference to these _six_ forms of government\nthere has been a general agreement. But, while the mass of Protestant\ninterpreters have supposed that the \u201csix\u201d heads refer to these forms of\nadministration, there has been much diversity of opinion as to the\nseventh; and here, on this plan of interpretation, the main, if not the\nsole difficulty lies. Among the opinions held are the following:\u2015\u2015\n\n(a) That of Mr. Mede. He makes the seventh head what he calls the\n\u201cDemi-C\u00e6sar,\u201d or the \u201cWestern emperor who reigned after the division\nof the empire into East and West, and which continued, after the last\ndivision, under Honorius and Arcadius, about sixty years\u2015\u2015a short space\u201d\n(_Works_, book iii. ch. 8; book v. ch. 12).\n\n(b) That of Bishop Newton, who regards the sixth or imperial \u201chead\u201d\nas continuing uninterruptedly through the line of Christian as well as\nPagan emperors, until Augustulus and the Heruli; and the seventh to be\nthe _Dukedom_ of Rome, established soon after under the exarchate of\nRavenna (_Prophecies_, pp. 575, 576).\n\n(c) That of Dr. More and Mr. Cunninghame, who suppose the Christian\nemperors, from Constantine to Augustulus, to constitute the seventh\nhead, and that this had its termination by the sword of the Heruli.\n\n(d) That of Mr. Elliott, who supposes the seventh head or power\nto refer to a new form of administration introduced by Diocletian,\nchanging the administration from the _original imperial character_ to\nthat of _an absolute Asiatic sovereignty_. For the important changes\nintroduced by Diocletian that justify this remark, see the _Decline and\nFall_, vol. i. pp. 212\u2012217.\n\nNumerous other solutions may be found in Poole\u2019s _Synopsis_, but these\nembrace the principal, and the most plausible that have been proposed.\n\nII. I proceed, then, to state what seems to me to be the true\nexplanation. This must be found in some _facts_ that will accord with\nthe explanation given of the meaning of the passage.\n\n(1) There can be no doubt that this refers to Rome, either Pagan,\nChristian, or Papal. All the circumstances combine in this; all\nrespectable interpreters agree in this. This would be naturally\nunderstood by the symbols used by John, and by the explanations\nfurnished by the angel. See ver. 18: \u201cAnd the woman which thou sawest\nis that great city, which reigneth over the kings of the earth.\u201d\nEvery circumstance combines here in leading to the conclusion {389}\nthat Rome is intended. There was no other power or empire on the\nearth to which this could be properly applied; there was everything\nin the circumstances of the writer to lead us to suppose that this\nwas referred to; there is an utter impossibility now in applying the\ndescription to anything else.\n\n(2) It was to be a _revived_ power; not a power in its original form\nand strength. This is manifest, because it is said (ver. 8) that the\npower represented by the beast \u201cwas, and is not, and yet is\u201d\u2015\u2015that is,\nit was once a mighty power; it then declined so that it could be said\nthat \u201cit is _not_;\u201d and yet there was so much remaining vitality in\nit, or so much revived power, that it could be said that it \u201cstill\nis\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03b1\u03af\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03af\u03bd. Now, this is strictly applicable to Rome when the\nPapal power arose. The old Roman might had departed; the glory and\nstrength evinced in the days of the consuls, the dictators, and the\nemperors, had disappeared, and yet there was a lingering vitality, and\na reviving of power under the Papacy, which made it proper to say that\nit still continued, or that that mighty power was prolonged. The civil\npower connected with the Papacy was a revived Roman power\u2015\u2015the Roman\npower prolonged under another form\u2015\u2015for it is susceptible of clear\ndemonstration that, if it had not been for the rise of the Papal power,\nthe sovereignty of Rome, as such, would have been wholly extinct. For\nthe proof of this, see the passages quoted in the Notes on ver. 3.\nComp. Notes on ch. xiii. 3, 12, 15.\n\n(3) It was to be a power emanating from the \u201cabyss,\u201d or that would\nseem to ascend from the dark world beneath. See ver. 8. This was true\nin regard to the Papacy, either (a) as apparently ascending from the\nlowest state and the most depressed condition, _as if_ it came up\nfrom below (see Notes on ver. 3, comp. ch. xiii. 11); or (b) as, in\nfact, having its origin in the world of darkness, and being under\nthe control of the prince of that world, which, according to all\nthe representations of that formidable Antichristian power in the\nScriptures, is true, and which the whole history of the Papacy, and\nof its influence on religion, confirms.\n\n(4) One of the powers referred to _sustained_ the other. \u201cThe seven\nheads are seven mountains on which the woman _sitteth_,\u201d ver. 9.\nThat is, the power represented by the harlot was _sustained_ or\n_supported_ by the power represented by the seven heads or the seven\nmountains. Literally applied, this would mean that the Papacy, as an\necclesiastical institution, was sustained by the civil power, with\nwhich it was so closely connected. For the illustration and support\nof this, see Notes on ch. xiii. 2, 3, 12, 15. In the Notes on those\npassages it is shown that the support was _mutual_; that while the\nPapacy, in fact, _revived_ the almost extinct Roman civil power, and\ngave it new vitality, the price of that was, that _it_ should be, in\nits turn, sustained by that revived Roman civil power. All history\nshows that that has been the fact; that in all its aggressions,\nassumptions, and persecutions, it has, _in fact_, and _professedly_,\nleaned on the arm of the civil power.\n\n(5) A more important inquiry, and a more serious difficulty, remains\nin respect to the statements respecting the \u201cseven kings,\u201d ver. 10, 11.\nThe statements on this point are, that the whole number properly was\nseven; that of this number five had fallen or passed away; that one\nwas in existence at the time when the author wrote; that another one\nwas yet to appear who would continue for a little time; and that the\ngeneral power represented by all these would be embodied in the \u201cbeast\nthat was, and is not,\u201d and that might, in some respects, be regarded as\nan \u201ceighth.\u201d These points may be taken up in their order.\n\n(a) The first inquiry relates to the five that were fallen and the\none that was then in existence\u2015\u2015the first six. These may be taken\ntogether, for they are manifestly of the same class, and have the\nsame characteristics, at least so far as to be distinguished from the\n\u201cseventh\u201d and the \u201ceighth.\u201d The meaning of the word \u201c_kings_\u201d here has\nbeen already explained, ver. 10. It denotes ruling power, or forms of\npower; and, so far as the signification of the _word_ is concerned, it\nmight be applicable to royalty, or to any other form of administration.\nIt is not necessary, then, to find an exact succession of _princes_ or\n_kings_ that would correspond with this\u2015\u2015five of whom were dead, and\none of whom was then on the throne, and all soon to be succeeded by one\nmore, who would soon die.\n\nThe true explanation of this seems to be that which refers this to the\nforms of the Roman government or administration. These six \u201cheads,\u201d or\nforms of {390} administration, were, in their order, _Kings_, _Consuls_,\n_Dictators_, _Decemvirs_, _Military Tribunes_, and _Emperors_. Of these,\nfive had passed away in the time when John wrote the Apocalypse; the\nsixth, the imperial, was then in power, and had been from the time\nof Augustus C\u00e6sar. The only questions that can be raised are, whether\nthese forms of administration were so _distinct_ and _prominent_,\nand whether in the times previous to John they so embraced the whole\nRoman power, as to justify this interpretation\u2015\u2015that is, whether these\nforms of administration were so marked in this respect that it may be\nsupposed that John would use the language here employed in describing\nthem. As showing the probability that he would use this language, I\nrefer to the following arguments, viz.: (1) The authority of Livy, lib.\nvi. cap. 1. Speaking of the previous parts of his history, and of what\nhe had done in writing it, he says: \u201cQu\u00e6 ab condita urbe Roma ad captam\neandem urbem, Romani sub _regibus_ primum, _consulibus_ deinde ac\n_dictatoribus_, _decemviris_ ac _tribunis consularibus_ gessere, foris\nbella, domi seditiones, quinque libris exposui.\u201d That is, \u201cIn five\nbooks I have related what was done at Rome, pertaining both to foreign\nwars and domestic strifes, from the foundation of the city to the time\nwhen it was taken, as it was governed by _kings_, by _consuls_, by\n_dictators_, by the _decemvirs_, and by _consular tribunes_.\u201d Here\nhe mentions _five_ forms of administration under which Rome had been\ngoverned in the earlier periods of its history. The imperial power had\na later origin, and did not exist until near the time of Livy himself.\n(2) The same distribution of power, or forms of government, among\nthe Romans, is made by Tacitus, _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 1: \u201cUrbem Romam\n\u00e0 principio _reges_ habuere. Libertatem et _consulatum_ L. Brutus\ninstituit. _Dictatur\u00e6_ ad tempus sumebantur. Neque _decemviralis\npotestas_ ultr\u00e0 biennium, neque _tribunorum militum consulare jus_\ndiu valuit. Non Cinn\u00e6, non Syll\u00e6 longa dominatio: et Pompeii Crassique\npotentia cito in C\u00e6sarem, Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum\ncessere; qui cuncta, discordiis civilibus fessa, nomine _principis_\nsub _imperium_ accepit.\u201d That is, \u201cIn the beginning, Rome was governed\nby _kings_. Then L. Brutus gave to her liberty and the _consulship_.\nA temporary power was conferred on the _dictators_. The authority of\nthe _decemvirs_ did not continue beyond the space of two years: neither\nwas the consular power of the _military tribunes_ of long duration. The\nrule of Cinna and Sylla was brief; and the power of Pompey and Crassus\npassed into the hands of C\u00e6sar; and the arms of Lepidus and Antony\nwere surrendered to Augustus, who united all things, broken by civil\ndiscord, under the name of _prince_ in the _imperial_ government.\u201d\nHere Tacitus distinctly mentions the _six forms of administration_ that\nhad prevailed in Rome, the last of which was the imperial. It is true,\nalso, that he mentions the brief rule of certain _men_\u2015\u2015as Cinna,\nSylla, Antony, and Lepidus; but these are not forms of _administration_,\nand their temporary authority did not indicate any change in the\n_government_\u2015\u2015for some of these men were _dictators_, and none of\nthem, except Brutus and Augustus, established any permanent form of\nadministration. (3) The same thing is apparent in the usual statements\nof history, and the books that describe the forms of government at\nRome. In so common a book as Adam\u2019s _Roman Antiquities_, a description\nmay be found of the forms of Roman administration that corresponds\nalmost precisely with this. The forms of _supreme_ power in Rome, as\nenumerated there, are what are called _ordinary_ and _extraordinary_\nmagistrates. Under the former are enumerated kings, consuls, pr\u00e6tors,\ncensors, qu\u00e6stors, and tribunes of the people. But of these, in fact,\nthe _supreme_ power was vested in two; for there were, under this,\nbut _two_ forms of administration\u2015\u2015that of kings and consuls; the\noffices of pr\u00e6tor, censor, qu\u00e6stor, and tribune of the people being\nmerely subordinate to that of the consuls, and no more a new form\nof administration than the offices of secretary of the state, of\nwar, of the navy, of the interior, are now. Under the latter\u2015\u2015that of\n_extraordinary_ magistrates\u2015\u2015are enumerated _dictators_, _decemvirs_,\n_military tribunes_, and the _interrex_. But the _interrex_ did not\nconstitute a _form_ of administration, or a change of government, any\nmore than, when the President or Vice-president of the United States\nshould die, the performance of the duties of the office of president by\nthe speaker of the senate would indicate a change, or than the regency\nof the Prince of Wales in the time of George III. constituted {391}\na new form of government. So that, in fact, we have enumerated, as\nconstituting _the supreme power_ at Rome, kings, consuls, dictators,\ndecemvirs, and military tribunes\u2015\u2015five in number. The imperial power\nwas the sixth. (4) In confirmation of the same thing, I may refer to\nthe authority of Bellarmine, a distinguished Roman Catholic writer. In\nhis work _De Pontiff_., cap. 2, he thus enumerates the changes which\nthe Roman government had experienced, or the forms of administration\nthat had existed there: 1. Kings; 2. Consuls; 3. Decemvirs;\n4. Dictators; 5. Military Tribunes with consular power; 6. Emperors.\nSee Poole\u2019s _Synop._, _in loco_. And (5) it may be added, that this\nwould be _understood_ by the contemporaries of John in this sense.\nThese forms of government were so marked that, in connection with the\nmention of the \u201cseven mountains,\u201d designating the city, there could be\nno doubt as to what was intended. Reference would at once be made to\nthe _imperial_ power as then existing, and the mind would readily and\neasily turn back to the five main forms of the supreme administration\nwhich had existed before.\n\n(b) The next inquiry is, what is denoted by _the seventh_. If the word\n\u201ckings\u201d here refers, as is supposed (Notes on ver. 10), to a form of\ngovernment or administration; if the \u201cfive\u201d refer to the forms previous\nto the imperial, and the \u201csixth\u201d to the imperial; and if John wrote\n_during_ the imperial government, then it follows that this must refer\nto some form of administration that was to succeed the imperial. If the\nPapacy was \u201cthe eighth,\u201d and of the \u201cseventh,\u201d then it is clear that\nthis must refer to some form of civil administration lying _between_\nthe decline of the _imperial_ and the rise of the _Papal_ power:\nthat \u201cshort space\u201d\u2015\u2015for it _was_ a short space that intervened. Now,\nthere can be no difficulty, I think, in referring this to that form of\nadministration over Rome\u2015\u2015that \u201cdukedom\u201d under the exarchate of Ravenna,\nwhich succeeded the decline of the imperial power, and which preceded\nthe rise of the Papal power;\u2015\u2015between the year 566 or 568, when Rome\nwas reduced to a dukedom, under the exarchate of Ravenna, and the time\nwhen the city revolted from this authority and became subject to that\nof the pope, about the year 727. This period continued, according to\nMr. Gibbon, about two hundred years. He says, \u201cDuring a period of two\nhundred years, Italy was unequally divided between the kingdom of the\nLombards and the exarchate of Ravenna. The offices and professions,\nwhich the jealousy of Constantine had separated, were united by\nthe indulgence of Justinian; and eighteen successive exarchs were\ninvested, _in the decline of the empire, with the full remains of\ncivil, of military, and even of ecclesiastical power_. Their immediate\njurisdiction, _which was afterwards consecrated as the patrimony of\nSt. Peter_, extended over the modern Romagna, the marshes or valleys of\nFerrara and Commachio, five maritime cities from Rimini to Ancona, and\na second inland Pentapolis, between the Adriatic coast and the hills\nof the Apennine. The duchy of Rome appears to have included the Tuscan,\nSabine, and Latian conquests, _of the first four hundred years of the\ncity_; and the limits may be distinctly traced along the coast, from\nCivita Vecchia to Terracina, and with the course of the Tiber from\nAmeria and Narni to the port of Ostia\u201d (_Dec. and Fall_, iii. 202).\nHow accurate is this if it be regarded as a statement of a _new_ power\nor form of administration that succeeded the imperial\u2015\u2015a power that\nwas, in fact, a prolongation of the old Roman authority, and that\nwas designed to constitute and embody it all! Could Mr. Gibbon have\nfurnished a _better_ commentary on the passage if he had adopted the\ninterpretation of this portion of the Apocalypse above proposed, and\nif he had _designed_ to describe this as the seventh power in the\nsuccessive forms of the Roman administration? It is worthy of remark,\nalso, that this account in Mr. Gibbon\u2019s history immediately _precedes_\nthe account of the rise of the Papacy; the record respecting the\nexarchate, and that concerning Gregory the Great, described by\nMr. Gibbon as \u201cthe Saviour of Rome,\u201d occurring in the same chapter,\nvol. iii. 202\u2012211.\n\n(c) This was to \u201ccontinue for a short space\u201d\u2015\u2015for a little time. If\nthis refers to the power to which in the remarks above it is supposed\nto refer, it is easy to see the propriety of this statement. Compared\nwith the previous form of administration\u2015\u2015the imperial\u2015\u2015it was of\nshort duration; absolutely considered, it was brief. {392} Mr. Gibbon\n(iii. 202) has marked it as extending through \u201ca period of two hundred\nyears;\u201d and if this is compared with the form of administration which\npreceded it, extending to more than five hundred years, and more\nespecially with that which followed\u2015\u2015the Papal form\u2015\u2015which has extended\nnow some twelve hundred years, it will be seen with what propriety this\nis spoken of as continuing for a \u201cshort space.\u201d\n\n(d) \u201cThe beast that was, and is not, even he is the eighth, and is of\nthe seven,\u201d ver. 11. If the explanations above given are correct, there\ncan be no difficulty in the application of this to the Papal power;\nfor (1) all this power was concentrated in the Papacy, all that revived\nor prolonged Roman power had now passed into the Papacy, constituting\nthat mighty dominion which was to be set up for so many centuries over\nwhat had been the Roman world. See the statements of Mr. Gibbon (iii.\n207\u2012211), as quoted in the Notes on ver. 3. Compare also, particularly;\nthe remarks of Augustine Steuchus, a Roman Catholic writer, as quoted\nin the Notes on that verse: \u201cThe empire having been overthrown, unless\nGod had raised up the _pontificate_, Rome, resuscitated and restored\nby none, would have become uninhabitable, and been thenceforward a most\nfoul habitation of cattle. But in the pontificate it revived as with\na _second birth_; its empire in magnitude not indeed equal to the\nold empire, but its form not very dissimilar: because all nations,\nfrom East and from West, venerate the pope, not otherwise than they\nbefore obeyed the emperor.\u201d (2) This was an _eighth_ power or form of\nadministration\u2015\u2015for it was different, in many respects, from that of\nthe kings, the consuls, the dictators, the decemvirs, the military\ntribunes, the emperors, and the dukedom\u2015\u2015though it comprised\nsubstantially the power of all. Indeed, it could not have been spoken\nof as identical with either of the previous forms of administration,\nthough it concentrated the power which had been wielded by them all.\n(3) It was \u201c_of_ the seven;\u201d that is, it pertained to them; it was a\nprolongation of the same power. It had the same central seat\u2015\u2015Rome;\nit extended over the same territory, and it embraced sooner or latter\nthe same nations. There is not one of those forms of administration\nwhich did not find a prolongation in the Papacy; for it aspired after,\nand succeeded in obtaining, all the authority of kings, dictators,\nconsuls, emperors. It was in fact still the _Roman_ sceptre swayed\nover the world; and with the strictest propriety it could be said that\nit was \u201c_of_ the seven,\u201d as having sprung out of the seven, and as\nperpetuating the sway of this mighty domination. For full illustration\nof this, see the Notes on Da. vii. and Re. xiii. (4) It would \u201cgo\ninto perdition;\u201d that is, it would be under this form that this mighty\ndomination that had for so many ages ruled over the earth would die\naway, or this would be the _last_ in the series. The _Roman_ dominion,\nas such, would not be extended to a ninth, or tenth, or eleventh form,\nbut would finally expire under the eighth. Every indication shows that\nthis is to be so, and that with the decline of the Papal power the\n_whole Roman domination_, that has swayed a sceptre for two thousand\nfive hundred years, will have come for ever to an end. If this is so,\nthen we have found an ample and exact application of this passage even\nin its most minute specifications.\n\n\n 12 And the [527]ten horns which thou sawest are ten kings,\n which have received no kingdom as yet; but receive power as\n kings one hour with the beast.\n\n12. _And the ten horns which thou sawest._ On the scarlet-coloured\nbeast, ver. 3. \u00b6 _Are ten kings._ Represent or denote ten kings;\nthat is, kingdoms or powers. See Notes on Da. vii. 24. \u00b6 _Which have\nreceived no kingdom as yet._ That is, they were not in existence when\nJohn wrote. It is implied, that during the period under review they\n_would_ arise, and would become connected, in an important sense, with\nthe power here represented by the \u201cbeast.\u201d For a full illustration\nrespecting the ten \u201ckings,\u201d or kingdoms here referred to, see Notes on\nDa. vii., at the close of the chapter, II. (2). \u00b6 _But receive power._\nIt is not said from what _source_ this power is received, but it is\nsimply implied that it would in fact be conferred on them. \u00b6 _As\nkings._ That is, the power would be that which is usually exercised\nby kings. \u00b6 _One hour._ It cannot be supposed that this is to be taken\n_literally_. The meaning clearly is, that this would be brief and\ntemporary; {393} that is, it was a form of administration which would\nbe succeeded by one more fixed and permanent. Anyone can see that, in\nfact, this is strictly applicable to the governments, as referred to\nin the Notes on Daniel, which sprang up after the incursion of the\nnorthern barbarians, and which were finally succeeded by the permanent\nforms of government in Europe. Most of them were very brief in their\nduration, and they were soon remodelled in the forms of permanent\nadministration. Thus, to take the arrangement proposed by Sir Isaac\nNewton, (1) the kingdom of the Vandals and Alans in Spain and Africa;\n(2) the kingdom of the Suevians in Spain; (3) the kingdom of the\nVisigoths; (4) the kingdom of the Alans in Gallia; (5) the kingdom of\nthe Burgundians; (6) the kingdom of the Franks; (7) the kingdom of the\nBritons; (8) the kingdom of the Huns; (9) the kingdom of the Lombards;\n(10) the kingdom of Ravenna\u2015\u2015how _temporary_ were most of these; how\nsoon they passed into the more permanent forms of administration which\nsucceeded them in Europe! \u00b6 _With the beast._ With that rising Papal\npower. They would exercise their authority in connection with that,\nand under its influence.\n\n\n 13 These have one mind, and shall give their power and\n strength unto the beast.\n\n13. _These have one mind._ That is, they are united in the promotion\nof the same object. Though in some respects wholly independent of each\nother, yet they may be regarded as, in fact, so far united that they\ntend to promote the same ultimate end. As a fact in history, all these\nkingdoms, though of different origin, and though not unfrequently\nengaged in war with each other, became Roman Catholics, and were united\nin the support of the Papacy. It was with propriety, therefore, that\nthey should be regarded as so closely connected with that power that\nthey could be represented as \u201cten horns\u201d on the seven-headed monster.\n\u00b6 _And shall give their power and strength unto the beast._ Shall lend\ntheir influence to the support of the Papacy, and become the upholders\nof that power. The meaning, according to the interpretation above\nproposed, is, that they would all become Papal kingdoms, and supporters\nof the Papal power. It is unnecessary to pause to show how true this\nhas been in history. At first, most of the people out of whom these\nkingdoms sprang were Pagans; then many of them embraced Christianity\nunder the prevailing form of Arianism, and this fact was for a time\na bar to their perfect adhesion to the Roman see; but they were\nall ultimately brought wholly under its influence, and became its\nsupporters. In A.D. 496, Clovis, the king of the Franks, on occasion\nof his victory over the Allemanni, embraced the Catholic faith, and\nso received the title, transmitted downward through nearly thirteen\nhundred years to the French kings as his successors, of \u201c_the eldest\nson of the church_;\u201d in the course of the sixth century, the kings of\nBurgundy, Bavaria, Spain, Portugal, England, embraced the same religion,\nand became the defenders of the Papacy. It is well known that each\none of the powers above enumerated as constituting these ten kingdoms,\nbecame subject to the Papacy, and continued so during their separate\nexistence, or when merged into some other power, until the Reformation\nin the sixteenth century. _All_ \u201ctheir power and strength was given\nunto the beast;\u201d all was made subservient to the purposes of Papal Rome.\n\n\n 14 These shall [528]make war with the Lamb, and the Lamb\n [529]shall overcome them: for he is [530]Lord of lords,\n and King of kings: and [531]they that are with him _are_\n [532]called, and [533]chosen, and [534]faithful.\n\n14. _These shall make war with the Lamb._ The Lamb of God\u2015\u2015the Lord\nJesus (Notes, ch. v. 6); that is, they would combine with the Papacy in\nopposing evangelical religion. It is not meant that they would _openly_\nand _avowedly_ proclaim _war_ against the Son of God, but that they\nwould _practically_ do this in sustaining a persecuting power. It is\nunnecessary to show how true this has been in history; how entirely\nthey sustained the Papacy in all its measures of persecution. \u00b6 _And\nthe Lamb shall overcome them._ Shall ultimately gain the victory over\nthem. The meaning is, that they would not be able to extinguish the\ntrue religion. In spite of all opposition and persecution, that would\nstill live in the world, until it would be said that a complete triumph\n{394} was gained. \u00b6 _For he is Lord of lords, and King of kings._ He\nhas supreme power over all the earth, and all kings and princes are\nsubject to his control. Comp. ch. xix. 16. \u00b6 _And they that are with\nhim._ The reference is to the persecuted saints who have adhered\nto him as his faithful followers in all these protracted conflicts.\n\u00b6 _|Are| called._ That is, called by him to be his followers; as if he\nhad selected them out of the world to maintain his cause. See Notes on\nRo. i. 7. \u00b6 _And chosen._ See Notes on Jn. xv. 16, and 1 Pe. i. 2. In\ntheir steadfast adherence to the truth, they had shown that they were\ntruly _chosen_ by the Saviour, and could be relied on in the warfare\nagainst the powers of evil. \u00b6 _And faithful._ They had shown themselves\nfaithful to him in times of persecution, and in the hour of darkness.\n\n\n 15 And he saith unto me, [535]The waters which thou sawest,\n where the whore sitteth, are [536]peoples, and multitudes, and\n nations, and tongues.\n\n15. _And he saith unto me._ The angel, ver. 7. This commences the more\n_literal_ statement of what is meant by these symbols. See the Analysis\nof the chapter. \u00b6 _The waters which thou sawest._ See Notes on ver. 1.\n\u00b6 _Are peoples, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues._ For an\nexplanation of these terms, see Notes on ch. vii. 9. The meaning here\nis, (a) that these waters _represent_ a multitude of people. This is a\ncommon and an obvious symbol\u2015\u2015for outspread seas or raging floods would\nnaturally represent such a multitude. See Is. viii. 7, 8; xvii. 12, 13;\nJe. xlvii. 2. Comp. _Iliad_, v. 394. The sense here is, that vast\nnumbers of people would be subject to the power here represented by\nthe woman. (b) They would be composed of different nations, and would\nbe of different languages. It is unnecessary to show that this, in\nboth respects, is applicable to the Papacy. Nations have been, and\nare subject to its control, and nations speaking a large part of the\nlanguages of the world. Perhaps under no one government\u2015\u2015not even the\nBabylonian, the Macedonian, or the ancient Roman\u2015\u2015was there so great a\ndiversity of people, speaking so many different languages, and having\nso different an origin.\n\n\n 16 And the ten horns which thou sawest upon the beast,\n [537]these shall hate the whore, and shall [538]make her\n desolate and naked, and shall eat her flesh, and [539]burn her\n with fire.\n\n16. _And the ten horns which thou sawest upon the beast._ Ver. 3.\nThe ten powers or kingdoms represented by those horns. See Notes on\nver. 12. \u00b6 _These shall hate the whore._ There _seems_ to be some\nincongruity between this statement and that which was previously made.\nIn the former (ver. 12\u201214), these ten governments are represented as in\nalliance with the beast; as \u201cgiving all their power and strength\u201d unto\nit; and as uniting with it in making war with the Lamb. What is here\nsaid must, therefore, refer to some subsequent period, indicating some\ngreat change in their feelings and policy. We have seen the evidence\nof the fulfilment of the former statements. This statement will be\naccomplished if these same powers, represented by the ten horns, that\nwere formerly in alliance with the Papacy, shall become its enemy, and\ncontribute to its final overthrow. That is, it will be accomplished if\nthe nations of Europe, embraced within the limits of those ten kingdoms,\nshall become hostile to the Papacy, and shall combine for its overthrow.\nIs anything more probable than this? France (see Notes on ch. xvi.) has\nalready struck more than one heavy blow on that power; England has been\ndetached from it; many of the states of Italy are weary of it, and are\nready to rise up against it; and nothing is more probable than that\nSpain, Portugal, France, Lombardy, and the Papal States themselves,\nwill yet throw off the yoke for ever, and put an end to a power that\nhas so long ruled over men. It was with the utmost difficulty, in 1848,\nthat the Papal power was sustained, and this was done only by foreign\nswords; the Papacy could not probably be protected in another such\noutbreak. And this passage leads us to anticipate that the period will\ncome\u2015\u2015and that probably not far in the future\u2015\u2015when those powers that\nhave for so many ages sustained the Papacy will become its determined\nfoes, and will rise in their might and bring it for ever to an end.\n\u00b6 _And shall make her desolate and naked._ Strip her of all her power\nand all her attractiveness. {395} That is, applied to Papal Rome,\nall that is so gorgeous and alluring\u2015\u2015her wealth, and pomp, and\nsplendour\u2015\u2015shall be taken away, and she will be seen as she is, without\nanything to dazzle the eye or to blind the mind. \u00b6 _And shall eat her\nflesh._ Shall completely destroy her\u2015\u2015_as if_ her flesh were consumed.\nPerhaps the image is taken from the practice of cannibals eating the\nflesh of their enemies slain in battle. If so, nothing could give a\nmore impressive idea of the utter destruction of this formidable power,\nor of the feelings of those by whom its end would be brought about.\n\u00b6 _And burn her with fire._ Another image of total destruction. Perhaps\nthe meaning may be, that after her _flesh_ was eaten, such parts of\nher as remained would be thrown into the fire and consumed. If this be\nthe meaning, the image is a very impressive one to denote absolute and\ntotal destruction. Comp. Notes on ch. xviii. 8.\n\n\n 17 For [540]God hath put in their hearts to fulfil his will,\n and to agree, and give their kingdom unto the beast,\n [541]until the words of God shall be fulfilled.\n\n17. _For God hath put in their hearts to fulfil his will._ That is, in\nregard to the destruction of this mighty power. They would be employed\nas his agents in bringing about his designs. Kings and princes are\nunder the control of God, and, whatever may be their own designs, they\nare in fact employed to accomplish _his_ purposes, and are instruments\nin _his_ hands. See Notes on Is. x. 7. Comp. Ps. lxxvi. 10. \u00b6 _And to\nagree._ See ver. 13. That is, they act harmoniously in their support\nof this power, and so they will in its final destruction. \u00b6 _And give\ntheir kingdom unto the beast._ Notes, ver. 13. \u00b6 _Until the words of\nGod shall be fulfilled._ Not for ever; not as a permanent arrangement.\nGod has fixed a limit to the existence of this power. When his purposes\nare accomplished, these kingdoms will withdraw their support, and this\nmighty power will fall to rise no more.\n\n\n 18 And the woman which thou sawest is [542]that great city,\n which reigneth over the kings of the earth.\n\n18. _And the woman which thou sawest._ Ver. 3. \u00b6 _Is that great city._\nRepresents that great city. \u00b6 _Which reigneth over the kings of the\nearth._ Rome would of course be understood by this language in the time\nof John, and all the circumstances, as we have seen, combined to show\nthat Rome, in some form of its dominion, is intended. Even the _name_\ncould hardly have designated it more clearly, and all expositors agree\nin supposing that Rome, either as Pagan or as Christian, is referred\nto. The chapter shows that its power is limited; and that, although\nfor purposes which he saw to be wise, God allows it to have a wide\ninfluence over the nations of the earth, yet, in his own appointed\ntime, the very powers that have sustained it will become its foes, and\ncombine for its overthrow. Europe needs but little farther provocation,\nand the fires of liberty, which have been so long pent up, will break\nforth, and that storm of indignation which has expelled the Jesuits\nfrom all the courts of Europe; which has abolished the Inquisition;\nwhich has more than once led hostile armies to the very gates of Papal\nRome, will again be aroused in a manner which cannot be allayed, and\nthat mighty power, which has controlled so large a part of the nations\nof Europe for more than a thousand years of the world\u2019s history, will\ncome to an end.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVIII.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter may be regarded as a still further _explanatory episode_\n(comp. Anal. to ch. xvii.), designed to show the _effect_ of pouring\nout the seventh vial (ch. xvi. 17\u201221) on the formidable Antichristian\npower so often referred to. The description in this chapter is that\nof a rich merchant-city reduced to desolation, and is but carrying\nout the general idea under a different form. The chapter comprises the\nfollowing points:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) Another angel is seen descending from heaven, having great power,\nand making proclamation that Babylon the great is fallen, and is become\nutterly desolate, ver. 1\u20123.\n\n(2) A warning voice is heard from heaven, calling on the people of\nGod to come out of her, and to be partakers neither of her sins nor her\nplagues. Her torment and sorrow would be proportionate to her pride and\nluxury; and her plagues would come upon her suddenly; {396} death, and\nmourning, and famine, and consumption by fire, ver. 4\u20128.\n\n(3) Lamentation over her fall\u2015\u2015by those especially who had been\nconnected with her; who had been corrupted by her; who had been\nprofited by her, ver. 9\u201219. (a) By kings, ver. 9, 10. They had lived\ndeliciously with her, and they would lament her. (b) By merchants,\nver. 11\u201217. They had trafficked with her, but now that traffic was to\ncease, and no man would buy of her. Their business, so far as she was\nconcerned, was at an end. All that she had accumulated was now to be\ndestroyed; all her gathered riches were to be consumed; all the traffic\nin those things by which she had been enriched was to be ended; and\nthe city that was more than all others enriched by these things, as if\nclothed in fine linen, and purple, and scarlet, and decked with gold,\nand precious stones, and pearls, was to be destroyed for ever. (c) By\nship-masters and seamen, ver. 17\u201219. They had been made rich by this\ntraffic, but now all was ended; the smoke of her burning is seen to\nascend, and they stand afar off and weep.\n\n(4) Rejoicing over her fall, ver. 20. Heaven is called upon to rejoice,\nand the holy apostles and prophets, for their blood is avenged, and\npersecution ceases in the earth.\n\n(5) The final destruction of the city, ver. 21\u201224. A mighty angel takes\nup a stone and casts it into the sea as an emblem of the destruction\nthat is to come upon it. The voice of harpers, and musicians, and\npipers would be heard no more in it; and no craftsmen would be there,\nand the sound of the millstone would be heard no more, and the light of\na candle would shine no more there, and the voice of the bridegroom and\nbride would be heard no more.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVIII.\n\n\n AND after these things I saw another angel come down from\n heaven, having great power; and the[543]earth was lightened\n with his glory.\n\n1. _And after these things._ After the vision referred to in the\nprevious chapter. \u00b6 _I saw another angel come down from heaven._\nDifferent from the one that had last appeared, and therefore coming\nto make a new communication to him. It is not unusual in this book\nthat different communications should be intrusted to different angels.\nComp. ch. xiv. 6, 8, 9, 15, 17, 18. \u00b6 _Having great power._ That is,\nhe was one of the higher rank or order of angels. \u00b6 _And the earth\nwas lightened with his glory._ The usual representation respecting the\nheavenly beings. Comp. Ex. xxiv. 16; Mat. xvii. 2; Lu. ii. 9; Ac. ix. 3.\nThis would, of course, add greatly to the magnificence of the scene.\n\n\n 2 And he cried mightily with a strong voice, saying,\n [544]Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and is\n [545]become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every\n foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird.\n\n2. _And he cried mightily._ Literally, \u201che cried with a strong great\nvoice.\u201d See ch. x. 3. \u00b6 _Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen._ See\nNotes on ch. xiv. 8. The proclamation here is substantially the same\nas in that place, and no doubt the same thing is referred to. \u00b6 _And\nis become the habitation of devils._ Of demons\u2015\u2015in allusion to the\ncommon opinion that the demons inhabited abandoned cities, old ruins,\nand deserts. See Notes on Mat. xii. 43\u201245. The language here is taken\nfrom the description of Babylon in Is. xiii. 20\u201222; and for a full\nillustration of the meaning, see Notes on that passage. \u00b6 _And the hold\nof every foul spirit_\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u1f74. A watch-post, station, haunt of such\nspirits. That is, they, as it were, _kept guard_ there; were stationed\nthere; haunted the place. \u00b6 _And a cage of every unclean and hateful\nbird._ That is, they would resort there, and abide there as in a cage.\nThe word translated \u201ccage\u201d is the same which is rendered \u201chold\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u1f74.\nIn Is. xiii. 21, it is said, \u201cand owls shall dwell there;\u201d and in Is.\nxiv. 23, it is said that it would be a \u201cpossession for the bittern.\u201d\nThe idea is that of utter desolation; and the meaning here is, that\nspiritual Babylon\u2015\u2015Papal Rome (ch. xiv. 8)\u2015\u2015will be reduced to a state\nof utter desolation resembling that of the real Babylon. It is not\nnecessary to suppose this of the _city_ of Rome itself\u2015\u2015for that is not\nthe object of the representation. It is the _Papacy_, represented {397}\nunder the image of the city, and having its seat there. _That_ is to be\ndestroyed as utterly as was Babylon of old; that will become as odious,\nand loathsome, and detestable as the literal Babylon, the abode of\nmonsters is.\n\n\n 3 For [546]all nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath\n of her fornication, and the kings of the earth have committed\n fornication with her, and the [547]merchants of the earth are\n waxed rich through the [548]abundance of her delicacies.\n\n3. _For all nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her\nfornication._ See Notes on ch. xiv. 8. This is given as a _reason_\nwhy this utter ruin had come upon her. She had beguiled and corrupted\nthe nations of the earth, leading them into estrangement from God, and\ninto pollution and sin. See Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21. \u00b6 _And the kings\nof the earth have committed fornication with her._ Spiritual adultery;\nthat is, she has been the means of seducing them from God and leading\nthem into sinful practices. \u00b6 _And the merchants of the earth are\nwaxed rich through the abundance of her delicacies._ The word rendered\n\u201c_abundance_\u201d here, means commonly _power_. It might here denote\n_influence_, though it may also mean _number_, _quantity_, _wealth_.\nComp. ch. iii. 8, where the same word is used. The word rendered\n_delicacies_\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03ae\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\u2015\u2015occurs nowhere else in the New Testament. It\nproperly means _rudeness_, _insolence_, _pride_; and hence _revel_,\n_riot_, _luxury_. It may be rendered here properly luxury, or proud\nvoluptuousness; and the reference is to such luxuries as are found\ncommonly in a great, a gay, and a splendid city. These, of course,\ngive rise to much traffic, and furnish employment to many merchants and\nsailors, who thus procure a livelihood, or become wealthy as the result\nof such traffic. Babylon\u2015\u2015or Papal Rome\u2015\u2015is here represented under the\nimage of such a luxurious city; and of course, when she falls, they\nwho have thus been dependent on her, and who have been enriched by\nher, have occasion for mourning and lamentation. It is not necessary to\nexpect to find a _literal_ fulfilment of this, for it is emblematic and\nsymbolical. The image of a great, rich, splendid, proud and luxurious\ncity having been employed to denote that Antichristian power, all that\nis said in this chapter follows, of course, on its fall. The general\nidea is, that she was doomed to utter desolation, and that all who were\nconnected with her, far and near, would be involved in her ruin.\n\n\n 4 And I heard another voice from heaven, saying, [549]Come out\n of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and\n that ye receive not of her plagues.\n\n4. _And I heard another voice from heaven._ He does not say whether\nthis was the voice of an angel, but the idea seems rather to be that\nit is the voice of God. \u00b6 _Come out of her, my people._ The reasons\nfor this, as immediately stated, are two: (a) that they might not\nparticipate in her sins; and (b) that they might not be involved in\nthe ruin that would come upon her. The _language_ seems to be derived\nfrom such passages in the Old Testament as the following:\u2015\u2015\u201cGo ye forth\nof Babylon, flee ye from the Chaldeans, with a voice of singing,\u201d Is.\nxlviii. 20. \u201cFlee out of the midst of Babylon, and deliver every man\nhis soul; be not cut off in her iniquity,\u201d Je. li. 6. \u201cMy people, go\nye out of the midst of her, and deliver ye every man his soul from the\nfierce anger of the Lord,\u201d Je. li. 45. Comp. Je. l. 8. \u00b6 _That ye be\nnot partakers of her sins._ For the meaning of this expression, see\nNotes on 1 Ti. v. 22. It is implied here that by remaining in Babylon\nthey would lend their sanction to its sins by their presence, and would,\nin all probability, become contaminated by the influence around them.\nThis is an universal truth in regard to iniquity, and hence it is the\nduty of those who would be pure to come out from the world, and to\nseparate themselves from all the associations of evil. \u00b6 _And that ye\nreceive not of her plagues._ Of the punishment that was to come upon\nher\u2015\u2015as they must certainly do if they remained in her. The judgment of\nGod that was to come upon the guilty city would make no discrimination\namong those who were found there; and if they would escape these woes\nthey must make their escape from her. As applicable to Papal Rome, in\nview of her impending ruin, this means, (a) that there might be found\nin her some who were the true people of God; (b) that it was their\nduty to separate wholly from her\u2015\u2015a command that will not only justify\nthe Reformation, but which would have made a longer continuance in\ncommunion {398} with the Papacy, when her wickedness was fully seen, an\nact of guilt before God; (c) that they who remain in such a communion\ncannot but be regarded as partaking of her sin; and (d) that if\nthey remain, they must expect to be involved in the calamities that\nwill come upon her. There never was any duty plainer than that of\nwithdrawing from Papal Rome; there never has been any act attended\nwith more happy consequences than that by which the Protestant world\nseparated itself for ever from the sins and the plagues of the Papacy.\n\n\n 5 For her sins have [550]reached unto heaven, and God hath\n [551]remembered her iniquities.\n\n5. _For her sins have reached unto heaven._ So in Je. li. 9, speaking\nof Babylon, it is said, \u201cFor her judgment reacheth unto heaven, and is\nlifted up even to the skies.\u201d The meaning is not that the sins of this\nmystical Babylon were like a mass or pile so high as to reach to heaven,\nbut that it had become so prominent as to attract the attention of God.\nComp. Ge. iv. 10, \u201cThe voice of thy brother\u2019s blood crieth unto me from\nthe ground.\u201d See also Ge. xviii. 20. \u00b6 _And God hath remembered her\niniquities._ He had _seemed_ to forget them, or not to notice them,\nbut now he acted as if they had come to his recollection. See Notes on\nch. xvi. 19.\n\n\n 6 Reward[552]her even as she rewarded you, and double unto\n her double according to her works: in the cup which she hath\n filled, fill to her double.\n\n6. _Reward her even as she rewarded you._ It is not said to whom this\ncommand is addressed, but it would seem to be to those who had been\npersecuted and wronged. Applied to mystical Babylon\u2015\u2015Papal Rome\u2015\u2015it\nwould seem to be a call on the nations that had been so long under her\nsway, and among whom, from time to time, so much blood had been shed\nby her, to arise now in their might, and to inflict deserved vengeance.\nSee Notes on ch. xvii. 16, 17. \u00b6 _And double unto her double according\nto her works._ That is, bring upon her double the amount of calamity\nwhich she has brought upon others; take ample vengeance upon her. Comp.\nfor similar language, Is. xl. 2, \u201cShe hath received of the Lord\u2019s hand\n_double_ for all her sins.\u201d \u201cFor your shame ye shall have double,\u201d Is.\nlxi. 7. \u00b6 _In the cup which she hath filled._ To bring wrath on others.\nNotes, ch. xiv. 8. \u00b6 _Fill to her double._ Let her drink abundantly\nof the wine of the wrath of God\u2015\u2015double that which she has dealt out\nto others. That is, either let the _quantity_ administered to her be\ndoubled, or let the ingredients in the cup be doubled in intensity.\n\n\n 7 How much she hath glorified herself, and lived deliciously,\n so much torment and sorrow give her; for she saith in her\n heart, [553]I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no\n sorrow.\n\n7. _How much she hath glorified herself._ Been proud, boastful,\narrogant. This was true of ancient Babylon, that she was proud and\nhaughty; and it has been no less true of mystical Babylon\u2015\u2015Papal\nRome. \u00b6 _And lived deliciously._ By as much as she has lived in\nluxury and dissoluteness, so let her suffer now. The word used here\nand rendered _lived deliciously_\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03af\u03b1\u03c3\u03b5\u2015\u2015is derived from the\nnoun\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u1fc6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015which is used in ver. 3, and rendered _delicacies_.\nSee Notes on that verse. It means properly, \u201cto live strenuously,\nrudely,\u201d as in English, \u201cto live _hard_;\u201d and then to revel, to live\nin luxury, riot, dissoluteness. No one can doubt the propriety of this\nas descriptive of ancient Babylon, and as little can its propriety be\ndoubted as applied to Papal Rome. \u00b6 _So much torment and sorrow give\nher._ Let her punishment correspond with her sins. This is expressing\nsubstantially the same idea which occurs in the previous verse. \u00b6 _For\nshe saith in her heart._ This is the estimate which she forms of\nherself. \u00b6 _I sit a queen._ Indicative of pride, and of an asserted\nclaim to rule. \u00b6 _And am no widow._ Am not in the condition of a\nwidow\u2015\u2015a state of depression, sorrow, and mourning. All this indicates\nsecurity and self-confidence, a description in every way applicable to\nPapal Rome. \u00b6 _And shall see no sorrow._ This is indicative of a state\nwhere there was nothing feared, not withstanding all the indications\nwhich existed of approaching calamity. In {399} this state we may\nexpect to find Papal Rome, even when its last judgments are about to\ncome upon it; in this state it has usually been; in this state it is\nnow, notwithstanding all the indications that are abroad in the world\nthat its power is waning, and that the period of its fall approaches.\n\n\n 8 Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, death, and\n mourning, and famine; and she shall be utterly [554]burned\n with fire: for [555]strong _is_ the Lord God who judgeth her.\n\n8. _Therefore._ In consequence of her pride, arrogance, and luxury,\nand of the calamities that she has brought upon others. \u00b6 _Shall her\nplagues come in one day._ They shall come in a time when she is living\nin ease and security; and they shall come at the same time\u2015\u2015so that\nall these terrible judgments shall seem to be poured upon her at once.\n\u00b6 _Death._ This expression, and those which follow, are designed to\ndenote the same thing under different images. The general meaning is,\nthat there would be utter and final destruction. It would be _as if_\ndeath should come and cut off the inhabitants. \u00b6 _And mourning._ As\nthere would be where many were cut off by death. \u00b6 _And famine._ As\nif famine raged within the walls of a besieged city, or spread over\na land. \u00b6 _And she shall be utterly burned with fire._ As completely\ndestroyed _as if_ she were entirely burned up. The certain and complete\ndestruction of that formidable Antichristian power is predicted under\na great variety of emphatic images. See ch. xiv. 10, 11; xvi. 17\u201221;\nxvii. 9, 16. _Perhaps_ in this so frequent reference to a final\ndestruction of that formidable Antichristian power by _fire_, there\nmay be more intended than merely a figurative representation of its\nfinal ruin. There is some degree of probability, at least, that Rome\nitself will be literally destroyed in this manner, and that it is\nin this way that God intends to put an end to the Papal power, by\ndestroying that which has been so long the seat and the centre of this\nauthority. The extended prevalence of this belief, and the grounds\nfor it, may be seen from the following remarks:\u2015\u2015(1) It was an early\nopinion among the Jewish rabbies that Rome would be thus destroyed.\nVitringa, on the Apocalypse, cites some opinions of this kind; the\nJewish expectation being founded, as he says, on the passage in Is.\nxxxiv. 9, as Edom was supposed to mean Rome. \u201cThis chapter,\u201d says\nKimchi, \u201cpoints out the future destruction of Rome, here called\nBozra, for Bozra was a great city of the Edomites.\u201d This is, indeed,\n_worthless_ as a proof or an interpretation of Scripture, for it is a\nwholly unfounded interpretation; it is of value only as showing that\nsomehow the Jews entertained this opinion. (2) The same expectation\nwas entertained among the early Christians. Thus Mr. Gibbon (vol. i.\np. 263, ch. xv.), referring to the expectations of the glorious reign\nof the Messiah on the earth (comp. Notes on ch. xiv. 8), says, speaking\nof Rome as the mystic Babylon, and of its anticipated destruction:\n\u201cA regular series was prepared [in the minds of Christians] of all\nthe moral and physical evils which can afflict a flourishing nation;\nintestine discord, and the invasion of the fiercest barbarians from\nthe unknown regions of the north; pestilence and famine, comets and\neclipses, earthquakes and inundations. All these were only so many\npreparatory and alarming signs of the great catastrophe of Rome,\nwhen the country of the Scipios and C\u00e6sars should be consumed by a\nflame from heaven, and the city of the seven hills, with her palaces,\nher temples, and her triumphal arches, should be buried in a vast\nlake of fire and brimstone.\u201d So even Gregory the Great, one of the\nmost illustrious of the Roman pontiffs, himself says, acknowledging\nhis belief in the truth of the tradition: Roma \u00e0 Gentilibus non\nexterminabitur; sed tempestatibus, coruscis turbinibus, ac terr\u00e6 motu,\nin se marcescet (_Dial._ ii. 15). (3) Whatever may be thought of these\nopinions and expectations, there is _some_ foundation for the opinion\nin the nature of the case. (a) The region is adapted to this. \u201cIt\nis not \u00c6tna, the Lipari volcanic islands, Vesuvius, that alone offer\nvisible indications of the physical adaptedness of Italy for such a\ncatastrophe. The great Apennine mountain-chain is mainly volcanic in\nits character, and the country of Rome more especially is as strikingly\nso almost as that of Sodom itself.\u201d Thus the mineralogist Ferber, in\nhis _Tour in Italy_, says: \u201cThe road from Rome to Ostia is all volcanic\nashes till within two miles of Ostia.\u201d \u201cFrom Rome to Tivoli I went on\nfields and hills of volcanic {400} ashes or _tufa_.\u201d \u201cA volcanic hill\nin an amphitheatrical form includes a part of the plain over Albano,\nand a flat country of volcanic ashes and hills to Rome. The ground\nabout Rome is generally of that nature,\u201d pp. 189, 191, 200, 234.\n(b) Mr. Gibbon, with his usual accuracy, _as if_ commenting on the\nApocalypse, has referred to the physical adaptedness of the soil of\nRome for such an overthrow. Speaking of the anticipation of the end\nof the world among the early Christians, he says: \u201cIn the opinion\nof a general conflagration, the faith of the Christian very happily\ncoincided with the tradition of the East, the philosophy of the Stoics,\nand the analogy of nature; _and even the country, which, from religious\nmotives, had been chosen for the origin and principal scene of the\nconflagration, was the best adapted for that purpose by natural and\nphysical causes_; by its deep caverns, beds of sulphur, and numerous\nvolcanoes, of which those of \u00c6tna, of Vesuvius, and of Lipari, exhibit\na very imperfect representation,\u201d vol. i. p. 263, ch. xv. As to the\n_general_ state of Italy, in reference to volcanoes, the reader may\nconsult, with advantage, Lyell\u2019s _Geology_, book ii. ch. ix.\u2012xii.\nSee also Murray\u2019s _Encyclop\u00e6dia of Geography_, book ii. ch. ii. Of\nthe country around Rome it is said in that work, among other things:\n\u201cThe country around Rome, and also the hills on which it is built, is\ncomposed of tertiary marls, clays, and sandstones, and intermixed with\na preponderating quantity of granular and lithoidal volcanic tufas. The\nmany lakes around Rome are formed by craters of ancient volcanoes.\u201d \u201cOn\nthe road to Rome is the Lake of Vico, formerly the Lacus Cimini, which\n\nhas all the appearance of a crater.\u201d\n\nThe following extract from a recent traveller will still further\nconfirm this representation:\u2015\u2015\u201cI behold everywhere\u2015\u2015in Rome, near Rome,\nand through the whole region from Rome to Naples\u2015\u2015most astounding proof,\nnot merely of the possibility, but the probability, that the whole\nregion of central Italy will one day be destroyed by such a catastrophe\n[by earthquakes or volcanoes]. The soil of Rome is _tufa_, with a\nvolcanic subterranean action going on. At Naples the boiling sulphur\nis to be seen bubbling near the surface of the earth. When I drew a\nstick along the ground, the sulphurous smoke followed the indentation;\nand it would never surprise me to hear of the utter destruction of\nthe southern peninsula of Italy. The entire country and district is\nvolcanic. It is saturated with beds of sulphur and the substrata of\ndestruction. It seems as certainly prepared for the flames, as the wood\nand coal on the hearth are prepared for the taper which shall kindle\nthe fire to consume them. The divine hand alone seems to me to hold the\nelement of fire in check by a miracle as great as that which protected\nthe cities of the plain, till the righteous Lot had made his escape to\nthe mountains\u201d (Townsend\u2019s _Tour in Italy_ in 1850). \u00b6 _For strong |is|\nthe Lord God who judgeth her._ That is, God has ample power to bring\nall these calamities upon her.\n\n\n 9 And the [556]kings of the earth, who have committed\n fornication and lived deliciously with her, shall bewail her,\n and lament for her, when they shall see the smoke of her\n burning,\n\n9. _And the kings of the earth._ This verse commences the description\nof the _lamentation_ over the fall of the mystical Babylon (see the\nAnalysis of the chapter). \u00b6 _Who have committed fornication._ That is,\nwho have been seduced by her from the true God, and have been led into\npractical idolatry. Notes on ch. xiv. 8. The _kings_ of the earth seem\nto be represented as among the chief mourners, because they had derived\nimportant aid from the power which was now to be reduced to ruin. As a\nmatter of fact, the kings of Europe have owed much of their influence\nand power to the support which has been derived from the Papacy, and\nwhen _that_ power shall fall, there will fall much that has contributed\nto sustain oppressive and arbitrary governments, and that has prevented\nthe extension of popular liberty. In fact, Europe might have been\nlong since free, if it had not been for the support which despotic\ngovernments have derived from the Papacy. \u00b6 _And lived deliciously with\nher._ In the same kind of luxury and dissoluteness of manners. See ver.\n3, 7. The courts of Europe, under the Papacy, have had the same general\ncharacter for dissoluteness and licentiousness as Rome itself. The same\nviews of religion produce the same effects everywhere. \u00b6 _Shall bewail\nher, and lament for her._ Because their ally is destroyed, and {401}\nthe source of their power is taken away. The fall of the Papacy will be\nthe signal for a general overturning of the thrones of Europe. \u00b6 _When\nthey shall see the smoke of her burning._ When they shall see her on\nfire, and her smoke ascending towards heaven. Notes on ch. xiv. 11.\n\n\n 10 Standing afar off for the fear of her torment, saying, Alas,\n alas, that great city Babylon, that mighty city! for [557]in\n one hour is thy judgment come.\n\n10. _Standing afar off for the fear of her torment._ Not daring to\napproach, to attempt to rescue and save her. They who had so long\ncontributed to the support of the Papal power, and who had, in turn,\nbeen upheld by that, would not now even attempt to rescue her, but\nwould stand by and see her destroyed, unable to render relief. \u00b6 _Alas,\nalas, that great city Babylon._ The language of lamentation that so\ngreat and so mighty a city should fall. \u00b6 _For in one hour is thy\njudgment come._ See Notes on ver. 8. The general sentiment here is,\nthat, in the final ruin of Papal Rome, the kings and governments that\nhad sustained her, and had been sustained by her, would see the source\nof their power taken away, but that they would not, or could not\nattempt her rescue. There have been not a few indications already that\nthis will ultimately occur, and that the Papal power will be left to\nfall, without any attempt, on the part of those governments which have\nbeen so long in alliance with it, to sustain or restore it.\n\n\n 11 And the [558]merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn\n over her; for no man buyeth her merchandise any more;\n\n11. _And the merchants of the earth._ Who have been accustomed to\ntraffic with her, and who have been enriched by the traffic. The image\nis that of a rich and splendid city. Of course, such a city depends\nmuch on its merchandise; and when it declines and falls, many who\nhad been accustomed to deal with it, as merchants or traffickers, are\naffected by it, and have occasion to lament its fall. \u00b6 _Shall weep\nand mourn over her; for no man buyeth their merchandise any more._\nThe merchandise which they were accustomed to take to the city, and\nby the sale of which they lived. The enumeration of the articles of\nmerchandise which follows, seems to have been inserted for the purpose\nof filling out the representation of what is usually found in such a\ncity, and to show the desolation which would occur when this traffic\nwas suspended.\n\n\n 12 The merchandise of [559]gold, and silver, and precious\n stones, and of pearls, and fine linen, and purple, and silk,\n and scarlet, and all [560]thyine wood, and all manner vessels\n of ivory, and all manner vessels of most precious wood, and of\n brass, and iron, and marble,\n\n12. _The merchandise of gold, and silver._ Of course, these\nconstitute an important article of commerce in a great city. \u00b6 _And\nprecious stones._ Diamonds, emeralds, rubies, &c. These have always\nbeen important articles of traffic in the world, and, of course, most\nof the traffic in them would find its way to great commercial cities.\n\u00b6 _And pearls._ See Notes on Mat. vii. 6; xiii. 46. These, too,\nhave been always, and were, particularly in early times, valuable\narticles of commerce. Mr. Gibbon mentions them as among the articles\nthat contributed to the luxury of Rome in the age of the Antonines:\n\u201cprecious stones, among which the pearl claimed the first rank after\nthe diamond,\u201d vol. i. p. 34. \u00b6 _And fine linen._ This was also a\nvaluable article of commerce. It was obtained chiefly from Egypt.\nSee Notes on Is. xix. 9. Linen, among the ancients, was an article of\nluxury, for it was worn chiefly by the rich, Ex. xxviii. 42; Le. vi. 10;\nLu. xvi. 19. The original word here is \u03b2\u03cd\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2, _byssus_, and it is\nfound in the New Testament only in this place, and in Lu. xvi. 19. It\nwas a \u201cspecies of fine cotton, highly prized by the ancients.\u201d Various\nkinds are mentioned\u2015\u2015as that of Egypt, the cloth which is still found\nwrapped around mummies; that of Syria, and that of India, which grew\non a tree similar to the poplar; and that of Achaia, which grew in the\nvicinity of Elis. See Rob. _Lex._ \u00b6 _And purple._ See Notes on Lu. xvi.\n19. Cloth of this colour was a valuable article of commerce, as it was\nworn by rich men and princes. \u00b6 _And silk._ Silk was a very valuable\narticle of commerce, as it was costly, and could be worn only by the\n{402} rich. It is mentioned by Mr. Gibbon as such an article in Rome\nin the age of the Antonines:\u2015\u2015\u201cSilk, a pound of which was esteemed\nnot inferior in value to a pound of gold,\u201d vol. i. p. 34. On the\ncultivation and manufacture of silk by the ancients, see the work\nentitled, _The History of Silk, Cotton, Linen, and Wool, &c._,\npublished by Harper Brothers, New York, 1845, pp. 1\u201221. \u00b6 _And scarlet._\nSee Notes on ch. xvii. 3. \u00b6 _And all thyine wood._ The word here\nused\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03cd\u03ca\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u2015\u2015occurs nowhere else in the New Testament. It denotes an\nevergreen African tree, from which statues and costly vessels were made.\nIt is not agreed, however, whether it was a species of cedar, savin,\nor lignum-vit\u00e6, which latter constitutes the modern genus _Thuja_, or\n_Thyia_. See Rees\u2019 _Cyclo._, art. \u201cThuja.\u201d \u00b6 _And all manner vessels\nof ivory._ Everything that is made of ivory. Ivory, or the tusk of\nthe elephant, has always been among the precious articles of commerce.\n\u00b6 _And all manner vessels of most precious wood._ Furniture of costly\nwood\u2015\u2015cedar, the citron tree, lignum-vit\u00e6, &c. \u00b6 _And of brass, and\niron, and marble._ Brass or copper would, of course, be a valuable\narticle of commerce. The same would be the case with iron; and so\nmarble, for building, for statuary, &c., would likewise be.\n\n\n 13 And cinnamon, and odours, and ointments, and frankincense,\n and wine, and oil, and fine flour, and wheat, and beasts,\n and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and [561]slaves, and\n [562]souls of men.\n\n13. _And cinnamon._ Cinnamon is the aromatic bark of the _Laurus\nCinnamomam_, which grows in Arabia, India, and especially in the island\nof Ceylon. It was formerly, as it is now, a valuable article in the\nOriental trade. \u00b6 _And odours._ Aromatics employed in religious worship,\nand for making perfumes. Mr. Gibbon (vol. i. p. 34) mentions, among\nthe articles of commerce and luxury, in the age of the Antonines,\n\u201ca variety of aromatics that were consumed in religious worship and\nthe pomp of funerals.\u201d It is unnecessary to say that the use of such\nodours has been always common at Rome. \u00b6 _And ointments._ Unguents\u2015\u2015as\nspikenard, &c. These were in common use among the ancients. See\nNotes on Mat. xiv. 7; Mar. xiv. 3. \u00b6 _And frankincense._ See Notes on\nMat. ii. 11. It is unnecessary to say that _incense_ has been always\nmuch used in public worship in Rome, and that it has been, therefore,\na valuable article of commerce there. \u00b6 _And wine._ An article of\ncommerce and luxury in all ages. \u00b6 _And oil._ That is, olive oil.\nThis, in ancient times, and in Oriental countries particularly, was an\nimportant article of commerce. \u00b6 _And fine flour._ The word here means\nthe best and finest kind of flour. \u00b6 _And beasts, and sheep, and horses.\n_ Also important articles of merchandise. \u00b6 _And chariots._ The word\nhere used\u2015\u2015\u1fe5\u03b5\u03b4\u1ff6\u03bd\u2015\u2015means, properly a carriage with four wheels, or a\ncarriage drawn by mules (Prof. Stuart). It was properly a travelling\ncarriage. The word is of Gallic origin (Quinctil. i. 9; Cic. _Mil._ 10;\n_Att._ v. 17; vi. 1. See Adam\u2019s _Rom. Ant._ p. 525). It was an article\nof luxury. \u00b6 _And slaves._ The Greek here is \u03c3\u03c9\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u2015\u2015\u201c_of bodies_.\u201d\nProf. Stuart renders it _grooms_, and supposes that it refers to\na particular kind of slaves who were employed in taking care of\nhorses and carriages. The word properly denotes _body_\u2015\u2015_an animal\nbody_\u2015\u2015whether of the human body, living or dead, or the body of a\nbeast; and then the external man\u2015\u2015the person, the individual. In later\nusage, it comes to denote a slave (see Rob. _Lex._), and in this sense\nit is used here. The traffic in slaves was common in ancient times, as\nit is now. We know that this traffic was carried on to a large extent\nin ancient Rome, the city which John probably had in his eye in this\ndescription. See Gibbon, _Dec. and Fall_, vol. i. pp. 25, 26. Athen\u00e6us,\nas quoted by Mr. Gibbon (p. 26), says that \u201che knew very many Romans\nwho possessed, not for use, but for ostentation, ten, and even twenty\nthousand slaves.\u201d It should be said here, however, that although this\nrefers evidently to traffic in slaves, it is not necessary to suppose\nthat it would be literally characteristic of Papal Rome. All this\nis symbolical, designed to exhibit the Papacy under the image of a\ngreat city, with what was customary in such a city, or with what most\nnaturally presented itself to the imagination of John as found in such\na city; and it is no more necessary to suppose that the Papacy would be\nengaged in the traffic of slaves, than in the traffic of cinnamon, or\nfine flour, or sheep and horses. {403} \u00b6 _And souls of men._ The word\nused, and rendered _souls_\u2015\u2015\u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f70\u03c2\u2015\u2015though commonly denoting the soul\n(properly the breath, or vital principle), is also employed to denote\nthe living thing\u2015\u2015the animal\u2015\u2015in which the soul or vital principle\nresides; and hence may denote a person or a man. Under this form it\nis used to denote a _servant_ or _slave_. See Rob. _Lex._ Professor\nRobinson supposes that the word here means _female slaves_, in\ndistinction from those designated by the previous word. Professor\nStuart (_in loco_) supposes that the previous word denotes a particular\nkind of slaves\u2015\u2015those who had the care of horses\u2015\u2015and that the word\nhere is used in a generic sense, denoting slaves in general. This\nkind of traffic in the \u201cpersons\u201d or _souls_ of men is mentioned as\ncharacterizing ancient Tyre, in Eze. xxvii. 13: \u201cJavan, Tubal, and\nMeshech, they were thy merchants; they traded in the persons of men.\u201d\nIt is not quite clear why, in the passage before us, this traffic is\nmentioned in two forms, as that of the _bodies_ and the _souls_ of\nmen; but it would seem most probable that the writer meant to designate\n_all_ that would properly come under this traffic, whether male or\nfemale slaves were bought and sold; whether they were for servitude,\nor for the gladiatorial sports (see Wetstein, _in loco_); whatever\nmight be the _kind_ of servitude that they might be employed in,\nand whatever might be their condition in life. The use of the _two_\nwords would include all that is implied in the traffic, for, in most\nimportant senses, it extends to the body and the soul. In slavery both\nare purchased; both are supposed, so far as he can avail himself of\nthem, to become the property of the master.\n\n\n 14 And the fruits that thy soul lusted after are departed from\n thee, and all things which were dainty and goodly are departed\n from thee, and thou shalt find them no more at all.\n\n14. _And the fruits that thy soul lusted after._ Literally, \u201cthe fruits\nof the desire of thy soul.\u201d The word rendered fruits\u2015\u2015\u1f40\u03c0\u03ce\u03c1\u03b1\u2015\u2015properly\nmeans, _late summer_; _dog-days_, the time when Sirius, or the Dog-star,\nis predominant. In the East this is the season when the fruits ripen,\nand hence the word comes to denote _fruit_. The reference is to any\nkind of fruit that would be brought for traffic into a great city, and\nthat would be regarded as an article of luxury. \u00b6 _Are departed from\nthee._ That is, they are no more brought for sale into the city. \u00b6 _And\nall things which were dainty and goodly._ These words \u201ccharacterize\nall kinds of furniture and clothing which were gilt, or plated, or\nembroidered, and therefore were bright or splendid\u201d (Professor Stuart).\n\u00b6 _And thou shalt find them no more at all._ The address here is\ndecidedly to the city itself. The meaning is, that they would no more\nbe found there.\n\n\n 15 The merchants of these things, which were made rich by her,\n shall stand afar off for the fear of her torment, weeping and\n wailing,\n\n15. _The merchants of these things._ Who trafficked in these things,\nand who supplied the city with them, ver. 11. \u00b6 _Which were made rich\nby her._ By traffic with her. \u00b6 _Shall stand afar off._ Ver. 10. \u00b6 _For\nfear of her torment._ Struck with terror by her torment, so that they\ndid not dare to approach her, ver. 10.\n\n\n 16 And saying, Alas, alas, that great city, that was\n [563]clothed in fine linen, and purple, and scarlet, and\n decked with gold, and precious stones, and pearls!\n\n16. _And saying, Alas, alas_, &c. Notes on ver. 10. \u00b6 _That was clothed\nin fine linen._ In the previous description (ver. 12, 13), these are\nmentioned as articles of traffic; here the city, under the image of\na female, is represented as clothed in the most rich and gay of these\narticles. \u00b6 _And purple, and scarlet._ See Notes on ch. xvii. 3, 4.\nComp. ver. 12 of this chapter. \u00b6 _And decked with gold, and precious\nstones, and pearls._ Notes on ch. xvii. 4.\n\n\n 17 For in one hour so great riches is come to nought. And\n [564]every ship-master, and all the company in ships, and\n sailors, and as many as trade by sea, stood afar off,\n\n17. _For in one hour._ In a very brief period\u2015\u2015so short, that it\nseemed to them to be but one hour. In the prediction (ver. 8), it is\nsaid that it would be \u201cin one day\u201d (see Notes on that place); here it\nis said that, to the lookers-on, it _seemed_ to be but an hour. There\nis no inconsistency, therefore, between the {404} two statements. \u00b6 _So\ngreat riches is come to nought._ All the accumulated wealth of so great\nand rich a city. This should have been united with ver. 16, as it is a\npart of the lamentation of the merchants, and as the lamentation of the\nmariners commences in the other part of the verse. It is so divided in\nthe Greek Testaments. \u00b6 _And every ship-master._ This introduces the\nlamentation of the mariners, who would, of course, be deeply interested\nin the destruction of a city with which they had been accustomed to\ntrade, and by carrying merchandise to which they had been enriched. The\nword _ship-master_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03c5\u03b2\u03b5\u03c1\u03bd\u03ae\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2\u2015\u2015means, properly, a _governor_; then a\ngovernor of a ship\u2015\u2015the _steersman_ or _pilot_, Ac. xxvii. 11. \u00b6 _And\nall the company in ships._ Professor Stuart renders this _coasters_.\nThere is here, however, an important difference in the reading of the\ntext. The commonly received text is, \u03c0\u1fb6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03bf\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f41 \u1f45\u03bc\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015\u201cthe\nwhole company in ships,\u201d as in our common version; the reading which\nis now commonly adopted, and which is found in Griesbach, Hahn, and\nTittmann, is \u1f41 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd\u2015\u2015\u201che who sails to a place;\u201d that is, he\nwho sails from one place to another along the coast, or who does not\nventure out far to sea; and thus the phrase would denote a secondary\nclass of sea-captains or officers\u2015\u2015those less venturesome, or\nexperienced, or bold than others. There can be little doubt that this\nis the correct reading (comp. Wetstein, _in loco_); and hence the class\nof seamen here referred to is _coasters_. Such seamen would naturally\nbe employed where there was a great and luxurious maritime city, and\nwould have a deep interest in its fall. \u00b6 _And sailors._ Common seamen.\n\u00b6 _And as many as trade by sea._ In any kind of craft, whether employed\nin a near or a remote trade. \u00b6 _Stood afar off._ Notes on ver. 10.\n\n\n 18 And cried when they saw the smoke of her burning, saying,\n What[565] _city_ is like unto this great city!\n\n18. _And cried_, &c. That is, as they had a deep interest in it,\nthey would, on their own account, as well as hers, lift up the voice\nof lamentation. \u00b6 _What_ city is _like unto this great city_? In her\ndestruction. What calamity has ever come upon a city like this?\n\n\n 19 And they [566]cast dust on their heads, and cried, weeping\n and wailing, saying, Alas, alas, that great city, wherein\n were made rich all that had ships in the sea by reason of her\n costliness! for in one hour is she made desolate.\n\n19. _And they cast dust on their heads._ A common sign of lamentation\nand mourning among the Orientals. See Notes on Job ii. 12. \u00b6 _By reason\nof her costliness._ The word rendered _costliness_\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03b9\u03bc\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015means,\nproperly, _preciousness_, _costliness_; their magnificence, costly\nmerchandise. The luxury of a great city enriches many individuals,\nhowever much it may impoverish itself. \u00b6 _For in one hour is she made\ndesolate._ So it seemed to them. Notes on ver. 17.\n\n\n 20 Rejoice[567] over her, _thou_ heaven, and _ye_ holy\n apostles and prophets; for God hath [568]avenged you on her.\n\n20. _Rejoice over her._ Over her ruin. There is a strong contrast\nbetween this language and that which precedes. Kings, merchants,\nand seamen, who had been countenanced and sustained by her in the\nindulgence of corrupt passions, or who had been enriched by traffic\nwith her, would have occasion to mourn. But not so they who had been\npersecuted by her. Not so the church of the redeemed. Not so heaven\nitself. The great oppressor of the church, and the corrupter of the\nworld, was now destroyed; the grand hindrance to the spread of the\ngospel was now removed, and all the holy in heaven and on earth would\nhave occasion to rejoice. This is not the language of vengeance, but it\nis the language of exultation and rejoicing in view of the fact, that\nthe cause of truth might now spread, without hindrance, through the\nearth. \u00b6 _|Thou| heaven._ The inhabitants of heaven. Comp. Notes on Is.\ni. 2. The meaning here is, that the dwellers in heaven\u2015\u2015the holy angels\nand the redeemed\u2015\u2015had occasion to rejoice over the downfall of the\ngreat enemy of the church. \u00b6 _And |ye| holy apostles._ Professor Stuart\nrenders this, \u201cYe saints, and apostles, and prophets.\u201d In the common\nGreek text, it is, as in our version, \u201choly apostles and prophets.\u201d\nIn the text of Griesbach, Hahn, and Tittmann, the word \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 (_and_) is\ninterposed between the word \u201c_holy_\u201d and \u201c_apostle_.\u201d This {405} is,\ndoubtless, the true reading. The meaning, then, is that the _saints_ in\nheaven are called on to rejoice over the fall of the mystical Babylon.\n\u00b6 _Apostles._ The twelve who were chosen by the Saviour to be his\n_witnesses_ on earth. See Notes on 1 Co. ix. 1. The word is commonly\nlimited to the twelve, but, in a larger sense, it is applied to other\ndistinguished teachers and preachers of the gospel. See Notes on Ac.\nxiv. 14. There is no impropriety, however, in supposing that the\napostles are referred to here _as_ such, since they would have occasion\nto rejoice that the great obstacle to the reign of the Redeemer was now\ntaken away, and that that cause in which they had suffered and died was\nnow to be triumphant. \u00b6 _And prophets._ Prophets of the Old Testament\nand distinguished teachers of the New. See Notes on Ro. xii. 6. All\nthese would have occasion to rejoice in the prospect of the final\ntriumph of the true religion. \u00b6 _For God hath avenged you on her._\nHas taken vengeance on her for her treatment of you. That is, as she\nhad persecuted the church _as such_, they all might be regarded as\ninterested in it and affected by it. All the redeemed, therefore, in\nearth and in heaven, are interested in whatever tends to retard or to\npromote the cause of truth. All have occasion to mourn when the enemies\nof the truth triumph; to rejoice when they fall.\n\n\n 21 And a mighty angel took up a stone like a great millstone,\n and cast _it_ into the sea, saying, [569]Thus with violence\n shall that great city Babylon be thrown down, and shall be\n found no more at all.\n\n21. _And a mighty angel._ Notes on ver. 1. This seems, however, to have\nbeen a different angel from the one mentioned in ver. 1, though, like\nthat, he is described as having great power. \u00b6 _Took up a stone like\na great millstone._ On the structure of mills among the ancients see\nNotes on Mat. xxiv. 41. \u00b6 _And cast |it| into the sea._ As an emblem\nof the utter ruin of the city; an indication that the city would be as\ncompletely destroyed as that stone was covered by the waters. \u00b6 _Saying,\nThus with violence._ With force, as the stone was thrown into the sea.\nThe idea is, that it would not be by a gentle and natural decline,\nbut by the application of foreign power. This accords with all the\nrepresentations in this book, that violence will be employed to\noverthrow the Papal power. See ch. xvii. 16, 17. The origin of this\nimage is probably Je. li. 63, 64: \u201cAnd it shall be, when thou hast made\nan end of reading this book, that thou shalt bind a stone to it, and\ncast it into the midst of Euphrates; and thou shalt say, Thus shall\nBabylon sink, and shall not rise from the evil that I will bring on\nher.\u201d\n\n\n 22 And the voice of harpers, and musicians, and of pipers,\n and trumpeters, shall be heard no more at all in thee; and\n no craftsman, of whatsoever craft _he be_, shall be found any\n more in thee; and [570]the sound of a millstone shall be heard\n no more at all in thee;\n\n22. _And the voice of harpers._ Those who play on the harp. This\nwas usually accompanied with singing. The idea, in this verse and\nthe following, is substantially the same as in the previous parts of\nthe chapter, that the mystical Babylon\u2015\u2015Papal Rome\u2015\u2015would be brought\nto utter desolation. This thought is here exhibited under another\nform\u2015\u2015that all which constituted festivity, joy, and amusement, and\nall that indicated thrift and prosperity, would disappear. Of course,\nin a great and gay city, there would be all kinds of music; and when\nit is said that this would be heard there no more it is a most striking\nimage of utter desolation. \u00b6 _And musicians._ Musicians in general;\nbut perhaps here _singers_, as distinguished from those who played on\ninstruments. \u00b6 _And of pipers._ Those who played on pipes or flutes.\nSee Notes on 1 Co. xiv. 7; Mat. xi. 17. \u00b6 _And trumpeters._ Trumpets\nwere common instruments of music, employed on festival occasions,\nin war, and in worship. Only the principal instruments of music are\nmentioned here, as representatives of the rest. The general idea is,\nthat the sound of music, as an indication of festivity and joy, would\ncease. \u00b6 _Shall be heard no more at all in thee._ It would become\nutterly and permanently desolate. \u00b6 _And no craftsman, of whatsoever\ncraft._ That is, artificers of all kinds would cease to ply their\ntrades there. The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03c4\u03b5\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2\u2015\u2015would include all artisans\nor mechanics, all who were engaged in any kind of trade or craft. The\nmeaning here is, that all these would disappear, an image, {406} of\ncourse, of utter decay. \u00b6 _And the sound of a millstone shall be heard\nno more._ Taylor (_Frag. to Cal._ _Dict._ vol. iv. p. 346) supposes that\nthis may refer not so much to the rattle of the mill as to the voice\nof singing, which usually accompanied grinding. The sound of a mill is\ncheerful, and indicates prosperity; its ceasing is an image of decline.\n\n\n 23 And the light of a candle shall shine no more at all in\n thee; and the [571]voice of the bridegroom and of the bride\n shall be heard no more at all in thee: for thy [572]merchants\n were the great men of the earth; for by thy [573]sorceries\n were all nations deceived.\n\n23. _And the light of a candle shall shine no more at all in thee._\nAnother image of desolation, as if every light were put out, and\nthere were total darkness. \u00b6 _And the voice of the bridegroom and\nof the bride shall be heard no more at all in thee._ The merry and\ncheerful voice of the marriage procession in the streets (Notes on Mat.\nxxv. 1\u20127), or the cheerful, glad voice of the newly-married couple in\ntheir own dwelling (Notes on Jn. iii. 29). \u00b6 _For thy merchants were\nthe great men of the earth._ Those who dealt with thee were the rich,\nand among them were even nobles and princes; and now that they trade\nwith thee no more there is occasion for lamentation and sorrow. The\ncontrast is great between the time when distinguished foreigners\ncrowded thy marts, and now, when none of any kind come to traffic with\nthee. The origin of this representation is probably the description of\nTyre in Eze. xxvii. \u00b6 _For by thy sorceries were all nations deceived._\nThis is stated as a reason for the ruin that had come upon her. It\nis a common representation of Papal Rome that she has _deceived_ or\n_deluded_ the nations of the earth (see Notes on ch. xiii. 14), and no\nrepresentation ever made accords more with facts as they have occurred.\nThe word _sorceries_ here refers to the various arts\u2015\u2015the tricks,\nimpostures, and false pretences by which this has been done. See Notes\non ch. ix. 21.\n\n\n 24 And in her was found the blood of prophets, and of saints,\n and of [574]all that were slain upon the earth.\n\n24. _And in her._ When she came to be destroyed, and her real\ncharacter was seen. \u00b6 _Was found the blood of prophets._ Of the public\nteachers of the true religion. On the word _prophets_ see Notes on\nver. 20. \u00b6 _And of saints._ Of the holy. See Notes on ver. 20. \u00b6 _And\nof all that were slain upon the earth._ So numerous have been the\nslain, so constant and bloody have been the persecutions there, that\nit may be said that all the blood ever shed has been poured out there.\nComp. Notes on Mat. xxiii. 35. No one can doubt the propriety of this\nrepresentation with respect to Pagan and Papal Rome.\n\nIn regard to the general meaning and application of this chapter the\nfollowing remarks may be made:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) It refers to Papal Rome, and is designed to describe the final\noverthrow of that formidable Antichristian power. The whole course of\nthe interpretation of the previous chapters demands such an application,\nand the chapter itself naturally suggests it.\n\n(2) If it be asked why so much of this imagery is derived from the\ncondition of a _maritime_ power, or pertains to _commerce_, since\nboth Babylon and Rome were at some distance from the sea, and neither\ncould with propriety be regarded as seaport towns, it may be replied,\n(a) that the main idea in the mind of John was that of a rich and\nmagnificent city; (b) that all the things enumerated were doubtless\nfound, in fact, in both Babylon and Rome; (c) that though not properly\nseaport towns, they were situated on rivers that opened into seas, and\nwere therefore not unfavourably situated for commerce; and (d) that,\nin fact, they traded with all parts of the earth. The leading idea is\nthat of a great and luxurious city, and this is filled up and decorated\nwith images of what is commonly found in large commercial towns. We are\nnot, therefore, to look for a _literal_ application of this, and it is\nnot necessary to attempt to find _all_ these things, in fact, in the\ncity referred to. Much of the description may be for the mere sake of\n_keeping_, or ornament.\n\n(3) If this refers to Rome, as is supposed, then, in accordance with\nthe previous representations, it shows that the destruction of the\nPapal power is to be complete and final. The image which John had in\nhis eye as illustrating that was undoubtedly ancient Babylon {407}\nas prophetically described in Is. xiii., xiv., and the destruction of\nthe power here referred to is to be as complete as was the destruction\ndescribed there. It would not be absolutely necessary in the fulfilment\nof this to suppose that Rome itself is to become a heap of ruins like\nBabylon, whatever may be true on that point, but that the Papal power,\nas such, is to be so utterly destroyed that the ruins of desolate\nBabylon would properly represent it.\n\n(4) If this interpretation is correct, then the Reformation was in\nentire accordance with what God would have his people do, and was\ndemanded by solemn duty to him. Thus, in ver. 4 of this chapter, his\npeople are expressly commanded to \u201ccome out of her, that they might\nnot be partakers of her sins, nor of her plagues.\u201d If it had been\nthe design of the Reformers to perform a work that should be in all\nrespects a fulfilling of the command of God, they could have done\nnothing that would have more literally met the divine requirement.\nIndeed, the church has never performed a duty more manifestly in\naccordance with the divine will, and more indispensable for its own\npurity, prosperity, and safety, than the act of separating entirely\nand for ever from Papal Rome.\n\n(5) The Reformation was a great movement in human affairs. It was\nthe index of great progress already reached, and the pledge of still\ngreater. The affairs of the world were at that period placed on a new\nfooting, and from the period of the Reformation, and just in proportion\nas the principles of the Reformation are acted on, the destiny of\nmankind is _onward_.\n\n(6) The fall of Papal Rome, as described in this chapter, will remove\none of the last obstructions to the final triumph of the gospel. In\nthe Notes on ch. xvi. 10\u201216, we saw that _one_ great hindrance to the\nspread of the true religion would be taken away by the decline and\nfall of the Turkish power. A still more formidable hindrance will be\ntaken away by the decline and fall of the Papal power; for that power\nholds more millions of the race under its subjection, and with a more\nconsummate art, and a more powerful spell. The Papal influence has been\nfelt, and still is felt, in a considerable part of the world. It has\nchurches, and schools, and colleges, in almost all lands. It exercises\na vast influence over governments. It has powerful societies organized\nfor the purpose of propagating its opinions; and it so panders to some\nof the most powerful passions of our nature, and so converts to its own\npurposes all the resources of superstition, as still to retain a mighty,\nthough a waning hold on the human mind. When this power shall finally\ncease, anyone can see that perhaps _the_ most mighty obstruction which\nhas ever been on the earth for a thousand years to the spread of the\ngospel will have been removed, and the way will be prepared for the\nintroduction of the long-hoped-for millennium.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIX.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter, as well as the last, is an episode, delaying the final\ncatastrophe, and describing more fully the effect of the destruction of\nthe mystical Babylon. The chapter consists of the following parts:\u2015\u2015\n\nI. A hymn of the heavenly hosts in view of the destruction of the\nmystical Babylon, ver. 1\u20127. (a) A voice is heard in heaven shouting\nHallelujah, in view of the fact that God had judged the great harlot\nthat had corrupted the earth, ver. 1, 2. (b) The sound is echoed and\nrepeated as the smoke of her torment ascends, ver. 3. (c) The four\nand twenty elders, and the four living creatures, as interested in all\nthat pertains to the church, unite in that shout of Hallelujah, ver. 4.\n(d) A voice is heard from the throne commanding them to praise God,\nver. 5; and (e) the mighty shout of Hallelujah is echoed and repeated\nfrom unnumbered hosts, ver. 6, 7.\n\nII. The marriage of the Lamb, ver. 8, 9. The Lamb of God is united\nto his bride\u2015\u2015the church\u2015\u2015never more to be separated; and after all\nthe persecutions, conflicts, and embarrassments which had existed,\nthis long-desired union is consummated, and the glorious triumph of\nthe church is described under the image of a joyous wedding ceremony.\n\nIII. John is so overcome with this representation, that in his\ntransports of feeling he prostrates himself before the angel who shows\nhim all this, ready to _worship_ one who discloses such bright and\nglorious scenes, ver. 10. He is gently rebuked for allowing himself\nto be so overcome that he would render divine homage to any creature,\nand is told that he who communicates this to {408} him is but a\nfellow-servant, and that God only is to be worshipped.\n\nIV. The final conquest over the beast and the false prophet, and\nthe subjugation of all the foes of the church, ver. 11\u201221. (a) A\ndescription of the conqueror\u2015\u2015the Son of God, ver. 11\u201216. He appears on\na white horse\u2015\u2015emblem of victory. He has on his head many crowns; wears\na vesture dipped in blood; is followed by the armies of heaven on white\nhorses; from his mouth goes a sharp sword; and his name is prominently\nwritten on his vesture and his thigh\u2015\u2015all emblematic of certain victory.\n(b) An angel is seen standing in the sun, calling on all the fowls of\nheaven to come to the great feast prepared for them in the destruction\nof the enemies of God\u2015\u2015_as if_ there were a great slaughter sufficient\nto supply all the fowls that feed on flesh, ver. 17, 18. (c) The\nfinal war, ver. 19, 21. The beast, and the kings of the earth, and\ntheir armies are gathered together for battle; the beast and the false\nprophet are taken, and are cast into the lake that burns with fire and\nbrimstone; and all that remain of the enemies of God are slain, and the\nfowls are satisfied with their flesh. The last obstacle that prevented\nthe dawn of the millennial morning is taken away, and the church is\ntriumphant.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIX.\n\n\n AND after these things I heard a [575]great voice of much\n people in heaven, saying, [576]Alleluia; [577]Salvation, and\n glory, and honour, and power, unto the Lord our God:\n\n1. _And after these things._ The things particularly that were\nexhibited in the previous chapter. See Notes on ch. xviii. 1. \u00b6 _I\nheard a voice of much people in heaven._ The voice of the worshippers\nbefore the throne. \u00b6 _Saying, Alleluia._ The Greek method of writing\n_Hallelujah_. This word\u2015\u2015\u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03ca\u03b1\u2015\u2015occurs in the New Testament\nonly in this chapter, ver. 1, 3, 4, 6. The Hebrew phrase\u2015\u2015\u05d4\u05b7\u05dc\u05b0\u05dc\u05d5\u05bc \u05d9\u05b8\u05d4\u05bc _\nHallelujah_\u2015\u2015occurs often in the Old Testament. It means, properly,\n_Praise Jehovah_, or _Praise the Lord_. The _occasion_ on which it is\nintroduced here is very appropriate. It is uttered by the inhabitants\nof heaven, in the immediate presence of God himself, and in view of\nthe final overthrow of the enemies of the church, and the triumph of\nthe gospel. In such circumstances it was fit that heaven should render\npraise, and that a song of thanksgiving should be uttered in which all\nholy beings could unite. \u00b6 _Salvation._ That is, the salvation is to be\nascribed to God. See Notes on ch. vii. 10. \u00b6 _And glory, and honour._\nNotes on ch. v. 12. \u00b6 _And power._ Notes on ch. v. 13. \u00b6 _Unto the Lord\nour God._ That is, all that there is of honour, glory, power, in the\nredemption of the world belongs to God, and should be ascribed to him.\nThis is expressive of the true feelings of piety always; this will\nconstitute the song of heaven.\n\n\n 2 For [578]true and righteous _are_ his judgments: for he hath\n judged the great whore, which did corrupt the earth with her\n fornication, and hath [579]avenged the blood of his servants\n at her hand.\n\n2. _For true and righteous |are| his judgments._ That is, the\ncalamities that come upon the power here referred to are deserved.\n\u00b6 _For he hath judged the great whore._ The power represented by the\nharlot. See Notes on ch. xvii. 1. \u00b6 _Which did corrupt the earth with\nher fornication._ See Notes on ch. xiv. 8; xvii. 2, 4, 5; xviii. 3.\nComp. Notes on ch. ix. 21. \u00b6 _And hath avenged the blood of his\nservants._ See Notes on ch. xviii. 20, 24. \u00b6 _At her hand._ Shed by\nher hand.\n\n\n 3 And again they said, Alleluia. And her [580]smoke rose up\n for ever and ever.\n\n3. _And again they said, Alleluia._ Notes on ver. 1. The event was so\nglorious and so important; the final destruction of the great enemy\nof the church was of so much moment in its bearing on the welfare of\nthe world, as to call forth repeated expressions of praise. \u00b6 _And\nher smoke rose up for ever and ever._ See Notes on ch. xiv. 11. This\nis an image of final ruin; the image being derived probably from the\ndescription in Genesis of the smoke that ascended from the cities of\nthe plain, Ge. xix. 28. On the joy expressed here in her destruction,\ncomp. Notes on ch. xviii. 20.\n\n\n 4 And the four and twenty elders and the four beasts fell down\n and worshipped God that sat on the throne, saying, Amen;\n Alleluia.\n\n4. _And the four and twenty elders and the four beasts._ See Notes\non ch. iv. 4, 6, 7. As representatives of the church, {409} and as\ninterested in its welfare, they are now introduced as rejoicing in its\nfinal triumph, and in the destruction of its last foe. \u00b6 _Fell down._\nProstrated themselves\u2015\u2015the usual posture of worship. \u00b6 _And worshipped\nGod that sat on the throne._ Ch. iv. 2, 3, 10. That is, they now\nadored him for what he had done in delivering the church from all its\npersecutions, and causing it to triumph in the world. \u00b6 _Saying, Amen._\nSee Notes on Mat. vi. 13. The word here is expressive of approbation of\nwhat God had done; or of their solemn assent to all that had occurred\nin the destruction of the great enemy of the church. \u00b6 _Alleluia._\nNotes on ver. 1. The repetition of this word so many times shows the\nintenseness of the joy of heaven in view of the final triumph of the\nchurch.\n\n\n 5 And a voice came out of the throne, saying, [581]Praise our\n God, all ye his servants, and ye that fear him, both small and\n great.\n\n5. _And a voice came out of the throne._ A voice seemed to come from\nthe very midst of the throne. It is not said by whom this voice was\nuttered. It cannot be supposed, however, that it was uttered by God\nhimself, for the command which it gave was this: \u201cPraise _our_ God,\u201d\n&c. For the same reason it seems hardly probable that it was the voice\nof the Messiah, unless it be supposed that he here identifies himself\nwith the redeemed church, and speaks of God as _his_ God and _hers_. It\nwould seem rather that it was a responsive voice that came from those\nnearest the throne, calling on all to unite in praising God in view of\nwhat was done. The meaning then will be, that all heaven was interested\nin the triumph of the church, and that one portion of the dwellers\nthere called on the others to unite in offering thanksgiving. \u00b6 _Praise\nour God._ The God that we worship. \u00b6 _All ye his servants._ All in\nheaven and earth; all have occasion for thankfulness. \u00b6 _And ye that\nfear him._ That reverence and obey him. The fear of the Lord is a\ncommon expression in the Scriptures to denote true piety. \u00b6 _Both small\nand great._ All of every class and condition\u2015\u2015poor and rich\u2015\u2015young and\nold; those of humble and those of exalted rank. Comp. Ps. cxlviii. 7\u201213.\n\n\n 6 And I heard as it were the voice of a great multitude,\n and as the voice of many waters, and as the voice of\n many thunderings, saying, Alleluia; [582]for the Lord God\n omnipotent reigneth.\n\n6. _And I heard as it were the voice of a great multitude._ In ver. 1\nhe says that he \u201cheard a great voice of much people;\u201d here he says he\n\u201cheard _as it were_ a voice of a great multitude.\u201d That is, in the\nformer case he heard a shout that he at once recognized as the voice\nof a great multitude of persons; here he says that he heard a sound not\ndistinctly recognized at first as such, but which _resembled_ such a\nshout of a multitude. In the former case it was _distinct_; here it was\nconfused\u2015\u2015bearing a resemblance to the sound of roaring waters, or to\nmuttering thunder, but less distinct than the former. This phrase would\nimply (a) _a louder_ sound; and (b) that the sound was more remote, and\ntherefore less clear and distinct. \u00b6 _And as the voice of many waters._\nThe comparison of the voices of a host of people with the roar of\nmighty waters is not uncommon in the Scriptures. See Notes on Is.\nxvii. 12, 13. So in Homer:\u2015\u2015\n\n \u201cThe monarch spoke, and straight a murmur rose,\n Loud as the surges when the tempest blows;\n That dash\u2019d on broken rocks tumultuous roar,\n And foam and thunder on the stony shore.\u201d\n\n\u00b6 _And as the voice of mighty thunderings._ The loud, deep, heavy\nvoice of thunder. The distant shouts of a multitude may properly\nbe represented by the sound of heavy thunder. \u00b6 _Saying, Alleluia._\nNotes on ver. 1. This is the _fourth_ time in which this is uttered as\nexpressive of the joy of the heavenly hosts in view of the overthrow\nof the enemies of the church. The occasion will be worthy of this\nemphatic expression of joy. \u00b6 _For the Lord God omnipotent reigneth._\nJehovah\u2015\u2015God Almighty\u2015\u2015the true God. The meaning is, that as the last\nenemy of the church is destroyed, he now truly reigns. This is the\nresult of his _power_, and therefore it is proper that he should be\npraised as the _omnipotent_ or _Almighty God_\u2015\u2015for he has shown that\nhe can overcome all his enemies, and bring the world to his feet.\n\n\n 7 Let us be glad and rejoice, and give honour to him: for the\n [583]marriage of the Lamb is come, and his [584]wife hath made\n herself ready.\n\n{410} 7. _Let us be glad and rejoice._ Let all in heaven rejoice\u2015\u2015for\nall have an interest in the triumph of truth; all should be glad that\nthe government of God is set up over an apostate world. \u00b6 _And give\nhonour to him._ Because the work is glorious; and because it is by his\npower alone that it has been accomplished. Notes on ch. v. 12. \u00b6 _For\nthe marriage of the Lamb is come._ Of the Lamb of God\u2015\u2015the Redeemer\nof the world. Notes on ch. v. 6. The relation of God, and especially\nof the Messiah, to the church, is often in the Scriptures represented\nunder the image of marriage. See Notes on Is. liv. 4\u20126; lxii. 4, 5;\n2 Co. xi. 2; Ep. v. 23\u201233. Comp. Je. iii. 14; xxxi. 32; Ho. ii. 19, 20.\nThe idea is also said to be common in Arabic and Persian poetry. It is\nto be remembered, also, that Papal Rome has just been represented as\na gay and meretricious woman; and there is a propriety, therefore, in\nrepresenting the true church as a pure bride, the Lamb\u2019s wife, and the\nfinal triumph of that church as a joyous marriage. The meaning is, that\nthe church was now to triumph and rejoice as if in permanent union with\nher glorious head and Lord. \u00b6 _And his wife hath made herself ready._\nBy putting on her beautiful apparel and ornaments. All the preparations\nhad been made far a permanent and uninterrupted union with its Redeemer,\nand the church was henceforward to be recognized as his beautiful bride,\nand was no more to appear as a decorated harlot\u2015\u2015as it had during the\nPapal supremacy. Between the church under the Papacy, and the church\nin its true form, there is all the difference which there is between\nan abandoned woman gaily decked with gold and jewels, and a pure virgin\nchastely and modestly adorned, about to be led to be united in bonds of\nlove to a virtuous husband.\n\n\n 8 And to her was granted that she should be [585]arrayed in\n fine linen, clean and [586]white: for the fine linen is the\n [587]righteousness of saints.\n\n8. _And to her was granted._ It is not said here _by whom_ this was\ngranted, but it is perhaps implied that this was conferred by the\nSaviour himself on his bride. \u00b6 _That the should be arrayed in fine\nlinen, clean and white._ See Notes on ch. iii. 4, 5, 18; vii. 13.\n_White_ has, perhaps, in all countries been the usual colour of the\nbridal dress\u2015\u2015as an emblem of innocence. \u00b6 _For the fine linen is the\nrighteousness of saints._ Represents the righteousness of the saints;\nor is an emblem of it. It should be remarked, however, that it is\nimplied here, as it is everywhere in the Scriptures, that this is not\ntheir _own_ righteousness, for it is said that this was \u201c_given_\u201d to\nthe bride\u2015\u2015to the saints. It is the gracious bestowment of their Lord;\nand the reference here must be to that righteousness which they obtain\nby faith\u2015\u2015the righteousness which results from justification through\nthe merits of the Redeemer. Of this Paul speaks, when he says (Phi.\niii. 9), \u201cAnd be found in him, not having mine own righteousness,\nwhich is of the law, but that which is through the faith of Christ, the\nrighteousness which is of God by faith.\u201d Comp. Notes on Ro. iii. 25, 26.\n\n\n 9 And he saith unto me, Write, [588]Blessed _are_ they which\n are called unto the [589]marriage-supper of the Lamb. And he\n saith unto me, These[590]are the true sayings of God.\n\n9. _And he saith unto me._ The angel who made these representations\nto him. See ver. 10. \u00b6 _Write, Blessed |are| they._ See Notes on ch.\nxiv. 13. \u00b6 _Which are called unto the marriage-supper of the Lamb._\nThe idea of a festival, or a marriage-supper, was a familiar one to the\nJews to represent the happiness of heaven, and is frequently found in\nthe New Testament. Comp. Notes on Lu. xiv. 15, 16; xvi. 22; xxii. 16;\nMat. xxii. 2. The image in the passage before us is that of many\n_guests_ invited to a great festival. \u00b6 _And he saith unto me, These\nare the true sayings of God._ Confirming all by a solemn declaration.\nThe importance of what is here said; the desirableness of having\nit fixed in the mind, amidst the trials of life and the scenes of\npersecution through which the church was to pass, makes this solemn\ndeclaration proper. The idea is, that in all times of persecution\u2015\u2015in\nevery dark hour of despondency\u2015\u2015the church, as such, and every\nindividual member of the church, should receive it as a solemn truth\nnever to be doubted, that the religion of Christ would finally {411}\nprevail, and that all persecution and sorrow here would be followed by\njoy and triumph in heaven.\n\n\n 10 And[591] I fell at his feet to worship him. And he said\n unto me, See _thou do it_ not: I am thy fellow-servant, and of\n thy brethren that have the testimony of Jesus; worship God:\n for the [592]testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy.\n\n10. _And I fell at his feel to worship him._ At the feet of the angel.\nNotes on ver. 9. This is a common posture of adoration in the East. See\nRosenm\u00fcller\u2019s _Morgenland_, _in loco_. Notes on 1 Co. xiv. 25. John was\nentirely overcome with the majesty of the heavenly messenger, and with\nthe amazing truths that he had disclosed to him, and in the overflowing\nof his feelings he fell upon the earth in the posture of adoration.\nOr it may be that he mistook the rank of him who addressed him, and\nsupposed that he was the Messiah whom he had been accustomed to worship,\nand who had first (ch. i.) appeared to him. If so, his error was\nsoon corrected. He was told by the angel himself who made these\ncommunications that he had no claims to such homage, and that the\npraise which he offered _him_ should be rendered to God alone. It\nshould be observed that there is not the slightest intimation that\nthis _was_ the Messiah himself, and consequently this does not contain\nany evidence that it would be improper to worship him. The only fair\nconclusion from the passage is, that it is wrong to offer religious\nhomage to an angel. \u00b6 _And he said unto me, See |thou do it| not._ That\nis, in rendering the homage which you propose to me, you would in fact\nrender it to a creature. This may be regarded as an admonition to be\n_careful_ in our worship; not to allow our feelings to overcome us; and\nnot to render that homage to a creature which is due to God alone. Of\ncourse, this would prohibit the worship of the Virgin Mary, and of any\nof the saints, and all that homage rendered to a created being which\nis due to God only. Nothing is more carefully guarded in the Bible\nthan the purity and simplicity of worship; nothing is more sternly\nrebuked than idolatry; nothing is more contrary to the divine law\nthan rendering in any way that homage to a creature which belongs of\nright to the Creator. It was necessary to guard even John, the beloved\ndisciple, on that subject; how much more needful, therefore, is it\nto guard the church at large from the dangers to which it is liable.\n\u00b6 _I am thy fellow-servant._ Evidently this was an angel, and yet he\nhere speaks of himself as a \u201cfellow-servant\u201d of John. That is, he was\nengaged in the service of the same God; he was endeavouring to advance\nthe same cause, and to honour the same Redeemer. The sentiment is,\nthat in promoting religion in the world, we are associated with angels.\nIt is no condescension in them to be engaged in the service of the\nRedeemer, though it seems to be condescension for them to be associated\nwith us in anything; it constitutes no ground of merit in us to be\nengaged in the service of the Redeemer (comp. Lu. xvii. 10), though\nwe may regard it as an honour to be associated with the angels, and it\nmay raise us in conscious dignity to feel that we are united with them.\n\u00b6 _And of thy brethren._ Of other Christians; for all are engaged in\nthe same work. \u00b6 _That have the testimony of Jesus._ Who are witnesses\nfor the Saviour. It is possible that there may be here a particular\nreference to those who were engaged in preaching the gospel, though\nthe language will apply to all who give their testimony to the value of\nthe gospel by consistent lives. \u00b6 _Worship God._ He is the only proper\nobject of worship; he alone is to be adored. \u00b6 _For the testimony\nof Jesus._ The meaning here seems to be, that this angel, and John,\nand their fellow-servants, were all engaged in the same work\u2015\u2015that of\nbearing their testimony to Jesus. Thus, in this respect, they were on a\nlevel, and one of them should not worship another, but all should unite\nin the common worship of God. No one in this work, though an angel,\ncould have such a pre-eminence that it would be proper to render\nthe homage to him which was due to God alone. There _could be_ but\none being whom it was proper to worship, and they who were engaged\nin simply bearing _testimony_ to the work of the Saviour should not\nworship one another. \u00b6 _Is the spirit of prophecy._ {412} The design\nof prophecy is to bear testimony to Jesus. The language does not\nmean, of course, that this is the _only_ design of prophecy, but that\nthis is its great and ultimate end. The word _prophecy_ here seems to\nbe used in the large sense in which it is often employed in the New\nTestament\u2015\u2015meaning to make known the divine will (see Notes on Ro. xii.\n6), and the _primary_ reference here would seem to be to the preachers\nand teachers of the New Testament. The sense is, that their grand\nbusiness is to bear testimony to the Saviour. They are all\u2015\u2015whether\nangels, apostles, or ordinary teachers\u2015\u2015appointed for this, and\ntherefore should regard themselves as \u201cfellow-servants.\u201d The _design_\nof the angel in this seems to have been, to state to John what was his\nown specific business in the communications which _he_ made, and then\nto state a universal truth applicable to _all_ ministers of the gospel,\nthat they were engaged in the same work, and that no one of them should\nclaim adoration from others. Thus understood, this passage has no\ndirect reference to the prophecies of the Old Testament, and teaches\nnothing in regard to their design, though it is _in fact_ undoubtedly\ntrue that their grand and leading object was to bear testimony to the\nfuture Messiah. But this passage will not justify the attempt so often\nmade to \u201cfind Christ\u201d everywhere in the prophecies of the Old Testament,\nor justify the many forced and unnatural interpretations by which the\nprophecies are often applied to him.\n\n\n 11 And I saw heaven opened, and behold, a [593]white horse;\n and he that sat upon him _was_ [594]called Faithful and True,\n and [595]in righteousness he doth judge and make war.\n\n11. _And I saw heaven opened._ He saw a new vision, _as if_ an opening\nwere made through the sky, and he was permitted to look _into_ heaven.\nSee Notes on ch. iv. 1. \u00b6 _And behold, a white horse._ On the white\nhorse as a symbol, see Notes on ch. vi. 2. He is here the symbol of\nthe final victory that is to be obtained over the beast and the false\nprophet (ver. 20), and of the final triumph of the church. \u00b6 _And he\nthat sat upon him |was| called Faithful and True._ He is not designated\nhere by his usual and real name, but by his attributes. There can be no\ndoubt that the Messiah is intended, as he goes forth to the subjugation\nof the world to himself. The attributes here referred to\u2015\u2015_faithful_\nand _true_\u2015\u2015are peculiarly appropriate, for they are not only strongly\nmarked attributes of his character, but they would be particularly\nmanifested in the events that are described. He would thus show that he\nwas _faithful_\u2015\u2015or worthy of the confidence of his church in delivering\nit from all its enemies; and _true_ to all the promises that he has\nmade to it. \u00b6 _And in righteousness he doth judge._ All his acts of\njudgment in determining the destiny of men are righteous. See Notes on\nIs. xi. 3\u20125. \u00b6 _And make war._ That is, the war which he wages is not\na war of ambition; it is not for the mere purpose of conquest; it is to\nsave the righteous, and to punish the wicked.\n\n\n 12 His[596] eyes _were_ as a flame of fire, and on his head\n _were_ [597]many crowns; and he had a [598]name written, that\n no man knew but he himself.\n\n12. _His eyes |were| as a flame of fire._ See Notes on ch. i. 14.\n\u00b6 _And on his head |were| many crowns._ Many diadems, indicative of his\nuniversal reign. It is not said _how_ these were worn or arranged on\nhis head\u2015\u2015perhaps the various diadems worn by kings were in some way\n_wreathed_ into one. \u00b6 _And he had a name written._ That is, probably\non the frontlet of this compound diadem. Comp. Notes on ch. xiii. 1;\nxiv. 1. \u00b6 _That no man knew but he himself._ See Notes on ch. ii. 17.\nThis cannot here mean that no one could _read_ the name, but the idea\nis, that no one but himself could fully understand its import. It\ninvolved a depth of meaning, and a degree of sacredness, and a relation\nto the Father, which he alone could apprehend in its true import.\nThis is true of the name here designated\u2015\u2015\u201cthe Word of God\u201d\u2015\u2015the\n_Logos_\u2015\u2015\u039b\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2; and it is true of _all_ the names which he bears.\nSee Mat. xi. 27. Comp. a quotation from Dr. Buchanan in the _Asiatic\nResearches_, vol. i. vi. p. 264, as quoted by Rosenm\u00fcller, _Morgenland_,\n_in loco_.\n\n\n 13 And he _was_ clothed with a vesture dipped in blood: and\n his name is called [599]The Word of God.\n\n13. _And he was clothed with a vesture {413} dipped in blood._ Red, _as\nif_ dipped in blood\u2015\u2015emblem of slaughter. The original of this image is\nprobably Is. lxiii. 2, 3. See Notes on that passage. \u00b6 _And his name is\ncalled The Word of God._ The name which in ver. 12, it is said that no\none knew but he himself. This name is \u1f49 \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0398\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6, or \u201cthe Logos\nof God.\u201d That is, this is his peculiar name; a name which belongs only\nto him, and which distinguishes him from all other beings. The name\n_Logos_, as applicable to the Son of God, and expressive of his nature,\nis found in the New Testament only in the writings of John, and is used\nby him to denote the higher or divine nature of the Saviour. In regard\nto its meaning, and the reason why it is applied to him, see Notes on\nJn. i. 1. The reader also may consult, with great advantage, an article\nby Professor Stuart in the _Bibliotheca Sacra_, vol. vii. pp. 16\u201231.\nThe following _may be_ some of the reasons why it is said (ver. 12)\nthat no one understands this but he himself:\u2015\u2015(1) No one but he can\nunderstand its _full import_, as it implies so high a knowledge of the\nnature of the Deity; (2) no one but he can understand the _relation_\nwhich it supposes in regard to God, or the relation of the Son to\nthe Father; (3) no one but he can understand what is implied in it,\nregarded as the method in which God reveals himself to his creatures\non earth; (4) no one but he can understand what is implied in it in\nrespect to the manner in which God makes himself known to other worlds.\nIt may be added, as a further illustration of this, that none of the\nattempts made to explain it have left the matter so that there are no\nquestions unsolved which one would be glad to ask.\n\n\n 14 And the armies _which were_ in heaven followed him upon\n white horses, [600]clothed in fine linen, white and clean.\n\n14. _And the armies |which were| in heaven followed him._ The heavenly\nhosts; particularly, it would seem, the redeemed, as there would be\nsome incongruity in representing the angels as riding in this manner.\nDoubtless the original of this picture is Is. lxiii. 3: \u201cI have\ntrodden the wine-press _alone_, and of the people there was none with\nme.\u201d These hosts of the redeemed on white horses accompany him to be\nwitnesses of his victory, and to participate in the joy of the triumph,\nnot to engage in the work of blood. \u00b6 _Upon white horses._ Emblems\nof triumph or victory. See Notes on ch. vi. 2. \u00b6 _Clothed in fine\nlinen, white and clean._ The usual raiment of those who are in heaven,\nas everywhere represented in this book. See ch. iii. 4, 5; iv. 4;\nvii. 9, 13; xv. 6.\n\n\n 15 And [601]out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with\n it he should smite the nations: and he shall rule them with a\n [602]rod of iron: and [603]he treadeth the wine-press of the\n fierceness and wrath of Almighty God.\n\n15. _And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword._ See Notes on ch.\ni. 16. In that place the sword seems to be an emblem of his _words_ or\n_doctrines_, as penetrating the hearts of men; here it is the emblem\nof a work of destruction wrought on his foes. \u00b6 _That with it he should\nsmite the nations._ The nations that were opposed to him; to wit, those\nespecially who were represented by the beast and the false prophet,\nver. 18\u201220. \u00b6 _And he shall rule them with a rod of iron._ See Notes on\nch. ii. 27; xii. 5. \u00b6 _And he treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness\nand wrath of Almighty God._ This language is probably derived from Is.\nlxiii. 1\u20124. See it explained in the Notes on that place, and on ch.\nxiv. 19, 20. It means here that his enemies would be certainly crushed\nbefore him\u2015\u2015as grapes are crushed under the feet of him that treads in\nthe wine-vat.\n\n\n 16 And he hath on _his_ vesture and on his thigh a name\n written, KING[604] OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS.\n\n16. _And he hath on |his| vesture._ That is, this name was\nconspicuously written on his garment\u2015\u2015probably his military robe.\n\u00b6 _And on his thigh._ The robe or military cloak may be conceived\nof as open and flowing, so as to expose the limbs of the rider; and\nthe idea is, that the name was conspicuously written not only on the\nflowing robe, but on the other parts of his dress, so that it _must_ be\nconspicuous whether his military cloak were wrapped closely around him,\nor whether it was open to the breeze. Grotius supposes {414} that this\nname was on the edge or hilt of the sword which depended from his thigh.\n\u00b6 _A name written._ Or a title descriptive of his character. \u00b6 _King of\nkings, and Lord of lords._ As in ch. xvii. 5, so here, there is nothing\nin the original to denote that this should be distinguished, as it is,\nby capital letters. As a conspicuous title, however, it is not improper.\nIt means that he is, in fact, the sovereign over the kings of the earth,\nand that all nobles and princes are under his control\u2015\u2015a rank that\nproperly belongs to the Son of God. Comp. Notes on Ep. i. 20\u201222. See\nalso ver. 12 of this chapter. The custom here alluded to of inscribing\nthe name or rank of distinguished individuals on their garments, so\nthat they might be readily recognized, was not uncommon in ancient\ntimes. For full proof of this, see Rosenm\u00fcller, _Morgenland_, vol. iii.\npp. 232\u2012236. The authorities quoted there are, Thevenot\u2019s _Travels_,\nvol. i. p. 149; Gruter, p. 989; Dempster\u2019s _Etruria Regalis_, t. ii.\ntab. 93; Montfau\u00e7on, _Antiq. Expliq._ t. iii. tab. 39. Thus Herodotus\n(vol. ii. p. 196), speaking of the figures of Sesostris in Ionia, says\nthat, \u201cAcross his breast, from shoulder to shoulder, there is this\ninscription in the sacred characters of Egypt, \u2018I conquered this\ncountry by the force of my arms.\u2019\u201d Comp. Cic. _Verr._ iv. 23; Le Moyne\n_ad_ Jer. xxiii. 6; M\u00fcnter, _Diss. ad Apoc._ xvii. 5, as referred to by\nProfessor Stuart, _in loco_.\n\n\n 17 And I saw an angel standing in the sun; and he cried with\n a loud voice, saying to all the fowls that fly in the midst\n of heaven, [605]Come and gather yourselves together unto the\n supper of the great God;\n\n17. _And I saw an angel standing in the sun._ A different angel\nevidently from the one which had before appeared to him. The _number_\nof angels that appeared to John, as referred to in this book, was\nvery great, and each one came on a new errand, or with a new message.\nEveryone must be struck with the image here. The description is as\nsimple as it can be; and yet as sublime. The fewest words possible are\nused; and yet the image is distinct and clear. A heavenly being stands\nin the blaze of the brightest of the orbs that God permits us here to\nsee\u2015\u2015yet not consumed, and himself so bright that he can be distinctly\nseen amidst the dazzling splendours of that luminary. It is difficult\nto conceive of an image more sublime than this. _Why_ he has his place\nin the sun is not stated, for there does not _appear_ to be anything\nmore intended by this than to give grandeur and impressiveness to\nthe scene. \u00b6 _And he cried with a loud voice._ So that all the fowls\nof heaven could hear. \u00b6 _Saying to all the fowls that fly in the\nmidst of heaven._ That is, to all the birds of prey\u2015\u2015all that feed on\nflesh\u2015\u2015such as hover over a battle-field. Comp. Notes on Is. xviii. 6;\nlvi. 9. See also Je. vii. 33; xii. 9; Eze. xxxix. 4\u201220. \u00b6 _Come and\ngather yourselves together._ All this imagery is taken from the idea\nthat there would be a great slaughter, and that the bodies of the dead\nwould be left unburied to the birds of prey. \u00b6 _Unto the supper of the\ngreat God._ As if the great God were about to give you a feast\u2015\u2015to wit,\nthe carcasses of those slain. It is called \u201c_his_ supper\u201d because he\ngives it; and the image is merely that there would be a great slaughter\nof his foes, as is specified in the following verse.\n\n\n 18 That ye may eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of\n captains, and the flesh of mighty men, and the flesh of horses,\n and of them that sit on them, and the flesh of all _men, both_\n free and bond, both small and great.\n\n18. _That ye may eat the flesh of kings._ Of the kings under the\ncontrol of the beast and the false prophet, ch. xvi. 14; xvii. 12\u201214.\n\u00b6 _And the flesh of captains._ Of those subordinate to kings in command.\nThe Greek word is \u03c7\u03b9\u03bb\u03b9\u03ac\u03c1\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd\u2015\u2015_chiliarchs_\u2015\u2015denoting captains of a\nthousand, or, as we should say, commanders of a regiment. The word\n_colonel_ would better convey the idea with us; as he is the commander\nof a regiment, and a regiment is usually composed of about a thousand\nmen. \u00b6 _And the flesh of mighty men._ The word here means strong, and\nthe reference is to the robust soldiery\u2015\u2015rank and file in the army.\n\u00b6 _And the flesh of horses, and of them that sit on them._ Cavalry\u2015\u2015for\nmost armies are composed in part of horsemen. \u00b6 _And the flesh of\nall |men, both| free and bond._ Freemen and {415} slaves. It is not\nuncommon that freemen and slaves are mingled in the same army. This was\nthe case in the American Revolution, and is common in the East. \u00b6 _Both\nsmall and great._ Young and old; of small size and of great size;\nof those of humble, and those of exalted rank. The later armies of\nNapoleon were composed in great part of conscripts, many of whom were\nonly about eighteen years of age, and to this circumstance many of his\nlater defeats are to be traced. In the army that was raised after the\ninvasion of Russia no less than one hundred and fifty thousand of the\nconscripts were between eighteen and nineteen years of age (Alison\u2019s\n_History of Europe_, vol. iv. p. 27). Indeed, it is common in most\narmies that a considerable portion of the enlistments are from those\nin early life; and besides this, it is usual to employ mere boys on\nvarious services about a camp.\n\n\n 19 And I saw the beast, and the kings of the earth, and their\n armies, gathered[606] together to make war against him that\n sat on the horse, and against his army.\n\n19. _And I saw the beast._ Notes on ch. xiii. 1, 11. Comp. ch.\nxvii. 13. \u00b6 _And the kings of the earth, and their armies, gathered\ntogether._ There is allusion here to the same assembling of hostile\nforces which is described in ch. xvi. 13, 14, for the great decisive\nbattle that is to determine the destiny of the world\u2015\u2015the question\nwhether the Messiah or Antichrist shall reign. There can be no doubt\nthat the writer in these passages designed to refer to the same\nevents\u2015\u2015the still future scenes that are to occur when the Roman, the\nPagan, and the Mahometan powers shall be aroused to make common cause\nagainst the true religion, and shall stake all on the issue of the\ngreat conflict. See the Notes on ch. xvi. 13, 14. \u00b6 _Against him that\nsat on the horse._ The Messiah\u2015\u2015the Son of God. Notes on ver. 11.\n\u00b6 _And against his army._ The hosts that are associated with him\u2015\u2015his\nredeemed people. Notes on ver. 14.\n\n\n 20 And the [607]beast was taken, and with him the false\n prophet that wrought miracles before him, with which he\n deceived them that had received the mark of the beast, and\n them that worshipped his image. These both were [608]cast\n alive into a lake of fire burning with brimstone.\n\n20. _And the beast was taken._ That is, was taken alive, to be thrown\ninto the lake of fire. The hosts were slain (ver. 21), but the leaders\nwere made prisoners of war. The _general_ idea is, that these armies\nwere overcome, and that the Messiah was victorious; but there is a\npropriety in the representation here that the leaders\u2015\u2015the authors of\nthe war\u2015\u2015should be taken captive, and reserved for severer punishment\nthan death on the battle-field would be\u2015\u2015for they had stirred up their\nhosts, and summoned these armies to make rebellion against the Messiah.\nThe _beast_ here, as all along, refers to the Papal power; and the idea\nis that of its complete and utter overthrow, _as if_ the leader of an\narmy were taken captive and tormented in burning flames, and all his\nfollowers were cut down on the field of battle. \u00b6 _And with him the\nfalse prophet._ As they had been _practically_ associated together,\nthere was a propriety that they should share the same fate. In regard\nto the false prophet, and the nature of this alliance, see Notes on\nch. xvi. 13. \u00b6 _That wrought miracles before him._ That is, the false\nprophet had been united with the beast in deceiving the nations of the\nearth. See Notes on ch. xvi. 14. \u00b6 _With which he deceived them that\nhad received the mark of the beast._ Notes on ch. xiii. 16\u201218. By\nthese arts they had been deceived\u2015\u2015that is, they had been led into the\nalliance, and had been sustained in their opposition to the truth. The\nwhole representation is that of an alliance to prevent the spread of\nthe true religion, _as if_ the Papacy and Mahometanism were combined,\nand the one was sustained by the pretended miracles of the other. There\nwould be a practical array against the reign of the Son of God, _as\nif_ these great powers should act in concert, and _as if_ the peculiar\nclaims which each set up in behalf of its own divine origin became a\nclaim which went to support the whole combined organization. \u00b6 _These\nboth were cast alive into a lake of fire._ The beast and the false\nprophet. That is, the overthrow will be as signal, and the destruction\nas complete, _as if_ the leaders of the combined hosts should be\ntaken alive, and thrown into a pit or lake that burns with an intense\nheat. There is no necessity for supposing that this {416} is to be\n_literally_ inflicted\u2015\u2015for the whole scene is symbolical\u2015\u2015meaning\nthat the destruction of these powers would be as complete _as if_ they\nwere thrown into such a burning lake. Comp. Notes on ch. xiv. 10, 11.\n\u00b6 _Burning with brimstone._ Sulphur\u2015\u2015the usual expression to denote\nintense heat, and especially as referring to the punishment of the\nwicked. See Notes on ch. xiv. 10.\n\n\n 21 And the remnant were [609]slain with the sword of him that\n sat upon the horse, which _sword_ proceeded out of his mouth;\n and [610]all the fowls were filled with their flesh.\n\n21. _And the remnant._ The remainder of the assembled hosts\u2015\u2015the army\nat large, in contradistinction from the leaders. \u00b6 _Were slain with the\nsword._ Cut down with the sword; not rescued for protracted torment. A\nproper distinction is thus made between the deceived multitudes and the\nleaders who had deceived them. \u00b6 _Of him that sat upon the horse._ The\nMessiah, ver. 11. \u00b6 _Which |sword| proceeded out of his mouth._ Notes\non ver. 15. That is, they were cut down by a _word_. They fell before\nhim as he spake, as if they were slain by the sword. Perhaps this\nindicates that the effect that is to be produced when these great\npowers shall be destroyed is a _moral_ effect; that is, that they will\nbe subdued by the word of the Son of God. \u00b6 _And all the fowls were\nfilled with their flesh._ Notes on ver. 17. An effect was produced _as\nif_ the fowls of heaven should feed upon the carcasses of the slain.\n\nThe general idea here is, that these great Antichristian powers\nwhich had so long resisted the gospel, and prevented its being spread\nover the earth; which had shed so much blood in persecution, and had\nso long corrupted and deceived mankind, would be subdued. The true\nreligion would be as triumphant as if the Son of God should go forth\nas a warrior in his own might, and secure their leaders for punishment,\nand give up their hosts to the birds of prey. This destruction of these\ngreat enemies\u2015\u2015which the whole course of the interpretation leads us to\nsuppose is still future\u2015\u2015prepares the way for the millennial reign of\nthe Son of God\u2015\u2015as stated in the following chapter. The \u201cbeast\u201d and the\n\u201cfalse prophet\u201d are disposed of, and there remains only the subjugation\nof the great dragon\u2015\u2015the source of all this evil\u2015\u2015to prepare the way\nfor the long-anticipated triumph of the gospel. The subjugation of\nthe great original source of all those evil influences is stated in ch.\nxx. 1\u20123; and then follows the account of the thousand years\u2019 rest of\nthe saints, the resurrection of the dead, and the final judgment.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XX.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.\n\nThis chapter, like chapters xvi. 12\u201221, xvii., xviii., xix., pertains\nto the future, and discloses things which are yet to occur. It is not\nto be wondered at, therefore, for the reason stated in the Notes on\nch. xvi. 16, that much obscurity should hang over it, nor that it is\ndifficult to explain it so as to remove all obscurity. The statement\nin this chapter, however, is distinct and clear in its _general_\ncharacteristics, and time will make all its _particular_ statements\nfree from ambiguity.\n\nIn the previous chapter, an account is given of the final destruction\nof _two_ of the most formidable enemies of the church, and consequently\nthe removal of two of the hindrances to the universal spread of the\ngospel\u2015\u2015the beast and the false prophet\u2015\u2015the Papal and the Mahometan\npowers. But one obstacle remains to be removed\u2015\u2015the power of Satan as\nconcentrated and manifested in the form of _Pagan_ power. These three\npowers it was said (ch. xvi. 13, 14) would concentrate their forces as\nthe time of the final triumph of Christianity drew on; and with these\nthe last great battle was to be fought. Two of these have been subdued;\nthe conquest over the other remains, and Satan is to be arrested and\nbound for a thousand years. He is then to be released for a time, and\nafterwards finally destroyed, and at that period the end will come.\n\nThe chapter comprises the following parts:\u2015\u2015\n\nI. The binding of Satan, ver. 1\u20123. An angel comes down from heaven with\nthe key of the bottomless pit, and a {417} great chain in his hand, and\nseizes upon the dragon, and casts him into the pit, that for a thousand\nyears he should deceive the nations no more. The great enemy of God and\nhis cause is thus made a prisoner, and is restrained from making war in\nany form against the church. The way is thus prepared for the peace and\ntriumph which follow.\n\nII. The millennium, ver. 4\u20126. John sees thrones, and persons sitting on\nthem; he sees the souls of those who were beheaded for the witness of\nJesus, and for the word of God\u2015\u2015those who had not worshipped the beast\nnor his image\u2015\u2015living and reigning with Christ during the thousand\nyears: the spirits of the martyrs revived, and becoming again the\nreigning spirit on earth. This he calls the first resurrection; and\non all such he says the second death has no power. Temporal death they\nmight experience\u2015\u2015for such the martyrs had experienced\u2015\u2015but over them\nthe second death has no dominion, for they live and reign with the\nSaviour. This is properly the millennium\u2015\u2015the long period when the\nprinciples of true religion will have the ascendency on the earth, _as\nif_ the martyrs and confessors\u2015\u2015the most devoted and eminent Christians\nof other times\u2015\u2015should appear again upon the earth, and as if their\nspirit should become the reigning and pervading spirit of all who\nprofessed the Christian name.\n\nIII. The release of Satan, ver. 7, 8. After the thousand years of peace\nand triumph shall have expired, Satan will be released from his prison,\nand will be permitted to go out and deceive the nations which are in\nthe four quarters of the earth, and gather them together to battle;\nthat is, a state of things will exist _as if_ Satan were then released.\nThere will be again an outbreak of sin on the earth, and a conflict\nwith the principles of religion, as if an innumerable multitude of\nopposers should be marshalled for the conflict by the great author of\nall evil.\n\nIV. The final subjugation of Satan, and destruction of his power on\nthe earth, ver. 9, 10. After the temporary and partial outbreak of\nevil (ver. 7, 8), Satan and his hosts will be entirely destroyed. The\ndestruction will be _as if_ fire should come down from heaven to devour\nthe assembled hosts (ver. 9), and as if Satan, the great leader of evil,\nshould be cast into the same lake where the beast and false prophet are\nto be tormented for ever. Then the church will be delivered from _all_\nits enemies, and religion henceforward will be triumphant. How _long_\nthe interval will be between _this_ state and that next disclosed\n(ver. 11\u201215)\u2015\u2015the final judgment\u2015\u2015is not stated. The eye of the seer\nglances from one to the other, but there is nothing to forbid the\nsupposition, that, according to the laws of prophetic vision, there may\nbe a long interval in which righteousness shall reign upon the earth.\nComp. Intro. to Isaiah, \u00a7 7, III. (3)\u2012(5).\n\nV. The final judgment, ver. 11\u201215. This closes the _earthly_ scene.\nHenceforward (ch. xxi., xxii.) the scene is transferred to heaven\u2015\u2015the\nabode of the redeemed. The last judgment is the winding up of the\nearthly affairs. The enemies of the church are all long since destroyed;\nthe world has experienced, perhaps for a long series of ages, the full\ninfluence of the gospel; countless millions have been, we may suppose,\nbrought under its power; and then at last, in the winding up of human\naffairs, comes the judgment of the great day, when the dead, small\nand great, shall stand before God; when the sea shall give up its\ndead; when death and hell shall give up the dead that are in them; when\nthe records of human actions shall be opened, and all shall be judged\naccording to their works; and when all who are not found written in the\nbook of life shall be cast into the lake of fire. This is the earthly\nconsummation; henceforward the saints shall reign in glory\u2015\u2015the New\nJerusalem above, ch. xxi., xxii.\n\nIn order to prepare the way for a proper understanding of this chapter,\nthe following additional remarks may be here made:\u2015\u2015\n\n(a) The design of this book did not demand a minute _detail_ of the\nevents which would occur in the consummation of human affairs. The\nmain purpose was to trace the history of the church to the scene of\nthe final triumph when all its enemies would be overthrown, and when\nreligion would be permanently established upon the earth. Hence, though\nin the previous chapters we have a detailed account of the persecutions\nthat would be endured; of the enemies that would rise up against the\nchurch, and of their complete ultimate overthrow\u2015\u2015leaving religion\ntriumphant on the earth\u2015\u2015yet we have no minute statement of what will\noccur in the millennium. A rapid view is taken of the closing scenes of\nthe earth\u2019s {418} history, and the general results only are stated. It\nwould not be strange, therefore, if there should be much in this that\nwould seem to be enigmatical and obscure, especially as it is now all\nin the future.\n\n(b) There may be long intervening periods between the events thus\nthrown together into the final grouping. We are not to suppose\nnecessarily that these events will succeed each other immediately, or\nthat they will be of short duration. Between these events thus hastily\nsketched, there may be long intervals that are not described, and whose\ngeneral character is scarcely even glanced at. This results from the\nvery nature of the prophetic vision, as described in the Intro. to\nIsaiah, \u00a7 7, III. (3)\u2012(5). This may be illustrated by the view which\nwe have in looking at a landscape. When one is placed in a favourable\nsituation, he can mark distinctly the _order_ of the objects in it\u2015\u2015the\nsuccession\u2015\u2015the _grouping_. He can tell what objects appear to him\nto lie _near_ to each other, and are apparently in juxtaposition. But\nthere are objects which, in such a vision, the eye cannot take in, and\nwhich would not be exhibited by any description which might be given\nof the view taken. Hills in the distant view may seem to lie near each\nother; one may seem to rise just back of another, and to the eye they\nmay seem to constitute parts of the same mountain, and yet _between_\nthem there may be deep and fertile vales, smiling villages, running\nstreams, beautiful gardens and waterfalls, which the eye cannot take\nin, and the _extent_ of which it may be wholly impossible to conjecture;\nand a description of the whole scene, as it _appears_ to the observer,\nwould convey no idea of the actual extent of the intervals. So it is\nin the prophecies. Between the events which are to occur hereafter, as\nseen in vision, there may be long intervals, but the length of these\nintervals the prophet may have left us no means of determining. See\nthese thoughts more fully illustrated in the Introduction to Isaiah,\nas above referred to.\n\nWhat is here stated may have occurred in the vision which John\nhad of the future, as described in this chapter. Time is marked in\nthe prophetic description until the fall of the great enemy of the\nchurch; beyond that it does not seem to have been regarded as necessary\nto determine the actual duration of the events referred to. Comp.\nProfessor Stuart, _Com._ ii. 353, 354.\n\n(c) These views are sustained by the most cursory glance of the\nchapter before us. There is none of the _detail_ which we have found in\nthe previous portions of the book\u2015\u2015for such detail was not necessary to\nthe accomplishment of the design of the book. The grand purpose was to\nshow _that Christianity would finally triumph_, and hence the detailed\ndescription is carried on until that occurs, and beyond that we have\nonly the most _general_ statements. Thus, in this chapter, the _great_\nevents that are to occur are merely hinted at. The events of a thousand\nyears; the invasion by Gog and Magog; the ultimate confinement and\npunishment of Satan; the general judgment,\u2015\u2015are all crowded into the\nspace of _twelve_ verses. This shows that the distant future is only\n_glanced at_ by the writer; and we should not wonder, therefore, if it\nshould be found to be obscure, nor should we regard it as strange that\nmuch is left to be made clear by the events themselves when they shall\noccur.\n\n(d) The _end_ is triumphant and glorious. We are assured that every\nenemy of the church will be slain, and that there will be a long period\nof happiness, prosperity, and peace. \u201cThe eye of hope,\u201d says Professor\nStuart, beautifully, \u201cis directed forward, and sees the thousand years\nof uninterrupted prosperity; then the sudden destruction of a new and\nfatal enemy; and all the rest is left to joyful anticipation. When all\nclouds are swept from the face of the sky, why should not the sun shine\nforth in all his glory? I cannot, therefore, doubt that the setting\nsun of the church on earth is to be as a heaven of unclouded splendour.\nPeaceful and triumphant will be her latest age. The number of the\nredeemed will be augmented beyond all computation; and the promise\nmade from the beginning, that \u2018the seed of the woman should bruise\nthe serpent\u2019s head,\u2019 will be fulfilled in all its extent, and with\na divine plenitude of meaning. The understanding and pious reader\ncloses the book with admiration, with wonder, with delight, with lofty\nanticipations of the future, and with undaunted resolution to follow on\nin the steps of those who, through faith and patience, have inherited\nthe promises, and entered into everlasting rest,\u201d vol. ii. pp. 354, 355.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XX.\n\n\n AND I saw an angel come down from heaven, having the [611]key\n of the bottomless pit and a great chain in his hand.\n\n{419} 1. _And I saw an angel come down from heaven._ Comp. Notes on\nch. x. 1. He does not say whether _this_ angel had appeared to him\nbefore, but the impression is rather that it was a different one. The\nwhole character of the composition of the book leads us to suppose that\ndifferent angels were employed to make these communications to John,\nand that, in fact, in the progress of things disclosed in the book, he\nhad intercourse with a considerable number of the heavenly inhabitants.\nThe scene that is recorded here occurred _after_ the destruction of the\nbeast and the false prophet (ch. xix. 18\u201221), and therefore, according\nto the principles expressed in the explanation of the previous chapters,\nwhat is intended to be described here will take place _after_ the final\ndestruction of the Papal and Mahometan powers. \u00b6 _Having the key of\nthe bottomless pit._ See Notes on ch. i. 18; ix. 1. The fact that he\nhas the key of that underworld is designed to denote here, that he can\nfasten it on Satan so that it shall become his prison. \u00b6 _And a great\nchain in his hand._ With which to bind the dragon, ver. 2. It is called\n_great_ because of the strength of him that was to be bound. The chain\nonly appears to have been in his hand. Perhaps the key was suspended to\nhis side.\n\n\n 2 And he laid hold on the [612]dragon, that old serpent, which\n is the Devil, and Satan, and [613]bound him a thousand years,\n\n2. _And he laid hold on._ Seized him by violence\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5. The word\ndenotes the employment of strength or force; and it implies that he\nhad power superior to that of the dragon. Comp. Mat. xiv. 3; xviii. 28;\nxxi. 46; xxii. 6; xxvi. 4. We can at once see the propriety of the\nuse of this word in this connection. The great enemy to be bound has\nhimself mighty power, and can be overcome only by a superior. This\nmay teach us that it is only a power from heaven that can destroy the\nempire of Satan in the world; and _perhaps_ it may teach us that the\ninterposition of angels will be employed in bringing in the glorious\nstate of the millennium. Why should it not be? \u00b6 _The dragon._ See\nNotes on ch. xii. 2. Comp. ch. xii. 4, 7, 13, 16, 17; xiii. 2, 4, 11;\nxvi. 13. There can be no doubt as to the meaning of the word here;\nfor it is expressly said to mean the devil, and Satan. It would seem,\nhowever, that it refers to some manifestation of the power of Satan\nthat would exist _after_ the beast and false prophet\u2015\u2015that is, the\nPapacy and Mahometanism\u2015\u2015should be destroyed, and probably the _main_\nreference is to the still existing power of Paganism. Comp. Notes on\nch. xvi. 13, 14. It _may_ include, however, all the forms of wickedness\nwhich Satan shall have kept up on the earth, and all the modes of\nevil by which he will endeavour to perpetuate his reign. \u00b6 _That old\nserpent._ This is undoubtedly an allusion to the serpent that deceived\nour first parents (Ge. iii. 1, seq.), and therefore a proof that it was\nSatan that, under the form of a serpent, deceived them. Comp. Notes on\nch. xii. 3. \u00b6 _Which is the Devil._ On the meaning of this word, see\nNotes on Mat. iv. 1. \u00b6 _And Satan._ On the meaning of this word, see\nNotes on Job i. 6. In regard to the _repetition_ of the names of that\ngreat enemy of God and the church here, Mr. Taylor, in the _Fragments\nto Calmet\u2019s Dictionary_, No. 152, says that this \u201calmost resembles\na modern Old Bailey indictment, in which special care is taken to\nidentify the culprit, by a sufficient number of _aliases_. An angel\nfrom heaven, having the key of the prison of the abyss, and a great\nchain to secure the prisoner, \u2018apprehended the dragon, _alias_ the\nold serpent, _alias_ the devil, _alias_ the Satan, _alias_ the seducer\nof the world,\u2019 who was sentenced to a thousand years\u2019 imprisonment.\u201d\nThe _object_ here, however, seems to be not so much to _identify_ the\nculprit by these _aliases_, as to show that under whatever forms, and\nby whatever names he had appeared, it was always the same being, and\nthat now the author of the whole evil would be arrested. Thus the\none great enemy sometimes has appeared in a form that would be best\nrepresented by a fierce and fiery dragon; at another, in a form that\nwould be best represented by a cunning and subtle serpent; now in a\nform to which the word devil, or accuser, would be most appropriate;\nand now in a form in which the word Satan\u2015\u2015an adversary\u2015\u2015would be most\nexpressive of what he does. In these various forms, and under these\nvarious names, he has ruled the {420} fallen world; and when this one\ngreat enemy shall be seized and imprisoned, all those forms of evil\nwill, of course, come to an end. \u00b6 _A thousand years._ This is the\nperiod usually designated as the MILLENNIUM\u2015\u2015for the word millennium\nmeans _a thousand years_. It is on this passage that the whole doctrine\nof the millennium _as such_ has been founded. It is true that there\nare elsewhere in the Scriptures abundant promises that the gospel\nwill ultimately spread over the world; but the notion of a _millennium\nas such_ is found in this passage alone. It is, however, enough to\nestablish the doctrine, if its meaning be correctly ascertained; for it\nis a just rule in interpreting the Bible, that the clearly-ascertained\nsense of a single passage of Scripture is sufficient to establish the\ntruth of a doctrine. The fact, however, that this passage stands alone\nin this respect, makes it the more important to endeavour accurately\nto determine its meaning. There are but three ways in which the phrase\n\u201ca thousand years\u201d can be understood here: either (a) literally; or\n(b) in the prophetic use of the term, where a day would stand for a\nyear, thus making a period of three hundred and sixty thousand years;\nor (c) figuratively, supposing that it refers to a long but indefinite\nperiod of time. It may be impossible to determine _which_ of these\nperiods is intended, though the first has been generally supposed to be\nthe true one, and hence the common notion of the millennium. There is\nnothing, however, in the use of the language here, as there would be\nnothing contrary to the common use of symbols in this book in regard to\ntime, in the supposition that this was designed to describe the longest\nperiod here suggested, or that it is meant that the world shall enjoy\na reign of peace and righteousness during the long period of three\nhundred and sixty thousand years. Indeed, there are some things in the\narrangements of nature which look as if it were contemplated that the\nearth would continue under a reign of righteousness through a vastly\nlong period in the future.\n\n\n 3 And cast him into the bottomless pit, and shut him up, and\n [614]set a seal upon him that he should deceive the nations no\n more, till the thousand years should be fulfilled: and after\n that he must be loosed a little season.\n\n3. _And cast him into the bottomless pit._ See Notes on ch. ix. 1.\nA state of peace and prosperity would exist _as if_ Satan, the great\ndisturber, were confined in the nether world as a prisoner. \u00b6 _And shut\nhim up._ Closed the massive doors of the dark prison-house upon him.\nComp. Notes on Job x. 21, 22. \u00b6 _And set a seal upon him._ Or, rather,\n\u201cupon _it_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c9 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6. The seal was placed upon the _door_ or _gate_\nof the prison, not because this would fasten the gate or door of itself,\nand make it secure, for this was secured by the key, but because it\nprevented intrusion, or any secret opening of it without its being\nknown. See Notes on Da. vi. 17, and Mat. xxvii. 66. The idea here\nis, that every precaution was taken for absolute security. \u00b6 _That\nhe should deceive the nations no more._ That is, during the thousand\nyears. Comp. Notes on ch. xii. 9. \u00b6 _Till the thousand years should be\nfulfilled._ That is, during that period there will be a state of things\nupon the earth _as if_ Satan should be withdrawn from the world, and\nconfined in the great prison where he is ultimately to dwell for ever.\n\u00b6 _And after that he must be loosed a little season._ See ver. 7, 8.\nThat is, a state of things will then exist, for a brief period, _as if_\nhe were again released from his prison-house, and suffered to go abroad\nupon the earth. The phrase \u201ca little season\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u03c7\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, _little\ntime_\u2015\u2015denotes properly that this would be brief as compared with the\nthousand years. No intimation is given as to the exact time, and it\nis impossible to conjecture how long it will be. All the circumstances\nstated, however, here and in ver. 7\u201210, would lead us to suppose that\nwhat is referred to will be like the sudden outbreak of a rebellion in\na time of general peace, but which will soon be quelled.\n\n\n \u00a7 a.\u2015\u2015_Condition of the world in the\n period referred to in ver. 1\u20123._\n\nIt may be proper, in order to a correct understanding of this chapter,\nto present a brief summary under the different parts (see the Analysis\nof the chapter) of what, according to the interpretation proposed, may\nbe expected {421} to be the condition of things in the time referred to.\n\nOn the portion now before us (ver. 1\u20123), according to the\ninterpretation proposed, the following suggestions may be made:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) This will be subsequent to the downfall of the Papacy and the\ntermination of the Mahometan power in the world. Of course, then, this\nlies in the future\u2015\u2015how far in the future it is impossible to determine.\nThe interpretation of the various portions of this book, and the book\nof Daniel, have, however, led to the conclusion that the termination\nof those powers cannot now be remote. If so, we are on the eve of\nimportant events in the world\u2019s history. The affairs of the world\nlook as if things were tending to a fulfilment of the prophecies so\nunderstood.\n\n(2) It will be a condition of the world _as if_ Satan were bound;\nthat is, where his influences will be suspended, and the principles of\nvirtue and religion will prevail. According to the interpretation of\nthe previous chapters, it will be a state in which all that has existed,\nand that now exists, in the Papacy to corrupt mankind, to maintain\nerror, and to prevent the prevalence of free and liberal principles,\nwill cease; in which all that there now is in the Mahometan system to\nfetter and enslave mankind\u2015\u2015now controlling more than one hundred and\ntwenty millions of the race\u2015\u2015shall have come to an end; and in which,\nin a great measure, all that occurs under the direct influence of Satan\nin causing or perpetuating slavery, war, intemperance, lust, avarice,\ndisorder, scepticism, atheism, will be checked and stayed. It is proper\nto say, however, that this passage does not require us to suppose that\nthere will be a _total cessation_ of Satanic influence in the earth\nduring that period. Satan will, indeed, be bound and restrained as\nto his former influence and power. But there will be no change in\nthe character of man as he comes into the world. There will still be\ncorrupt passions in the human heart. Though greatly restrained, and\nthough there will be a general prevalence of righteousness on the earth,\nyet we are to remember that the race is fallen, and that even then, if\nrestraint should be taken away, man would act out his fallen nature.\nThis fact, if remembered, will make it appear less strange that, after\nthis period of prevalent righteousness, Satan should be represented as\nloosed again, and as able once more for a time to deceive the nations.\n\n(3) It will be a period of long duration. On the supposition that it\nis to be literally a period of one thousand years, this is in itself\nlong, and will give, especially under the circumstances, opportunity\nfor a vast progress in human affairs. To form some idea of the length\nof the period, we need only place ourselves in imagination _back_ for\na thousand years\u2015\u2015say in the middle of the ninth century\u2015\u2015and look at\nthe condition of the world then, and think of the vast changes in human\naffairs that have occurred during that period. It is to be remembered,\nalso, that if the millennial period were soon to commence, it would\nfind the world in a far different state in reference to future progress\nfrom what it was in the ninth century, and that it would _start off_,\nso to speak, with all the advantages in the arts and sciences which\nhave been accumulated in all the past periods of the world. Even\nif there were no special divine interposition, it might be presumed\nthat the race, in such circumstances, would make great and surprising\nadvances in the long period of a thousand years. And here a very\nstriking remark of Mr. Hugh Miller may be introduced as illustrating\nthe subject. \u201cIt has been remarked by some student of the Apocalypse,\u201d\nsays he, \u201cthat the course of predicted events at first moves slowly, as\none after one, six of seven seals are opened; that, on the opening of\nthe seventh seal, the progress is so considerably quickened that the\nseventh period proves as fertile in events\u2015\u2015represented by the sounding\nof the seven trumpets\u2015\u2015as the foregoing six taken together; and that on\nthe seventh trumpet, so great is the further acceleration, that there\nis an amount of incident condensed in this seventh part of the seventh\nperiod equal, as in the former case, to that of all the previous\nsix parts in one. There are three cycles, it has been said, in the\nscheme\u2015\u2015cycle within cycle\u2015\u2015the second comprised within a seventh\nportion of the first, and the third within a seventh portion of\nthe second. Be this as it may, we may, at least, see something\nthat exceedingly resembles it in that actual economy of change and\nrevolution manifested in English history for the last two centuries.\n\n_It would seem as if events, in their downward course, {422} had come\nunder the influence of that law of gravitation through which falling\nbodies increase in speed, as they descend, according to the squares of\nthe distance_\u201d (_First Impressions of England and its People_, pp. vii.,\nviii.). If to this we add the supposition, which we have seen (Notes\non ver. 2) to be by no means improbable, that it is intended, in\nthe description of the millennium in this chapter, that the world\nwill continue under a reign of peace and righteousness for the long\nperiod of three hundred and sixty thousand years, it is impossible\nto anticipate what progress will be made during that period, or to\nenumerate the numbers that will be saved. On this subject, see some\nvery interesting remarks in the _Old Red Sandstone_, by Hugh Miller,\npp. 248\u2012250, 258, 259. Comp. Professor Hitchcock\u2019s _Religion and\nGeology_, pp. 370\u2012409.\n\n(4) What, then, will be the state of things during that long period of\na thousand years?\n\n(a) There will be a great increase in the population of the globe.\nLet wars cease, and intemperance cease, and slavery cease, and the\nnumberless passions that now shorten life be stayed, and it is easy to\nsee that there must be a vast augmentation in the number of the human\nspecies.\n\n(b) There will be a general diffusion of intelligence upon the earth.\nEvery circumstance would be favourable to it, and the world would be in\na condition to make rapid advances in knowledge, Da. xii. 4.\n\n(c) That period will be characterized by the universal diffusion of\nrevealed truth, Is. xi. 9; xxv. 7.\n\n(d) It will be marked by unlimited subjection to the sceptre of Christ,\nPs. ii. 7; xxii. 27\u201229; Is. ii. 2, 3; lxvi. 23; Zec. ix. 10; xiv. 9;\nMat. xiii. 31, 32; Re. xi. 15.\n\n(e) There will be great progress in all that tends to promote the\nwelfare of man. We are not to suppose that the resources of nature are\nexhausted. Nature gives no signs of exhaustion or decay. In the future\nthere is no reason to doubt that there will yet be discoveries and\ninventions more surprising and wonderful than the art of printing,\nor the use of steam, or the magnetic telegraph. There are profounder\nsecrets of nature that may be delivered up than any of these, and the\nworld is tending to their development.\n\n(f) It will be a period of the universal reign of peace. The attention\nof mankind will be turned to the things which tend to promote the\nwelfare of the race, and advance the best interests of society. The\nsingle fact that wars will cease will make an inconceivable difference\nin the aspect of the world; for if universal peace shall prevail\nthrough the long period of the millennium, and the wealth, the talent,\nand the science now employed in human butchery shall be devoted to the\ninterests of agriculture, the mechanical arts, learning, and religion,\nit is impossible now to estimate the progress which the race will make,\nand the changes which will be produced on the earth. For Scripture\n_proofs_ that it will be a time of universal peace, see Is. ii. 4;\nxi. 6\u20129; Mi. iv. 3.\n\n(g) There will be a _general_ prevalence of evangelical religion. This\nis apparent in the entire description in this passage, for the two most\nformidable opposing powers that religion has ever known\u2015\u2015the beast and\nthe false prophet\u2015\u2015will be destroyed, and Satan will be bound. In this\nlong period, therefore, we are to suppose that the gospel will exert\nits fair influence on governments, on families, on individuals; in the\nintercourse of neighbours, and in the intercourse of nations. God will\nbe worshipped in spirit and in truth, and not in the mere _forms_ of\ndevotion; and temperance, truth, liberty, social order, honesty, and\nlove, will prevail over the world.\n\n(h) It will be a time when the Hebrew people\u2015\u2015the Jews\u2015\u2015will be brought\nto the knowledge of the truth, and will embrace the Messiah whom their\nfathers crucified, Zec. xii. 10; xiii. 1; Ro. xi. 26\u201229.\n\n(i) Yet we are not necessarily to suppose that _all_ the world will\nbe absolutely and entirely brought under the power of the gospel.\nThere will be still on the earth the remains of wickedness in the\ncorrupted human heart, and there will be so much _tendency_ to sin\nin the human soul, that Satan, when released for a time (ver. 7, 8),\nwill be able once more to deceive mankind, and to array a formidable\nforce, represented by Gog and Magog, against the cause of truth and\nrighteousness. We are not to suppose that the nature of mankind, as\nfallen, will be essentially changed, or that there may not be sin\nenough in the human heart to make it capable of the same opposition\nto the {423} gospel of God which has thus far been evinced in all\nages. From causes which are not fully stated (ver. 8, 9), Satan will\nbe enabled once more to rouse up their enmity, and to make one more\ndesperate effort to destroy the kingdom of the Redeemer by rallying his\nforces for a conflict. See these views illustrated in the work entitled\n_Christ\u2019s Second Coming_, by Rev. David Brown, of St. James\u2019 Free\nChurch, Glasgow, pp. 398\u2012442; New York, 1851.\n\n\n 4 And I saw [615]thrones, and they sat upon them, and\n [616]judgment was given unto them: and [617]_I saw_ the souls\n of them that were beheaded for the witness of Jesus, and\n for the word of God, and which had not worshipped the beast,\n neither his image, neither had received _his_ mark upon their\n foreheads, or in their hands; and they lived and [618]reigned\n with Christ a thousand years.\n\n4. _And I saw thrones_\u2015\u2015\u03b8\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2. See ch. i. 4; iii. 21; iv. 3, 4. John\nhere simply says, that he saw in vision _thrones_, with persons sitting\non them, but without intimating who they were that sat on them. It\nis not the throne of God that is now revealed, for the word is in the\nplural number, though the writer does not hint how _many_ thrones there\nwere. It _is_ intimated, however, that these thrones were placed with\nsome reference to pronouncing a judgment, or determining the destiny of\nsome portion of mankind, for it is immediately added, \u201cand judgment was\ngiven unto them.\u201d There is considerable resemblance, in many respects,\nbetween this and the statement in Daniel (vii. 9): \u201cI beheld till the\nthrones were cast down, and the Ancient of days did sit;\u201d or, as it\nshould be rendered, \u201cI beheld\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, I continued to look\u2015\u2015\u201cuntil\nthe thrones were _placed_ or _set_,\u201d to wit, for the purposes of\njudgment. See Notes on that passage. So John here sees, as the\ntermination of human affairs approaches, thrones placed with reference\nto a determination of the destiny of some portion of the race, _as if_\nthey were now to have a trial, and to receive a sentence of acquittal\nor condemnation. The _persons_ on whom this judgment is to pass are\nspecified, in the course of the verse, as those who were \u201cbeheaded for\nthe witness of Jesus, who had the word of God, who had not worshipped\nthe beast,\u201d &c. The _time_ when this was to occur manifestly was at the\nbeginning of the thousand years. \u00b6 _And they sat upon them._ _Who_ sat\non them is not mentioned. The natural construction is, that _judges_\nsat on them, or that persons sat on them to whom judgment was intrusted.\nThe language is such as would be used on the supposition either that\nhe had mentioned the subject before, so that he would be readily\nunderstood, or that, from some other cause, it was so well understood\nthat there was no necessity for mentioning who they were. John seems\nto have assumed that it would be understood who were meant. And yet to\nus it is not entirely clear; for John has not before this given us any\nsuch intimation that we can determine with certainty what is intended.\nThe probable construction is, that those are referred to, to whom it\nappropriately belonged to occupy such seats of judgment, and who they\nare is to be determined from other parts of the Scriptures. In Mat. xix.\n28, the Saviour says to his apostles, \u201cWhen the Son of man shall sit on\nthe throne of his glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging\nthe twelve tribes of Israel.\u201d In 1 Co. vi. 2, Paul asks the question,\n\u201cDo ye not know that the saints shall judge the world?\u201d The meaning as\nthus explained is, that Christians will, in some way, be employed in\njudging the world; that is, that they will be exalted to the right hand\nof the Judge, and be elevated to a station of honour, _as if_ they were\nassociated with the Son of God in the judgment. Something of that kind\nis, doubtless, referred to here; and John probably means to say that\nhe saw the thrones placed on which those will sit who will be employed\nin judging the world. If the apostles are specially referred to, it\nwas natural that John, eminent for modesty, should not particularly\nmention them, as he was one of them, and as the true allusion would be\nreadily understood. \u00b6 _And judgment was given unto them._ The power of\npronouncing sentence in the case referred to was conferred on them, and\nthey proceeded to exercise that power. This was not in relation to the\nwhole race of mankind, but to the martyrs, and to those who, amidst\nmany temptations and trials, had kept themselves pure. The sentence\nwhich is to be passed would seem to be that in consequence of which\nthey are to be permitted to \u201clive and reign with Christ a thousand\nyears.\u201d The _form_ of this expressed approval is that of a resurrection\nand judgment; whether this be the _literal_ mode is another inquiry,\nand will properly be considered when the exposition {424} of the\npassage shall have been given. \u00b6 _And |I saw| the souls of them._ This\nis a very important expression in regard to the meaning of the whole\npassage. John says he saw _the souls_\u2015\u2015not _the bodies_. If the obvious\nmeaning of this be the correct meaning; if he saw the _souls_ of the\nmartyrs, not the _bodies_, this would seem to exclude the notion of a\n_literal_ resurrection, and consequently overturn many of the theories\nof a literal resurrection, and of a literal reign of the saints with\nChrist during the thousand years of the millennium. The doctrine of\nthe last resurrection, as everywhere stated in the Scripture, is, that\nthe _body_ will be raised up, and not merely that the _soul will live_\n(see 1 Co. xv., and the Notes on that chapter); and consequently John\nmust mean to refer in this place to something different from that\nresurrection, or to _any_ proper resurrection of the dead as the\nexpression is commonly understood. The doctrine which has been held,\nand is held, by those who maintain that there will be a _literal\nresurrection_ of the saints to reign with Christ during a thousand\nyears, can receive no support from this passage, for there is no\nambiguity respecting the word _souls_\u2015\u2015\u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f70\u03c2\u2015\u2015as used here. By no\npossible construction can it mean the _bodies_ of the saints. If John\nhad intended to state that the saints, as such, would be raised as\nthey will be at the last day, it is clear that he would not have used\nthis language, but would have employed the common language of the New\nTestament to denote it. The language here does not express the doctrine\nof the resurrection of the body; and if no other language but this had\nbeen used in the New Testament, the doctrine of the resurrection, as\nnow taught and received, could not be established. These considerations\nmake it clear to my mind that John did not mean to teach that there\nwould be a _literal_ resurrection of the saints, that they might live\nand reign with Christ personally during the period of a thousand years.\nThere was undoubtedly something that might be _compared_ with the\nresurrection, and that might, in some proper sense, be _called_ a\nresurrection (ver. 5, 6), but there is not the slightest intimation\nthat it would be a resurrection of the _body_, or that it would be\nidentical with the _final_ resurrection. John undoubtedly intends\nto describe some honour conferred on the _spirits_ or _souls_ of the\nsaints and martyrs during this long period, _as if_ they were raised\nfrom the dead, or which might be represented by a resurrection from\nthe dead. What that honour is to be, is expressed by their \u201c_living_\nand _reigning_ with Christ.\u201d The meaning of this will be explained in\nthe exposition of these words; but the word used here is fatal to the\nnotion of a literal resurrection and a personal reign with Christ on\nthe earth. \u00b6 _That were beheaded._ The word here used\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03ba\u03af\u03b6\u03c9\u2015\u2015occur\nnowhere else in the New Testament. It properly means, _to axe_, that\nis, to hew or cut with an axe\u2015\u2015from \u03c0\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03ba\u03c5\u03c2, _axe_. Hence it means\nto behead with an axe. This was a common mode of execution among the\nRomans, and doubtless many of the Christian martyrs suffered in this\nmanner; but \u201cit cannot be supposed to have been the intention of the\nwriter to confine the rewards of martyrs to those who suffered in this\nparticular way; for this specific and ignominious method of punishment\nis designated merely as the symbol of any and every kind of martyrdom\u201d\n(Professor Stuart). \u00b6 _For the witness of Jesus._ As witnesses of Jesus;\nor bearing in this way their testimony to the truth of his religion.\nSee Notes on ch. i. 9; comp. ch. vi. 9. \u00b6 _And for the Word of God._\nSee Notes on ch. i. 9. \u00b6 _Which had not worshipped the beast._ Who\nhad remained faithful to the principles of the true religion, and had\nresisted all the attempts made to seduce them from the faith, even\nthe temptations and allurements in the times of the Papacy. See this\nlanguage explained in the Notes on ch. xiii. 4. \u00b6 _Neither his image._\nNotes on ch. xiii. 14, 15. \u00b6 _Neither had received |his| mark upon\ntheir foreheads, or in their hands._ See Notes on ch. xiii. 16. \u00b6 _And\nthey lived_\u2015\u2015\u1f14\u03b6\u03b7\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd, from \u03b6\u03ac\u03c9, _to live_. Very much, in the whole\npassage, depends on this word. The meanings given to the word by\nProfessor Robinson (_Lex._) are the following:\u2015\u2015(a) to live, to have\nlife, spoken of physical life and existence; (b) to live, that is, to\nsustain life, to live _on_ or _by_ anything; (c) to live in any way, to\npass one\u2019s life in any manner; (d) to live and prosper; to be blessed.\nIt _may_ be applied to those who were before dead (Mat. ix. 18; Mar.\n{425} xvi. 11; Lu. xxiv. 23; Jn. v. 25; Ac. i. 3; ix. 41), but it does\nnot necessarily imply this, nor does the mere use of the word _suggest_\nit. It is the proper notion of living, or having life _now_, whatever\nwas the former state\u2015\u2015whether non-existence, death, sickness, or health.\nThe mind, in the use of this word, is fixed on the _present as a state\nof living_. It is not necessarily in contrast with a former state _as\ndead_, but it is on the fact that they are now _alive_. As, however,\nthere is reference, in the passage before us, to the fact that a\nportion of those mentioned had been \u201cbeheaded for the witness of Jesus,\u201d\nit is to be admitted that the word here refers, in some sense, to\nthat fact. They were put to death in the body, but their \u201c_souls_\u201d were\nnow seen to be alive. They had not ceased _to be_, but they lived and\nreigned with Christ _as if_ they had been raised up from the dead. And\nwhen this is said of the \u201c_souls_\u201d of those who were beheaded, and who\nwere seen to reign with Christ, it cannot mean (a) that their _souls_\ncame to life again, for there is no intimation that they had for a\nmoment ceased to exist; nor (b) that they then became _immortal_,\nfor that was always true of them; nor (c) that there was any literal\n_resurrection of the body_, as Professor Stuart (ii. 360, 475, 476)\nsupposes, and as is supposed by those who hold to a literal reign of\nChrist on the earth, for there is no intimation of the resurrection\nof the _body_. The meaning, then, so far as the language is concerned,\nmust be, that there would exist, at the time of the thousand years, a\nstate of things _as if_ the martyrs were raised up from the dead\u2015\u2015an\nhonouring of the martyrs _as if_ they should live and reign with Christ.\nTheir names would be vindicated; their principles would be revived;\nthey would be exalted in public estimation above other men; they would\nbe raised from the low rank in which they were held by the world in\ntimes of persecution to a state which might well be represented by\ntheir sitting with Christ on the throne of government, and by their\nbeing made visible attendants on his glorious kingdom. This would\nnot occur in respect to the rest of the dead\u2015\u2015even the pious dead\n(ver. 5)\u2015\u2015for _their_ honours and rewards would be reserved for the\ngreat day when _all_ the dead should be judged according to their\ndeeds. In this view of the meaning of this passage there is nothing\nthat forbids us to suppose that the martyrs will be _conscious_ of the\nhonour thus done to their names, their memory, and their principles\non earth, or that this consciousness will increase their joy even in\nheaven. This sense of the passage is thus expressed, substantially, by\nArchbishop Whately (_Essays on the Future State_): \u201cIt may signify not\nthe literal raising of dead men, but the raising up of an increased\nChristian zeal and holiness; the revival in the Christian church, or\nin some considerable portion of it, of the _spirit_ and _energy_ of\nthe noble martyrs of old (even as John the Baptist came in the spirit\nand power of Elias), so that Christian principles shall be displayed\nin action throughout the world in an infinitely greater degree than\never before.\u201d This view of the signification of the word _lived_ is\nsustained by its use elsewhere in the Scriptures and by its common use\namong men. Thus in this very book, ch. xi. 11: \u201cAnd after three days\nand a half, the Spirit of _life_ from God entered into them, and they\nstood upon their feet.\u201d So in Ezekiel, in speaking of the restoration\nof the Jews: \u201cThus saith the Lord God, O my people, _I will open your\ngraves, and cause you to come up out of your graves_, and bring you\ninto the land of Israel. And ye shall know that I am the Lord, when\nI have opened your graves, and brought you up out of your graves, and\nshall put my Spirit in you, and ye shall _live_,\u201d ch. xxvii. 12\u201214.\nSo in Ho. vi. 2: \u201cAfter two days he will _revive_ us [cause us to live\nagain]; in the third day he will raise us up, and we shall _live_ in\nhis sight.\u201d So in the parable of the prodigal son: \u201cThis thy brother\nwas _dead_, and _is alive again_,\u201d Lu. xv. 32. So in Is. xxvi. 19: \u201cThy\ndead men shall _live_, together with my dead body shall they arise.\u201d\nThe following extract, from D\u2019Aubign\u00e9\u2019s _History of the Reformation_,\nwill show how natural it is to use the _very_ language employed here\nwhen the idea is intended to be conveyed of reviving former principles\n_as if_ the men who held them should be raised to life again. It is\nthe language of the martyr John Huss, who, in speaking of himself in\nview of a remarkable dream that he had, said, \u201cI am no dreamer, but\nI maintain this for {426} certain, that the image of Christ will never\nbe effaced. They [his enemies] have wished to destroy it, but it shall\nbe painted afresh in all hearts by much better preachers than myself.\nThe nation that loves Christ will rejoice at this. _And I, awaking\nfrom among the dead, and rising, so to speak, from my grave, shall\nleap with great joy._\u201d So a Brief addressed by Pope Adrian to the\nDiet at Nuremberg contains these words: \u201cThe heretics Huss and Jerome\n_are now alive again_ in the person of Martin Luther.\u201d For a further\nillustration of the passage see the remarks which follow (\u00a7 b) on the\nstate of things which may be expected to exist in the time referred\nto in ver. 4\u20126. \u00b6 _And reigned with Christ._ Were exalted in their\nprinciples, and in their personal happiness in heaven, _as if_ they\noccupied the throne with him, and personally shared his honours and\nhis triumphs. Who can tell, also, whether they may not be employed\nin special services of mercy, in administering the affairs of his\ngovernment during that bright and happy period? \u00b6 _A thousand years._\nDuring the period when Satan will be bound, and when the true religion\nwill have the ascendency in the earth. Notes on ver. 2.\n\n\n 5 But the rest of the dead lived not again till the thousand\n years were finished. This _is_ the first resurrection.\n\n5. _But the rest of the dead._ In contradistinction from the\nbeheaded martyrs, and from those who had kept themselves pure in the\ntimes of great temptation. The phrase \u201crest of the dead\u201d here would\nmost naturally refer to the _same general class_ which was before\nmentioned\u2015\u2015the pious dead. The meaning is, that the martyrs would be\nhonoured as if they were raised up and the others not\u2015\u2015that is, that\nspecial respect would be shown to their principles, their memory, and\ntheir character. In other words, _special_ honour would be shown _to\na spirit of eminent piety_ during that period above the _common_ and\n_ordinary_ piety which has been manifested in the church. The \u201crest of\nthe dead\u201d\u2015\u2015the pious dead\u2015\u2015would indeed be raised up and rewarded, but\nthey would occupy comparatively humble places, _as if_ they did not\npartake in the exalted triumphs when the world should be subdued to\nthe Saviour. Their places in honour, in rank, and in reward would be\n_beneath_ that of those who in fiery times had maintained unshaken\nfidelity to the cause of truth. \u00b6 _Lived not._ On the word _lived_\nsee Notes on ver. 4. That is, they lived not during that period in the\npeculiar sense in which it is said (ver. 4) that the eminent saints\nand martyrs lived. They did not come into remembrance; their principles\nwere not what then characterized the church; they did not see, as the\nmartyrs did, _their_ principles and mode of life in the ascendency,\nand consequently they had not the augmented happiness and honour which\nthe more eminent saints and martyrs had. \u00b6 _Until the thousand years\nwere finished._ Then all who were truly the children of God, though\nsome might be less eminent than others had been, would come into\nremembrance, and would have their proper place in the rewards of heaven.\nThe _language_ here is not necessarily to be interpreted as meaning\nthat they _would_ be raised up then, or would live then, whatever may\nbe true on that point. It is merely an emphatic mode of affirming that\n_up to that period they would not live_ in the sense in which it is\naffirmed that the others would. But it is not affirmed that they would\neven then \u201clive\u201d immediately. A long interval _might_ elapse before\nthat would occur in the general resurrection of the dead. See the\nAnalysis of the chapter. \u00b6 _This is the first resurrection._ The\nresurrection of the saints and martyrs, as specified in ver. 4. It\nis called the _first_ resurrection in contradistinction from the\nsecond and last\u2015\u2015the general resurrection\u2015\u2015when all the dead will be\n_literally_ raised up from their graves and assembled for the judgment,\nver. 12. It is not necessary to suppose that what is called here the\n\u201cfirst resurrection\u201d will resemble the real and literal resurrection\nin every respect. All that is meant is, that there will be such a\nresemblance as to make it proper to call it _a_ resurrection\u2015\u2015a coming\nto life again. This will be, as explained in the Notes on ver. 4, in\nthe honour done to the martyrs, in the restoration of their principles\nas the great actuating principles of the church, and perhaps in the\nincreased happiness conferred on them in heaven, and in their being\nemployed in promoting the cause of truth in the world.\n\n\n 6 Blessed and holy _is_ he that hath part in the first\n resurrection: on such the [619]second death hath no power,\n but they shall be [620]priests of God and of Christ, and shall\n reign with him a thousand years.\n\n6. _Blessed._ That is, his condition is to be regarded as a happy\nor a {427} favoured one. This is designed apparently to support and\nencourage those who, in the time of John, suffered persecution, or who\nmight suffer persecution afterwards. \u00b6 _And holy._ That is, no one will\nbe thus honoured who has not an established character for holiness.\nHoly principles will then reign, and none will be exalted to that\nhonour who have not a character for eminent sanctity. \u00b6 _That hath part\nin the first resurrection._ That participated in it; that is, who is\nassociated with those who are thus raised up. \u00b6 _On such the second\ndeath hath no power._ The \u201csecond death\u201d is properly the death which\nthe wicked will experience in the world of woe. See ver. 14. The\nmeaning here is, that all who are here referred to as having part in\nthe first resurrection will be secure against that. It will be one of\nthe blessed privileges of heaven that there will be absolute security\nagainst DEATH in any and every form; and when we think of what death\n_is_ here, and still more when we think of \u201cthe bitter pains of the\nsecond death,\u201d we may well call that state \u201cblessed\u201d in which there\nwill be eternal exemption from either. \u00b6 _But they shall be priests of\nGod and of Christ, and shall reign with him._ Notes ch. i. 6; v. 10.\n\n\n \u00a7 b.\u2015\u2015_Condition of the world in the period\n referred to in ver. 4\u20126._\n\nI. It is well known that this passage is the principal one which is\nrelied on by those who advocate the doctrine of the literal reign of\nChrist on the earth for a thousand years, or who hold what are called\nthe doctrines of the \u201csecond advent.\u201d The points which are maintained\nby those who advocate these views are substantially, (a) that at that\nperiod Christ will descend from heaven to reign personally upon the\nearth; (b) that he will have a central place of power and authority,\nprobably Jerusalem; (c) that the righteous dead will then be raised, in\nsuch bodies as are to be immortal; (d) that they will be his attendants,\nand will participate with him in the government of the world; (e) that\nthis will continue during the period of a thousand years; (f) that the\nworld will be subdued and converted during this period, not by moral\nmeans, but by \u201ca new dispensation\u201d\u2015\u2015by the power of the Son of God;\nand (g) that at the close of this period all the remaining dead will be\nraised, the judgment will take place, and the affairs of the earth will\nbe consummated.\n\nThe opinion here adverted to was held substantially by Papias, Justin\nMartyr, Iren\u00e6us, Tertullian, and others among the Christian Fathers,\nand, it need not be said, is held by many modern expositors of the\nBible, and by large numbers of Christian ministers of high standing,\nand other Christians. See the _Literalist_, _passim_. The opinion of\nthe Christian Fathers, with which the modern \u201cliteralists,\u201d as they are\ncalled, substantially coincide, is thus stated by Mr. Elliott: \u201cThis\nresurrection is to be literally that of departed saints and martyrs,\nthen at length resuscitated in the body from death and the grave; its\n_time_ to synchronize with, or follow instantly after, the destruction\nof the beast Antichrist, on Christ\u2019s personal second advent; the\n_binding_ of Satan to be an absolute restriction of the power of hell\nfrom tempting, deceiving, or injuring mankind, throughout a literal\nperiod of a thousand years, thence calculated; the _government of the\nearth_, during its continuance to be administered by Christ and the\nrisen saints\u2015\u2015the latter being now \u1f30\u03c3\u03ac\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u2015\u2015in nature like angels;\nand under it, all false religion having been put down, the Jews and\nsaved remnant of the Gentiles been converted to Christ, the earth\nrenovated by the fire of Antichrist\u2019s destruction, and Jerusalem\nmade the universal capital, there will be a realization on earth of\nthe blessedness depicted in the Old Testament prophecies, as well as\nperhaps of that too which is associated with the New Jerusalem in the\nvisions of the Apocalypse\u2015\u2015until at length this millennium having ended,\nand Satan gone forth to deceive the nations, the final consummation\nwill follow; the new-raised enemies of the saints, Gog and Magog, be\ndestroyed by fire from heaven: and then the general resurrection and\njudgment take place, the devil and his servants be cast into the lake\nof fire, and the millennial reign of the saints extend itself into one\nof eternal duration\u201d (Elliott on the Apocalypse, iv. 177, 178).\n\nMr. Elliott\u2019s own opinion, representing, it is supposed, that of\nthe great body of the \u201c_literalists_,\u201d is thus expressed: {428} \u201cIt\nwould seem, therefore, that in this state of things and of feeling in\nprofessing Christendom [a feeling of carnal security], all suddenly,\nand unexpectedly, and conspicuous over the world as the lightning\nthat shineth from the east even unto the west, the second advent and\nappearing of Christ will take place; that at the accompanying voice\nof the archangel and trump of God, the departed saints of either\ndispensation will rise from their graves to meet him\u2015\u2015alike patriarchs,\nand prophets, and apostles, and martyrs, and confessors\u2015\u2015all at once\nand in the twinkling of an eye; and then instantly the saints living\nat the time will be also caught up to meet him in the air; these latter\nbeing separated out of the ungodly nations, as when a shepherd divides\nhis sheep from the goats, and all, both dead and living saints, changed\nat the moment from corruption to incorruption, from dishonour to glory,\nthough with very different degrees of glory; and so in a new angelic\nnature, to take part in the judging and ruling in this world. Meanwhile,\nwith a tremendous earthquake accompanying, of violence unknown since\nthe revolutions of primeval chaos, an earthquake under which the Roman\nworld at least is to rock to and fro like a drunken man, the solid\ncrust of this earth shall be broken, and fountains burst forth from\nits inner deep, not as once of water, but of liquid fire; and that the\nflames shall consume the Antichrist and his confederate kings, while\nthe sword also does its work of slaughter; the risen saints being\nperhaps the attendants of the Lord\u2019s glory in this destruction of\nAntichrist, and assessors in his judgment on a guilty world. And then\nimmediately the renovation of this our earth is to take place, its soil\nbeing purified by the very action of the fire, and the Spirit poured\nout from on high, to renew, in a yet better sense, the moral face of\nnature; the Shekinah, or personal glory of Christ amidst his saints,\nbeing manifested chiefly in the Holy Land and at Jerusalem, but the\nwhole earth partaking of the blessedness; and thus the regeneration of\nall things, and the world\u2019s redemption from the curse, having their\naccomplishment, according to the promise, at the manifestation of the\nsons of God,\u201d iv. 224\u2012231.[621]\n\nTo this account of the prevailing opinion of the \u201cliteralists\u201d\nin interpreting the passage before us, there should be added that\nof Professor Stuart, who, in general, is as far as possible from\nsympathizing with this class of writers. He says, in his explanation of\nthe expression \u201c_they lived_,\u201d in ver. 4, \u201cThere would seem to remain,\ntherefore, only one meaning which can be consistently given to \u1f14\u03b6\u03b7\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\n[_they lived_]; viz., that they (the martyrs who renounced the beast)\nare now _restored to life_, viz., such life as implies the vivification\nof the body. Not to a union of the soul with a gross material body\nindeed, but with such an one as the saints in general will have at the\nfinal resurrection\u2015\u2015a spiritual body, 1 Co. xv. 44. In no other way can\nthis resurrection be ranked as _correlate_ with the second resurrection\nnamed in the sequel,\u201d vol. ii. p. 360. So again, Excursus vi. (vol. ii.\np. 476), he says, \u201cI do not see how we can, on the ground of exegesis,\nfairly avoid the conclusion that John has taught in the passage before\nus, that _there will be a resurrection of the martyr-saints, at the\ncommencement of the period after Satan shall have been shut up in\nthe dungeon of the great abyss_.\u201d This opinion he defends at length,\npp. 476\u2012490. Professor Stuart, indeed, maintains that the martyrs thus\nraised up will be taken to heaven and reign with Christ _there_, and\nopposes the whole doctrine of the literal reign on the earth, vol. ii.\np. 480. The risen saints and martyrs are to be \u201c_enthroned_ with Christ;\nthat is, they are to be where he dwells, and where he will continue to\ndwell, until he shall make his descent at the final judgment day.\u201d\n\nII. In regard to these views, as expressive of the meaning of the\npassage under consideration, I would make the following remarks:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) There is strong _presumptive_ evidence against this interpretation,\nand especially against the main point in the doctrine, that there\nwill be a _literal resurrection_ of the bodies of the saints at the\nbeginning of that millennial period, to live and reign with Christ on\nearth, from the following circumstances:\u2015\u2015(a) It is admitted, on all\nhands, that this doctrine, if contained in the Scriptures at all, is\nfound in this one passage only. It is not pretended that there is, in\nany other place, a direct affirmation that this will literally occur,\nnor would the advocates for that opinion undertake {429} to show that\nit is fairly implied in any other part of the Bible. But it is strange,\nnot to say improbable, that the doctrine of the literal resurrection of\nthe righteous, a thousand years before the wicked, should be announced\nin one passage only. If it were so announced in plain and unambiguous\nlanguage, I admit that the believer in the divine origin of the\nScriptures would be bound to receive it; but this is so contrary to\nthe usual method of the Scriptures on all great and important doctrines,\nthat this circumstance should lead us at least to doubt whether the\npassage is correctly interpreted. The resurrection of the dead is a\nsubject on which the Saviour often dwelt in his instructions; it is\na subject which the apostles discussed very frequently and at great\nlength in their preaching, and in their writings; it is presented by\nthem in a great variety of forms, for the consolation of Christians in\ntime of trouble, and with reference to the condition of the world at\nthe winding up of human affairs; and it is strange that, in respect to\nso important a doctrine as this, if it be true, there is not elsewhere,\nin the New Testament, a hint, an intimation, an allusion, that would\nlead us to suppose that the righteous are to be raised in this manner.\n(b) If this is a true doctrine, it would be reasonable to expect that\na clear and unambiguous statement of it would be made. Certainly, if\nthere is but _one_ statement on the subject, that might be expected\nto be a perfectly clear one, it would be a statement about which there\ncould be no diversity of opinion, concerning which those who embraced\nit might be expected to hold the same views. But it cannot be pretended\nthat this is so in regard to this passage. It occurs in the book which,\nof all the books in the Bible, is most distinguished for figures and\nsymbols; it cannot be maintained that it is _directly_ and _clearly_\naffirmed; and it is _not_ so taught that there is any uniformity of\nview among those who profess to hold it. In nothing has there been\ngreater diversity among men than in the opinions of those who profess\nto hold the \u201c_literal_\u201d views respecting the personal reign of Christ\non the earth. But this fact assuredly affords _presumptive_ evidence\nthat the doctrine of the literal resurrection of the saints a thousand\nyears before the rest of the dead, is not intended to be taught.\n(c) It is presumptive proof against this, that nothing is said of\nthe employment of those who are raised up; of the reason why they are\nraised; of the new circumstances of their being; and of their condition\nwhen the thousand years shall have ended. In so important a matter as\nthis, we can hardly suppose that the whole subject would be left to a\nsingle hint in a symbolical representation, depending on the doubtful\nmeaning of a single word, and with nothing to enable us to determine,\nwith absolute certainty, that this _must_ be the meaning. (d) If it be\nmeant that this is a description of the resurrection of the _righteous_\nas such\u2015\u2015embracing _all_ the righteous\u2015\u2015then it is wholly unlike\nall the other descriptions of the resurrection of the righteous that\nwe have in the Bible. Here the account is confined to \u201cthose that\nwere beheaded for the witness of Jesus,\u201d and to \u201cthose who had not\nworshipped the beast.\u201d If the righteous, as such, are here referred\nto, why are these particular classes specified? Why are not the usual\ngeneral terms employed? Why is the account of the resurrection confined\nto these? Elsewhere in the Scriptures, the account of the resurrection\nis given in the most _general_ terms (comp. Mat. xxv. 41; Jn. iv. 54;\nv. 28, 29; Ro. ii. 7; 1 Co. xv. 23; Phi. iii. 20, 21; 2 Th. i. 10; He.\nix. 28; 1 Jn. ii. 28, 29; iii. 2); and if this had been the designed\nreference here, it is inconceivable why the statement should be limited\nto the martyrs, and to those who have evinced great fidelity in the\nmidst of temptations and allurements to apostasy. These circumstances\nfurnish strong _presumptive_ proofs, at least, against the doctrine\nthat there is to be a literal resurrection of _all_ the saints at the\nbeginning of the millennial period. Comp. _Christ\u2019s Second Coming_, by\nRev. David Brown, p. 219, seq.\n\n(2) In reference to many of the views necessarily implied in the\ndoctrine of the \u201csecond advent,\u201d and avowed by those who hold that\ndoctrine, it cannot be pretended that they receive any countenance or\nsupport from this passage. In the language of Professor Stuart (_Com._\nvol. ii. p. 479), there is \u201cnot a word of Christ\u2019s descent to the earth\nat the beginning of the millennium. Nothing of the literal assembling\nof the Jews in Palestine; nothing of the Messiah\u2019s temporal reign on\n_earth_; nothing of the overflowing abundance {430} of worldly peace\nand plenty.\u201d Indeed, in all this passage, there is not the remotest\nhint of the grandeur and magnificence of the reign of Christ as a\nliteral king upon the earth; nothing of his having a splendid capital\nat Jerusalem, or anywhere else; nothing of a new dispensation of a\nmiraculous kind; nothing of the renovation of the earth to fit it for\nthe abode of the risen saints. All this is the mere work of fancy, and\nno man can pretend that it is to be found in this passage.\n\n(3) Nor is there anything here of a literal resurrection of the\n_bodies_ of the dead, as Professor Stuart himself supposes. It is not\na little remarkable that a scholar so accurate as Professor Stuart is,\nand one, too, who has so little sympathy with the doctrines connected\nwith a literal reign of Christ on the earth, should have lent the\nsanction of his name to perhaps the most objectionable of all the\ndogmas connected with that view\u2015\u2015the opinion that the _bodies_ of the\nsaints will be raised up at the beginning of the millennial period. Of\nthis there is not one word, one intimation, one hint, in the passage\nbefore us. John says expressly, _and as if to guard the point from all\npossible danger of this construction_, that he \u201csaw the SOULS of them\nthat were beheaded for the witness of Jesus;\u201d he saw them \u201c_living_\u201d\nand \u201creigning\u201d with Christ\u2015\u2015raised to the exalted honour during that\nperiod, as if they had been raised from the dead; but he nowhere\nmentions or intimates that they were raised up from their graves;\nthat they were clothed with bodies; that they had their residence\nnow literally on the earth; or that they were, in any way, otherwise\nthan disembodied spirits. There is not even one word of their having\n\u201c_a spiritual body_.\u201d\n\n(4) There are _positive_ arguments, which are perfectly decisive,\nagainst the interpretation which supposes that the bodies of the saints\nwill be raised up at the beginning of the millennial period, to reign\nwith Christ on the earth for a thousand years. Among these are the\nfollowing:\u2015\u2015\n\n(a) If the \u201cfirst resurrection\u201d means rising from the grave in\nimmortal and glorified bodies, we do not need the assurance (ver. 6),\nthat \u201con such the second death hath no power;\u201d that is, that they would\nnot perish for ever. That would be a matter of course, and there was\nno necessity for such a statement. But if it be supposed that the main\nidea is that the _principles_ of the martyrs and of the most eminent\nsaints would be revived and would live, _as if_ the dead were raised\nup, and would be manifested by those who were in _mortal_ bodies\u2015\u2015men\nliving on the earth\u2015\u2015then there would be a propriety in saying that all\nsuch were exempt from the danger of the _second_ death. _Once_, indeed,\nthey would die; but the _second_ death could not reach them. Comp. Re.\nii. 10, 11.\n\n(b) In the whole passage there are but two classes of men referred to.\nThere are those \u201cwho have part in the first resurrection;\u201d that is,\naccording to the supposition, _all_ the saints; and there are those\nover whom \u201cthe second death\u201d _has_ power. Into which of these classes\nare we to put the myriads of men having flesh and blood who are to\npeople the world during the millennium? They have no part in \u201cthe\nfirst resurrection,\u201d if it be a bodily one. Are they then given over\nto the power of the \u201csecond death?\u201d But if the \u201cfirst resurrection\u201d be\nregarded as figurative and spiritual, then the statement that those who\nare actuated by the spirit of the martyrs and of the eminent saints,\nshall not experience the \u201csecond death,\u201d is seen to have meaning and\npertinency.\n\n(c) The mention of the _time_ during which they are to reign, if it be\nliterally understood, is contrary to the whole statement of the Bible\nin other places. They are to \u201clive and reign with Christ\u201d _a thousand\nyears_. What, then? Are they to live no longer? Are they to reign no\nlonger with him? This supposition is entirely contrary to the current\nstatement in the Scriptures, which is, that they are to live and reign\nwith him _for ever_: 1 Th. iv. 17, \u201c_And so shall we ever be with the\nLord_.\u201d According to the views of the \u201cliteralists,\u201d the declaration\nthat they \u201cshould live and reign with Christ,\u201d considered as the\ncharacteristic features of the millennial state, is to terminate with\nthe thousand years\u2015\u2015for this is the promise, according to that view,\nthat they should thus live and reign. But it need not be said that this\nis wholly contrary to the current doctrine of the Bible, that they are\nto live and reign with him for ever.\n\n(d) A further objection to this view is, that the wicked part of the\nworld\u2015\u2015\u201cthe rest of the dead who lived not {431} again _until_ the\nthousand years were finished\u201d\u2015\u2015must of course be expected to \u201clive\nagain\u201d in the same bodily sense _when_ those thousand years were\nfinished. But, so far from this, there is no mention of their living\nthen. When the thousand years are finished, Satan is loosed for a\nseason; then the nations are roused to opposition against God; then\nthere is a conflict, and the hostile forces are overthrown; and\nthen comes the final judgment. During all this time we read of no\nresurrection at all. The period after this is to be filled up with\nsomething besides the resurrection of the \u201crest of the dead.\u201d There is\nno intimation, as the _literal_ construction, as it is claimed, would\ndemand, that immediately after the \u201cthousand years are finished\u201d the\n\u201crest of the dead\u201d\u2015\u2015the wicked dead\u2015\u2015would be raised up; nor is there\nany intimation of such a resurrection until _all_ the dead are raised\nup for the final trial, ver. 12. But every consideration demands, if\nthe interpretation of the \u201cliteralists\u201d be correct, that the \u201crest of\nthe dead\u201d\u2015\u2015the unconverted dead\u2015\u2015should be raised up immediately after\nthe close of the millennial period, and be raised up as a distinct and\nseparate class.\n\n(e) There is no intimation in the passage itself that the\n_righteous_ will be raised up _as such_ in this period, and the proper\ninterpretation of the passage is contrary to that supposition. There\nare but two classes mentioned as having part in the first resurrection.\nThey are those who were \u201cbeheaded for the witness of Jesus,\u201d and those\nwho \u201chad not worshipped the beast\u201d\u2015\u2015that is, the martyrs, and those\nwho had been eminent for their fidelity to the Saviour in times of\ngreat temptation and trial. There is no mention of the resurrection\nof the righteous _as such_\u2015\u2015of the resurrection of the great body of\nthe redeemed; and if it could be shown that this refers to a _literal_\nresurrection, it would be impossible to apply it, according to any\njust rules of interpretation, to any more than the two classes that\nare specified. By what rules of interpretation is it made to to teach\nthat _all_ the righteous will be raised up on that occasion, and will\nlive on the earth during that long period? In this view of the matter,\nthe passage _does not_ express the doctrine that the whole church of\nGod will be raised bodily from the grave. And supposing it had been the\ndesign of the Spirit of God to teach this, is it credible, when there\nare so many clear expressions in regard to the resurrection of the\ndead, that so important a doctrine should have been reserved for one\nsingle passage so obscure, and where the great mass of the readers\nof the Bible in all ages have failed to perceive it? That is not the\nway in which, in the Scriptures, great and momentous doctrines are\ncommunicated to mankind.\n\n(f) The fair statement in ver. 11\u201215 is, that _all_ the dead will\nthen be raised up and be judged. This is implied in the general\nexpressions there used\u2015\u2015\u201cthe dead, small and great;\u201d the \u201cbook of\nlife was opened\u201d\u2015\u2015as if _not_ opened before; \u201cthe dead\u201d\u2015\u2015_all_ the\ndead\u2015\u2015\u201cwere judged out of those things which were written in the\nbooks;\u201d \u201cthe sea gave up the dead which were in it, and death and hell\n(hades) delivered up the dead which were in them.\u201d This is entirely\ninconsistent with the supposition that a large part of the race\u2015\u2015to wit,\nall the righteous\u2015\u2015had been before raised up; had passed the solemn\njudgment; had been clothed with their immortal bodies, and had been\nadmitted to a joint reign with the Saviour on his throne. In the last\njudgment what place are _they_ to occupy? In what sense are _they_ to\nbe raised up and judged? _Would_ such a representation have been made\nas is found in ver. 11\u201215, if it had been designed to teach that a\nlarge part of the race had been already raised up, and had received\nthe approval of their judge?\n\n(g) This representation is wholly inconsistent, not only with\nver. 11\u201215, but with the uniform language of the Scriptures, _that\nall the righteous and the wicked will be judged together, and both\nat the coming of Christ_. On no point are the statements of the\nBible more uniform and explicit than on this, and it would seem that\nthe declarations had been of design so made that there should be no\npossibility of mistake. I refer for full proof on this point to the\nfollowing passages of the New Testament:\u2015\u2015Mat. x. 32, 33, compared\nwith Mat. vii. 21\u201223; xiii. 30, 38\u201243; xvi. 24\u201227; xxv. 10, 31\u201246;\nMar. viii. 38; Jn. v. 28, 29; Ac. xvii. 31: Ro. ii. 5\u201216; xiv. 10, 12;\n1 Co. iii. 12\u201215; iv. 5; 2 Co. v. 9\u201211; 2 Th. i. 6\u201210; 1 Ti. v. 24, 25;\n2 Pe. iii. 7, 10, 12; 1 Jn. ii. 28; iv. 17; Re. iii. 5; xx. 11\u201215;\nxxii. 12\u201215. It is utterly _impossible_ to explain these passages on\nany other supposition than that they are intended to teach that {432}\nthe righteous and the wicked will be judged together, and both at the\ncoming of Christ. And if this is so, it is of course impossible to\nexplain them consistently with the view that all the righteous will\nhave been already raised up at the beginning of the millennium in\ntheir immortal and glorified bodies, and that they have been solemnly\napproved by the Saviour, and admitted to a participation in his glory.\nNothing could be more irreconcilable than these two views; and it seems\nto me, therefore, that the objections to the literal resurrection of\nthe saints at the beginning of the millennial period are insuperable.\n\nIII. The following points, then, according to the interpretation\nproposed, are implied in this statement respecting the \u201cfirst\nresurrection,\u201d and these will clearly comprise _all_ that is stated\non the subject.\n\n(1) There will be a reviving, and a prevalence of the spirit which\nactuated the saints in the best days, and a restoration of their\nprinciples as the grand principles which will control and govern the\nchurch, _as if_ the most eminent saints were raised again from the\ndead, and lived and acted upon the earth.\n\n(2) Their memory will then be sacredly cherished, and they will be\nhonoured on the earth with the honour which is due to their names,\nand which they should have received when in the land of the living.\nThey will be no longer cast out and reproached; no longer held up to\nobloquy and scorn; no longer despised and forgotten; but there will be\na reviving of sacred regard for their principles, _as if_ they lived\non the earth, and had the honour which was due to them.\n\n(3) There will be a state of things upon the earth as if they thus\nlived and were thus honoured. Religion will no longer be trampled\nunder foot, but will triumph. In all parts of the earth it will have\nthe ascendency, as if the most eminent saints of past ages lived and\nreigned with the Son of God in his kingdom. A spiritual kingdom will be\nset up with the Son of God at the head of it, which will be a kingdom\nof eminent holiness, as if the saints of the best days of the church\nshould come back to the earth and dwell upon it. The ruling influence\nin the world will be the religion of the Son of God, and the principles\nwhich have governed the most holy of his people.\n\n(4) It may be implied that the saints and martyrs of other times will\nbe employed by the Saviour in embassies of mercy; in visitations of\ngrace to our world to carry forward the great work of salvation on\nearth. Nothing forbids the idea that the saints in heaven may be thus\nemployed, and in this long period of a thousand years, it may be that\nthey will be occupied in such messages and agencies of mercy to our\nworld as they have never been before\u2015\u2015_as if_ they were raised from the\ndead, and were employed by the Redeemer to carry forward his purposes\nof mercy to mankind.\n\n(5) In connection with these things, and in consequence of these\nthings, they may be, during that period, exalted to higher happiness\nand honour in heaven. The restoration of their principles to the earth;\nthe Christian remembrance of their virtues; the prevalence of those\ntruths to establish which they laid down their lives, would in itself\nexalt them, and would increase their joy in heaven. All this would\nbe well represented, in vision, by a resurrection of the dead; and\nadmitting that this was all that was intended, the representation of\nJohn here would be in the highest degree appropriate. What could better\nsymbolize it\u2015\u2015and we must remember that this is a symbol\u2015\u2015than to\nsay that at the commencement of this period there was, as it were, a\nsolemn preparation for a judgment, and that the departed dead seemed\nto stand there, and that a sentence was pronounced in their favour, and\nthat they became associated with the Son of God in the honours of his\nkingdom, and that their principles were now to reign and triumph in the\nearth, and that the kingdom which they laboured to establish would be\nset up for a thousand years, and that, in high purposes of mercy and\nbenevolence during that period, they would be employed in maintaining\nand extending the principles of religion in the world? Admitting that\nthe Holy Spirit intended to represent these things, and these only, no\nmore appropriate symbolical language could have been used; none that\nwould more accord with the general style of the book of Revelation.\n\n\n 7 And when the thousand years are expired, Satan shall be\n loosed out of his prison,\n\n7. _And when the thousand years are {433} expired_. See ver. 2.\n\u00b6 _Satan shall be loosed out of his prison._ See ver. 3. That is, a\nstate of things will then occur as if Satan should be for a time let\nloose again, and should be permitted to go as formerly over the world.\nNo intimation is given _why_ or _how_ he would be thus released from\nhis prison. We are not, however, to infer that it would be a mere\narbitrary act on the part of God. All that is necessary to be supposed\nis, that there would be, in certain parts of the world, a temporary\noutbreak of wickedness, _as if_ Satan were for a time released from his\nchains.\n\n\n 8 And shall go out to deceive the nations which are in the\n four quarters of the earth, [622]Gog and Magog, to [623]gather\n them together to battle: the number of whom _is_ as the sand\n of the sea.\n\n8. _And shall go out to deceive the nations._ See Notes on ch. xii. 9.\nThe meaning here is, that he would again, for a time, act in his true\ncharacter, and in some way delude the nations once more. In what way\nthis would be done is not stated. It would be, however, clearly an\nappeal to the wicked passions of mankind, exciting a hope that they\nmight yet overthrow the kingdom of God on the earth. \u00b6 _Which are in\nthe four quarters of the earth._ Literally, _corners_ of the earth,\nas if the earth were one extended square plain. The earth is usually\nspoken of as divided into four parts or quarters\u2015\u2015the eastern, the\nwestern, the northern, and the southern. It is implied here that the\ndeception or apostasy referred to would not be confined to one spot or\nportion of the world, but would extend afar. The idea seems to be, that\nduring that period, though there would be a _general_ prevalence of the\ngospel, and a _general_ diffusion of its blessings, yet that the earth\nwould not be entirely under its influence, and especially that the\nnative character of the human heart would not be changed. Man, under\npowerful temptations, would be liable to be deluded by the great master\nspirit that has so often corrupted the race. Once more he would be\npermitted to make the trial, and then his power would for ever come\nto an end. \u00b6 _Gog and Magog._ The name _Gog_ occurs as the name of a\nprince in Eze. xxxviii. 2, 3, 16, 18; xxxix. 1, 11. \u201cHe is an invader\nof the land of Israel, the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal,\u201d Eze.\nxxxviii. 2. _Magog_ is also mentioned in Eze. xxxviii. 2, \u201cthe land\nof Magog;\u201d and in Eze. xxxix. 6, \u201cI will send a fire on Magog.\u201d As\nthe terms are used in the Old Testament, the representation would\nseem to be that _Gog_ was the king of a people called _Magog_. The\nsignification of the names is unknown, and consequently nothing can\nbe determined about the meaning of this passage from that source. Nor\nis there much known about the _people_ who are referred to by Ezekiel.\nHis representation would seem to be, that a great and powerful people,\ndwelling in the extreme recesses of the north (ch. xxxviii. 15;\nxxxix. 2), would invade the Holy Land after the return from the exile,\nch. xxxviii. 8\u201212. It is commonly supposed that they were _Scythians_,\nresiding between the Caspian and Euxine Seas, or in the region of Mount\nCaucasus. Thus Josephus (_Ant._ i. 6, 3) has dropped the Hebrew word\n_Magog_, and rendered it by \u03a3\u03ba\u03cd\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\u2015\u2015_Scythians_; and so does Jerome.\nSuidas renders it \u03a0\u03ad\u03c1\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9\u2015\u2015Persians; but this does not materially vary\nthe view, since the word _Scythians_, among the ancient writers, is a\ncollective word, to denote all the north-eastern, unknown, barbarous\ntribes. Among the Hebrews, the name _Magog_ also would seem to denote\nall the unknown barbarous tribes about the Caucasian mountains. The\nfact that the names Gog and Magog are, in Ezekiel, associated with\nMeshech and Tubal, seems to determine the locality of these people,\nfor those two countries lie between the Euxine and Caspian Seas, or at\nthe south-east extremity of the Euxine Sea (Rosenm\u00fcller, _Bib. Geog._\nvol. i. p. 240). The people of that region were, it seems, a terror to\nMiddle Asia, in the same manner as the Scythians were to the Greeks and\nRomans. Intercourse with such distant and savage nations was scarcely\npossible in ancient times; and hence, from their numbers and strength,\nthey were regarded with great terror, just as the Scythians were\nregarded by the ancient Greeks and Romans, and as the Tartars were in\nthe middle ages. In this manner they became an appropriate symbol of\nrude and savage people; of enemies fierce and warlike; of foes to be\ndreaded; and as such they were referred to by both Ezekiel and John. It\nhas been made {434} a question whether Ezekiel and John do not refer to\nthe same period, but it is not necessary to consider that question here.\nAll that is needful to be understood is, that John means to say that\nat the time referred to there would be formidable enemies of the church\nwho might be compared with the dreaded dwellers in the land of Magog;\nor, that after this long period of millennial tranquillity and peace,\nthere would be a state of things which might be properly compared with\nthe invasion of the Holy Land by the dreaded barbarians of Magog or\nScythia. It is not necessary to suppose that any particular _country_\nis referred to, or that there would be any one portion of the earth\nwhich the gospel would not reach, and which would be still barbarous,\nheathen, and savage; all that is necessary to be supposed is, that\nthough religion would generally prevail, human nature would remain\nessentially corrupt and unchanged; and that, therefore, from causes\nwhich are not stated, there might yet be a fearful apostasy, and a\nsomewhat general prevalence of iniquity. This would be nothing more\nthan _has_ occurred after the most favoured times in the church,\nand nothing more than human nature would exhibit at any time, if all\nrestraints were withdrawn, and men were suffered to act out their\nnative feelings. _Why_ this will be permitted; what causes will bring\nit about; what subordinate agencies will be employed, is not said,\nand conjecture would be vain. The reader who wishes more information\nin regard to Gog and Magog may consult Professor Stuart on this book,\nvol. ii. pp. 364\u2012368, and the authorities there referred to. Comp.\nespecially Rosenm\u00fcller on Eze. xxxviii. 2. See also Sale\u2019s _Koran_,\nPre. Dis. \u00a7 4, and the _Koran_ itself, Sura xviii. 94, and xxi. 95.\n\u00b6 _To gather them together to battle._ _As if_ to assemble them for war;\nthat is, a state of things would exist in regard to the kingdom of God\nand the prevalence of the true religion _as if_ distant and barbarous\nnations should be aroused to make war on the church of God. The meaning\nis, that there would be an awakened hostility against the kingdom of\nChrist in the earth. See Notes on ch. xvi. 14. \u00b6 _The number of whom\n|is| as the sand of the sea._ A common comparison in the Scriptures to\ndenote a great multitude, Ge. xxii. 17; xxxii. 12; xli. 49; 1 Sa. xiii.\n5; 1 Ki. iv. 20, _et al._\n\n\n \u00a7 c.\u2015\u2015_Condition of things in the period\n referred to in ver. 7, 8._\n\n(1) This will occur _at the close_ of the millennial period\u2015\u2015the period\nof the thousand years. It is not said, indeed, that it would be\n_immediately_ after that; but the statement is explicit that it will\nbe _after_ that, or \u201cwhen the thousand years are expired.\u201d There may\nbe an interval before it shall be accomplished of an indefinite time;\nthe alienation and corruption may be gradual; a considerable period may\nelapse before the apostasy shall assume an organized form, or, in the\nlanguage of John, before the hosts shall \u201cbe gathered to battle,\u201d but\nit is to be the _next_ marked and prominent event in the history of the\nworld, and is to precede the final consummation of all things.\n\n(2) This will be a _brief period_. Compared with the long period of\nprosperity that preceded it, and _perhaps_ compared with the long\nperiod that shall follow it before the final judgment, it will be\nshort. Thus, in ver. 3, it is said that Satan \u201cmust be loosed _a little\nseason_.\u201d See Notes on that verse. There is no way of determining the\ntime with exactness; but we are assured that it will not be long.\n\n(3) What will be the exact state of things then can be only a\nmatter of conjecture. We may say, however, that it will _not_ be\n(a) necessarily _war_. The language is figurative and symbolical, and\nit is not necessary to suppose that an actual and bloody warfare will\nbe literally waged against the church. Nor (b) will there be a literal\ninvasion of the land of Palestine as the residence of the saints and\nthe capital of the Redeemer\u2019s visible empire, for there is not a hint\nof this\u2015\u2015not a word to justify such an interpretation. Nor (c) is it\nnecessary to suppose that there will be literally such nations as will\nbe then called \u201c_Gog_ and _Magog_,\u201d for this language is figurative,\nand designed to characterize the foes of the church\u2015\u2015as being in some\nrespects formidable and terrible as were those ancient nations.\n\nWe may thus suppose that at that time, from causes which are\nunexplained, there will be (a) a revived opposition to the truths\nof religion; (b) the prevalence, to a greater or less extent, of\ninfidelity; (c) a great spiritual declension; (d) a combination of\ninterests opposed to the gospel; (e) possibly some new form of error\nand delusion that shall extensively prevail. {435} Satan may set\nup some new form of religion, or he may breathe into those that\nmay already exist a spirit of worldliness and vanity\u2015\u2015some new\nmanifestation of the religion of forms\u2015\u2015that shall for a limited\nperiod produce a general decline and apostasy. As there is, however,\nno distinct specification of what will characterize the world at that\ntime, it is impossible to determine what is referred to any more than\nin this general manner.\n\n(4) A few remarks may, however, be made on the _probability_ of what is\nhere affirmed, for it seems contrary to what we should suppose would be\nthe characteristics of the closing period of the world. The following\nremarks, then, may show that this anticipated state of things is not\nimprobable:\u2015\u2015(a) We are to remember that human nature will then be\nessentially the same as now. There is no intimation that man, as born\ninto the world, will be then different from what he is now, or that any\nof the natural corrupt tendencies of the human heart will be changed.\nMen will be _liable_ to the same outbreaks of passion, to be influenced\nby the same forms of temptation, to fall into the same degeneracy\nand corruption, to feel the same unhappy influences of success and\nprosperity as now, for all this appertains to a fallen nature, except\nas it is checked and controlled by grace. We often mistake much in\nregard to the millennial state by supposing that all the evils of\nthe apostasy will be arrested and that the _nature_ of man will\nbe as wholly changed as it will be in the heavenly world. (b) The\nwhole history of the church has shown that there is a liability to\n_declension_ even in the best state and in the condition of the highest\nspiritual prosperity. To see this we have only to remember the example\nof the Hebrews, and how readily they apostatized after the most\nstriking manifestation of the divine mercies; the early Christian\nchurch, and how soon it declined; the seven churches of Asia Minor,\nand how soon their spirituality departed; the various revivals of\nreligion that have occurred from time to time, and how soon they have\nbeen succeeded by coldness, worldliness, and error; the fact that great\nreligious denominations, which have begun their career with zeal and\nlove, have so soon degenerated in spirit, and fallen into the same\nformality and worldliness which they have evinced who have gone before\nthem; and the case of the individual Christian, who from the most\nexalted state of love and joy so soon often declines into a state of\nconformity to the world. These are sad views of human nature, even\nunder the influence of true religion; but the past history of man has\ngiven but too much occasion for such reflections, and too much reason\nto apprehend that the same things may occur, for a time, even under\nthe best forms in which religion may manifest itself in a fallen\nworld. Man\u2019s nature will be better in heaven, and religion there,\nin its purest and best form, will be permanent; here we are not to\nbe surprised at _any_ outbreak of sin or any form of declension in\nreligion. What has often occurred in the world on a small scale we may\nsuppose may then occur on a larger scale. \u201cJust as on a small scale,\nin some little community like that of Northampton, as described by\nPresident Edwards, after the remarkable sense of God\u2019s presence over\nthe whole town had begun to wax feeble, the still unconverted persons\nof it, though subdued and seemingly won over to Christ, would by little\nand little recover themselves, and at length venture forth in their\ntrue character; so it will be, in all probability, on a vast scale, at\nthe close of the latter day. The unconverted portion of the world\u2015\u2015long\nconstrained by the religious influences everywhere surrounding them\nto fall in with the spirit of the day, catching apparently its holy\nimpulses, but never coming savingly under its power\u2015\u2015this portion of\nmankind, which we have reason to fear will not be small, will now be\nfreed from these irksome restraints, no longer obliged to breathe an\natmosphere uncongenial to their nature\u201d (Brown on the _Second Coming\nof Christ_, p. 442). \u201cNo oppression is so grievous to an unsanctified\nheart as that which arises from the purity of Christianity. A desire\nto shake off this yoke is the true cause of the opposition which\nChristianity has met with in the world in every period, and will, it is\nmost likely, be the chief motive to influence the followers of Gog in\nhis time\u201d (Frazer\u2019s _Key_, p. 455). (c) The representations of the New\nTestament elsewhere confirm this view in regard to the latter state of\nthe world\u2015\u2015the state when the Lord Jesus shall come to judgment. \u201cWhen\nthe Son of man cometh, shall he find faith on the earth?\u201d Lu. xviii. 8.\n\u201cThere shall come in the last days scoffers, walking after their own\nlusts, and saying, Where is the promise of {436} his coming?\u201d 2 Pe. iii.\n3, 4. \u201cThe day of the Lord so cometh as a thief in the night. For when\nthey shall say, Peace and safety, then sudden destruction cometh upon\nthem, as travail upon a woman with child, and they shall not escape,\u201d\n1 Th. v. 2, 3. See especially Lu. xvii. 26\u201230: \u201cAs it was in the days\nof Noe, so shall it be also in the days of the Son of man. They did eat,\nthey drank, they were given in marriage, until the day that Noe entered\ninto the ark, and the flood came and destroyed them all. Likewise also\nas it was in the days of Lot; they did eat, they drank, they bought,\nthey sold, they planted, they builded; but the same day that Lot went\nout of Sodom it rained fire and brimstone from heaven, and destroyed\nthem all. _Even thus shall it be in the day when the Son of man is\nrevealed._\u201d\n\n\n 9 And [624]they went up on the breadth of the earth, and\n compassed the camp of the saints about, and the beloved city:\n and fire came down from God out of heaven, and devoured them.\n\n9. _And they went up on the breadth of the earth._ They spread over\nthe earth in extended columns. The image is that of an invading army\nthat seems, in its march, to spread all over a land. The reference here\nis to the hosts assembled from the regions of Gog and Magog; that is,\nto the formidable enemies of the gospel that would be roused up at the\nclose of the period properly called the _millennial_ period\u2015\u2015the period\nof the thousand years. It is not necessary to suppose that there would\nbe _literally_ armies of enemies of God summoned from lands that would\nbe called lands of \u201cGog and Magog;\u201d but all that is necessarily implied\nis, that there will be a state of hostility to the church of Christ\nwhich would be well illustrated by such a comparison with an invading\nhost of barbarians. The expression \u201cthe breadth of the land\u201d occurs in\nHab. i. 6, in a description of the invasion of the Chaldeans, and means\nthere _the whole extent of it_; that is, they would spread over the\nwhole country. \u00b6 _And compassed the camp of the saints about._ Besieged\nthe camp of the saints considered as engaged in war, or as attacked\nby an enemy. The \u201ccamp of the saints\u201d here seems to be supposed to be\n_without_ the walls of the city; that is, the army was drawn out for\ndefence. The fact that the foes were able to \u201ccompass this camp about,\u201d\nand to encircle the city at the same time, shows the greatness of the\nnumbers of the invaders. \u00b6 _And the beloved city._ Jerusalem\u2015\u2015a city\nrepresented as beloved by God and by his people. The whole imagery here\nis derived from a supposed invasion of the land of Palestine\u2015\u2015imagery\nthan which nothing could be more natural to John in describing the\nhostility that would be aroused against the church in the latter day.\nBut no just principle of interpretation requires us to understand\nthis _literally_. Comp. He. xii. 22. Indeed, it would be absolutely\n_impossible_ to give this chapter throughout a _literal_ interpretation.\nWhat would be the _literal_ interpretation of the very first verses? \u201cI\nsaw an angel come down from heaven, having the _key_ of the bottomless\npit, and _a great chain_ in his hand; and he laid hold on the _dragon_\nand _bound_ him.\u201d Can anyone believe that there is to be a literal\n_key_, and a _chain_, and an act of seizing a _serpent_, and _binding_\nhim? As little is it demanded that the passage before us should be\ntaken _literally_; for if it is maintained that this should be, we may\ninsist that the same principle of interpretation should be applied to\nevery part of the chapter, and every part of the book. \u00b6 _And fire came\ndown from God out of heaven, and devoured them._ Consumed them\u2015\u2015fire\nbeing represented as _devouring_ or _eating_. See Notes on ch. xvii. 16.\nThe meaning is, that they would be destroyed _as if_ fire should come\ndown from heaven, as on Sodom and Gomorrah. But it is not necessary\nto understand _this_ literally, any more than it is the portions of\nthe chapter just referred to. What is obviously meant is, that their\ndestruction would be sudden, certain, and entire, and that thus the\nlast enemy of God and the church would be swept away. Nothing can\nbe determined from this about the _means_ by which this destruction\nwill be effected; and that must be left for time to disclose. It is\nsufficient to know that the destruction of these last foes of God and\nthe church will be certain and entire. This _language_, as denoting\nthe final destruction of the enemies of God, is often employed in the\nScriptures. See Ps. xi. 6; Is. xxix. 6; Eze. xxxviii. 22; xxxix. 6.\n\n\n 10 And the devil that deceived them was cast into the\n [625]lake of fire and brimstone, where the beast and the false\n prophet _are_, and shall be tormented day and night for ever\n and ever.\n\n{437} 10. _And the devil that deceived them._ See Notes on ver. 3, 8.\n\u00b6 _Was cast into the lake of fire and brimstone._ In ch. xix. 20, it\nis said of the beast and the false prophet that they were \u201ccast alive\ninto a lake of fire, burning with brimstone.\u201d Satan, on the other hand,\ninstead of being doomed at once to that final ruin, was confined for a\nseason in a dark abyss, ch. xx. 1\u20123. As the final punishment, however,\nhe is appropriately represented as consigned to the same doom as the\nbeast and the false prophet, that those great enemies of God, that had\nbeen associated and combined in deceiving the nations, might share the\nsame appropriate punishment in the end. Comp. ch. xvi. 13, 14. \u00b6 _Where\nthe beast and the false prophet |are|._ Notes on ch. xix. 20. \u00b6 _And\nshall be tormented day and night for ever._ Comp. Notes on ch. xiv. 11.\nAll the great enemies of the church are destroyed, and henceforward\nthere is to be no array of hostile forces; no combination of malignant\npowers against the kingdom of God. The gospel triumphs; the way is\nprepared for the final consummation.\n\n\n \u00a7 d.\u2015\u2015_Condition of things in the period\n referred to in ver. 9, 10._\n\n(1) There will be, after the release of Satan, and of course at the\nclose of the millennial period properly so called, a state of things\nwhich may be well represented by the invasion of a country by hostile,\nformidable forces. This, as shown in the exposition, need not be\nsupposed to be literal; but it is implied that there will be decided\nhostility against the true religion. It may be an organization and\nconsolidation, so to speak, of infidel principles, or a decided worldly\nspirit, or some prevalent form of error, or some new form of depravity\nthat shall be developed by the circumstances of that age. What it will\nbe it is impossible now to determine; but, as shown above (\u00a7 c, (4)),\nit is by no means improbable that this will occur even at the close of\nthe millennium.\n\n(2) There will be a decided defeat of these forces thus combined, _as\nif_ fire should come down from heaven to destroy an invading army. The\n_mode_ in which this will be done is not indeed stated, for there is\nno necessity of understanding the statement in ver. 9 _literally_, any\nmore than the other parts of the chapter. The fair inference, however,\nis that it will be by a manifest divine agency; that it will be sudden,\nand that the destruction will be entire. We have no reason, therefore,\nto suppose that the outbreak will be of long continuance, or that it\nwill _very_ materially disturb the settled order of human affairs on\nthe earth\u2015\u2015any more than a formidable invasion of a country does, when\nthe invading army is suddenly cut off by some terrible judgment from\nheaven.\n\n(3) _This_ overthrow of the enemies of God and of the church will be\n_final_. Satan will be \u201ccast into the lake of fire and brimstone, to\nbe tormented day and night for ever.\u201d The beast and the false prophet\nare already there (ch. xix. 20); that is, they will have ceased long\nsince, even before the beginning of the millennial period (ch. xix. 20,\ncompared with ch. xx. 1\u20123), to have opposed the progress of truth in\nthe world, and their power will have been brought to an end. Satan now,\nthe last enemy, will be doomed to the same hopeless woe; and _all_ the\nenemies that have ever opposed the church\u2015\u2015in all forms of Paganism,\nMahometanism, Popery, and delusion\u2015\u2015will be destroyed for ever. The\nworld then will have peace; the church will have rest; the great\ntriumph will have been achieved.\n\n(4) For reasons stated in the Analysis of the Chapter, V. (c), it is\npossible that there will be a long period of continued prosperity and\npeace between the events stated in ver. 9, 10, and the final judgment,\nas described in ver. 11\u201215. If so, however, the purpose of the book\ndid not require that that should be described at length, and it must\nbe admitted that the most _obvious_ interpretation of the New Testament\nwould not be favourable to such a supposition. Comp. Lu. xvii. 26\u201230;\nxviii. 8; 1 Th. v. 2, 3; 2 Pe. iii. 3, 4. The great glory of the world\nwill be the millennial period; when religion shall have the ascendency\nand the race shall have reached its highest point of progress on earth,\nand the blessings of liberty, intelligence, peace, and piety, shall\nhave during that period been spread over the globe. In {438} that\nlong duration, who can estimate the numbers that shall be redeemed\nand saved? That period passed, the great purpose contemplated by the\ncreation of the earth\u2015\u2015the glory of God in the redemption of a fallen\nrace, and in setting up a kingdom of righteousness in a world of\napostasy\u2015\u2015will have been accomplished, and there will be no reason\nwhy the final judgment should not then occur. \u201cThe work of redemption\nwill now be finished. The end for which the means of grace have been\ninstituted shall be obtained. All the effect which was intended to be\naccomplished by them shall now be accomplished. All the great wheels of\nProvidence have gone round\u2015\u2015all things are ripe for Christ\u2019s coming to\njudgment\u201d (President Edwards\u2019 _History of Redemption_).\n\n\n 11 And I saw a great white throne, and him that sat on it,\n from whose face the [626]earth and the heaven fled away; and\n there was found no place for them.\n\n11. _And I saw a great white throne._ This verse commences the\ndescription of the final judgment, which embraces the remainder of\nthe chapter. The first thing seen in the vision is the burning throne\nof the Judge. The things that are specified in regard to it are,\nthat it was _great_, and that it was _white_. The former expression\nmeans that it was high or elevated. Comp. Is. vi. 1. The latter\nexpression\u2015\u2015_white_\u2015\u2015means that it was _splendid_ or _shining_. Comp.\n1 Ki. x. 18\u201220. The throne here is the same which is referred to in\nMat. xxv. 31, and called there \u201cthe throne _of his glory_.\u201d \u00b6 _And him\nthat sat on it._ The reference here undoubtedly is to the Lord Jesus\nChrist, the final Judge of mankind (comp. Mat. xxv. 31), and the scene\ndescribed is that which will occur at his second advent. \u00b6 _From whose\nface._ Or, from whose presence; though the word _may_ be used here\nto denote more strictly his _face_\u2015\u2015as illuminated, and shining like\nthe sun. See ch. i. 16, \u201cAnd his countenance was as the sun shineth in\nhis strength.\u201d \u00b6 _The earth and the heaven fled away._ That is, as the\nstars, at the rising of the sun, seem to flee to more remote regions,\nand vanish from human view, so when the Son of God shall descend in\nhis glory to judge the world, the earth and all other worlds shall seem\nto vanish. Every one must admire the sublimity of this image; no one\ncan contemplate it without being awed by the majesty and glory of the\nfinal Judge of mankind. Similar expressions, where the natural creation\nshrinks back with awe at the presence of God, frequently occur in the\nBible. Comp. Ps. xviii. 7\u201215; lxxvii. 16\u201219; cxiv. 3\u20125; Hab. iii. 6,\n10, 11. \u00b6 _And there was found no place for them._ They seemed to flee\n_entirely_ away, as if there was _no_ place where they could find a\nsafe retreat, or which would receive and shelter them in their flight.\nThe image expresses, in the most emphatic manner, the idea that they\nentirely disappeared, and _no_ language could more sublimely represent\nthe majesty of the Judge.\n\n\n 12 And I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God; and\n the [627]books were opened: and [628]another book was opened,\n which is _the book_ of life: and the dead were judged out of\n those things which were written in the books, [629]according\n to their works.\n\n12. _And I saw the dead, small and great._ _All_ the dead\u2015\u2015for this\nlanguage would express that\u2015\u2015the whole race being composed of the\n\u201csmall and great.\u201d Thus, in other language, the same idea might be\nexpressed by saying, the young and old; the rich and poor; the bond\nand free; the sick and well; the happy and the unhappy; the righteous\nand the wicked; for all the human family might, in these respects, be\nconsidered as thus divided. The fair meaning in this place therefore is,\nthat _all_ the dead would be there, and of course this would preclude\nthe idea of a _previous_ resurrection of any part of the dead, as of\nthe saints, at the beginning of the millennium. There is no intimation\nhere that it is the _wicked_ dead that are referred to in this\ndescription of the final judgment. It is the judgment of _all_ the dead.\n\u00b6 _Stand before God._ That is, they appear thus to be judged. The word\n\u201cGod\u201d here must naturally refer to the final Judge on the throne, and\nthere can be no doubt (see Mat. xxv. 31) that this is the Lord Jesus.\nComp. 2 Co. v. 10. None can judge the secrets of the heart; none can\npronounce on the moral character of all mankind, of all countries and\nages, and determine their everlasting allotment, but he who is Divine.\n{439} _And the books were opened._ That is, the books containing the\nrecord of human deeds. The representation is, that all that men have\ndone is recorded, and that it will be exhibited on the final trial, and\nwill constitute the basis of the last judgment. The imagery seems to be\nderived from the accusations made against such as are arraigned before\nhuman courts of justice. \u00b6 _And another book was opened, which is the\n|book| of life._ The book containing the record of the names of all\nwho shall enter into life, or into heaven. See Notes on ch. iii. 5.\nThe meaning here is, that John saw not only the general books opened\ncontaining the records of the deeds of men, but that he had a distinct\nview of the list or roll of those who were the followers of the Lamb.\nIt would seem that in regard to the multitudes of the impenitent and\nthe wicked, the judgment will proceed _on their deeds_ in general; in\nregard to the righteous, it will turn on the fact that their names had\nbeen enrolled in the book of life. That will be sufficient to determine\nthe nature of the sentence that is to be passed on them. He will be\nsafe whose name is found in the book of life; no one will be safe\nwho is to have his eternal destiny determined by his own deeds. This\npassage proves _particularly_ that the righteous dead are referred to\nhere as being present at the final judgment; and is thus an additional\nargument against the supposition of a resurrection of the righteous,\nand a judgment on them, at the beginning of the millennium. \u00b6 _And the\ndead were judged out of those things which were written in the books._\nThe records which had been made of their deeds. The final judgment will\nproceed on the record that has been made. It will not be arbitrary, and\nwill not be determined by rank, condition, or profession, but it will\nbe according to the record. \u00b6 _According to their works._ See Notes\non 2 Co. v. 10. The fact that the name of anyone was found in the book\nof life would seem, as above remarked, to determine the _certainty_\nof salvation; but the amount of reward would be in proportion to the\nservice rendered to the Redeemer, and the attainments made in piety.\n\n\n 13 And the sea gave up the dead which were in it; and death\n and [630]hell delivered up the dead which were in them: and\n they were judged every man according to their works.\n\n13. _And the sea gave up the dead which were in it._ All that had\nbeen buried in the depths of ocean. This number in the aggregate will\nbe great. If we include all who were swept off by the flood, and all\nwho have perished by shipwreck, and all who have been killed in naval\nbattles and buried in the sea, and all who have been swept away by\ninundations of the ocean, and all who have peacefully died at sea, as\nsailors, or in the pursuits of commerce or benevolence, the number in\nthe aggregate will be immense\u2015\u2015a number so vast that it was proper to\nnotice them particularly in the account of the general resurrection and\nthe last judgment. \u00b6 _And death and hell delivered up the dead which\nwere in them._ That is, _all_ the dead came, from all regions where\nthey were scattered\u2015\u2015on the land and in the ocean\u2015\u2015in this world and\nin the invisible world. \u201cDeath and hell\u201d are here personified, and are\nrepresented as having dominion over the dead, and as now _delivering_\nup, or _surrendering_ those who were held under them. On the meaning of\nthe words here used, see Notes on ch. i. 18; vi. 8. Comp. Notes on Mat.\nx. 23; Job x. 21, 22; Is. xiv. 9. This whole representation is entirely\ninconsistent with the supposition that a large part of the dead had\nbeen already raised up at the beginning of the millennial period, and\nhad been permitted, in their glorified bodies, to reign with Christ.\n\u00b6 _And they were judged_, &c. All these were judged\u2015\u2015the righteous\nand the wicked; those buried at sea, and those buried on the land; the\nsmall and the great; the dead, in whatever world they may have been.\n\n\n 14 And [631]death and hell were cast into the lake of fire.\n This is the second death.\n\n14. _And death and hell were cast into the lake of fire._ Death and\nHades (_hell_) are here personified, as they are in the previous verse.\nThe declaration is equivalent to the statement in 1 Co. xv. 26: \u201cThe\nlast enemy that shall be destroyed is _death_.\u201d See Notes on that\npassage. The idea is, that death, considered as the separation of soul\nand body, with {440} all the attendant woes, will exist no more. The\nrighteous will live for ever, and the wicked will linger on in a state\nnever to be terminated by death. The reign of Death and Hades, as such,\nwould come to an end, and a new order of things would commence where\n_this_ would be unknown. There might be that which would be properly\ncalled death, but it would not be death in this form; the soul would\nlive for ever, but it would not be in that condition represented by\nthe word \u1f85\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2\u2015\u2015_hades_. There would be _death_ still, but a \u201csecond\ndeath differs from the first, in the fact that it is not a separation\nof the soul and body, but a state of _continual agony_ like that which\nthe first death inflicts\u2015\u2015like that in intensity, but not in kind\u201d\n(Professor Stuart). \u00b6 _This is the second death._ That is, this\nwhole process here described\u2015\u2015the condemnation, and the final death\nand ruin of those whose names are \u201cnot found written in the book of\nlife\u201d\u2015\u2015properly constitutes the second death. This proves that when\nit is said that \u201cdeath and hell were cast into the lake of fire,\u201d it\ncannot be meant that all punishment will cease for ever, and that all\nwill be saved, for the writer goes on to describe what he calls \u201cthe\nsecond death\u201d as still existing. See ver. 15. John describes this as\nthe second death, not because it in all respects resembles the first\ndeath, but because it has so many points of resemblance that it may be\nproperly called _death_. Death, in any form, is the penalty of law;\nit is attended with pain; it cuts off from hope, from friends, from\nenjoyment; it subjects him who dies to a much-dreaded condition, and\nin all these respects it was proper to call the final condition of the\nwicked _death_\u2015\u2015though it would still be true that the soul would live.\nThere is no evidence that John meant to affirm that the second death\nwould imply an extinction of _existence_. Death never does that; the\nword does not naturally and properly convey that idea.\n\n\n 15 And whosoever was not found written in the book of life was\n [632]cast into the lake of fire.\n\n15. _And whosoever._ All persons, of all ranks, ages, and conditions.\nNo word could be more comprehensive than this. The single condition\nhere stated, as being that which would save _any_ from being cast into\nthe lake of fire, is, that they are \u201cfound written in the book of life.\u201d\nAll besides these, princes, kings, nobles, philosophers, statesmen,\nconquerors; rich men and poor men; the bond and the free; the young\nand the aged; the gay, the vain, the proud, and the sober; the modest\nand the humble, will be doomed to the lake of fire. Unlike in all\nother things, they will be alike in the only thing on which their\neternal destiny will depend\u2015\u2015that they have not _so_ lived that their\nnames have become recorded in the book of life. As they will also be\ndestitute of true religion, there will be a propriety that they shall\nshare the same doom in the future world. \u00b6 _Written in the book of\nlife._ See Notes on ch. iii. 5. \u00b6 _Was cast into the lake of fire._\nSee Notes on Mat. xxv. 41. That is, they will be doomed to a punishment\nwhich will be well represented by their lingering in a sea of fire for\never. This is the termination of the judgment\u2015\u2015the winding up of the\naffairs of men. The vision of John here rests for a moment on the doom\nof the wicked, and then turns to a more full contemplation of the happy\nlot of the righteous, as detailed in the two closing chapters of the\nbook.\n\n\n \u00a7 e.\u2015\u2015_Condition of things referred to in ver. 11\u201215._\n\n(1) There will be a general resurrection of the dead\u2015\u2015of the righteous\nand the wicked. This is implied by the statement that the \u201cdead, small\nand great,\u201d were seen to stand before God; that \u201cthe sea gave up the\ndead which were in it;\u201d that \u201cDeath and Hades gave up their dead.\u201d All\nwere there whose names were or were not written in the book of life.\n\n(2) There will be a solemn and impartial judgment. How long a time this\nwill occupy is not said, and is not necessary to be known\u2015\u2015for time is\nof no consequence where there is an eternity of devotion\u2015\u2015but it _is_\nsaid that they will be all judged \u201caccording to their works\u201d\u2015\u2015that is,\nstrictly according to their character. They will receive no arbitrary\ndoom; they will have no sentence which will not be just. See Mat. xxv.\n31\u201246.\n\n(3) This will be the _final_ judgment. After this, the affairs of the\nrace will be put on a different footing. This will be the end of the\npresent arrangements; {441} the end of the present dispensations; the\nend of human probation. The great question to be determined in regard\nto our world will have been settled; what the plan of redemption was\nintended to accomplish on the earth will have been accomplished; the\nagency of the Divine Spirit in converting sinners will have come to an\nend; and the means of grace, as such, will be employed no more. There\nis not here or elsewhere an intimation that beyond this period any of\nthese things will exist, or that the work of redemption, as such, will\nextend into the world beyond the judgment. As there is no intimation\nthat the condition of the righteous will be changed, so there is none\nthat the condition of the wicked will be; as there is no hint that\nthe righteous will ever be exposed to temptation, or to the danger\nof falling into sin, so there is none that the offers of salvation\nwill ever again be made to the wicked. On the contrary, the whole\nrepresentation is, that all beyond this will be fixed and unchangeable\nfor ever. See Notes on ch. xxii. 11.\n\n(4) The wicked will be destroyed, in what may be properly called the\n_second_ death. As remarked in the Notes, this does not mean that this\ndeath will in all respects resemble the first death, but there will be\nso many points of resemblance that it will be proper to call it _death_.\nIt does not mean that they will be _annihilated_, for _death_ never\nimplies that. The meaning is, that this will be a cutting off from what\nis properly called _life_, from hope, from happiness, and from peace,\nand a subjection to pain and agony, which it will be proper to call\n_death_\u2015\u2015death in the most fearful form; death that will continue for\never. No statements in the Bible are more clear than those which are\nmade on this point; no affirmation of the eternal punishment of the\nwicked _could be_ more explicit than those which occur in the sacred\nScriptures. See Notes on Mat. xxv. 46, and 2 Th. i. 9.\n\n(5) This will be the end of the woes and calamities produced in the\nkingdom of God by sin. The reign of Satan and of Death, so far as the\nRedeemer\u2019s kingdom is concerned, will be at an end, and henceforward\nthe church will be safe from all the arts and efforts of its foes.\nReligion will be triumphant, and the affairs of the universe be reduced\nto permanent order.\n\n(6) The preparation is thus made for the final triumph of the\nrighteous\u2015\u2015the state to which all things tend. The writer of this\nbook has conducted the prospective history through all the times of\npersecution which awaited the church, and stated the principal forms of\nerror which would prevail, and foretold the conflicts through which the\nchurch would pass, and described its eventful history to the millennial\nperiod, and to the final triumph of truth and righteousness; and now\nnothing remains to complete the plan of the work but to give a rapid\nsketch of the final condition of the redeemed. This is done in the two\nfollowing chapters, and with this the work is ended.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XXI.\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF CHAP. XXI., XXII. 1\u20125.\n\nThe whole of ch. xxi., and the first five verses of ch. xxii.,\nrelate to scenes beyond the judgment, and are descriptive of the happy\nand triumphant state of the redeemed church, when all its conflicts\nshall have ceased, and all its enemies shall have been destroyed. That\nhappy state is depicted under the image of a beautiful city, of which\nJerusalem was the emblem, and it was disclosed to John by a vision of\nthat city\u2015\u2015the New Jerusalem\u2015\u2015descending from heaven. Jerusalem was\nregarded as the peculiar dwelling-place of God, and to the Hebrews it\nbecame thus the natural emblem or symbol of the heavenly world. The\nconception having occurred of describing the future condition of the\nrighteous under the image of a beautiful city, all that follows is in\n_keeping_ with that, and is merely a carrying out of the image. It is\na city with beautiful walls and gates; a city that has no temple\u2015\u2015for\nit is all a temple; a city that needs no light\u2015\u2015for God is its light;\na city into which nothing impure ever enters; a city filled with trees,\nand streams, and fountains, and fruits\u2015\u2015the _Paradise Regained_.\n\nThe description of that blessed state comprises the following parts:\u2015\u2015\n\nI. A vision of a new heaven and a new earth, as the final abode of the\nblessed, ver. 1. The first heaven and the first earth passed away at\nthe judgment (ch. xx. 11\u201215), to be succeeded by a new heaven and earth\nfitted to be the abode of the blessed.\n\nII. A vision of the holy city\u2015\u2015the New Jerusalem\u2015\u2015descending from\nheaven, as the abode of the redeemed, prepared as a bride adorned for\nher {442} husband\u2015\u2015representing the fact that God would truly abide\nwith men, ver. 2\u20124. Now all the effects of the apostasy will cease; all\ntears will be wiped away, and in that blessed state there will be no\nmore death, or sorrow, or pain. This contains the _general_ statement\nof what will be the condition of the redeemed in the future world. God\nwill be there; and all sorrow will cease.\n\nIII. A command to make a record of these things, ver. 5.\n\nIV. A general description of those who should dwell in that future\nworld of blessedness, ver. 6\u20128. It is for all who are athirst; for all\nwho desire it, and long for it; for all who \u201covercome\u201d their spiritual\nenemies, who maintain a steady conflict with sin, and gain a victory\nover it. But all who are fearful and unbelieving\u2015\u2015all the abominable,\nand murderers, and sorcerers, and idolaters, and liars\u2015\u2015shall have\ntheir part in the lake that burns with fire and brimstone. That is,\nthat world will be pure and holy.\n\nV. A minute description of the city, representing the happy abode of\nthe redeemed, ver. 9\u201226. This description embraces many particulars:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) Its general appearance, ver. 11, 18, 21. It is bright and\nsplendid\u2015\u2015like a precious jasper-stone, clear as crystal, and composed\nof pure gold.\n\n(2) Its walls, ver. 12, 18. The walls are represented as \u201cgreat and\nhigh,\u201d and as composed of \u201cjasper.\u201d\n\n(3) Its gates, ver. 12, 13, 21. The gates are twelve in number, three\non each side; and are each composed of a single pearl.\n\n(4) Its foundations, ver. 14, 18\u201220. There are twelve foundations,\ncorresponding to the number of the apostles of the Lamb. They are all\ncomposed of precious stones\u2015\u2015jasper, sapphire, chalcedony, emerald,\nsardonyx, sardius, chrysolite, beryl, topaz, chrysoprasus, jacinth, and\namethyst.\n\n(5) Its size, ver. 15\u201217. It is square\u2015\u2015the length being as great as\nthe breadth, and its height the same. The extent of each dimension is\ntwelve thousand furlongs\u2015\u2015a length on each side and in height of three\nhundred and seventy-five miles. It would seem, however, that though\nthe _city_ was of that height, the _wall_ was only an hundred and\nforty-four cubits, or about two hundred and sixteen feet high. The idea\nseems to be that the city\u2015\u2015the dwellings within it\u2015\u2015towered high above\nthe wall that was thrown around it for protection. This is not uncommon\nin cities that are surrounded by walls.\n\n(6) Its light, ver. 23, 24; ch. xxii. 5. It has no need of the sun, or\nof the moon, or of a lamp (ch. xxii. 5) to lighten it; and yet there is\nno night there (ch. xxii. 5), for the glory of God gives light to it.\n\n(7) It is a city without a temple, ver. 22. There is no one place\nin it that is peculiarly sacred, or where the worship of God will be\nexclusively celebrated. It will be all a temple, and the worship of God\nwill be celebrated in all parts of it.\n\n(8) It is always open, ver. 25. There will be no need of closing it as\nwalled cities on earth are closed to keep enemies out, and it will not\nbe shut to prevent those who dwell there from going out and coming in\nwhen they please. The inhabitants will not be prisoners, nor will they\nbe in danger, or be alarmed by the prospect of an attack from an enemy.\n\n(9) Its inhabitants will all be pure and holy, ver. 27. There will in\nno wise enter there anything that defiles, or that works abomination,\nor that is false. They only shall dwell there whose names are written\nin the Lamb\u2019s book of life.\n\n(10) Its inclosures and environs, ch. xxii. 1, 2. A stream of water,\npure as crystal, proceeds from the throne of God and the Lamb. That\nstream flows through the city, and on its banks is the tree of life\nconstantly bearing fruit\u2015\u2015fruit to be partaken of freely. It is\nParadise regained\u2015\u2015a holy and beautiful abode, of which the garden of\nEden was only an imperfect emblem, where there is no prohibition, as\nthere was there, of anything that grows, and where there is no danger\nof falling into sin.\n\n(11) It is a place free, consequently, from the curse that was\npronounced on man when he forfeited the blessings of the first Eden,\nand when he was driven out from the happy abodes where God had placed\nhim.\n\n(12) It is a place where the righteous shall reign for ever, ch.\nxxii. 5. Death shall never enter there, and the presence and glory of\nGod shall fill all with peace and joy.\n\nSuch is an outline of the figurative and glowing description of\nthe future blessedness of the redeemed; the eternal abode of those\nwho shall be saved. {443} It is poetic and emblematical; but it is\nelevating, and constitutes a beautiful and appropriate close, not only\nof this single book, but of the whole sacred volume\u2015\u2015for to this the\nsaints are everywhere directed to look forward; this is the glorious\ntermination of all the struggles and conflicts of the church; this is\nthe result of the work of redemption in repairing the evils of the fall,\nand in bringing man to more than the bliss which he lost in Eden. The\nmind rests with delight on this glorious prospect; the Bible closes,\nas a revelation from heaven should, in a manner that calms down every\nanxious feeling; that fills the soul with peace, and that leads the\nchild of God to look forward with bright anticipations, and to say, as\nJohn did, \u201cCome, Lord Jesus,\u201d ch. xxii. 20.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XXI.\n\n\n AND I saw a [633]new heaven and a new earth: for the first\n heaven and the first earth were passed away; and there was no\n more sea.\n\n1. _And I saw a new heaven and a new earth._ Such a heaven and earth\nthat they might properly be called _new_; such transformations, and\nsuch changes in their appearance, that they seemed to be just created.\nHe does not say that they _were_ created now, or anew; that the old\nheavens and earth were annihilated;\u2015\u2015but all that he says is, that\nthere were such changes that they _seemed_ to be new. If the earth is\nto be renovated by fire, such a renovation will give an appearance to\nthe globe as if it were created anew, and might be attended with such\nan apparent change in the heavens that they might be said to be _new_.\nThe description here (ver. 1) relates to scenes _after_ the general\nresurrection and the judgment\u2015\u2015for those events are detailed in the\nclose of the previous chapter. In regard to the meaning of the language\nhere, see Notes on 2 Pe. iii. 13. Compare, also, _The Religion of\nGeology and its Connected Sciences_, by Edward Hitchcock, D.D., LL.D.,\npp. 370\u2012408. \u00b6 _For the first heaven and the first earth were passed\naway._ They had passed away by being changed, and a renovated universe\nhad taken their place. See Notes on 2 Pe. iii. 10. \u00b6 _And there was\nno more sea._ This change struck John more forcibly, it would appear,\nthan anything else. Now, the seas and oceans occupy about three-fourths\nof the surface of the globe, and, of course, to that extent prevent\nthe world from being occupied by men\u2015\u2015except by the comparatively small\nnumber that are mariners. There, the idea of John seems to be, the\nwhole world will be inhabitable, and no part will be given up to the\nwastes of oceans. In the present state of things, these vast oceans\nare necessary to render the world a fit abode for human beings, as well\nas to give life and happiness to the numberless tribes of animals that\nfind their homes in the waters. In the future state, it would seem,\nthe present arrangement will be unnecessary; and if man dwells upon\nthe earth at all, or if he visits it as a temporary abode (see Notes\non 2 Pe. iii. 13), these vast wastes of water will be needless. It\nshould be remembered that the earth, in its changes, according to\nthe teachings of geology, has undergone many revolutions quite as\nremarkable as it would be if all the lakes, and seas, and oceans of the\nearth should disappear. Still, it is not certain that it was intended\nthat this language should be understood literally as applied to the\nmaterial globe. The object is to describe the future blessedness of the\nrighteous; and the idea is, that that will be a world where there will\nbe no such wastes as those produced by oceans.\n\n\n 2 And I John saw the [634]holy city, new Jerusalem, coming\n down from God, out of heaven, prepared as [635]a bride\n [636]adorned for her husband.\n\n2. _And I John saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down from God\nout of heaven._ See the Analysis of the chapter. On the phrase \u201cnew\nJerusalem,\u201d see Notes on Ga. iv. 26, and He. xii. 22. Here it refers to\nthe residence of the redeemed, the heavenly world, of which Jerusalem\nwas the type and symbol. It is here represented as \u201ccoming down from\nGod out of heaven.\u201d This, of course, does not mean that this great\ncity was _literally_ to descend upon the _earth_, and to occupy any\none part of the renovated world; but it is a symbolical or figurative\nrepresentation, designed to show that the abode of the righteous will\nbe splendid and glorious. The idea of a city literally descending\nfrom heaven, and being set upon the earth with such proportions\u2015\u2015three\nhundred {444} and seventy miles high (ver. 16), made of gold, and\nwith single pearls for gates, and single gems for the foundations\u2015\u2015is\nabsurd. No man can suppose that this is literally true, and hence this\nmust be regarded as a figurative or emblematic description. It is a\nrepresentation of the heavenly state under the image of a beautiful\ncity, of which Jerusalem was, in many respects, a natural and striking\nemblem. \u00b6 _Prepared as a bride adorned for her husband._ See Notes\non Is. xlix. 18; lxi. 10. The purpose here is, to represent it as\nexceedingly beautiful. The comparison of the church with a bride, or a\nwife, is common in the Scriptures. See Notes on ch. xix. 7, 8, and on\nIs. i. 21. It is also common in the Scriptures to compare a city with\na beautiful woman, and these images here seem to be combined. It is a\nbeautiful city that seems to descend, and this city is itself compared\nwith a richly-attired bride prepared for her husband.\n\n\n 3 And I heard a great voice out of heaven, saying, Behold, the\n [637]tabernacle of God _is_ with men, and he will dwell with\n them, and they shall be [638]his people, and God himself shall\n be with them, _and be_ their God.\n\n3. _And I heard a great voice out of heaven._ As if uttered by God\nhimself, or the voice of angels. \u00b6 _Behold the tabernacle of God |is|\nwith men._ The _tabernacle_, as that word is commonly used in the\nScriptures, referring to the sacred _tent_ erected in the wilderness,\nwas regarded as the peculiar dwelling-place of God among his people\u2015\u2015as\nthe temple was afterwards, which was also called a _tabernacle_. See\nNotes on He. ix. 2. The meaning here is, that God would now dwell with\nthe redeemed, _as if_ in a tabernacle, or in a house specially prepared\nfor his residence among them. It is not said that this would be _on\nthe earth_, although that _may_ be; for it is possible that the earth,\nas well as other worlds, may yet become the abode of the redeemed.\nSee Notes on 2 Pe. iii. 13. \u00b6 _And he will dwell with them._ As in a\ntent, or tabernacle\u2015\u2015\u03c3\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9. This is a common idea in the Scriptures.\n\u00b6 _And they shall be his people._ He will acknowledge them in this\npublic way as his own, and will dwell with them as such. \u00b6 _And God\nhimself shall be with them._ Shall be permanently with them; shall\nnever leave them. \u00b6 _|And be| their God._ Shall manifest himself as\nsuch, in such a manner that there shall be no doubt.\n\n\n 4 And God shall [639]wipe away all tears from their eyes; and\n there shall be [640]no more death, neither [641]sorrow, nor\n crying, neither shall there be any more pain: for the former\n things are passed away.\n\n4. _And God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes._ This will\nbe one of the characteristics of that blessed state, that not a tear\nshall ever be shed there. How different will that be from the condition\nhere\u2015\u2015for who is there here who has not learned to weep? See Notes on\nch. vii. 17. Comp. Notes on Is. xxv. 8. \u00b6 _And there shall be no more\ndeath._. In all that future world of glory, not one shall ever die; not\na grave shall ever be dug! What a view do we begin to get of heaven,\nwhen we are told there shall be no _death_ there! How different from\nearth, where death is so common; where it spares no one; where our\nbest friends die; where the wise, the good, the useful, the lovely\ndie; where fathers, mothers, wives, husbands, sons, daughters, all\ndie; where we habitually feel that we must die. Assuredly we have here\na view of heaven most glorious and animating to those who dwell in a\nworld like this, and to whom nothing is more common than death. In all\ntheir endless and glorious career, the redeemed will never see death\nagain; they will never themselves die. They will never follow a friend\nto the tomb, nor fear that an absent friend is dead. The slow funeral\nprocession will never be witnessed there; nor will the soil ever open\nits bosom to furnish a grave. See Notes on 1 Co. xv. 55. \u00b6 _Neither\nsorrow._ The word _sorrow_ here\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03ad\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015denotes sorrow or _grief_\nof any kind; sorrow for the loss of property or friends; sorrow for\ndisappointment, persecution, or care; sorrow over our sins, or sorrow\nthat we love God so little, and serve him so unfaithfully; sorrow that\nwe are sick, or that we must die. How innumerable are the sources of\nsorrow here; how constant is it on the earth! Since the fall of man\nthere has not been a day, an hour, a moment, in which this has not\nbeen a sorrowful world; there has not been a nation, a tribe\u2015\u2015a city\nor a village\u2015\u2015nay, not a family, where there has {445} not been grief.\nThere has been no individual who has been always perfectly happy. No\none rises in the morning with any certainty that he may not end the\nday in grief; no one lies down at night with any assurance that it may\nnot be a night of sorrow. How different would this world be if it were\nannounced that henceforward there would be no sorrow! How different,\ntherefore, will heaven be when we shall have the assurance that\nhenceforward grief shall be at an end! \u00b6 _Nor crying_\u2015\u2015\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c5\u03b3\u1f74. This\nword properly denotes a cry, an outcry, as in giving a public notice;\na cry in a tumult\u2015\u2015a clamour, Ac. xxiii. 9; and then a cry of sorrow,\nor wailing. This is evidently its meaning here, and it refers to all\nthe outbursts of grief arising from affliction, from oppression, from\nviolence. The sense is, that as none of these _causes_ of wailing will\nbe known in the future state, all such wailing will cease. This, too,\nwill make the future state vastly different from our condition here;\nfor what a change would it produce on the earth if the cry of grief\nwere never to be heard again! \u00b6 _Neither shall there be any more pain._\nThere will be no sickness, and no calamity; and there will be no mental\nsorrow arising from remorse, from disappointment, or from the evil\nconduct of friends. And what a change would _this_ produce\u2015\u2015for how\nfull of _pain_ is the world now! How many lie on beds of languishing;\nhow many are suffering under incurable diseases; how many are\nundergoing severe surgical operations; how many are pained by the\nloss of property or friends, or subjected to acuter anguish by the\nmisconduct of those who are loved! How different would this world be,\nif all _pain_ were to cease for ever; how different, therefore, must\nthe blessed state of the future be from the present! \u00b6 _For the former\nthings are passed away._ The world as it was before the judgment.\n\n\n 5 And he that sat upon the throne said, Behold, I make all\n things new. And he said unto me, Write: for these words are\n true and faithful.\n\n5. _And he that sat upon the throne said._ Probably the Messiah, the\ndispenser of the rewards of heaven. See Notes on ch. xx. 11. \u00b6 _Behold,\nI make all things new._ A new heaven and new earth (ver. 1), and an\norder of things to correspond with that new creation. The former state\nof things when sin and death reigned will be changed, and the change\nconsequent on this must extend to everything. \u00b6 _And he said unto me,\nWrite._ Make a _record_ of these things, for they are founded in truth,\nand they are adapted to bless a suffering world. Comp. Notes on ch. xiv.\n13. See also ch. i. 19. \u00b6 _For these words are true and faithful._ They\nare founded in truth, and they are worthy to be believed. See Notes on\nch. xix. 9. Comp. also Notes on Da. xii. 4.\n\n\n 6 And he said unto me, [642]It is done. I[643] am Alpha and\n Omega, the beginning and the end. I[644] will give unto him\n that is athirst of the fountain of the water of life freely.\n\n6. _And he said unto me._ That is, he that sat on the throne\u2015\u2015the\nMessiah. \u00b6 _It is done._ It is finished, complete; or, still more\nexpressively, _it is_\u2015\u2015\u03b3\u03ad\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\u03b5. An expression remarkably similar to\nthis occurs in John xix. 30, when the Saviour on the cross said,\n\u201cIt is finished.\u201d The meaning in the passage before us evidently is,\n\u201cThe great work is accomplished; the arrangement of human affairs is\ncomplete. The redeemed are gathered in; the wicked are cut off; truth\nis triumphant, and all is now complete\u2015\u2015prepared for the eternal state\nof things.\u201d \u00b6 _I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end._ This\nlanguage makes it morally certain that the speaker here is the Lord\nJesus, for it is the very language which he uses of himself in ch.\ni. 11. See its meaning explained in the Notes on ch. i. 8. If it _is_\napplied to him here, it proves that he is divine, for in the following\nverse (7) the speaker says that he would be a _God_ to him who should\n\u201covercome.\u201d The meaning of the language as here used, regarded as\nspoken by the Redeemer at the consummation of all things, and as his\npeople are about entering into the abodes of blessedness, is, \u201cI am\nnow _indeed_ the Alpha and the Omega\u2015\u2015the first and the last. The\nattributes implied in this language which I claimed for myself are now\nverified in me, and it is seen that these properly belong to me. The\nscheme for setting up a kingdom in the lost world began in me, and it\nends in me\u2015\u2015the glorious {446} and triumphant king.\u201d \u00b6 _I will give\nunto him that is athirst._ See Notes on Mat. v. 6; Jn. iv. 14; vii. 37.\n\u00b6 _Of the fountain of the water of life._ An image often used in the\nScriptures to represent salvation. It is compared with a fountain that\nflows in abundance, where all may freely slake their thirst. \u00b6 _Freely._\nWithout money and without price (Notes on Is. lv. 1; Jn. vii. 37);\nthe common representation in the Scriptures. The meaning here is, not\nthat he would do this _in the future_, but that he had shown that this\nwas his character, as he had claimed, in the same way as he had shown\nthat he was the Alpha and the Omega. The freeness and the fulness of\nsalvation will be one of the most striking things made manifest when\nthe immense hosts of the redeemed shall be welcomed to their eternal\nabodes.\n\n\n 7 He that overcometh shall inherit [645]all things; and I will\n be his God, and he shall be my son.\n\n7. _He that overcometh._ See Notes on ch. ii. 7. \u00b6 _Shall inherit all\nthings._ Be an heir of God in all things. See Notes on Ro. viii. 17.\nComp. Re. ii. 7, 11, 17, 26; iii. 5, 12, 21. \u00b6 _And I will be his God._\nThat is, _for ever_. He would be to them all that is properly implied\nin the name of _God_; he would bestow upon them all the blessings\nwhich it was appropriate for God to bestow. See Notes on 2 Co. vi. 18;\nHe. viii. 10. \u00b6 _And he shall be my son._ He shall sustain to me the\nrelation of a son, and shall be treated as such. He would ever onward\nsustain this relation, and be honoured as a child of God.\n\n\n 8 But the [646]fearful, and [647]unbelieving, and the\n [648]abominable, and murderers,[649] and [650]whoremongers,\n and [651]sorcerers, and [652]idolaters, and all [653]liars,\n shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and\n brimstone: which is the second death.\n\n8. _But the fearful._ Having stated, in general terms, who they were\nwho would be admitted into that blessed world, he now states explicitly\nwho would _not_. The _fearful_ denote those who had not firmness boldly\nto maintain their professed principles, or who were afraid to avow\nthemselves as the friends of God in a wicked world. They stand in\ncontrast with those who \u201c_overcome_,\u201d ver. 7. \u00b6 _And unbelieving._\nThose who have not true faith; avowed infidels; infidels at heart;\nand all who have not the sincere faith of the gospel. See Notes on\nMar. xvi. 16. \u00b6 _And the abominable._ The verb from which this word is\nderived means to excite disgust; to feel disgust at; to abominate or\nabhor; and hence the participle\u2015\u2015\u201cthe abominable\u201d\u2015\u2015refers to all who\nare detestable, to wit, on account of their sins; all whose conduct is\noffensive to God. Thus it would include those who live in open sin; who\npractise detestable vices; whose conduct is fitted to excite disgust\nand abhorrence. These must all, of course, be excluded from a pure and\nholy world; and this description, alas! would embrace a lamentably\nlarge portion of the world as it has hitherto been. See Notes on Ro. i.\n26, seq. \u00b6 _And murderers._ See Notes on Ro. i. 29; Ga. v. 21. \u00b6 _And\nwhoremongers._ See Notes on Ga. v. 19. \u00b6 _And sorcerers._ See the word\nhere used\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u2015\u2015explained in the Notes on Ga. v. 19, under the\nword _witchcraft_. \u00b6 _And idolaters._ 1 Co. vi. 9; Ga. v. 19. \u00b6 _And\nall liars._ All who are false in their statements, their promises,\ntheir contracts. The word would embrace all who are false towards God\n(Ac. v. 1\u20123), and false towards men. See Ro. i. 31. \u00b6 _Shall have their\npart in the lake which burneth_, &c. Notes on ch. xx. 14. That is, they\nwill be excluded from heaven, and punished for ever. See Notes on 1 Co.\nvi. 9, 10; Ga. v. 19\u201221.\n\n\n 9 And there came unto me one of the [654]seven angels which\n had the seven vials full of the seven last plagues, and talked\n with me, saying, Come hither, I will show thee the [655]bride,\n the Lamb\u2019s wife.\n\n9. _And there came unto me one of the seven angels_, &c. See Notes\non ch. xvi. 6, 7. Why one of these angels was employed to make this\ncommunication is not stated. It may be that as they had been engaged\nin bringing destruction on the enemies of the church, and securing\nits final triumph, there was a propriety that that triumph should be\nannounced by one of their number. \u00b6 _And talked with me._ That is, in\nregard to what he was about to show me. {447} \u00b6 _I will show thee the\nbride, the Lamb\u2019s wife._ I will show you what represents the redeemed\nchurch now to be received into permanent union with its Lord\u2015\u2015as a\nbride about to be united to her husband. See Notes on ver. 2. Comp.\nch. xix. 7, 8.\n\n\n 10 And he carried me away in the spirit to a great and\n high mountain, and showed me [656]that great city, the holy\n Jerusalem, descending out of heaven from God,\n\n10. _And he carried me away in the spirit._ Gave him a _vision_ of the\ncity; seemed to place him where he could have a clear view of it as it\ncame down from heaven. See Notes on ch. i. 10. \u00b6 _To a great and high\nmountain._ The elevation, and the unobstructed range of view, gave him\nan opportunity to behold it in its glory. \u00b6 _And showed me that great\ncity_, &c. As it descended from heaven. Notes on ver. 2.\n\n\n 11 Having the [657]glory of God: and her light _was_ like\n unto a stone most precious, even like a jasper stone, clear\n as crystal;\n\n11. _Having the glory of God._ A glory or splendour such as became\nthe dwelling place of God. The nature of that splendour is described\nin the following verses. \u00b6 _And her light._ In ver. 23 it is said that\n\u201cthe glory of God did lighten it.\u201d That is, it was made light by the\nvisible symbol of the Deity\u2015\u2015the _Shekinah_. See Notes on Lu. ii. 9;\nAc. ix. 3. The word here rendered _light_\u2015\u2015\u03c6\u03c9\u03c3\u03c4\u1f74\u03c1\u2015\u2015occurs nowhere else\nin the New Testament except in Phi. ii. 15. It means, properly, a light,\na light-giver, and, in profane writers, means commonly _a window_. It\nis used here to denote the brightness or shining of the divine glory,\nas supplying the place of the sun, or of a window. \u00b6 _Like unto a stone\nmost precious._ A stone of the richest or most costly nature. \u00b6 _Even\nlike a jasper stone._ On the _jasper_, see Notes on ch. iv. 3. It is\nused there for the same purpose as here, to illustrate the majesty\nand glory of God. \u00b6 _Clear as crystal._ Pellucid or resplendent like\ncrystal. There are various kinds of jasper\u2015\u2015as red, yellow, and brown,\nbrownish yellow, &c. The stone is essentially a quartz, and the word\n_crystal_ here is used to show that the form of it referred to by John\nwas clear and bright.\n\n\n 12 And had a wall great and high, _and_ had [658]twelve gates,\n and at the gates twelve angels, and names written thereon,\n which are _the names_ of the twelve tribes of the children of\n Israel:\n\n12. _And had a wall great and high._ Ancient cities were always\nsurrounded with walls for protection, and John represents this as\ninclosed in the usual manner. The word _great_ means that it was thick\nand strong. Its height also is particularly noticed, for it was unusual.\nSee ver. 16. \u00b6 _|And| had twelve gates._ Three on each side. The number\nof the gates correspond to the number of the tribes of the children\nof Israel, and to the number of the apostles. The idea seems to be\nthat there would be ample opportunity of access and egress. \u00b6 _And\nat the gates twelve angels._ Stationed there as guards to the New\nJerusalem. Their business seems to have been to watch the gates that\nnothing improper should enter; that the great enemy should not make\nan insidious approach to this city as he did to the earthly paradise.\n\u00b6 _And names written thereon._ On the gates. \u00b6 _Which are |the names|\nof the twelve tribes of the children of Israel._ So in the city which\nEzekiel saw in vision, which John seems also to have had in his eye.\nSee Eze. xlviii. 31. The inscription in Ezekiel denoted that that was\nthe residence of the people of God; and the same idea is denoted here.\nThe New Jerusalem is the eternal residence of the children of God, and\nthis is indicated at every gate. None can enter who do not belong to\nthat people; all who are within are understood to be of their number.\n\n\n 13 On the east three gates; on the north three gates; on the\n south three gates; and on the west three gates.\n\n13. _On the east three gates_, &c. The city was square (ver. 16),\nand the same number of gates is assigned to each quarter. There does\nnot appear to be any special significancy in this fact, unless it be\nto denote that there is access to this city from all quarters of the\nworld, and that they who dwell there will have come from each of the\n{448} great divisions of the earth\u2015\u2015that is, from every land.\n\n\n 14 And the wall of the city had twelve foundations, and\n [659]in them the names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb.\n\n14. _And the wall of the city had twelve foundations._ It is not said\nwhether these foundations were twelve rows of stones placed one above\nanother under the city, and extending round it, or whether they were\ntwelve stones placed at intervals. The former would seem to be the\nmost probable, as the latter would indicate comparative feebleness and\nliability to fall. Compare Notes on ver. 19. \u00b6 _And in them._ In the\nfoundation of stones. That is, the names of the apostles were cut or\ncarved in them so as to be conspicuous. \u00b6 _The names of the twelve\napostles of the Lamb._ Of the Lamb of God; the Messiah. For an\nillustration of this passage, see Notes on Ep. ii. 20.\n\n\n 15 And he that talked with me had a golden [660]reed to\n measure the city, and the gates thereof, and the wall thereof.\n\n15. _And he that talked with me._ The angel, ver. 9. \u00b6 _Had a\ngolden reed to measure the city._ See Notes on ch. xi. 1. The reed, or\nmeasuring rod, here, is of gold, because all about the city is of the\nmost rich and costly materials. The rod is thus suited to the personage\nwho uses it, and to the occasion. Compare a similar description in Eze.\nxl. 3\u20125; xliii. 16. The object of this measuring is to show that the\ncity has proper architectural proportions. \u00b6 _And the gates thereof_,\n&c. To measure every part of the city, and to ascertain its exact\ndimensions.\n\n\n 16 And the city lieth four-square, and the length is as large\n as the breadth: and he measured the city with the reed, twelve\n thousand furlongs. The length, and the breadth, and the height\n of it are equal.\n\n16. _And the city lieth four-square._ It was an exact square. That\nis, there was nothing irregular about it; there were no crooked walls;\nthere was no jutting out, and no indentation in the walls, as if the\ncity had been built at different times without a plan, and had been\naccommodated to circumstances. Most cities have been determined in\ntheir outline by the character of the ground\u2015\u2015by hills, streams, or\nravines; or have grown up by accretions, where one part has been joined\nto another, so that there is no regularity, and so that the original\nplan, if there was any, has been lost sight of. The New Jerusalem,\non the contrary, had been built according to a plan of the utmost\nregularity, which had not been modified by the circumstances, or varied\nas the city grew. The idea here may be, that the church, as it will\nappear in its state of glory, will be in accordance with an eternal\nplan, and that the great original design will have been fully carried\nout. \u00b6 _And the length, is as large as the breadth._ The height also\nof the city was the same\u2015\u2015so that it was an exact square. \u00b6 _And he\nmeasured the city with the reed, twelve thousand furlongs._ As eight\nfurlongs make a mile, the extent of the walls, therefore, must have\nbeen three hundred and seventy-five miles. Of course, this must\npreclude all idea of there being such a city literally in Palestine.\nThis is clearly a figurative or symbolical representation; and the\nidea is, that the city was on the most magnificent scale, and with\nthe largest proportions, and the description here is adopted merely to\nindicate this vastness, without any idea that it would be understood\n_literally_. \u00b6 _The length, and the breadth, and the height of it are\nequal._ According to this representation, the height of the _city_, not\nof the _walls_ (comp. ver. 17), would be three hundred and seventy-five\nmiles. Of course, this _cannot_ be understood literally, and the very\nidea of a literal fulfilment of this shows the absurdity of that method\nof interpretation. The idea intended to be conveyed by this immense\nheight would seem to be that it would contain countless numbers of\ninhabitants. It is true that such a structure has not existed, and that\na city of such a height may seem to be out of all proportion; but we\nare to remember (a) that this is a _symbol_; and (b) that, considered\nas one mass or pile of buildings, it may not seem to be out of\nproportion. It is no uncommon thing that a house should be as high as\nit is long or broad. The idea of _vastness_ and of _capacity_ is the\nmain idea designed to be represented. The image before the mind is,\nthat the numbers of the redeemed will be immense.\n\n\n 17 And he measured the wall thereof, an hundred _and_ forty\n _and_ four cubits, _according to_ the measure of a man, that\n is, of the angel.\n\n{449} 17. _And he measured the wall thereof._ In respect to its\n_height_. Of course, its _length_ corresponded with the extent of\nthe city. \u00b6 _An hundred |and| forty |and| four cubits._ This would be,\nreckoning the cubit at eighteen inches, two hundred and sixteen feet.\nThis is less than the height of the walls of Babylon, which Herodotus\nsays were three hundred and fifty feet high. See Introduction to\nch. xiii. of Isaiah. As the walls of a city are designed to protect\nit from external foes, the height mentioned here gives all proper\nideas of security; and we are to conceive of the city itself as\ntowering immensely _above_ the walls. Its glory, therefore, would\nnot be obscured by the wall that was thrown around it for defence.\n\u00b6 _|According to| the measure of a man._ The measure usually employed\nby men. This seems to be added in order to prevent any mistake as to\nthe size of the city. It is an _angel_ who makes the measurement, and\nwithout this explanation it might perhaps be supposed that he used some\nmeasure not in common use among men, so that, after all, it would be\nimpossible to form any definite idea of the size of the city. \u00b6 _That\nis, of the angel._ That is, \u201cwhich is the measure employed by the\nangel.\u201d It was, indeed, an angel who measured the city, but the measure\nwhich he employed was that in common use among men.\n\n\n 18 And the building of the wall of it was _of_ jasper; and the\n city _was_ pure gold, like unto clear glass.\n\n18. _And the building of the wall of it._ The material of which the\nwall was composed. This means the wall _above_ the foundation, for\nthat was composed of twelve rows of precious stones, ver. 14, 19, 20.\nThe height of the foundation is not stated, but the entire wall above\nwas composed of jasper. \u00b6 _Was of jasper._ See Notes on ch. iv. 3. Of\ncourse, this cannot be taken _literally_; and an attempt to explain\nall this literally would show that that method of interpreting the\nApocalypse is impracticable. \u00b6 _And the city |was| pure gold._ The\nmaterial of which the edifices were composed. \u00b6 _Like unto clear\nglass_. The word rendered _glass_ in this place\u2015\u2015\u1f55\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015occurs in the\n\nNew Testament only here and in ver. 21 of this chapter. It means,\nproperly, \u201canything transparent like water;\u201d as, for example, any\ntransparent stone or gem, or as rock-salt, crystal, glass (Rob. _Lex._).\nHere the meaning is, that the golden city would be so bright and\nburnished that it would seem to be glass reflecting the sunbeams. Would\nthe appearance of a city, as the sun is setting, when the reflection\nof its beams from thousands of panes of glass gives it the appearance\nof burnished gold, represent the idea here? If we were to suppose a\ncity made entirely of glass, and the setting sunbeams falling on it, it\nmight convey the idea represented here. It is certain that, as nothing\ncould be more magnificent, so nothing could more beautifully combine\nthe two ideas referred to here\u2015\u2015that of _gold_ and _glass_. Perhaps\nthe reflection of the sunbeams from the \u201cCrystal Palace,\u201d erected for\nthe late \u201cindustrial exhibition\u201d in London, would convey a better idea\nof what is intended to be represented here than anything which our\nworld has furnished. The following description from one who was an\neye-witness, drawn up by him at the time, and without any reference\nto this passage, and furnished at my request, will supply a better\nillustration of the passage before us than any description which I\ncould give:\u2015\u2015\u201cSeen as the morning vapours rolled around its base\u2015\u2015its\nfar-stretching roofs rising one above another, and its great transept,\nmajestically arched, soaring out of the envelope of clouds\u2015\u2015its pillars,\nwindow-bars, and pinnacles, looked literally like a castle in the\nair; like some palace, such as one reads of in idle tales of Arabian\nenchantment, having about it all the ethereal softness of a dream.\nLooked at from a distance at noon, when the sunbeams came pouring upon\nthe terraced and vaulted roof, it resembles a regal palace of silver,\nbuilt for some Eastern prince; _when the sun at eventide sheds on its\nsides his parting rays, the edifice is transformed into a temple of\ngold and rubies_; and in the calm hours of night, when the moon walketh\nin her brightness, the immense surface of glass which the building\npresents looks like a sea, or like throwing back, in flickering smile,\nthe radiant glances of the queen of heaven.\u201d\n\n\n 19 And the [661]foundations of the wall of the city _were_\n garnished with all manner of precious stones. The first\n foundation _was_ jasper; the second, sapphire; the third, a\n chalcedony; the fourth, an emerald;\n\n{450} 19. _And the foundations of the wall of the city._ Notes on\nver. 14. \u00b6 Were _garnished_. Were adorned, or decorated. That is, the\nfoundations were _composed_ of precious stones, giving them this highly\nornamented and brilliant appearance. \u00b6 _The first foundation._ The\nfirst _row_, _layer_, or _course_. Notes on ver. 14. \u00b6 _|Was| jasper._\nSee Notes on ch. iv. 3. \u00b6 _The second, sapphire._ This stone is not\nelsewhere mentioned in the New Testament. It is a precious stone, next\nin hardness to the diamond, usually of an azure or sky-blue colour,\nbut of various shades. \u00b6 _The third, a chalcedony._ This word occurs\nnowhere else in the New Testament. The stone referred to is an\nuncrystallized translucent variety of quartz, having a whitish colour,\nand of a lustre nearly like wax. It is found covering the sides of\ncavities, and is a deposit from nitrated silicious waters. When it is\narranged in _stripes_, it constitutes _agate_; and if the stripes are\nhorizontal, it is the _onyx_. The modern _carnelian_ is a variety of\nthis. The carnelian is of a deep flesh red, or reddish-white colour.\nThe _name_ chalcedony is from _Chalcedon_, a town in Asia Minor,\nopposite to Byzantium, or Constantinople, where this stone was probably\nfirst known (Webster\u2019s _Dict._). \u00b6 _The fourth, an emerald._ See Notes\non Re. iv. 3. The emerald is green.\n\n\n 20 The fifth, sardonyx; the sixth, sardius; the seventh,\n chrysolite; the eighth, beryl; the ninth, a topaz; the tenth,\n a chrysoprasus; the eleventh, a jacinth; the twelfth, an\n amethyst.\n\n20. _The fifth, sardonyx._ This word does not occur elsewhere in the\nNew Testament. The _name_ is derived from _Sardis_, a city in Asia\nMinor (Notes on ch. iii. 1), and \u1f44\u03bd\u03c5\u03be, _a nail_\u2015\u2015so named, according\nto Pliny, from the resemblance of its colour to the flesh and the nail.\nIt is a silicious stone or gem, nearly allied to the onyx. The colour\nis a reddish yellow, nearly orange (Webster, _Dict._). \u00b6 _The sixth,\nsardius._ This word does not elsewhere occur in the New Testament. It\nis also derived from _Sardis_, and the name was probably given to the\ngem because it was found there. It is a stone of a blood-red or flesh\ncolour, and is commonly known as a _carnelian_. It is the same as the\n_sardine_ stone mentioned in Re. iv. 3. See Notes on that place. \u00b6 _The\nseventh, chrysolite._ This word does not elsewhere occur in the New\nTestament. It is derived from \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u1f78\u03c2, _gold_, and \u03bb\u03af\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2, _stone_, and\nmeans _golden stone_, and was applied by the ancients to all gems of\na golden or yellow colour, probably designating particularly the topaz\nof the moderns (Rob. _Lex._). But in Webster\u2019s _Dict._ it is said that\nits prevalent colour is green. It is sometimes transparent. This is the\n_modern_ chrysolite. The ancients undoubtedly understood by the name\na _yellow_ gem. \u00b6 _The eighth, beryl._ This word occurs nowhere else\nin the New Testament. The beryl is a mineral of great hardness, and\nis of a green or bluish-green colour. It is identical with the emerald,\nexcept in the colour, the emerald having a purer and richer green\ncolour, proceeding from a trace of oxide of chrome. Prisms of beryl\nare sometimes found nearly two feet in diameter in the state of New\nHampshire (Webster). \u00b6 _The ninth, a topaz._ This word does not\nelsewhere occur in the New Testament. The topaz is a well-known mineral,\nsaid to be so called from _Topazos_, a small island in the Arabian\nGulf. It is generally of a yellowish colour, and pellucid, but it is\nalso found of greenish, bluish, or brownish shades. \u00b6 _The tenth, a\nchrysoprasus._ This word does not elsewhere occur in the New Testament.\nIt is derived from \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u1f78\u03c2, _gold_, and \u03c0\u03c1\u03ac\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd, _a leek_, and denotes\na precious stone of greenish golden colour, like a leek; that is,\n\u201capple-green passing into a grass-green\u201d (Rob. _Lex._). \u201cIt is a\nvariety of quartz. It is commonly apple-green, and often extremely\nbeautiful. It is translucent, or sometimes semi-transparent; its\nhardness little inferior to flint\u201d (Webster, _Dict._). \u00b6 _The eleventh,\na jacinth._ The word does not elsewhere occur in the New Testament.\nIt is the same word as _hyacinth_\u2015\u2015\u1f51\u03ac\u03ba\u03b9\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2\u2015\u2015and denotes properly the\nwell-known flower of that name, usually of a deep purple or reddish\nblue. Here it denotes a gem of this colour. It is a {451} red variety\nof _zircon_. See Webster\u2019s _Dict._ under the word _hyacinth_. \u00b6 _The\ntwelfth, an amethyst._ This word, also, is found only in this place in\nthe New Testament. It denotes a gem of a deep purple or violet colour.\nThe _word_ is derived from \u03b1, priv., and \u03bc\u03b5\u03b8\u03cd\u03c9, to be intoxicated,\nbecame this gem was supposed to be an antidote against drunkenness.\nIt is a species of quartz, and is used in jewelry.\n\n\n 21 And the twelve gates _were_ twelve pearls; every several\n gate was of one pearl: and the street of the city _was_ pure\n gold, as it were transparent glass.\n\n21. _And the twelve gates._ Ver. 12. \u00b6 Were _twelve pearls._ See Notes\non ch. xvii. 4; Mat. xiii. 46. \u00b6 _Every several gate was of one pearl._\nEach gate. Of course, this is not to be understood literally. The idea\nis that of ornament and beauty, and nothing could give a more striking\nview of the magnificence of the future abode of the saints. \u00b6 _And the\nstreet of the city was pure gold._ Was paved with gold; that is, all\nthe vacant space that was not occupied with buildings was of pure gold.\nSee Notes on ver. 18.\n\n\n 22 And I saw no temple therein: for the Lord God Almighty and\n the Lamb are the temple of it.\n\n22. _And I saw no temple therein._ No structure reared expressly for\nthe worship of God; no particular place where he was adored. It was\n_all_ temple\u2015\u2015nothing but a temple. It was not like Jerusalem, where\nthere was but one house reared expressly for divine worship, and to\nwhich the inhabitants repaired to praise God; it was all one great\ntemple reared in honour of his name, and where worship ascended from\nevery part of it. With this explanation, this passage harmonises with\nwhat is said in ch. ii. 12: vii. 15. \u00b6 _For the Lord God Almighty and\nthe Lamb are the temple of it._ They are present in all parts of it\nin their glory; they fill it with light; and the splendour of their\npresence may be said _to be_ the temple. The idea here is, that it\nwould be a holy world\u2015\u2015_all_ holy. No particular portion would be set\napart for purposes of public worship, but in all places God would be\nadored, and every portion of it devoted to the purposes of religion.\n\n\n 23 And the city [662]had no need of the sun, neither of the\n moon, to shine in it; for the glory of God did lighten it, and\n [663]the Lamb _is_ the light thereof.\n\n23. _And the city had no need of the sun, neither of the moon, to shine\nin it._ This imagery seems to be derived from Is. lx. 19, 20. See Notes\non those verses. No language could give a more striking or beautiful\nrepresentation of the heavenly state than that which is here employed.\n\u00b6 _For the glory of God did lighten it._ By the visible splendour of\nhis glory. See Notes on ver. 11. That supplied the place of the sun and\nthe moon. \u00b6 _And the Lamb is the light thereof._ The Son of God; the\nMessiah. See Notes on ch. v. 6; Is. lx. 19.\n\n\n 24 And the [664]nations of them which are saved shall walk in\n the light of it: and the [665]kings of the earth do bring\n their glory and honour into it.\n\n24. _And the nations of them which are saved._ All the nations that\nare saved; or all the saved considered _as_ nations. This imagery is\ndoubtless derived from that in Isaiah, particularly ch. lx. 8\u20129. See\nNotes on that passage. \u00b6 _Shall walk in the light of it._ Shall enjoy\nits splendour, and be continually in its light. \u00b6 _And the kings of the\nearth do bring their glory and honour into it._ All that they consider\nas constituting their glory, treasures, crowns, sceptres, robes. The\nidea is, that all these will be devoted to God in the future days of\nthe church in its glory, and will be, as it were, brought and laid\ndown at the feet of the Saviour in heaven. The language is derived,\ndoubtless, from the description in Is. lx. 3\u201214. Comp. Is. xlix. 28.\n\n\n 25 And the gates of it shall not be shut at all by day; for\n [666]there shall be no night there.\n\n25. _And the gates of it shall not be shut at all by day._ It shall\nbe constantly open, allowing free ingress and egress to all who reside\nthere. The language is derived from Is. lx. 11. See Notes on that place.\nApplied to the future state of the blessed, it would seem to mean, that\nwhile this will be their permanent {452} abode, yet that the dwellers\nthere will not be _prisoners_. The universe will be open to them. They\nwill be permitted to go forth and visit every world, and survey the\nworks of God in all parts of his dominions. \u00b6 _For there shall be\nno night there._ It shall be all day; all unclouded splendour. When,\ntherefore, it is said that the gates should not be \u201cshut _by day_,\u201d it\nmeans that they would _never_ be shut. When it is said that there would\nbe no _night_ there, it is, undoubtedly, to be taken as meaning that\nthere would be no _literal_ darkness, and nothing of which night is the\nemblem: no calamity, no sorrow, no bereavement, no darkened windows on\naccount of the loss of friends and kindred. Comp. Notes on ver. 4.\n\n\n 26 And they shall bring the glory and honour of the nations\n into it.\n\n26. _And they shall bring_, &c. See Notes on ver. 24. That blessed\nworld shall be made up of all that was truly valuable and pure on the\nearth.\n\n\n 27 And[667] there shall in no wise enter into it any thing\n that defileth, neither _whatsoever_ worketh abomination, or\n _maketh_ a lie: but they which are written in the [668]Lamb\u2019s\n book of life.\n\n27. _And there shall in no wise._ On no account; by no means.\nThis strong language denotes the absolute exclusion of all that is\nspecified in the verse. \u00b6 _Anything that defileth._ Literally, anything\n\u201c_common_.\u201d See Notes on Ac. x. 14. It means here that nothing will be\nfound in that blessed abode which is unholy or sinful. It will be a\npure world, 2 Pe. iii. 13. \u00b6 _Neither |whatsoever| worketh abomination,\nor |maketh| a lie._ See Notes on ver. 8. \u00b6 _But they which are written\nin the Lamb\u2019s book of life._ Whose names are there recorded. See Notes\non ch. iii. 5. Comp. Notes on ver. 8.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XXII.\n\n\nFor the analysis of the first five verses of this chapter, see the\nAnalysis of ch. xxi. The chapter comprises the remainder of the\ndescription of the \u201cNew Jerusalem\u201d\u2015\u2015the blessed abode of the saints\n(ver. 1\u20125), and then (ver. 6\u201221) the conclusion or epilogue of the\nwhole book. It is difficult to conceive what induced the author of the\ndivision of the New Testament into chapters, to separate the first five\nverses of this chapter from the preceding chapter. A new chapter should\nhave commenced at ver. 6 of ch. xxii.; for the remainder properly\ncomprises the conclusion of the whole book. Comp. Intro. to Notes on\nthe Gospels, vol. i. pp. vii., viii.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XXII.\n\n\n AND he showed me a pure river of water of life, clear as\n crystal, proceeding out of the throne of God and of the Lamb.\n\n1. _And he showed me a pure river of water of life._ In the New\nJerusalem; the happy abode of the redeemed. The phrase \u201cwater of\nlife,\u201d means _living_ or _running_ water, like a spring or fountain, as\ncontrasted with a stagnant pool. See Notes on John iv. 14. The allusion\nhere is doubtless to the first Eden, where a river watered the garden\n(Gen. ii. 10, seq.), and as this is a description of Eden recovered, or\nParadise regained, it was natural to introduce a river of water also,\nyet in such a way as to accord with the general description of that\nfuture abode of the redeemed. It does not spring up, therefore, from\nthe ground, but flows from the throne of God and the Lamb. Perhaps,\nalso, the writer had in his eye the description in Eze. xlvii. 1\u201212,\nwhere a stream issues from under the temple, and is parted in different\ndirections. \u00b6 _Clear as crystal._ See Notes on ch. iv. 6. \u00b6 _Proceeding\nout of the throne of God and of the Lamb._ Flowing from the foot\nof the throne. Comp. ch. iv. 6. This idea is strictly in accordance\nwith Oriental imagery. In the East, fountains and running streams\nconstituted an essential part of the image of enjoyment and prosperity\n(see Notes on Is. xxxv. 6), and such fountains were common in the\ncourts of Oriental houses. Here, the river is an emblem of peace,\nhappiness, plenty; and the essential thought in its flowing from the\nthrone is, that all the happiness of heaven proceeds from God.\n\n\n 2 In[669] the midst of [670]the street of it, and on either\n side of the river, _was there_ [671]the tree of life, which\n bare twelve _manner of_ fruits, _and_ yielded her fruit every\n month: and the leaves of the tree _were_ for the healing of\n the nations.\n\n2. _In the midst of the street of it._ Professor Stuart renders this,\n\u201cbetween the street thereof and the river;\u201d and says that \u201cthe writer\nconceives of the river as running through the whole city; {453} then\nof streets parallel to it on either side; and then, on the banks of\nthe river, between the water and the street, the whole stream is lined\non either side with two rows of the tree of life.\u201d The more common\ninterpretation, however, is doubtless admissible, and would give a more\nbeautiful image; that in the street, or streets of the city, as well\nas on the banks of the river, the tree of life was planted. It abounded\neverywhere. The city had not only a river passing through it, but it\nwas pervaded by streets, and all those streets were lined and shaded\nwith this tree. The idea in the mind of the writer is that of _Eden_\nor _Paradise_; but it is not the Eden of the book of Genesis, or the\nOriental or Persian Paradise: it is a picture where all is combined,\nthat in the view of the writer would constitute beauty, or contribute\nto happiness. \u00b6 _And on either side of the river._ As well as in all\nthe streets. The writer undoubtedly conceives of a single river running\nthrough the city\u2015\u2015probably as meandering along\u2015\u2015and that river lined\non both sides with the tree of life. This gives great beauty to the\nimagery. \u00b6 _|Was there| the tree of life._ Not a single tree, but it\nabounded everywhere\u2015\u2015on the banks of the river, and in all the streets.\nIt was the _common_ tree in this blessed Paradise\u2015\u2015of which all might\npartake, and which was everywhere the emblem of immortality. In this\nrespect, this new Paradise stands in strong contrast with that in\nwhich Adam was placed at his creation, where there seems to have been\na single tree that was designated as the tree of life, Ge. iii. 22, 23.\nIn the future state of the blessed, that tree will abound, and all may\nfreely partake of it; the emblem, the pledge of immortal life, will be\nconstantly before the eyes, whatever part of the future abode may be\ntraversed, and the inhabitants of that blessed world may constantly\npartake of it. \u00b6 _Which bare twelve |manner of| fruits._ \u201cProducing\ntwelve fruit-harvests; not (as our version) twelve manner of fruits\u201d\n(Professor Stuart). The idea is not that there are twelve kinds of\nfruit on the same tree, for that is not implied in the language used\nby John. The literal rendering is, \u201cproducing twelve _fruits_\u201d\u2015\u2015\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ce\u03b4\u03b5\u03ba\u03b1. The word \u201c_manner_\u201d has been introduced by the\ntranslators without authority. The idea is, that the tree bore every\nmonth in the year, so that there were twelve fruit-harvests. It was\nnot like a tree that bears but once a year, or in one season only, but\nit _constantly_ bore fruit\u2015\u2015it bore every month. The idea is that of\n_abundance_, not _variety_. The supply never fails; the tree is never\nbarren. As there is but a single class of trees referred to, it might\nhave been supposed, perhaps, that, according to the common method in\nwhich fruit is produced, there would be sometimes plenty and sometimes\nwant; but the writer says that, though there _is_ but one kind, yet\nthe supply is ample. The tree is everywhere; it is constantly producing\nfruit. \u00b6 _|And| yielded her fruit every month._ The word \u201c_and_\u201d is\nalso supplied by the translators, and introduces an idea which is not\nin the original, as if there was not only a _succession_ of harvests,\nwhich _is_ in the text, but that each one differed from the former,\nwhich is _not_ in the text. The proper translation is, \u201cproducing\ntwelve fruits, yielding or rendering its fruit in each month.\u201d Thus\nthere is, indeed, a succession of fruit-crops, but it is the same\nkind of fruit. We are not to infer, however, that there will not\nbe _variety_ in the occupations and the joys of the heavenly state,\nfor there can be no doubt that there will be ample diversity in the\nemployments, and in the sources of happiness, in heaven; but the single\nthought expressed here is, that the means of life _will be abundant_:\nthe trees of life will be everywhere, and they will be constantly\nyielding fruit. \u00b6 _And the leaves of the tree._ Not only the _fruit_\nwill contribute to give life, but even the _leaves_ will be salutary.\nEverything about it will contribute to sustain life. \u00b6 _|Were| for\nthe healing._ That is, they contribute to impart life and health to\nthose who had been diseased. We are not to suppose that there will be\nsickness, and a healing process in heaven, for that idea is expressly\nexcluded in ch. xxi. 4; but the meaning is, that the life and health of\nthat blessed world will have been imparted by partaking of that tree;\nand the writer says that, in fact, it was owing to it that they who\ndwell there had been healed of their spiritual maladies, and had been\nmade to live for ever. \u00b6 _Of the nations._ Of all the nations assembled\nthere, ch. xxi. 24. {454} There is a close resemblance between the\nlanguage here used by John and that used by Ezekiel (xlvii. 12), and\nit is not improbable that both these writers refer to the same thing.\nComp. also in the Apocrypha, 2 Esdras ii. 12; viii. 52\u201254.\n\n\n 3 And [672]there shall be no more curse: but the [673]throne\n of God and of the Lamb shall be in it; and his [674]servants\n shall serve him:\n\n3. _And there shall be no more curse._ This is doubtless designed to\nbe in strong contrast with our present abode; and it is affirmed that\nwhat now properly comes under the name of a _curse_, or whatever is\npart of the curse pronounced on man by the fall, will be there unknown.\nThe earth will be no more cursed, and will produce no more thorns and\nthistles; man will be no more compelled to earn his bread by the sweat\nof his brow; woman will be no more doomed to bear the sufferings which\nshe does now; and the abodes of the blessed will be no more cursed by\nsickness, sorrow, tears, and death. \u00b6 _But the throne of God and of the\nLamb shall be in it._ God will reign there for ever; the principles of\npurity and love which the Lamb of God came to establish, will pervade\nthat blessed abode to all eternity. \u00b6 _And his servants shall serve\nhim._ All his servants that are there; that is, all the inhabitants of\nthat blessed world. For the meaning of this passage, see Notes on ch.\nvii. 15.\n\n\n 4 And[675] they shall see his face; and [676]his name _shall\n be_ in their foreheads.\n\n4. _And they shall see his face._ See Notes on Mat. xviii. 10. They\nwould be constantly in his presence, and be permitted continually to\nbehold his glory. \u00b6 _And his name |shall be| in their foreheads._ They\nshall be designated as his. See Notes on ch. iii. 12; vii. 3; xiii. 16.\n\n\n 5 And[677] there shall be no night there: and they need no\n candle, neither light of the sun; for [678]the Lord God giveth\n them light: and [679]they shall reign for ever and ever.\n\n5. _And there shall be no night there._ Notes on ch. xxi. 25. \u00b6 _And\nthey need no candle._ No lamp; no artificial light, as in a world where\nthere is night and darkness. \u00b6 _Neither light of the sun; for the Lord\nGod_, &c. Notes on ch. xxi. 23. \u00b6 _And they shall reign for ever and\never._ That is, with God; they shall be as kings. See Notes on ch. v.\n10; xx. 6. Comp. Notes on Ro. viii. 16; 2 Ti. ii. 11, 12.\n\n\n REMARKS ON CHAP. XXI., XXII. 1\u20125.\n\nThis portion of the Apocalypse contains the most full and complete\ncontinuous description of the state of the righteous, in the world of\nblessedness, that is to be found in the Bible. It seems to be proper,\ntherefore, to pause on it for a moment, and to state in a summary\nmanner what will be the principal features of that blessedness. All\ncan see that, as a description, it occupies an appropriate place,\nnot only in regard to this book, but to the volume of revealed truth.\nIn reference to this particular book, it is the appropriate close\nof the account of the conflicts, the trials, and the persecutions of\nthe church; in reference to the whole volume of revealed truth, it is\nappropriate because it occurs in the last of the inspired books that\nwas written. It was proper that a volume of revealed truth given to\nmankind, and designed to describe a great work of redeeming mercy,\n_should_ close with a description of the state of the righteous after\ndeath.\n\nThe principal features in the description are the following:\u2015\u2015\n\n(1) There will be a new heaven and a new earth: a new order of things,\nand a world adapted to the condition of the righteous. There will be\nsuch changes produced in the earth, and such abodes fitted up for the\nredeemed, that it will be proper to say that they are _new_, ch. xxi. 1.\n\n(2) The _locality_ of that abode is not determined. No particular\n_place_ is revealed as constituting heaven; nor is it intimated that\nthere would be such a _place_. For anything that appears, the universe\nat large will be heaven\u2015\u2015the earth and all worlds; and we are left\nfree to suppose that the redeemed will yet occupy any position of the\nuniverse, and be permitted to behold the peculiar glories of the divine\ncharacter that are manifested in each of the worlds that he has made.\nComp. Notes on 1 Pe. i. 12. That there may be some one place in the\nuniverse that will be their permanent home, and that will be more\nproperly called _heaven_, where the glory of their God and Saviour will\nbe peculiarly manifested, is not improbable; but still there is nothing\nto prevent the hope and the belief that in the infinite duration that\nawaits them they will be permitted to {455} visit all the worlds that\nGod has made, and to learn in each, and from each; all that he has\npeculiarly manifested of his own character and glory there.\n\n(3) That future state will be entirely and for ever free from all the\nconsequences of the apostasy as now seen on the earth. There will be\nneither tears, nor sorrow, nor death, nor crying, nor pain, nor curse,\nch. xxi. 4; xxii. 3. It will, therefore, be a perfectly happy abode.\n\n(4) It will be pure and holy. Nothing will ever enter there that shall\ncontaminate and defile, ch. xxi. 8, 27. On this account, also, it will\nbe a happy world, for (a) all real happiness has its foundation in\nholiness; and (b) the source of all the misery that the universe has\nexperienced is sin. Let that be removed, and the earth would be happy;\nlet it be extinguished from any world, and its happiness will be secure.\n\n(5) It will be a world of perfect light, ch. xxi. 22\u201225; xxii. 5.\nThere will be (a) literally no night there; (b) spiritually and morally\nthere will be no darkness\u2015\u2015no error, no sin. Light will be cast on a\nthousand subjects now obscure; and on numerous points pertaining to the\ndivine government and dealings which now perplex the mind there will be\npoured the splendour of perfect day. All the darkness that exists here\nwill be dissipated there; all that is now obscure will be made light.\nAnd in view of this fact, we may well submit for a little time to\nthe mysteries which hang over the divine dealings here. The Christian\nis destined to live for ever and ever. He is capable of an eternal\nprogression in knowledge. He is soon to be ushered into the splendours\nof that eternal abode where there is no need of the light of the sun\nor the moon, and where there is no night. In a little time\u2015\u2015a few weeks\nor days\u2015\u2015by removal to that higher state of being, he will have made a\ndegree of progress in true knowledge compared with which all that can\nbe learned here is a nameless trifle. In that future abode he will\nbe permitted to know all that is to be known in those worlds that\nshine upon his path by day or by night; all that is to be known in the\ncharacter of their Maker, and the principles of his government; all\nthat is to be known of the glorious plan of redemption; all that is\nto be known of the reasons why sin and woe were permitted to enter\nthis beautiful world. There, too, he will be permitted to enjoy all\nthat there is to be enjoyed in a world without a cloud and without a\ntear; all that is beatific in the friendship of God the Father, of the\nAscended Redeemer, of the Sacred Spirit; all that is blessed in the\ngoodly fellowship of the angels, of the apostles, of the prophets; all\nthat is rapturous in reunion with those that were loved on the earth.\nWell, then, may he bear with the darkness and endure the trials of this\nstate a little longer.\n\n(6) It will be a world of surpassing splendour. This is manifest by the\ndescription of it in ch. xx., as a gorgeous city, with ample dimensions,\nwith most brilliant colours, set with gems, and composed of pure gold.\nThe writer, in the description of that abode, has accumulated all that\nis gorgeous and magnificent, and doubtless felt that even _this_ was a\nvery imperfect representation of that glorious world.\n\n(7) That future world will be an abode of the highest conceivable\nhappiness. This is manifest, not only from the fact stated that there\nwill be no pain or sorrow here, but from the positive description in\nch. xxii. 1, 2. It was, undoubtedly, the design of the writer, under\nthe image of a _Paradise_, to describe the future abode of the redeemed\nas one of the highest happiness\u2015\u2015where there would be an ample and a\nconstant supply of every want, and where the highest ideas of enjoyment\nwould be realized. And,\n\n(8) All this will be eternal. The universe, so vast and so wonderful,\nseems to have been made to be fitted to the eternal contemplation of\ncreated minds, and _in_ this universe there is an adaptation for the\nemployment of mind for ever and ever.\n\nIf it be asked now why John, in the account which he has given\nof the heavenly state, adopted this figurative and emblematic mode\nof representation, and why it did not please God to reveal _any\nmore_ respecting the nature of the employments and enjoyments of the\nheavenly world, it may be replied, (a) That this method is eminently\nin accordance {456} with the general character of the book, as a book\nof symbols and emblems. (b) He has stated _enough_ to give us a general\nand a most attractive view of that blessed state. (c) It is not certain\nthat we would have appreciated it, or could have comprehended it, if a\nmore minute and literal description had been given. That state may be\nso unlike this that it is doubtful whether we could have comprehended\n_any_ literal description that could have been given. How little of\nthe future and the unseen can ever be known by a mere description; how\nfaint and imperfect a view can we ever obtain of anything by the mere\nuse of words, and especially of objects which have no resemblance to\nanything which we have seen! Who ever obtained any adequate idea of\nNiagara by a mere description? To what Greek or Roman mind, however\ncultivated, could there have been conveyed the idea of a printing-press,\nof a locomotive engine, of the magnetic telegraph, by mere description?\nWho can convey to one born blind an idea of the prismatic colours; or\nto the deaf an idea of sounds? If we may imagine the world of insect\ntribes to be endowed with the power of language and thought, how could\nthe gay and gilded butterfly that to-day plays in the sunbeam impart\nto its companions of yesterday\u2015\u2015low and grovelling worms\u2015\u2015any adequate\nidea of that new condition of being into which it had emerged? And how\ndo we know that _we_ could comprehend _any_ description of that world\nwhere the righteous dwell, or of employments and enjoyments so unlike\nour own?\n\n * * * * *\n\nI cannot more appropriately close this brief notice of the\nrevelations of the heavenly state than by introducing an ancient poem,\nwhich seems to be founded on this portion of the Apocalypse, and which\nis the original of one of the most touching and beautiful hymns now\nused in Protestant places of worship\u2015\u2015the well-known hymn which begins,\n\u201cJerusalem! my happy home!\u201d This hymn is deservedly a great favourite,\nand is an eminently beautiful composition. It is, however, of Roman\nCatholic origin. It is found in a small volume of miscellaneous poetry,\nsold at Mr. Bright\u2019s sale of manuscripts in 1844, which has been placed\nin the British Museum, and now forms the additional MS. 15,225. It is\nreferred, by the lettering on the book, to the age of Elizabeth, but it\nis supposed to belong to the subsequent reign. The volume seems to have\nbeen formed by or for some Roman Catholic, and contains many devotional\nsongs or hymns, interspersed with others of a more general character.\nSee Littell\u2019s _Living Age_, vol. xxviii. pp. 333\u2012336. The hymn is as\nfollows:\u2015\u2015\n\n A SONG MADE BY F. B. P.\n\n _To the tune of \u201cDiana.\u201d_\n\n Jerusalem! my happy home!\n When shall I come to thee?\n When shall my sorrows have an end\u2015\u2015\n Thy joys when shall I see?\n\n O happy harbour of the saints\u2015\u2015\n O sweet and pleasant soil!\n In thee no sorrow may be found,\n No grief, no care, no toil.\n\n In thee no sickness may be seen,\n No hurt, no ache, no sore;\n There is no death, no ugly deil,[680]\n There\u2019s life for evermore.\n\n No dampish mist is seen in thee,\n No cold nor darksome night;\n There every soul shines as the sun,\n There God himself gives light.\n\n There lust and lucre cannot dwell,\n There envy bears no sway;\n There is no hunger, heat, nor cold,\n But pleasure every way.\n\n Jerusalem! Jerusalem!\n God grant I once may see\n Thy endless joys, and of the same\n Partaker aye to be.\n\n Thy walls are made of precious stones,\n Thy bulwarks diamonds square;\n Thy gates are of right orient pearl,\n Exceeding rich and rare.\n\n Thy turrets and thy pinnacles\n With carbuncles to shine;\n Thy very streets are paved with gold,\n Surpassing clear and fine.\n\n Thy houses are of ivory,\n Thy windows crystal clear;\n Thy tiles are made of beaten gold\u2015\u2015\n O God, that I were there!\n\n Within thy gates no thing doth come\n That is not passing clean;\n No spider\u2019s web, no dirt, no dust,\n No filth may there be seen.\n\n Ah, my sweet home, Jerusalem!\n Would God I were in thee;\n Would God my woes were at an end,\n Thy joys that I might see!\n\n Thy saints are crown\u2019d with glory great,\n They see God face to face;\n They triumph still, they still rejoice\u2015\u2015\n Most happy is their case.\n\n We that are here in banishment\n Continually do moan;\n We sigh and sob, we weep and wail,\n Perpetually we groan.\n {457}\n Our sweet is mixed with bitter gall,\n Our pleasure is but pain;\n Our joys scarce last the looking on,\n Our sorrows still remain.\n\n But there they live in such delight,\n Such pleasure, and such play,\n As that to them a thousand years\n Doth seem as yesterday.\n\n Thy vineyards and thy orchards are\n Most beautiful and fair;\n Full furnished with trees and fruits,\n Most wonderful and rare.\n\n Thy gardens and thy gallant walks\n Continually are green;\n There grow such sweet and pleasant flowers\n As nowhere else are seen.\n\n There\u2019s nectar and ambrosia made,\n There\u2019s musk and civet sweet;\n There many a fair and dainty drug\n Are trodden under feet.\n\n There cinnamon, there sugar grows,\n There nard and balm abound;\n What tongue can tell, or heart conceive,\n The joys that there are found?\n\n Quite through the streets, with silver sound,\n The flood of life doth flow;\n Upon whose banks, on every side,\n The wood of life doth grow.\n\n There trees for evermore bear fruit,\n And evermore do spring;\n There evermore the angels sit,\n And evermore do sing.\n\n There David stands with harp in hand,\n As master of the quire;\n Ten thousand times that man were blest\n That might this music[681] hear.\n\n Our Lady sings _Magnificat_,\n With tune surpassing sweet;\n And all the virgins bear their parts,\n Sitting above her feet.\n\n _Te Deum_ doth Saint Ambrose sing,\n Saint Austin doth the like;\n Old Simeon and Zachary\n Have not their song to seek.\n\n There Magdalene hath left her moan,\n And cheerfully doth sing\n With blessed saints, whose harmony\n In every street doth ring.\n\n Jerusalem, my happy home!\n Would God I were in thee;\n Would God my woes were at an end,\n Thy joys that I might see!\n\n\n ANALYSIS OF CHAPTER XXII. 6\u201220.\n\nThis portion of the book of Revelation is properly the epilogue,\nor conclusion. The main purposes of the vision are accomplished;\nthe enemies of the church are quelled; the church is triumphant; the\naffairs of the world are wound up; the redeemed are received to their\nblissful, eternal abode; the wicked are cut off; the earth is purified,\nand the affairs of the universe are fixed on their permanent foundation.\nA few miscellaneous matters, therefore, close the book.\n\n(1) A solemn affirmation on the part of him who had made these\nrevelations, that they are true, and that they will be speedily\naccomplished, and that he will be blessed or happy who shall keep\nthe sayings of the book, ver. 6, 7.\n\n(2) The effect of all these things on John himself, leading him, as\nin a former case (ch. xix. 10), to a disposition to worship him who\nhad been the medium in making to him such extraordinary communications,\nver. 8, 9.\n\n(3) A command not to seal up what had been revealed, since the time was\nnear. These things would soon have their fulfilment, and it was proper\nthat the prophecies should be unsealed, or open, both that the events\nmight be compared with the predictions, and that a persecuted church\nmight be able to see what would be the _result_ of all these things,\nand to find consolation in the assurance of the final triumph of the\nSon of God, ver. 10.\n\n(4) The fixed and unchangeable state of the righteous and the wicked,\nver. 11\u201213.\n\n(5) The blessedness of those who keep the commandments of God, and who\nenter into the New Jerusalem, ver. 14, 15.\n\n(6) Jesus, the root and the offspring of David, and the bright\nand morning star, proclaims himself to be the Author of all these\nrevelations by the instrumentality of an angel, ver. 16.\n\n(7) The universal invitation of the gospel\u2015\u2015the language of Jesus\nhimself\u2015\u2015giving utterance to his strong desire for the salvation of men,\nver. 17.\n\n(8) A solemn command not to change anything that had been revealed in\nthis book, either by adding to it or taking from it, ver. 18, 19.\n\n(9) The assurance that he who had made these revelations would come\nquickly, and the joyous assent of John to this, and prayer that his\nadvent might soon occur, ver. 20.\n\n(10) Tho benediction, ver. 21.\n\n\n 6 And he said unto me, These sayings _are_ faithful and true:\n and the Lord God of the holy prophets [682]sent his angel to\n show unto his servants the things which must shortly be done.\n\n6. _And he said unto me._ The angel-interpreter, who had showed John\nthe vision of the New Jerusalem, ch. xxi. 9, 10. As these visions are\nnow at an {458} end, the angel comes to John directly, and assures him\nthat all these things are true\u2015\u2015that there has been no deception of the\nsenses in these visions, but that they were really divine disclosures\nof what would soon and certainly occur. \u00b6 _These sayings |are| faithful\nand true._ These communications\u2015\u2015all that has been disclosed to you\nby symbols, or in direct language. See Notes on ch. xxi. 5. \u00b6 _And the\nLord God of the holy prophets._ The same God who inspired the ancient\nprophets. \u00b6 _Sent his angel._ See Notes on ch. i. 1. \u00b6 _To show unto\nhis servants._ To all his servants\u2015\u2015that is, to all his people, by the\ninstrumentality of John. The revelation was made to him, and he was to\nrecord it for the good of the whole church. \u00b6 _The things which must\nshortly be done._ The beginning of which must soon occur\u2015\u2015though the\nseries of events extended into distant ages, and even into eternity.\nSee Notes on ch. i. 1\u20123.\n\n\n 7 Behold, [683]I come quickly: blessed _is_ he that keepeth\n the sayings of the prophecy of this book.\n\n7. _Behold, I come quickly._ See Notes on ch. i. 3. The words here used\nare undoubtedly the words of the Redeemer, although they are apparently\nrepeated by the angel. The meaning is, that they were used by the angel\nas the words of the Redeemer. See ver. 12, 20. \u00b6 _Blessed is he that\nkeepeth the sayings of the prophecy of this book._ That receives them\nas a divine communication; that makes use of them to comfort himself in\nthe days of darkness, persecution, and trial; and that is obedient to\nthe precepts here enjoined. See Notes on ch. i. 3.\n\n\n 8 And I John saw these things, and heard _them_. And when I\n had heard and seen, I fell down to worship before the feet of\n the angel which showed me these things.\n\n8. _And I John saw these things, and heard |them|._ That is, I\n_saw_the parts that were disclosed by pictures, visions, and symbols;\nI _heard_ the parts that were communicated by direct revelation.\n\u00b6 _And when I had heard and seen, I fell down to worship before the\nfeet of the angel_, &c. As he had done on a former occasion. See Notes\non ch. xix. 10. John appears to have been entirely overcome by the\nextraordinary nature of the revelations made to him, and not improbably\nentertained some suspicion that it was the Redeemer himself who had\nmanifested himself to him in this remarkable manner.\n\n\n 9 Then saith he unto me, See _thou do it_ not: for I am thy\n fellow-servant, and of thy brethren the prophets, and of them\n which keep the sayings of this book: worship God.\n\n9. _Then saith he unto me, See |thou do it| not._ See Notes on ch.\nxix. 10. \u00b6 _For I am thy fellow-servant._ Notes on ch. xix. 10. \u00b6 _And\nof thy brethren the prophets._ In ch. xix. 10, it is \u201cof thy brethren\nthat have the testimony of Jesus.\u201d Here the angel says that, in the\ncapacity in which he appeared to John, he belonged to the general rank\nof the prophets, and was no more entitled to worship than any of the\nprophets had been. Like them, he had merely been employed to disclose\nimportant truths in regard to the future; but as the prophets, even\nthe most eminent of them, were not regarded as entitled to worship\non account of the communications which they had made, no more was\nhe. \u00b6 _And of them which keep the sayings of this book._ \u201cI am a mere\ncreature of God. I, like men, am under law, and am bound to observe the\nlaw of God.\u201d The \u201csayings of this book\u201d which he says he kept, must be\nunderstood to mean those great principles of religion which it enjoined,\nand which are of equal obligation on men and angels. \u00b6 _Worship God._\nWorship God only. Notes on ch. xix. 10.\n\n\n 10 And he saith unto me, [684]Seal not the sayings of the\n prophecy of this book: for the time is at hand.\n\n10. _And he saith unto me._ The angel. \u00b6 _Seal not the sayings of the\nprophecy of this book._ That is, seal not the book itself, for it may\nbe regarded altogether as a prophetic book. On the sealing of a book,\nsee Notes on ch. v. 1. Isaiah (viii. 16; xxx. 8) and Daniel (viii. 26;\nxii. 4, 9) were commanded to seal up their prophecies. Their prophecies\nrelated to far-distant times, and the idea in their being commanded\nto seal them was, that they should make the record {459} sure and\nunchangeable; that they should finish it, and lay it up for future ages;\nso that, in far-distant times, the events might be compared with the\nprophecy, and it might be seen that there was an exact correspondence\nbetween the prophecy and the fulfilment. Their prophecies would not\nbe immediately demanded for the use of persecuted saints, but would\npertain to future ages. On the other hand, the events which John had\npredicted, though in their ultimate development they were to extend to\nthe end of the world, and even into eternity, were about to _begin_ to\nbe fulfilled, and were to be of immediate use in consoling a persecuted\nchurch. John, therefore, was directed _not_ to seal up his predictions;\nnot to lay them away, to be opened, as it were, in distant ages; but\nto leave them _open_, so that a persecuted church might pave access to\nthem, and might, in times of persecution and trial, have the assurance\nthat the principles of their religion would finally triumph. See Notes\non ch. x. 2. \u00b6 _For the time is at hand._ That is, they are soon to\n_commence_. It is not implied that they would be soon _completed_. The\nidea is, that as the scenes of persecution were soon to open upon the\nchurch, it was important that the church should have access to these\nprophecies of the final triumph of religion, to sustain it in its\ntrials. Comp. Notes on ch. i. 1, 3.\n\n\n 11 He[685]that is unjust, let him be unjust still: and he\n which is filthy, let him be filthy still: and [686]he that is\n righteous, let him be righteous still: and he that is holy,\n let him be holy still.\n\n11. _He that is unjust, let him be unjust still._ This must refer to\nthe scenes beyond the judgment, and must be intended to affirm an\nimportant truth in regard to the condition of men in the future state.\nIt cannot refer to the condition of men on this side the grave, for\nthere is no fixed and unchangeable condition in this world. At the\nclose of this book, and at the close of the whole volume of revealed\ntruth, it was proper to declare, in the most solemn manner, that\nwhen these events were consummated, everything would be fixed and\nunchanging; that all who were then found to be righteous would remain\nso for ever; and that none who were impenitent, impure, and wicked,\nwould ever change their character or condition. That this is the\nmeaning here seems to me to be plain; and this sentiment accords with\nall that is said in the Bible of the final condition of the righteous\nand the wicked. See Mat. xxv. 46; Ro. ii. 6\u20129; 1 Th. i. 7\u201210; Da.\nxii. 2; Ec. xi. 3. Every assurance is held out in the Bible that the\nrighteous will be secure in holiness and happiness, and that there will\nbe no danger\u2015\u2015no possibility\u2015\u2015that they will fall into sin, and sink to\nwoe; and by the same kind of arguments by which it is proved that their\ncondition will be unchanging, is it demonstrated that the condition\nof the wicked will be unchanging also. The argument for the eternal\npunishment of the wicked is as strong as that for the eternal happiness\nof the righteous; and if the one is open to doubt, there is no security\nfor the permanence of the other. The word _unjust_ here is a general\nterm for an unrighteous or wicked man. The meaning is, that he to whom\nthat character properly belongs, or of whom it is properly descriptive,\nwill remain so for ever. The design of this seems to be, to let the\nungodly and the wicked know that there is no change beyond the grave,\nand by this solemn consideration to warn them _now_ to flee from the\nwrath to come. And assuredly no more solemn consideration can ever be\npresented to the human mind than this. \u00b6 _And he which is filthy, let\nhim be filthy still._ The word _filthy_ here is, of course, used with\nreference to _moral_ defilement or pollution. It refers to the sensual,\nthe corrupt, the profane; and the meaning is, that their condition will\nbe fixed, and that they will remain in this state of pollution for ever.\nThere is nothing more awful than the idea that a polluted soul will be\nalways polluted; that a heart corrupt will be always corrupt; that the\ndefiled will be put for ever beyond the possibility of being cleansed\nfrom sin. \u00b6 _And he that is righteous, let him be righteous still._ The\njust, the upright man\u2015\u2015in contradistinction from the _unjust_ mentioned\nin the first part of the verse. \u00b6 _And he that is holy, let him be\nholy still._ He that is pure, in contradistinction from the _filthy_\nmentioned in the former part of the verse. The righteous and the holy\nwill be confirmed in their character and condition, as well as the\nwicked. The affirmation {460} that their condition will be fixed is as\nstrong as that that of the wicked will be\u2015\u2015and no stronger; the entire\nrepresentation is, that all beyond the judgment will be unchanging for\never. Could any more solemn thought be brought before the mind of man?\n\n\n 12 And behold, [687]I come quickly; and my reward _is_ with me,\n [688]to give every man according as his work shall be.\n\n12. _And behold, I come quickly._ See Notes on ch. i. 1, 3. These\nare undoubtedly the words of the Redeemer; and the meaning is, that\nthe period when the unchanging sentence would be passed on each\nindividual\u2015\u2015on the unjust, the filthy, the righteous, and the\nholy\u2015\u2015would not be remote. The _design_ of this seems to be to impress\non the mind the solemnity of the truth that the condition hereafter\nwill soon be fixed, and to lead men to prepare for it. In reference to\neach individual, the period is near when it is to be determined whether\nhe will be holy or sinful to all eternity. What thought could there be\nmore adapted to impress on the mind the importance of giving immediate\nattention to the concerns of the soul? \u00b6 _And my reward |is| with me._\nI bring it with me to give to every man: either life or death; heaven\nor hell; the crown or the curse. He will be prepared immediately to\nexecute the sentence. Compare Mat. xxv. 31\u201246. \u00b6 _To give every man\naccording as his work shall be._ See Notes on Mat. xvi. 27; Ro. ii. 6;\n2 Co. v. 10.\n\n\n 13 I[689] am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end, the\n first and the last.\n\n13. _I am Alpha and Omega_, &c. See Notes on ch. i. 8, 11. The idea\nhere is, that he will thus show that he is the first and the last\u2015\u2015the\nbeginning and the end. He originated the whole plan of salvation, and\nhe will determine its close; he formed the world, and he will wind up\nits affairs. In the beginning, the continuance, and the end, he will be\nrecognized as the same being presiding over and controlling all.\n\n\n 14 Blessed[690] _are_ they that do his commandments, that they\n may have right to the tree of life, and may enter in through\n the gates into the city.\n\n14. _Blessed are they that do his commandments._ See Notes on ch. i. 3;\nxxii. 7. \u00b6 _That they may have right._ That they may be entitled to\napproach the tree of life; that this privilege may be granted to them.\nIt is not a _right_ in the sense that they have _merited_ it, but in\nthe sense that the privilege is conferred on them as one of the rewards\nof God, and that, in virtue of the divine arrangements, they will be\nentitled to this honour. So the word here used\u2015\u2015\u1f10\u03be\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u2015\u2015means in Jn.\ni. 12, rendered _power_. The _reason_ why this right or privilege is\nconferred is not implied in the use of the word. In this case it is\nby _grace_, and all the _right_ which they have to the tree of life is\nfounded on the fact that God has been pleased graciously to confer it\non them. \u00b6 _To the tree of life._ See Notes on ver. 2. They would not\nbe forbidden to approach the tree as Adam was, but would be permitted\nalways to partake of it, and would live for ever. \u00b6 _And may enter in\nthrough the gates into the city._ The New Jerusalem, ch. xxi. 2. They\nwould have free access there; they would be permitted to abide there\nfor ever.\n\n\n 15 For [691]without _are_ [692]dogs, and sorcerers, and\n whoremongers, and murderers, and idolaters, and whosoever\n loveth and maketh a lie.\n\n15. _For without |are| dogs._ The wicked, the depraved, the vile: for\nof such characters the dogs, an unclean animal among the Jews, was\nregarded as a symbol, De. xxiii. 18. On the meaning of the expression,\nsee Notes on Phi. iii. 2. The word \u201cwithout\u201d means that they would not\nbe admitted into the heavenly city, the New Jerusalem, ch. xxi. 8, 27.\n\u00b6 _And sorcerers_, &c. All these characters are specified in ch. xxi. 8,\nas excluded from heaven. See Notes on that verse. The only change is,\nthat those who \u201clove and make a lie\u201d are added to the list; that is,\nwho delight in lies, or that which is false.\n\n\n 16 I Jesus have sent mine angel to testify unto you these\n things in the churches. I am [693]the root and the offspring\n of David, _and_ the bright and morning star.\n\n16. _I Jesus._ Here the Saviour appears expressly as the\nspeaker\u2015\u2015ratifying and confirming all that had been communicated by\nthe instrumentality of the angel. \u00b6 _Have sent mine angel._ Notes on\nch. i. 1. \u00b6 _To testify unto you._ That is, to be a witness for me in\ncommunicating {461} these things to you. \u00b6 _In the churches._ Directly\nand immediately to the seven churches in Asia Minor (ch. ii. iii.);\nremotely and ultimately to all churches to the end of time. Comp. Notes\non ch. i. 11. \u00b6 _I am the root._ Not the root in the sense that David\nsprang from him, as a tree does from a root, but in the sense that he\nwas the \u201c_root-shoot_\u201d of David, or that he himself sprang from him,\nas a sprout starts up from a decayed and fallen tree\u2015\u2015as of the oak,\nthe willow, the chestnut, &c. See this explained in the Notes on Is.\nxi. 1. The meaning then is, not that he was the _ancestor_ of David,\nor that David sprang from him, but that he was the offspring of David,\naccording to the promise in the Scripture, that the Messiah should be\ndescended from him. No argument, then, can be derived from this passage\nin proof of the pre-existence, or the divinity of Christ. \u00b6 _And the\noffspring._ The descendant; the progeny of David; \u201cthe seed of David\naccording to the flesh.\u201d See Notes on Ro. i. 3. It is not unusual to\nemploy two words in close connection to express the same idea with some\nslight shade of difference. \u00b6 _|And| the bright and morning star._ See\nNotes on ch. ii. 28. It is not uncommon to compare a prince, a leader,\na teacher, with that bright and beautiful star which at some seasons\nof the year precedes the rising of the sun, and leads on the day.\nComp. Notes on Is. xiv. 12. The reference here is to that star as the\nharbinger of day; and the meaning of the Saviour is, that he sustains\na relation to a dark world similar to this beautiful star. At one time\nhe is indeed compared with the sun itself in giving light to the world;\nhere he is compared with that morning star rather with reference to\nits _beauty_ than its _light_. May it not also have been one object in\nthis comparison to lead us, when we look on that star, to think of the\nSaviour? It is perhaps the most beautiful object in nature; it succeeds\nthe darkness of the night; it brings on the day\u2015\u2015and as it mingles\nwith the first rays of the morning, it seems to be so joyous, cheerful,\nexulting, bright, that nothing can be better adapted to remind us\nof Him who came to lead on eternal day. Its _place_\u2015\u2015the first thing\nthat arrests the eye in the morning\u2015\u2015might serve to remind us that\nthe Saviour should be the first object that should draw the eye and\nthe heart on the return of each day. In each trial\u2015\u2015each scene of\nsorrow\u2015\u2015let us think of the bright star of the morning as it rises on\nthe darkness of the night\u2015\u2015emblem of the Saviour rising on our sorrow\nand our gloom.\n\n\n 17 And the Spirit and [694]the bride say, [695]Come. And let\n him that heareth say, Come. And [696]let him that is athirst\n come: and whosoever will, let him take the water of life\n freely.\n\n17. _And the Spirit and the bride say, Come._ That is, come to the\nSaviour; come and partake of the blessings of the gospel; come and be\nsaved. The construction demands this interpretation, as the latter part\nof the verse shows. The design of this whole verse is, evidently, to\nshow the freeness of the offers of the gospel; to condense in a summary\nmanner all the invitations of mercy to mankind; and to leave on the\nmind at the close of the book a deep impression of the ample provision\nwhich has been made for the salvation of a fallen race. Nothing, it\nis clear, could be more appropriate at the close of this book, and\nat the close of the whole volume of revealed truth, than to announce,\nin the most clear and attracting form, that salvation is free to\nall, and that whosoever will may be saved. \u00b6 _The Spirit._ The Holy\nSpirit. He entreats all to come. This he does (a) in all the recorded\ninvitations in the Bible\u2015\u2015for it is by the inspiration of that Spirit\nthat these invitations are recorded; (b) by all his influences on the\nunderstandings, the consciences, and the hearts of men; (c) by all the\nproclamations of mercy made by the preaching of the gospel, and by the\nappeal which friend makes to friend, and neighbour to neighbour, and\nstranger to stranger\u2015\u2015for all these are methods in which the Spirit\ninvites men to come to the Saviour. \u00b6 _And the bride._ The church. See\nNotes, ch. xxi. 2, 9. That is, the church invites all to come and be\nsaved. This it does (a) by its ministers, whose main business it is to\nextend this invitation to mankind; (b) by its ordinances\u2015\u2015constantly\nsetting forth the freeness of the gospel; (c) by the lives of its\nconsistent members\u2015\u2015showing the excellency and the desirableness of\ntrue religion; (d) by all its efforts to do good in the world; (e) by\nthe example of {462} those who are brought into the church\u2015\u2015showing\nthat all, whatever may have been their former character, may be\nsaved; and (f) by the direct appeals of its individual members. Thus\na Christian parent invites his children; a brother invites a sister,\nand a sister invites a brother; a neighbour invites his neighbour,\nand a stranger a stranger; the master invites his servant, and the\nservant his master. The church on earth and the church in heaven unite\nin the invitation, saying, Come. The living father, pastor, friend,\ninvites\u2015\u2015and the voice of the departed father, pastor, friend, now\nin heaven, is heard re-echoing the invitation. The once-loved mother\nthat has gone to the skies still invites her children to come; and the\nsweet-smiling babe that has been taken up to the Saviour stretches out\nits arms from heaven, and says to its mother\u2015\u2015_Come_. \u00b6 _Say, Come._\nThat is, come to the Saviour; come into the church; come to heaven.\n\u00b6 _And let him that heareth say, Come._ Whoever hears the gospel, let\nhim go and invite others to come. Nothing could more strikingly set\nforth the freeness of the invitation of the gospel than this. The\nauthority to make the invitation is not limited to the ministers of\nreligion; it is not even confined to those who accept it themselves.\nAll persons, even though _they_ should not accept of it, are authorized\nto tell others that they may be saved. One impenitent sinner may go and\ntell another impenitent sinner that if he will he may find mercy and\nenter heaven. How _could_ the offer of salvation be made more freely\nto mankind? \u00b6 _And let him that is athirst come._ Whoever desires\nsalvation, as the weary pilgrim desires a cooling fountain to allay his\nthirst, let him come as freely to the gospel as that thirsty man would\nstoop down at the fountain and drink. See Notes on Is. lv. 1. Comp.\nNotes on Mat. v. 6; Jn. vii. 37; Re. xxi. 6. \u00b6 _And whosoever will,\nlet him take the water of life freely._ Ch. xxi. 6. Every one that is\ndisposed to come, that has any sincere wish to be saved, is assured\nthat he may live. No matter how unworthy he is; no matter what his\npast life has been; no matter how old or how young, how rich or how\npoor; no matter whether sick or well, a freeman or a slave; no matter\nwhether educated or ignorant; no matter whether clothed in purple or in\nrags\u2015\u2015riding in state or laid at the gate of a rich man full of sores,\nthe invitation is freely made to all to come and be saved. With what\nmore appropriate truth _could_ a revelation from heaven be closed?\n\n\n 18 For I testify unto every man that heareth the words of the\n prophecy of this book, [697]If any man shall add unto these\n things, God shall add unto him the plagues that are written in\n this book:\n\n18. _For I testify._ The writer does not specify who is meant by\nthe word \u201c_I_\u201d in this place. The most natural construction is to\nrefer it to the writer himself, and not to the angel, or the Saviour.\nThe meaning is, \u201cI bear this solemn witness, or make this solemn\naffirmation, in conclusion.\u201d The object is to guard his book against\nbeing corrupted by any interpolation or change. It would seem not\nimprobable, from this, that as early as the time of John, books were\nliable to be corrupted by additions or omissions, or that at least\nthere was felt to be great danger that mistakes might be made by the\ncarelessness of transcribers. Against this danger, John would guard\nthis book in the most solemn manner. Perhaps he felt, too, that as\nthis book would be necessarily regarded as obscure from the fact that\nsymbols were so much used, there was great danger that changes would\nbe made by well-meaning persons with a view to make it appear more\nplain. \u00b6 _Unto every man that heareth the words of the prophecy of\nthis book._ The word \u201cheareth\u201d seems here to be used in a very general\nsense. Perhaps in most cases persons would be made acquainted with\nthe contents of the book by hearing it read in the churches; but still\nthe spirit of the declaration must include all methods of becoming\nacquainted with it. \u00b6 _If any man shall add unto these things._ With\na view to furnish a more full and complete revelation; or with a\nprofession that new truth had been communicated by inspiration. The\nreference here is to the book of Revelation only\u2015\u2015for at that time the\nbooks that now constitute what we call _the Bible_ were not collected\ninto a single volume. This {463} passage, therefore, should not be\nadduced as referring to the whole of the sacred Scriptures. Still,\nthe _principle_ is one that is thus applicable; for it is obvious that\nno one has a right to change any part of a revelation which God makes\nto man; to presume to add to it, or to take from it, or in any way to\nmodify it. Comp. Notes, 2 Ti. iii. 16. \u00b6 _God shall add unto him the\nplagues that are written in this book._ These \u201cplagues\u201d refer to the\nnumerous methods described in this book as those in which God would\nbring severe judgment upon the persecutors of the church and the\ncorrupters of religion. The meaning is, that such a person would be\nregarded as an enemy of his religion, and would share the fearful doom\nof all such enemies.\n\n\n 19 And if any man shall take away from the words of the book\n of this prophecy, [698]God shall take away his part [699]out\n of the book of life, and out of the holy city, and _from_ the\n things which are written in this book.\n\n19. _And if any man shall take away from the words of the book\nof this prophecy._ If he shall reject the book altogether; if he\nshall, in transcribing it, designedly strike any part of it out. It\nis conceivable that, from the remarkable nature of the communications\nmade in this book, and the fact that they seemed to be unintelligible,\nJohn supposed there might be those who would be inclined to omit some\nportions as improbable, or that he apprehended that when the portions\nwhich describe Antichrist were fulfilled in distant ages, those to whom\nthose portions applied would be disposed to strike them from the sacred\nvolume, or to corrupt them. He thought proper to guard against this\nby this solemn declaration of the consequence which would follow\nsuch an act. The whole book was to be received\u2015\u2015with all its fearful\ntruths\u2015\u2015as a revelation from God; and however obscure it might seem,\nin due time it would be made plain; however faithfully it might depict\na fearful apostasy, it was important, both to show the truth of divine\ninspiration and to save the church, that these disclosures should be\nin their native purity in the possession of the people of God. \u00b6 _God\nshall take away his part out of the book of life._ Perhaps there is\nhere an intimation that this would be most likely to be done by those\nwho professed to be Christians, and who supposed that their names were\nin the book of life. In fact, most of the corruptions of the sacred\nScriptures have been attempted by those who have professed some form\nof Christianity. Infidels have but little interest in attempting such\nchanges, and but little influence to make them received by the church.\nIt is most convenient for them, as it is most agreeable to their\nfeelings, to reject the Bible altogether. When it said here that \u201cGod\nwould take away his part out of the book of life,\u201d the meaning is not\nthat his name _had been written_ in that book, but that he would take\naway the part which he _might_ have had, or which he _professed_ to\nhave in that book. Such corruption of the divine oracles would show\nthat they had no true religion, and would be excluded from heaven. On\nthe phrase \u201cbook of life,\u201d see Notes on ch. iii. 5. \u00b6 _And out of the\nholy city._ Described in ch. xxi. He would not be permitted to enter\nthat city; he would have no part among the redeemed. \u00b6 _And |from| the\nthings which are written in this book._ The promises that are made; the\nglories that are described.\n\n\n 20 He which testifieth these things saith, [700]Surely I come\n quickly; Amen. Even[701] so, come, Lord Jesus.\n\n20. _He which testifieth these things._ The Lord Jesus; for he it was\nthat had, through the instrumentality of the angel, borne this solemn\nwitness to the truth of these things, and this book was to be regarded\nas _his_ revelation to mankind. See Notes on ch. i. 1; xxii. 16. He\nhere speaks of himself, and vouches for the truth and reality of these\nthings by saying that he \u201c_testifies_\u201d of them, or bears witness to\nthem. Comp. Jn. xviii. 37. The fact that Jesus himself vouches for\nthe truth of what is here revealed, shows the propriety of what John\nhad said in the previous verses about adding to it, or taking from it.\n\u00b6 _Saith, Surely I come quickly._ That is, the development of these\nevents will soon _begin_\u2015\u2015though their consummation may extend into far\ndistant ages, or into eternity. See Notes on ch. i. 1, 3; xxii. 7, 10.\n\u00b6 _Amen._ A word of solemn affirmation or assent. See Notes on Mat.\nvi. 13. Here it is to be regarded as the expression of John, signifying\nhis solemn and cheerful assent to what the Saviour had said, that he\n{464} would come quickly. It is the utterance of a strong desire that\nit might be so. He longed for his appearing. \u00b6 _Even so._ These, too,\nare the words of John, and are a response to what the Saviour had just\nsaid. In the original, it is a response in the same _language_ which\nthe Saviour had used, and the beauty of the passage is marred by the\ntranslation \u201c_Even so_.\u201d The original is, \u201cHe which testifieth to these\nthings saith, _Yea_\u2015\u2015\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76\u2015\u2015I come quickly. Amen. _Yea_\u2015\u2015\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76\u2015\u2015come, Lord\nJesus.\u201d It is the utterance of desire in the precise language which the\nSaviour had used\u2015\u2015heart responding to heart. \u00b6 _Come, Lord Jesus._ That\nis, as here intended, \u201cCome in the manner and for the objects referred\nto in this book.\u201d The _language_, however, is expressive of the feeling\nof piety in a more extended sense, and may be used to denote a desire\nthat the Lord Jesus would come in any and every manner; that he would\ncome to impart to us the tokens of his presence; that he would come\nto bless his truth and to revive his work in the churches; that he\nwould come to convert sinners, and to build up his people in holiness;\nthat he would come to sustain us in affliction, and to defend us\nin temptation; that he would come to put a period to idolatry,\nsuperstition, and error, and to extend the knowledge of his truth\nin the world; that he would come to set up his kingdom on the earth,\nand to rule in the hearts of men; that he would come to receive us to\nhis presence, and to gather his redeemed people into his everlasting\nkingdom. It was appropriate to the aged John, suffering exile in a\nlonely island, to pray that the Lord Jesus would speedily come to\ntake him to himself; and there could have been no more suitable close\nof this marvellous book than the utterance of such a desire. And it\nis appropriate for us as we finish its contemplation, disclosing so\nmuch of the glories of the heavenly world, and the blessedness of the\nredeemed in their final state, when we think of the earth, with its\nsorrows, trials, and cares, to respond to the prayer, and to say, \u201cCome,\nLord Jesus, come quickly.\u201d For that glorious coming of the Son of God,\nwhen he shall gather his redeemed people to himself, may all who read\nthese Notes be finally prepared. Amen.\n\n\n 21 The[702] grace of our Lord Jesus Christ _be_ with you all.\n Amen.\n\n21. _The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ |be| with you all. Amen._ The\nusual benediction of the sacred writers. See Notes on Ro. xvi. 20.\n\n\n GLASGOW: W. G. BLACKIE AND CO., PRINTERS, VILLAFIELD.\n\n\n\n\n Footnotes.\n\n\n 1 \u2013 \u201c_The Apocalypse of St. John_, or Prophecy of the Rise,\n Progress, and Fall of the Church of Rome; the Inquisition;\n the Revolution in France; a Universal War, and the final\n triumph of Christianity: being a new interpretation, by the\n Rev. George Croly, A.M., H.R.S.L.\u201d\n\n 2 \u2013 P. 192.\n\n 3 \u2013 Moses Stuart.\n\n 4 \u2013 See Supplementary Notes on Heb. vii.\n\n 5 \u2013 Author\u2019s Preface, p. vi.\n\n 6 \u2013 Stuart on Apocalypse, p. 170, Edinburgh, 1847.\n\n 7 \u2013 This view of the great philologist has deservedly met with\n indignant censure, both in this country and in America.\n \u201cWe confess,\u201d says Dr. Beecher of Boston, \u201cthat this whole\n effort to force Nero into chap. xvii. as the wounded beast,\n savours too much of that German infidelity that regards\n John as little better than a soothsayer himself, and\n does not hesitate to affirm that he believes the rumours\n concerning Nero. Professor Stuart of course abandons this\n ground, and yet he avers that John spoke as if he believed\n it. This theory is perfectly consistent in the hands of\n one who denies the inspiration of John, but it cannot be\n so grafted on the tree of true Christian interpretation as\n to appear like one of its true and genuine branches\u201d (_Bib.\n Repos._, 1847, p. 296). So also Elliott with still greater\n severity, vol. iv. p. 548.\n\n 8 \u2013 \u201cThe first of these two counter schemes is the\n _Preterists\u2019_, which would have the prophecy stop\n altogether short of the Popedom, explaining it of the\n catastrophes, one or both, of the _Jewish nation_ and\n _Pagan Rome_; the second, the _Futurists\u2019_, which would\n have it all shoot over the head of the Popedom into times\n yet future\u201d (Elliott, iv. 529). The first of these schemes\n originated with the Jesuit _Alcassar_ in A.D. 1614; the\n other with the Jesuit _Ribera_ in A.D. 1585; and it is not\n a little remarkable, that both originated in the\n necessities of the Papal cause, oppressed by Protestant\n interpreters.\n\n 9 \u2013 _Hierophant_, p. 242.\n\n 10 \u2013 Compare Stuart on Apocalypse, Excursus v., with Davidson\u2019s\n _Introduction_, vol. iii. pp. 513, 514. Dr. D. justly\n complains in his preface of being charged by Mr. Elliott\n with the sin of copying Stuart. Besides the difference\n mentioned above, there is between the two a difference\n in regard to the entire scheme of interpretation, Dr. D.\n condemning the Preterist scheme, of which Professor\n Stuart is perhaps the ablest supporter. The theory which\n the latter has put forth on the witnesses meets with\n unequivocal condemnation in the pages of the former.\n Dr. D. himself, in the meantime, seems to have no scheme\n of interpretation. After remarking on the Preterist,\n Continuous, and Futurist scheme, he says very candidly,\n \u201cwe feel disinclined to support any of the rival\n hypotheses till they be better supported\u201d (vol. iii.\n p. 627).\n\n 11 \u2013 _Introduction to the New Testament_, by Samuel\n Davidson, D.D., vol. iii. p. 513.\n\n 12 \u2013 Elliott, iv. 419.\n\n 13 \u2013 Harduin, ix. 1808; in Elliott, ii. p. 83.\n\n 14 \u2013 P. 424, _et seq._\n\n 15 \u2013 _Hierophant_, p. 245.\n\n 16 \u2013 Reply to Cunninghame.\n\n 17 \u2013 Gen. xl., xli.\n\n 18 \u2013 Davidson\u2019s _Introduction_, vol. iii. p. 520.\n\n 19 \u2013 P. 343.\n\n 20 \u2013 _Commentary on Apocalypse_, p. 790, Edinburgh, 1848; where\n also are cited the following passages expressly from the\n prophetic books: Ezek. xxix. 11, 12; Jonah iii. 4; Isa.\n vii. 8; xvi. 4; Jer. xxvii., xxix.\n\n 21 \u2013 Stuart\u2019s _Apocalypse_, p. 791.\n\n 22 \u2013 Dan. x. 2, 3.\n\n 23 \u2013 _Hierophant_, p. 252.\n\n 24 \u2013 Elliott, however, refuses to except the \u201cseven times\u201d\n specified in Nebuchadnezzar\u2019s vision from the category of\n chronological prophecies to which the Year-day principle\n is to be applied. He regards the monarch as the mystical\n representative of the Assyrian empire, and Babylon,\n governed by him. \u201cFor my own part,\u201d says he, \u201cconsidering\n the extraordinary nature of the judgment\u2015\u2015the fact of\n its being so fully recorded by Daniel\u2015\u2015the circumstance\n of Nebuchadnezzar being addressed on occasion of another\n prophecy as the representative of his nation (\u2018thou art\n that head of gold\u2019), and that of the symbolic tree, when\n cut down, being bound with a band of _brass_ and _iron_,\n the metals significant of the _Greek_ and _Roman empires_,\n which for ages held sway over the prostrate region of\n Babylon; all these considerations, united with that of\n the prediction that _Assyria_ specifically is to recover\n in the latter day from its apostasy (Isa. xix. 24, 25),\n induce me to believe that Nebuchadnezzar\u2019s insanity and\n degradation typified that of his empire in its apostasy\n from God; and the _seven times_ 360 _days_ that passed\n over him in that state, the _seven times_ 360, or 2520\n _years_ that would have to be completed, ere Assyria\u2019s\n recovery to a sound mind, at the termination of the _times\n of the Gentiles_.\u201d At the same time Mr. Elliott does not\n deny the application of the prediction to Nebuchadnezzar\n as an individual, and remarks, that it is not an uncommon\n circumstance \u201cfor an individual person to be made the\n subject of a prefigurative vision, and yet himself to\n prefigure in that very action or character something\n future.\u201d If, then, we admit the truth of this\n representation, and set aside Dan. x. 2, 3 as not a\n prediction at all, both the passages insisted on by\n Professor Stuart are in this way removed from the list of\n exceptions.\n\n 25 \u2013 _Elements of Prophecy_, p. 375, and _Hor\u00e6 Apocalyp._,\n vol. iii. p. 250.\n\n 26 \u2013 Chap. xiii. 25; xiv. 34.\n\n 27 \u2013 _Introduction_, p. 518.\n\n 28 \u2013 Ezek. iv. 4\u20126.\n\n 29 \u2013 Stuart\u2019s _Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy_,\n pp. 76, 78; _Apocalypse_, Excursus v.\n\n 30 \u2013 Davidson\u2019s _Introduction_, vol. iii. p. 519.\n\n 31 \u2013 _Hierophant_, pp. 247, 248.\n\n 32 \u2013 Chap. xx. 2, 3.\n\n 33 \u2013 Davidson\u2019s _Introduction_, vol. iii. p. 522.\n\n 34 \u2013 J. A. Alexander, _in loco_.\n\n 35 \u2013 See the _Critici Sacri_, Scott, Barnes, Alexander, &c.\n\n 36 \u2013 Dan. ix. 24\u201227.\n\n 37 \u2013 Tyso, Govett, and Todd.\n\n 38 \u2013 _Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy_, p. 79.\n\n 39 \u2013 _Hierophant_, p. 250.\n\n 40 \u2013 Davidson\u2019s _Introduction_, vol. iii. p. 515.\n\n 41 \u2013 Mede\u2019s _Works_, book iii. chap. ix. p. 599.\n\n 42 \u2013 Gen. xxix. 27, 28; Lev. xii. 5; Exod. xxxiv. 22; Deut.\n xvi. 9, twice, and 10; Jer. v. 24; Deut. xvi. 16; 2 Chron.\n viii. 13; Num. xxviii. 26.\n\n 43 \u2013 Gesenius\u2019 _Lexicon_.\n\n 44 \u2013 See margin.\n\n 45 \u2013 Chap. ix. 5\u201210.\n\n 46 \u2013 Chap. ix. 15.\n\n 47 \u2013 _Hor\u00e6 Apocalyp._, vol. i. p. 489.\n\n 48 \u2013 Chap. xi. 2.\n\n 49 \u2013 Chap. xi. 3, 11.\n\n 50 \u2013 Chap. xii. 6, 14.\n\n 51 \u2013 _Elements of Prophecy_, p. 382.\n\n 52 \u2013 Chap. xiii. 5.\n\n 53 \u2013 Compare chap. xiii. with xix. 19, 20.\n\n 54 \u2013 vii. 25; xii. 7.\n\n 55 \u2013 Stuart\u2019s _Commentary_.\n\n 56 \u2013 Stuart, in the _Bibliotheca Sacra_, pp. 353, 354.\n\n 57 \u2013 Lu. 11:28.\n\n 58 \u2013 Ja. 5:8, 9; 1 Pe. 4:7.\n\n 59 \u2013 ver. 11.\n\n 60 \u2013 ver. 8.\n\n 61 \u2013 ch. 3:1; 4:5; Zec. 4:10.\n\n 62 \u2013 Jn. 8:14.\n\n 63 \u2013 Col. 1:18.\n\n 64 \u2013 Jn. 13:1.\n\n 65 \u2013 He. 9:14.\n\n 66 \u2013 Ex. 19:6; 1 Pe. 2:5\u20129.\n\n 67 \u2013 He. 13:21.\n\n 68 \u2013 Da. 7:13; Mat. 26:64.\n\n 69 \u2013 Zec. 12:10.\n\n 70 \u2013 Mat. 24:30.\n\n 71 \u2013 ch. 22:20.\n\n 72 \u2013 Is. 41:4.\n\n 73 \u2013 Is. 9:6.\n\n 74 \u2013 2 Co. 12:2.\n\n 75 \u2013 Jn. 20:26; Ac. 20:7; 1 Co. 16:2.\n\n 76 \u2013 ch. 2:1.\n\n 77 \u2013 ch. 2:8.\n\n 78 \u2013 ch. 2:12.\n\n 79 \u2013 ch. 2:18.\n\n 80 \u2013 ch. 3:1.\n\n 81 \u2013 ch. 3:7.\n\n 82 \u2013 ch. 3:14.\n\n 83 \u2013 Ex. 25:37; Zec. 4:2.\n\n 84 \u2013 Eze. 1:26\u201228; Da. 7:9, 13; 10:5, 6.\n\n 85 \u2013 ch. 2:18; 19:12.\n\n 86 \u2013 Eze. 1:7.\n\n 87 \u2013 Eze. 43:2.\n\n 88 \u2013 Is. 49:2; He. 4:12.\n\n 89 \u2013 ch. 10:1; Ac. 26:13.\n\n 90 \u2013 Ro. 6:9.\n\n 91 \u2013 ch. 20:1, 2; Ps. 68:20.\n\n 92 \u2013 ver. 16.\n\n 93 \u2013 Mat. 5:15, 16.\n\n 94 \u2013 ch. 1:16, 20.\n\n 95 \u2013 ver. 9, 13, 19; ch. 3:1, 8, 15; Ps. 1:6.\n\n 96 \u2013 1 Jn. 4:1.\n\n 97 \u2013 2 Co. 11:13.\n\n 98 \u2013 Ga. 6:9.\n\n 99 \u2013 Je. 2:2, 3.\n\n 100 \u2013 Mat. 21:41, 43.\n\n 101 \u2013 ver. 15.\n\n 102 \u2013 ver. 11, 17, 29; Mat. 11:15.\n\n 103 \u2013 ch. 22:2, 14; Ge. 2:9.\n\n 104 \u2013 ch. 1:8, 17.\n\n 105 \u2013 1 Ti. 6:18.\n\n 106 \u2013 Ro. 2:28, 29.\n\n 107 \u2013 ch. 3:9.\n\n 108 \u2013 Mat. 10:22.\n\n 109 \u2013 Ja. 1:12.\n\n 110 \u2013 ch. 20:14.\n\n 111 \u2013 ch. 1:16.\n\n 112 \u2013 ver. 9.\n\n 113 \u2013 2 Ti. 2:12.\n\n 114 \u2013 Nu. 31:16.\n\n 115 \u2013 Ac. 15:29.\n\n 116 \u2013 1 Co. 6:13, 18.\n\n 117 \u2013 Is. 11:4.\n\n 118 \u2013 ver. 7; ch. 3:6, 13, 22.\n\n 119 \u2013 Ps. 25:14.\n\n 120 \u2013 ch. 3:12; 19:12, 13; Is. 56:4, 5; 65:15.\n\n 121 \u2013 1 Co. 2:14.\n\n 122 \u2013 ch. 1:14, 15.\n\n 123 \u2013 ver. 2.\n\n 124 \u2013 1 Ki. 16:31.\n\n 125 \u2013 Ex. 34:15; 1 Co. 10:20, 28.\n\n 126 \u2013 Ro. 2:4; 2 Pe. 3:9.\n\n 127 \u2013 ch. 9:20.\n\n 128 \u2013 Eze. 16:37; 23:29.\n\n 129 \u2013 ch. 6:8.\n\n 130 \u2013 Zep. 1:11.\n\n 131 \u2013 1 Ch. 28:9; 2 Ch. 6:30; Ps. 7:9; Je. 17:10.\n\n 132 \u2013 Ps. 62:12.\n\n 133 \u2013 2 Th. 2:9\u201212.\n\n 134 \u2013 ch. 3:11.\n\n 135 \u2013 ver. 7, 11, 17; ch. 3:5, 12, 21; 21:7.\n\n 136 \u2013 Jn. 6:29; Ja. 2:20.\n\n 137 \u2013 Ps. 49:14; 149:5\u20129.\n\n 138 \u2013 Ps. 2:9.\n\n 139 \u2013 ch. 22:16.\n\n 140 \u2013 ch. 5:6.\n\n 141 \u2013 ch. 2:2, &c.\n\n 142 \u2013 1 Ti. 5:6.\n\n 143 \u2013 ch. 2:5.\n\n 144 \u2013 Da. 5:27.\n\n 145 \u2013 He. 2:1.\n\n 146 \u2013 ver. 19.\n\n 147 \u2013 ch. 16:15.\n\n 148 \u2013 ch. 7:9; 19:8.\n\n 149 \u2013 ch. 17:8.\n\n 150 \u2013 Lu. 12:8.\n\n 151 \u2013 Ac. 3:14.\n\n 152 \u2013 1 Jn. 5:20.\n\n 153 \u2013 Is. 22:22.\n\n 154 \u2013 Job 12:14.\n\n 155 \u2013 1 Co. 16:9.\n\n 156 \u2013 ch. 2:9.\n\n 157 \u2013 Is. 60:14.\n\n 158 \u2013 2 Pe. 2:9.\n\n 159 \u2013 Zep. 1:14.\n\n 160 \u2013 ver. 3.\n\n 161 \u2013 ch. 21:2, 10.\n\n 162 \u2013 or, _in Laodicea_.\n\n 163 \u2013 Is. 65:16.\n\n 164 \u2013 1 Ki. 18:21.\n\n 165 \u2013 Ho. 12:8.\n\n 166 \u2013 Is. 55:1.\n\n 167 \u2013 ch. 16:15.\n\n 168 \u2013 He. 12:5, 6.\n\n 169 \u2013 Ca. 5:2; Lu. 12:36.\n\n 170 \u2013 Jn. 14:23.\n\n 171 \u2013 ch. 12:11; 1 Jn. 5:4, 5.\n\n 172 \u2013 Lu. 22:30.\n\n 173 \u2013 Jn. 16:33.\n\n 174 \u2013 ch. 2:7.\n\n 175 \u2013 ch. 1:10.\n\n 176 \u2013 ch. 11:12.\n\n 177 \u2013 ch. 17:3; 21:10; Eze. 3:12\u201214.\n\n 178 \u2013 Is. 6:1; Je. 17:12; Eze. 1:26, 28.\n\n 179 \u2013 Da. 7:9; He. 8:1.\n\n 180 \u2013 ch. 11:16.\n\n 181 \u2013 ch. 3:4, 5.\n\n 182 \u2013 ver. 10.\n\n 183 \u2013 ch. 8:5; 16:18.\n\n 184 \u2013 Ge. 15:17; Ex. 37:23; Zec. 4:2.\n\n 185 \u2013 ch. 1:4.\n\n 186 \u2013 ch. 15:2.\n\n 187 \u2013 Eze. 1:5, &c.; 10:14.\n\n 188 \u2013 Is. 6:2, &c.\n\n 189 \u2013 _have no rest._\n\n 190 \u2013 ch. 5:14.\n\n 191 \u2013 ver. 4.\n\n 192 \u2013 ch. 5:12.\n\n 193 \u2013 Col. 1:16.\n\n 194 \u2013 Eze. 2:9, 10.\n\n 195 \u2013 Is. 29:11.\n\n 196 \u2013 Ge. 49:9, 10; Nu. 24:9; He. 7:14.\n\n 197 \u2013 ch. 22:16; Is. 11:1, 10.\n\n 198 \u2013 Is. 53:7; Jn. 1:29, 36.\n\n 199 \u2013 Zec. 4:10.\n\n 200 \u2013 ch. 4:4, 8, 10.\n\n 201 \u2013 ch. 15:2.\n\n 202 \u2013 or, _incense_.\n\n 203 \u2013 Ps. 141:2.\n\n 204 \u2013 ch. 14:3.\n\n 205 \u2013 Ac. 20:28; Ep. 1:7; He. 9:12; 1 Pe. 1:18, 19.\n\n 206 \u2013 ch. 7:9.\n\n 207 \u2013 ch. 1:6.\n\n 208 \u2013 ch. 22:5.\n\n 209 \u2013 Da. 7:10; He. 12:22.\n\n 210 \u2013 ch. 4:11.\n\n 211 \u2013 Phi. 2:10.\n\n 212 \u2013 1 Ch. 29:11; 1 Ti. 6:16; 1 Pe. 4:11.\n\n 213 \u2013 ch. 19:4.\n\n 214 \u2013 ch. 5:5.\n\n 215 \u2013 Zec. 6:3, &c.\n\n 216 \u2013 Ps. 45:3\u20125.\n\n 217 \u2013 The word _ch\u0153nix_ signifieth a measure containing one wine\n quart, and the twelfth part of a quart.\n\n 218 \u2013 ch. 9:4.\n\n 219 \u2013 or, _to him_.\n\n 220 \u2013 Eze. 14:21.\n\n 221 \u2013 ch. 8:3.\n\n 222 \u2013 ch. 20:4.\n\n 223 \u2013 ch. 1:9; 12:17.\n\n 224 \u2013 Zec. 1:12.\n\n 225 \u2013 ch. 11:18; De. 32:41\u201243.\n\n 226 \u2013 ch. 7:9, 14.\n\n 227 \u2013 ch. 14:13.\n\n 228 \u2013 He. 11:40.\n\n 229 \u2013 ch. 16:18.\n\n 230 \u2013 Joel 2:10, 31; 3:15.\n\n 231 \u2013 ch. 8:10.\n\n 232 \u2013 or, _green_.\n\n 233 \u2013 Ps. 102:26; Is. 34:4.\n\n 234 \u2013 ch. 16:20; Je. 4:23, 24; Hab. 3:6, 10.\n\n 235 \u2013 Is. 2:19.\n\n 236 \u2013 ch. 9:6; Ho. 10:8; Lu. 23:30.\n\n 237 \u2013 ch. 16:14; Is. 13:6, &c.; Zep. 1:14, &c.\n\n 238 \u2013 Ps. 76:7.\n\n 239 \u2013 Da. 7:2.\n\n 240 \u2013 2 Ti. 2:19.\n\n 241 \u2013 ch. 6:6.\n\n 242 \u2013 Eze. 9:4.\n\n 243 \u2013 ch. 22:4.\n\n 244 \u2013 ch. 14:1.\n\n 245 \u2013 ch. 5:9; Ro. 11:25.\n\n 246 \u2013 ch. 6:11.\n\n 247 \u2013 Le. 23:40.\n\n 248 \u2013 Zec. 4:7.\n\n 249 \u2013 ch. 19:1; Is. 43:11.\n\n 250 \u2013 ch. 5:13, 14; Jude 25.\n\n 251 \u2013 ch. 6:9; Jn. 16:33.\n\n 252 \u2013 1 Co. 6:11; He. 9:14.\n\n 253 \u2013 ch. 1:5; 1 Jn. 1:7.\n\n 254 \u2013 ch. 21:3, 4.\n\n 255 \u2013 Is. 49:10.\n\n 256 \u2013 Ps. 121:6; Is. 4:6.\n\n 257 \u2013 Ps. 23:1, 2, 5; 36:8; Is. 40:11.\n\n 258 \u2013 Is. 25:8.\n\n 259 \u2013 ch. 5:1.\n\n 260 \u2013 Lu. 1:19.\n\n 261 \u2013 2 Ch. 29:25\u201228.\n\n 262 \u2013 or, _add |it| to_.\n\n 263 \u2013 ch. 5:8.\n\n 264 \u2013 ch. 6:9.\n\n 265 \u2013 Ex. 30:1.\n\n 266 \u2013 or, _upon_.\n\n 267 \u2013 ch. 16:18.\n\n 268 \u2013 2 Sa. 22:8.\n\n 269 \u2013 Eze. 38:22.\n\n 270 \u2013 Is. 2:13.\n\n 271 \u2013 Ingentem meminit parvo qui germine quercum\n \u00c6qu\u00e6vumque videt consenuisse nemus.\n A neighbouring wood born with himself he sees\n And loves his old contemporary trees.\u2015\u2015COWLEY.\n\n 272 \u2013 Je. 51:25.\n\n 273 \u2013 Am. 7:4.\n\n 274 \u2013 ch. 16:3, &c.; Ex. 7:19\u201221.\n\n 275 \u2013 ch. 9:1; Is. 14:12.\n\n 276 \u2013 De. 29:18; Am. 5:7; He. 12:15.\n\n 277 \u2013 Ex. 15:23; Jer. 9:15; 23:15.\n\n 278 \u2013 Is. 13:10; Je. 4:23; Eze. 32:7, 8; Joel 2:10; Am. 8:9.\n\n 279 \u2013 \u201cIf we were called on to fix a period most calamitous,\n it would be that from the death of Theodosius to the\n establishment of the Lombards\u201d (_Charles V_ pp. 11, 12).\n\n 280 \u2013 ch. 14:6.\n\n 281 \u2013 ch. 8:10; Lu. 10:18.\n\n 282 \u2013 ch. 17:8; 20:1.\n\n 283 \u2013 Joel 2:2.\n\n 284 \u2013 Ex. 10:4, &c.\n\n 285 \u2013 ver. 10.\n\n 286 \u2013 ch. 6:6.\n\n 287 \u2013 ch. 7:3; Ex. 12:23; Job 2:6; Eze. 9:4.\n\n 288 \u2013 Job 3:21; Je. 8:3.\n\n 289 \u2013 Joel 2:4.\n\n 290 \u2013 Na. 3:17.\n\n 291 \u2013 Da. 7:4, 8.\n\n 292 \u2013 Ps. 57:4; Joel 1:6.\n\n 293 \u2013 Na. 2:4.\n\n 294 \u2013 ver. 5.\n\n 295 \u2013 Ep. 2:2.\n\n 296 \u2013 That is, _a destroyer_.\n\n 297 \u2013 F\u0153mineas incisas facies pr\u00e6ferentes, virorum et bene\n barbatorum fugientia terga confodiunt.\n\n 298 \u2013 ch. 8:13.\n\n 299 \u2013 ch. 16:12; Ge. 2:14; Je. 51:63.\n\n 300 \u2013 or, _at_.\n\n 301 \u2013 ch. 8:7\u20129.\n\n 302 \u2013 Eze. 38:4; Da. 11:40.\n\n 303 \u2013 Ps. 68:17.\n\n 304 \u2013 ch. 7:4.\n\n 305 \u2013 1 Ch. 12:8; Is. 5:28, 29.\n\n 306 \u2013 Is. 9:15; Ep. 4:14.\n\n 307 \u2013 Je. 5:3; 8:6.\n\n 308 \u2013 Le. 17:7; 1 Co. 10:20.\n\n 309 \u2013 Ps. 135:15; Is. 40:19, 20.\n\n 310 \u2013 ch. 22:15.\n\n 311 \u2013 \u201cAs the Julian year equalled 365 days 6 hours, the\n Apocalyptic period would, on the year-day principle,\n be in amount as follows:\u2015\u2015\n A year = 365-1/4 days = 365 years + 1/4 of a year.\n A month = 30 days = 30 years.\n A day = = 1 year.\n -----\n 396 years.\n 1/4 of a prophetic day or year (left out above)\n = 91-1/4 days.\n An hour = 1/24 of a prophetic day or year = 15-1/6 days.\n Total = years 396 + 106 days.\u201d\n Elliott, i. p. 496.\n\n 312 \u2013 Mandat Chalifa tu\u00e6 cur\u00e6 omne id terrarum quod Deus ejus\n cur\u00e6 et imperio commisit; tibique civium piorum, fidelium,\n Deum colentium, tutclam sublocatorio nomine demandat.\n\n 313 \u2013 In the Hereford Discussion, between the Rev. J. Venn and\n Rev. James Waterworth, it was admitted by the latter, an\n able and learned Romish priest, that Bonaventura\u2019s Psalter\n to the Virgin Mary, turning the addresses to God into\n addresses to the Virgin, was _blasphemy_ (Elliott, ii. 25).\n\n 314 \u2013 Romanus Pontifex viros claros, et qui sanctimoni\u00e2\n floruerunt, et eorum exigentibus clarissimis meritis\n aliorum sanctorum numero aggregari mereritur\u2015\u2015inter\n sanctos pr\u00e6dictos debet collocare, et ut sanctos ab\n omnibus Christi fidelibus _coli_, _venerari_, et ADORARI\n mandare.\n\n 315 \u2013 \u201cIf you wish to see the horrors of these ages\u201d (the Middle\n Ages), says Chateaubriand, _Dict. Hist._ tom. iii. 420,\n \u201cread the _Councils_.\u201d\n\n 316 \u2013 His character is told in the well-known epigram\u2015\u2015\n Octo _nocens_ pueros genuit, totidemque puellas:\n Hunc merito potuit dicere Roma _patrem_.\n\n 317 \u2013 Eze. 1:28.\n\n 318 \u2013 ch. 1:15, 16; Mat. 17:2.\n\n 319 \u2013 For the proof of this, see Elliott, ii. 92.\n\n 320 \u2013 ch. 8:5; 14:2.\n\n 321 \u2013 Da. 8:26; 12:4, 9.\n\n 322 \u2013 Ex. 6:8; De. 32:40.\n\n 323 \u2013 ch. 14:7; Ne. 9:6.\n\n 324 \u2013 Da. 12:6, 7.\n\n 325 \u2013 ch. 11:15.\n\n 326 \u2013 Ro. 11:25; Ep. 3:5\u20129.\n\n 327 \u2013 ver. 4.\n\n 328 \u2013 Eze. 3:1\u20123, 14.\n\n 329 \u2013 ch. 21:15; Zec. 2:1.\n\n 330 \u2013 Eze. xl.\u2012xlviii.\n\n 331 \u2013 Eze. 40:17\u201220.\n\n 332 \u2013 _cast out._\n\n 333 \u2013 Lu. 21:24.\n\n 334 \u2013 Da. 7:25.\n\n 335 \u2013 or, _give unto my two witnesses that they may prophesy_.\n\n 336 \u2013 Mat. 18:16.\n\n 337 \u2013 ch. 20:4.\n\n 338 \u2013 Is. 22:12.\n\n 339 \u2013 Je. 11:16; Zec. 4:3, 11, 14.\n\n 340 \u2013 ch. 1:20.\n\n 341 \u2013 Ps. 18:8.\n\n 342 \u2013 Nu. 16:35; Ho. 6:5.\n\n 343 \u2013 1 Ki. 17:1.\n\n 344 \u2013 Ex. 7:19.\n\n 345 \u2013 ch. 17:8.\n\n 346 \u2013 Da. 7:21; Zec. 14:2, &c.\n\n 347 \u2013 He. 13:12.\n\n 348 \u2013 Is. 1:10.\n\n 349 \u2013 Ex. 20:2.\n\n 350 \u2013 Ps. 79:3.\n\n 351 \u2013 Eze. 37:5\u201214.\n\n 352 \u2013 1 Th. 4:17.\n\n 353 \u2013 Mal. 3:18.\n\n 354 \u2013 ch. 16:19.\n\n 355 \u2013 _names of men._\n\n 356 \u2013 ch. 14:7; Is. 26:15, 16.\n\n 357 \u2013 ch. 8:13.\n\n 358 \u2013 \u201cAn old Welsh Chronicle preserved at Cambridge says,\n \u2018After that by means of Austin the Saxons became\n Christians, in such sort as Austin had taught them, the\n Britons would not either eat or drink with or salute them;\n because they corrupted with _superstition_, _images_, and\n _idolatry_, the true religion of Christ.\u2019\u201d Cited in\n Hearn\u2019_Man of Sin_, p. 21.\u2015\u2015Elliott.\n\n 359 \u2013 ch. 10:7.\n\n 360 \u2013 ch. 12:10.\n\n 361 \u2013 Da. 2:44; 7:14, 18:27.\n\n 362 \u2013 ch. 4:4.\n\n 363 \u2013 ch. 16:5.\n\n 364 \u2013 ch. 19:6\n\n 365 \u2013 ver. 9.\n\n 366 \u2013 He. 9:27.\n\n 367 \u2013 ch. 22:12.\n\n 368 \u2013 ch. 19:5.\n\n 369 \u2013 or, _corrupt_.\n\n 370 \u2013 ch. 15:5, 8.\n\n 371 \u2013 ch. 8:5.\n\n 372 \u2013 ch. 16:18, 21.\n\n 373 \u2013 or, _sign_.\n\n 374 \u2013 Is. 54:6.\n\n 375 \u2013 Ps. 84:11; Mal. 4:2.\n\n 376 \u2013 or, _sign_.\n\n 377 \u2013 ver. 9.\n\n 378 \u2013 Is. 9:15.\n\n 379 \u2013 Is. 7:14.\n\n 380 \u2013 Ps. 2:9.\n\n 381 \u2013 ch. 11:3.\n\n 382 \u2013 Ge. 3:1, 4.\n\n 383 \u2013 Jn. 8:44.\n\n 384 \u2013 Zec. 3:1.\n\n 385 \u2013 ch. 11:15.\n\n 386 \u2013 Ro. 8:33, 37.\n\n 387 \u2013 Lu. 14:26.\n\n 388 \u2013 Ps. 96:11; Is. 49:13.\n\n 389 \u2013 ch. 8:13.\n\n 390 \u2013 ch. 10:6.\n\n 391 \u2013 Is. 40:31.\n\n 392 \u2013 An affecting instance of this kind\u2015\u2015perhaps one of many\n cases that existed\u2015\u2015is mentioned by D\u2019Aubign\u00e9 (book i. p.\n 79, Eng. trans.), which came to light on the pulling down,\n in the year 1776, of an old building that had formed a\n part of the Carthusian convent at Basle. A poor Carthusian\n brother, by the name of Martin, had written the following\n confession, which he had placed in a wooden box, and\n inclosed in a hole which he had made in the wall of his\n cell, where it was found:\u2015\u2015\u201cO most merciful God, I know\n that I can only be saved, and satisfy thy righteousness,\n by the merit, the innocent suffering, and death of thy\n well-beloved Son. Holy Jesus! my salvation is in thy hands.\n Thou canst not withdraw the hands of thy love from me; for\n they have created and redeemed me. Thou hast inscribed my\n name with a pen of iron in rich mercy, and so as nothing\n can efface it, on thy side, thy hands, and thy feet,\u201d &c.\n\n 393 \u2013 Is. 59:19.\n\n 394 \u2013 Ge. 3:15.\n\n 395 \u2013 Da. 7:2, &c.\n\n 396 \u2013 ch. 12:3; 17:3, 9, 12.\n\n 397 \u2013 or, _names_.\n\n 398 \u2013 Da. 7:4\u20127.\n\n 399 \u2013 ch. 12:9.\n\n 400 \u2013 ch. 16:10.\n\n 401 \u2013 _slain._\n\n 402 \u2013 ch. 17:8.\n\n 403 \u2013 ch. 17:14.\n\n 404 \u2013 Da. 7:8, 11, 25; 11:36.\n\n 405 \u2013 _make war._\n\n 406 \u2013 ch. 11:2, 3; 12:6.\n\n 407 \u2013 Col. 2:9; He. 9:11, 24.\n\n 408 \u2013 He. 12:22, 23.\n\n 409 \u2013 ch. 11:7; 12:17; Da. 7:21.\n\n 410 \u2013 Lu. 4:6.\n\n 411 \u2013 ch. 21:27; Da. 12:1.\n\n 412 \u2013 ch. 17:8.\n\n 413 \u2013 Is. 33:1.\n\n 414 \u2013 Ge. 9:6.\n\n 415 \u2013 He. 6:12.\n\n 416 \u2013 ch. 11:7.\n\n 417 \u2013 ver. 3.\n\n 418 \u2013 Mat. 24:24; 2 Th. 2:9, 10.\n\n 419 \u2013 ver. 3, 12.\n\n 420 \u2013 _breath._\n\n 421 \u2013 ch. 16:2\n\n 422 \u2013 _give them._\n\n 423 \u2013 Among the Romans, slaves were stigmatized with the\n master\u2019s name or mark on their foreheads. So Valerius\n Maximus speaks of the custom for slaves, \u201cliterarum\n notis inuri;\u201d and Plautus calls the slave \u201cliteratus.\u201d\n Ambrose (_De Obit. Valentin._) says, Charactere Domini\n inscribuntur servuli. Petronius mentions the forehead as\n the place of the mark; Servitia ecce in frontibus cernitis.\n In many cases, soldiers bore the emperor\u2019s name or mark\n imprinted on the hand. Actius says, Stigmata vocant\n qu\u00e6 in facie, vel in ali\u00e2 parte corporis, inscribuntur;\n qualia sunt militum in manibus. So Ambrose says, Nomine\n imperatoris signantur milites. Comp. Notes on Gal. vi. 17.\n\n 424 \u2013 ch. 15:2.\n\n 425 \u2013 ch. 5:12.\n\n 426 \u2013 ch. 7:4.\n\n 427 \u2013 ch. 3:12.\n\n 428 \u2013 ch. 19:6.\n\n 429 \u2013 ch. 5:8, 9.\n\n 430 \u2013 ch. 15:3.\n\n 431 \u2013 ver. 1.\n\n 432 \u2013 Ca. 1:3; 6:8; 2 Co. 11:2.\n\n 433 \u2013 Jn. 10:27.\n\n 434 \u2013 bought, 1 Co. 6:20.\n\n 435 \u2013 Ja. 1:18.\n\n 436 \u2013 Ps. 32:2.\n\n 437 \u2013 Ep. 5:27; Jude 24.\n\n 438 \u2013 2 Sa. 23:5; Is. 40:8.\n\n 439 \u2013 Ep. 3:9.\n\n 440 \u2013 ch. 15:4.\n\n 441 \u2013 ch. 18:2, 3; Is. 21:9; Je. 51:7, 8.\n\n 442 \u2013 ch. 13:14\u201216.\n\n 443 \u2013 Ps. 75:8.\n\n 444 \u2013 ch. 19:20.\n\n 445 \u2013 Is. 34:10.\n\n 446 \u2013 Is. 57:20, 21.\n\n 447 \u2013 1 Th. 4:14, 16.\n\n 448 \u2013 or, _from henceforth saith the Spirit, Yea_.\n\n 449 \u2013 Eze. 1:26; Da. 7:13.\n\n 450 \u2013 Joel 3:13.\n\n 451 \u2013 Je. 51:33; Mat. 13:39.\n\n 452 \u2013 or, _dried_.\n\n 453 \u2013 ver. 15.\n\n 454 \u2013 ch. 19:15.\n\n 455 \u2013 Is. 63:3.\n\n 456 \u2013 He. 13:11, 12.\n\n 457 \u2013 Is. 34:7.\n\n 458 \u2013 ch. 19:14.\n\n 459 \u2013 ch. 14:10.\n\n 460 \u2013 ch. 4:6.\n\n 461 \u2013 Is. 4:4, 5.\n\n 462 \u2013 ch. 13:15\u201217.\n\n 463 \u2013 ch. 14:2.\n\n 464 \u2013 Ex. 15:1\u201219; De. 32:1\u201243.\n\n 465 \u2013 ch. 14:3.\n\n 466 \u2013 Ho. 14:9.\n\n 467 \u2013 or, _nations_, or _ages_, ch. 17:14.\n\n 468 \u2013 Je. 10:7.\n\n 469 \u2013 1 Sa. 2:2.\n\n 470 \u2013 Is. 45:23.\n\n 471 \u2013 ch. 11:19.\n\n 472 \u2013 Is. 6:4.\n\n 473 \u2013 Ps. 29:9.\n\n 474 \u2013 ch. 15:1, 7.\n\n 475 \u2013 ch. 8:7.\n\n 476 \u2013 Ex. 9:8\u201211.\n\n 477 \u2013 ch. 13:15\u201217.\n\n 478 \u2013 ch. 8:8.\n\n 479 \u2013 Ex. 7:17\u201220.\n\n 480 \u2013 ch. 8:10.\n\n 481 \u2013 ver. 7.\n\n 482 \u2013 De. 32:42, 43; Is. 49:26.\n\n 483 \u2013 ch. 15:3; 19:2.\n\n 484 \u2013 ch. 8:12.\n\n 485 \u2013 ch. 9:17.\n\n 486 \u2013 or, _burned_.\n\n 487 \u2013 ver. 11, 21.\n\n 488 \u2013 ch. 9:20; Da. 5:22, 23.\n\n 489 \u2013 ch. 13:2\u20124.\n\n 490 \u2013 ch. 9:2.\n\n 491 \u2013 ver. 2.\n\n 492 \u2013 In this connection, I may insert here the remarkable\n calculation of Robert Fleming, in his work, entitled,\n _Apocalyptical Key_, or _The Pouring Out of the Vials_,\n first published in 1701. It is in the following words:\n \u2015\u2015\u201cThe fifth vial (ver. 10, 11), which is to be poured out\n _on the seat of the beast, or the dominions which more\n immediately belong to, and depend on, the Roman see; that,\n I say, this judgment will probably begin about the year\n 1794, and expire about A.D. 1848; or that the duration of\n it upon this supposition will be the space of fifty-four\n years_. For I do suppose that, seeing the pope received\n the title of Supreme Bishop no sooner than A.D. 606, he\n cannot be supposed to have any vial poured upon his seat\n immediately (so as to ruin his authority so signally as\n this judgment must be supposed to do) _until the year 1848,\n which is the date of the twelve hundred and sixty years in\n prophetical account, when they are reckoned from A.D. 606_.\n But yet we are not to imagine that this will totally\n destroy the Papacy (though it will exceedingly weaken it),\n for we find that still in being and alive when the next\n vial is poured out\u201d [pp. 124, 125, Cobbin\u2019s edition].\n It is a circumstance remarkably in accordance with this\n calculation, that in the year 1848 the pope was actually\n driven away to Gaeta, and that at the present time (1851)\n he is restored, though evidently with diminished power.\n\n 493 \u2013 ch. 9:14.\n\n 494 \u2013 Is. 42:15; Je. 50:38; 51:36.\n\n 495 \u2013 ch. 12:3, 9.\n\n 496 \u2013 ch. 13:2.\n\n 497 \u2013 ch. 19:20.\n\n 498 \u2013 1 Ti. 4:1.\n\n 499 \u2013 2 Th. 2:9.\n\n 500 \u2013 1 Jn. 5:19.\n\n 501 \u2013 ch. 19:19.\n\n 502 \u2013 2 Pe. 3:10.\n\n 503 \u2013 ch. 3:4, 18.\n\n 504 \u2013 ch. 21:6.\n\n 505 \u2013 ch. 11:13.\n\n 506 \u2013 Da. 12:1.\n\n 507 \u2013 ch. 14:8.\n\n 508 \u2013 Is. 51:17, 23; Je. 25:15, 16.\n\n 509 \u2013 ch. 6:14.\n\n 510 \u2013 ch. 11:19.\n\n 511 \u2013 ch. 19:2; Na. 3:4.\n\n 512 \u2013 Je. 51:13.\n\n 513 \u2013 ch. 18:3.\n\n 514 \u2013 ch. 12:3.\n\n 515 \u2013 ch. 13:1.\n\n 516 \u2013 _gilded._\n\n 517 \u2013 Je. 51:7.\n\n 518 \u2013 2 Th. 2:7.\n\n 519 \u2013 or, _fornications_.\n\n 520 \u2013 ch. 16:6.\n\n 521 \u2013 ver. 1.\n\n 522 \u2013 ver. 3.\n\n 523 \u2013 ch. 11:7.\n\n 524 \u2013 ver. 11.\n\n 525 \u2013 ch. 13:3, 8.\n\n 526 \u2013 ch. 13:1.\n\n 527 \u2013 Da. 7:20; Zec. 1:18\u201221.\n\n 528 \u2013 ch. 19:19.\n\n 529 \u2013 Je. 50:44.\n\n 530 \u2013 ch. 19:16; De. 10:17; 1 Ti. 6:15.\n\n 531 \u2013 Mi. 5:8, 9.\n\n 532 \u2013 Ro. 8:30, 37.\n\n 533 \u2013 Jn. 15:16.\n\n 534 \u2013 ch. 2:10.\n\n 535 \u2013 ver. 1; Is. 8:7.\n\n 536 \u2013 ch. 13:7.\n\n 537 \u2013 Je. 50:41, 42.\n\n 538 \u2013 Eze. 16:37\u201244.\n\n 539 \u2013 ch. 18:8, 18.\n\n 540 \u2013 Ac. 4:27, 28.\n\n 541 \u2013 ch. 10:7.\n\n 542 \u2013 ch. 16:19.\n\n 543 \u2013 Eze. 43:2.\n\n 544 \u2013 ch. 14:8; Is. 13:19; 21:9; Je. 51:8.\n\n 545 \u2013 ch. 17:2; Is. 34:11, 14; Je. 50:39; 51:37.\n\n 546 \u2013 Is. 47:15.\n\n 547 \u2013 ver. 11, 15.\n\n 548 \u2013 or, _power_.\n\n 549 \u2013 Is. 48:20; 52:11; Je. 50:8; 51:6, 45; 2 Co. 6:17.\n\n 550 \u2013 Je. 51:9.\n\n 551 \u2013 ch. 16:19.\n\n 552 \u2013 Ps. 137:8; Je. 50:15, 29.\n\n 553 \u2013 Is. 47:7\u201211; Zep. 2:15.\n\n 554 \u2013 ch. 17:16.\n\n 555 \u2013 Ps. 62:11; Je. 50:34.\n\n 556 \u2013 Eze. 26:16, 17.\n\n 557 \u2013 ver. 17, 19.\n\n 558 \u2013 Eze. 27:27\u201236.\n\n 559 \u2013 ch. 17:4.\n\n 560 \u2013 or, _sweet_.\n\n 561 \u2013 or, _bodies_.\n\n 562 \u2013 Eze. 27:13.\n\n 563 \u2013 Lu. 16:19, &c.\n\n 564 \u2013 Is. 23:14.\n\n 565 \u2013 Je. 51:37.\n\n 566 \u2013 Jos. 7:6; Job 2:12; Eze. 27:30.\n\n 567 \u2013 Je. 51:48.\n\n 568 \u2013 ch. 19:2; De. 32:43; Lu. 18:7, 8.\n\n 569 \u2013 Je. 51:64.\n\n 570 \u2013 Je. 25:10.\n\n 571 \u2013 Je. 7:34; 16:9; 33:11.\n\n 572 \u2013 Is. 23:8.\n\n 573 \u2013 2 Ki. 9:22; Na. 3:4.\n\n 574 \u2013 Je. 51:49.\n\n 575 \u2013 ch. 11:15.\n\n 576 \u2013 ver. 3, 4, 6.\n\n 577 \u2013 ch. 7:10, 12.\n\n 578 \u2013 ch. 16:7.\n\n 579 \u2013 ch. 18:20.\n\n 580 \u2013 ch. 18:9, 18; Is. 34:10.\n\n 581 \u2013 Ps. 135:1.\n\n 582 \u2013 Ps. 97:1, 12.\n\n 583 \u2013 Mat. 25:10.\n\n 584 \u2013 Is. 52:1.\n\n 585 \u2013 ch. 3:4; Is. 61:10.\n\n 586 \u2013 or, _bright_.\n\n 587 \u2013 Ps. 132:9.\n\n 588 \u2013 Lu. 14:15.\n\n 589 \u2013 ch. 3:20.\n\n 590 \u2013 ch. 22:6.\n\n 591 \u2013 ch. 22:8, 9.\n\n 592 \u2013 Ac. 10:43; 1 Pe. 1:10, 11.\n\n 593 \u2013 ch. 6:2.\n\n 594 \u2013 ch. 3:14.\n\n 595 \u2013 Ps. 45:3, 4; Is. 11:4.\n\n 596 \u2013 ch. 1:14; 2:18.\n\n 597 \u2013 ch. 6:2; Ca. 3:11; Is. 62:3; Zec. 9:16; He. 2:9.\n\n 598 \u2013 ch. 3:12.\n\n 599 \u2013 Jn. 1:1.\n\n 600 \u2013 Mat. 28:3.\n\n 601 \u2013 ch. 1:16.\n\n 602 \u2013 Ps. 2:9.\n\n 603 \u2013 Is. 63:3.\n\n 604 \u2013 ch. 17:14.\n\n 605 \u2013 Eze. 39:17\u201220.\n\n 606 \u2013 ch. 16:14, 16.\n\n 607 \u2013 ch. 16:13, 14.\n\n 608 \u2013 ch. 20:10; Da. 7:11.\n\n 609 \u2013 ver. 15; ch. 1:16.\n\n 610 \u2013 ver. 17, 18.\n\n 611 \u2013 ch. 1:18; 9:1.\n\n 612 \u2013 ch. 12:9.\n\n 613 \u2013 2 Pe. 2:4; Jude 6.\n\n 614 \u2013 Da. 6:17.\n\n 615 \u2013 Da. 7:9, 22, 27; Lu. 22:30.\n\n 616 \u2013 1 Co. 6:2, 3.\n\n 617 \u2013 ch. 6:9.\n\n 618 \u2013 ch. 5:10.\n\n 619 \u2013 ch. 2:11; 21:8.\n\n 620 \u2013 ch. 1:6; Is. 61:6.\n\n 621 \u2013 I have slightly abridged this passage, but have retained\n the sense.\n\n 622 \u2013 Eze. 38:2; 39:1.\n\n 623 \u2013 ch. 16:14.\n\n 624 \u2013 Is. 8:8; Eze. 38:9, 16.\n\n 625 \u2013 ch. 19:20.\n\n 626 \u2013 2 Pe. 3:10, 12.\n\n 627 \u2013 Da. 7:10.\n\n 628 \u2013 ch. 21:27; Da. 12:1.\n\n 629 \u2013 Je. 32:19; Mat. 16:27.\n\n 630 \u2013 _the grave._\n\n 631 \u2013 Ho. 13:14; 1 Co. 15:26, 54.\n\n 632 \u2013 Mat. 25:41.\n\n 633 \u2013 Is. 65:17\u201219; 66:22; 2 Pe. 3:13.\n\n 634 \u2013 Is. 52:1; He. 11:10; 12:22.\n\n 635 \u2013 Is. 54:5.\n\n 636 \u2013 Ps. 45:9\u201214.\n\n 637 \u2013 2 Co. 6:16.\n\n 638 \u2013 Zec. 8:8.\n\n 639 \u2013 ch. 7:17; Is. 25:8.\n\n 640 \u2013 1 Co. 15:26, 54.\n\n 641 \u2013 Is. 35:10.\n\n 642 \u2013 ch. 16:17.\n\n 643 \u2013 ch. 1:8; 22:1.\n\n 644 \u2013 ch. 22:17; Is. 55:1; Jn. 4:10, 14; 7:37.\n\n 645 \u2013 or, _these_.\n\n 646 \u2013 Lu. 12:4\u20129.\n\n 647 \u2013 1 Jn. 5:4, 10.\n\n 648 \u2013 1 Co. 6:9, 10.\n\n 649 \u2013 1 Jn. 3:15.\n\n 650 \u2013 He. 13:4.\n\n 651 \u2013 Mal. 3:5.\n\n 652 \u2013 1 Co. 10:20, 21.\n\n 653 \u2013 ch. 22:15; Pr. 19:5, 9.\n\n 654 \u2013 ch. 15:1, 6, 7.\n\n 655 \u2013 ch. 19:7.\n\n 656 \u2013 Eze. xl.\u2012xlviii.\n\n 657 \u2013 Is. 60:1, 2.\n\n 658 \u2013 Eze. 48:31\u201234.\n\n 659 \u2013 Ep. 2:20.\n\n 660 \u2013 ch. 11:1; Eze. 40:3; Zec. 2:1.\n\n 661 \u2013 Is. 54:11.\n\n 662 \u2013 ch. 22:5; Is. 60:19, 20.\n\n 663 \u2013 Jn. 1:4.\n\n 664 \u2013 Is. 60:3\u201211; 66:10\u201212.\n\n 665 \u2013 Ps. 72:11.\n\n 666 \u2013 Zec. 14:7.\n\n 667 \u2013 Is. 35:8; 52:1; 60:21; Joel 3:17; Mat. 13:41; 1 Co. 6:9, 10;\n Ga. 5:19\u201221; Ep. 5:5; He. 12:14.\n\n 668 \u2013 ch. 13:8.\n\n 669 \u2013 Eze. 47:1, 12.\n\n 670 \u2013 ch. 21:21.\n\n 671 \u2013 ch. 2:7.\n\n 672 \u2013 Zec. 14:11.\n\n 673 \u2013 Eze. 48:35.\n\n 674 \u2013 ch. 7:15.\n\n 675 \u2013 Mat. 5:8; Jn. 12:26; 17. 24; 1 Co. 13:12; 1 Jn. 3:2.\n\n 676 \u2013 ch. 3:12.\n\n 677 \u2013 ch. 21:23, 25.\n\n 678 \u2013 Ps. 36:9.\n\n 679 \u2013 Ro. 5:17.\n\n 680 \u2013 Devil, in MS., but it must have been pronounced _Scotic\u00e8_,\n \u201cdeil.\u201d\n\n 681 \u2013 Musing, in MS.\n\n 682 \u2013 ch. 1:1.\n\n 683 \u2013 ver. 10, 12, 20.\n\n 684 \u2013 Da. 8:26.\n\n 685 \u2013 Pr. 1:24\u201233; Ec. 11:3; Mat. 25:10; 2 Ti. 3:13.\n\n 686 \u2013 Pr. 4:18; Mat. 5:6.\n\n 687 \u2013 Zep. 1:14.\n\n 688 \u2013 ch. 20:12.\n\n 689 \u2013 Is. 44:6.\n\n 690 \u2013 Lu. 12:37, 38.\n\n 691 \u2013 ch. 21:8, 27.\n\n 692 \u2013 Phi. 3:2.\n\n 693 \u2013 ch. 5:5.\n\n 694 \u2013 ch. 21:2, 9.\n\n 695 \u2013 Is. 2:5.\n\n 696 \u2013 ch. 21:6.\n\n 697 \u2013 Pr. 30:6.\n\n 698 \u2013 ch. 3:5.\n\n 699 \u2013 or, _from the tree_.\n\n 700 \u2013 ver. 7, 12.\n\n 701 \u2013 He. 9:28; Is. 25:9.\n\n 702 \u2013 2 Th. 3:18.\n\n\n\n\n TRANSCRIBER\u2019S NOTES\n\n\n The following corrections have been made in the text:\n\n Page iv:\n Sentence starting: Map of N. Italy....\n \u2013 Publisher included this entry in the list but did no include\n the map in the book.\n\n Page xlviii:\n Sentence starting: It is known that John....\n \u2013 \u2018like\u2019 replaced with \u2018life\u2019\n (the later years of his life)\n\n Page 40:\n Sentence starting: It is remarkable that....\n \u2013 \u2018incriptions\u2019 replaced with \u2018inscriptions\u2019\n (passages in heathen inscriptions)\n\n Page 190; verse 8. 1:\n Sentence starting: AND when he had opened....\n \u2013 \u2018and\u2019 replaced with \u2018an\u2019\n (space of half an hour.)\n\n Page 217:\n Sentence starting: The only thing which they have....\n \u2013 \u2018sub-substance\u2019 replaced with \u2018substance\u2019\n (a hard bony substance)\n\n Page 280:\n Sentence starting: That is, there would be....\n \u2013 \u2018sufferred\u2019 replaced with \u2018suffered\u2019\n (shown to the dead if they were not suffered to be)\n\n Page 323:\n Sentence starting: It was the policy of rulers....\n \u2013 \u2018vicegerents\u2019 replaced with \u2018viceregents\u2019\n (they were the viceregents of heaven)\n\n Page 366:\n Sentence starting: All that is represented here....\n \u2013 duplicated word removed \u2018to\u2019\n (_preliminary_ to that final)\n\n Page 384:\n Sentence starting: Our translators have adopted....\n \u2013 \u2018apparrently\u2019 replaced with \u2018apparently\u2019\n (apparently for the sole purpose)\n\n Page 417:\n Sentence starting: The main purpose was to....\n \u2013 \u2018chuch\u2019 replaced with \u2018church\u2019\n (history of the church)\n\n Page 450:\n Sentence starting: It is commonly apple-green....\n \u2013 \u2018inferor\u2019 replaced with \u2018inferior\u2019\n (little inferior to flint)","title":"Notes on the New Testament, Explanatory and Practical: Revelation","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":392089}