{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_5621/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_5621","id":"gutenberg_5621","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/5621","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Biographies","Category: History - European","Category: History - Modern (1750+)","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Holbach, Paul Henri Thiry, baron d', 1723-1789","Philosophers -- France -- Biography","Philosophy, Modern -- 18th century","Radicalism -- France -- History -- 18th century"],"text":"Produced by David Ross and Richard Farris\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nBARON D'HOLBACH\n\nA Study of Eighteenth Century Radicalism in France\n\n\n\nBy Max Pearson Cushing\n\n\n\n\n     Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements\n     for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in\n     the Faculty of Political Science,\n     Columbia University\n\n     New York\n\n     1914\n\n\n     Press of\n     The New Era Printing Company\n     Lancaster, PA\n\n\n\n\nTABLE OF CONTENTS\n\n\n  Introduction.\n\n  CHAPTER I.  HOLBACH THE MAN.\n\n     Early Letters to John Wilkes.\n\n     Holbach's family.\n\n     Relations with Diderot, Rousseau, Hume, Garrick\n       and other important persons of the century.\n\n     Estimate of Holbach.  His character and personality.\n\n\n  CHAPTER II.  HOLBACH'S WORKS.\n\n     Miscellaneous Works.\n\n     Translations of German Scientific Works.\n\n     Translations of English Deistical Writers.\n\n     Boulanger's _Antiquit\u00e9 d\u00e9voil\u00e9e_.\n\n     Original Works: _Le Christianisme devoil\u00e9_.\n     _Th\u00e9ologie portative_.\n     _La Contagion sacr\u00e9e_.\n     _Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s_.\n     _Le bons-sens_.\n\n\n  CHAPTER III.  THE _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ AND ITS PHILOSOPHY.\n\n     Voltaire's correspondence on the subject.\n\n     Goethe's sentiment.\n\n     Refutations and criticisms.\n\n     Holbach's philosophy.\n\n\n  APPENDIX.  HOLBACH'S CORRESPONDENCE.\n\n     Five unpublished letters to John Wilkes.\n\n\n  [ENDNOTES]\n\n\n  BIBLIOGRAPHY.\n\n    Part I.  Editions of Holbach's works in Chronological Order.\n\n    Part II.  General Bibliography.\n\n\n\n\n\nBARON D'HOLBACH\n\n\n     A une extr\u00e9me justesse d'esprit il joignait une simplicit\u00e9\n     de moeurs tout-\u00e0-fait antique et patriarcale.\n\n              J. A. Naigeon, _Journal de Paris_, le 9 fev. 1789\n\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nDiderot, writing to the Princess Dashkoff in 1771, thus analysed the\nspirit of his century:\n\nChaque si\u00e8cle a son esprit qui le caract\u00e9rise. L'esprit du n\u00f4tre semble\n\u00eatre celui de la libert\u00e9. La premi\u00e8re attaque contre la superstition a\n\u00e9t\u00e9 violente, sans mesure. Une fois que les hommes ont os\u00e9 d'une mani\u00e8re\nquelconque donner l'assaut \u00e0 la barri\u00e8re de la religion, cette barri\u00e8re\nla plus formidable qui existe comme la plus respect\u00e9e, il est impossible\nde s'arr\u00eater. D\u00e8s qu'ils ont tourn\u00e9 des regards mena\u00e7ants contre la\nmajest\u00e9 du ciel, ils ne manqueront pas le moment d'apr\u00e8s de les diriger\ncontre la souverainet\u00e9 de la terre. Le c\u00e2ble qui tient et comprime\nl'humanit\u00e9 est form\u00e9 de deux cordes, l'une ne peut c\u00e9der sans que\nl'autre vienne \u00e0 rompre. [Endnote 1:1]\n\nThe following study proposes to deal with this attack on religion that\npreceded and helped to prepare the French Revolution. Similar phenomena\nare by no means rare in the annals of history; eighteenth-century\natheism, however, is of especial interest, standing as it does at the\nend of a long period of theological and ecclesiastical disintegration\nand prophesying a reconstruction of society on a purely rational and\nnaturalistic basis. The anti-theistic movement has been so obscured by\nthe less thoroughgoing tendency of deism and by subsequent romanticism\nthat the real issue in the eighteenth century has been largely lost from\nview. Hence it has seemed fit to center this study about the man who\nstated the situation with the most unmistakable and uncompromising\nclearness, and who still occupies a unique though obscure position in\nthe history of thought.\n\nHolbach has been very much neglected by writers on the eighteenth\ncentury. He has no biographer. M. Walferdin wrote (in an edition of\nDiderot's Works, Paris, 1821, Vol. XII p. 115): \"Nous nous occupons\ndepuis longtemps \u00e0 rassembler les mat\u00e9riaux qui doivent servir \u00e0 venger\nla m\u00e9moire du philosophe de la patrie de Leibnitz, et dans l'ouvrage\nque nous nous proposons de publier sous le titre \"D'Holbach jug\u00e9 par\nses contemporains\" nous esp\u00e9rons faire justement appr\u00e9cier ce savant\nsi estimable par la profondeur et la vari\u00e9t\u00e9 de ses connaissances, si\npr\u00e9cieux \u00e0 sa famille et \u00e0 ses amis par la puret\u00e9 et la simplicit\u00e9\nde ses moeurs, en qui la vertu \u00e9tait devenue une habitude et la\nbienfaisance un besoin.\" This work has never appeared and M. Tourneux\nthinks that nothing of it was found among M. Walferdin's papers. [2:2]\nIn 1834 Mr. James Watson published in an English translation of the\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, _A Short Sketch of the Life and the Writings\nof Baron d'Holbach_ by Mr. Julian Hibbert, compiled especially for\nthat edition from Saint Saurin's article in Michaud's _Biographie\nUniverselle_ (Paris, 1817, Vol. XX, pp. 460-467), from Barbier's _Dict.\ndes ouvrages anonymes_ (Paris, 1822) and from the preface to the Paris\nedition of the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ (4 vols., 18mo, 1821). This sketch\nwas later published separately (London, 1834, 12mo, pp. 14) but on\naccount of the author's sudden death it was left unfinished and is of no\nvalue from the point of view of scholarship. Another attempt to publish\nsomething on Holbach was made by Dr. Anthony C. Middleton of Boston in\n1857. In the preface to his translation to the _Lettres \u00e0 Eugenia_\nhe speaks of a \"Biographical Memoir of Baron d'Holbach which I am\nnow preparing for the press.\" If ever published at all this _Memoir_\nprobably came to light in the _Boston Investigator_, a free-thinking\nmagazine published by Josiah P. Mendum, 45 Cornhill, Boston, but it is\nnot to be found. Mention should also be made of the fact that M. Ass\u00e9zat\nintended to include in a proposed study of Diderot and the philosophical\nmovement, a chapter to be devoted to Holbach and his society; but this\nwork has never appeared. [3:3]\n\nOf the two works bearing Holbach's name as a title, one is a piece of\nlibellous fiction by Mme. de Genlis, _Les Diners du baron d'Holbach_\n(Paris, 1822, 8vo), the other a romance pure and simple by F. T. Claudon\n(Paris, 1835, 2 vols., 8vo) called _Le Baron d'Holbach_, the events of\nwhich take place largely at his house and in which he plays the r\u00f4le\nof a minor character. A good account of Holbach, though short and\nincidental, is to be found in M. Av\u00e9zac-Lavigne's _Diderot et la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\ndu Baron d'Holbach_ (Paris, 1875, 8vo), and M. Armand Gast\u00e9 has a little\nbook entitled _Diderot et le cure de Montchauvet, une Mystification\nlitt\u00e9raire chez le Baron d'Holbach_ (Paris, 1895, 16vo). There are\nseveral works which devote a chapter or section to Holbach. [3:4] The\nFrench critics and the histories of philosophy contain slight notices;\nRosenkranz's \"Diderot's Leben\" devotes a chapter to Granval, Holbach's\ncountry seat, and life there as described by Diderot in his letters to\nMlle. Volland; and he is included in such histories of ideas as\nSoury, J., \"Br\u00e9viaire de l'histoire de Mat\u00e9rialisme\" (Paris, 1881)\nand Delvaille, J., _Essai sur l'histoire de l'id\u00e9e de progr\u00e8s_\n(Paris, 1910); but nowhere else is there anything more than the merest\nencyclopedic account, often defective and incorrect.\n\nThe sources are in a sense full and reliable for certain phases of his\nlife and literary activity. His own publications, numbering about fifty,\nform the most important body of source material for the history and\ndevelopment of his ideas. Next in importance are contemporary memoirs\nand letters including those of Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot, Grimm,\nMorellet, Marmontel, Mme. d'Epinay, Naigeon, Garat, Galiani, Hume,\nGarrick, Wilkes, Romilly and others; and scattered letters by Holbach\nhimself, largely to his English friends. In addition there is a large\nbody of contemporary hostile criticism of his books, by Voltaire,\nFrederick II, Castillon, Holland, La Harpe, Delisle de Sales and a host\nof outraged ecclesiastics, so that one is well informed in regard to the\nscandal that his books caused at the time. Out of these materials\nand other scattered documents and notices it is possible to\nreconstruct--though somewhat defectively--the figure of a man who played\nan important r\u00f4le in his own day; but whose name has long since lost its\nsignificance--even in the ears of scholars. It is at the suggestion of\nProfessor James Harvey Robinson that this reconstruction has been made.\nIf it shall prove of any interest or value he must be credited with the\ninitiation of the idea as well as constant aid in its realization. For\nrendering possible the necessary investigations, recognition is due\nto the administration and officers of the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale, the\nBritish Museum, the Library of Congress, the Libraries of Columbia and\nHarvard Universities, Union and Andover Theological Seminaries, and the\nPublic Libraries of Boston and New York.\n\n\nM. P. C.\n\nNEW YORK CITY,\n\nJuly, 1914.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. HOLBACH, THE MAN.\n\n\nPaul Heinrich Dietrich, or as he is better known, Paul-Henri Thiry,\nbaron d'Holbach, was born in January, 1723, in the little village of\nHeidelsheim (N.W. of Carlsruhe) in the Palatinate. Of his parentage and\nyouth nothing is known except that his father, a rich parvenu, according\nto Rousseau, [5:5] brought him to Paris at the age of twelve, where he\nreceived the greater part of his education. His father died when Holbach\nwas still a young man. It may be doubted if young Holbach inherited\nhis title and estates immediately as there was an uncle \"Messire\nFrancois-Adam, Baron d'Holbach, Seigneur de H\u00e9eze, L\u00e9ende et autres\nLieux\" who lived in the rue Neuve S. Augustin and died in 1753. His\nfuneral was held at Saint-Roch, his parish church, Thursday, September\n16th, where he was afterward entombed. [5:6] Holbach was a student in\nthe University of Leyden in 1746 and spent a good deal of time at his\nuncle's estate at H\u00e9eze, a little town in the province of North Brabant\n(S.E. of Eindhoven). He also traveled and studied in Germany. There are\ntwo manuscript letters in the British Museum (Folio 30867, pp. 14, 18,\n20) addressed by Holbach to John Wilkes, which throw some light on his\nschool-days. It is interesting to note that most of Holbach's friends\nwere young Englishmen of whom there were some twenty-five at the\nUniversity of Leyden at that time. [6:7] Already at the age of\ntwenty-three Holbach was writing very good English, and all his life he\nwas a friend of Englishmen and English ideas. His friendship for Wilkes,\nthen a lad of nineteen, lasted all his life and increased in intimacy\nand dignity. The two letters following are of interest because they\nare the only documents we have bearing on Holbach's early manhood. They\nreveal a certain sympathy and feeling--rather gushing to be sure--quite\nunlike anything in his later writings, and quite out of line with the\nsupposedly cold temper of a materialist and an atheist.\n\n[Footnote: These letters, contrary to modern usage, are printed with all\nthe peculiarities of eighteenth century orthography. It was felt\nthat they would lose their quaintness and charm if Holbach's somewhat\nfantastic English were trifled with or his spelling, capitalization and\npunctuation modernized.]\n\n\nHOLBACH TO WILKES\n\nH\u00c9EZE Aug. 9, 1746\n\n_Dearest Friend_\n\nI should not have felt by half enough the pleasure your kind letter gave\nme, If I had words to express it; I never doubted of your friendship,\nnor I hope do you know me so little as to doubt of mine, but your letter\nis full of such favorable sentiments to me that I must own I cannot\nrepay them but by renewing to you the entire gift of my heart that has\nbeen yours ever since heaven favour'd me with your acquaintance. I need\nnot tell you the sorrow our parting gave me, in vain Philosophy cried\naloud nature was still stronger and the philosopher was forced to yield\nto the friend, even now I feel the wound is not cur'd. Therefore no more\nof that--_Hope_ is my motto. Telling me you are happy you make me so\nbut in the middle of your happiness you dont forget your friend, What\nflattering thought to me! Such are the charms of friendship every\nevent is shar'd and nothing nor even the greatest intervals are able to\ninterrupt the happy harmony of truly united minds. I left Leyden about 8\nor 10 days after you but before my departure I thought myself obliged to\nlet Mr Dowdenwell know what you told me, he has seen the two letters Mr\nJohnson had received and I have been mediator of ye peace made betwixt\nthe 2 parties, I don't doubt but you have seen by this time Messrs Bland\n& Weatherill who were to set out for Engelland the same week I parted\nwith them. When I was leaving Leyden Mr Vernon happen'd to tell me he\nhad a great mind to make a trip to Spa. So my uncles' estate being on\nye road I desir'd him to come along with me, he has been here a week\nand went on afterwards in his journey, at my arrival here, I found that\nGeneral Count Palfi with an infinite number of military attendants had\ntaken possession of my uncles' house, and that the 16 thousd men lately\ncome from Germany to strengthen the allies army, commanded by Count\nBathiani and that had left ye neighborhood of Breda a few days before\nand was come to Falkenswert (where you have past in your journey to\nSpa) one hour from hence. Prince Charles arrived here the same day from\nGermany to take ye command of the allies, the next Day the whole army\namounting to 70thd men went on towards the county of Li\u00e8ge to prevent\nthe French from beseiging Namur, I hear now that the two armies are only\none hour from another, so we expect very soon the news of a great battle\nbut not without fear, Count Saxes army being, by all account of hundred\nten thoud. men besides. Prince Counti's army of 50 thd. this latter\nGeneral is now employ'd at the siege of Charleroy, that can't resist\na long while, it is a report that the King of France is arrived in\nhis army, I hope this long account will entertain you for want of news\npapers: Mr. Dowdeswell being left alone of our club at Leyden I Desir'd\nhim to come and spend with me the time of his vacations here, which\nproposal I hope he will accept and be here next week. What happy\ntriumvirat would be ours if you were to join: but that is impossible at\npresent; however those who cant enjoy reality are fond of feeding their\nfancies with agreable Dreams and charming pictures; that helps a little\nto sooth the sorrow of absence and makes one expect with more pati[ence]\ntill fortune allows him to put in execution the cherish'd systems he has\nbeen fed upon fore some [time] I shall expect with great many thanks the\nbooks you are to send me; it will be for me a dubble pleasure to read\nthem, being of your choice which I value as much as it deserves, and\nlooking at them as upon a new proof of your benevolence, as to those I\ndesign'd to get from Paris for you, I heard I could not get them before\nmy uncles' return hither all commerce being stopt by the way betwixt\nthis country and France.\n\nA few days before my departure from Leyden I receiv'd a letter from\nMr Freeman from Berlin, he seams vastly pleas'd with our Germany, and\nchiefly with Hambourg where a beautiful lady has taken in his heart the\nroom of poor Mss. Vitsiavius, my prophesy was just; traveling seems to\nhave alter'd a good deal his melancholy disposition as I may conjecture\nby his way of writing. He desired his service to you. As to me, Idleness\nrenders me every day more philosopher every passion is languishing\nwithin me, I retain but one in a warm degree, viz, friendship in\nwhich you share no small part. I took a whim to study a little Physic\naccordingly I purchased several books in that Way, and my empty hours\nhere are employ'd with them. I am sure your time will be much better\nemploy'd at Alesbury you'll find there a much nobler entertainment\nCupid is by far Lovlier than Esculapius, however I shall not envy your\nhappiness, in the Contrary I wish that all your desires be crown'd with\nsuccess, that a Passion that proves fatal to great many of men be void\nof sorrow for you, that all the paths of love be spred over with flowers\nin one Word that you may not address in vain to the charming Mss. M. I\nam almost tempted to fall in love with that unknown beauty, 't would not\nbe quite like Don Quixotte for your liking to her would be for me a very\nstrong prejudice of her merit, which the poor Knight had not in his love\nfor Dulcinea.\n\nI shall not ask your pardon for the length of this letter I am sure\nfriendship will forgive the time I steal to Love however I cannot give\nup so easily a conversation with a true friend with whom I fancy to\nspeak yet in one of those delightfull evening walks at Leyden. It is\na dream, I own it, but it is so agreable one to me that nothing but\nreality could be compared to the pleasure I feel: let me therefore\ninsist a little more upon't and travel with my Letter, we are gone! I\nthink to be at Alesbury! there I see my Dear Wilkes! What a Flurry\nof Panions! Joy! fear of a second parting! what charming tears! what\nsincere Kisses!--but time flows and the end of this Love is now as\nunwelcome to me, as would be to another to be awaken'd in the middle of\na Dream wherein he is going to enjoy a beloved mistress; the enchantment\nceases, the delightfull images vanish, and nothing is left to me but\nfriendship, which is of all my possessions the fairest, and the surest,\nI am most sincerely Dear Wilkes\n\n Your affectionate friend and humble servant\n DE HOLBACH\nHeze the 9th august 1746 N. S.\n\nI shall expect with impatience the letter you are to write me from\nAlesbury. Will it be here very soon!\n\n\nHOLBACH TO WILKES [H\u00c9EZE Dec. 3rd. 1746]\n\n_Dearest Wilkes_\n\nDuring a little voyage I have made into Germany I have received your\ncharming letter of the 8th. September O. S. the many affairs I have been\nbusy with for these 3 months has hindered me hitherto from returning\nto you as speedy an answer as I should have done. I know too much your\nkindness for me to make any farther apology and I hope you are enough\nacquainted with the sincerety of my friendship towards you to adscribe\nmy fault to forgetfulness or want of gratitude be sure, Dear friend,\nthat such a disposition will allways be unknown to me in regard to\nyou. I don't doubt but you will be by this time returned at London,\nthe winter season being an obstacle to the pleasures you have enjoyed\nfollowing ye Letter at Alesbury during the last Autumn. I must own I\nhave felt a good deal of pride when you gave me the kind assurance\nthat love has not made you forget an old friend, I need not tell you my\ndisposition. I hope you know it well enough and like my friendship for\nyou has no bounds I want expressions to show it. Mr Dowdeswell has been\nso good as to let me enjoy his company here in the month of August, and\nreturned to Leyden to pursue his studies in the middle of September.\nWe often wished your company and made sincere libations to you with\nburgundy and Champaigne I had a few weeks there after I set out for\nGermany where I expected to spend the whole winter but the sudden death\nof my Uncle's Steward has forced me to come back here to put in order\nthe affairs of this estate, I don't know how long I shall be obliged to\nstay in the meanwhile I act pretty well the part of a County Squire, id\nest, hunting, shooting, fishing, walking every day without to lay aside\nthe ever charming conversation of Horace Virgil Homer and all our noble\nfriends of the Elysian fields. They are allways faithfull to me, with\ntheir aid I find very well how to employ my time, but I want in this\ncountry a true bosom friend like my dear Wilkes to converse with, but my\npretenssions are too high, for every abode with such a company would be\nheaven for me.\n\nI perceive by your last letter that your hopes are very like to succeed\nby Mss Mead, you are sure that every happines that can befall to you\nwill make me vastly happy. I beseech you therefore to let me know\neverytime how far you are gone, I take it to be a very good omen for\nyou, that your lovely mistress out of compliance has vouchsafed to learn\na harsh high-dutch name, which would otherwise have made her starttle,\nat the very hearing of it. I am very thankful for her kind desire\nof seeing me in Engelland which I dont wish the less but you know my\ncircumstances enough, to guess that I cannot follow my inclinations. I\nhave not heard hitherto anything about the books you have been so kind\nas to send me over by the opportunity of a friend. I have wrote about it\nto Msrs Conrad et Bouwer of Rotterdam, they answered that they were not\nyet there. Nevertheless I am very much oblided to you for your kindness\nand wish to find very soon the opportunity of my revenge. Mr Dowderswell\ncomplains very much of Mrs Bland and Weatherill, having not heard of\nthem since their departure from Leyden. I desire my compliments to Mr\nDyer and all our old acquaintances. Pray be so good as to direct your\nfirst letter under the covert of Mr Dowderwell at Ms Alliaume's at\nLeyden he shall send it to me over immediately, no more at Mr Van\nSprang's like you used to do. I wish to know if Mr Lyson since his\nreturn to his native country, continues in his peevish cross temper. If\nyou have any news besides I'll be glad to hear them by your next which I\nexpect very soon.\n\nAbout politicks I cannot tell you anything at present, you have heard\nenough by this time the fatal battle fought near Li\u00e8ge in 8ber last;\neverybody has little hopes of the Congress of Breda, the Austrian and\nPiedmontese are entered into provence, which is not as difficult as to\nmaintain themselves therein, I wish a speedy peace would enable us both\nto see the rejoicings that will attend the marriage of the Dauphin\nof France with a Princess of Saxony. I have heard that peace is made\nbetween England and Spain, which you ought to know better than I. We\nfear very much for the next campaign the siege of Maestrich in our\nneighborhood. These are all the news I know. I'll tell you another that\nyou have known a long while viz. that nobody is with more sincerity My\nDear Wilkes\n\n Your faithfull humble Servant and Friend\n HOLBACH\nHeeze the 3 d Xber 1746 ns\n\n\nBy 1750 Holbach was established in Paris as a young man of the world.\nHis fortune, his learning, his sociability attracted the younger\nliterary set toward him. In 1749 he was already holding his Thursday\ndinners which later became so famous. Among his early friends were\nDiderot, Rousseau and Grimm. With them he took the side of the Italian\n_Opera buffa_ in the famous musical quarrel of 1752, and published\ntwo witty brochures ridiculing French music. [12:9] He was an art\nconnoisseur and bought Oudry's _Chienne allaitant ses petits_, the _chef\nd'oeuvre_ of the Salon of 1753. [12:10] During these years he was hard\nat work at his chosen sciences of chemistry and mineralogy. In 1752\nhe published in a huge volume in quarto with excellent plates, a\ntranslation of Antonio Neri's _Art of Glass making_, and in 1753 a\ntranslation of Wallerius' _Mineralogy_. On July 26, 1754, the Academy\nof Berlin made him a foreign associate in recognition of his scholarly\nattainments in Natural History, [12:11] and later he was elected to the\nAcademies of St. Petersburg and Mannheim.\n\nAll that was now lacking to this brilliant young man was an attractive\nwife to rule over his salon. His friends urged him to wed, and in 1753\nhe married Mlle. Basile-Genevieve-Susanne d'Aine, daughter of \"Ma\u00eetre\nMarius-Jean-Baptiste Nicolas d'Aine, conseiller au Roi en son grand\nconseil, associ\u00e9 externe de l'Acad. des sciences et belles letters de\nPrusse.\" [12:12] M. d'Aine was also Ma\u00eetre des Requ\u00eates and a man\nof means. Mme. d'Holbach was a very charming and gracious woman and\nHolbach's good fortune seemed complete when suddenly Mme. d'Holbach died\nfrom a most loathsome and painful disease in the summer of 1754. Holbach\nwas heart-broken and took a trip through the provinces with his friend\nGrimm, to whom he was much attached, to distract his mind from his\ngrief. He returned in the early winter and the next year (1755) got a\nspecial dispensation from the Pope to marry his deceased wife's sister,\nMlle. Charlotte-Susanne d'Aine. By her he had four children, two sons\nand two daughters. The first, Charles-Marius, was born about the middle\nof August, 1757, and baptized in Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois, Aug. 22.\nHe inherited the family title and was a captain in the regiment of the\nSchomberg-Dragons. [13:13] The first daughter was born towards the end\nof 1758 and the second about the middle of Jan., 1760. [13:14] The elder\nmarried the Marquis de Ch\u00e2tenay and the younger the Marquis de Nolivos,\n\"Captaine au r\u00e9giment de la Seurre, Dragons.\" Their Majesties the King\nand Queen and the Royal Family signed their marriage contract May 27,\n1781. [13:15] Of the second son there seem to be no traces. Holbach's\nmother-in-law, Madame d'Aine, was a very interesting old woman as she\nis pictured in Diderot's _M\u00e9moires_, and there was a brother-in-law,\n\"Messire Marius-Jean-Baptiste-Nicholas d'Aine, chevalier, conseiller\ndu roi en ses conseils, Ma\u00eetre des requ\u00eates honoraire de son h\u00f4tel,\nintendant de justice, police, et finances de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 de Tours,\"\nwho lived in rue Saint Dominique, paroisse Saint-Sulpice. There was in\nHolbach's household for a long time an old Scotch surgeon, a homeless,\nmisanthropic old fellow by the name of Hope, of whom Diderot gives a\nmost interesting account. [14:16] These are the only names we have of\nthe personnel of Holbach's household. His town house was in the rue\nRoyale, butte Saint-Roch. It was here that for an almost unbroken period\nof forty years he gave his Sunday and Thursday dinners. The latter day\nwas known to the more intimate set of encyclopedists as the _jour du\nsynagogue_. Here the _\u00e9glise philosophique_ met regularly to discuss its\ndoctrines and publish its propaganda of radicalism.\n\nHolbach had a very pleasant country seat, the ch\u00e2teau of Grandval,\nnow in the arrondisement of Boissy St. L\u00e9ger at Sucy-en-Brie. It is\npleasantly situated in the valley of a little stream, the Morbra, which\nflows into the Marne. The property was really the estate of Mme. d'Aine\nwho lived with the Holbachs. Here the family and their numerous guests\npassed the late summer and fall. Here Diderot spent weeks at a time\nworking on the Encyclopedia, dining, and walking on the steep slopes\nof the Marne with congenial companions. To him we are indebted for our\nintimate knowledge of Grandval and its inhabitants, their slightest\ndoings and conversations; and as Danou has well said, if we were to wish\nourselves back in any past age we should choose with many others the\nmid-eighteenth century and the charming society of Paris and Grandval.\n[14:17]\n\nHolbach's life, in common with that of most philosophers, offers no\nevents, except that he came near being killed in the crush and riot in\nthe rue Royale that followed the fire at the Dauphin's wedding in 1770.\n[15:18] He was never an official personage. His entire life was spent\nin study, writing and conversation with his friends. He traveled very\nlittle; the world came to him, to the _Caf\u00e9 de l'Europe_, as Abb\u00e9\nGaliani called Paris. From time to time Holbach went to Contrex\u00e9ville\nfor his gout and once to England to visit David Garrick; but he disliked\nEngland very thoroughly and was glad to get back to Paris. The events of\nhis life in so far as there were any, were his relations with people.\nHe knew intimately practically all the great men of his century, except\nMontesquieu and Voltaire, who were off the stage before his day. [15:19]\nHolbach's most intimate and life-long friend among the great figures\nof the century was Diderot, of whom Rousseau said, \"\u00c0 la distance de\nquelques si\u00e8cles du moment o\u00f9 il a v\u00e9cu, Diderot para\u00eetra un homme\nprodigieux; on regardera de loin cette t\u00eate universelle avec une\nadmiration m\u00eal\u00e9e d'\u00e9tonnement, comme nous regardons aujourd'hui la t\u00eate\ndes Platon et des Aristote.\" [15:20] All his contemporaries agreed that\nnothing was so charged with divine fire as the conversation of\nDiderot. Gautherin, in his fine bronze of him on the Place\nSaint-Germain-des-Pr\u00e8s, seems to have caught the spirit of his talk and\nhas depicted him as he might have sat in the midst of Holbach's society,\nof which he was the inspiration and the soul. Holbach backed Diderot\nfinancially in his great literary and scientific undertaking and\nprovided articles for the Encyclopedia on chemistry and natural science.\nDiderot had a high opinion of his erudition and said of him, \"Quelque\nsyst\u00e8me que forge mon imagination, je suis sur que mon ami d'Holbach me\ntrouve des faits et des autorit\u00e9s pour le justifier.\" [16:21] Opinions\ndiffer in regard to the intellectual influence of these men upon each\nother. Diderot was without doubt the greater thinker, but Holbach stated\nhis atheism with far greater clarity and Diderot gave his sanction to\nit by embellishing Holbach's books with a few eloquent pages of his\nown. Diderot said to Sir Samuel Romilly in 1781, \"Il faut _sabrer_\nla th\u00e9ologie,\" [16:22] and died in 1784 in the belief that complete\ninfidelity was the first step toward philosophy. Five years later\nHolbach was buried by his side in the crypt of the Chapel of the Virgin\nbehind the high altar in Saint-Roch. No tablet marks their tombs, and\nalthough repeated investigations have been made no light has been thrown\non the exact position of their burial place. According to Diderot's\ndaughter, Mme. Vandeuil, their entire correspondence has been destroyed\nor lost. [16:23]\n\nHolbach's relations with Rousseau were less harmonious. The account\nof their mutual misunderstandings contained in the _Confessions_, in a\nletter by Cerutti in the _Journal de Paris_ Dec. 2, 1789, and in\nprivate letters of Holbach's to Hume, Garrick, and Wilkes, is a long and\ntiresome tale. The author of _Eclaircissements relatifs \u00e0 la publication\ndes confessions de Rousseau..._ (Paris, 1789) blames the _club\nholbachique_ for their treatment of Rousseau, but the fault seems to\nlie on both sides. According to Rousseau's account, Holbach sought his\nfriendship and for a few years he was one of Holbach's society. But,\nafter the success of the _Devin du Village_ in 1753, the _holbachiens_\nturned against him out of jealousy of his genius as a composer. Visions\nof a dark plot against him rose before his fevered and sensitive\nimagination, and after 1756 he left the Society of the Encyclopedists,\nnever to return. Holbach, on the other hand, while admitting rather\nquestionable treatment of Rousseau, never speaks of any personal injury\non his part, and bewails the fact that \"l'homme le plus \u00e9loquent s'est\nrendu ainsi l'homme le plus anti-litt\u00e9raire, et l'homme le plus sensible\ns'est rendu le plus anti-social.\" [17:24] He did warn Hume against\ntaking him to England, and in a letter to Wilkes predicted the quarrel\nthat took place shortly after. In writing to Garrick [17:25] he says\nsome hard but true things about Rousseau, who on his part never really\ndefamed Holbach but depicted him as the virtuous atheist under the guise\nof Wolmar in the _Nouvelle Helo\u00efse_. Their personal incompatibility\nis best explained on the grounds of the radical differences in their\ntemperaments and types of mind and by the fact that Rousseau was too\nsensitive to get on with anybody for any great length of time.\n\nTwo other great Frenchmen, Buffon and d'Alembert, were for a time\nmembers of Holbach's society, but, for reasons that are not altogether\nclear, gradually withdrew. Grimm suggests that Buffon did not find the\nyoung philosophers sufficiently deferential to him and to the authorized\npowers, and feared for his dignity,--and safety, in their company.\nD'Alembert, on the other hand, was a recluse by nature, and, after\ngiving up his editorship on the Encyclopedia, easily dropped out of\nDiderot's society and devoted himself to Mlle. Lespinasse and Mme.\nGeoffrin. Holbach and Helvetius were life-long friends and spent much\ntime together reading at Helvetius's country place at Vor\u00e9. After his\ndeath in 1774, Holbach frequented Mme. Helvetius' salon where he\nknew and deeply influenced Volney, Cabanis, de Tracy, and the first\ngeneration of the Ideologists who continued his and Helvetius'\nphilosophical doctrines. Among the other Frenchmen of the day who were\non intimate relations with Holbach and frequented his salon were La\nCondamine, Condillac, Condorcet, Turgot, Morellet, Raynal, Grimm,\nMarmontel, Colardeau, Saurin, Suard, Saint-Lambert, Thomas, Duclos,\nChastellux, Boulanger, Darcet, Roux, Rouelle, Barth\u00e8s, Venel, Leroy,\nDamilaville, Naigeon, Lagrange and lesser names,--but well known in\nParis in the eighteenth century,--d'Alinville, Chauvelin, Desmahis,\nGauffecourt, Margency, de Croismare, de Pezay, Coyer, de Valory,\nCharnoi, not to mention a host of others.\n\nAmong Holbach's most intimate English friends were Hume, Garrick,\nWilkes, Sterne, Gibbon, Horace Walpole, Adam Smith, Benjamin Franklin,\nDr. Priestley, Lord Shelburne, Gen. Barr\u00e9, Gen. Clark, Sir James\nMacDonald, Dr. Gem, Messrs. Stewart, Demster, Fordyce, Fitzmaurice,\nFoley, etc. Holbach addressed a letter to Hume in 1762, before making\nhis acquaintance, in which he expressed his admiration of his philosophy\nand the desire to know him personally. [18:26] In 1764 Hume came to\nParis as secretary of the British Embassy and immediately called on\nHolbach and became a regular frequenter of his salon. It was to Holbach\nthat he wrote first on the outbreak of his quarrel with Rousseau and\nthey corresponded at length in egard to the publication of the _Expos\u00e9\nsuccinct_, which was to justify Hume in the eyes of the French. Hume and\nHolbach had much in common intellectually, although the latter was far\nmore thoroughgoing in his repudiation of Theism.\n\nDavid Garrick and his wife were frequent visitors at the rue Royale\non their trips to Paris where they were very much liked by Holbach's\nsociety. Nothing is more cordial or gracious than the compliments passed\nbetween them in their subsequent correspondence. There are two published\nletters from Holbach in Mr. Hedgecock's recent study of Garrick and his\nFrench friends, excellent examples of the happy spontaneity and sympathy\nthat were characteristic of French sociability in the eighteenth\ncentury. [19:27] Holbach in turn spent several months with Garrick at\nHampton.\n\nHolbach's early friendship for Wilkes has already been mentioned. Wilkes\nspent a great deal of time in Paris on the occasion of his exiles from\nEngland and became very intimate with Holbach. They corresponded up to\nthe very end of Holbach's life and there was a constant interchange of\nfriendly offices between them. [19:28] Miss Wilkes, who spent much time\nin Paris, was a very good friend of Mme. Holbach and Mlle. Helvetius.\nAdam Smith often dined at Holbach's with Turgot and the economists;\nGibbon also found his dinners agreeable except for the dogmatism of the\natheists; Walpole resented it also and kept away. Priestley seems\nto have gotten on very well, although the philosophers found his\nmaterialism and unitarianism a trifle inconsistent. It was at Holbach's\nthat Shelburne met Morellet with whom he carried on a long and serious\ncorrespondence on economics. There seem to be no details of Holbach's\nrelations with Franklin, who was evidently more assiduous at the salon\nof Mme. Helvetius whom he desired to marry.\n\nHolbach's best friend among the Italians was Abb\u00e9 Galiani, secretary\nof the Neapolitan Embassy, who spent ten years in the salons of Paris.\nAfter his return to Naples his longing for Paris led him to a voluminous\ncorrespondence with his French friends including Holbach. A few of their\nletters are extant. Beccaria also came to Paris at the invitation of\nthe translator of his _Crimes and Punishments_, Abb\u00e9 Morellet, made on\nbehalf of Holbach and his society. Beccaria and his friend Veri, who\naccompanied him, had long been admirers of French philosophy, and the\nFrenchmen found much to admire in Beccaria's book. One _avocat-g\u00e9n\u00e9ral_,\nM. Servan of the Parlement of Bordeaux, a friend of Holbach's, tried\nto put his reforms in practice and shared the fate of most reformers.\nHolbach was also in correspondence with Beccaria, and one of his letters\nhas been published in M. Landry's recent study of Beccaria.\n\nAmong the other Italians whom Holbach befriended were Paulo Frizi, the\nmathematician; Dr. Gatti; Pincini, the musician; and Mme. Riccoboni,\nex-actress and novelist; whose lively correspondence with Garrick whom\nshe met at Holbach's sheds much light on the social relations of the\ncentury.\n\nAmong the other foreigners who were friends or acquaintances of Holbach\nwere his fellow countrymen, Frederich Melchon Grimm, like himself a\nnaturalized Frenchman and the bosom friend of Diderot; Meister, his\ncollaborator in the _Literary Correspondence_; Kohant, a Bohemian\nmusician, composer, of the _Berg\u00e8re des Alpes_ and Mme. Holbach's\nlute-teacher; Baron Gleichen, Comte de Creutz, Danish and Scandinavian\ndiplomats; and a number of German nobles; the hereditary princes of\nBrunswick and Saxe Gotha, Baron Alaberg, afterwards elector of Mayence,\nBaron Schomberg and Baron Studitz.\n\nAmong the well known women of the century Holbach was most intimate with\nMme. d'Epinay, who became a very good friend of Mme. Holbach's and was\npresent at the birth of her first son, and, in her will, left her a\nportrait by Rembrandt. He was also a friend of Mme. Geoffrin, attended\nher salon, and knew Mlle. de Lespinasse, Mme. Houderot and most of the\nimportant women of the day.\n\nThere are excellent sources from which to form an estimate of this man\nwhose house was the social centre of the century. Just after Holbach's\ndeath on January 21, 1789, Naigeon, his literary agent, who had lived on\nterms of the greatest intimacy with him for twenty-four years, wrote a\nlong eulogy which filled the issue of the _Journal de Paris_ for Feb.\n9. There was another letter to the _Journal_ on Feb. 12. Grimm's\n_Correspondance Litt\u00e9raire_ for March contains a long account of him\nby Meister, and there are other notices in contemporary memoirs such as\nMorellet's and Marmontel's. All these accounts agree in picturing him as\nthe most admirable of men.\n\nIt must be remembered that Holbach always enjoyed what was held to be a\nconsiderable fortune in his day. From his estates in Westphalia he had\na yearly income of 60,000 _livres_ which he spent in entertaining. This\nfreedom from economic pressure gave him leisure to devote his time\nto his chosen intellectual pursuits and to his friends. He was a\nuniversally learned man. He knew French, German, English, Italian and\nLatin extremely well and had a fine private library of about three\nthousand works often of several volumes each, in these languages and in\nGreek and Hebrew. The catalogue of this library was published by Debure\nin 1789. It would be difficult to imagine a more comprehensive and\ncomplete collection of its size. He had also a rich collection\nof drawings by the best masters, fine pictures of which he was a\nconnoisseur, bronzes, marbles, porcelains and a natural history cabinet,\nso in vogue in those days, containing some very valuable specimens.\nHe was one of the most learned men of his day in natural science,\nespecially chemistry and mineralogy, and to his translations from the\nbest German scientific works is largely due the spread of scientific\nlearning in France in the eighteenth century. Holbach was also very\nwidely read in English theology and philosophy of the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries and derived his anti-theological inspiration from\nthese two sources. To this vast fund of learning, he joined an extreme\nmodesty and simplicity. He sought no academic honors, published all\nhis works anonymously, and, had it not been for the pleasure he took in\ncommunicating his ideas to his friends, no one would have suspected his\ngreat erudition. He had an extraordinary memory and the reputation of\nnever forgetting anything of interest. This plenitude of information,\ncoupled with his easy and pleasant manner of talking, made his society\nmuch sought after. Naigeon said of him (in his preface to the works of\nLagrange):\n\nPersonne n'\u00e9tait plus communicatif que M. le baron d'Holbach; personne\nne prenait aux progr\u00e8s de la raison un int\u00e9r\u00eat plus vif, plus sinc\u00e8re,\net ne s'occupait avec plus de z\u00e8le et l'activit\u00e9 des moyens de les\nacc\u00e9l\u00e9rer.\n\n\u00c9galement vers\u00e9 dans la plupart des mati\u00e8res sur lesquelles il importe\nle plus \u00e0 des \u00eatres raisonnables d'avoir une opinion arr\u00eat\u00e9e, M. le\nbaron d'Holbach portait dans leur discussion un jugement sain, une\nlogique s\u00e9v\u00e8re, et une analyse exacte et pr\u00e9cise. Quelque fut l'objet de\nses entretiens avec ses amis, ou m\u00eame avec des indiff\u00e9rens, tels qu'en\noffrent plus ou moins toutes les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s; il inspirait sans effort \u00e0\nceux qui l'\u00e9coutaient l'enthousiasme de l'art ou de la science dont\nil parlait; et on ne le quittait jamais sans regretter de n'avoir pas\ncultiv\u00e9 la branche particuli\u00e8re de connaissances qui avait fait le sujet\nde la conversation, sans d\u00e9sirer d'\u00eatre plus instruit, plus \u00e9clair\u00e9, et\nsurtout sans admirer la claret, la justesse de son esprit, et l'ordre\ndans lequel il savait pr\u00e9senter ses id\u00e9es.\n\nThis virtue of communicativeness, of _sociabilit\u00e9_, Holbach carried into\nall the relations of life. He was always glad to lend or give his books\nto anyone who could make use of them. \"Je suis riche,\" he used to say,\n\"mais je ne vois dans la fortune qu'un instrument de plus pour op\u00e9rer\nle bien plus promptement et plus efficacement.\" In fact Holbach's whole\nprinciple of life and action was to increase the store of human well\nbeing. And he did this without any religious motive whatsoever. As Julie\nsays of Wolmar in _La Nouvelle Helo\u00efse_, \"Il fait le bien sans espoir de\nr\u00e9compense, il est plus vertueux, plus d\u00e9sint\u00e9ress\u00e9 que nous.\" There are\nmany recorded instances of Holbach's gracious benevolence. As he said to\nHelvetius, \"Vous \u00eates brouill\u00e9 avec tous ceux que vous avez oblig\u00e9, mais\nj'ai gard\u00e9 tous mes amis.\" Holbach had the faculty of attaching people\nto him. Diderot tells how at the Salon of 1753 after Holbach had bought\nOudry's famous picture, all the collectors who had passed it by came to\nhim and offered him twice what he paid for it. Holbach went to find\nthe artist to ask him permission to cede the picture to his profit,\nbut Oudry refused, saying that he was only too happy that his best work\nbelonged to the man who was the first to appreciate it. Instances of\nHolbach's liberality to Kohant, a poor musician, and to Suard, a poor\nliterary man, are to be found in the pages of Diderot and Meister, and\nhis constant generosity to his friends is a commonplace in their Memoirs\nand Correspondence. Only Rousseau was ungrateful enough to complain\nthat Holbach's free-handed gifts insulted his poverty. His kindness to\nLagrange, a young literary man whom he rescued from want, has been well\ntold by M. Naigeon in the preface to the works of Lagrange (p. xviii).\n\nBut perhaps the most touching instances of Holbach's benevolence are his\nrelations with the peasants of Contrex\u00e9ville, one of which was published\nin the _Journal de Lecture_, 1775, the other in an anonymous letter\nto the _Journal de Paris_, Feb. 12, 1789. The first concerns the\nreconciliation of two old peasants who, not wanting to go to court,\nbrought their differences to their respected friend for a settlement.\nNothing is more simple and beautiful than this homely tale as told in\na letter of Holbach's to a friend of his. The second, which John Wilkes\nsaid ought to be written in letters of gold, deserves to be reproduced\nas a whole.\n\nL'\u00e9loge fun\u00e8bre que M. Naigeon a consacr\u00e9 \u00e0 la m\u00e9moire de M. le Baron\nd'Holbach suffit pour donner une id\u00e9e juste de ses lumi\u00e8res, mais le\nhasard m'a mis \u00e0 port\u00e9e de les juger encore mieux. J'ai vu M. le Baron\nd'Holbach dans deux voyages que j'ai faits aux eaux de Contrex\u00e9ville.\nS'occuper de sa souffrance et de sa gu\u00e9rison, c'est le soin de chaque\nmalade. M. le Baron d'Holbach devenait le m\u00e9decin, l'ami, le consolateur\nde quiconque venait aux eaux et il semblait bien moins occup\u00e9 de ses\ninfirmit\u00e9s que de celles des autres. Lorsque des malades indigens\nmanquaient de secours, ou p\u00e9cuniaires ou curatifs, il les leur procurait\navec un plaisir qui lui faisait plus de bien que les eaux. Je me\npromenais un soir avec lui sur une hauteur couverte d'un massif de bois\nqui fait perspective de loin et pr\u00e8s duquel s'\u00e9l\u00e8ve un petit Hermitage.\nL\u00e0, demeure un c\u00e9nobite qui n'a de revenu que les aum\u00f4nes de ceux dont\nil re\u00e7oit les visites. Nous acquitt\u00e2mes chacun notre dette hospitali\u00e8re.\nEn prenant cong\u00e9 de l'Hermite, M. le Baron d'Holbach me dit de le\npr\u00e9c\u00e9der un instant et qu'il allait me suivre. Je le pr\u00e9c\u00e9dai, et comme\nil ne me suivait pas je m'arr\u00eatai, pour l'attendre sur un terte exhauss\u00e9\nd'o\u00f9 l'on d\u00e9couvre tout le pays. Je contemplais le canton que je\ndominais, plong\u00e9 dans une douce r\u00eaverie. J'en fus tir\u00e9 par des cris et\nje me retournai vers l'endroit d'\u00f2u ils partaient. Je vis M. le Baron\nd'Holbach environn\u00e9 d'une vieille femme et de deux villageois, l'un\nvieux comme elle et l'autre jeune. Tous trois, les larmes aux yeux,\nl'embrassaient hautement. Allez vous-en donc, s'\u00e9crait M. le Baron\nd'Holbach; laissez moi, on m'attend, ne me suivez pas, adieu; je\nreviendrai l'ann\u00e9e prochaine. En me voyant arriver vers eux, les trois\npersonnes reconnaissantes disparurent. Je lui demandai le sujet de tant\nde b\u00e9n\u00e9dictions. Ce jeune paysan que vous avez vu s'etait engag\u00e9, j'ai\nobtenu de son colonel sa libert\u00e9 en payant les cents \u00e9cus prescrits par\nl'ordonnance. Il est amoureux d'une jeune paysanne aussi pauvre que\nlui, je viens d'acheter pour eux un petit bien qui m'a co\u00fbt\u00e9 huit cent\nfrancs. Le vieux p\u00e8re est perclus, aux deux bras, de rhumatismes, je lui\nai fourni trois bo\u00eetes du baume des Valdejeots, si estim\u00e9 en ce pays-ci.\nLa vieille m\u00e8re est sujett\u00e9 \u00e0 des maux d'estomac, et je lui ai apport\u00e9\nun pot de confection d'hyacinthe. Ils travaillaient dans le champ,\nvoisin du bois, je suis all\u00e9 les voir tandis que vous marchiez en avant.\nIls m'ont suivi malgr\u00e9 moi. Ne parlez de cela \u00e0 personne. On dirait\nque je veux faire le g\u00e9n\u00e9reux et le bon philosophe, mais je ne suis que\nhumain, et mes charit\u00e9s sont la plus agr\u00e9able d\u00e9pense de mes voyages.\n\nThis humanity of Holbach's is the very keynote of his character and of\nhis intellectual life as well. As M. Walferdin has said, the denial of\nthe supernatural was for him the base of all virtue, and resting on this\nprinciple, he exemplified social qualities that do the greatest honor to\nhuman nature. He and Madame Holbach are the only conspicuous examples\nof conjugal fidelity and happiness among all the people that one has\noccasion to mention in a study of the intellectual and literary circles\nof the eighteenth century. They were devoted to each other, to their\nchildren and to their friends. Considering the traits of Holbach's\ncharacter that have been cited, there can scarcely be two opinions in\nregard to completeness with which he realized his ideal of humanity\nand sociability. M. Naigeon has well summed up in a few words Holbach's\nrelation to the only duties that he recognized, \"He was a good husband,\na good father and a good friend.\"\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. HOLBACH'S WORKS.\n\n\nHolbach's published works, with the exception of a few scattered\nones, may be divided into three classes, viz., translations of German\nscientific works, translations of English deistical writings, and his\nown works on theology, philosophy, politics and morals. Those which fall\ninto none of these categories can be dealt with very summarily. They\nare:\n\n1. Two pamphlets on the musical dispute of 1752; _Lettre \u00e0 une dame d'un\ncertain \u00e2ge sur l'\u00e9tat pr\u00e9sent de l'Op\u00e9ra_, (8vo, pp. 11) and _Arr\u00eat\nrendu \u00e0 l'amphith\u00e9\u00e2tre de l'Op\u00e9ra_, (8vo, pp. 16,) both directed against\nFrench music and in line with Grimm's _Petit Proph\u00e8te_ and Rousseau's\n_Lettre sur la musique fran\u00e7aise_.\n\n2. A translation in prose of Akenside's _The Pleasures of Imagination_\n(Paris, 1759, 8vo).\n\n3. A translation of Swift's _History of the Reign of Queen Anne_ in\ncollaboration with M. Eidous (Amsterdam, 1765, 12mo, pp. xxiv + 416).\n\n4. Translations of an _Ode on Human Life_ and a _Hymn to the Sun_ in the\n_Vari\u00e9t\u00e9s litt\u00e9raires_ (1768).\n\n5. Articles on natural science in the _Encyclop\u00e9die_ and article\n_Prononciation des langues_ in the _Dictionnaire de Grammaire_ of the\n_Encyclop\u00e9die m\u00e9thodique_.\n\n6. Translation of Wallerius' _Agriculture reduced to its true\nprinciples_ (Paris, 1774, 12mo).\n\n7. Two _Fac\u00e9ties philosophiques_ published in Grimm's _Correspondence\nLitt\u00e9raire. L'Abb\u00e9 et le Rabbin_, and _Essai sur l'art de ramper, \u00e0\nl'usage des courtisans_.\n\n8. Parts of Raynal's _Histoire philosophique des deux Indes_.\n\n9. Notes to Lagrange's _Vie de Sen\u00e8que_.\n\n\nHolbach's translations of German scientific works are as follows:\n(Complete titles to be found in Bibliography, Pt. I.)\n\n1. _Art de la Verrerie de Neri, Merret, et Kunckel_ (Paris, Durand,\n1752). Original work in Italian. Latin translation by Christopher\nMerret. German translation by J. Kunckel of L\u00f6wenstern. Holbach's\ntranslation comprises the seven books of Antionio Neri, Merret's\nnotes on Neri, Kunckel's observations on both these authors, his own\nexperiments and others relative to glass-making. The translation\nwas dedicated to Malesherbes who had desired to see the best German\nscientific works published in French. In his _Pr\u00e9face du Traducteur_\nHolbach writes:\n\nL'envie de me rendre utile, dont tout citoyen doit \u00eatre anim\u00e9, m'a fait\nentreprendre l'ouvrage que je pr\u00e9sente au Public. S'il a le bonheur\nde m\u00e9riter son approbation, quoiqu'il y ait peu de gloire attach\u00e9e\nau travail ingrat et fastidieux d'un Traducteur, je me d\u00e9terminerai \u00e0\ndonner les meilleurs ouvrages allemands, sur l'Histoire Naturelle,\nla Min\u00e9ralogie, la M\u00e9tallurgie et la Chymie. Tout le monde sait que\nl'Allemagne possede en ce genre des tr\u00e9sors qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 jusqu'ici comme\nenfouis pour la France.\n\n2. _Min\u00e9ralogie ou Description g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du r\u00e8gne mineral par J. G.\nWallerius_ (Paris, Durand, 1753) followed by _Hydrologie_ by the same\nauthor. Second edition, Paris, Herrissant, 1759. Originally in Swedish\n(Wallerius was a professor of chemistry in the University of Upsala).\nGerman translation by J. D. Denso, Professor of Chemistry, Stargard,\nPomerania. Holbach's translation was made from the German edition which\nWallerius considered preferable to the Swedish. He was assisted by\nBernard de Jussien and Rouelle, and the work was dedicated to a friend\nand co-worker in the natural sciences, Monsieur d'Arclais de Montamy.\n\n3. _Introduction \u00e0 la Min\u00e9ralogie... oeuvre posthume de M. J. F.\nHenckel_, Paris, Cavelier, 1756, first published under title _Henckelius\nin Mineralogi\u00e2 redivivus_, Dresden, 1747, by his pupil, M. Stephani,\nas an outline of his lectures. Holbach's translation made from a German\nedition, corrected, with notes on new discoveries added.\n\n4. _Chimie m\u00e9tallurgique... par M. C. Gellert_. Paris, Briasson, 1758,\ntranslated earlier. Approbation May 1, 1753, Privilege Dec. 21, 1754.\nOriginally a text written by Gellert for four artillery officers whom\nthe King of Sardinia sent to Freyburg to learn mining-engineering.\n\n5. _Trait\u00e9s de physique, d'histoire naturelle, de mineralogy et de\nm\u00e9tallurgie_. Paris, Herrissant, 1759, by J. G. Lehmann, three vols. I.\nL'Art des Mines, II. Trait\u00e9 de la formation des m\u00e9taux, III. Essai d'une\nhistoire naturelle des couches de la terre. In his preface to the third\nvolume Holbach has some interesting remarks about the deluge, the irony\nof which seems to have escaped the royal censor, Millet, _Docteur en\nTh\u00e9ologie_.\n\n\"La description si pr\u00e9cise et si d\u00e9taill\u00e9e que Mo\u00efse fait du Deluge dans\nla Gen\u00e8se, ayant une autorit\u00e9 infaillible, puis qu'elle n'est autre\nque celle de Dieu m\u00eame, nous rend certains de la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 et de\nl'universalit\u00e9 de ce ch\u00e2timent terrible. Il s'agit simplement d'examiner\nsi les naturalistes, tels que Woodward, Schenchzer, Buttner et M.\nLehmann lui-m\u00eame ne se sont points tromp\u00e9s, lorsqu'ils ont attribu\u00e9 \u00e0\ncet \u00e9v\u00e9nement seul la formation des couches de la terre et lorsqu'ils\ns'en sont servis pour expliquer l'\u00e9tat actuel de notre globe. Il semble\nque rien ne doit nous emp\u00eacher d'agiter cette question; l'Ecriture\nsainte se contente de nous apprendre la voie miraculeuse dont Dieu s'est\nservi pour punir les crimes du genre humain; elle ne dit rien qui puisse\nlimiter les sentiments des naturalistes sur les autres effets physiques\nque le d\u00e9luge a pu produire. C'est une mati\u00e8re qu'elle paro\u00eet avoir\nabandonn\u00e9e aux disputes des hommes.\" He then proceeds to question\nwhether the deluge could have produced the results attributed to it\nand argues against catastrophism which, it must be remembered, was the\nreceived geological doctrine down to the days of Lyell. \"Les causes les\nplus simples sont capables de produire au bout des si\u00e8cles les effets\nles plus grands, surtout lorsqu'elles agissent incessament; et nous\nvoyons toutes ces causes r\u00e9unies agir perp\u00e9tuellement sous nos yeux.\nConcluons, donc, de tout ce qui pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, que le d\u00e9luge, seul et les feux\nsouterrains seuls ne suffisent point pour expliquer la formation des\ncouches de la terre. On risquera toujours de se tromper, lorsque par\nl'envie de simplifier on voudra d\u00e9river tous les ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes de la nature\nd'une seule et unique cause.\"\n\n6. _Pyritologie_ by J. F. Henkel, Paris, Herrissant, 1760, a large\nvolume in quarto, translated by Holbach. It contains _Flora Saturnisans_\n(translated by M. Charas and reviewed by M. Roux), Henkel's _Opuscules\nMin\u00e9ralogiques_ and other treatises. Original editions: _Pyritologia_,\nLeipzig, 1725, 1754; _Flora Saturnisans_, Leipzig, 1721; _De\nAppropriatione Chymica_, Dresden, 1727, and _De Lapidum origine_,\nDresden, 1734, translated into German, with excellent notes, Dresden,\n1744, by M. C. F. Zimmermann, a pupil of M. Henkel. Holbach's\ntranslations seem to have been well received because he writes in\nthis preface: \"Je m'estimerai heureux si mon travail peut contribuer \u00e0\nentretenir et augmenter le go\u00fbt universel qu'on a con\u00e7u pour le saine\nphysique.\"\n\n7. _Oeuvres m\u00e9tallurgiques_ de M. J. C. Orschall, Paris, Hardy, 1760.\nOrschall still accepted the old alchemist tradition but was sound in\npractice and was the best authority on copper. Holbach does not attempt\nto justify his physics which was that of the preceding century. Orschall\nwas held in high esteem by Henckel and Stahl.\n\n8. _Recueil des m\u00e9moires des Acad\u00e9mies d'Upsal et de Stockholm_, Paris,\nDidot, 1764. These records of experiments made in the Royal Laboratories\nof Sweden, founded in 1683 by Charles XI, had already been translated\ninto German and English. Holbach's translation was made from the German\nand Latin. He promises further treatises on Agriculture, Natural History\nand Medicine.\n\n9. _Trait\u00e9 du Soufre_ by G. E. Stahl, Paris, Didot, 1766. In speaking\nof Stahl's theories Holbach says: \"Il ne faut pas croire que ces\nconnaissances soient des v\u00e9rit\u00e9s st\u00e9riles propres seulement \u00e0 satisfaire\nune vaine curiosit\u00e9, elles ont leur application aux travaux de la\nm\u00e9tallurgie qui leur doivent la perfection o\u00f9 on les a port\u00e9s depuis\nquelques temps.\" Holbach understood very clearly the utility of science\nin his scheme of increasing the store of human well-being, and would\ndoubtless have translated other useful works had not other interests\nprevented. There is a MSS. note of his in the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale to\nM. Malesherbes, then Administrateur de la Librairie Royale; suggesting\nother German treatises that might well be translated. (MSS. 22194).\n\n\nHOLBACH TO MALESHERBES\n\n_Monsieur_\n\nJ'ai l'honneur de vous envoyer ci-joint la liste des ouvrages dont\nM. Li\u00e8ge fils pourrait entreprendre la traduction. Je n'en connais\nactuellement point d'autres qui m\u00e9ritent l'attention du public. M.\nMacquer m'a \u00e9crit une lettre qui a pour objet les m\u00eames choses dont vous\nm'avez fait l'honneur de me parler, et je lui fais la m\u00eame r\u00e9ponse.\n\nJ'ai l'honneur d'\u00eatre avec respect, Monsieur,\n\n Votre tr\u00e8s ob\u00e9issant serviteur\n D'HOLBACH\n\u00e0 Paris ce 6 d'avril 1761\n\n\nThe list of books was as follows:\n\n1. Johann Kunckel's _Laboratorium Chymicum_, 8vo.\n\n2. Georg Ernest Stahl's _Commentary on Becher's Metallurgy_, 8vo.\n\n3. _Concordantia Chymica Becheri_, 40\u00ba, published by Stahl.\n\n4. _Cadmologia_, or the _Natural History of Cobalt_, by J. G. Lehmann,\nBerlin, 1760, 4\u00b0.\n\n\nAfter 1760 Holbach became interested in another line of intellectual\nactivity, namely the writing and translation of anti-religious\nliterature. His first book of this sort really appeared in 1761 although\nno copies bear this date. From 1767 on however he published a great\nmany works of this character. It is convenient to deal first with his\ntranslations of English deistical writers. They are in chronological\norder.\n\n1. _Esprit du clerg\u00e9, ou le Christianisme primitif veng\u00e9 des entreprises\net des exc\u00e8s de nos Pr\u00eatres modernes_. Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. This\nbook appeared in England in 1720 under the title of _The Independent\nWhig_; its author was Thomas Gordon (known through his Commentaries on\nSallust and Tacitus) who wrote in collaboration with John Trenchard. The\nbook was partially rewritten by Holbach and then touched up by Naigeon,\nwho, according to a manuscript note by his brother, \"atheised it as\nmuch as possible.\" It was sold with great secrecy and at a high price--a\nreward which the colporters demanded for the risk they ran in peddling\nseditious literature. The book was a violent attack on the spirit of\ndomination which characterized the Christian priesthood at that time.\n\n2. _De L'imposture sacerdotale, ou Recueil de Pi\u00e8ces sur le clerg\u00e9_,\nLondres (Amsterdam), 1767. Another edition 1772 under title _De la\nMonstruosit\u00e9 pontificale_ etc.\n\nContains translations of various pamphlets including Davisson, _A\ntrue picture of Popery_; Brown, _Popery a Craft_, London 1735; Gordon,\n_Apology for the danger of the church_, 1719; Gordon, _The Creed of an\nIndependent Whig_, 1720.\n\n3. _Examen des Proph\u00e9ties qui servent de fondement \u00e0 la religion\nChr\u00e9tienne_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1768. Translation of Anthony Collins,\n_A Discourse on the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian Religion_,\nLondon, 1724. Contains also _The Scheme of literal Prophecy considered_,\n1727, also by Collins in answer to the works of Clarke, Sherlock,\nChandler, Sykes, and especially to Whiston's _Essay towards restoring\nthe text of the Old Testament_, one of the thirty-five works directed\nagainst Collins' original _\"Discourse\"_. Copies of this work have become\nvery rare.\n\n4. _David, ou l'histoire de l'homme selon le coeur de Dieu_. Londres\n(Amsterdam), 1768. This work appeared in England in 1761 and is\nattributed to Peter Annet, also to John Noorthook. Some English\neulogists of George II, Messrs. Chandler, Palmer and others, had likened\ntheir late King to David, \"the man after God's own heart.\" The deists,\nstruck by the absurdity of the comparison, proceeded to relate all\nthe scandalous facts they could find recorded of David, and by clever\ndistortions painted him as the most execrable of Kings, in a work\nentitled _David or the Man after God's Own Heart_, which formed the\nbasis of Holbach's translation.\n\n5. _Les pr\u00eatres d\u00e9masqu\u00e9s ou des iniquit\u00e9s du clerg\u00e9 chr\u00e9tien_. Londres,\n1768. Translation of four discourses published under the title _The\nAx laid to the root of Christian Priestcraft by a layman_, London, T.\nCooper, 1742. A rare volume.\n\n6. _Lettres philosophiques..._ Londres (Amsterdam, 1768). Translation\nof J. Toland's _Letters to Serena_, London, 1704. The book, which had\nbecome very rare in Holbach's time, had caused a great scandal at the\ntime of its publication and was much sought after by collectors. It\ncontains five letters, the first three of which are by Toland, the other\ntwo and the preface by Holbach and Naigeon. The matters treated are,\nthe origin of prejudices, the dogma of the immortality of the soul,\nidolatry, superstition, the system of Spinoza and the origin of movement\nin matter.\n\nDiderot said of these works, in writing to Mlle. Volland Nov. 22, 1768\n(_Oeuvres_, Vol. XVIII, p. 308): \"Il pleut des bombes dans la maison\ndu Seigneur. Je tremble toujours que quelqu'un de ces t\u00e9m\u00e9raires\nartilleurs-l\u00e0 ne s'en trouve mal. Ce sont les _Lettres philosophiques_\ntraduites, ou suppos\u00e9es traduites, de l'anglais de Toland; c'est\n_l'Examen des proph\u00e9ties_; c'est la _Vie de David ou de l'homme selon l\u00e0\ncoeur de Dieu_, ce sont m\u00e9lle diables d\u00e9chain\u00e9s.--Ah! Madame de Blacy,\nje crains bien que le Fils de l'Homme ne soit \u00e0 la porte; que la\nvenue d'Elie ne soit proche, et que nous ne touchions au r\u00e8gne de\nl'Anti-christ. Tous les jours, quand je me l\u00e8ve, je regarde par ma\nfen\u00eatre, si la grande prostitu\u00e9e de Babylone ne se prom\u00e8ne point d\u00e9j\u00e0\ndans les rues avec sa grande coupe \u00e0 la main et s'il ne se fait aucun\ndes signes pr\u00e9dits dans le firmament.\"\n\n7. _De la Cruaut\u00e9 religieuse_, Londres (Amsterdam). _Considerations\nupon war, upon cruelty in general and religious cruelty in particular_,\nLondon, printed for Thomas Hope, 1761.\n\n8. _Dissertation critique sur les tourmens de l'enfer_ printed in\nan original work, _L'Enfer d\u00e9truit_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1769. A\ntranslation of Whitefoot's _The Torments of Hell, the foundation and\npillars thereof discover'd, search'd, shaken and remov'd_. London, 1658.\n\n9. In the _Recueil philosophique_ edited by Naigeon, Londres\n(Amsterdam), 1770. I. Dissertation sur l'immortalit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me.\nTranslated from Hume. II. Dissertation sur le suicide (Hume). III.\nExtrait d'un livre Anglais qui a pour titre le Christianisme aussi\nancien que le monde. (Tindal, Christianity as old as Creation.)\n\n10. _Esprit de Juda\u00efsme, ou Examen raisonn\u00e9 de la Loi de Moyse_. Londres\n(Amsterdam), 1770 (1769), translated from Anthony Collins. With the\nexception of some of Holbach's own works this is one of the fiercest\ndenunciations of Judaism and Christianity to be found in print. In fact,\nit is very much in the style of Holbach's anti-religious works and shows\nbeyond a doubt that Holbach derived his inspiration from Collins and the\nmore radical of the English school. The volume has become exceedingly\nrare.\n\nAfter outlining the history of Judaism the book ends thus:\n\nOse, donc enfin, \u00f4 Europe! secouer le joug insupportable des pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s\nqui t'affligent. Laisse \u00e0 des H\u00e9breux stupides, \u00e0 des fr\u00e9n\u00e9tiques\nimb\u00e9ciles, \u00e0 des Asiatiques l\u00e2ches et d\u00e9grad\u00e9s, ces superstitions aussi\navilissantes qu'insens\u00e9es: elles ne sont point faites pour les habitans\nde ton climat. Occupe-toi du soin de perfectionner tes gouvernemens, de\ncorriger tes lois, de r\u00e9former tes abus, de r\u00e9gler tes moeurs, et ferme\npour toujours les yeux \u00e0 ces vraies chim\u00e8res, qui depuis tant de si\u00e8cles\nn'ont servi qu'\u00e0 retarder tes progr\u00e8s vers la science v\u00e9ritable et \u00e0\nt'\u00e9carter de la route du bonheur.\n\n11. _Examen critique de la vie et des ouvrages de Saint Paul_, Londres\n(Amsterdam), 1770. A free translation of Peter Annet's _History and\ncharacter of St. Paul examined_, written in answer to Lyttelton. New\nedition 1790 and translated back into English \"from the French of\nBoulanger,\" London, R. Carlile, 1823. A rather unsympathetic account,\nbut with flashes of real insight into \"le syst\u00e8me religieux des\nChr\u00e9tiens dont S. Paul fut \u00e9videmment le v\u00e9ritable architecte.\" (Ep\u00eetre\nd\u00e9dicatoire.)\n\nAnnet said of Paul's type of man \"l'enthousiaste s'enivre, pour l'ainsi\ndire, de son propre vin, il se persuade que la cause de ses passions\nest la cause de Dieu (p. 72), mais quelque violent qu'ait pu \u00eatre\nl'enthousiasme de S. Paul, il sentait tr\u00e8s bien que la doctrine qu'il\npr\u00eachait devait para\u00eetre bizarre et insens\u00e9e \u00e0 des \u00eatres raisonnables\"\n(p. 141).\n\n12. _De la nature humaine, ou Exposition des facult\u00e9s, des actions et\ndes passions de l'\u00e2me_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1772. (Thomas Hobbes.)\nReprinted in a French Edition of Hobbes' works by Holbach and Sorbi\u00e8re,\n1787. Appeared first in English in 1640, omitted in a Latin Edition of\nHobbes printed in Amsterdam. In spite of its brevity, Holbach considered\nthis one of Hobbes' most important and luminous works.\n\n13. _Discours sur les Miracles de Jesus Christ_ (Amsterdam, 1780?).\nTranslated from Woolston, whom Holbach admired very much for\nhis uncompromising attitude toward truth. He suffered fines and\nimprisonments, but would not give up the privilege of writing as he\npleased. The present discourse was the cause of a quarrel with his\nfriend Whiston. He died Jan. 27, 1733, \"avec beaucoup de fermet\u00e9...\nil se ferma les yeux et la bouche de ses propres mains, et rendit\nl'esprit.\" This work exists in a manuscript book of 187 pages, written\nvery fine, in the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale (Mss. fran\u00e7ais 15224) and was\ncurrent in France long before 1780. In fact it is mentioned by Grimm\nbefore 1770, but the dictionaries (Barber, Qu\u00e9rard) generally date it\nfrom 1780.\n\n\nBefore turning to Holbach's original works mention should be made of\na very interesting and extraordinary book that he brought to light,\nretouched, and later used as a kind of shield against the attacks of the\nparliaments upon his own works.\n\nIn 1766 he published a work entitled _L'Antiquit\u00e9 d\u00e9voil\u00e9e par ses\nusages, ou Examen critique des principales Opinions, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et\nInstitutions religieuses et politiques des diff\u00e9rens Peuples de la\nTerre_. Par feu M. Boulanger, Amsterdam, 1766. This is a work based on\nan original manuscript by Boulanger, who died in 1759, preceded by\nan excellent letter on him by Diderot, published also in the _Gazette\nLitt\u00e9raire_.\n\nThe use made by Holbach of Boulanger's name makes it necessary to\nconsider for a moment this almost forgotten writer. Nicholas Antoine\nBoulanger was born in 1722. As a child he showed so little aptitude for\nstudy that later his teachers could scarcely believe that he had turned\nout to be a really learned man. As Diderot observes, \"ces exemples\nd'enfans, rendus ineptes entre les mains des P\u00e9dans qui les abrutissent\nen d\u00e9pit de la nature la plus heureuse, ne sont pas rares, cependant\nils surprennent toujours\" (p. 1). Boulanger studied mathematics and\narchitecture, became an engineer and was employed by the government as\ninspector of bridges and highways. He passed a busy life in exacting\noutdoor work but at the same time his active intellect played over a\nlarge range of human interests. He became especially concerned with\nhistorical origins and set himself to learn Latin and Greek that he\nmight get at the sources. Not satisfied that he had come to the root of\nthe matter he learned Arabic, Syriac, Hebrew and Chaldean. Diderot\nsays \"Il lisait et \u00e9tudiait partout, je l'ai moi-m\u00eame rencontr\u00e9 sur\nles grandes routes avec un auteur rabinnique \u00e0 la main.\" He made a\n_mappemonde_ in which the globe is divided in two hemispheres, one\noccupied by the continents, the other by the oceans, and by a singular\ncoincidence he found that the meridian of the continental hemisphere\npassed through Paris. Some such rearrangement of hemispheres is one of\nthe commonplaces of modern geography. He furnished such articles as,\n_Deluge, Corv\u00e9e, Soci\u00e9t\u00e9_ for the Encyclopedia and wrote several large\nand extremely learned books, among them _Recherches sur l'origine du\nDespotisme oriental_ and _Antiquit\u00e9 d\u00e9voil\u00e9e_. He died from overwork at\nthe age of thirty-seven.\n\nBoulanger's ideas on philosophy, mythology, anthropology and history are\nof extraordinary interest today. Diderot relates his saying--\"Que si la\nphilosophie avait trouv\u00e9 tant d'obstacles parmi nous c'\u00e9tait qu'on avait\ncommenc\u00e9 par o\u00f9 il aurait fallu finir, par des maximes abstraites, des\nraisonnemens g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, des r\u00e9flexions subtiles qui ont r\u00e9volt\u00e9 par leur\n\u00e9tranget\u00e9 et leur hardiesse et qu'on aurait admises sans peine si elles\navaient \u00e9t\u00e9 pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9es de l'histoire des faits.\" He carried over this\ninductive method into realm of history, which he thought had been\napproached from the wrong side, i.e., the metaphysical, \"par consulter\nles lumi\u00e8res de la raison\" (p. 8). He continues, \"j'ai pens\u00e9 qu'il\ndevait y avoir quelques circonstances _particuli\u00e8res_. Un fait et non\nune sp\u00e9culation m\u00e9taphysique m'a toujours sembl\u00e9 devoir \u00eatre et tribut\nnaturel et n\u00e9cessaire de l'histoire.\" Curiously enough the central fact\nin history appeared to Boulanger to be the deluge, and on the basis of\nit he attempted to interpret the _Kulturgeschichte_ of humanity. It is\na bit unfortunate that he took the deluge quite as literally as he did;\nhis idea, however, is obviously the influence of environmental pressure\non the changing beliefs and practices of mankind. Under the spell of\nthis new point of view, he writes, \"Ce qu'on appelle l'histoire n'en est\nque la partie la plus ingrate, la plus uniforme, la plus inutile, quoi\nqu'elle soit la plus connue. La v\u00e9ritable histoire est couverte par le\nvoile des temps\" (p. 7). Boulanger however was not to be daunted and\non the firm foundation of the fact of some ancient and universal\ncatastrophe, as recorded on the surface of the earth and in human\nmythology, he proceeds to inquire into the moral effects of the changes\nin the physical environment back to which if possible the history of\nantiquity must be traced. Man's defeat in his struggle with the elements\nmade him religious, _hinc prima mali labes_. \"Son premier pas fut un\nfaux pas, sa premi\u00e8re maxime fut une erreur\" (p. 4 sq). But it was not\nhis fault nor has time repaired the evil moral effects of that early\ncatastrophe. \"Les grandes r\u00e9volutions physiques de notre globe sont les\nv\u00e9ritables \u00e9poques de l'histoire des nations\" (p. 9). Hence have arisen\nthe various psychological states through which mankind has passed.\nContemporary savages are still in the primitive state--Boulanger\nproperly emphasizes the relation of anthropology to history--\"On\naper\u00e7oit qu'il y a une nouvelle mani\u00e8re de voir et d'\u00e9crire l'histoire\ndes hommes\" (p. 12) and with a vast store of anthropological and\nfolklorist learning he writes it so that his assailant, Fabry d'Autrey,\nin his _Antiquit\u00e9 justifi\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1766) is obliged to say with truth,\n\"Ce n'est point ici un tissus de mensonges grossiers, de sophismes\nrebattus et bouffons, appliqu\u00e9s d'un air m\u00e9prisant aux objets les\nplus int\u00e9ressants pour l'humanit\u00e9. C'est une enterprise s\u00e9rieuse et\nr\u00e9fl\u00e9chie\" (p. 11).\n\nIn 1767 Holbach published his first original work, a few copies of\nwhich had been printed in Nancy in 1761. This work was _Le Christianisme\nd\u00e9voil\u00e9 ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion\nChr\u00e9tienne_. Par feu M. Boulanger. Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. There\nwere several other editions the same year, one printed at John Wilkes'\nprivate press in Westminster. It was reprinted in later collections\nof Boulanger's works, and went through several English and Spanish\neditions. The form of the title and the attribution of the work to\nBoulanger were designed to set persecution on the wrong track. There\nhas been some discussion as to its authorship. Voltaire and Laharpe\nattributed it to Damilaville, at whose book shop it was said to have\nbeen sold, but M. Barbier has published detailed information given him\nby Naigeon to the effect that Holbach entrusted his manuscript to M. De\nSaint-Lambert, who had it printed by Leclerc at Nancy in 1761. Most\nof the copies that got to Paris at that time were bought by several\nofficers of the King's regiment then in garrison at Nancy, among them M.\nde Villevielle, a friend of Voltaire and of Condorcet. Damilaville did\nnot sell a single copy and even had a great deal of trouble to get one\nfor Holbach who waited for it a long time. This circumstantial evidence\nis of greater value than the statement of Voltaire who was in the habit\nof attributing anonymous works to whomever he pleased. [39:2]\n\nThe edition of 1767 was printed in Amsterdam as were most of Holbach's\nworks. We have the details of their publication from Naigeon _cadet_, a\ncopyist, whose brother, J. A. Naigeon, was Holbach's literary factotum.\nIn a manuscript note in his copy of the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ he tells\nhow he copied nearly all Holbach's works, either at Paris or at Sedan,\nwhere he was stationed, and where his friend Blon, the postmaster, aided\nhim, passing the manuscripts on to a Madame Loncin in Li\u00e8ge, who in\nturn was a correspondent of Marc-Michel Rey, the printer in Amsterdam.\nSometimes they were sent directly by the diligence or through\ntravellers. This account agrees perfectly with information given M.\nBarbier orally by Naigeon _a\u00een\u00e9_. After being printed in Holland the\nbooks were smuggled into France _sous le manteau_, as the expression is,\nand sold at absurd rates by colporters. [40:3]\n\nDiderot writing to Falconet early in 1768 [40:4] says: \"Il pleut des\nlivres incr\u00e9dules. C'est un feu roulant qui crible le sanctuaire de\ntoutes parts... L'intol\u00e9rance du gouvernment s'accroit de jour en jour.\nOn dirait que c'est un projet form\u00e9 d'\u00e9teindre ici les lettres, de\nruiner le commerce de librairie et de nous r\u00e9duire \u00e0 la besace et \u00e0\nla stupidit\u00e9... _Le Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_ s'est vendu jusqu'\u00e0 quatre\nlouis.\"\n\nWhen caught the colporters were severely punished. Diderot gives\nthe following instance in a letter to Mlle. Volland Oct. 8, 1768\n(Av\u00e9zac-Lavigne, _Diderot_, p. 161): \"Un apprenti avait re\u00e7u, en payment\nou autrement, d'un colporteur appel\u00e9 L\u00e9cuyer, deux exemplaires du\n_Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_ et il avait vendu un de ces exemplaires \u00e0 son\npatron. Celui-ci le d\u00e9f\u00e8re au lieutenant de police. Le colporteur, sa\nfemme et l'apprenti sont arr\u00eat\u00e9s tous les trois; ils viennent d'\u00eatre\npilori\u00e9s, fouett\u00e9s et marqu\u00e9s, et l'apprenti condamn\u00e9 \u00e0 neuf ans de\ngal\u00e8res, le colporteur \u00e0 cinq ans, et la femme \u00e0 l'h\u00f4pital pour toute sa\nvie.\"\n\nThere are two very interesting pieces of contemporary criticism of _Le\nChristianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_, one by Voltaire, the other by Grimm. Voltaire\nwrites in a letter to Madame de Saint Julien December 15, 1766\n(_Oeuvres_, XLIV, p. 534, ed. Garnier): \"Vous m'apprenez que, dans votre\nsoci\u00e9t\u00e9, on m'attribue _Le Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_ par feu M. Boulanger,\nmais je vous assure que les gens au fait ne m'attribuent point du tout\ncet ouvrage. J'avoue avec vous qu'il y a de la clart\u00e9, de la chaleur,\net quelque fois de l'\u00e9loquence; mais il est plein de r\u00e9p\u00e9titions, de\nn\u00e9gligences, de fautes contre la langue et je serais tr\u00e8s-f\u00e2ch\u00e9 de\nl'avoir fait, non seulement comme acad\u00e9micien, mais comme philosophe, et\nencore plus comme citoyen.\n\n\"Il est enti\u00e8rement oppos\u00e9 \u00e0 mes principes. Ce livre conduit \u00e0\nl'ath\u00e9isme que je d\u00e9teste. J'ai toujours regard\u00e9 l'ath\u00e9isme comme le\nplus grand \u00e9garement de la raison, parce qu'il est aussi ridicule de\ndire que l'arrangement du monde ne prouve pas un artisan supr\u00eame qu'il\nserait impertinent de dire qu'une horloge ne prouve pas un horloger.\n\n\"Je ne r\u00e9prouve pas moins ce livre comme citoyen; l'auteur para\u00eet\ntrop ennemi des puissances. Des hommes qui penseraient comme lui ne\nformeraient qu'une anarchie: et je vois trop, par l'example de Gen\u00e8ve,\ncombien l'anarchie est \u00e0 craindre. Ma coutume est d'\u00e9crire sur la marge\nde mes livres ce que je pense d'eux, vous verrez, quand vous daignerez\nvenir \u00e0 Ferney, les marges de _Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_ charg\u00e9s de\nremarques qui montrent que l'auteur s'est tromp\u00e9 sur les faits les plus\nessentiels.\" These notes may be read in Voltaire's works (Vol. XXXI, p.\n129, ed. Garnier) and the original copy of _Le Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_\nin which he wrote them is in the British Museum (c 28, k 3) where it\nis jealously guarded as one of the most precious autographs of the\nPatriarch of Ferney.\n\nGrimm's notice is from the _Correspondance Litt\u00e9raire_ of August 15,\n1763 (Vol. V, p. 367). \"Il existe un livre intitul\u00e9 _le Christianisme\nd\u00e9voil\u00e9 ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion\nChr\u00e9tienne_, par feu M. Boulanger, volume in 8\u00ba. On voit d'abord qu'on\nlui a donn\u00e9 ce titre pour en faire le pendant de _l'Antiquit\u00e9 d\u00e9voil\u00e9e_;\nmais il ne faut pas beaucoup se conna\u00eetre en mani\u00e8re pour sentir que ces\ndeux ouvrages ne sont pas sortis de la m\u00eame plume. On peut assurer\navec la m\u00eame certitude que celui dont nous parlons ne vient point de la\nfabrique de Ferney, parce que j'aimerais mieux croire que le patriache\ne\u00fbt pris la lune avec ses dents; cela serait moins impossible que de\nguetter sa mani\u00e8re et son allure si compl\u00e8tement qu'il n'en rest\u00e2t\naucune trace quelconque. Par la m\u00eame raison, je ne crois ce livre\nd'aucun de nos philosophes connus, parce que je n'y trouve la mani\u00e8re\nd'aucun de ceux qui ont \u00e9crit. D'\u00f2u vient-il donc? Ma foi, je serais\nf\u00e2ch\u00e9 de le savoir, et je crois que l'auteur aura sagement fait de ne\nmettre personne dans son secret. C'est le livre le plus hardi et le\nplus terrible qui ait jamais parti dans aucun lieu du monde. La\npr\u00e9face consiste dans une lettre o\u00f9 l'auteur examine si la r\u00e9ligion est\nre\u00e9llement n\u00e9cessaire ou seulement utile au maintien ou \u00e0 la police des\nempires, et s'il convient de la respecter sous ce point de vue. Comme\nil \u00e9tablit la n\u00e9gative, il entreprend en cons\u00e9quence de prouver, par\nson ouvrage, l'absurdit\u00e9 et l'incoh\u00e9rence du dogme Chr\u00e9tien et de la\nmythologie qui en r\u00e9sulte, et l'influence de cette absurdit\u00e9 sur les\nt\u00eates et sur les \u00e2mes. Dans la seconde partie, il examine la morale\nchr\u00e9tienne, et il pr\u00e9tend prouver que dans ses principes g\u00e9n\u00e9raux elle\nn'a aucun avantage sur toutes les morales du monde, parce que la justice\net la bont\u00e9 sont recommand\u00e9es dans tous les cat\u00e9chismes de l'univers, et\nque chez aucun peuple, quelque barbare qu'il fut, on n'a jamais\nenseign\u00e9 qu'il fall\u00fbt \u00eatre injuste et m\u00e9chant. Quant \u00e0 ce que la morale\nchr\u00e9tienne a de particulier, l'auteur pretend d\u00e9montrer qu'elle ne peut\nconvenir qu'\u00e0 des enthousiastes peu propres aux devoirs de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9,\npour lesquels les hommes sont dans ce monde. Il entreprend de prouver,\ndans la troisi\u00e8me partie, que la religion chr\u00e9tienne a eu les effets\npolitiques les plus sinistres et les plus funestes, et que le genre\nhumain lui doit tous les malheurs dont il a \u00e9t\u00e9 accabl\u00e9 depuis quinze \u00e0\ndix-huit si\u00e8cles, sans qu'on en puisse encore pr\u00e9voir la fin.\n\nCe livre est \u00e9crit avec plus de v\u00e9h\u00e9mence que de v\u00e9ritable \u00e9loquence;\nil entraine. Son style est ch\u00e2ti\u00e9 et correct, quoique un peu dur et\nsec; son ton est grave et soutenu. On n'y apprend rien de nouveau, et\ncependant il attache et int\u00e9resse. Malgr\u00e9 son incroyable t\u00e9m\u00e9rit\u00e9, on\nne peut refuser \u00e0 l'auteur la qualit\u00e9 d'homme de bien fortement \u00e9pris du\nbonheur de sa race et de la prosp\u00e9rit\u00e9 des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s; mais je pense que\nses bonnes intentions seraient une sauvegarde bien faible contre les\nmandements et les r\u00e9quisitions.\" This is a clear and fair account of\na book that is without doubt the severest criticism of the theory and\npractice of historical Christianity ever put in print.\n\nThe church very naturally did not let such a book pass unanswered. Abb\u00e9\nBergier, a heavy person, triumphantly refuted Holbach in eight hundred\npages in his _Apologia de la Religion Chr\u00e9tienne contre l'Auteur du\nChristianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_, Paris, 1769, which finishes with the fatal\nprophecy, \"Nous avons de surs garans de nos esp\u00e9rances: tant que le sang\nauguste de S. Louis sera sur le tr\u00f4ne, _il n'y a point de r\u00e9volutions\n\u00e0 craindre ni dans la Religion ni dans la politique_. La religion\nChr\u00e9tienne fond\u00e9e sur la parole de Dieu... triomphera des nouveaux\nPhilosophes. Dieu qui veille sur son ouvrage n'a pas besoin de nos\nfaibles mains pour le soutenir\" (Psaume 32, vs. 10, 11).\n\n2. There already existed in 1767 another work by Holbach entitled\n_Th\u00e9ologie portative ou Dictionnaire Abr\u00e9g\u00e9 de la Religion Chr\u00e9tienne.\nPar Mr Abb\u00e9 Bernier_. Londres (Amsterdam), 1768 (1767). This book\nwent through many editions and was augmented by subsequent authors and\neditors. Voltaire was already writing to d'Alembert about it August 14,\n1767. [44:5]\n\nIn a letter to Damilaville, October 16, he writes (Vol. XIV, p. 406):\n\nDepuis trois mois il y a une douzaine d'ouvrages d'une libert\u00e9\nextr\u00eame, imprim\u00e9s en Hollande. _La Th\u00e9ologie portative_ n'est nullement\nth\u00e9ologique: ce n'est qu'une plaisanterie continuelle par ordre\nalphab\u00e9tique; mais il faut avouer qu'il y a des traits si comiques que\nplusieurs th\u00e9ologiens m\u00eames ne pourront s'emp\u00eacher d'en rire. Les jeunes\ngens et les femmes lisent cette folie avec avidit\u00e9. Les \u00e9ditions de tous\nles livres dans ce go\u00fbt se multiplient.\n\nAnd on February 8, 1768, he wrote:\n\nOn fait tous les jours des livres contre la religion, dont je voudrais\nbien imiter le style pour la d\u00e9fendre. Y a-t-il de plus sal\u00e9, que la\nplupart des traits qui se trouvent dans la _Th\u00e9ologie portative_? Y\na-t-il rien de plus vigoreux, de plus profond\u00e9ment raisonn\u00e9, d'\u00e9crit\navec une \u00e9loquence plus audacieuse et plus terrible, que le _Militaire\nphilosophe_, ouvrage qui court toute l'Europe? [by Naigeon and Holbach]\nLisez la _Th\u00e9ologie portative_, et vous ne pourrez vous emp\u00eacher\nde rire, en condammant la coupable hardiesse de l'auteur. Lisez\n_l'Imposture sacerdotale_--vous y verrez le style de D\u00e9mosth\u00e8ne. Ces\nlivres malheuresement inondent l'Europe; mais quelle est la cause\nde cette inondation? Il n'y en a point d'autre que les querelles\nth\u00e9ologiques qui ont r\u00e9volt\u00e9 les la\u00efques. _Il s'est fait une r\u00e9volution\ndans l'esprit humain que rien ne peut plus arr\u00eater: les pers\u00e9cutions ne\npourraient qu'irriter le mal_. [Footnote: the italics are mine.]\n\nIt is to be noted however that Voltaire's sentiments varied according to\nthe point of view of the person to whom he was writing. In a letter to\nd'Alembert, May 24, 1769 (Vol. LXV, p. 453), he calls the _Th\u00e9ologie\nportative_ \"un ouvrage \u00e0 mon gr\u00e9, tr\u00e8s plaisant, auquel je n'ai\nassur\u00e9ment nulle part, ouvrage que je serais tr\u00e8s f\u00e2ch\u00e9 d'avoir fait, et\nque je voudrais bien avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 capable de faire.\" But in a letter to the\nBishop of Annecy June, 1769, he writes (Vol. XXVIII, p. 73): \"Vous lui\n[M. de Saint Florentin] imputez, \u00e0 ce que je vois par vos lettres, des\nlivres mis\u00e9rables, et jusqu'\u00e0 _la Theologie portative_, ouvrage fait\napparemment dans quelque cabaret; vous n'\u00eates pas oblig\u00e9 d'avoir du\ngo\u00fbt, mais vous \u00eates oblig\u00e9 d'\u00eatre juste\" (Vol. XXVIII, p. 73).\nDiderot even said of the book: \"C'est un assez bon nombre de bonnes\nplaisanteries noy\u00e9es dans un beaucoup plus grand nombre de mauvaises\"\nand this criticism is just. A few examples of the better jokes will\nsuffice:\n\n_Adam:_ C'est le premier homme, Dieu en fait un grand nigaud, qui pour\ncomplaire \u00e0 sa femme eut la b\u00eatise de mordre dans une pomme que ses\ndescendans n'ont point encore pu dig\u00e9rer.\n\n_Id\u00e9es Inn\u00e9es:_ Notions inspir\u00e9es des Pr\u00eatres de si bonne heure, si\nsouvent r\u00e9p\u00e9t\u00e9es, que devenu grand l'on cro\u00eet les avoir eu toujours ou\nles avoir re\u00e7us d\u00e8s le ventre de sa m\u00e8re.\n\n_Jonas:_ La baleine fut \u00e0 la fin oblig\u00e9e de le vomir tant un Proph\u00e8te\nest un morceau difficile \u00e0 dig\u00e9rer.\n\n_Magie:_ Il y en a de deux sortes, la blanche et la noire. La premi\u00e8re\nest tr\u00e8s sainte et se pratique journellement dans l'\u00e9glise.\n\n_Protestants:_ Chr\u00e9tiens amphibies.\n\n_Vierge:_ C'est la m\u00e8re du fils de Dieu et belle-m\u00e8re de l'\u00e9glise.\n\n_Visions:_ Lanternes magiques que de tout temps le P\u00e8re Eternel s'est\namus\u00e9 \u00e0 montrer aux Saintes et aux Proph\u00e8tes.\n\n3. Holbach furnished the last chapter of Naigeon's book _Le Militaire\nphilosophe, ou Difficulties sur la religion_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1768.\nVoltaire ascribed the work to St. Hyacinthe. Grimm recognized that the\nlast chapter was by another hand and considered it the weakest part of\nthe book. It attempts to demonstrate that all supernatural religions\nhave been harmful to society and that the only useful religion is\nnatural religion or morals. The book was refuted by Guidi, in a \"_Lettre\na M. le Chevalier de... [Barthe] entra\u00een\u00e9 dans l'irreligion par un\nlibelle intitul\u00e9 Le Militaire philosophe_ (1770, 12mo).\n\n4. Holbach's next book was _La Contagion sacr\u00e9e ou l'Histoire naturelle\nde la Superstition_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1768. In his preface Holbach\nattributed the alleged English original of this work to John Trenchard\nbut that was only a ruse to avoid persecution. The book is by Holbach.\nIt has gone through many editions and been translated into English and\nSpanish. The first edition had an introduction by Naigeon. According\nto him manuscripts of this book became quite rare at one time and were\nsupposed to have been lost. Later they became more common and this\nedition was corrected by collation with six others.\n\n\n     [PG transcriber's note: at this point there appears to be a break\n     in the original text.  A sentence introducing the fifth book in\n     this list, \"Letters to Eugenie\", has evidently been lost.]\n\n\nThe letters were written in 1764, according to Lequinio (_Feuilles\nposthumes_), who had his information from Naigeon, to Marguerite,\nMarchioness de Vermandois in answer to a very touching and pitiful\nletter from that lady who was in great trouble over religion. Her young\nhusband was a great friend of the Holbachs, but having had a strict\nCatholic bringing up she was shocked at their infidelity and warned by\nher confessor to keep away from them. \"Yet in their home she saw all\nthe domestic virtues exemplified and beheld that sweet and unchangeable\naffection for which the d'Holbachs were eminently distinguished among\ntheir acquaintances and which was remarkable for its striking contrast\nwith the courtly and Christian habits of the day. Her natural good\nsense and love for her friends struggled with her monastic education and\nreverence for the priests. The conflict rendered her miserable and she\nreturned to her country seat to brood over it. In this state of mind she\nat length wrote to the Baron and laid open her situation requesting him\nto comfort, console, and enlighten her.\" [47:7] His letters accomplished\nthe desired effect and he later published them in the hope that they\nwould do as much for others. They were carefully revised before they\nwere sent to the press. All the purely personal passages were omitted\nand others added to hide the identity of the persons concerned. Letters\nof the sort to religious ladies were common at this time. Fr\u00e9ret's were\npreventive, Holbach's curative, but appear to be rather strong dose\nfor a _d\u00e9vote_. Other examples are Voltaire's _Ep\u00eetre \u00e0 Uranie_ and\nDiderot's _Entretien d'un Philosophe avec la Mar\u00e9chale de..._.\n\n6. In 1769 Holbach published two short treatises on the doctrine of\neternal punishment which claimed to be translations from English, but\nthe originals are not to be found. The titles are _De l'intol\u00e9rance\nconvaincue de crime et de folie_ as it is sometimes given, and--\n\n7. _L'Enfer d\u00e9truit ou Examen raisonn\u00e9 du Dogme de l'Eternit\u00e9 des\nPeines_. Londres, Amsterdam, 1769. This letter was translated into\nEnglish under the title _Hell Destroyed!_ \"Now first translated from the\nFrench of d'Alembert without any mutilations,\" London 1823, which led\nMr. J. Hibbert to say, \"I know not why English publishers attribute this\nawfully sounding work to the cautious, not to say timid d'Alembert. It\nwas followed by Whitefoot's _'Torments of Hell,'_ now first translated\nfrom the French.\" [47:8]\n\n\nOf Holbach's remaining works on religion two, _Histoire critique de\nJ\u00e9sus Christ_ and _Tableau des Saints_, date from 1770 when he began to\npublish his more philosophical works.\n\n8. The _Histoire critique de J\u00e9sus Christ ou Analyse raisonn\u00e9e des\nEvangiles_ was published without name of place or date. It was preceded\nby Voltaire's _Ep\u00eetre \u00e0 Uranie_. It is an extremely careful but\nunsympathetic analysis of the Gospel accounts, emphasizing all the\ninconsistencies and interpreting them with a literalness that they\ncan ill sustain. From this rationalistic view-point Holbach found the\nGospels a tissue of absurdities and contradictions. His method, however,\nwould not be followed by the critique of today.\n\n9. The _Tableau des Saints_ is a still more severe criticism of the\nheroes of Christendom. Holbach's proposition is \"La raison ne conna\u00eet\nqu'une mesure pour juger et les hommes et les choses, c'est l'utilit\u00e9\nr\u00e9elle et permanente, qui en r\u00e9sulte pour notre esp\u00e8ce,\" (p. 111).\nJudged by this standard, the saints with their eyes fixed on another\nworld have fallen far short. \"Ils se flatt\u00e8rent de m\u00e9riter le ciel en\nse rendant parfaitement inutile \u00e0 la terre\" (p. xviii). Holbach much\nprefers the heroes of classical antiquity. The book is violent but\nlearned throughout, and deals not only with the Jewish patriarchs from\nMoses on but with the church fathers and Christian Princes down to the\ncontemporary defenders of the faith. After a rather one-sided account\nof the most dreary characters and events in Christian history,\nHolbach concludes: \"Tel fut, tel est, et tel sera toujours l'esprit du\nChristianisme: il est ais\u00e9 de sentir qu'il est incompatible avec les\nprincipes les plus \u00e9videns de la morale et de la saine politique\" (p.\n208).\n\n10. In _Recueil philosophique_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1770, edited by\nNaigeon. R\u00e9flexions sur les craintes de la Mort. Probl\u00e8me important--La\nReligion est-elle n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 la morale et utile \u00e0 la Politique. Par M.\nMirabaud.\n\n11. _Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s, ou De l'influence des opinions sur les\nmoeurs et sur le bonheur des Hommes_. Londres (Amsterdam), 1770, under\nname of Dumarsais. The book pretended to be an elaboration of Dumarsais'\nessay on the _Philosophe_ published in the _Nouvelles libert\u00e9s de\npenser_, 1750.\n\nThe special interest connected with it was the refutation Frederick the\nGreat published under the title _Examen de l'Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s_,\nLondres, Nourse, 1770 (16 mo). The King of Prussia writing from the\npoint of view of a practical, enlightened despot, took special exception\nto Holbach's remarks on government. \"Il l'outrage avec autant de\ngrossi\u00e8ret\u00e9 que d'ind\u00e9cence, il force le gouvernement de prendre fait et\ncause avec l'\u00e9glise pour s'opposer \u00e0 l'ennemi commun. Mais, quand avec\nun acharnement violent et les traits de la plus \u00e2cre satire, il calomnie\nson Roi et le gouvernement de son pays, on le prend pour un fr\u00e9n\u00e9tique\nechapp\u00e9 de ses cha\u00eenes, et livr\u00e9 aux transports les plus violens de\nsa rage. Quoi, Monsieur le philosophe, protecteur des moeurs et de\nla vertu, ignorez vous qu'un bon citoyen doit respecter la forme de\ngouvernement sous laquelle il vit, ignorez vous qu'il ne convient point\n\u00e0 un particulier d'insulter les Puissances...\" (p. 28).\n\n\"Non content d'insulter \u00e0 toutes les t\u00eates couronn\u00e9s de l'Europe, notre\nphilosophe s'amuse, en passant, \u00e0 r\u00e9pandre du ridicule sur les ouvrages\nde Hugo Grotius. J'oserais croire qu'il n'en sera pas cru sur sa\nparole, et que le _Droit de la guerre et de la paix_ ira plus loin \u00e0 la\npost\u00e9rit\u00e9 que _l'Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s_\" (p. 39).\n\nHolbach in his anti-militaristic enthusiasm had used the words\n\"bourreaux mercenaires\"; \"epith\u00e8te \u00e9l\u00e9gante,\" continues Frederick,\n\"dont il honore les guerriers. Mais souffrions nous qu'un cerveau br\u00fbl\u00e9\ninsulte au plus noble emploi de la Societ\u00e9?\" (p.49). He goes on to\ndefend war in good old-fashioned terms. \"Vous d\u00e9clamez contre la guerre,\nelle est funeste en elle-m\u00eame; mais c'est un mal comme ces autres\nfl\u00e9aux du ciel qu'il faut supposer n\u00e9cessaires dans l'arrangement de cet\nunivers parce qu'ils arrivent p\u00e9riodiquement et qu'aucun si\u00e8cle n'a pu\njusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent d'en avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 exempt. J'ai prouv\u00e9 que de tout temps\nl'erreur a domin\u00e9 dans ce monde; et comme une chose aussi constante peut\n\u00eatre envisag\u00e9e comme une loi g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la nature, j'en conclus que ce\nqui a \u00e9t\u00e9 toujours sera toujours le m\u00eame\" (p. 19).\n\nFrederick sent his little refutation to Voltaire for his compliments\nwhich were forthcoming. A few days after Voltaire wrote to d'Alembert:\n\nLe roi de Prusse vous a envoy\u00e9, sans doute, son petit \u00e9crit contre un\nlivre imprim\u00e9 cette ann\u00e9e, intitul\u00e9 _Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s_, ce roi a\naussi les siens, qu'il faut lui pardonner; on n'est pas roi pour rien.\nMais je voudrais savoir quel est l'auteur de cet _Essai_ contre lequel\nsa majest\u00e9 prussienne s'amuse \u00e0 \u00e9crire un peu durement. Serait-il de\nDiderot? serait-il de Damilaville? serait-il d'Helvetius? peut-\u00eatre ne\nle connaissez-vous point, je le crois imprim\u00e9 en Hollande (Vol. LXVI, p.\n304).\n\nD'Alembert answered:\n\nOui, le roi de Prusse m'a envoy\u00e9 son \u00e9crit contre _l'Essai sur les\npr\u00e9jug\u00e9s_. Je ne suis point \u00e9tonn\u00e9 que ce prince n'ait pas go\u00fbt\u00e9\nl'ouvrage; je l'ai lu depuis cette r\u00e9futation et il m'a paru bien long,\nbien monotone et trop amer. Il me semble que ce qu'il y de bon dans ce\nlivre aurait pu et d\u00fb \u00eatre noy\u00e9 dans moins de pages et je vois que vous\nen avez port\u00e9 \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s le m\u00eame jugement (Vol. LXVI, p. 324).\n\nIn spite of these unfavorable judgments the _Essai_ was reprinted\nas late as 1886 by the Bibliotheque Nationale in its _Collection des\nmeilleurs auteurs anciens et modernes_, still attributed to Dumarsais\nwith the account of his life by \"le citoyen Daube\" which graced the\nedition of the year I. (1792)\n\n12. Early in 1770 appeared Holbach's most famous book, the _Syst\u00e8me de\nla Nature_, the only book that is connected with his name in the minds\nof most historians and philosophers. It seems wiser, however, to deal\nwith this work in a chapter apart and continue the account of his later\npublications.\n\n13. The next of which was _Le bon-sens, ou id\u00e9es naturelles oppos\u00e9es\naux id\u00e9es surnaturelles. Par l'Auteur du Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, Londres\n(Amsterdam), 1772. This work has gone through twenty-five editions or\nmore and has been translated into English, German, Italian and Spanish.\nAs early as 1791 it began to be published under the name of the cur\u00e9\nJean Meslier d'Etr\u00e9pigny, made so famous by Voltaire's publication of\nwhat was supposed to be his last will and testament in which on his\ndeath bed he abjured and cursed Christianity. Some editions contain in\nthe preface Letters by Voltaire and his sketch of Jean Meslier. The\nlast reprint was by De Laurence, Scott & Co., Chicago, 1910. The book\nis nothing more or less than the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, in a greatly\nreduced and more readable form.\n\nVoltaire, to whom it was attributed by some, said to d'Alembert, \"Il y\na plus que du bon sens dans ce livre, il est terrible. S'il sort de la\nboutique du _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, l'auteur s'est bien perfectionn\u00e9.\"\nD'Alembert answered: \"Je pense comme vous sur le _Bon-sens_ qui me\npara\u00eet un bien plus terrible livre que le _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_.\" These\nremarks were inscribed by Thomas Jefferson on the title page of his copy\nof _Bon-sens_. The book has gone through several editions in the United\nStates and was sold at a popular price. The German translation was\npublished in Baltimore on the basis of a copy found in a second-hand\nbook store in New Orleans. The most serious work written against it is\na long and carefully written treatise against materialism by an Italian\nmonk, Gardini, entitled _L'anima umana e sue propriet\u00e0 dedotte da\nsoli principi de ragione, dal P. lettore D. Antonmaria Gardini, monaco\ncamaldalese, contro i materialisti e specialmente contro l'opera\nintitulata, le Bon-Sens, ou Id\u00e9es Naturelles oppos\u00e9es aux id\u00e9es\nSurnaturelles. In Padova MDCCLXXXI Nella stamperia del Seminario.\nAppresso Giovanni Manfr\u00e9, Con Licenza de Superiori e Privilegio_ (8vo,\np. xx + 284).\n\n14. In 1773 Holbach published his _Recherches sur les Miracles_, a much\nmore sober work than his previous writings on religion. In this book he\nraises the well known difficulties with belief in miracles and brings\na great deal of real learning and logic to bear on the question. The\nentire work is in a reasonable and philosophic spirit. His conclusion\nis that \"une vraie religion doit avoir au d\u00e9faut de bonnes raisons, des\npreuves sensibles, capables de faire impression sur tout ceux qui la\ncherchent de bonne foi. Ce ne sont pas les miracles.\" The same year he\npublished two serious but somewhat tiresome works on politics.\n\n15. _La politique naturelle_.\n\n16. _Syst\u00e8me social_ in which he attempts to reduce government to the\nnaturalistic principles which were the basis of his entire philosophy.\nThe first is also attributed to Malesherbes. There is a long and keen\ncriticism of the _Syst\u00e8me Social_ by Mme. d'Epinay in a letter to Abb\u00e9\nGaliani Jan. 12, 1773 (Gal. _Corresp._, Vol. II, p. 167).\n\nBut the most interesting reaction upon it was that of the Abb\u00e9 Richard\nwho criticized it from point of view of the divine right of kings in\nhis long and tiresome work entitled _La D\u00e9fense de la religion, de\nla morale, de la vertu, de la politique et de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9, dans la\nr\u00e9futation des ouvrages qui ont pour titre, l'un Syst\u00e8me Social etc.\nVautre La Politique Naturelle par le R. P. Ch. L. Richard, Professeur de\nTh\u00e9ologie_, etc., Paris, Moulard, 1775.\n\nIn a preface of forty-seven pages the fears of the conservative old\nAbb\u00e9 are well expressed. The aim of these modern philosophers who are\npoisoning public opinion by their writings is to \"d\u00e9molir avec l'antique\n\u00e9difice de la religion chr\u00e9tienne, celui des moeurs, de la vertu, de la\nsaine politique etc. rompre tous les canaux de communication entre la\nterre et le ciel, bannir, exterminer du monde le Dieu qui le tira du\nn\u00e9ant, y introduire l'impi\u00e9t\u00e9 la plus compl\u00e8te, la licence la plus\nconsomn\u00e9e, l'anarchie la plus enti\u00e8re, la confusion la plus horrible.\"\n\n17. Holbach's next work, _Ethocratie ou Gouvernement fond\u00e9 sur la\nMorale_, Amsterdam, Rey, 1776, is interesting mainly for its unfortunate\ndedication and peroration, inscribed to Louis XVI, who was hailed\ntherein as a long expected Messiah.\n\n18. Holbach's last works dealt exclusively with morals. They are _La\nmorale universelle ou les devoirs de l'homme fond\u00e9s sur la nature_,\nAmsterdam, 1771, and\n\n19. A posthumous work, _Elements de la Morale universelle, ou catechisme\nde la nature_, Paris, 1790. This is a beautiful little book. It\nis simple and clear to the last degree. There have been several\ntranslations in Spanish for the purposes of elementary education\nin morals in the public schools. It was composed in 1765. Holbach's\nattitude towards morals is indicated by his _Avertissement_--\"La morale\nest une science dont les principes sont susceptibles d'une d\u00e9monstration\naussi claire et aussi rigoureuse que ceux du calcul et de la g\u00e9ometrie.\"\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. THE SYST\u00c8ME DE LA NATURE.\n\n\nEarly in 1770 appeared the famous _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature, ou Des Loix du\nMonde Physique et du Monde Morale, Par M. Mirabaud, Secr\u00e9taire Perp\u00e9tuel\net l'un des Quarante de l'Acad\u00e9mie Fran\u00e7aise_, Londres (Amsterdam),\n1770. This work has gone through over thirty editions in France, Spain,\nGermany, England and the United States. No book of a philosophic or\nscientific character has ever caused such a sensation at the time of its\npublication, excepting perhaps Darwin's _Origin of Species_, the thesis\nof which is more than hinted at by Holbach. There were several editions\nin 1770. A very few copies contain a _Discours pr\u00e9liminaire de l'Auteur_\nof sixteen pages which Naigeon had printed separately in London. The\n_Abr\u00e9g\u00e9 du Code de la Nature_, which ends the book was also published\nseparately and is sometimes attributed to Diderot, 8vo, 16 pp. [54:1]\n\nThere is also a book entitled _Le vrai sens du Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_,\n1774, attributed to Helvetius, a very clear, concise epitome largely in\nHolbach's own short and telling sentences, and much more effective than\nthe original because of its brevity. Holbach himself reproduced the\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ in a shortened form in _Bon-sens_, 1772, and\nPayrard plagiarized it freely in _De la Nature et de ses Lois_, Paris,\n1773. The book has been attributed to Diderot, Helvetius, Robinet,\nDamilaville and others. Naigeon is certain that it is entirely by\nHolbach, although it is generally held that Diderot had a hand in it.\nIt was published under the name of Mirabaud to obviate persecution. The\nmanuscript, it was alleged, had been found among his papers as a sort\nof \"testament\" or philosophical legacy to posterity. This work may be\ncalled the bible of scientific materialism and dogmatic atheism. Nothing\nbefore or since has ever approached it in its open and unequivocal\ninsistence on points of view commonly held, if at all, with reluctance\nand reserve. It is impossible in a study of this length to deal fully\nwith the attacks and refutations that were published immediately. We may\nmention first the condemnation of the book by the _Parlement de\nParis_, August 18, 1770, to be burned by the public hangman along\nwith Voltaire's _Dieu et les Hommes_, and Holbach's _Discours sur les\nMiracles_, _La Contagion sacr\u00e9e_ and _le Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_, which\nhad already been condemned on September 24, 1769. [55:2]\n\nThe _R\u00e9quisitoire_ of Seguier, _avocat g\u00e9n\u00e9ral_, on the occasion of the\ncondemnation of the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ was so weak and ridiculous\nthat the _Parlement de Paris_ refused to sanction its publication, and\nit was printed by the express order of the King. As Grimm observed,\nit seemed designed solely to acquaint the ignorant with this dangerous\nwork, without opposing any of its propositions. One would look in vain\nfor a better example of the conservatism of the legal profession. [55:3]\n\nLe poison des nouveaut\u00e9s profanes ne peut corrompre la sainte gravit\u00e9\ndes moeurs qui caract\u00e9rise les vrais Magistrats: tout peut changer\nautour d'eux, _ils restent immuables avec la loi_ (page 496).\n\nN'est-ce pas ce fatal abus de la libert\u00e9 de penser, qui a enfant\u00e9 cette\nmultitude de sectes, d'opinions, de partis, et cet esprit d'ind\u00e9pendance\ndont d'autres nations ont \u00e9prouv\u00e9 les sinstres r\u00e9volutions. Le m\u00eame\nabus produira en France des effets peut-\u00eatre plus funestes. La libert\u00e9\nind\u00e9finie trouveroit, dans la caract\u00e8re de la nation, dans son activit\u00e9,\ndans son amour pour la nouveaut\u00e9, un moyen de plus pour pr\u00e9parer les\nplus affreuses r\u00e9volutions (p. 498).\n\nThe most interesting private attacks on the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_\ncame from two somewhat unexpected quarters, from Ferney and Sans Souci.\nVoltaire, as usual, was not wholly consistent in his opinions of it, as\nis revealed in his countless letters on the subject. Grimm attributed\nhis hostility to jealousy, and the fear that the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_\nmight \"renverse le rituel de Ferney et que le patriarcat ne s'en aille\nau diable avec lui.\" [56:4] George Leroy went so far as to write a book\nentitled _R\u00e9flexions sur la jalousie, pour servir de commentaire aux\nderniers ouvrages de M. de Voltaire_, 1772. Frederick II naturally felt\nbound to defend the kings who, as Voltaire said, were no better treated\nthan God in the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. [56:5]\n\nVoltaire's correspondence during this period is so interesting that it\nseems worth while to quote at length, especially from his letters to\nFredrick the Great. In May 1770, shortly after the publication of the\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ Voltaire wrote to M. Vernes: [56:6] \"On a tant\ndit de sottises sur la nature que je ne lis plus aucun de ces livres\nl\u00e0.\" But by July he had read it and wrote to Grimm: [56:7] \"Si l'ouvrage\neut \u00e9t\u00e9 plus serr\u00e9 il aurait fait un effet terrible, mais tel qu'il est\nil en a fait beaucoup. Il est bien plus \u00e9loquent que Spinoza... J'ai\nune grande curiosit\u00e9 de savoir ce qu'on en pense \u00e0 Paris.\" In writing\nto d'Alembert about this time he seemed to have a fairly favorable\nimpression of the book. \"Il m'a paru qu'il y avait des longueurs, des\nr\u00e9p\u00e9titions et quelques incons\u00e9quences, mais il y a trop de bon pour\nqu'on n'\u00e9clate avec fureur contre ce livre. Si on garde le silence, ce\nsera une preuve du prodigieux progr\u00e8s que la tol\u00e9rance fait tous les\njours.\" [57:8] But there was little likelihood that philosophers or\ntheologians would keep silent about this scandalous book. Before the end\nof the month Voltaire was writing to d'Alembert about his own and\nthe king of Prussia's refutations of it, and the same day wrote to\nFrederick: \"Il me semble que vos remarques doivent \u00eatre imprim\u00e9es; ce\nsont des le\u00e7ons pour le genre humain. Vous soutenez d'un bras la cause\nde Dieu et vous \u00e9crasez de l'autre la superstition.\" [57:9] Later\nVoltaire confessed to Frederick that he also had undertaken to rebuke\nthe author of the Syst\u00e8me de la Nature. \"Ainsi Dieu a pour lui les deux\nhommes les moins superstitieux de l'Europe, ce que devrait lui plaire\nbeaucoup\" (p. 390).\n\nFrederick, however, hesitated to make his refutation public, and wrote\nto Voltaire: \"Lorsque j'eus achev\u00e9 mon ouvrage contre l'ath\u00e9isme, je\ncrus ma r\u00e9futation tr\u00e8s orthodoxe, je la relus, et je la trouvai bien\n\u00e9loign\u00e9e de l'\u00eatre. Il y a des endroits qui ne saurait para\u00eetre sans\neffaroucher les timides et scandaliser les d\u00e9vots. Un petit mot qui\nm'est \u00e9chapp\u00e9 sur l'\u00e9ternit\u00e9 du monde me ferait lapider dans votre\npatrie, si j'y \u00e9tais n\u00e9 particulier, et que je l'eusse fait imprimer.\nJe sens que je n'ai point du tout ni l'\u00e2me ni le style th\u00e9ologique.\"\n[57:10] Voltaire, in his \"petite dr\u00f4lerie en faveur de la Divinit\u00e9\"\n(as he called his work) and in his letters, could not find terms harsh\nenough in which to condemn the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. He called it \"un\nchaos, un grand mal moral, un ouvrage de t\u00e9n\u00e8bres, un p\u00e9ch\u00e9 contre la\nnature, un syst\u00e8me de la folie et de l'ignorance,\" and wrote to Delisle\nde Sales: \"Je ne vois pas que rien ait plus avili notre si\u00e8cle que\ncette \u00e9norme sottise.\" [58:11] Voltaire seemed to grow more bitter about\nHolbach's book as time went on. His letters and various works abound in\nreferences to it, and it is difficult to determine his motives. He was\naccused, as has been suggested, by Holbach's circle \"de caresser les\ngens en place, et d'abandonner ceux qui n'y sont plus.\" [58:12] M.\nAvenel believed that he suspected Holbach himself of making these\naccusations. Voltaire's letter to the Duc de Richelieu, Nov. 1, 1770,\n[58:13] seems to give them foundation.\n\nA very different reaction was that of Goethe and his university circle\nat Strasburg to whom the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ appeared a harmless\nand uninteresting book, \"grau,\" \"cimmerisch,\" \"totenhaft,\" \"die echte\nQuintessenz der Greisenheit.\" To these fervent young men in the youthful\nflush of romanticism, its sad, atheistic twilight seemed to cast a\nveil over the beauty of the earth and rob the heaven of stars; and\nthey lightheardedly discredited both Holbach and Voltaire in favor of\nShakespeare and the English romantic school. One would look far for a\nbetter instance of the romantic reaction which set in so soon and so\nobscured the clarity of the issues at stake in the eighteenth century\nthought. [58:14]\n\nThe leading refutations directed explicitly against the _Syst\u00e8me de la\nNature_ are:\n\n1. 1770, Rive, Abb\u00e9 J. J., Lettres philosophiques contre le _ Syst\u00e8me de\nla Nature_. (Portefeuille hebdomadaire de Bruxelles.)\n\n2. Frederick II, _Examen critique du livre intitul\u00e9, Syst\u00e8me de la\nNature_. (Political Miscellanies, p. 175.)\n\n3. Voltaire, Dieu, R\u00e9ponse de M. de Voltaire au _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_.\nAu ch\u00e2teau de Ferney, 1770, 8 vo, pp. 34.\n\n4. 1771, Bergier, Abb\u00e9 N. F., Examen du mat\u00e9rialisme, ou R\u00e9futation du\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. Paris, Humbolt, 1771, 2 vols., 12mo.\n\n5. Camuset, Abb\u00e9 J. N., Principes contre l'incr\u00e9dulit\u00e9, a l'occasion du\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. Paris, Pillot, 1771, 12mo, pp. viii + 335.\n\n6. Castillon, J. de (Salvernini di Castiglione), Observations sur le\nlivre intitul\u00e9, _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. Berlin, Decker, 1771, 8vo. (40\nsols broch\u00e9.)\n\n7. Rochford, Dubois de, Pens\u00e9es diverses contre le syst\u00e8me des\nmat\u00e9rialistes, \u00e0 l'occasion d'un \u00e9crit intitul\u00e9; _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_.\nParis, Lambert, 1771, 12mo.\n\n8. 1773, L'Impie d\u00e9masqu\u00e9, ou remontrance aux \u00e9crivains incr\u00e9dules.\nLondres, Heydinger, 1773\n\n9. Holland, J. H., R\u00e9flexions philosophiques sur le _Syst\u00e8me de la\nNature_. Paris, 1773, 2 vols., 8vo.\n\n10. 1776, Buzonni\u00e8re, Nouel de, Observations sur un ouvrage intitul\u00e9 le\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. Paris, Debure, p\u00e8re, 1776, 8vo, pp. 126. (Prix 1\nlivre, 16 sols broch\u00e9.)\n\n11. 1780, Fangouse, Abb\u00e9, La religion prouv\u00e9e aux incr\u00e9dules, avec\nune lettre \u00e0 l'auteur du _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ par un homme du\nmonde. Paris, Debure l'a\u00een\u00e9, 12mo, p. 150. Same under title R\u00e9flexions\nimportantes sur la religion, etc., 1785.\n\n12. 1788, Paulian, A. J., Le v\u00e9ritable syst\u00e8me de la nature, etc.,\nAvignon, Niel, 2 vols., 12mo.\n\n13. 1803, Mangold, F. X. von, Unumstossliche Widerlegung des\nMaterialismus gegen den Verfasser des _Systems der Natur_. Augsburg,\n1803.\n\n\nOf these and other refutations of materialism such as Saint-Martin's\n_Des erreurs et de la v\u00e9rit\u00e9_, Dupont de Nemours' _Philosophie de\nl'univers_, Delisles de Sales' _Philosophie de la nature_, etc., which\nare not directed explicitly against the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, the\nworks of Voltaire and Frederick the Great are the most interesting but\nby no means the most serious or convincing. Morley finds Voltaire very\nweak and much beside the point, especially in his discussion of order\nand disorder in nature which Holbach had denied. Voltaire's argument is\nthat there must be an intelligent motor or cause behind nature (p. 7).\nThis is God (p. 8). He admits at the outset that all systems are mere\ndreams but he continues to insist with a dogmatism equal to Holbach's on\nthe validity of his dream. He repeatedly asserts without foundation that\nHolbach's system is based on the false experiment of Needham (pp. 5,\n6), and even goes so far as to ridicule the evolutionary hypothesis\naltogether (p. 6). He speaks of the necessity of a belief in God, by\na kind of natural logic. God and matter exist in the nature of things,\n\"Tout nous announce un \u00catre supr\u00eame, rien ne nous dit ce qu'il est.\" God\nhimself seems to be a kind of fatalistic necessity. \"C'est ce que vous\nappellerez Nature et c'est ce que j'appelle Dieu.\" At the end he shifts\nthe argument from the base of necessity to that of utility. Which is the\nmore consoling doctrine? If the idea of God has prevented ten crimes\nI hold that the entire world should embrace it (p. 27). As Morley has\nsaid, such arguments could scarcely have convinced Voltaire himself.\n\nFrederick was surprised that Voltaire and D'Alembert had found anything\ngood in the book. His refutation was more methodical than that of\nVoltaire, who called it a \"homage to the Divinity\" but wrote to\nD'Alembert that it was written in the style of a notary. Two other\nrefutations emanating from the Academy of Berlin were those of Castillon\nand Holland. The first of these is a very heavy and learned work,\nformidable and forbidding in its logic. Castillon reduces Holbach's\npropositions to three. The self-existence of matter, the essential\nrelation of movement to it, and the possibility of deriving everything\nfrom it or some mode of it. Castillon concludes after five hundred pages\nof reasoning that matter is contingent, movement not inherent in it,\nand that purely spiritual beings exist in independence of it. Hence\nthe _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ is a \"long and wicked error.\" Holland's is a\nstill more serious work, which the Sorbonne recommended strongly as\nan antidote against Holbach's _Syst\u00e8me_ which it qualified as \"une\nmalheureuse production que notre si\u00e8cle doit rougir d'avoir enfant\u00e9e.\"\nBut when it was discovered that Holland was a Protestant his work was\ncondemned forthwith, Jan. 17, 1773.\n\nBergier's refutation is interesting as an attack from a churchman\nof extraordinary keenness and insight into the progress of the new\nphilosophy. In the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ he recognized the hand of the\nauthor of _La Contagion sacr\u00e9e_ and the _Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s_\nand dealt with it as he did the _Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9_. Buzonniere,\nRochfort and Fangouse are milder and more naive in their demonstrations\nand their works are of no weight or interest. _L'Impie d\u00e9masqu\u00e9_ is\na brutal work which qualifies Holbach as a \"vile apostle of vice and\ncrime,\" and the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ as the most impudent treatise on\natheism that has yet dishonored the globe--one which covers the century\nwith shame and will be the scandal of future generations.\n\nThe work of Paulian is of a different sort. Coming comparatively late,\nit attempted to review the hostile opinions of many years and then mass\nthem in an overwhelming final attack on the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. To\nthis end Paulian rewrites the entire book chapter by chapter, giving\nthe \"true version.\" He then reviews Holland's outline and Bergier's\ncomments, together with seven articles directed explicitly against the\n_Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ in such works as the _Lettres Helviennes_, of\nAbb\u00e9 Barruel, _Dict. des Philosophes_, _Dict. anti-philosophe_, his own\n_Dict. th\u00e9ologique_, etc., besides many other writings against the\nnew philosophy in general. He then reviews articles by members of the\nphilosophic school against materialism and then goes back to Holbach's\nsources, Diderot, Bayle, Spinoza, Lucretius, Epicurus, etc. The work is\nnot scholarly but comprehensive and evidently discouraged further formal\nrefutations.\n\nThe _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ had many critics in the stormy days that\nfollowed 1789. Delisle de Sales found it a monstrosity--a _fratras_; La\nHarpe called it an infamous book, \"un amas de b\u00eatises qu'on ose appeler\nphilosophie, inconcevables inepties, un immense \u00e9chafaudage de mensonge\net d'invective\"; M. Villemain is much more calm and fair; Lord Brougham,\nlike Damiron, Buzonni\u00e8re, and many others, found it seductive but full\nof false reasoning; Lerminier was so severe that St.-Beuve was moved to\ndefend Holbach against him. Samuel Wilkinson, the English translator of\n1820, is one of the few whose criticism is at all favorable. Holbach has\nalways appealed to a certain type of radical mind and his translators\nand editors have generally been men who were often over-enthusiastic.\nFor example, Mr. Wilkinson says of the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, [64:15]\n\"No work, ancient or modern, has surpassed it in the eloquence and\nsublimity of its language or in the facility with which it treats\nthe most abstruse and difficult subjects. It is without exception the\nboldest effort the human mind has yet produced in the investigation of\nMorals and Theology. The republic of letters has never produced another\nauthor whose pen was so well calculated to emancipate mankind from all\nthose trammels with which the nurse, the school master, and the priest\nhave successively locked up their noblest faculties, before they were\ncapable of reasoning and judging for themselves.\"\n\nIt seems unnecessary to analyze the _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_. This has\nbeen done by Damiron, Soury, Fabre, Lange, Morley, the historians of\nphilosophy, and encyclopaedists; and the book itself is easily available\nin the larger libraries. The substance of Holbach's philosophy is\nsusceptible of clearer treatment apart from it or any one of his books,\nalthough it permeates all of them.\n\nM. Jules Soury has said, in describing a certain type of mind: \"Il est\nd'heureux esprits, des \u00e2mes fortes et saines, que n'effraie point le\nsilence \u00e9ternel des espaces infinis o\u00f9 s'an\u00e9antissait la raison de\nPascal. Na\u00efves et robustes natures, m\u00e2les et vigoureux penseurs, qui\ngardent toute la vie quelque chose des dons charmants de la jeunesse et\nde l'enfance m\u00eame, une foi vive dans le t\u00e9moinage imm\u00e9diat de nos sens\net de notre conscience, une humeur alerte, toute de joyeuse ardeur,\net comme une intr\u00e9pidit\u00e9 d'esprit que rien n'arr\u00eate. Pour eux tout est\nclair et uni; ou \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s, et l\u00e0 o\u00f9 ils soup\u00e7onnent quelque bas-bond\ninsondable, ils se d\u00e9tournent et poursuivent fi\u00e8rement leur chemin.\nComme cet Epicurien dont parle Cic\u00e9ron au commencement du _De natura\ndeorum_, ils ont toujours l'air de sortir de l'assembl\u00e9e des dieux et de\ndescendre des intermondes d'Epicure.\"\n\nSuch was Holbach. His philosophy is based on the child-like assumption\nthat things are as they seem, provided they are observed with sufficient\ncare by a sufficient number of people. This brings us at once to the\nvery heart of Holbach's method which was experimental and inductive\nto the last degree. Holbach was nourished on what might be called\nscientific rather than philosophical traditions. As M. Tourneux has\npointed out, he had been a serious student of the natural sciences,\nespecially those connected with the constitution of the earth. These\nstudies led him to see the disparity between certain accepted and\ntraditional cosmologies and a scientific interpretation of the\nterrestrial globe and the forms of life which flourish upon it. Finding\nthe supposed sacred and infallible records untrustworthy in one regard,\nhe began to question their veracity at other points. Being of a\ncritical frame of mind, he took the records rather more literally than\na sympathetic, allegorical apologist would have done, although it cannot\nbe said that he used much historical insight. After having studied the\nsacred texts for purposes of writing or having translated other men's\nstudies on Moses, David, the Prophets, Jesus, Paul, the Christian\ntheologians and saints, miracles, etc., he concluded that these accounts\nwere untrustworthy and mendacious. He knew ancient and modern philosophy\nand found in the greater part of it an unwarranted romantic or\ntheological trend which his scientific training had caused him to\nsuspect. It must be admitted that however false or illogical Holbach's\nconclusions may be considered, he was by no means ignorant of the\nsubjects he chose to treat, as some of his detractors would have one\nbelieve. His theory of knowledge was that of Locke and Condillac, and\non this foundation he built up his system of scientific naturalism and\ndogmatic atheism.\n\nHis initial assumption is, as has been suggested, that experience\n(application r\u00e9it\u00e9r\u00e9e des sens) and reason are trustworthy guides to\nknowledge. By them we become conscious of an external objective world,\nof which sentient beings themselves are a part, from which they receive\nimpressions through their sense organs. These myriad impressions when\ncompared and reflected upon form reasoned knowledge or truth, provided\nthey are substantiated by repeated experiences carefully made. That is,\nan idea is said to be true when it conforms perfectly with the actual\nexternal object. This is possible unless one's senses are defective, or\none's judgment vitiated by emotion and passion.\n\nHolbach's contention is that if one applies experience and reason to\nthe external universe, or nature, \"ce vaste assemblage de tout ce qui\nexiste\"; it reveals a _single objective reality_, i. e., _matter_, which\nis in itself essentially active or in a state of motion.\n\nFrom matter in motion are derived all the phenomena that strike our\nsenses. All is matter or a function of it. Matter, then, is not an\neffect, but a cause. It is not caused; it is from eternity and of\nnecessity. The cardinal point in Holbach's philosophy is an inexorable\nmaterialistic necessity. Nothing, then, is exempt from the laws of\nphysics and chemistry. Inorganic substance and organic life fall into\nthe same category. Man himself with all his differentiated faculties\nis but a function of matter and motion in extraordinary complex and\ninvolved relations. Man's imputation to himself of free will and\nunending consciousness apart from his machine is an idle tale built on\nhis desires, not on his experiences nor his knowledge of nature. This\nimputation of a will or soul to nature, independent of it or in any\nsense above it, is a still more idle one derived from his renunciation\nof the witness of his senses and his following after the phantoms of his\nimagination. It is ignorance or disregard of nature then that has\ngiven rise to supernatural ideas that have \"no correspondence with true\nsight,\" or, as Holbach expressed it, have no counterpart in the external\nobject. In other words, theology, or poetry about God, as Petrarch said,\nis ignorance of natural causes reduced to a system.\n\nMan is a purely natural or physical being, like a tree or a stone. His\nso-called spiritual nature (l'homme moral) is merely a phase of his\nphysical nature considered under a special aspect. He is all matter in\nmotion, and when that ceases to function in a particular way, called\nlife, he ceases to be as a conscious entity. He is so organized, however\nthat his chief desires are to survive and render his existence happy.\nBy happiness Holbach means the presence of pleasure and the absence of\npain. In all his activity, then, man will seek pleasure and avoid pain.\nThe chief cause of man's misery or lack of well being is his ignorance\nof the powers and possibilities of his own nature and the Universal\nNature. All he needs is to ascertain his place in nature and adjust\nhimself to it. From the beginning of his career he has been the dupe\nof false ideas, especially those connected with supernatural powers,\non whom he supposed he was dependent. But, if ignorance of nature gave\nbirth to the Gods, knowledge of nature is calculated to destroy them and\nthe evils resulting from them, the introduction of theistic ideas into\npolitics and morals. In a word, the truth, that is, _correct ideas of\nnature_ is the one thing needful to the happiness and well-being of man.\n\nThe application of these principles to the given situation in France in\n1770 would obviously have produced unwelcome results. Holbach's theory\nwas that religion was worse than useless in that it had inculcated false\nand pernicious ideas in politics and morals. He would do away completely\nwith it in the interest of putting these sciences on a natural basis.\nThis basis is self-interest, or man's inevitable inclination toward\nsurvival and the highest degree of well-being, \"L'objet de la morale est\nde faire conna\u00eetre aux hommes que leur plus grand int\u00e9r\u00eat exige qu'ils\npratiquent la vertu; le but du gouvernement doit \u00eatre de la leur faire\npratiquer.\"\n\nGovernment then assumes the functions of moral restraint formally\ndelegated to religion; and punishments render virtue attractive and vice\nrepugnant. Holbach's theory of social organization is practically that\nof Aristotle. Men combine in order to increase the store of individual\nwell-being, to live the good life. If those to whom society has\ndelegated sovereignty abuse their power, society has the right to take\nit from them. Sovereignty is merely an agent for the diffusion of truth\nand the maintenance of virtue, which are the prerequisites of social and\nindividual well-being. The technique of progress is enlightenment and\ngood laws.\n\nNothing could be clearer or simpler than Holbach's system. As Diderot\nso truly said, he will not be quoted on both sides of any question.\nHis uncompromising atheism is the very heart and core of his system\nand clarifies the whole situation. All supernatural ideas are to be\nabandoned. Experience and reason are once for all made supreme, and\nhenceforth refuse to share their throne or abdicate in favor of faith.\nHolbach's aim was as he said to bring man back to nature and render\nreason dear to him. \"Il est tempts que cette raison injustement d\u00e9grad\u00e9e\nquitte un ton pusillamine qui la rendront complice du mensonge et du\nd\u00e9lire.\"\n\nIf reason is to rule, the usurper, religion, must be ejected; hence\natheism was fundamental to his entire system. He did not suppose by any\nmeans that it would become a popular faith, because it presupposed too\nmuch learning and reflection, but it seemed to him the necessary weapon\nof a reforming party at that time. He defines an atheist as follows:\n\"C'est un homme, qui d\u00e9truit des chim\u00e8res nuisibles au genre humain,\npour ramener les hommes \u00e0 la nature, \u00e0 l'exp\u00e9rience, \u00e0 la raison. C'est\nun penseur qui, ayant m\u00e9dit\u00e9 la mati\u00e8re, ses propri\u00e9t\u00e9s et ses fa\u00e7ons\nd'agir, n'a pas besoin, pour expliquer les ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes de l'univers et\nles op\u00e9rations de la nature, d'imaginer des puissances id\u00e9ales, des\nintelligences imaginaires, des \u00eatres de raison; qui loin de faire mieux\nconna\u00eetre cette nature, ne font que la rendre capricieuse, inexplicable,\net m\u00e9connaissable, inutile au bonheur des hommes.\"\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX\n\nHOLBACH'S CORRESPONDENCE\n\n\n The following letters of Holbach are extant:\n\n Holbach to Hume, Aug. 23, 1763.\n Holbach to Hume, Mar. 16, 1766.\n Holbach to Hume, July 7, 1766.\n Holbach to Hume, Aug. 18, 1766.\n Holbach to Hume, Sept. 7, 1766.\n\n These were printed in Hume's _Private Correspondence_, London, 1820,\n pp. 252-263, and deal largely with Hume's quarrel with Rousseau.\n\n Holbach to Garrick, June 16, 1765.\n Holbach to Garrick, Feb. 9, 1766.\n\n These two letters are in manuscript in Lansdowne House,\n Coll. Forster, and were published by F. A. Hedgcock,\n _David Garrick et ses amis fran\u00e7ais_. Paris, 1911, pp. 251-253.\n\n Holbach to Wilkes, Aug., 1746, 9 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30867, p. 14).\n Holbach to Wilkes, Dec. 10, 1746 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30867, p. 18).\n Holbach to Wilkes, May 22, 1766 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30869, p. 39)\n Holbach to Wilkes, Nov. 9, 1766 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30869, p. 81).\n Holbach to Wilkes, Dec. 10, 1767 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30869, p. 173).\n Holbach to Wilkes, July 17, 1768 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30870, p. 59).\n Holbach to Wilkes, Mar. 19, 1770 (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30871, p. 16).\n Holbach to Wilkes, April 27, 1775, 9 (Wilkes, _Correspondence_,\n  London, 1804, Vol. IV, p. 176).\n\n The first seven of these letters are published for the first time\n in the present volume, pp. 6-11 and pp. 75-80.\n\n Holbach to Galiani, Aug. 11, 1769 (_Critica_, Vol. I, pp. 488 sq.).\n\n Galiani to Holbach, April 7, 1770 (Galiani, _Correspondence_, Paris,\n 1890, Vol. I, p. 92).\n\n Galiani to Holbach, July 21, 1770 (Galiani, _Correspondence_, Paris,\n 1890, Vol. I, p. 199).\n\n Holbach to Galiani, Aug. 25, 1770 (_Critica_, Vol. I, p. 489).\n\n\n There are references to other letters in _Critica_ which I have not\n been able to find.\n\n Holbach to Beccaria, Mar. 15, 1767, published by M. Landry\n _Beccaria, Scritte e lettre inediti_, 1910, p. 146.\n\n Holbach to Malesherbes, April 6, 1761 (hitherto unpublished). See\n present volume, p. 30.\n\n\n HOLBACH TO HUME\n (Hume, Private Correspondence, London, 1820, pp. 252-263)\n PARIS, the 23rd. of August, 1763\n\n _Sir,_--\n\n I have received with the deepest sense of gratitude your very kind\n and obliging letter of the 8th. inst: favors of great men ought to\n give pride to those that have at least the merit of setting the value\n that is due upon them.  This is my case with you, sir; the reading\n of your valuable works has not only inspired me with the strongest\n admiration for your genius and amiable parts, but gave me the highest\n idea of your person and the strongest desire of getting acquainted\n with one of the greatest philosophers of my age, and of the best friend\n to mankind.  These sentiments have emboldened me to send formally,\n though unknown to you, the work you are mentioning to me.  I thought\n you were the best to judge of such a performance, and I took only\n the liberty of giving a hint of my desires, in case it should meet\n with your approbation, nor was I surprized, or presumed to be\n displeased, at seeing my wishes disappointed.  The reasons appeared\n very obvious to me; not withstanding the British liberty, I conceived\n there were limits even to it.  However, my late friend's book has\n appeared since and there is even an edition of it lately done in\n England: I believe it will be relished by the friends of truth,\n who like to see vulgar errors struck at the root.  This has been\n your continued task, sir; and you deserve for it the praises of all\n sincere wellwishers of humanity: give me leave to rank myself among\n them, and express to you, by this opportunity you have been so kind\n as to give me, the fervent desire we have to see you in this country.\n Messrs. Stuart, Dempster, Fordyce, who are so good as to favor me\n with their company, have given me some hopes of seeing you in this\n metropolis, where you have so many admirers as readers, and as many\n sincere friends as there are disciples of philosophy.  I don't doubt\n but my good friend M. Helv\u00e9tius will join in our wishes, and prevail\n upon you to come over.  I assure you, sir, you won't perceive much\n the change of the country, for all countries are alike for people that\n have the same minds.\n\n I am, with the greatest veneration and esteem, sir, your most\n obedient and most humble servant.\n  D'HOLBACH.\n  Rue Royale, butte St. Roch, \u00e0 Paris.\n\n\n HOLBACH To GARRICK\n (Coll. Forster, Vol. XXI; pub., Hedgcock, p. 253)\n PARIS, Feb ye 9th, 1766.\n\n I received, my very Dear Sir, with a great deal of pleasure, your\n agreeable letter of ye 24th of January, but was very sorry to hear\n that you are inlisted in the numerous troup of _gouty_ people.  Tho'\n I have myself the honour of being of that tribe I dont desire my\n friends should enter into the same corporation.  I am particularly\n griev'd to see you among the invalids for you have, more than any\n other, occasion for the free use of your limbs.  However, don't be\n cross and peevish for that would be only increasing you distemper;\n and I charge you especially of not scolding that admirable lady\n Mrs Garrick, whose sweetness of temper and care must be a great\n comfort in your circumstances.  I beg leave to present her with my\n respects and ye compliments of my wife, that has enjoyed but an\n indifferent state of health, owing to the severity of the winter.\n Mr and Made Helvetius desire you both their best wishes and so do\n all your friends, for whom I can answer that every one of them\n keeps a kind remembrance of your valuable persons.  Dr. Gem thinks\n you'll do very well to go to Bath, but his opinion is that a thin\n diet would be more serviceable to you than anything else; believe\n he is in the right.  Abb\u00e9 Morellet pays many thanks for the answers\n to his queries, but complains of their shortness and laconism;\n however it is not your fault.  He is glad to hear you have receiv'd\n his translation of Beccaria's book, _Des d\u00e9lits et des peines_ and\n the compliments of our friend Dr Gatti to whom I gave your direction\n before he went to London.  Our friend Suard has entered his neck into\n the matrimonial halter; we are all of us very sorry for it for we know\n that nothing combin'd with love, will at last make nothing at all.\n\n I was not much surpris'd at the particulars you are pleas'd to mention\n about Rousseau.  According to the thorough knowledge I have had of\n him I look on that man as a mere philosophical quack, full of\n affectation, of pride, of oddities and even villainies; the work he\n is going to publish justifies the last imputation.  Is his memory so\n short as to forget that Mr Grimm, for those 9 years past, has taken\n care of the mother of his wench or _gouvernante_ whom he left to starve\n here after having debauch'd her daughter and having got her 3 or 4\n times with child.  That great philosopher should remember that\n Mr. Grimm has in his hands letters under his own hand-writing that\n prove him the most ungrateful dogg in the world.  During his last\n stay in Paris he made some attempts to see Mr Diderot, and being\n refused that favor, he pretended that Diderot endeavoured to see\n him, but that himself had refused peremptorily to comply with his\n request.  I hope these particulars will suffice to let you know what\n you are to think of that illustrious man.  I send you here a copy of\n a letter supposed to come from the King of Prussia, but done by\n Mr Horace Walpole, whereby you'll see that gentleman has found out\n his true character.  But enough of that rascal who deserves not to be\n in Mr Hume's company but rather among the bears, if there are any in\n the mountains of Wales.\n\n I am surprized you have not receiv'd yet the _Encyclop\u00e9die_, for a\n great number of copies have been sent over already to England unless\n you have left your subscription here, where hitherto not one copy has\n been delivered for prudent reasons.\n\n We have had in the French Comedy a new play called _Le Philosophie sans\n le savoir_ done and acted in a new stile, quite natural and moving: it\n has a prodigious success and deserves it extremely well.  Marmontel\n will give us very soon upon the Italian stage his comical opera of\n _La Berg\u00e8re des Alpes_.  I hope it will prove very agreeable to the\n Publick, having been very much delighted by the rehearsal of it; the\n music was done by Mr Cohaut who teaches my wife to play on the luth.\n We expect a tragedy of the Dutch Barnvelt.\n\n Mr Wilkes is still in this town, where he intends to stay until you\n give him leave to return to his native country.  We have had the\n pleasure of seeing Mr Chanquion, your friend, who seems to be a very\n discerning gentleman and to whom in favor of your friendship I have\n shown all the politeness I could.  I hear that Sr James Macdonald has\n been ill at Parma, but is now recovered and in Rome.  Abb\u00e9 Galliani is\n still at Naples and stands a fair chance of being employ'd in the\n ministry there.\n\n Adieu, very dear Sir and remember your affectionate friend\n  D'HOLBACH\n\n\n HOLBACH TO WILKES\n (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30869, p. 39)\n PARIS the 22d Of May (1766)\n\n _My dear Sir_\n\n I am extremely glad to know your lucky passage and happy arrival\n in your native country.  I hope you know too well the sincere\n dispositions of my heart as to doubt of the friendship I have\n vowed to you for life; it has been of too long a duration to be\n shaken by any circumstances, and especially by those that do honor\n to you.  I shall be very happy if your affairs (that seem to be in\n a fair way) permit you to drop over very soon to spend some time\n in this place along with Miss Wilkes to whom Made D'Holbach and I\n pay our best compliments.  I can easily paint to my imagination\n the pleasure you both felt at your first meeting; everybody that\n has any sensibility must be acquainted with the grateful pangs in\n those moving circumstances.\n\n Your case with the hawker at your entry in London is very odd and\n whimsical you did extremely well to humour the man in his opinion\n about Mr. Wilkes.  I dare say if you had done otherwise his fist\n would have convinc'd you of the goodness of your cause, and then it\n would have been impossible for you to pass for a dead man any longer;\n which however, I think was very necessary for you in the beginning.\n I expect with great eagerness the settlement of your affairs with\n the ministry to your own satisfaction; be persuaded, Dear Sir, that\n nobody interests himself in your happiness than myself, and nothing\n will conduce more to it than your steady attachment to the principles\n of honor and patriotism.\n\n If you don't find a way of disposing of the little packet, you need\n not take much trouble about it, and you may bring it back along with\n you, when you come to this place, as to the kind offers you are so\n good as to make me about commissions, experience has taught me that\n it is unsafe to trust you with them, so I beg leave with gratitude\n to decline your proposals as that point.\n\n All our common friends and acquaintances desire their best\n compliments to you, and believe me, my dear Sir.\n\n  Your affectionate oblig'd humble servant\n  D'HOLBACH\n\n\n HOLBACH TO WILKES\n (Brit. Mus. Mss., VOL 30869, p. 81)\n PARIS 9ber 10th 1766\n\n _My very Dear Sir_\n\n I receiv'd with the greatest pleasure the news of your lucky arrival\n in Engelland.  You know the sentiments of my heart, and are undoubtedly\n convinc'd how much I wish for the good success of all your enterprises\n tho I am to be a great looser by it.  I rejoice very heartily at the\n fine prospect you have now in view and don't doubt but the persons you\n mention will succeed if they are in good earnest: which is allways a\n little doubtful in people of that Kidney.\n\n We have had the pleasure of seeing Miss Wilkes three or four times since\n your departure, she is extreamly well and longs for the return of her\n friend Mlle Helvetius the 20th of this month.\n\n Rousseau will very likely hate the English very cordially for making\n him pay so dear for his books, it is however a sign that he told us a\n lye when he pretended in his writings to have no books at all, as to\n his guitar he should buy a new one to tune his heart a little better\n than he did before.\n\n We have no news here, except the Election of Mr Thomas as a member of\n the french academy.  Marquis Beccaria is going to leave us very soon\n being obliged to return to Milan: Count Veri will at the same time set\n out for England.\n\n I'll be oblig'd to you for a copy or two of the book printed in holland\n you mentioned in your letter you may send it by some private opportunity\n to Miss Wilkes, with, proper directions.  A gentleman of our Society\n should be glad to get 2 copies of Baskervilles' virgil _in octavo_.\n\n Tho Mr Davenport and Rousseau seem to be pleased very much with one\n another, I suppose they may very soon be tired of their squabbling,\n and the latter like the apostles will shake of against the barbarous\n Britons the dust of his feet.\n\n Receive the hearty compliments of my wife and all our friends.  You\n know the true sentiments of my heart for you,\n Dear Sir.  I am with great sincerity\n  your most obedient humble Servant\n  D'HOLBACH\n\n\n HOLBACH TO WILKES\n (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30869, p. 173)\n\n _Dear Sir_\n\n I receiv'd with a great deal of pleasure your friendly letter from\n Ostende of the 26th. nov. I was extreamly glad to hear your happy\n arrival at that place, and do not doubt but you met with a lucky\n passage to Dover the following day, we are now enjoying the conversation\n of your British friends about elections; that will not be tedious for\n you if, according to your hopes, you should succeed in your projects.\n\n I see by your letter that instead of coming back directly by Calais\n you intend to travel with Miss Wilkes through Antwerp and the Low\n countries, which I should think not very advisable in this rigorous\n season of the year, for generally at that time the waters are lock'd\n up by the frost and travelling is bad et tedious and may be would\n prove hurtful to your tender fellow traveler to whom my wife and I\n desire our best compliments.  Such a scheme will be more advantagious\n for you both and more conformable to the wishes of your friends in\n this place.\n\n I hope your arrival in London will contribute to reconcile abb\u00e9\n Galliani to that place, where he complains of having not heard of\n the sun since he set his foot on British shore, however he may\n comfort himself for we have had very little of it in this country.\n The Abb\u00e9 must be overjoy'd at the news of the Jesuits being expell'd\n from his Native country for now he may say _Gens inimica mihi\n Tyrrhenum navigat aquor_.  We have no material news in this country,\n except that the queen continues to be in a very bad state of health.\n\n If there is some good new romance I'll be oblig'd to bring it over\n along with you as, well as a couple of french books call'd\n _Militaire philosophe_ and _Th\u00e9ologie portative_ in case you may\n easily find them in London, for we cannot get them here.  I am told\n the works of one Morgan have been esteem'd in your country but I don't\n know the titles of them, if you should know them and meet with them\n with facility, I should be very much oblig'd to you provided you make\n me pay a little more than you have done hitherto for your commissions.\n\n All our common friends beg their compliments and I wish for your\n speedy return, and I am Sincerely\n Dear Sir\n  Your faithful affectionate humble servant\n  D'HOLBACH\n PARIS the 10th of decemb. 1767\n\n\n\n HOLBACH TO WILKES\n (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30870, p. 59)\n GRANDVAL, 17th of July 1768\n\n _Dear Sir_\n\n I receiv'd with a great deal of pleasure your very agreeable letter\n of the 28th of last month.  I am extreamly glad that your generous\n soul is very far from sinking under the weight of these Misfortunes,\n and to see that you don't give up the hopes of carrying triumphantly\n your point notwithstanding the discouragements you have met with lately.\n I need not tell you how much your friends in Paris and I in particular\n interest ourselves in all the events that may befall you.  Our old\n friendship ought to be a sure pledge of my sincere sentiments for you,\n and of my best wishes for your good success in all your undertakings.\n I believe you can do no better but to keep strictly to the rules you\n have laid down for your conduct, and I don't doubt but you'll find it\n will answer the best to your purpose.\n\n I am very much oblig'd to you, Dear Sir, for the kind offers you make\n in your friendly letter.  I have desir'd already Mr Suard to bring over\n a few books lately published in your metropolis.  I am very glad to hear\n that Gentleman is pleas'd with his journey.\n\n There's no possibility of getting for you a compleat sett of Callots\n engravings.  Such a collection must be the business of many years; it\n is to be found only after the decease of some curious men who have taken\n a great deal of trouble to collect them.  I found indeed in two shops 8\n or 10 of them, but the proofs (les \u00e9preuves) were very indifferent and\n they wanted to sell them excessively dear; in general 200 guineas would\n procure a collection very far from being compleat.\n\n My wife and all our common acquaintence desire their best compliments\n to you and to Miss Wilkes and you know the sentiments wherewith I am\n for ever\n Dear Sir\n  your affectionate friend and\n  very humble servant\n  D'HOLBACH\n\n\n HOLBACH TO WILKES\n (Brit. Mus. Mss., Vol. 30871, p. 16)\n PARIS the 19th of March 1770\n\n _Dear Sir_\n\n I receiv'd with a due sense of gratitude the favour of your last\n letter, and was overjoy'd to hear from yourself that your long\n confinement has not been able hitherto to obstruct the lively flow\n of your spirits.  A little more patience and you'll reach the end\n of all your misfortunes, that have been faithfully partaken by your\n friends in England and abroad, for my own part I wish most sincerely\n that everything for the future may turn to your profit and welfare,\n without hurting that of your country, to whom, as a lover of mankind,\n I am a well wisher.\n\n My wife desires her best compliments to you and your beloved Daughter,\n whom we both expect to see again with a great deal of pleasure in\n this country next month.  Notwithstanding our bad circumstances we\n are making very great preparations for the Wedding of the Dauphin,\n and our metropolis begins already to be filled with foreigners that\n flock hither from all parts of the world.  Our friend Mr D'Alainville\n is to set out at the end of April to fetch the Archdutchess at\n Strasbourg and bring mask (ed) (?) her different stages on the road\n to Versailles.\n\n We have no news in the literary world except that Voltaire\n is become lately _le p\u00e8re temporal_, that is to say the benefactor\n of the _Capucins du pays de Gex_ where he lives, a title of which\n all his pranks seemd to exclude him, but grace you know, is omnipotent,\n and monks are not over nice when there is something to be got by\n their condescension.\n\n If the hurry of affairs whould leave you any moments to read\n curious books I would advise you to peruse two very strange\n works lately publish'd viz _Recherches philosophiques sur les\n am\u00e9ricains_, le _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_ par Mirabaud.  I suppose\n you'll find them cheaper and more easily in London that at\n Paris.\n\n All your late acquaintances in this Town desire me to present\n you with their sincere compliments and best wishes; as to mine\n you know that they have no other object but your Welfare.\n\n I am, Dear Sir, for ever\n  your most affectionate friend\n  and humble servant\n  D'HOLBACH\n\n P. S. I'll be very much oblig'd to you for sending over to me in\n 2 vol. small octavo.\n\n\n\n HOLBACH TO WILKES\n (Wilkes, Correspondence, London, 1805, Vol. 4, p. 176)\n PARIS, April 27; 1775\n\n \"_My Lord_,\n\n \"I received with the utmost gratitude your lordship's friendly\n letter of the 28th of March. (1775?)  I should have done\n myself the honor of answering sooner to your kind propositions,\n if I had not been prevented by some gouty infirmities that have\n assailed in the beginning of this spring.  I esteem myself very\n happy to find that the hurry of business, and your exhaltation\n to the rank of chief-magistrate, could not make you forget your\n friendship to me; though my present circumstances do not permit\n me to make use of your friendly invitation, be persuaded my very\n dear lord that Madame D'Holbach and myself shall forever keep\n these signs of your kindness, in very grateful remembrance.\n\n We both desire our best compliments to your very amiable\n lady-mayoress: who acted so well her part lately in the Egyptian\n hall, to the satisfaction of that prodigious crowd you have\n been entertaining there.  All members of our society that have\n had the happiness of being acquainted with you, desire to be\n kindly remembered; and a continuation of your valuable friendship\n shall for ever be the utmost ambition\n  my lord\n  of your most sincerely devoted\n  D'HOLBACH\"\n\n\n\n GALIANI To HOLBACH\n (Galiani, Corresp., Vol. I, p. 199)\n NAPLES, le 21 juillet, 1770\n\n _Bonjour, mon cher Baron,_\n\n J'ai vu le _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_.  C'est la ligne o\u00f9 finit la\n tristesse de la morne et s\u00e8che v\u00e9rit\u00e9, au-del\u00e0 commence la gaiet\u00e9\n du roman.  Il n'y a rien de mieux que de se persuader que les d\u00e9s\n sont pip\u00e9s: cette id\u00e9e en enfante milles autres, et un nouveau\n monde se r\u00e9g\u00e9n\u00e8re.  Le M. Mirabaud est un vrai abb\u00e9 Terray\n de la m\u00e9taphysique.  Il fait des r\u00e9ductions, des suspensions,\n et cause la banqueroute du savoir, du plaisir et de l'esprit\n humain.  Mais vous allez me dire qu'aussi il y avait trop de\n nonvaleurs: on \u00e9tait trop endett\u00e9, il courait trop de papiers non\n r\u00e9els sur la place.  C'est vrai aussi, et voil\u00e0 pourquoi la crise\n est arriv\u00e9e.\n\n Adieu, mon cher baron.  Ecrivez-moi de longues lettres, pour que\n le plaisir en soit plus grand.  Embrassez moi longuement la\n baronne, et soyez longue dans tout que vous faites, dans tout\n ce que vous patientez, dans tout ce que vous esp\u00e9rer.  La\n longanimit\u00e9 est une belle vertu; c'est elle qui me fait esp\u00e9rer\n de revoir Paris.\n  Adieu.\n\n\n\n HOLBACH To GALIANI\n (Critica, Vol. I, 1903, p. 489)\n\n GRANDVAL, le 25 d'ao\u00fbt 1770\n\n _Bonjour, mon tr\u00e8s d\u00e9licieux abb\u00e9,_\n\n J'ai bien re\u00e7u votre tr\u00e8s-pr\u00e9cieuse lettre du 21 de juillet qui\n m'accuse la r\u00e9ception de celle que je vous avais \u00e9crite le 3 de\n juin.  Je vois que celle-ci a \u00e9t\u00e9 longtemps en route, attendu\n que M. Torcia \u00e0 qui M. Diderot s'\u00e9tait charg\u00e9 de la remettre, a\n encore tra\u00eenass\u00e9 quelque temps \u00e0 Paris, suivant la louable\n coutume des voyageurs qui nous quittent toujours avec peine.\n\n Je suis bien aise que vous ayez lu le livre de Mirabaud qui fait\n un bruit affreux dans ce pays.  L'abb\u00e9 Bergier l'a d\u00e9j\u00e0\n r\u00e9fut\u00e9 tr\u00e8s-longuement et sa r\u00e9ponse para\u00eetra cet hiver.  La\n Sorbonne est, dit-on, occup\u00e9e \u00e0 d\u00e9truire ce maudit _Syst\u00e8me_ qui\n lui para\u00eet au moins h\u00e9r\u00e9tique.  Voltaire lui-m\u00eame se pr\u00e9pare\n \u00e0 le pulv\u00e9riser; en attendant nos seigneurs du Parlement y\n viennent d'y r\u00e9pondre par des fagots, ainsi qu'\u00e0 quelque autres\n ouvrages de m\u00eame trempe.  Ce qu'il y a de f\u00e2cheux c'est que\n l'ouvrage de V. qui a pour titre _Dieu et les hommes_ a \u00e9t\u00e9\n envelopp\u00e9 dans la m\u00eame condamnation, ce qui doit d\u00e9plaire\n souverainement \u00e0 l'auteur.  Je me rappelle \u00e0 cette occasion ce\n que M. Hume dit d'un catholique que Henri VIII fit conduire au\n b\u00fbcher avec quelques h\u00e9r\u00e9tiques, et dont le seul chagrin \u00e9tait\n d'\u00eatre br\u00fbl\u00e9 en si mauvaise compagnie.  Nonobstant toutes ces\n r\u00e9futations, il parait tous les jours quelques nouveaux ouvrages\n impies, au point que je suis tr\u00e8s surpris que la r\u00e9colte ait \u00e9t\u00e9\n si bonne dans le royaume.  En dernier lieu on vient de publier un\n ouvrage sous le titre de _Droit des souverains sur les biens du\n clerg\u00e9_, qui, sans contenir des impi\u00e9t\u00e9s n'en est pas moins d\u00e9plaisant\n pour cela: Il va droit \u00e0 la cuisine, et veut que pour liquider\n la dette nationale on vende tous les biens eccl\u00e9siastiques et\n que l'on met nos pontifes \u00e0 la pension.  Vous sentez qu'une\n proposition si mal sonnante n'a pu manquer de mettre le ciel en\n courroux; sa col\u00e8re s'est d\u00e9charg\u00e9 sur cinq ou six libraires et\n colporteurs qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 mis en prison.\n\n\n\n\n[ENDNOTES]\n\n\n [1:1] Diderot, _Oeuvres_, ed. Ass\u00e9zat et Tourneaux, Vol. XX, p. 28.\n\n [2:2] Grimm, _Corr. Lit._, Vol. XV, p. 421.\n\n [3:3] Diderot, _Oeuvres_, Vol. XX, p. 95.\n\n [3:4] Among the most important are Damiron J. P., _M\u00e9moires pour\n servir \u00e0 l'histoire de la philosophie au dix-huiti\u00e8me si\u00e8cle_ (Paris,\n 1858, 3 vols., 8vo); Lange, _Geschichte des Materialismus_ (Eng. tr.,\n Boston, 1877); Morley, _Diderot and the Encyclopedists_ (N. Y., 1891,\n 2 vols., 12mo); Plekhanow, G., _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Materialismus_\n (Stuttgart, 1896); Hancock, A. E., _The French Revolution and the\n English Poets_ (N. Y., 1899); Tallentyre, _The Friends of Voltaire_\n (London, 1906); Fabre, _Les P\u00e8res de la R\u00e9volution_ (Paris, 1910), etc.\n\n [5:5] Confessions, _Oeuvres_, Vol. XXIV, p. 338.\n\n [5:6] Bib. Nat. mss. _Pi\u00e8ces originales,_ 1529, d'Holbach, 34, 861.\n\n [6:7] Carlyle, Rev. Dr. A., _Autobiography_, ed. Burton, Boston, 1861,\n p. 137 sq. for Holbach's English friends mentioned in his letters to\n Wilkes.\n\n [12:9] See Chap. II and Bibliography, Pt. I, for these and his other works.\n\n [12:10] Grimm _Cor. Lit._, Vol. II, p. 283.\n\n [12:11] _Gazette de France_, Aug. 10, 1754.\n\n [12:12] Jal, _Dict. Critique_, p. 685.\n\n [13:13] His career is somewhat doubtful.  He travelled in Italy in 1779\n and Abb\u00e9 Galiani, an old friend of Holbach's, got a very agreeable\n impression of him.  John Wilkes, in a letter to his daughter in 1781,\n seems to imply that he had not turned out very well, and hopes that the\n baron's second son will make good the deficiencies of the first.  In\n 1806 he published a translation of Weiland's _Oberon_ or _Huon de\n Bordeaux_ which went thru another edition in 1825, but those are the\n only details that have come to light.\n\n [13:14] Diderot, in writing to Mlle Volland Sep. 17, 1760 says: \"On\n nourrit, \u00e0 Chenvi\u00e8res, les deux filles de Madame d'Holbach.  L'a\u00een\u00e9e\n est belle comme un ch\u00e9rubin; c'est un visage rond, de grands yeux\n bleus, des levres fines, une bouche riante, la peau la plus blanche\n et la plus anim\u00e9e, des cheveux ch\u00e2tains qui ceignent un tr\u00e8s joli\n front.  La cadette est un peloton d'embonpoint o\u00f9 l'on ne distingue\n encore que du blanc et du vermillon.\"\n\n [13:15] Gazette de France, June 1, 1781.\n\n [14:16] Holbach's intendant was [a] Jew, Berlise.  After his death several\n of his old servants Vincent, David, and Plocque, contested Holbach's will,\n in which they thought they were legatees.  The case was in the courts\n for several years and was finally decided against them.  Douarche,\n _Les tribunaux civil de Paris pendant la r\u00e9volution_, Paris, 1905, Vol. I.,\n pp. 141, 261, 325, 689.\n\n [14:17] Av\u00e9zac-Lavigne, _Diderot_, p. 5.\n\n [15:18] _Critica_, Vol. I, p. 48, note.\n\n [15:19] He met Voltaire in Paris in 1778, however, and Naigeon relates\n that Voltaire greeted him very cordially and said that he had long\n desired to make his acquaintance.\n\n [15:20] Collignon, _Diderot_, p. 1.\n\n [16:21] Av\u00e9zac-Lavigne, _Diderot_, p. 75, note.\n\n [16:22] Romilly, _Memoirs_, Vol. I, p. 179.\n\n [16:23] Diderot, _Oeuvres_, Vol. I, p. lxvi, note.\n\n [17:24] Journal de Paris, Dec. 2, 1789.\n\n [17:25] See appendix, p. 73, p. 77.\n\n [18:26] See appendix, p. 71.\n\n [19:27] See appendix, p. 72.\n\n [19:28] See p. 6 sq. and appendix pp. 75 sq.\n\n [39:2] Barbier, _Dict._, Vol. I, p. 175 sq.\n\n [40:3] Barbier, Vol. I, p. xxxiii, note.\n\n [40:4] _Oeuvres_, Vol. XVIII, p. 265.\n\n [44:5] _Oeuvres_, Vol. XIV, p. 352.\n\n [47:7] Middleton's translation, preface.\n\n [47:8] Cf. p. 94. [Bibliography Part I]\n\n [54:1] Morley, _Diderot_, Vol. II, p. 155.\n\n [55:2] Later _Bon-sens_ and _Th\u00e9ologie portative_ were doomed to the\n flames by the condemnations of Jan. 10, 1774, and February 16, 1776.\n\n [55:3] _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, ed. 1771, Vol. II, p. 496.\n\n [56:4] Grimm, _Cor. Lit._, Vol. IX, p. 167.\n\n [56:5] Voltaire, _Oeuvres_, ed. Beuchot, Vol. LXVI, p. 404.  Subsequent\n references to Voltaire are from this edition.\n\n [56:6] Vol. LXVII, p. 265.\n\n [56:7] Grimm, _Cor. Lit._, Vol. IX, p. 90.\n\n [57:8] Vol. LXVI, p. 432.\n\n [57:9] Vol. LXVI, p. 563.\n\n [57:10] Vol. LXVI, p. 386.\n\n [58:11] Vol. LXVI, p. 394.\n\n [58:12] Vol. XXVIII, p. 493.\n\n [58:13] Vol. LXVI, p. 469.\n\n [58:14] Goethe, _Wahrheit und Dichtung_, 11th Book, Goethe's _Werke_,\n Stuttgart, Vol. 19, p. 55.\n\n Auf philosophische Weise erleuchtet und gef\u00f6dert zu werden, hatten\n wir keinen Trieb noch Hang: \u00fcber religi\u00f6se Gegenst\u00e4nde glaubten wir\n uns selbst aufgekl\u00e4rt zu haben, und so war der heftige Streit\n franz\u00f6sischer Philosophen mit dem Pfafftum uns ziemlich gleichg\u00fcltig.\n Verbotene, zurn Feuer verdaminte B\u00fccher, welche damals grossen L\u00e4rmen\n machten, \u00fcbten keine Wirkung auf uns.  Ich gedenke statt aller des\n _Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_, das wir aus Neugier in die Hand nahmen.  Wir\n begriffen nicht, wie ein solches Buch gef\u00e4hrlich sein k\u00f6nnte.  Es kam\n uns so grau, so cimmerisch, so totenhaft vor, das wir M\u00fche hatten,\n seine Gegenwart auszuhalten, dass wir davor wie vor einern Gespenste\n schauderten.  Der Verfasser glaubt sein Buch ganz eigens zu empfehlen,\n wenn er in der Vorrede versichert, dass er, als ein abgelebter Greis,\n soeben in die Grube stiegend, der Mit- und Nachwelt die Wahrheit verk\u00fcnden\n wolle.  Wir lachten ihn aus: denn wir glaubten bemerkt zu haben, dass\n von alten Leuten eigentlich an der Welt nichts gesch\u00e4tzt werde, was\n liebensw\u00fcrdig und gut an ihr ist.  \"Alte Kirchen haben dunkle Gl\u00e4ser\"\n \"Wie Kirschen und Beeren schmecken, muss mann Kinder und Sperlinge\n fragen\"--dies waren unsere Lust und Leibworte: und so schien uns jenes\n Buch, als die rechte Quintessenz der Greisenheit, unschmachhaft, ja\n abgeschmackt Alles sollte notwendig sein und deswegen kein Gott.\n \"K\u00f6nnte es denn aber nicht auch notwendig einen Gott geben?\" fragten\n wir.  Dabei gestanden wir freilich, das wir uns den Notwendigkeiten der\n Tage und N\u00e4chte, der Jahrszeiten, der klirnatischen Einflusse, der\n physichen und animalischen Zust\u00e4nde nicht wohl entziehen k\u00f6nnten: doch\n f\u00fchlten wir etwas in uns, das als vollkommene Willk\u00fcr erschien, und\n wieder etwas, das sich mit dieser Willk\u00fcr ins Gleichgewicht zu setzen\n suchte.  Die Hoffnung, immer vern\u00fcnftiger zu werden, uns von den aussern\n Dingen, ja von uns selbst immer unabh\u00e4ngiger zu machen, konnten wir\n nicht aufgeben.  Das Wort Freiheit klingt so schon, dass mann es nicht\n entbehren k\u00f6nnte und wenn es einen Irrtum bezeichnete.\n\n Keiner von uns hatte das Buch hinausgelesen; denn wir fanden uns in\n der Erwartung get\u00e4uscht, in der wir es auf geschlagen hatten.\n _System der Natur_ ward angek\u00fcndigt und wir hofften also wirklich\n etwas von der Natur, unsere Abg\u00f6tten, zu erfahren.  Physik und Chemie,\n Himmels- und Erdbeschriebung, Naturgeschichte und Anatomie und so\n manches andere hatte nun zeit Jahren und bis auf den letzten Tag uns\n immer auf die geschm\u00fcchte grosse Welt hingeweisen, und wir hatten gern\n von Sonnen und Sternen, von Planeten und Monden, von Bergen, Th\u00e4lern,\n Fl\u00fcssen und Meeren und von allem, was dann lebt und webt, das N\u00e4here\n sowie das Allgemeinere erfahren.  Das hierbei wohl manches vorkommen\n m\u00fcsste, was dem gemeinen Menschen als sch\u00e4dlich, der Geistlichkeit als\n gef\u00e4hrlich, dem Staat als unzul\u00e4ssig erschienen m\u00f6chte, daran hatten wir\n keinen Zweifel, und wir hofften, dieses B\u00fcchlein sollte nicht unw\u00fcrdig\n die Feuerprobe bestauden haben.  Allein wie hohl und leer ward uns in\n deiser tristen Atheistischen Halbnacht zu Mute, in welcher die Erde mit\n allen ihren Gebilden, der Himmel mit allen seinen Gestirnen verschwand!\n Eine Materie sollte sein von Ewigkeit und von Ewigkeit her bewegt, und\n sollte nun mit dieser Bewegung rechts und links und nach allen Seiten\n ohne weiteres die unendlichen Ph\u00e4nomene des Daseins hervorbringen.\n Dies alles w\u00e4ren wir sogar zufrieden gewesen, wenn der Verfasser\n wirklich aus seiner bewegten Materie die Welt vor unsern Augen\n aufgebaut h\u00e4tte.  Aber er mochte von der Natur so wenig wissen als wir;\n denn indem er einige allgemeine Begriffe hingepfahlt, verl\u00e4sst er sie\n sogleich, um dasjenige, was h\u00f6her als die Natur oder als h\u00f6here\n Natur in der Natur erschient, zur materiellen schweren, zwar bewegten,\n aber doch richtungs- und gestaltlosen Natur zu verwandeln, und glaubt\n dadurch recht viel gewonnen zu haben.  Wenn uns jedoch dieses Buch\n einigen Schaden gebracht hat, so war es der, das wir allen\n Philosophie, besonderers aber der Metaphysick recht herzlich gram\n wurden, und bleiben, dagegen aber auf lebendige Wissen, Erfahren,\n Thun und Dichten uns nur desto lebhafter und leidenschaftlicher hinwarfen.\n\n [64:15] Vol. II, p. 261, ed. 1820.\n\n\n\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY--PART I.\n\n EDITIONS OF HOLBACH'S WORKS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER.\n\n\n As the works of Holbach are not yet cataloged in the Biblioth\u00e8que\n Nationale, the following list is doubtless incomplete.  The numbers\n given are those of the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale and the British Museum\n where the books were used, except in cases where they were available\n in Boston, New York or Washington.\n\n\n ABBREVIATIONS\n\n B. N., Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale.\n B. M., British Museum.\n L. C., Library of Congress.\n C. U., Columbia University.\n H. U., Harvard University.\n U. T. S., Union Theological Seminary.\n G. T. S., General Theological Seminary.\n A. T. S., Andover Theological Seminary.\n N. Y., New York Public Library.\n B. P., Boston Public Library.\n\n Of about 120 editions consulted, C. U. had 13; U. T. S. 7; N. Y. 7;\n H. U. 6; B. P. 5; L. C. 4; A. T. S. 3; G. T. S. I.  There are 20 or more\n editions in existence that were not to be found in the library catalogs\n consulted.\n\n 1752.  Lettre \u00e0 une dame d'un certain \u00e2ge sur l'\u00e9tat pr\u00e9sent de l'Op\u00e9ra.\n En Arcadie aux d\u00e9pens de l'Acad\u00e9mie Royale de Musique, (Paris, 8vo, pp. 11.)\n B. M. 1103 b 21 (2).\n\n 1752.  Arr\u00eat rendu \u00e0 l'amphith\u00e9\u00e2tre de l'Op\u00e9ra, sur la plainte du\n milieu du parterre intervenant dans la querelle des deux coins.\n (Paris, 1752, 8vo, pp. 16.)\n B. N. Yf 7726 (attributed to Diderot).\n\n 1752.  Art de la Verrerie, De Neri, Merret et Kunckel; auquel on a\n ajout\u00e9 Le _Sol Sine Veste_ D'Orschall; _L'Helioscopium videndi sine\n veste solem Chymicum_; Le _Sol Non Sine Veste_: Le Chapitre XI du\n _Flora Saturnizans_ de Henckel, Sur la Vitrification des V\u00e9g\u00e9taux;\n Un M\u00e9moire sur la mani\u00e8re de faire le Saffre; Le Secret des vraies\n Porcelaines de la Chine et de Saxe; Ouvrages o\u00f9 l'on trouvera la\n mani\u00e8re de faire le Verre et le Crystal, d'y porter des Couleurs,\n d'imiter les Pierres Pr\u00e9cieuses, de pr\u00e9parer et colorer les Emaux,\n de faire la Potasse, de peindre sur le Verre, de pr\u00e9parer des Vernis,\n de composer de Couvertes pour des Fayances et Poteries, d'extraire la\n Couleur Pourpre de l'Or, de contrefaire les Rubis, de faire le Soffre,\n de faire et peindre les Porcelaines, etc.  Traduits de l'Allemand Par\n M. D... A Paris Durand, rue St. Jacques, au Griffon.  Pissot, Quai des\n Augustins, \u00e0 la Sagesse.  Avec Approbation et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi (in quarto).\n  B. N. V. 11028.\n  C. U. A. n H 35 (Avery Library).\n\n 1753.  Min\u00e9ralogie, ou description g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des substances du r\u00e8gne\n min\u00e9ral.  Par Mr. Jean Gotshalk Wallerius, Professeur Royale de\n Chymie, de M\u00e9tallurgie et de Pharmacie dans l'Universit\u00e9 d'Upsal,\n de l'Acad\u00e9mie Imp\u00e9riale des Curieux de la Nature.  Ouvrage traduit\n de l'Allemand, A Paris, Chez Durand, rue S. Jacques, au Griffon.\n Pissot, Quai de Conti, \u00e0 la Croix d'Or, MDCCLII.  Avec Approbation\n et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi (2 vols., 8vo, pp. xlvii + 569 + 284).  Followed\n by (second title page) Hydrologie, ou description du r\u00e8gne aquatique,\n divis\u00e9s par classes, gendres, esp\u00e8ces et vari\u00e9t\u00e9s, avec la mani\u00e8re de\n faire l'essai des eaux (256 p.).\n  B. N., S. 1992 (2).\n  B. M. 987 h. 9-10.\n\n --Ibid.  (Paris, Herissant, Durand, 1759, 2 vols., 8vo.) N. Y., P. W. D.\n  H. U. Geol. 7257-59.\n  B. M. 970 h.l.\n\n 1756.  Introduction \u00e0 la Min\u00e9ralogie; ou connoissance des eaux, des\n sucs terrestres, des sels, des terres, des pierres, des min\u00e9raux, et\n des m\u00e9taux: avec une description abr\u00e9g\u00e9e des op\u00e9rations de m\u00e9tallurgie.\n Ouvrage posthume de M. J. F. Henckel, publi\u00e9 sous le titre de _Henckelius\n in Mineralogi\u00e2 redivivus_ et traduit de l'Allemand.  A Paris, Chez Guillaume\n Cavelier, Libraire, rue S. Jacques, au Lys d'Or.  MDCCLVI.  Avec Approbation\n et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi.  (2 vols., 12vo, pp. lxxi + 204 + 371.)\n  B. N. 19930 (1).\n\n 1758.  Chimie m\u00e9tallurgique, Dans laquelle on trouvera la Th\u00e9orie et\n la Pratique de cet Art.  Avec des Experiences sur la Densit\u00e9\n des Alliages des M\u00e9taux, et des demi-M\u00e9taux; et un Abr\u00e9g\u00e9 de\n Docimastique.  Avec Figures.  Par M. C. E. Gellert, Conseiller\n des Mines de Saxe et de l'Acad\u00e9mie Imperiale de Petersbourg.\n Ouvrages traduits de l'Allemand.  A Paris, Chez Briasson, rue\n Saint Jacques; Avec Approbation et Privel\u00e8ge.  (2 vols., 12mo,\n pp. xii + 296 + xvii + 351.)\n  B. N., R. 37032 (3).\n\n 1759.  Trait\u00e9s de physique, d'histoire naturelle, de min\u00e9ralogie et de\n m\u00e9tallurgie.  (Paris, 1759, 3 vols., 12mo.)  (General title.)\n  Tome I.  L'Art des Mines, ou Introduction aux connoissances\n n\u00e9cessaires pour l'exploitation des mines m\u00e9talliques avec un trait\u00e9\n des exhalaisons min\u00e9rales ou moufettes, et plusieurs m\u00e9moires sur\n differens sujets d'Histoire Naturelle-Avec figures.  Par\n M. Jean Gotlob Lehmann, Docteur en M\u00e9decine, Conseiller des\n Mines de Sa Majest\u00e9 Prussienne, de l'Acad\u00e9mie Royale des\n Sciences de Berlin et de celle des Sciences utiles de Mayence.\n Traduit de l'Allemand.  A Paris, Chez Jean Thomas Herrisant\n MDCCLIX.  Avec Approbation et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi.\n  Tome II.  Trait\u00e9 de la formation des m\u00e9taux et de leurs\n matrices ou mini\u00e8res, ouvrage fond\u00e9 sur les principes de la\n physique et de la min\u00e9ralogie et confirm\u00e9 par des exp\u00e9riences\n chymiques.  Par M. J. G. Lehmann, etc.  Traduit de l'Allemand.\n  Tome III.  Essai d'une Histoire Naturelle des couches de la\n terre.  Dans lequel on traite de leur formation, de leur situation,\n des min\u00e9raux, des m\u00e9taux et des fossiles qu'elles contiennent.\n Avec des considerations physiques sur les causes des Tremblements\n de Terre et de leur propagation.  Ouvrages traduits de l'Allemand,\n et augment\u00e9s de Notes du Traducteur etc.\n  H. U., M, Z.\n  B. M. 990 c. 16-18.\n\n 1759.  Les plaisirs de l'imagination, po\u00e8me en trois chants, par\n M. Akenside.  Traduit de l'anglais.  A Amsterdam, Arkst\u00e9e et Merkus,\n et se trouve \u00e0 Paris chez Pissot, Quai de Conti MDCCLIX (8vo).\n  B. N. 2 ex. Yk 2362 et 2498.\n  B. M. 1162 f 20.\n\n --Ibid.  Les plaisirs de l'imagination, po\u00e8me en trois chants, Par\n Akenside, traduit de l'Anglais par le baron d'Holbach, augment\u00e9 de\n Notes historiques et litt\u00e9raires, de la vie de l'auteur et du Traducteur,\n par Pissot.  Paris, Hubert MDCCCVI (1806-18vo).\n  B. N. Yk 2363.\n  B. M. 1065 b 20 (2).\n\n 1760.  Pyritologie, ou Histoire Naturelle de la Pyrite, ouvrage dans\n lequel on examine l'origine, la nature, les propri\u00e9t\u00e9s et les usages\n de ce Min\u00e9ral important, et de la plupart des autres Substances du m\u00eame\n R\u00e8gne: on y a joint le Flora Saturnisans o\u00f9 L'Auteur d\u00e8montre l'Alliance\n qui se trouve entre les V\u00e9g\u00e9taux et les Min\u00e9raux; et les Orpuscules\n Min\u00e9ralogiques, Qui comprennent un Trait\u00e9 de l'Appropriation, un Trait\u00e9\n de L'Origine des Pierres, plusieurs M\u00e9moires sur la Chymie et l'Histoire\n Naturelle, avec un Trait\u00e9 des Maladies des Mineurs et des Fondeurs.\n Par M. Jean-Frederic Henkel, Docteur en M\u00e9dicine, Conseiller des Mines\n du Roi de Pologne, Electeur de Saxe; de l'Acad\u00e9mie Imperiale des Curieux\n de la Nature et de celle de Berlin.  Ouvrages Traduit de l'Allemand [by\n Baron d'Holbach and M., Charas] \u00e0 Paris, Chez jean Thomas H\u00e9rissant,\n Libraire, Rue S. Jacques, \u00e0 S. Paul et \u00e0 S. Hilaire. MDCCLX.  Avec\n Approbation et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi.  (Paris, 1760, quarto, pp. xvi + 524.)\n  B. N. 5324.\n  B. M. 34 c 15.\n\n 1760.  Oeuvres M\u00e9tallurgiques de M. Jean-Christian Orschall, Inspecteur\n des Mines de S. A. S. le Land-grave de Hesse-Cassel.  Contenant\n I. L'Art de la Fonderie; II. Un Trait\u00e9 de la Siquation;\n III.  Le Trait\u00e9 de la Mac\u00e9ration des Mines; IV. Le Trait\u00e9\n des Trois Merveilles; (Traduit de l'Allemand) Le prix est de 50\n sols broch\u00e9 et de 3 liv. reli\u00e9. A Paris, Chez Hardy, Libraire, rue\n S. Jacques au dessus de celle de la Parcheminerie \u00e0 la Colonne\n d'Or.  MDCCLX.  Avec Approbation et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi.\n (12mo, pp. + 394.)\n  B. N., S 19,992.\n\n 1764.  Recueil des m\u00e9moires les plus int\u00e9ressants de chymie, et d'histoire\n naturelle, contenus dans les actes de l'Acad\u00e9mie d'Upsal, et dans les\n M\u00e9moires de l'Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Sciences de Stockholm; Publi\u00e9s depuis\n 1720 jusqu'en 1760.  Traduits du Latin et de l'Allemand.  A Paris, Chez\n Pierre-Fr. Didot, le jeune, Quai des Augustins, \u00e0 S. Augustin.  MDCCLXIV.\n Avec Approbation et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi. (2 vols., 12mo, pp. viii + 687.)\n  B. N. R 15483 (4).\n\n 1765.  Histoire du r\u00e8gne de la Reine Anne d'Angleterre, contenant Les\n N\u00e9gociations de la paix d'Utrecht, et les d\u00e9m\u00eal\u00e9s qu'elle occasionna\n en Angleterre.  Ouvrage posthume du Docteur Jonathan Swift.  Doyen de\n S. Patrice en Irelande: Publi\u00e9 sur un Manuscrit corrig\u00e9 de la propre\n main de l'Auteur, et traduit de l'Anglais par M... [d'Holbach and Eidous].\n A Amsterdam, Chez Marc-Michel Rey, et Arkst\u00e9e et Merkus. MDCCLXV.\n (12mo, pp. xxiv + 416.)\n  B. N. 8vo Nc 1718.\n\n 1766.  Trait\u00e9 du Soufre, ou Remarques sur la dispute qui s'est \u00e9lev\u00e9e\n entre les chymistes, au sujet du Soufre, tant commun, combustible\n ou volatil, que fixe, etc.  Traduit de l'Allemand de Stahl.\n A Paris, Chez Pierre-Francois Didot, le jeune.  Quai de\n Augustins \u00e0 Saint-Augustin.  MDCCLXVI.  Avec Approbation\n et Privil\u00e8ge du Roi.  (12mo, pp. 392.)\n  B. N., R 51709.\n  B. M. 233 b 15.\n\n 1766.  L'Antiquit\u00e9 d\u00e9voil\u00e9e par ses usages, ou Examen critique des\n principales Opinions, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Institutions r\u00e9ligieuses et\n politiques des diff\u00e9rens Peuples de la Terre.  Par feu M., Boulanger.\n Homo, quod rationis est particeps, consequentiam cernit causas rerum\n videt, earumque progressus et quasi antecessiones non ignorat,\n similitudines compare, rebus praesentibus adjungit at anectit futuras.\n --Cicero, De Offic. Lib. I. C. 4.\n A Amsterdam, Chez Marc-Michel Rey, MDCCLXVI. (Quarto pp. viii + 412.)\n  B. N., E 690.\n  C. U., A P. B 66 (Avery Library).\n\n --Ibid.  (1766, 3 vols., 12mo.)\n  B. N. *E 2446-2448.\n\n --Ibid.  (1772, 3 Vols., (12mo.)\n  B. N. *E 2445 (VIII).\n  B. M. 4506 a 1.\n\n --Ibid.  (Amsterdam, 1777, 3 vols., 12mo, pp. lx + 355 + 391 + 396.)\n  B. M. 696 b 35.\n\n --Ibid.  In Oeuvres de Boulanger T. I-IV En Suisse.\n De l'Imprimerie Philosophique MDCCXCI. (4 vols., (12mo.)\n  B. N., Z 24316-24319.\n\n --Ibid.  In _Oeuvres de Boulanger_ T. I-II Amsterdam.\n (Paris, 2 vols., 8vo.) (Qu\u00e9rard.)\n\n 1767.  Le Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9, ou Examen des principes et des effets\n de la religion Chr\u00e9tienne.  Par feu M. Boulanger.  Superstitio error\n infanus est, amandos timet, quos colit violat; quid enim interest,\n utrum Deos neges, an infames?  Senec. Ep. 12.\n A Londres, MDCCLVI (Nancy, Leclerc, 1761, 8vo, pp. xxviii + 295).\n  B. N., D2 5305.\n  B. M. 4016 bb 6.\n  B. M., C 2863 (another copy with MS. notes by Voltaire).\n\n --Ibid.  (Londres, 1767, 8vo, pp. xx + 236.)  Printed at John Wilkes'\n private press in George St. Westminster, according to MS. note in\n title page.\n  B. M. 4017 de. 13.\n\n --Ibid.  (Londres, 1767, 8vo, pp. 244.)\n  A. T. S. 6 11.\n\n --Ibid.  (A Paris, Chez les Libraires Associ\u00e9s, 1767, 8vo,\n pp. xvii + 218.)\n  B. N., D2 8364.\n\n --Ibid.  (Londres [Amsterdam], 1767, 12mo.)\n  B. M. 696 b 34\n\n --Ibid.  Oeuvres de Boulanger T. VII.  (En Suisse de l'Imprimerie\n philosophique, 1791, 12mo.)\n  B. N., Z 23421.\n\n --Ibid.  Oeuvres de Boulanger T. V, 1793.\n\n --Christianity Unveiled; being an examination of the principles and\n effects of the Christian Religion, from the French of Boulanger,\n Author of _Researches into the Origin of Oriental Despotism_, by\n W. M. Johnson. New York, 1795, printed at the Columbian Press by\n Robertson and Gowan for the editor and sold by the principal book\n sellers in the United States. (12mo, pp. ix + 238.)\n  B. M. 4017 de 4.\n  B. M. 900 i. 1, (7) another copy with MS. Notes.\n  B. P.... 7490 a 22.\n\n --Ibid.  London, printed and published by R. Carlile, 55 Fleet St.\n 1819 (8vo, pp. 98.)\n  B. M. 4016 d. 13.\n\n --Ibid.  The Deist, etc. Vol. II, published by R. Carlile, 1819.\n (8vo, pp. vii + 125.)\n  B. M. 4015 f 11.\n\n --El Cristianismo a descurbierto, \u00f3 examen de los principios y efectos\n de la religion cristiana.  Escrito en Franc\u00e9s por Boulanger y traducido\n al castellano por S. D. V.... Londres en la emprenta de Davidson, 1821.\n (12mo, pp. xxvi + 246.)\n  B. M. 4016 df 6.\n\n 1767.  L'Esprit du clerg\u00e9, ou Le Christianisme primitif veng\u00e9 des\n entreprises et des exc\u00e8s de nos Pr\u00eatres modernes.  Traduit de\n l'Anglois \u00e0 Londres (Amsterdam) MDCCLXVII (2 vols. 8vo,\n pp. 2 + 10 + 240).\n  B. M. pp. 54.\n\n 1767.  De l'imposture sacerdotale, ou Recueil de Pi\u00e8ces sur le Clerg\u00e9.\n Traduites de l'Anglois. Londres (Amsterdam) MDCCLXVII.\n (12mo, pp. 144.)\n  B. N., D2 8368 (7).\n\n  Contains, Tableau fid\u00e8le des papes.  _Traduit d'une Brochure\n  Anglaise_ de M. Davisson, Publie sous le titre de _a true picture\n  of Popery_, pp. 1-35.\n\n  De l'insolence pontificale, ou des Pr\u00e9tentions ridicules du\n  Pape et des Flatteurs de la Cour de Rome.  _Extrait de la\n  Profession de Foi du c\u00e9l\u00e8bre Giannone_, par. M. Davisson, pp. 36-54.\n\n  Sermon.  Sur les fourberies et les impostures du Clerg\u00e9\n  Romain, _Traduit de l'Anglois sur une Brochure publi\u00e9e \u00e0\n  Londres en 1735_ par M. Bourn Birmingham, Sous le titre de\n  _Popery a Craft_, pp. 55-84.\n\n  Le Pr\u00eatrianisme oppos\u00e9 au Christianisme.  Ou la Religion\n  des Pr\u00eatres compar\u00e9e \u00e0 celle de J\u00e9sus-Christ, ou examen de la\n  diff\u00e9rence qui se trouve entre les Ap\u00f4tres et les Membres du\n  Clerg\u00e9 moderne.  _Publi\u00e9 en Anglois en 1720 sous le titre de_\n  Priestanity.  Or a View of the disparity between the Apostles\n  and the Modern Clergy, pp. 85-108.\n\n  Des Dangers de l'Eglise, _Traduit de Anglois sur une Brochure\n  Publi\u00e9e eu 1719_.  Par M., Thomas Gordon, Sous le titre\n  d'_Apology for the danger of the Church_, etc., pp. 109-128.\n\n  Le Simbole d'un La\u00efque, ou Profession de Foi d'un homme\n  d\u00e9sint\u00e9ress\u00e9.  Traduit de l'Anglois de M. Gordon, Sur une\n  brochure publi\u00e9e en 1720.  Sous le titre de _the creed of an\n  independent Whig_, pp. 129-144.\n\n --Ibid.  Published under title De La Monstruosit\u00e9 pontificale, ou\n Tableau fid\u00e8le des Papes.  _Traduit de l'Anglois_ Londres\n MDCCLXXII.  (16vo, pp. 55.)\n  B. N., H. 19859.\n\n 1768.  Examen des Proph\u00e9ties qui servent de fondement \u00e0 la religion\n chr\u00e9tienne, avec un Essai de critique sur les Proph\u00e8tes et les\n Proph\u00e9ties en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral.  Ouvrages traduits de l'Anglois.\n Londres MDCCLXVIII.  (8vo, pp. 234.)\n  B. N., D2 5190.\n  B. M. 4017 de 18.\n\n Contains, Discours sur les fondements de la religion chr\u00e9tienne, pp. 1-111.\n\n Extrait De l'Ouvrage qui a pour titre: Examen du Sept\u00e8me de ceux\n qui pr\u00e9tendent que les Proph\u00e9ties se sont accomplies \u00e0 la lettre.\n The Scheme of literal Prophecy considered, etc., 1727. (8vo, pp. 118-234.)\n\n 1768.  David, ou l'Histoire de l'homme selon le coeur de Dieu, ouvrage\n traduit de l'Anglois.  Sa\u00fcl, et David, trag\u00e9die en 5 actes d'apr\u00e8s\n l'Anglois.... (Londres, 1768, 8vo.)\n  B. N. 3 ex. LD2 5194, Hz 1542, et R\u00e8s Z. Beuchot 798 (2).\n  B. M. 4014 a 67 (1).\n\n 1768.  Les Pr\u00eatres d\u00e9masqu\u00e9s, ou des iniquit\u00e9s du clerg\u00e9 chr\u00e9tien.\n Ouvrage traduit de l'Anglois.  Londres.  MDCCLXVIII.\n (16vo, pp. 180.)\n  B. N., D2 4639.\n  B. M. 4017 de 29.\n\n 1768.  Lettres philosophiques, sur l'origine des Pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s, du Dogme de\n l'Immortalit\u00e9 de l'Ame, de l'Idol\u00e2trie et de la Superstition; sur\n le Syst\u00e8me de Spinoza et sur l'origine du mouvement dans la\n mati\u00e8re.  Traduites de l'Anglois de J. Toland.\n\n  Opinionum commenta delet dies, naturae judicia confirmat.\n  Cicero, de Nat. Deor. lib. II.  A Londres (Amsterdam). 1768.\n  MDCCLXVIII. (8vo, pp. 267.)\n   B. N., D2 5203.\n   B. M. 4015 de 48.\n\n  Containing, Pr\u00e9face ou Lettre \u00e0 un ami, en lui envoyant les\n  Dissertations suivantes, dans laquelle l'Auteur rend compte des\n  motifs qui les ont fait \u00e9crire. (pp. 12-26.)\n\n  Premi\u00e8re Lettre.  De L'origine et de la Force de ces Pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s.\n  (pp. 27-44.)\n\n  Seconde Lettre.  Histoire du dogme de l'Immortalit\u00e9 de\n  l'Ame Chez les Payens. (pp. 45-93.)\n\n  Troisi\u00e8me Lettre.  Sur l'origine de l'Idol\u00e2trie et sur les\n  fondements de la Religion Payenne. (pp. 94-152.)\n\n  Quartri\u00e8me Lettre.  A un Gentilhomme Hollandois pour lui\n  prouver que le syst\u00e8me de Spinoza est d\u00e9pourvu de fondements\n  et p\u00e8che dans ses principes. (pp. 154-186.)\n\n  Cinqui\u00e8me Lettre.  Dans laquelle on prouve que le mouvement\n  est essentiel \u00e0 la Mati\u00e8re; en r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 quelques remarques\n  qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 faites \u00e0 l'Auteur au sujet de sa r\u00e9futation du\n  Syst\u00e8me de Spinoza.\n\n  Nunc quae mobilitas fit reddita Materia\u00eb Corporibus paucis\n  licet hinc cognoscere, Memmi.  Lucret., lib. II, vers 142.\n  (pp. 187-267.)\n\n 1768.  Th\u00e9ologie portative, ou Dictionnaire Abr\u00e9g\u00e9 de la Religion\n Chr\u00e9tienne.  Par Mr. l'Abb\u00e9 Bernier, Licenci\u00e9 en Th\u00e9ologie.\n\n Audite hoc Sacerdotes, et attendite Domus Isra\u00ebl, et Domus\n Regis auscultate; quia vobis Judicium est, quoniam Laquens\n facti estis Speculationi et rete expansum super Thabor. Os\u00e9e,\n Chap. V, Vers. I.  Londres (Amsterdam), MDCCLXVIII (1767),\n (12mo, pp. 243).\n  B. N., D2 14334.\n  B. M. 703 a 25.\n\n --Ibid. Londres (Suisse), 1768.\n\n --Ibid.  A Rome, MDCCLXXV (8vo, pp. 213).\n  B. N., D2 8370.\n\n --Ibid.  Augment\u00e9e d'un Volume.  A Rome, avec permission et privil\u00e8ge\n du Conclave.  (2 vols., 12mo (1776).)\n  B. N., D2 8371.\n\n --Ibid.  Under title.  Manuel Th\u00e9ologique, en form de Dictionnaire.\n Ouvrage tr\u00e8s utile aux personnes des deux sexes pour le salut de leurs\n \u00e2mes, par l'abb\u00e9 Bernier etc.  Rome, 1785 Au Vatican de l'Imprimerie du\n Conclave. (2 vols., 8vo.)\n\n --Ibid.  1802.\n\n 1768.  Le Militaire philosophe, ou Difficult\u00e9s sur la Religion,\n propos\u00e9es au R. P. Malebranche, Pr\u00eatre de l'Oratoire.  Par un ancien\n Officier.  Londres (Amsterdam) MDCCLXVIII.  (8vo, pp. 193.)\n  C. U. 201 N 14.\n\n --Ibid.  1770 (8vo).\n  B. M. 4015 bb 32.\n\n --Ibid.  1776 (8vo).\n  B. M. 4015 de 34.\n  (Last chapter by d'Holbach.)\n\n 1768.  La Contagion sacr\u00e9e, ou Histoire Naturelle de la Superstition.\n Ouvrage traduit de l'Anglois.  _Prima mali labes_.  Londres\n (Amsterdam), MDCCLXVII. (2 vols. in 1, 8vo.)\n  B. N., D2 5195.\n  C. U. 194 H 69 P.\n\n --Ibid.  Avec des notes relatives aux Circonstances.  Nouvelle\n Edition.  A Paris, de l'Imprimerie de Lemaire, rue d'Enfer no. 141,\n An 5 de la Republique (1797).  (2 vols. in 1, 8vo, pp. 179-190.)\n  U. T. S. 441\n  B. H. 723 C.\n\n --El Contagion sagrado, \u00f3 Historia natural de la supersticion.\n Paris, Rodriguez, 1822.  (2 vols., 8vo.)  (Qu\u00e9rard.)\n\n 1768.  Lettres \u00e0 Eug\u00e9nia, ou Pr\u00e9servatif contre les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s... arctis\n Relligionum animos nodis exsolvere pergo.--Lucret. de rer. nat., Lib. 4,\n v. 6-7.  A Londres, MDCCLXVIII. (2 vols., 8vo, pp. xii + 188 + 167)\n\n --Ibid.  Oeuvres de Nicolas Fr\u00e9ret, T. I, pp. 1-359. Paris, 1792.  (8vo.)\n  H. U. 19-30, vol. I.\n\n --Cartas \u00e1 Eugenia, por Mr. Freret.  Paris.  Imprenta de F. Didot,\n 1810 (8vo, pp. viii + 358).\n  B. M. 4015 de 23.\n\n --Letters to Eugenia on the absurd, contradictory and demoralizing\n Dogmas and Mysteries of the Christian Religion.  Now first translated\n from the French of Fr\u00e9ret, but supposed to be written by Baron Holbach,\n author of the System of Nature, Christianity Unveiled, Common Sense,\n Universal Morality, Natural Morality.  R. Carlile, The Deist, etc.,\n Vol. II, 1819, etc.  (8vo, pp. 185.)\n  B. M. 4015 f. 11.\n\n --Cartas \u00e0 Eugenia.  Madrid, 1823, por Don Benito Cano.  2v.\n  N. Y., Z F F.\n\n --Letters to Eugenia on the absurd, contradictory and demoralizing\n Dogmas and Mysteries of the Christian Religion, by Baron d'Holbach,\n New York, published by H. M. Dubecquet, No. 190\n William Street, 1833.  (12vo, pp. 236.)\n  U. T. S. 326 B.\n\n --Letters to Eugenia etc., translated by Anthony C. Middleton,\n M.D. Boston, Josiah P. Mendum, 1857.\n  B. P. 5484 2.\n\n 1769.  De la Cruaut\u00e9 religieuse.  A Londres, MDCCLXIX. (16vo, pp. 228.)\n  B. N., D2 8365.\n  B. M. 4017 aa 25.\n  U. T. S. H 723.\n\n --Ibid.  Amsterdam, 1775, 12vo.\n\n 1769.  Le la Tol\u00e9rance dans la Religion, ou de la Libert\u00e9 de conscience\n par Crellius.  L'Intol\u00e9rance convaincue de crime et de folie.\n Ouvrage traduit de l'Anglois, Londres, MDCCLXIX.  (12vo, pp. 174.)\n\n  Contains De la Tol\u00e9rance dans la religion, ou de la libert\u00e9 de\n  conscience (Crellius).\n\n  De l'Intol\u00e9rance dans la Religion (d'Holbach), p. 88.\n\n  Enfer d\u00e9truit ou Examen Raisonn\u00e9 du Dogme de l'Eternit\u00e9\n  des peines.  Ouvrages, tr. de L'Anglois \u00e0 Londres, MDCCLXIX, p. 1.\n\n  Dissertation critique sur les tourmens de l'enfer.  Traduit de\n  L'Anglois, p. 96 (by Whitefoot).\n   B. N., D2 5154.\n\n --Ibid.  Hell destroyed!  Now first translated from the French of\n d'Alembert without any mutilations.  London.  Printed and published\n by J. W. Trust, 126 Newgate St., 1823. (8vo, pp. 47.)\n (Followed by Whitefoot's Torments of Hell, \"now first translated\n from the French,\" to p. 83.)\n\n 1770.  L'Esprit du juda\u00efsme, ou Examen raisonn\u00e9 de la Loi de Moyse,\n et de son influence sur la Religion Chr\u00e9tienne.\n  Atque utinam nunquam Judaea sub acta fuisset Pompeii\n  bellis, imperioque Titi.\n  Latius excisae pestes contagie serpunt, Victoresques suos\n  natio victa premit.  Rutilius, Itinerar.  Lia I, vs. 394, Londres,\n  MDCCLXX. (12mo, pp. xxii + 201.)\n   B. N., D2 5191.\n   B. M. 4034 bb 38.\n\n 1770.  Examen critique de la vie et des ouvrages de saint Paul, Avec\n une dissertation sur saint Pierre par feu M. Boulanger.\n Londres, 1770 (8vo), (by Peter Annet).\n  B. N. 3ex. [D2 5349 (2) 8367 et H. 7551].\n  B. M. 48o8 aa 7.\n\n --Ibid.  Nouvelle Edition, Londres, 1790. (8vo.)\n  B. N. [H 13032].\n\n --Critical Examination of the Life of St. Paul.  Translated from\n the French of Boulanger.  \"Paul, thou art beside thyself, much\n learning doth make thee mad.\"  Acts, chap, 26, v 24.  London.\n Printed and published by R. Carlile, 5 Water Lane, Fleet St.,\n 1823.  (8vo, pp. 72.)\n  B. M. 4372 h g (4).\n\n 1770.  Histoire critique de J\u00e9sus-Christ, ou Analyse raisonn\u00e9e\n des Evangiles.  Ecce Homo.\n Pudet me humani generis, cuius mentis et aures talia ferre\n potuerunt.  S. Augustin. (No date [Amsterdam, 1770?], 16mo,\n pp. viii + xxxii + 298.)\n  B. N, 7,549.\n  B. M. 4017 a. 45.\n  U. T. S. 465 H 723.\n\n --Ecce Homo! or a critical enquiry into the history of Jesus Christ,\n being a Rational Analysis of the Gospels.  Edinburg, 1799.\n\n --Ecce Homo! or a critical enquiry into the history of Jesus Christ,\n being a Rational Analysis of the Gospels.  (2d ed.) London, 1813.\n Printed, published and sold by D. I. Easton.\n  G. T. S. 232 G. H. 69.\n\n --Historia critica de Jesus Christo, o an\u00e1ilisis razonado le los\n evangelios.  Traducida del Frances, por el P. F. de T, ex-jesuita.\n Ecce Homo.  Vel. aqui el hombre.  S. Juan, cap. 19,\n\n v. 5. Londres, en la imprenta de Davidson, 1822.  (2 vols., 12mo,\n pp. xiii + 200 + 280.)\n\n Contains Advertencia del Traductor.\n\n 1770.  Tableau des Saints, ou examen de l'esprit, de la conduite, des\n maximes, et du m\u00e9rite des personnages que le Christianisme r\u00e9v\u00e8re et\n propose pour mod\u00e8les.\n Hoc admonere simplices etiam potest,\n Opinione alterius ne quid ponderent;\n Ambitio namque diffidens mortalium\n Aut gratiae subscribunt, aut odio suo;\n Erit ille nottis, quem per te cognoveris.\n Phaed., Lib. III, Fab. 10.\n\n A Londres, MDCCLXX.  (2 Vols., 12mo, pp. xxviii + 280 + 286.)\n  B. N., H 7,552.\n  B. M. 4,824 a a a a 27.\n\n 1770.  Recueil philosophique, ou M\u00e9lange de Pi\u00e8ces sur la Religion et\n la Morale.  Par diff\u00e9rents Auteurs (ed. Naigeon).\n\n Ovando enim ista observans quieto et libero animo esse poteris,\n ut ad vem gerendam non Superstionem habeas, sed Rationem ducem.\n --Cicero, de Divinat., Lib. 2.  Londres, MDCCLXX.  (2 vols., 12mo.)\n  B. N., D2 5309.\n\n  Vol. I, p. 129 (VI), R\u00e9flexions sur les Craintes de la Mort.\n\n  Vol. II, p. 34 (IX), Dissertation sur l'Immortalit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me.\n  Traduite de l'Anglais.\n\n  Vol. II, p. 50 (X), Dissertation sur le suicide.  Traduit de l'Anglais.\n\n  Vol. II, p. 70 (XI).  Probl\u00e8me important.  La Religion est\n  elle n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 la Morale et utile \u00e0 la Politique?  Par M.\n  Mirabaud.\n\n  Vol. II, p. 125 (XIII).  Extrait d'un Ecrit Anglais qui a pour\n  titre _le christianisme aussi ancien que le monde_.\n\n 1770.  Essai sur les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s, ou, De l'influence des opinions sur les\n moeurs et sur le bonheur des hommes.  Ouvrage contenant l'apologie\n de la philosophie par Mr. D. M.\n\n Assiduite quotidiana et consuetudine oculorum assuescunt animi,\n neque admirantur, neque requerunt rationes earum rerum quas vident.\n --Cicero de Nat. Deorum, Lib. II.  Londres, MDCCLXX. (8vo, pp. 394.)\n  B. N., R 20 553.\n  B. M. 8463 b b b 16.\n  H. U. Phil. 264840.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris Desray an 1 (1792).  (2 vols., 8vo, Cortina.)\n\n --Ibid.  Oeuvres de Dumarsais. Paris, Pougin, 1797.  T. VI\n 8vo, pp. 43-352.\n  B. N., Z 23766-72.\n  H. U. 9578 13 VI.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, Niogret, 1822.\n  C. U. 3045 D 89.\n\n --Essayo sobre las preocupaciones \u00f3 del influjo de las opiniones\n en las costumbres y felicidad de las hombres.  Por Dumarsais.\n En Paris.  Hallase en la casa de Rosa, Librero.  Gran pacio del\n Palacio Real.  1823.  (8vo, pp. 391.)\n  B. N., R 34,366.\n\n --(Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale. Collection des meilleurs auteurs\n anciens et modernes.)  Dumarsais.  Essai sur les Pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s.\n Pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9 d'un Discours pr\u00e9liminaire et d'un Pr\u00e9cis historique de\n la vie de Dumarsais par le citoyen Daube.  Paris.  Librairie de\n la Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale.  Rue de Richelieu 8, Pr\u00e8s le\n Th\u00e9\u00e2tre Francais. Ci-devant rue de Valois 1886.  Tous droits\n res\u00e9rv\u00e9s (25 centimes).\n  B. N. 8vo R. 15952.\n\n 1770.  Syst\u00e8me de la Nature, ou Des Loix du Monde Physique et du\n Monde Moral. Par M. Mirabaud, Secr\u00e9taire Perp\u00e9tuel et l'un\n des Quarante de l'Acad\u00e9mie Fran\u00e7aise.\n\n Natura rerum vis atque majestas in omnibus momentis fide\n caret, si quis mod\u00e8 partes ejus, ac non totam complectatur\n animo.--Plin. Hist., Lib. VII. Londres, MDCCLXX.\n (2 vols., 8vo, pp. 370 + 412.)\n  B. M. 4017 f 32\n  U. T. S. 321 H 7235.\n\n --Ibid, Londres, MDCCLXX. (Second edition, 2 Vols., in 8vo,\n pp. 366 + 408.)\n  B. M., D2 5166-5167.\n Contains Discours pr\u00e9liminaire de l'Auteur (pp. 16).  Avis de\n l'Editeur. Pr\u00e9face de l'Auteur, etc.\n\n --Abr\u00e9g\u00e9 du Code de la Nature, par M., Mirabaud, Secr\u00e9taire\n Perp\u00e9tuel et l'un des Quarante de l'Acad\u00e9me Fran\u00e7aise.\n Londres. MDCCLXX. (8vo, 16 p.)\n\n --Ibid.  Nouvelle \u00c9dition augment\u00e9e par l'auteur \u00e0 laquelle on a\n joint plusieurs pi\u00e8ces des meilleurs Auteurs relatives aux\n m\u00eames objets, etc.  (Ed. Naigeon.)  Londres, MDCCLXXI.\n (2 vols. in 8vo, pp. 397-500.)\n\n Contains Vol. II, p. 455, R\u00e9quisitoire, sur lequel est intervenu\n l'Arr\u00eat du Parlement du 18 Ao\u00fbt 1770 qui condamne \u00e0\n \u00eatre br\u00fbl\u00e9s, differens Livres ou Brochures, intitul\u00e9s.\n\n 1. La Contagion sacr\u00e9e...\n 2. Dieu et les hommes.\n 3. Discours sur les Miracles.\n 4. Examen des Apologistes.\n 5. Examen impartial des principales religions du Monde.\n 6. Christianisme d\u00e9voil\u00e9.\n 7. Syst\u00e8me de la Nature.\n Imprim\u00e9 par ordre expr\u00e8s du Roi.\n  B. M., D2 5168.\n Reprinted in 1774, 1775-1777.\n\n --Ibid.  Nouvelle \u00c9dition.  Londres,  1780, 8vo, pp. xii + 371 + 464.\n\n Contains _Sentiments de Voltaire sur le Syst\u00e8me de la Nature_.\n S\u00e9guier's _R\u00e9quisitoire_ and Holbach's _R\u00e9plique_.\n  B. M. 528 1. 2526.\n\n --Ibid.  Nouvelle \u00c9dition. Londres, 1781. (2 vols. in 8vo, pp. 316 + 385.)\n  B. N., D2 516g.\n\n --Ibid.  German Translation, Schreiter.  Leipzig and Frankfort, 1783.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, An. III (1795).  (3 vols. in 8vo.)\n\n --The System of Nature.  Translated from the French of M. Mirabeau.\n London, 1797.  Printed for G. Kearsley.\n  L. of C. B 2053-S G E-12 11-15959.\n\n --Ibid.  Philadelphia, 1808.  Pub. by R. Benson.\n  L. of C., B 2053-S G 3 E 13-11-1595 G.\n\n --Nature and Her Laws, as Applicable to the Happiness of Man Living\n in Society, Contrasted with Superstitions and Imaginary Systems.\n Done from the French of M. Mirabaud.  London in 1816.  W. Hodgson.\n  C. U. 194 H 69 S.\n  L. of C., B 2053 S g 3 E 14-11.15960\n\n --Syst\u00e8me de la Nature,... Avec notes de Diderot.  Nouvelle \u00e9dition.\n Ed. Lemonnier, Paris, 1820.  B. Roquefort.  (2 vols. in 8vo.)\n\n --The System of Nature, or the Laws of the Moral and Physical World.\n Translated by Samuel Wilkinson from the original French of M. Mirabaud.\n Printed and published by Thomas Davison. (Vols. 2, 3, R. Helder, 1821.)\n London, 1820.\n 3 vols in 8vo, pp. xi + 348-311-273.)  Contains Life of Mirabaud,\n Vol. 3, pp. 263-273.\n  B. M. 804. de 20?\n  U. S. 321. H 723.\n\n --Syst\u00e8me de la Nature... par le Baron d'Holbach.\n Nouvelle Edition avec des notes et des corrections par Diderot.\n Paris, Etienne Ledoux, 1821.  (2 vols. in 8vo, pp. xvi + 507 +502.)\n  B. N., D2 5170.\n  B. M. 124 9 i. 26.\n  C. U, 194 H 69. R.\n  N. Y., Y C O.\n Contains extract of Grimm's Literary Correspondence, Aug. 10, 1789.\n\n --Syst\u00e8me de la Nature, ou des lois du monde physique et du monde\n morale, par le Baron d'Holbach.  Nouvelle \u00c9dition avec des notes et\n des corrections par Diderot etc.  Paris, Dom\u00e8re, 1822. (4 vols. in 12mo.)\n Contains Avis de Naigion.  Avertissement du nouvel \u00e9diteur, pp. 11-29.\n Pi\u00e8ces diverses, pp. 30-46.\n\n --Sistema de la Naturaleza, con notas y correcciones por Diderot;\n trad, al castell. por F. A. F....  Paris, Masson hijo, 1822,\n 4 vols. in 18mo.\n  B. N., D2 5172.\n\n --Selections from Mirabaud's System of Nature in the Law of Reason, etc.\n London, 1831.  (16mo, pp. 231.)\n Selections from Bon-Sens, pp. 39-81, 82-112.\n  B. M. 1387. b. 3.\n\n --Nature and her Laws, as Applicable to the Happiness of Man Living\n in Society, Contrasted with Superstitions and Imaginary Systems.\n From the French of M. de Mirabaud.  James Watson.  London, 1834.\n (2 vols. in 12mo, pp. xxiv + 287 + 320.)\n Sold for 7 s. 6 d.\n  B. M. 1133 b 29.\n Contains\n 1. Publisher's Preface (by James Watson).\n 2. Preface.\n 3. A short account of the life and writings of the Baron d'Holbach\n (by Julian Hibbert).\n\n --System of Nature, new and improved edition with notes by Diderot.\n Translated by H. D. Robinson.  New York, 1835, published by Matsell.\n  N. Y., Y B X.\n\n --System of Nature, or the laws of the moral and physical world,\n from the French of M. Mirabaud.  (New edition, pp. 8 + 520.)\n London, 1840.\n  C. U. 194 H 69. R 1.\n\n --System der Natur von Mirabaud. Deutsch bearbeitet und mit Anmerkungen\n versehen von Biedermann.  Leipzig, 1841.\n (8vo, pp. 604.) Georg. Wigands Verlag.\n  T. S. (Andover 23).\n\n --System der Natur....  Translated by Schreiter, 1843.\n\n --System of Nature, new and improved edition with notes by Diderot,\n translated by H. D. Robinson.  Stereotype edition, Boston, 1848,\n in 8vo.  Published by J. P. Mendum.\n  B. P. 00.80-6105.5.\n\n --System der Natur..., tr. Allhusen, 1851.\n\n --System of Nature..., tr. Robinson, Boston. 1853. Published by\n J. P. Mendum.\n  B. P. 3600.48.\n  N. Y., Y C O 11-15957/\n  L. of C., B. 2053. S g 3 E 6.\n\n --The System of Nature; or, The Laws of the Moral and Physical World,\n by the baron d'Holbach, originally attributed to M. de Mirabaud with\n memoir by Charles Bradlaugh.  Reprinted verbatim from the best edition.\n London.  Published by E. Truelove, 256 High Holborn, 1884. In 8vo,\n pp. xi + 520.\n  B. M. 8467 a a 33.\n\n 1772.  Le Bon-sens ou id\u00e9es naturelles oppos\u00e9es aux id\u00e9es surnaturelles.\n    Detexit quo doloso vaticinandi furore Sacerdotes\n    mysteria, illis saepe ignota, audacter publicant.\n    --Petronii Satyricon.\n Londres (Amsterdam) 1772, 8vo, pp. xii - 515.\n  U. T. S. 321 H. 7236.\n\n --Ibid.  Le Bon-sens du cur\u00e9 J. Meslier d'Etr\u00e9pigny.  Rome\n (Paris), 1791, 8vo.\n\n --Ibid.  Another edition, 1772, 8vo, pp. x-250.\n\n --Ibid. Londres (Amsterdam), 1774, 16mo, pp. xii-302.\n  U. T. S. 321 H. 7236.\n\n --Ibid.  Le Bon-sens du cur\u00e9 Meslier d'Etr\u00e9pigny.  Rome\n (Paris), 1791, 8vo.\n\n --Ibid.  Nouvelle \u00e9dition, suivi du Testament du cur\u00e9 Meslier.\n Paris, Bouqueton, l'an I de la R\u00e9publique.  (1792, 2 vols., 12mo.)\n\n --Ibid.  Le Bon-sens du cur\u00e9 J. Meslier suivi de son Testament.\n Paris, 1802, 8vo, pp. 380.\n  C. U. 843 M 56 D 1.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, Palais des Thermes de Julien, 1802 (1822), 12mo.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, Guillaumin, 1830, 12mo.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, Guillaumin, 1831, 12mo.\n\n --Common Sense, H. D. Robinson, New York, circa 1833.\n\n --Le Bon-sens du cur\u00e9 J. Meslier, etc.  Paris, Bacquenois, 1833, 12mo.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, Guillaumin, 1834, 12mo.\n\n --Ibid.  Nancy, Haener, 1834, 12mo.\n\n --Der gesunde Menschenverstand.  Baltimore, 1857.\n\n --Ibid.  Baltimore, 1859 (second edition), H. U.\n\n --Ibid.  Tr. into German by Miss Anna Knoop. circa 1878.\n\n --Ibid., under title, Superstition in all ages; by Jean Meslier...\n who left to the world the following pages entitled _Common Sense_.\n Translated from the French original by Miss Anna Knoop, New York, 1878.\n  C. U. L. 211 M.\n\n --Ibid.  New York, Peter Eckler, 1890, pp. vi-339.\n  U. T. S.\n\n --Le Bon-sens du cur\u00e9 J. Meslier, Paris, Palais des Thermes de\n Julien, 1802.  (Garnier Fr\u00e8res, 1905.)\n  H. U.\n\n --Superstition in all ages, etc.  Translated from the French original\n by Miss Anna Knoop; arranged for publication in its present form and\n manner with new title-page and preface by Dr. L. W. deLaurence.  Same\n to now serve as \"text-book\" number five for \"the congress of ancient,\n divine, mental and Christian masters,\" Chicago, Ill., DeLaurence,\n Scott & Co., 1910, pp. xx-17-339.\n  L. of C. 1910, A 26880.  L. W. de Laurence.\n\n 1772.  De la nature humaine, ou Exposition des facult\u00e9s, des actions\n et des passions de l'\u00e2me, et de leurs causes, d\u00e9duites d'apr\u00e8s des\n principes philosophiques qui ne sont commun\u00e9ment ni re\u00e7us ni connus.\n Par Thomas Hobbes; Ouvrage traduit de l'Anglois.\n Londres (Amsterdam), MDCCLXXII. (8vo, pp. iv + 171.)\n  B. M. 8403 c c 15.\n  (Bookmark of Richard Chase Sidney.)\n\n --Ibid.  Oeuvres philosophiques et politiques de Thomas Hobbes.\n 1787. (2 vols., 8vo.)  (Tr. by Sorbi\u00e8re and Holbach.)\n  B. M. 528 2223.\n\n 1773.  Recherches sur les Miracles.  Par l'auteur de l'Examen des\n Apologistes de la Religion Chr\u00e9tienne.  A Genus attonitum.\n Ovid.  Metam.  Londres, MDCCLXXIII.  (8vo. pp. 172.)\n  B. M. 4015 de 44.\n\n 1773.  La politique naturelle, ou, Discours sur les vrais principes du\n Governement.  Par un ancien Magistrat.\n Vis consili expers mole ruit su\u00e2. --Horat., Ode IV, lib. III, vers. 65\n Londres (Amsterdam), MDCCLXXIII. (2 vols. in 8vo.\n pp. vii + 232 + 280.)\n  B. M. 521 h. 8.\n  U. S. 269 E. H. 723 (ex libris Baron Carl de Vinck, Ministre de Belgique).\n  C. U. 320 H. 691.\n  (Ascribed also to C. G. Lamoignon de Malesherbes.)\n\n --Ibid.  Londres, 1774.  (2 vols, in 8vo.)\n\n --La Politica Naturale: discorsi sui veri principi di governo.\n Traduzione di Luigi Salvadori.  Mantova, Balbiani e Donelli,\n '78-80.  (2 vols., 16 (L. 5).)\n\n 1773.  Syst\u00e8me Social, ou principes naturels de la moral et de la\n politique, avec un examen de l'influence du governement sur les moeurs.\n Discenda virtus est, ars est bonum fieri; erras si existimas\n vitia nobiscum nasci; supervenerunt in gesta sunt. --Seneca, Epis. 124.\n Londres, MDCCLXXIII.  (8vo, pp. 218 + 174 + 166, in three parts.)\n  B. N., R 20275.76 E 1919.\n  C. U. 320. H. 69.\n  N. Y. SC.\n\n --Ibid.  Par l'auteur du Syst\u00e8me de la Nature, Londres, 1774.\n (3 vols., 8vo, pp. 208 + 174 + 167.)\n  B. M. 8403. h 23.\n\n --Ibid.  A Paris, Servi\u00e8re, 1795.  (2 vols., 8vo, pp. 472 + 403.)\n  B. M. 8404 dc. 25 (ex libris J. Gomez de la Cortina et amicorum.\n  Fallitur hora legendo).\n\n --Ibid....par le baron d'Holbach.  Paris, Niogret, 1882.\n (2 vols, 8vo.)\n  C. U. 320.  H. 690.\n\n 1774.  Agriculture r\u00e9duit \u00e0 ses vrais principes par Jean Gottschalk\n Wallerius, Paris, Lacombe, 1774. (12mo.)\n\n 1776.  Ethocratie ou le gouvernement fond\u00e9 sur la morale.\n Constituit bonos mores civitati princips. --Seneca, de Clementia, Lib. I.\n A Amsterdam.  Chez Marc Michel Rey.  MDCCLXXVI.\n (8vo, pp. 10 + 293 + 2.)\n  C. U. 320. 1 H 69.\n\n 1776.  Morale universelle, ou Les devoirs de l'homme fond\u00e9s sur la nature.\n Natur\u00e2 duce utendum est: hanc ratio observe, hanc\n consulit, idem est ergo beat\u00e8 vivere et secundum naturam. --Seneca\n de Vita beata, Cap. VIII init.\n A Amsterdam.  Chez Marc-Michel Rey, MDCCLXXVI.\n (3 vols., 8vo, pp. 416 + 334 + 364.)\n  B. N., R 18596-7-8..\n  B. M. 231 h-3\n\n --Ibid.  A Tours, Chez Letourmy le jeune et compagnie, A Angers,\n De l'Imprimerie de Jahyer et Geslin.  Imprimeurs-Libraries, rue\n Milton, 1792. (8vo.)\n  B. M. 527.  K. 1-3H.\n  U. Phil. 2648.50.\n\n --Ibid.  Paris, Smith (Rey et Gravier), an 6, 1798. (3 vols., 8vo.)\n\n --Ibid.  Par le baron d'Holbach. Paris, Masson et fils.  Libraires,\n Rue de Tournon, No. 6, 1820.  (3 vols., 8vo, pp. xxxii + 314 + 266 + 300.)\n  C. U. 170 H 2.\n  B. M. 8411 k 7.\n\n --Moral universal \u00f3deberes del hombre, fundatos en su naturaleza.\n Obra escrita en franc\u00e8s por el baron de Holbach y traducida al\n castellano por D. Manuel Diaz Moreno Zaragoza, 1838, imp. de\n M. Heras. (3 vols., 8vo.)\n\n --La moral universel por el baron de Holbach.  Madrid, 1840,\n imp. y lib. del Establecimiento Central. (2 vols. in 4to.)\n\n --Ibid.  Translated into German by Johann Umminger.  Leipzig, 1898.\n\n\n 1790.  Elements de la morale universelle, ou catechisme de la nature.\n Par feu M., le Baron d'Holbach des acad\u00e9mies de P\u00e9tersbourg de Manheim\n et de Berlin.\n Numquam aliud natura aliud sapientia dicit.--Juvenal.\n A Paris.  Chez G. de Bure.  Rue Serpente, No. 6, MDCCXC.\n (24vo, pp. vi + 208.)\n  B. M. 528. a. 27.\n  B. P., G. 3537.14.\n\n --Elementos de la moral universel, \u00f3 catecismo de la naturaleza,\n por el baron de Holbach.  Madrid, 1820, imp. que fu\u00e9 de Fuentenebro,\n lib de Sanchez en 8vo past.\n\n --Principios de moral, \u00f3 manuel de los deberes del hombre fundados\n en la naturaleza.  Obra p\u00f3stuma de baron de Holbach.  Traducida al\n espanol por D. L. M. G. adoptada en su mayor parte de la escuelas\n de primera educacion para instruccion de los ninos.  Madrid, 1837,\n imp. de Ferrer y compania lib de J Sanz.  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London, 1805.\n       Letters from the year 1774 to 1796, addressed to his daughter.\n        London, 1805.\n\n  Wright, A History of French Literature.  London, 1912.\n\n\n\n\n\nVITA\n\n\nMax Pearson Cushing, born in Bangor, Maine, October 27, 1886; Bangor\nHigh School, 1905; A.B. Bowdown College, 1909. Instructor in English,\nRobert College, Constantinople, 1909-1911; Graduate Student in History,\nColumbia University, 1911-1913; A.M. Columbia, 1912, Instructor in\nHistory, Reed College, Portland, Oregon, 1913.","title":"Baron d'Holbach : a Study of Eighteenth Century Radicalism in France","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":33296}