{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_58359/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_58359","id":"gutenberg_58359","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/58359","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Mythology"],"text":"Produced by Clare Graham & Marc D'Hooghe at Free Literature\n\n\n\n\n\nTHE MYTHOLOGY OF ALL RACES\n\n_IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES_\n\nLOUIS HERBERT GRAY, A.M., PH.D., EDITOR\n\nGEORGE FOOT MOORE, A.M., D.D., LL.D., CONSULTING EDITOR\n\n\nLATIN-AMERICAN\n\nBY\n\nHARTLEY BURR ALEXANDER, PH.D.\n\nPROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA\n\nVOLUME XI\n\n\nBOSTON MARSHALL JONES COMPANY\n\nM DCCCC XX\n\n\n\n\n[Illustration: PLATE I.]\n\n Top face of the monolith known as the \"Dragon\" or the \"Great Turtle\"\n of Quirigua. This is one of the group of stelae and \"altars\" which\n mark the ceremonial courts of this vanished Maya city (see Plate\n XXIII); and is perhaps the master-work not only of Mayan, but of\n aboriginal American art. The top of the stone here figured shows\n a highly conventionalized daemon or dragon mask, surrounded by a\n complication of ornament. The north and south (here lower and upper)\n faces of the monument contain representations of divinities; on the\n south face is a mask of the \"god with the ornamented nose\" (possibly\n Ahpuch, the death god), and on the north, seated within the open mouth\n of the Dragon, the teeth of whose upper jaw appear on the top face of\n the monument, is carved a serene, Buddha-like divinity shown in Plate\n XXV. The Maya date corresponding, probably, to 525 A. D. appears in\n a glyphic inscription on the shoulder of the Dragon. The monument is\n fully described by W. H. Holmes, _Art and Archaeology_, Vol. IV, No. 6.\n\n\n\n\nTO\n\nALICE CUNNINGHAM FLETCHER\n\nIN APPRECIATION OF HER INTERPRETATIONS OF AMERICAN INDIAN LIFE AND\nLORE\n\n\n\n\nAUTHOR'S PREFACE\n\n\nIn aim and plan the present volume is made to accord as nearly as\nmay be with the earlier-written volume on the mythology of the North\nAmerican Indians. Owing to divergence of the materials, some deviations\nof method have been necessary, but in their main lines the two books\ncorrespond in form as they are continuous in matter. In each case\nthe author has aimed primarily at a descriptive treatment, following\nregional divisions, and directed to essential conceptions rather than\nto exhaustive classification; and in each case it has been, not the\nspecialist in the field, but the scholar with kindred interests and the\nreader of broadly humane tastes whom the author has had before him.\n\nThe difficulties besetting the composition of both books have been\nanalogous, growing chiefly from the vast diversities of the sources\nof material; but these difficulties are decidedly greater for the\nLatin-American field. The matter of spelling is one of the more\nimmediate. In general, the author has endeavoured to adhere to such\nof the rules given in Note 1 of _Mythology of All Races_, Vol. X (pp.\n267-68), as may be applicable, seeking the simplest plausible English\nforms and continuing literary usage wherever it is well established,\nboth for native and for Spanish names (as _Montezuma, Cortez_).\nConsistency is pragmatically impossible in such a matter; but it is\nhoped that the foundational need, that of identification, is not evaded.\n\nThe problem of an appropriate bibliography has proven to be of the\nhardest. To the best of the author's belief, there exists, aside from\nthat here given, no bibliography aiming at a systematic classification\nof the sources and discussions of the mythology of the Latin-American\nIndians, as a whole. There are, indeed, a considerable number of\nspecial bibliographies, regional in character, for which every student\nmust be grateful; and it is hoped that not many of the more important\nof these have failed of inclusion in the bibliographical division\ndevoted to \"Guides\"; but for the whole field, the appended bibliography\nis pioneer work, and subject to the weaknesses of all such attempts.\nThe principles of inclusion are: (1) All works upon which the text of\nthe volume directly rests. These will be found cited in the _Notes_,\nwhere are also a few references to works cited for points of an\nadventitious character, and therefore not included in the general\nbibliography. (2) A more liberal inclusion of English and Spanish than\nof works in other languages, the one for accessibility, the other for\nsource importance. (3) An effort to select only such works as have\nmaterial directly pertinent to the mythology, not such as deal with\nthe general culture, of the peoples under consideration,--a line most\ndifficult to draw. In respect to bibliography, it should be further\nstated that it is the intent to enter the names of Spanish authors in\nthe forms approved by the rules of the Real Academia, while it has not\nseemed important to follow other than the English custom in either text\nor notes. It is certainly the author's hope that the labour devoted\nto the assembling of the bibliography will prove helpful to students\ngenerally, and it is his belief that those wishing an introduction\nto the more important sources for the various regions will find of\nimmediate help the select bibliographies given in the _Notes_, for each\nregion and chapter.\n\nThe illustrations should speak for themselves. Care has been taken\nto reproduce works which are characteristic of the art as well as of\nthe mythic conceptions of the several peoples; and since, in the more\ncivilized localities, architecture also is significantly associated\nwith mythic elements, a certain number of pictures are of architectural\nsubjects.\n\nIt remains to express the numerous forms of indebtedness which pertain\nto a work of the present character. Where they are a matter of\nauthority, it is believed that the references to the _Notes_ will be\nfound fully to cover them; and where illustrations are the subject,\nthe derivation is indicated on the tissues. In the way of courtesies\nextended, the author owes recognition to staff-members of the libraries\nof Harvard and Northwestern Universities, to the Peabody Museum, the\nBoston Museum of Fine Arts, the American Museum of Natural History, and\nthe Museum of the University of Nebraska. His personal obligations are\ndue to Professor Frank S. Philbrick, of the Northwestern University\nLaw School, and to the Assistant Curator of the Academy of Pacific\nCoast History, Dr. Herbert I. Priestley, for valuable suggestions\nanent the bibliography, and to Dr. Hiram Bingham, of the Yale Peruvian\nExpedition, for his courtesy in furnishing for reproduction the\nphotographs represented by Plates XXX and XXXVIII. His obligations to\nthe editor of the series are, it is trusted, understood.\n\nThe manuscript of the present volume was prepared for the printer by\nNovember of 1916. The ensuing outbreak of war delayed publication\nuntil the present hour. In the intervening period a number of works\nof some importance appeared, and the author has endeavoured to\nincorporate as much as was essential of this later criticism into the\nbody of his work, a matter difficult to make sure. The war also has\nbeen responsible for the editor's absence in Europe during the period\nin which the book has been put through the press, and the duty of\noversight has fallen upon the author who is, therefore, responsible for\nsuch editorial delinquencies as may be found.\n\n HARTLEY BURR ALEXANDER.\n\n LINCOLN, NEBRASKA,\n\n November 17, 1919.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n                                                                 PAGE\n\nAUTHOR'S PREFACE.                                                 vii\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.                                                       i\n\n\n    CHAPTER I.         THE ANTILLES.                                   15\n\n    I                  The Islanders.                                  15\n\n    II                 The First Encounters.                           18\n\n    III                Zemiism.                                        21\n\n    IV                 Ta\u00efno Myths.                                    28\n\n    V                  The Areitos.                                    32\n\n    VI                 Carib Lore.                                     36\n\n\n    CHAPTER II.        MEXICO.                                         41\n\n    I                  Middle America.                                 41\n\n    II                 Conquistadores.                                 44\n\n    III                The Aztec Pantheon.                             49\n\n    IV                 The Great Gods.                                 57\n\n    1                  Huitzilopochtli.                                58\n\n    2                  Tezcatlipoca.                                   61\n\n    3                  Quetzalcoatl.                                   66\n\n    4                  Tlaloc and Chalchiuhtlicue.                     71\n\n    V                  The Powers of Life.                             74\n\n    VI                 The Powers of Death.                            79\n\n\n    CHAPTER III.       MEXICO. (_continued_)                           85\n\n    I                  Cosmogony.                                      85\n\n    II                 The Four Suns.                                  91\n\n    III                The Calendar and its Cycles.                    96\n\n    IV                 Legendary History.                             105\n\n    V                  Aztec Migration-Myths.                         111\n\n    VI                 Surviving Paganism.                            118\n\n\n    CHAPTER IV.        YUCATAN.                                       124\n\n    I                  The Maya.                                      124\n\n    II                 Votan, Zamna, and Kukulcan.                    131\n\n    III                Yucatec Deities.                               136\n\n    IV                 Rites and Symbols.                             142\n\n    V                  The Maya Cycles.                               146\n\n    VI                 The Creation.                                  152\n\n\n    CHAPTER V.         CENTRAL AMERICA.                               156\n\n    I                  Quich\u00e9 and Cakchiquel.                         156\n\n    II                 The Popul Vuh.                                 159\n\n    III                The Hero Brothers.                             168\n\n    IV                 The Annals of the Cakchiquel.                  177\n\n    V                  Honduras and Nicaragua.                        183\n\n\n    CHAPTER VI.        THE ANDEAN NORTH.                              187\n\n    I                  The Cultured Peoples of the Andes.             187\n\n    II                 The Isthmians.                                 189\n\n    III                El Dorado.                                     194\n\n    IV                 Myths of the Chibcha.                          198\n\n    V                  The Men from the Sea.                          204\n\n\n    CHAPTER VII.       THE ANDEAN SOUTH.                              210\n\n    I                  The Empire of the Incas.                       210\n\n    II                 The Yunca Pantheons.                           220\n\n    III                The Myths of the Chincha.                      227\n\n    IV                 Viracocha and Tonapa.                          232\n\n    V                  The Children of the Sun.                       242\n\n    VI                 Legends of the Incas.                          248\n\n\n    CHAPTER VIII.      THE TROPICAL FORESTS: THE ORINOCO AND GUIANA.  253\n\n    I                  Lands and Peoples.                             253\n\n    II                 Spirits and Shamans.                           256\n\n    III                How Evils Befell Mankind.                      261\n\n    IV                 Creation and Cataclysm.                        268\n\n    V                  Nature and Human Nature.                       275\n\n\n    CHAPTER IX.        THE TROPICAL FORESTS: THE AMAZON AND BRAZIL.   281\n\n    I                  The Amazons.                                   281\n\n    II                 Food-Makers and Dance-Masks.                   287\n\n    III                Gods, Ghosts, and Bogeys.                      295\n\n    IV                 Imps, Were-Beasts, and Cannibals.              300\n\n    V                  Sun, Moon, and Stars.                          304\n\n    VI                 Fire, Flood, and Transformations.              311\n\n\n    CHAPTER X.         THE PAMPAS TO THE LAND OF FIRE.                316\n\n    I                  The Far South.                                 316\n\n    II                 El Chaco and the Pampeans.                     318\n\n    III                The Araucanians.                               324\n\n    IV                 The Patagonians.                               331\n\n    V                  The Fuegians.                                  338\n\n\n    NOTES.                                                            347\n\n\n    BIBLIOGRAPHY.                                                     381\n\n\n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS\n\nFULL PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\nPLATE                                                      PAGE\n\n  I        The Dragon of Quirigua--Photogravure.             Frontispiece\n\n  II       Antillean Triangular Stone Images.                24\n\n  III      Antillean Stone Ring.                             29\n\n  IV       Dance in Honor of the Earth Goddess, Haiti.       35\n\n  V        Aztec Goddess, probably Coatlicue.                47\n\n  VI       Tutelaries of the Quarters, Codex                 56\n  xx       Ferj\u00e9rv\u00e1ry-Mayer--Coloured.\n\n  VII      Coyolxauhqui, Xochipilli, and Xiuhcoatl.          60\n\n  VIII     Tezcatlipoca, Codex Borgia--Coloured.             65\n\n  IX       Quetzalcoatl, Macuilxochitl, Huitzilopochtli,     71\n  xx       Codex Borgia--Coloured.\n\n  X        Mask of Xipe Totec.                               76\n\n  XI       Mictlantecutli, God of Death.                     81\n\n  XII      Heavenly Bodies, Codex Vaticanus B and            88\n  xx       Codex Borgia--Coloured.\n\n  XIII     Ends of Suns, or Ages of the World, Codex         95\n  xx       Vaticanus A--Coloured.\n\n  XIV      Aztec Calendar Stone.                             101\n\n  XV       Temple of Xochicalco.                             106\n\n  XVI      Section of the Tezcucan \"Map Tlotzin\"--Coloured.  113\n\n  XVII     Interior of Chamber, Mitla.                       118\n\n  XVIII    Temple 3, Ruins of Tikal.                         127\n\n  XIX      Map of Yucatan Showing Location of Maya Cities.   130\n\n  XX       Bas-relief Tablets, Palenque.                     136\n\n  XXI      Bas-relief Lintel, Mench\u00e9, Showing Priest         144\n  xx       and Penitent.\n\n  XXII     \"Serpent Numbers,\" Codex Dresdensis--Coloured.    152\n\n  XXIII    Ceremonial Precinct, Quirigua.                    160\n\n  XXIV     Image in Mouth of the Dragon of Quirigua.         168\n\n  XXV      Stela 12, Piedras Negras.                         179\n\n  XXVI     Amulet in the Form of a Vampire.                  190\n\n  XXVII    Colombian Goldwork.                               196\n\n  XXVIII   Mother Goddess and Ceremonial Dish, Colombia.     200\n\n  XXIX     Vase Painting of Balsa, Truxillo.                 206\n\n  XXX      Machu Picchu.                                     213\n\n  XXXI     Monolith, Chavin de Huantar.                      218\n\n  XXXII    Nasca Vase, Showing Multi-Headed Deity.           222\n\n  XXXIII   Nasca Deity, in Embroidery--Coloured.             226\n\n  XXXIV    Nasca Vase, Showing Sky Deity.                    230\n\n  XXXV     Monolithic Gateway, Tiahuanaco.                   234\n\n  XXXVI    Plaque, probably Representing Viracocha.          236\n\n  XXXVII   Vase Painting from Pachacamac--Coloured.          240\n\n  XXXVIII  Temple of the Windows, Machu Picchu.              248\n\n  XXXIX    Carved Seats and Metate.                          265\n\n  XL       Vase from the Island of Maraj\u00f3.                   286\n\n  XLI      Brazilian Dance Masks.                            294\n\n  XLII     Trophy Head, from Ecuador.                        303\n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT\n\n\nFIGURE                                                       PAGE\n\n1       Chart showing Culture Sequences in Mexico and Peru.  367\n\n2       Figure from a Potsherd, Calchaqui Region.            369\n\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nThere is an element of obvious incongruity in the use of the term\n\"Latin American\" to designate the native Indian myths of Mexico and\nof Central and South America. Unfortunately, we have no convenient\ngeographical term which embraces all those portions of America which\nfell to Spanish and Portuguese conquerors, and in default of this,\nthe term designating their culture, Latin in character, has come into\nuse--aptly enough when its application is to transplanted Iberian\ninstitutions and peoples, but in no logical mode relating to the\naborigines of these regions. More than this, there are no aboriginal\nunities of native culture and ideas which follow the divisions made\nby the several Caucasian conquests of the Americas. It is primarily\nas consequence of their conquest by Spaniards that Mexico and Central\nAmerica fall with the southern continent in our thought; from the point\nof view of their primitive ethnology there is little evidence (at least\nfor recent times)[1] of southern influence until Yucatan and Guatemala\nare passed. There are, to be sure, striking resemblances between the\nMexican and Andean aboriginal civilizations; and there are, again,\nbroad similarities between the ideas and customs of the less advanced\ntribes of the two continents, such that we may correctly infer a\ncertain racial character as typical of all American Indians; but amid\nthese similarities there are grouped differences which, as between the\ncontinents, are scarcely less distinctive than are their fauna and\nflora,--say, calumet and eagle's plume as against blowgun and parrot's\nfeather,--and these hold level for level: the Amazonian and the Inca\nare as distinctively South American as the Mississippian and the Aztec\nare distinctively North American.\n\nWere the divisions in a treatment of American Indian myth to follow\nthe rationale of pre-Columbian ethnography,[2] the key-group would\nbe found in the series of civilized or semi-civilized peoples of the\nmainly mountainous and plateau regions of the western continental\nridge, roughly from Cancer to Capricorn, or with outlying spurs from\nabout 35\u00ba North (Zu\u00f1i and Hopi) to near 35\u00ba South (Calchaqui-Diaguit\u00e9).\nWithin this region native American agriculture originated; and along\nwith agriculture were developed the arts of civilization in the forms\ncharacteristic of America; while from the several centres of the\nkey-group agriculture and attendant arts passed on into the plains and\nforests regions and the great alluvial valleys of the two continents\nand into the archipelago which lies between them. In each continent\nthere is a region--the Boreal and the Austral--beyond the boundaries\nof the native agriculture, and untouched by the arts of the central\ncivilizations, yet showing an unmistakable community of ideas, of\nwhich (primitive and vague as they are) recurrent instances are to be\nfound among the intervening groups. Thus the plat and configuration of\nautochthonous America divides into cultural zones that are almost those\nof the hemispherical projection, and into altitudes that are curiously\nparallel to the continental altitudes: the higher civilizations of\nthe plateaux, the more or less barbarous cultures of the unstable\ntribes of the great river basins, and the primitive development of\nthe wandering hordes of the frigid coasts. The primitive stage may be\nassumed to be the foundational one throughout both continents, and it\nis virtually repeated in the least advanced groups of all regions;\nthe intermediate stage (except in such enigmatical groups as that of\nthe North-West Coast Indians of North America) appears to owe much to\ndefinite acculturation as a consequence of the spread of the arts and\nindustries developed by the most advanced peoples. Moreover, the outer\nunities of mode of life are reflected by inner communities of thought;\nfor there are unmistakable kinships of idea, not only throughout\nthe civilized group, but also in the whole range of the regions\naffected by its arts; while underlying these and outcropping at the\npoles, there is a definable stratum of virtually identical primitive\nthought. Nevertheless, these unities are cut across by differences,\npartly environmental and partly historical in origin, which give,\nas said above, distinctive character to the parallel groups of the\ntwo continents. One might, indeed, say that the cultural division is\ntwinned, north and south,--with a certain primacy, as of elder birth\nand clear superiority in the northern groups; for, on the whole, the\nMaya is superior to the Inca, just as the Iroquois and Sioux are\nsuperior to Carib and Araucanian, and the Eskimo to the Fuegian.\n\nSuch, in loose form, is the native configuration of American culture\nand hence of native American thought, and without question a desirable\nmode of treating the latter would be to follow this natural chart.\nNevertheless, there are reasons which fully justify, in the study of\nnative ideas, the bringing together in a single treatment of all the\nmaterials relating to the peoples of Latin America. The most obvious\nof these reasons is the unity of the descriptive literature, in its\nearlier and primary works almost wholly Spanish. It is not merely\nthat such writers as Las Casas, Acosta, Herrera, and G\u00f3mara pass\nubiquitously from region to region of the Spanish conquests, now north,\nnow south, in the course of their narratives; it is rather that a\ncertain colouristic harmony is derived from what might be termed the\nlinguistic prejudices of their tongue, which, therefore, they share\nwith those Spanish chroniclers whose field of description is limited\nto some one region. The mere fact that the ideas of an Indian nation\nare first described by a sixteenth century Spaniard--friar, bishop, or\ncavalier--gives to them the flavour of their translation and context,\nand thus establishes a sort of community between all groups of ideas\nso described. Nor need this be matter for regret: primitive thought,\nwith its burning concreteness and its lack of relational expression,\nis as truly untranslatable into analytical languages as poetry is\nuntranslatable; and it is, on the whole, good fortune to have, as it\nwere, but one linguistic colour cast upon so large a body of aboriginal\nideas.\n\nFurther--what may not be to the liking of the ethnologist, but is\ncertainly of high zest to the lover of romance--the Spanish colour is\nquite as much in the nature of imagination as in the hue of expression.\nNo book on Latin American mythology could be complete without\ndescription of those truly Latinian fables which the discoverers\nbrought with them to the New World, and there, wedding them to native\ntraditions (ill-heard and fabulously repeated), soon created such a\nrealm of gorgeous marvel as glamoured the age with fantasy and set the\ncoolest heads to mad adventure. In such names as Antilles, Brazil,\nthe Amazon, Old World myths are fixed in New World geography; and\nbeyond these there is the whole series of fantastic tales with which\nthe Spaniard, in a sort of imaginative munificence, has enriched the\nliterature and the romantic resources of this world of ours. The\nFountain of Eternal Youth, the Seven Cities of Cibola, the Island of\nthe Amazons and the marvellous virtues of the Amazon Stone, El Dorado\n(\"the Gilded Man\"), the treasure cities of Manoa and Omagua, the lost\nempire of the Gran Moxo and the Gran Paytiti, Patagonian giants, and\n\"men whose heads do grow between their shoulders,\" and finally, most\nwide-spread of all, the miracles of the robed and bearded white man\nwho, long ago, had come to teach the Indian a new way of life and a\npurer worship and had left the cross to be his sign, in whom no pious\nmind could see other than the blessed Saint Thomas: all these were\nin part a freight of the caravels, and they represent collectively\na chapter second to none in mythopoesy. There is no match for this\ncargo of imported fantasy in the parts of America colonized by the\nEnglish and the French. This, however, need not be accredited merely\nto cooler blood and calmer race: the North American colonies belong to\nthe seventeenth century, a good hundred years after the Spaniards had\ncompleted their most golden conquests, and for the Spaniard, no less\nthan for the others, the hour of intoxication and extravagance had\nby then gone by--leaving its flamboyant tones to warm the colours of\nsucceeding times. Thus it is that Latin American myth is in no faint\ndegree truly Latinian.\n\nBut while there is a certain Old World seasoning in Latin American\nmyth, native traditions are, of course, the substantial material of the\nstudy. This material is striking and various. It embraces the usual\nsubstrata of demoniac beliefs and animistic credulities, and above\nthese such elaborate formations as the Aztec and Maya pantheons, with\ntheir amazing astral and calendric interpretations, or the enigmatic\nand fervid religion of Peru. Many of the stories are little more than\nvocal superstitions; others, such as the conquering of death in the\n_Popul Vuh_, the Brazilian tale of the release of the imprisoned night,\nor the superb Surinam legend of Maconaura and Anuana\u00eftu, will compare,\nboth for dramatic power and subtle suggestion, with the best that\nthe world can show. There is, of course, the constant difficulty of\ndeciding where myth clearly emerges from the misty realm of folk-lore,\nand, at the other extreme, where it is succeeded by science and\nreligion; but this difficulty is more theoretic than practical: in its\ncentral character mythology is present wherever there are animating\ngods operant in the body of nature, and myth is present wherever\nspirits or deities are shown as dramatically interacting causes. With\na few possible exceptions (the possibility being probably but the\nexpression of our ignorance), all American Indians are mythopoets,\nwhose mythology is characterized in characterizing their beliefs.\n\nThe practical problem of handling and apportioning the subject-matter\nis similar to that presented in the case of North America, and rather\nmore difficult. In the first place, it were idle to undertake the mere\nnarration of stones and superstitions without some delineation of the\nconditions of the life and culture of those who make them; frequently,\nthe whole relevance of the tale is to the manner of life. In the next\nplace, the feasible mode of apportionment, by regional divisions, is\nmade difficult not only by the vastness of some of the regions, but\neven more so by the unevenness of culture, and hence of the range of\nideas. If the lines were drawn on the scale of Old World studies,\nMexico (Nahua and Maya) and Peru would each deserve a volume; and the\nproportionately slight attention which they receive in the present work\nis due partly to the need of giving reasonable space to other regions,\npartly to the fact that the myths of these fallen empires are already\nrepresented by an accessible literature. Still a third problem has to\ndo with the order in which the matters should be presented. From the\npoint of view of native affinities, the logical step from the Antilles\nis to the Orinoco and Guiana region (that is, from Chapter I to Chapter\nVIII).[3] But since, in beginning with the Antilles, one is really\nfollowing the course of discovery--seeing, as it were, with Spanish\neyes--the natural continuation is on to Mexico and Peru, and thence\nto the more slowly uncovered regions of central South America. This\nprocedure, also, follows a certain bibliographical trend: the relative\nimportance of Spanish authors is much less for the latter chapters of\nthe book, and the sources of material, in general, are of later origin.\n\nFinally, a word might be said with respect to interpretation. No\nmatter how conscientiously one may aim at straight narration, the\nmere need for coherence will compel some interpreting; while every\ntranslation is, in its degree, an interpretation (and one literally\nimpossible). Besides and beyond all this, there are the prepossessions\nof the recorders to be taken into account--honest men who interpret\naccording to their lights. There are the Biblical prepossessions of\nthe early Padres, for whom the Tower of Babel and the Dispersion were\nrecent and real events: granting a Noachian Deluge of the thoroughness\nwhich they had in mind, nothing could be more rational than were\ntheir readings of aboriginal legends of events of a kindred nature,\nor than their speculations as to what sons of Shem the Indians might\nbe. There are the traditionary visions of migratory descendants of the\nLost Tribes, of far-wandering Buddhist monks, of sea-faring Orientals,\nand forgotten Atlantideans; and there is the wonderful Euhemerism of\nthe Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg (ever the more admirable in the more\nreading)--neither the first nor the last of his tribe, but assuredly\nthe most gifted of them all. There are, again, the theological\nbiases of missionaries, for whom the devil is seldom far and God is\ngenerally near; and there are the no less ingrained prejudices of\nthe anthropologists who serenely Tylorize and fetishize the most\nrecalcitrant materials, and of the philologists who solarize and\nastralize because the model was once set for them. America has proven\nan abundant field for the illustration of all these methods of reading\nthe riddle of man's fancy; and it is scarcely to be desired that one\nshould report the matters without some reflection of the colourations.\nBut, in sooth, how could myth be myth apart from meaning?\n\nWhich leads (by no devious routing of reflection) to some consideration\nof the meaning of mythology and of our interest in it. Such interest\nmay be of any of several types. A first, and still persistent,\ninterest, and one to which we owe, for America, from Ramon Pane onward,\nmore actual material than to any other, is the desire of the Christian\nmissionary to discover in the native mind those points of approach and\nelements of community which will best enable him to spread the faith\nof Christendom. In many cases, of course, the missionary is seized\nwith a purely speculative zeal for recording facts, but it is usually\npossible in such records to detect the influence of the impulse which\nfirst brought him into the field,--and which, it may be added, makes\nof his services a matter for the gratitude of all who follow him. A\nsecond interest, which is often not sharply divorced from the first,\nas instanced in Missionary Brett's poetizing of the myths of the\nGuiana Indians,[4] is the aesthetic and imaginative. What classical\nmythology has done for the art and poetry of Christian Europe all men\nknow: Dante and Milton, Botticelli and Michelangelo are only less its\ndebtors than are Homer and Phidias. Further, the Renaissance curiosity,\nwith its passion for the antique gems and heathen gods whose forms so\nstimulated its own expressions, was at its height when America was\ndiscovered and conquered; and it is small wonder that that interest was\ntransformed, where the marvel of the New World was in question, into a\nwave of American exotism which rose to its crest in the humanitarian\nenthusiasm of the eighteenth century.[5] In our own day this interest\nis continuing, more soberly but not less fruitfully, in a deliberate\neffort on the part of artists, of poets, and of musicians to discover\nthe elements of lasting beauty in the native arts and mythic themes.\nFrom a certain point of view there is a peril in the aesthetic\ninterest: most investigators consciously or unconsciously possess\nit, and most recorders of native myths consciously or unconsciously\ndress their materials with the suaver forms of expression which the\ncultivated languages of Europe have developed. There is, in other\nwords, some untruth to aboriginal thought in the desire to find or\ninject art where the original motive was realistic, or, if aesthetic,\ngoverned by a taste foreign to our own. On the other hand, we recognize\nreadily enough that the real creative gain, in an artistic sense,\nmust come from an amalgamation, and with such an example of artistic\nachievement through amalgamation as is afforded by the Renaissance, we\ncan but hope that the more intimate adoption of the ideas and motives\nof American Indian art into our own aesthetic consciousness may yet\nresult in an American Renaissance no less notable.\n\nA third interest in American mythology is that of the anthropologists,\nby whom the domain is today most cultivated. Here the foundation\nis scientific curiosity and the modes are those of the natural and\nhistorical sciences. This type of interest, of course, determines its\nown problems and methods. For example, to it we owe most of the exact\nrecording and minute analysis of materials: the preservation of texts\nin the native tongues, and the careful application of ethnological and\narchaeological observations to their interpretation. Naturally, the\nkey-problem here is of the origin and distribution of the American\nIndian peoples, and the reconstruction of their history, both physical\nand ideational,--wherein recent advances have been veritably in the\nnature of strides. Along with this problem of distribution and genesis\nthere has co-existed the complementary question of the influence of\nnature (human and environmental) upon the forms of expression--a\nquestion to which one might ascribe three facets, the philological,\nthe sociological, and the more strictly bionomic, with its strong\nDarwinian leanings. Ultimately the two complemental problems resolve\ninto an effort to read human nature, as human nature is reflected in\nits express reactions to the complex world by which it is modified\neven while it offers a conserving resistance, born of the strength of\nits traditions and of racial solidarity. This means, at the bottom, an\ninterest in human psychology.\n\nIt is here that the anthropological interest in mythology passes over\ninto the philosophical. Philosophy strives to achieve, as it were, a\ngeneralized autobiography of the human mind. It starts, inevitably,\nwith psychology, and with those elemental unities of experience which\nour senses (inner and outer) determine for us; it goes on to try to\ndiscover the range and fullness of meaning of all the variations of\nhuman experience. Philosophers are interested in mythology, therefore,\nprimarily from a psychological standpoint: they are interested in\nreading the mind's complexion, as mythopoesy reflects it; in analyzing\nout the images of sense in human thought, the images of instinct, of\nkind and kin, of speech and number; and again in reviewing the natural\nreactions of the human spirit to the visible and sensible world,\nwith its seasons and cycles and evident metamorphoses,--reactions\nwhich start, apparently, with a dreamy consciousness of the fluid and\nincoherent character of an outer, man-environing world, and culminate\nin a sense of the allegory and drama of things physical, and the\ndiscovery of a thinking self, still hazy as to its powers and its\nlimitations. The biographic tale is a long one; it begins in savagery\nand continues on into the highest civilization; it is today unfinished,\nand so long as man lives and thinks must continue unfinished; but it is\nnot without form, and its continuities become the more obvious with the\nextension of our knowledge of men.\n\nIt should be added that each of the interests which have been named\nshares in or leads to that final interest which is most appropriate\nto all, namely, a common concern for human welfare. The missionary\ninterest is obviously actuated by this from the very beginning, and,\nas applied to America, it has produced (in Las Casas and his many\nnotable successors) a truly wonderful series of apostolic figures--in\nthemselves a moving revelation of the possibilities of human nature.\nHardly less striking is the humanitarianism which has accompanied\nthe aesthetic interest--one need but mention Montaigne's sympathetic\ncuriosity, Rousseau, fantastic in his eighteenth century credulity,\nChateaubriand, with his \"epic of the man of nature,\" or Fenimore\nCooper's idealization of the savage chivalrous,--while the curiosity of\nthe anthropologist and the philosopher, as must all honest curiosity\nabout things human, leads at the last to understanding and sympathy,\nand ultimately to an active desire to preserve the manifest good which\nenlightens every chapter in the narrative of human progress.\n\nFinally, it is perhaps worth observing that America affords a field of\ntruly unique profit for all of these interests. The long isolation\nof its inhabitants from the balance of mankind, the variety of the\nforms and levels of their native achievement, the intrinsic value\nto humanity at large of what they did achieve, both in material and\nideal modes, all unite to give to the races of the New Hemisphere an\nalmost other-world distinction from the Old World peoples from whose\nmidst (in some remote day) they doubtless sprang. It is true that the\nresemblances between the modes of life and the bent of thought in the\ntwo Worlds are as striking and numerous as their divergences; but this\nfact is in itself of the highest significance in that it emphasizes\nthat fundamental unity, spiritual as well as physical, which is of the\nwhole human brotherhood.\n\nIt is surely apparent that one book cannot satisfy all the interests\nwhich have been here defined. It is possible, however, that a\ndescription which should show what, in the main, are the materials to\nbe found and how they are distributed with reference to accessible\nsources of study might well contribute to all. Nothing more ambitious\nthan this is in the plan of the present work.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nTHE ANTILLES\n\n\nI. THE ISLANDERS[6]\n\n\nA glance at a map of the Western Hemisphere reveals two great\ncontinents, North and South America, somewhat tenuously united by the\nIsthmus and the Antilles. The Isthmus is solid, mountainous land,\nforming a part of that backbone of the hemisphere which extends along\nits western border, continuous from Alaska to the Land of Fire. The\nAntilles are an archipelago, or rather a group of archipelagos,\nextending without gap from the tip of Florida to Trinidad and the\nmouths of the Orinoco. Both connexions have a certain weight, or\nleaning, toward North America. The Isthmus narrows southward almost to\nthe point of its attachment to South America, while to the north it\nbroadens out into Central America, the peninsula of Yucatan, and the\nplateau of Mexico. Similarly, the southern division of the archipelago,\nthe Lesser Antilles, forms an arc of islets, mere stepping-stones,\nas it were, from the southern continent to the large islands of the\nGreater Antilles--Porto Rico, Hispaniola or Haiti, Jamaica, Cuba--which\nare natural outliers of the continent to the north. Cuba, indeed,\nalmost unites Yucatan and Florida; while breasting Cuba and Florida,\ntoward the open sea, is a third island group, the Bahamas, still\nfurther emphasizing the northern predominance.\n\nThere is a superficial resemblance between the connexions of the\nnorthern and southern land bodies in the Old World and in the New--the\nIsthmus of Suez having its counterpart in Panama; the peninsulas and\nlarge islands of southern Europe corresponding to Florida, Yucatan,\nand the Greater Antilles; and the break at Gibraltar suggesting the\nuncertain bridge of the Lesser Antilles. But the resemblance is merely\nsuperficial. The Mediterranean served far more as a unifier than as\na divider of cultures and civilizations in antiquity; all its shores\nwere in a sense a single land even before Rome united them politically.\nThe Caribbean, on the other hand, was a true obstacle to the primitive\nintercourse of the western continents, having its proper Old World\nanalogue in the Sahara Desert rather than in the Mediterranean Sea. In\nfact, we can carry this truer analogy a step further, pointing out that\njust as Old World culture went southward, from Egypt into Ethiopia,\nby way of the comparatively secure route of the Nile, so New World\ncivilization found its securest path by way of the solid land of the\nIsthmus, while the islets of the Lesser Antilles and the isle-like\noases of the Sahara were alike unfriendly to profoundly influential\nintercourse.\n\nIn one striking particular the analogies of the Old World are reversed\nin the New: at least in recent periods, the migration of native races\nand culture has been from the south to the north. This is the more\nextraordinary in view of the land predominance which, as has been\nindicated, belongs to the north. The Isthmus was held by, and is\nnow representative of, the Chibchan stock, extending far south into\nEcuador; while the Antilles, at the time of the discovery, were almost\nentirely possessed by tribes of two great South American stocks,\nArawakan and Carib. In Cuba, and probably in the Bahamas, there were\nremnants of more ancient peoples--timid and crude folk, whose kindred\nseem to have been the makers of the shell-mounds of Florida, and whose\nprovenience was doubtless the northern continent; but neither the race\nnor the affinities of these vanished peoples is certainly known; even\nin pre-Columbian times they were succumbing to the war-like Calusa of\nsouthern Florida and to the still more dangerous Arawakan tribes from\nthe south.\n\nOf the two powerful races from the south, the first comers were\ndoubtless the Ta\u00efno[7] (as the Antillean Arawak are named), whom the\nSpaniards found in possession of most of Cuba and of the other greater\nislands, Porto Rico alone showing a strong Carib element along with\nthe Arawak. The Lesser Antilles, bordering the sea which was named for\ntheir race, was inhabited by Carib tribes, whose language comprised\na man-tongue and a woman-tongue, the latter containing many Arawak\nwords--a fact which has led to the interesting (though uncertain)\ninference that the first Carib invaders slew all the warriors of their\nArawak predecessors, taking the women for their own wives. Only when\nthey came to Porto Rico, the first of the Greater Antilles in their\nroute, were they partially stopped by the mass and strength of the\nmore highly developed Ta\u00efno peoples; some, indeed, obtained a foothold\nhere, while beyond, in Hispaniola, one of the five caciques[8] dividing\nthe power of the island was reputed a Carib, and in Cuba itself have\nbeen found bones believed to be those of Carib marauders. The typical\nculture of the Antilles, that of the Arawakan Ta\u00efno, was scarcely\nless aggressive than the Carib. Arawaks gained a foothold in Florida,\nand their influence, in trade at least, seems to have extended far\ninto Muskhogean territories to the north, while it may have affected\nYucatan and Honduras to the west. Nor was it meanly savage in type.\nThe Antilles furnish every incentive of climate, food supply, rich\nresources, and easy communication for development of civilization; and\nat the time of the discovery of the Ta\u00efno peoples, they were already\nadvanced in the arts of agriculture, pottery-making, weaving, and\nstone-working, combined with some knowledge of metals. Furthermore,\nthey had developed their social organization to such an extent that\ntheir chiefs, or caciques, with power in some cases hereditary, were\nthe heads of veritable nations--all of Jamaica was under one ruler,\nHispaniola had five, while the Ciboney of Cuba and the Borinque\u00f1o of\nPorto Rico were powerful peoples. The Spanish conquerors of the islands\nsucceeded early in virtually annihilating these nations, but their\nhandiwork and the traditions which they have left still command respect.\n\n\nII. THE FIRST ENCOUNTERS[9]\n\n\nEven before Columbus's day the mythical Island of Antilia was marked\non the maps out in the Atlantic west; and when the archipelago\nwhich Columbus first discovered came to be known as an archipelago,\nthe name, in the plural form Antilles, was not unnaturally applied\nto it. Probably, too, it was with more than the glamour of\ndiscovery--enchanting as that must have been--that Columbus first\nlooked upon the new-found lands. From time immemorial European\nimagination had been haunted by legends of Isles of the Gods, Isles\nof the Happy Dead--Fortunate Isles, in some weird sense, lying far\nout in the enchanted seas; and it is no marvel if Columbus should\nhave felt himself the finder of this blessed realm. In one of his\nletters to Ferdinand and Isabella he wrote: \"This country excels\nall others as far as the day surpasses the night in splendour; the\nnatives love their neighbours as themselves; their conversation is the\nsweetest imaginable; their faces always smiling; and so gentle and so\naffectionate are they that I swear to your highness there is not a\nbetter people in the world.\"\n\nSomething of the same idealization, coupled with a happy ignorance,\nunderlay, no doubt, the statement which Columbus makes in his letters\nto Ferdinand's officials, Gabriel Sanchez and Luis de Santangel,\ndescribing his first voyage: \"They are not acquainted with any kind\nof worship and are not idolaters, but believe that all power and,\nindeed, all good things are in heaven.\" Columbus adds that the natives\nbelieved him and his vessels and his crews to be descended from heaven,\nand the Indians whom he took with him from his first landing, to serve\nas interpreters, cried out to the others, \"Come, come, and see the\npeople from heaven!\" This same simplicity was cruelly exploited by the\nSpaniards of later date, for after the mines of Hispaniola were opened,\nand the native labour of the island was exhausted, the Bahamas were\nnearly emptied of inhabitants by the ruse that the Spaniards would\nconvey them to the shores where dwelt their departed relatives and\nfriends. Belief in heaven-spirits and belief in living souls of their\ndead were surely deep-seated in these first-met of New World peoples.\n\nThe earliest encounters were probably with tribes of the Ta\u00efno race,\nfor the Indians taken from San Salvador were readily understood in the\nGreater Antilles; and it was with this race that Columbus had to do on\nhis initial voyage. Yet even then he was learning of other peoples.\nHe was told that in the western part of Cuba (\"Juana\" was the name he\ngave to the island) there was a province whose inhabitants were born\nwith tails--a form of derogation of inferior peoples familiar in many\nparts of the world--and the story very likely designated remnants of\nthe autochthones of the islands. Again, as he explored eastward, he\nbegan to hear of the Carib cannibals, with whom he became acquainted\non later voyages. \"These are the men,\" he reports, \"who form unions\nwith certain women who dwell alone in the island of Matenino, which\nlies next to Espa\u00f1ola on the side toward India; these latter employ\nthemselves in no labour suitable to their own sex, for they use bows\nand javelins as I have already described their paramours as doing, and\nfor defensive armour they have plates of brass, of which metal they\npossess great abundance.\" Thus we have the beginning of that legend of\nAmazons[10] in the New World which not only occupied the fancies of\nexplorers and historiographers for many decades, but eventually, as the\ndomain of these mythical women was pushed farther and farther into the\nbeyond, gave its name to the great river which drains what was then\nthe mysterious heart of the southern continent. Possibly the source\nof the tale lay in a difference of Ta\u00efno and Carib customs, for among\nthe latter the women, as the Spaniards speedily discovered, were quick\nwith bow and spear; possibly it lay in the fact, already noted, that\nthe Caribs, dispatching the men of a conquered tribe, formed unions\nwith their women, who spoke a language differing from that of their\nconquerors.\n\nOther legends of the Old World, besides that of Amazonian warriors,\ngained a footing in the New, mingling, not infrequently, with similar\nnative tales. The \"Septe Cidade\" of the Island of Antilia had been\nfounded, according to Portuguese tradition, by the Archbishop of Oporto\nand six bishops, fleeing from the Moors in the eighth century; and it\nwas these cities, identified by the Spaniards with the seven caves\nwhence the Aztecs traced their race, that led Cabeza de Vaca onward\nin his search for the Seven Cities of Cibola and resulted in the\ndiscovery of the Pueblos in New Mexico. Similarly, Ponce de Le\u00f3n partly\nbrought and partly found the story of the Fountain of Youth,[11] or\nthe life-renewing Jordan, in search of which he went into Florida. The\nstory is narrated in the \"Memoir on Florida\" of Hernando d'Escalente\nFontaneda, who says that the Indians of Cuba and the other isles told\nlies of this mythical river; but that the story was not merely invented\nas a gratification of the Spaniards' thirst for marvels is suggested by\nFontaneda's further statement that long before his time a great number\nof Indians from Cuba had come into Florida in search of this same\nwonder--a possible explanation of the Arawakan colony on the Florida\ncoast.\n\nBut it was chiefly with tales of gold that the Spaniards' ears were\npleasured. Columbus, writing to de Santangel, promised his sovereigns\nnot only spices and dyes and Brazil-wood from their new realm, fruits\nand cotton and slaves, but \"gold as much as they need\"; and this\npromise was all too well founded for the good of either Spaniard or\nnative, since the spoil of western gold, more than aught else, resulted\nin the wars which eventually impoverished Spain; and thirst for sudden\nwealth was the chief cause of the early extermination of the native\npeoples of the Antilles. Las Casas, bitter and full of pity, gives\nus the contrasting pictures. The first is of the cacique Hatuey,[12]\nfled from Haiti to Cuba to escape the Spaniards and there assembling\nhis people before a chest of gold: \"Behold,\" he said, \"the god of the\nSpaniards! Let us do to him, if it seem good to you, _areitos_ [solemn\ndances], that thus doing we shall please him, and he will command the\nSpaniards that they do us no harm.\" The other is the image of the\nSpanish tyrant, enslaving the Indians in mines \"to the end that he\nmight make gold of the bodies and souls of those for whom Jesus Christ\nsuffered death.\"\n\n\nIII. ZEMIISM[13]\n\n\nThe Spanish _conquistador_, reckless of native life in his eager quest\nof gold, and the Spanish preaching friar, often yielding himself to\ndeath for the spread of the Gospel, are the two types of men most\nimpressively delineated in the pages of the first decades of Spain's\nhistory in America, illustrating the complex and conflicting motives\nwhich urged the great adventure. As early as the writings of Columbus\nthese two motives stand out, and the promise of wealth and the\npromise of souls to save are alike eloquent in his thought. In order\nto convert, one must first understand; and Columbus himself is our\nearliest authority on the religion of the men of the Indies, showing\nhow his mind was moved to this problem. In the _History of the Life of\nColumbus_, by his son Fernando, the Admiral is quoted in description of\nthe Indian religion.\n\n\"I could discover,\" he says, \"neither idolatry nor any other sect\namong them, though every one of their kings ... has a house apart from\nthe town, in which there is nothing at all but some wooden images\ncarved by them, called _cemis_; nor is there anything done in those\nhouses but what is for the service of those _cemis_, they repairing to\nperform certain ceremonies, and pray there, as we do to our churches.\nIn these houses they have a handsome round table, made like a dish, on\nwhich is some powder which they lay on the head of the _cemis_ with a\ncertain ceremony; then through a cane that has two branches, clapped to\ntheir nose, they snuff up this powder: the words they say none of our\npeople understand. This powder puts them beside themselves, as if they\nwere drunk. They also give the image a name, and I believe it is their\nfather's or grandfather's, or both; for they have more than one, and\nsome above ten, all in memory of their forefathers.... The people and\ncaciques boast among themselves of having the best _cemis_. When they\ngo to these, their _cemis_, they shun the Christians, and will not let\nthem go into those houses; and if they suspect they will come, they\ntake away their _cemis_ and hide them in the woods for fear they should\nbe taken from them; and what is most ridiculous, they used to steal one\nanother's _cemis_. It happened once that the Christians on a sudden\nrushed into the house with them, and presently the _cemi_ cried out,\nspeaking in their language, by which it appeared to be artificially\nmade; for it being hollow they had applied a trunk to it, which\nanswered to a dark corner of the house covered with boughs and leaves,\nwhere a man was concealed who spoke what the cacique ordered him. The\nSpaniards, therefore, reflecting on what it might be, kicked down the\n_cemi_, and found as has been said; and the cacique, seeing they had\ndiscovered his practice, earnestly begged of them not to speak of it to\nhis subjects, or the other Indians, because he kept them in obedience\nby that policy.\"\n\nThis, the great Admiral quaintly concedes, \"has some resemblance to\nidolatry.\" In fact, his description points clearly to well-developed\ncults: there are temples, with altars, idols, oracles, and priests, and\nthere is even a shrewd adaptation of religion to politics--the certain\nmark of sophistication in matters of cult. Benzoni, who visited the\nIndies some fifty years after their discovery, says of the islanders:\n\"They worshipped, and still worship, various deities, many painted,\nothers sculptured, some formed of clay, others of wood, or gold, or\nsilver.... And although our priests still daily endeavour to destroy\nthese idols, yet the ministers of their faith keep a great many of them\nhidden in caves and underground, sacrificing to them occultly, and\nasking in what manner they can possibly expel the Christians from their\ncountry.\" Idols of gold and silver have not been preserved to modern\ntimes, but examples in stone and wood and baked clay are in present-day\ncollections, and one, at least, of the wooden images has a hollow head,\nopen at the back for the reception of the speaking-tube by which the\npriest conveyed the wisdom of his cacique. A peculiar type of Antillean\ncultus-image, mentioned by Peter Martyr, among others, was made of\n\"plaited cotton, tightly stuffed inside,\" though its use seems to have\nbeen rather in connexion with funeral rites (perhaps as apotropaic\nfetishes) than in worship of nature-powers.\n\nThe work of archaeologists, especially in the Greater Antilles, has\nbrought to light many curious objects certainly connected with the old\nAntillean cults. There are idols and images, ranging in height from\nnear three feet to an inch or so; and the latter, often perforated,\nwere used, perhaps, as Peter Martyr describes: \"When they are about\nto go into battle, they tie small images representing little demons\nupon their foreheads.\" There are, again, masks and grotesque faces,\nsometimes cunningly carved, sometimes crude pictographs. Most\ncharacteristic are the triangular stones with a human or an animal\nface on one side; the stone collars or yokes, some slender and some\nmassive in construction, but all representing laborious toil; and the\n\"elbow stones\" with carved panels--objects of which the true use and\nmeaning is forgotten, though their connexion with cult is not to be\ndoubted.[14] Possibly a hint of their meaning is to be found in the\nnarrative of Columbus, which, after describing the _zemis_, goes on to\nsay: \"Most of the caciques have three great stones also, to which they\nand their people show a great devotion. The one they say helps corn and\nall sorts of grain; the second makes women be delivered without pain;\nand the third procures rain and fair weather, according as they stand\nin need of either.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE II.]\n\n Antillean triangular carved stones, lateral and top views. In addition\n to the grotesque masks, limbs are clearly indicated. For reference to\n their probable significance, see pages 23-24 and note 14. After 25\n _ARBE_, Plates XLVI and XLIX.\n\nFrom the name _zemi_ (variously spelt by the older writers), applied to\nthe Antillean cult-images, the aboriginal faith of this region has come\nto be called _zemiism_; and it is not difficult, from the descriptions\nleft us, to reconstruct its general character. \"They believe,\" says\nPeter Martyr, \"that the _zemes_ send rain or sunshine in response to\ntheir prayers, according to their needs. They believe the _zemes_ to\nbe intermediaries between them and God, whom they represent as one,\neternal, omnipotent, and invisible. Each cacique has his _zemes_, which\nhe honours with particular care. Their ancestors gave to the supreme\nand eternal Being two names, Iocauna and Guamaonocon. But this supreme\nBeing was himself brought forth by a mother, who has five names,\nAttabeira, Mamona, Guacarapita, Iella, and Guimazoa.\" Here we have the\ntypical American Indian conception of Mother Earth and Father Sky and\na host of intermediary powers, deriving their potency in some dim way\nfrom the two great life-givers. In the name _zemi_ itself is perhaps\nan indication of the animistic foundation of the religion, for by\nsome authorities it is held to mean \"animal\" or \"animal-being,\" while\nothers see in it a corruption of _guami_, \"ruler\"--a source which would\nally it with one of the terms for the Supreme Being as given by Peter\nMartyr; for Guamaonocon is interpreted as meaning \"Ruler of the Earth.\"\n\nOther appellations of the Sky Father, who \"lives in the sun,\" are\nJocakuvague, Yocahu, Vague, and Maorocon or Maorocoti; while\nFray Ramon Pane gives names for the Earth Mother closely paralleling\nPeter Martyr's list: Atabei (\"First-in-Being\"), Iermaoguacar, Apito,\nand Zuimaco. Guabancex was a goddess of wind and water, and had\ntwo subordinates, Guatauva, her messenger, and Coatrischie, the\ntempest-raiser. Yobanua-Borna was a rain-deity whose shrine was in\na cavern, and who likewise had two subordinates, or ministers. The\nHaitians are said to have made pilgrimages to a cave in which were\nkept two statues of wood, gods again of rain, or of sun and rain; and\nit is likely that the double-figure images preserved from this region\nare representations of these or of some other pair of Antillean twin\ndeities. Baidrama, or Vaybrama, was also seemingly a twinned divinity,\nand clearly was the strength-giver: \"They say,\" Fray Ramon tells us,\n\"in time of wars he was burnt, and afterwards being washed with the\njuice of yucca, his arms grew out again, his body spread, and he\nrecovered his eyes\"; and the worshippers of the god bathed themselves\nin the sap of the yucca when they desired strength or healing. Other\n_zemis_ mentioned by Pane are Opigielguoviran, a dog-like being which\nplunged into a morass when the Spaniards came, never to be seen again;\nand Faraguvaol, a beam or tree-trunk with the power of wandering at\nwill. Here there seems to be indication of a vegetation-cult, which is\nborne out by Pane's description of the way in which wooden _zemis_ were\nmade--strikingly analogous to West African fetish-construction: \"Those\nof wood are made thus: when any one is travelling he says he sees some\ntree that shakes its root; the man, in great fright, stops and asks\nwho he is; it answers, 'My name is Buhuitihu [a name for priest, or\nmedicine-man],[15] and he will inform you who I am.' The man repairing\nto the said physician, tells him what he has seen. The wizard, or\nconjurer, runs immediately to see the tree the other has told him of,\nsits down by it and makes it _cogioba_ [an offering of tobacco].... He\nstands up, gives it all its titles, as if it were some great lord, and\nasks of it, 'Tell me who you are, what you do here, what you will have\nwith me, and why you send for me? Tell me whether you will have me cut\nyou, whether you will go along with me, and how you will have me carry\nyou; and I will build you a house and endow it.' Immediately that tree,\nor _cemi_, becomes an idol, or devil, answers, telling how he will have\nhim do it. He cuts it into such a shape as he is directed, builds his\nhouse, and endows it; and makes _cogioba_ for it several times in the\nyear, which _cogioba_ is to pray to it, to please it, to ask and know\nof the said _cemi_ what good or evil is to happen, and to beg wealth of\nit.\"\n\nIn such descriptions we get our picture of zemiism, a religion rising\nabove the animism which was its obvious source, becoming predominantly\nanthropomorphic in its representations of superhuman beings, yet\nshowing no signs of passing from crude fetish-worship to that symbolic\nuse of images which marks the higher forms of idolatry. The ritual\nwas apparently not bloody--offerings of tobacco, the use of purges\nand narcotics inducing vision and frenzy, and the dramatic dances, or\n_areitos_, which marked all solemn occasions and the great seasons of\nlife, such as birth and marriage and death--these were the important\nfeatures. _Oblatio sacrificiorum pertinet ad jus naturale,_ says Las\nCasas (quoting St. Thomas Aquinas) in his description of Haitian rites;\nand to the law of man's nature may surely be ascribed that impulse\nwhich caused the Antillean to make his offerings to Heaven and Earth\nand to the powers that dwell therein.\n\nNor was he forgetful of the potencies within himself. With his\nnature-worship was a closely associated ancestor-worship. When they\ncan no longer see the reflection of a person in the pupil of the eye,\nthe soul is fled, say the Arawak--fled to become a _zemi_. The early\nwriters all dwell upon this belief in the potency and propinquity of\nthe souls of the departed. They are shut up by day, but walk abroad by\nnight, says Fray Ramon; and sometimes they return to their kinsmen in\nthe form of Incubi: \"thus it is they know them: they feel their belly,\nand if they cannot find their navel, they say they are dead; for they\nsay the dead have no navel.\" The navel is the symbol of birth and of\nthe attachment of the body to its life; hence the dead, though they may\npossess all other bodily members, lack this; and the Indians have, says\nPane, one name for the soul in the living body and another for the soul\nof the departed.\n\nThe bones of the dead, especially of caciques and great men, enclosed\nsometimes in baskets, sometimes in plaited cotton images, were\nregarded as powerful fetishes; and from what is told us of the funeral\nceremonies certain beliefs may be inferred. The statement by Columbus,\nalready quoted, closes with an account of some such rites: \"When these\nIndians die, they have several ways of performing their obsequies,\nbut the manner of burying their caciques is thus: they open and dry\nhim at the fire, that he may keep whole. Of others they take only the\nhead, others they bury in a grot or den, and lay a calabash of water\nand bread on his head; others they burn in the house where they die,\nand when they are at the last gasp, they suffer them not to die but\nstrangle them; and this is done to caciques. Others are turned out of\nthe house, and others put them into a hammock, which is their bed,\nlaying bread and water by their head, never returning to see them any\nmore. Some that are dangerously ill are carried to the cacique, who\ntells them whether they are to be strangled or not, and what he says\nis done. I have taken pains to find out what it is they believe, and\nwhether they know what becomes of them after they are dead,\" and the\nanswer was that \"they go to a certain vale, which every great cacique\nsupposes to be in his country, where they affirm they find their\nparents and all their predecessors, and that they eat, have women, and\ngive themselves up to pleasures and pastimes.\" This is very much the\nbelief of all the primitive world, but it has one interesting feature.\nThe strangling of caciques and of those named by caciques clearly\nindicates that there was a belief in a different fate for men who die\nby nature and men who die with the breath of life not yet exhausted;\nquite likely it was some Valhalla reserved for the brave, such as the\nNorseman found who escaped the \"straw death,\" or the Aztec warrior whom\nTonatiuh snatched up into the mansions of the Sun.\n\n\nIV. TA\u00cfNO MYTHS[16]\n\n\n\"I ordered,\" says Columbus, \"one Friar Ramon, who understood their\nlanguage, to set down all their language and antiquities\"; and it is to\nthis Fray Ramon Pane, \"a poor anchorite of the order of St. Jerome,\" as\nhe tells us, that thanks are due for most of what is preserved of Ta\u00efno\nmythology. The myths which he gathered are from the island of Haiti,\nor Hispaniola, but it is safe to assume that they represent cycles of\ntales shared by all the Ta\u00efno peoples. They believe, says the friar,\nin an invisible and immortal Being, like Heaven, and they speak of the\nmother of this heaven-son, who was called, among other names, Atabei,\n\"the First-in-Existence.\" \"They also know whence they came, the origin\nof the sun and moon, how the sea was made, and whither the dead go.\"\n\nThe earliest Indians appeared, according to the legend, from two\ncaverns of a certain mountain of Hispaniola--\"most of the people that\nfirst inhabited the island came out of Cacibagiagua,\" while the others\nemerged from Amaiauva (it is altogether likely that the two caves\nrepresent two races or tribal stocks). Before the people came forth, a\nwatchman, Marocael, guarded the entrances by night; but, once delaying\nhis return into the caves until after dawn, the sun transformed him\ninto a stone; while others, going a-fishing, were also caught by the\nsun and were changed into trees. As for the sun and moon, they, too,\ncame from a certain grotto, called Giovava, to which, says Fray Ramon,\nthe Indians paid great veneration, having it all painted \"without\nany figure, but with leaves and the like\"; and keeping in it two stone\n_zemis_ which looked \"as if they sweated\"; to these they went when they\nwanted rain.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE III.]\n\n Antillean stone ring, of the ovate type, with carved panels. Stone\n rings, or \"collars,\" form one of the types of symbolic stones from\n this region the significance of which has so profoundly puzzled\n archaeologists. Reference to their possible meaning will be found on\n page 24 and note 14. there referred to. The specimen here figured\n is in the Museum of the American Indian, New York. Joyce (_Central\n American Archaeology_, pages 189-91) interprets the design as a human\n figure. The disks on either side of the head are ear-plugs; arms and\n hands may be seen supporting them; the pit between the elbows is the\n umbilicus; while the legs are represented by the upper segments of the\n decorated panels exterior to the disks.\n\nThe story of the origin of the sea is a little more complex. In\nintroducing the tale, Fray Ramon says: \"I, writing in haste and not\nhaving paper enough, could not place everything rightly.... Let us\nnow return to what we should have said first, that is, their opinion\nconcerning the origin and beginning of the sea.\" There was a certain\nman, Giaia, whose son, Giaiael (\"Giaia's son\"), undertook to kill his\nfather, but was himself slain by the parent, who put the bones into a\ncalabash, which he hung in the top of his house. One day he took the\ncalabash down, and looking into it, an abundance of fishes, great and\nsmall, came forth, since into these the bones had changed. Later on,\nwhile Giaia was absent, there came to his house four sons, born at\na birth from a certain woman, Itiba Tahuvava, who was cut open that\nthey might be delivered--\"the first that they cut out was Caracaracol,\nthat is, 'Mangy.'\" These four brothers took the calabash and ate of\nthe fish, but seeing Giaia returning, in their haste they replaced\nit badly, with the result that \"there ran so much water from it as\noverflowed all the country, and with it came out abundance of fish, and\nhence they believe the sea had its origin.\" Fray Ramon goes on to tell\nhow, the four brothers being hungry, one of them begged cassaba bread\nof a certain man, but was struck by him with tobacco. Thereupon his\nshoulder swelled up painfully; and when it was opened, a live female\ntortoise issued forth--\"so they built their house and bred up the\ntortoise.\"\n\n\"I understood no more of this matter, and what we have writ signifies\nbut little,\" continues the friar; yet to the modern reader the tales\nhave all the marks of a primitive cosmogony, a cosmogony having many\nanalogues in similar tales from the two Americas. The notion of a cave\nor caves from which the parents of the human race and of the animal\nkinds issue to people the world is ubiquitous in America; so, too, is\nthe notion of an age of transformations, in which beings were altered\nfrom their first forms. Peter Martyr, who tells the same stories in\nr\u00e9sum\u00e9, as he says, of Pane's manuscript, adds a number of interesting\ndetails; as that after the metamorphosis of Marocael, or Machchael,\nas Martyr calls him, the First Race were refused entrance into the\ncaves when the sun rose \"because they sought to sin,\" and so were\ntransformed--a moral element which recalls similar motifs in Pueblo\nmyths. But perhaps the most striking analogies are with the cosmogonies\nof the Algonquian and Iroquoian stocks. The four Caracarols (_caracol_,\n\"shell,\" plural _cacaracol_, is the evident derivation), one of whom\nwas called \"Mangy,\" recall the Stone Giants, and again recall the twins\nor (as in a Potawatomi version) quadruplets whose birth causes their\nmother's death, while the tortoise cut from the shoulder (Martyr says\nit was a woman by whom the brothers successively became fathers of\nsons and daughters) is at least suggestive of the cosmogonic turtle\nof North American myth. In the flood-legend, the idea of fishes being\nformed from bones is remotely paralleled by the Eskimo conception of\nthe creation of fishes from the finger-bones of the daughter of Anguta;\nand Benzoni tells how, in his day, the Haitians still had a pumpkin as\na relic, \"saying that it had come out of the sea with all the fish in\nit.\"\n\nIn the order of his narrative--though not, apparently, in the order in\nwhich he deemed the events ought to lie--Fray Ramon follows the story\nof the emergence of the First People from caves with the adventures of\na hero whom he calls Guagugiana, but whom Peter Martyr terms Vagoniona.\nIt is easy to recognize in this hero an example of the demiurgic\nTrickster-Transformer so common in American myth. Like the Trickster\nelsewhere, he has a servant or comrade, Giadruvava, and the first story\nthat Pane tells is one of which we would fain have a fuller version,\nfor even the fragmentary sketch of it is full of poetic suggestion.\nGuagugiana, it seems, was one of the cave-dwellers of the First Race.\nOne day he sent forth his servant to seek a certain cleansing herb,\nbut, as Pane has it, \"the sun took him by the way, and he became a\nbird that sings in the morning, like the nightingale\"; to which Peter\nMartyr adds that \"on every anniversary of his transformation he fills\nthe night air with songs, bewailing his misfortunes and imploring his\nmaster to come to his help.\"\n\nIn this tale, slender as it is, there is an element of unusual\ninterest, fortified by various other allusions to Antillean beliefs.\nIt would appear that the First People, the cave-dwellers, were of the\nnature of spirits or souls, and that the Sun was the true Transformer,\nwhose strength-giving rays gave to each, as it emerged to light, the\nform which it was to keep. The disembodied soul (_opia_) haunts the\nnight, moreover, as if night were its native season; in the day it is\npowerless, and men have no fear of it. Surely it is a beautiful myth\nwhich makes of the night-bird's song a longing for the free life of the\nspirit, or at least an expression of the feeling of kinship with the\nspirit-world.\n\nThe tale goes on to tell how Guagugiana, lamenting his lost comrade,\nresolved to go forth from the cave in which the First People dwelt. Yet\nhe went not alone, for he called to the women: \"Leave your husbands!\nLet us go into other countries, where we shall get jewels enough!\nLeave your children; we will come again for them; carry only herbs\nwith you.\" The women, abandoning all save their nursing children (as\nPeter Martyr tells), followed Guagugiana to the island of Matenino, and\nthere he left them; but the children he took away and abandoned them\nbeside a brook--or perhaps, as Martyr implies, he brought them back\nand left them on the shore of the sea--where, starving, they cried,\n\"Toa, toa,\" which is to say, \"Milk, milk!\" \"And they thus crying and\nbegging of the earth, saying, 'toa, toa,' like one that very earnestly\nbegs a thing, they were transformed into little creatures like dwarfs,\nand called _tona_, because of their begging the earth.\" Martyr's more\nprosaic version says that they were transformed into frogs; but both\nauthorities agree that this is how the men came to be left without\nwives; and doubtless it is this myth from which Columbus gained at\nleast a part of his notion of the Amazon-like women \"who dwell alone in\nthe island of Matenino.\"\n\nOther episodes in the career of Guagugiana, which Pane recounts in a\nconfused way, are his going to sea with a companion whom he tricked\ninto looking for precious shells and then threw overboard; his finding\nof a woman of the sea who taught him a cure for the pox; this woman's\nname was Guabonito, and she taught him the use of amulets and of\nornaments of white stone and of gold. Peter Martyr's variant says:\n\"He is supposed to go to meet a beautiful woman, perceived in the\ndepths of the sea, from whom are obtained the white shells called by\nthe natives _cibas_, and other shells of a yellowish colour called\n_guianos_, of both of which they make necklaces; the caciques, in our\nown time, regard these trinkets as sacred.\" In this there is a striking\nsuggestion of the Pueblo myths of the White-Shell Woman of the East\nand of the sea-dwelling Guardian of the yellow shells of the West; and\nit is quite to be inferred that the regard in which the caciques held\nthese objects was due to a ritual and magical significance analogous to\nthat which we know in the Pueblos.\n\n\nV. THE AREITOS\n\n\n\"The Spaniards,\" says Peter Martyr,[17] \"lived for some time in\nHispaniola without suspecting that the islanders worshipped anything\nelse than the stars, or that they had any kind of religion, ... but\nafter mingling with them for some years ... many of the Spaniards began\nto notice among them divers ceremonies and rites.\" These ceremonies are\ncalled _areitos_, or _areytos_, by the Spanish writers; and from the\nearly descriptions it is obvious that they were rites of the typical\nAmerican kind, dramatic dances or mysteries performed in the great\ncrises of national and personal life, or in the changes and climaxes of\nthat course of the seasons, which is the life of Nature. As in the case\nof myths, so in the case of rites, it is chiefly those of Haiti which\nare described for us; but there is little reason to doubt that these\nare typical of all the Greater Antilles.\n\nBirth, marriage, death, going to war, curing the sick, initiation, and\npuberty rites all seem to have had their appropriate ceremonies. Songs\nplayed an important part in these ceremonies; indeed, the word _areito_\nis frequently restricted to funeral chants, or elegies in praise of\nheroes. But the chief rite known to us, and, we may feel assured, the\nchief rite of the whole Ta\u00efno culture, was the ceremony in honour of\nthe Earth Goddess. This ceremony, as celebrated by the Haitians, is\ndescribed by both Benzoni and G\u00f3mara with some detail. G\u00f3mara's account\nis as follows:[18]\n\n\"When the cacique celebrated the festival in honour of his principal\nidol, all the people attended the function. They decorated the idol\nvery elaborately; the priests arranged themselves like a choir about\nthe king, and the cacique sat at the entrance of the temple with a\ndrum at his side. The men came painted black, red, blue, and other\ncolours or covered with branches and garlands of flowers, or feathers\nand shells, wearing shell bracelets and little shells on their arms and\nrattles on their feet. The women also came with similar rattles, but\nnaked, if they were maids, and not painted; if married, wearing only\nbreechcloths. They approached dancing, and singing to the sound of the\nshells, and as they approached the cacique he saluted them with a drum.\nHaving entered the temple, they vomited, putting a small stick into\ntheir throat, in order to show the idol that they had nothing evil in\ntheir stomach. They seated themselves like tailors and prayed with a\nlow voice. Then there approached many women bearing baskets and cakes\non their heads and many roses, flowers, and fragrant herbs. They formed\na circle as they prayed and began to chant something like an old ballad\nin praise of the god. All rose to respond at the close of the ballad;\nthey changed their tone and sang another song in praise of the cacique,\nafter which they offered the bread to the idol, kneeling. The priests\ntook the gift, blessed, and divided it; and so the feast ended, but the\nrecipients of the bread preserved it all the year and held that house\nunfortunate and liable to many dangers which was without it.\"\n\nIn this rite it is easy to recognize a festival in honour of a\ndivinity of fertility, probably a corn deity, or perhaps a goddess\nwho is the mother of corn spirits. Benzoni says of the Haitians that\n\"they worshipped two wooden figures as the gods of abundance, and at\nsome periods of the year many Indians went on a pilgrimage to them.\"\nThese may be the two _zemis_ of the painted grotto of the Sun and the\nMoon, mentioned by Ramon Pane and Peter Martyr, for the latter says\nthat \"they go on pilgrimages to that cavern just as we go to Rome\";\nbut it is certain that they were associated with agriculture, since\nit was to them that prayers were made for rain and fruitfulness. In\nan interesting old picture, printed in Picart, the rite of the Earth\nGoddess is represented, much as described by G\u00f3mara and Benzoni. The\ngoddess herself is shown with several heads, each that of a different\nanimal, and near her are two lesser idols of grotesque form. It is\npossible that the Earth was conceived as the mother of all life,\nanimal as well as vegetable, and that her two attendants represented\nyucca and maize, the two principal food plants of the Antilleans. Some\nauthorities regard the chief of the Ta\u00efno gods, the son of the great\nFirst-in-Being, as a yucca spirit; and, indeed, the name of the plant\nappears to enter into such forms as Iocauna, Jocakuvague, Yocahuguama.\nYet it is little likely that we shall ever have certainty on this\npoint, for of the poems which, Peter Martyr tells us, the sons of\nchiefs sang to the people on feast days, in the form of sacred chants,\nnone are preserved to us.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE IV.]\n\n Dance, or Areito, of the Haitian Indians in honor of the Earth\n Goddess. The ceremony is described by both Benzoni and G\u00f3mara, the\n latter's description being quoted in this volume, pages 33-34. After\n the drawing in Picart, _The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the\n Several Nations of the known World_, London, 1731-37, Plate No. 78.\n\nThat the Ta\u00efno had, besides these great public festivals, rites for\nthe individual also is abundantly witnessed in the old books. Like all\nAmerican Indians, they were mystics and vision-seekers. Benzoni says\nthat when the doctors wished to cure a man who was ill, he was lulled\ninto unconsciousness by tobacco smoke, and \"on returning to his senses\nhe told a thousand stories of his having been at the council of the\ngods and other high visions\"--a description which recalls im Thurn's\naccount of his own experiences in the hands of an Arawak _peaiman_.[19]\nSomething analogous to the individual totem, or \"medicine,\" of other\nIndians was certainly known to them. \"The islanders,\" says Peter\nMartyr, \"pay homage to numerous _zemes_, each person having his own.\nSome are made of wood, because it is amongst the trees and in the\ndarkness of night they have received the message of the gods. Others,\nwho have heard the voice among the rocks, make their _zemes_ of stone;\nwhile others, who heard their revelation while they were cultivating\ntheir _ages_--the kind of cereal I have already mentioned [sweet\npotato, or yam],--make theirs of roots.\" Martyr goes on to describe\ntrances, induced, he thinks, by tobacco, in which the chiefs seek\nprophetic revelations, stammered out in incoherent words. One of the\nmost interesting of the early stories tells of such a prophecy received\nfrom Yocahuguama, the yucca spirit. Doubtless the earliest version of\nthe tale is that of Ramon Pane:[20]\n\n\"That great lord who, they say, is in heaven ... is this Cazziva\n[cassava], who kept a sort of abstinence here, which all of them\ngenerally perform; for they shut themselves up six or seven days,\nwithout taking any sustenance but the juice of herbs, with which they\nalso wash themselves. After this time they begin to eat something that\nis nourishing. During the time they have been without eating, weakness\nmakes them say they have seen something they earnestly desired, for\nthey all perform that abstinence in honour of the _cemies_ to know\nwhether they shall obtain victory over their enemies, or to acquire\nwealth or any other thing they desire. They say this cacique affirmed\nhe spoke with Giocauvaghama, who told him that whosoever survived him\nwould not long enjoy his power, because they should see a people clad,\nin their country, who would rule over and kill them, and they should\ndie for hunger. They thought at first these should be the cannibals,\nbut afterwards considering that they only plundered and fled, they\nbelieved it was some other people the _cemi_ spoke of; and now they\nbelieve it is the admiral and those that came with him.\" This is the\nfirst of those stories of clothed and bearded strangers (the beard is\nadded in some versions), coming to overthrow the gods and kingdoms of\nthe Indians, which were encountered in various portions of the New\nWorld. So much importance was attached to it, says G\u00f3mara, that a song\nwas formed commemorating it, sung as an _areito_ in a ceremonial dance.\n\n\nVI. CARIB LORE[21]\n\n\nNot only Columbus, but other early writers praised the peacefully\nhappy and amiably virtuous character of the Indians of the Bahamas and\nthe Greater Antilles; and though this description may have been in\nsome degree coloured by their ideal of what dwellers in the Fortunate\nIsles ought to be, there is yet little in the old accounts of these\nIndians to contravene their good report. With small question, however,\nthis same picture served only to intensify the grimness of its\ncompanion portrait, for the folk of the Lesser Antilles, the \"Caribbee\nIslands\" of seamen's romance, were painted as hard and mirthless\nsavages, murderers and marauders, ferocious in war, and abhorrent\ncannibals--altogether such as would be dramatically appropriate as the\naborigines of islands that were to become the paradise of pirates.\n\nOn his second voyage Columbus encountered men of this race, finding\nthem treacherous and fierce. Unlike the Ta\u00efno, the men wore their hair\nlong and they painted themselves with strange devices; their beards\nwere plucked out, and their eyes and eyebrows were stained to give them\na terrible appearance--at least so thought Chanca, who describes them\nfor us. The women--that is, the true Carib women, not the captives,\nof whom they had many--were as savage fighters as the men; and the\nSpaniards distinguished them from the captive Ta\u00efno women by the\nleg-bands, fastened below the knee and above the ankle, which caused\nthe leg-muscles to swell out--a trait recorded by im Thurn of the true\nCarib of Guiana.\n\nThere is small question that these people came from the mouth of the\nOrinoco in the southern continent just as the ancestors of the Ta\u00efno\nhad doubtless come before them; and even at the time of the discovery\nthey were invading the Greater Antilles and had secured a foothold\nin Porto Rico. Nevertheless, they had already been in the lesser\nislands for a period sufficiently long to differentiate them, in a\ndegree, from their continental congeners and to develop among them a\ndistinctly Antillean type of Carib culture, related on the one hand\nto the continent they had left, on the other to the islands they had\nconquered. Doubtless the fundamental modification was due not so much\nto the change of habitat or to the difference between alluvial and\ninsular life as to the fact--repeated from Columbus onward--that they\nspared and married with the women of the dispossessed tribes and so\nfell heirs to many of their arts and ideas.\n\nOf all Carib customs, after their cannibalism (the word \"cannibal\" is\na variant of \"Carib\"), the most striking is the couvade--the Custom\nwhereby the husband and father, at the birth of a child, takes to his\nbed, or rather hammock, as if he were suffering the pangs of labour.\nFor forty days he remains in retirement, fasting or on meagre diet;\nand at the end of this period a feast is held at which the invited\nguests lacerate the skin of the patient with their nails and wash the\nwounds with a solution of red pepper, he bearing his pain heroically.\nEven then his trials are not at an end; for six moons more he must be\ncareful of his food--should he eat turtle, the child will become deaf,\nand so of other creatures, bird and fish,--such being P\u00e8re du Tertre's\ndescription of this rite, still in vogue on the southern continent.\n\nOther Carib festivals are mentioned by Davies. A ceremony attended\na council of war, the killing of an enemy, and the return from war;\nthe launching of a canoe, the building of a house, and the making\nof a garden; the birth of a child and the cutting of its hair;\nadolescence and participation in the first war-party; the death of\nparents, husband, or wife. They had, of course, their doctors or\nmedicine-men--the _peaimen_ of the continent, apparently called _boii_\nby the islanders, a name which is surely a variant of the Ta\u00efno\n_buhuitihu_ and doubtless was adopted from the latter; especially as\nMaboya (\"the Great Boye\" or \"Great Snake\") is a name recorded for the\ntutelary power of these _boii_, or \"snakes.\" Maboya, or Mapoia, is the\ngod who sends the hurricane; and here we have an interesting point of\ncontact with the mythology of the great isthmus, since Hurakan, the\nhurricane, is the Mayan storm-god. Du Tertre says that there were many\nMaboyas; and it may be that the term is the insular equivalent for\n\"Kenaima,\" by which the mainland Carib designate a member of the class\nof death-bringing powers.\n\nGood spirits were also recognized. The names Akambou and Yris are\nfound for the highest of all, and the name Chemin--doubtless related\nto _zemi_--is applied to the sky-god. It may be that the island Carib\npossessed a whole pantheon of celestial deities, or perhaps the name\nfor the Great Spirit varied from island to island, as similar names\nvary among the related tribes of Guiana.\n\nFragments of the legends of the island Carib are preserved. Louquo, the\nfirst man, came down from the sky; other men were born from his body;\nand after his death he ascended into the heavens. The sky itself is\neternal; the earth, at first soft, was hardened by the sun's rays. The\nFirst Race of men were nearly exterminated by a deluge, from which a\nlucky few escaped in a canoe. After death the soul of the valiant Carib\nascends to heaven; the stars are Carib souls. All these are beliefs\nwhich we need not ascribe to Old World suggestion, for they are found\nfar and wide in America; and equally native must be the Carib notion\nthat each man has three souls--one in his heart, one in his head, and\none in his shoulders--though it is only the heart-soul that ascends to\nparadise at death, while the other two wander abroad as dangerous and\nevil powers. The islanders possessed also a legend of their origin or\nmigration from among the Galibi, their continental relatives, \"Galibi\"\nbeing, apparently, yet another variant of \"Carib.\" Their ancestor,\nKalinago, they said, wearying of life among his own people, embarked\nfor the conquest of new lands, and after a long voyage settled in Santo\nDomingo with his kin, where his numerous children, conspiring against\nhim, gave him poison. His body died, but his soul found an avatar in a\nterrible fish, Atraioman; while his slayers, pursued by his vengeance,\nscattered afar among all the isles. Wherever they went, they destroyed\nthe men, but spared the women; and they placed the heads of their\nenemies in rocky caves that they might show their sons and their sons'\nsons these symbols of the valour of their fathers. According to some\ntales all brave Caribs at death enter a paradise where they forever\nwage successful war against the Arawak, while cowards are condemned in\nthe future world to be enslaved to Arawak masters.\n\nA more agreeable picture of Carib nature is suggested by their belief\nin Icheiri--a kind of Lares and Penates--to whom in each cabin was\nerected an altar of banana leaves or of cane, upon which were placed\nofferings of cassava flour and of the first fruits of the field, these\nIcheiri being conceived as kindly and familiar intermediaries between\nman below and the distant heaven power above. There were also spirits\nthat could enter into a man to lead him to inspired vision--\"medicine\"\nspirits, or tutelaries. The god Yris seems to have been of this\ncharacter, for du Tertre, who received the story from one of the\nmissionaries in Santo Domingo, relates that Yris entered into a certain\nwoman and transported her far above the sun, where she saw lands of a\nmarvellous beauty with verdant mountains from which gushed springs of\nliving water; and the god promised her that after her death she should\ncome thither to dwell with him forever. The savage mystic, too, it\nwould appear, has her visions of a divine spouse, who shall one day\nwelcome her into the heaven above the heavens.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nMEXICO\n\n\nI. MIDDLE AMERICA\n\n\nFrom the Rio Grande to the southern continent extends the great land\nbridge connecting North and South America, forming a region which\nmight properly be called Middle America. This region divides naturally\ninto several sections. To the north is the body of Mexico, its coastal\nlands mounting abruptly on the western side, but rising more gradually\non the eastern littoral toward the broad central plateau, the shape\nof which--roughly triangular, with its apex in the lofty mountains of\nthe south--conforms to that of the whole land north of the Isthmus\nof Tehuantepec. Next to this is the low-lying peninsular region of\nYucatan, ascending into mountains toward the Pacific, and forming a\ngreat broadening of the southward tapering land. A second bulge is\nCentral America, lying between the Gulf of Honduras and the Mosquito\nGulf, and terminating in the thin Isthmus forming an arc about the Bay\nof Panama.\n\nThe physiography of the region is an index to its pre-Columbian\nethnography.[22] The northern portion, including Lower California and,\nroughly, the mainlands in its latitudes, was a region of wild tribes,\nthe best of them much inferior in culture to the Pueblo Indians on the\nGila and the upper Rio Grande, and the lowest as destitute of arts as\nany in America. Yuman and Waicurian tribes in Lower California; Seri on\nthe Island of Tiburon and the neighbouring mainland; Piman in the north\ncentral and western mainlands; Apache in the desert-like lands south\nof the Rio Grande; and Tamaulipecan on the east, coasting the Gulf of\nMexico--these are the principal groups of this region, peoples whose\nideas and myths differ little from those of their kindred groups of the\narid South-west of North America. The Piman group, however, possesses\na special interest in that it forms a possible connexion between the\nShoshonean to the north and the Nahuatlan nations of the Aztec world.\nSuch peoples as the Papago, Yaqui, Tarahumare, and Tepehuane are the\nwilder cousins of the Nahua, while the Tepecano, Huichol, and Cora\ntribes, just to the south, distinctly show Aztec acculturation. In\ngeneral, the Mexican tribes north of the Tropic of Cancer belong, in\nhabit and thought, with the groups of the South-West of the northern\ncontinent; ethnically, Middle America falls south of the Tropic.\n\nBelow this line, extending as far as the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, is the\nregion dominated by the empire of the Aztec, marked by the civilization\nwhich bears their name.[23] As a matter of fact, although at the time\nof the culmination of their power this whole region was politically\nsubordinated to the Aztec (it was not completely conquered by them),\nit contained several centres of culture, each in degree distinct. To\nthe north, about the Panuco, were the Huastec, a branch of the Maya\nstock; while immediately south of them, and also on the Gulf Coast,\nwere the Totonac, possibly of Maya kinship. The central highlands,\nimmediately west of these peoples, were occupied by the Otomi,\nprimitive and warlike foes of the Aztec emperors. On their west, in\nturn, the Otomi had a common frontier with Nahuatlan tribes--Huichol,\nCora, and others--forming a transitional group between the wild tribes\nof the north and the civilized Nahua. Quite surrounded by Nahuatlan and\nOtomian tribes was the Tarascan stock of Michoacan, a group of peoples\nwhose culture certainly ante-dates that of the Nahua, of whom, indeed,\nthey may have been the teachers. Still to the south--their territories\nnearly conterminous with the state of Oaxaca--were the Zapotecan\npeoples, chief among them the Zapotec and Mixtec, whose civilization\nranks with those of Nahua and Maya in individual quality, while in\nnative vitality it has proved stronger than either.\n\nThe Zoquean tribes (Mixe, Zoque, and others), back from the Gulf of\nTehuantepec, form a transition to the next great culture centre, that\nof the Maya nations. The territories of this most remarkable of all\nAmerican civilizations included the whole of Yucatan, the greater\nportions of Tabasco, Chiapas, and Guatemala, and the lands bordering\non both sides of the Gulf of Honduras. Thus the Mayan regions dominate\nthe strategy of the Americas, since they not only control the juncture\nof the continents, but, stretching out toward the Greater Antilles,\ncommand the passage between the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea.\nIt is easily conceivable that, had a free maritime commerce grown up,\nthe Maya might have become, not merely the Greeks, but the Romans, of\nthe New World.\n\nCentral America, occupied by no less than a dozen distinct linguistic\nstocks, forms a fourth cultural district. Its peoples show not only the\ninfluences of the Maya and Nahua to the north (a tribe of the Nahuatlan\nstock had penetrated as far south as Lake Nicaragua), but also of\nthe Chibchan civilization of the southern continent, dominant in the\nIsthmus of Panama, and extending beyond Costa Rica up into Nicaragua.\nIn addition, there is more than a suggestion of influence from the\nAntilles and from the sea-faring Carib. Here, we can truly say, is the\nmeeting-place of the continents.\n\nThe nodes of interest in the culture and history of Middle America are\nthe Aztec and Maya civilizations, which are justly regarded as marking\nthe highest attainment of native Americans.[24] Neither Aztec nor Maya\ncould vie with the Peruvian peoples in the engineering and political\nskill which made the empire of the Incas such a marvel of organization;\nbut in the general level of the arts, in the intricacy of their\nscience, and above all in the possession of systems of hieroglyphic\nwriting and of monumental records the Middle Americans had touched a\nlevel properly comparable with the earliest civilizations of the Old\nWorld, nor can theirs have been vastly later than Old World culture in\norigin.\n\nIn a number of particulars the civilizations of the Middle and South\nAmerican centres show curious parallels. In each case we are in the\npresence of an aggressively imperial highland (Aztec, Inca) and of\na decadent lowland (Maya, Yunca) culture. In each case the lowland\nculture is the more advanced aesthetically and apparently of longer\nhistory. Both highland powers clearly depend upon remote highland\npredecessors for their own culture (Aztec harks back to Toltec,\nInca to Tiahuanaco); and in both regions it is a pretty problem for\nthe archaeologist to determine whether this more remote highland\ncivilization is ancestrally akin to the lowland. Again, in both the\napogee of monument building and of the arts seems to have passed\nwhen the Spaniards arrived; indeed, empire itself was weakening. The\nAztec and the Inca tribes (perhaps the most striking parallel of all)\nemerged from obscurity about the same time to proceed on the road to\nempire, for the traditional Aztec departure from Aztlan and the Inca\ndeparture from Tampu Tocco alike occurred in the neighbourhood of 1200\nA. D. Finally, it was Ahuitzotl, the predecessor of Montezuma II, who\nbrought Aztec power to its zenith, and it was Huayna Capac, the father\nof Atahualpa, who gave Inca empire its greatest extent; while both\nthe Aztec empire under Montezuma, which fell to Cortez in 1519, and\nthe Inca empire under Atahualpa, conquered by Pizarro in 1524, were\ninternally weakening at the time. But the crowning misfortune common to\nthe two empires was the possession of gold, maddening the eyes of the\n_conquistadores_.\n\n\nII. CONQUISTADORES[25]\n\n\nIn 1517 Hernandez de Cordova, sailing from Cuba for the Bahamas, was\ndriven out of his course by adverse gales; Yucatan was discovered; and\na part of the coast of the Gulf of Campeche was explored. Battles were\nfought, and hardships were endured by the discoverers, but the reports\nof a higher civilization which they brought back to Cuba, coupled with\nspecimens of curious gold-work, induced the governor of the island to\nequip a new expedition to continue the exploration. This venture, of\nfour vessels under the command of Juan de Grijalva, set out in May,\n1518, and following the course of its predecessor, coasted as far as\nthe province of Panuco, visiting the Isla de los Sacrificios--near the\nsite of the future Vera Cruz--and doing profitable trading with some\nof the vassals of the Aztec emperor. A caravel which he dispatched to\nCuba with some of his golden profit induced the governor to undertake\na larger military expedition to effect the conquest of the empire\ndiscovered; for now men began to realize that a truly imperial realm\nhad been revealed. This third expedition was placed under the command\nof Hernando Cortez; it sailed from Cuba in February, 1519, and landed\non the island of Cozumel, in Maya territory, where the Spaniards were\nprofoundly impressed at finding the Cross an object of veneration.\nThe course was resumed, and a battle was fought near the mouth of the\nRio de Tabasco; but Cortez was in search of richer lands and so moved\nonward, beyond the lands of the Maya, until on Good Friday, April 21,\n1519, he landed with all his forces on the site of Vera Cruz. The two\nyears of the Conquest followed--the tale of which, for fantastic and\nromantic adventure, for egregious heroism and veritable gluttony of\nbloodshed, has few competitors in human annals: its climacterics being\nthe seizure of Montezuma in November, 1519; _la noche triste_, July 1,\n1520, when the invaders were driven from Tenochtitlan; and, finally,\nthe defeat and capture of Guatemotzin, August 13, 1521.\n\nThe reader of the tale cannot but be profoundly moved both by what the\nSpaniards found and by what they did. He will be moved with regret at\nthe wanton destruction of so much that was in its way splendid in\nAztec civilization. He will be moved with revulsion and wonder that\nsuch a civilization could support a religion which, though not without\nelements of poetic exaltation, was drugged with obscene and bloody\nrites; and he will feel only a shuddering thankfulness that this faith\nis of the past. But when he turns to the agents of its destruction\nand reads their chronicles, furious with carnage, he will surely say,\nwith Clavigero, that \"the Spaniards cannot but appear to have been\nthe severest instruments fate ever made use of to further the ends of\nProvidence,\" and amid conflicting horrors he will be led again into\nregretful sympathy for the final victims.\n\nAn apologist for human nature would say that neither _conquistador_\nnor _papa_ (as the Spaniards named the Aztec priest) was quite\nso despicable as his deeds, that both were moved by a faith that\nhad redeeming traits. Outwardly, aesthetically, the whole scene\nis bizarre and devilish; inwardly, it is not without devotion and\nheroism. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, adventurer not only with Cortez,\nbut with Cordova and Grijalva before him, one of the sturdiest of the\nconquerors and destined to be their foremost chronicler, records for\nus one unforgettable incident which presents the whole inwardness and\noutwardness of the situation--gorgeous cruelty and simple humanity--in\na single image. It was four days after the army of Cortez had entered\nthe Mexican capital; and after having been shown the wonders of the\npopulous markets of Tenochtitlan, the visitors were escorted, at their\nown request, to the platform top of the great teocalli overlooking\nTlatelolco, the mart of Mexico. From the platform Montezuma proudly\npointed to the quartered city below, and beyond that to the gleaming\nlake and the glistening villages on its borders--all a local index of\nhis imperial domains. \"We counted among us,\" says the chronicler,[26]\n\"soldiers who had traversed different parts of the world:\nConstantinople, Italy, Rome; they said that they had seen nowhere a\nplace so well aligned, so vast, ordered with such art, and covered\nwith so many people.\" Cortez turned to Montezuma: \"You are a great\nlord,\" he said. \"You have shown us your great cities; show us now your\ngods.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE V.]\n\n Aztec goddess, probably Coatlicue, the mother of Huitzilopochtli, an\n earth goddess (see page 74). The statue is one of two Aztec monuments\n (the other being the \"Calendar Stone,\" Plate XIV) discovered under\n the pavement of the principal plaza of Mexico City in 1790, and is\n possibly the very image which Bernal Diaz mistook for \"Huichilobos\"\n (see pages 46-49, and Note 26). The goddess wears the serpent apron,\n and carries a death's head at the girdle; her own head is formed of\n two serpent heads, facing, rising from her shoulders. The importance\n of Coatlicue in Aztec legend is evidenced by the story of the embassy\n sent to her by Montezuma I (see page 116). After an engraving in\n _AnMM_, first series, Vol. II.\n\n\"He invited us into a tower,\" continues the chronicler, \"into a part\nin form like a great hall where were two altars covered with rich\nwoodwork. Upon the altars were reared two massive forms, like giants\nwith ponderous bodies. The first, placed at the right, was, they say,\nHuichilobos [Huitzilopochtli], their god of war. His countenance was\nvery large, the eyes huge and terrifying; all his body, including the\nhead, was covered with gems, with gold, with pearls large and small,\nadherent by means of a glue made from farinaceous roots. The body was\ncinctured with great serpents fabricked of gold and precious stones; in\none hand he held a bow, and in the other arrows. A second little idol,\nstanding beside the great divinity like a page, carried for him a short\nspear and a buckler rich in gold and gems. From the neck of Huichilobos\nhung masks of Indians and hearts in gold or in silver surmounted by\nblue stones. Near by were to be seen burners with incense of copal;\nthree hearts of Indians sacrificed that very day burned there,\ncontinuing with the incense the sacrifice that had just taken place.\nThe walls and floor of this sanctuary were so bathed with congealing\nblood that they exhaled a horrid odour.\n\n\"Turning our gaze to the left, we saw there another great mass, of the\nheight of Huichilobos. Its face resembled the snout of a bear, and its\nshining eyes were made of mirrors called _tezcatl_ in the language\nof the country; its body was covered with rich gems, in like manner\nwith Huichilobos, for they are called brothers. They adore Tezcatepuca\n[Tezcatlipoca] as god of the lower worlds, and attribute to him the\ncare of the souls of Mexicans. His body was bound about with little\ndevils having the tails of snakes. About him also upon the walls there\nwas such a crust of blood and the floor so soaked with it that not\nthe butcheries of Castile exhale such a stench. There was to be seen,\nmoreover, the offering of five hearts of victims sacrificed that\nday. At the culminating point of the temple was a niche of woodwork,\nrichly carved; within it, a statue representing a being half man, half\ncrocodile, enriched with jewels and partly covered by a mantle. They\nsaid that this idol was the god of sowings and of fruits; the half of\nhis body contained all the grains of the country. I do not recall the\nname of this divinity; what I do know is that here also all was soiled\nwith blood, wall and altar, and that the stench was such that we did\nnot delay to go forth to take the air. There we found a drum of immense\nsize; when struck it gave forth a lugubrious sound, such as an infernal\ninstrument could not want. It could be heard for two leagues about, and\nit was said to be stretched with the skins of gigantic serpents.\n\n\"Upon the terrace were to be seen an endless number of things\ndiabolical in appearance: speaking trumpets, horns, knives, many hearts\nof Indians burned as incense to idols; and all covered with blood in\nsuch quantity that I vowed it to malediction! As moreover, everywhere\narose the odours of a charnel, it moved us strongly to depart from\nthese exhalations and above all from so repulsive a sight.\n\n\"It was then that our general, by means of our interpreter, said to\nMontezuma, smiling: 'Sire, I cannot understand how being so great a\nprince and so wise as you are, that you have not perceived in your\nreflections that your idols are not gods, but evilly named demons. That\nYour Majesty may recognize this and all your priests be convinced,\ngrant me the grace of finding it good that I erect a Cross upon the\nheight of this tower, and that in the same part of the sanctuary where\nare your Huichilobos and Tezcatepuca, we construct a shrine and elevate\nthe image of Our Lady; and you will see the fear which she will inspire\nin these idols, of which you are the dupes.' Montezuma replied partly\nin anger, while the priests made menacing gestures: 'Sir Malinche,\nif I had thought that you could offer blasphemies, such as you have\njust done, I had not shown you my deities. Our gods we hold to be\ngood; it is they who give us health, rains, good harvests, storms,\nvictories, and all that we desire. We ought to adore them and make them\nsacrifices. What I beg of you is that you will say not a word more\nthat is not in their honour.' Our general, having heard and seeing\nhis emotion, thought best not to reply; so, affecting a gay air, he\nsaid: 'It is already the hour that we and Your Majesty must part.' To\nwhich Montezuma answered, true, but as for him, he must pray and make\nsacrifice in expiation of the sin he had committed in giving us access\nto his temple, which had had for consequence our presentation to his\ngods and the want of respect through which we had rendered ourselves\nculpable, blaspheming against them.\" So the Spaniards departed, leaving\nMontezuma to his expiatory prayers and no doubt bloody sacrifices.\n\n\nIII. THE AZTEC PANTHEON[27]\n\n\nWithin the precincts of the temple-pyramid, and not far from it, was\na lesser building which Bernal Diaz describes, a house of idols,\ndiabolisms, serpents, tools for carving the bodies of sacrificed\nvictims, and pots and kettles to cook them for the cannibal repasts\nof the priests, the entrance being formed by gaping jaws \"such as one\npictures at the mouth of Inferno, showing great teeth for the devouring\nof poor souls.\" The place was foul with blood and black with smoke,\n\"and for my part,\" says Diaz, \"I was accustomed to call it 'Hell.'\"\n\nIt is indeed doubtful whether the human imagination has ever elsewhere\nconjured up such soul-satisfying devils as are the gods of the Aztec\npantheon. Beside them Old World demons seem prankishly amiable sprites:\nthe Mediaeval imagination at best (or worst) gives us but a somewhat\nderanged barnyard, while even Chinese devils modulate into pleasantly\ndecorative motifs. But the Aztec gods, in their formal presentments,\nand seldom less in their material characters, ugly, ghastly, foul,\nafford unalloyed shudders which time cannot still nor custom stale.\nTo be sure, the ensemble frequently shows a vigour of design which\nsuggests decoration (though the decorative spirit is never sensitive,\nas it often is in Maya art); but this suggestion is too illusory to\nabide: it passes like a mist, and the imagination is gripped by the raw\nhorror of the Thing. Aztec religious art seems, in fact, to move in a\nmore primitively realistic atmosphere than that in which the religious\nart of other peoples has come to similarly adept expression; it shows\nlittle of that tendency--which Yucatan and Peru in America, as well as\nthe ancient and Oriental nations, had all attained--to subordinate the\nidea to the expressional form, and to soften even the horrible with the\nsuavity of aesthetic charm. The Aztec gods were as grimly business-like\nin form as the realities of their service were fearful.\n\nIn number these divinities were myriad and in relations chaotic.\nThere were clan and tribal, city and national gods, not only of\nthe victorious race, but of their confederates and subjects, for\nthe Aztec followed the custom of pagan conquerors, holding it\nsafest to honour the deities native to the land; and several of\ntheir greatest divinities were assuredly inherited from vanquished\npeoples--Quetzalcoatl and Tlaloc among them--though an odd and somewhat\namusing fact is that a multitude of the godling idols of ravaged cities\nwere kept in a kind of prison-house in the Aztec capital, where, it was\nassumed, they were incapable of assisting their former worshippers.\nThere were gods of commerce and industries, headed by Tacatecutli, god\nof merchant-adventurers, whose \"peaceful penetration\" opened paths for\nthe imperial armies; gods of potters and weavers and mat-makers, of\nworkers in wood and stone and metal; gods of agriculture, of sowing and\nripening and reaping; gods of fishermen; gods of the elements--earth,\nair, fire, and water; gods of mountains and volcanoes; creator-gods;\nanimal-gods; gods of medicine, of disease and death, and of the\nunderworld; deity patrons of drunkenness and of carnal vice, and deity\nprotectors of the flowers which these strange peoples loved. The whole\nheterogeneous world was filled with divinities, reflecting the old\nfears of primitive man and the old tumults of history, each god jealous\nof his right and gluttonous of blood--a kind of horrid exteriorization\nof human passion and desire.\n\nHowever, this motley pantheon is not without certain principles of\norder. The regulations of an elaborate social system, divided by\nclan and caste and rank and guild, are reduplicated in it; for to\nevery phase of Mexican life religious rites and divine tutelage\nwere attached. Still more significant as a means of hierarchic\nclassification is the relation of the divine beings to the divisions of\ntime and space. A cult of the quarters of space and their tutelaries\nand of the powers of sky-realms above and of earth-realms below is\nalmost universal among American Indian groups showing any advancement\nin culture; the gods of the quarters, for example, are bringers of\nwind and rain, upholders of heaven, animal chiefs; the gods above are\nstorm-deities and rulers of the orbs and dominions of light, on the\nwhole beneficent; the powers below, under the hegemony of the earth\ngoddess, are spirits of vegetation and lords of death and things\nnoxious. This is the most primitive stage in which the family of\nHeaven and Earth begin to assume form as an hierarchic pantheon. But\nthe seasons, beginning with the diurnal alternation of the rule of\nlight and darkness, and proceeding thence to the changing phases of\nthe moon and the seasonal journeys of the sun, constantly shift the\ndomination of the world from deity to deity and from group to group.\nThus the lords of day are not the lords of night, nor are the fates of\nthe mounting morn those of descending eve: the Sun himself changes his\ndisposition with the hours. Similarly, the Moon's phases are tempers\nrather than forms; and the year, divided among the gods, runs the cycle\nof their influences.\n\nThe Aztec and other pantheons of the civilized Mexicans evince all of\nthese elements with complications. Both cosmography and calendar are\nmore complex than among the more northerly Americans, and there is a\nveritable tangle of space-craft and time-craft, with astrological and\nnecromantic conceptions, bound up with every human desire and every\nnatural activity. Certainly the most curious feature of this lore\nis the influence of certain numbers--especially four (and five) and\nnine; and, again, six (and seven) and thirteen. These number-groups\nare primarily related to space-divisions. Thus four is the number of\ncardinal points, North, South, East, and West, to which a fifth point\nis added if the _pou sto_, or point of the observer, is included;\nby a process of reduplication, of which there are several instances\nin North America, the number of earth's cardinal points became the\nnumber of the sky-tiers above and of the earth-tiers below, so that\nthe cosmos becomes a nine-storeyed structure, with earth its middle\nplane. Sometimes (this is characteristic of the Pueblo Indians)\norientation is with reference to six points--the four directions\nand the Above and the Below (the _pou sto_, when added, becomes a\nseventh--a grouping which recalls to us the seven forms of Platonic\nlocomotion--up, down, forward, backward, right, left, and axial). With\nthese directions colours, jewels, herbs, and animals are symbolically\nassociated, becoming emblems of the ruling powers of the quarters. The\nnumber-groups thus cosmographically formed react upon time-conceptions,\nespecially where ritual is concerned. Thus the Pueblo Indians celebrate\nlesser festivals of five days (a day of preparation and four of\nritual), and greater feasts of nine days (reduplicating the four) the\nwhole, in some cases at least, being comprised in a longer period of\ntwenty days. The rites of the year among the Zu\u00f1i and some others are\ndivided into two six-month groups, and each month is dedicated to or\nassociated with one of the six colour-symbols of the six directions;\nwhile the Hopi--a fact of especial interest--make use of thirteen\npoints on the horizon for the determination of ceremonial dates.[28]\n\nThe cosmic and calendric orientation of the Mexicans is a complex,\nwith elaborations, of both these number-groups (i.e. four, five, nine,\nand six, seven, thirteen). According to one conception there are nine\nheavens above and nine hells beneath. Ometecutli (\"Twofold Lord\") and\nOmeciuatl (\"Twofold Lady\") the male and female powers of generation,\ndwell in Omeyocan (\"the Place of the Twofold\") at the culmination of\nthe universe; and it is from Omeyocan that the souls of babes, bringing\nthe lots \"assigned to them from the commencement of the world,\"[29]\ndescend to mortal birth; while in the opposite direction the souls of\nthe dead, after four years of wandering, having passed the nine-fold\nstream of the underworld, go to find their rest in Chicunauhmictlan,\nthe ninth pit. Nine \"Lords of the Night\" preside over its nine hours,\nand potently over the affairs of men. Mictlantecutli, the skeleton\ngod of death, is lord of the midnight hour; the owl is his bird; his\nconsort is Mictlanciuatl; and the place of their abode, windowless\nand lightless, is \"huge enough to receive the whole world.\" Over the\nfirst hour of night and the first of morning (there are Lords of the\nDay, too) presides Xiuhtecutli, the fire-god, for the hearth of the\nuniverse, like the hearth of the house, is the world's centre.\n\nBut the ninefold conception of the universe is not without rival. A\nsecond notion (of Toltec source, according to Sahagun) speaks of twelve\nheavens; or of thirteen, reckoning earth as one. The Toltec, says\nSahagun, were the first to count the days of the year, the nights,\nand the hours, and to calculate the movements of the heavens by the\nmovements of the stars; they affirmed that Ometecutli and Omeciuatl\nrule over the twelve heavens and the earth, and are procreators of\nall life below. There is some ground for believing that with this\nthere was associated a belief in twelve corresponding under-worlds,\nfor Seler[30] plausibly argues that the five-and-twenty divine pairs\nof Codex Vaticanus B represent twelve pairs of rulers of hours of the\nday, twelve of hours of the night, and one intermediate. However, the\narrangement which Seler finds predominating is that of thirteen Lords\nof the Day and nine Lords of the Night--implying a commingling of the\ntwo systems--and this scheme (the day-hour lords following the Aubin\nTonalamatl and the Codex Borbonicus, as Seler interprets them) he\nreconstructs dial-fashion, as follows:\n\n                               (_Noon_)\n\n                        7. Xochipilli Cinteotl\n                       (Flower-God as Maize-God)\n\n6. Teoyaoimqui                              8. Tlaloc\n(Warrior's Death-God)                       (God of Rain)\n\n5. Tlazolteotl                              9. Quetzalcoatl\n(Goddess of Dirt)                           (as Wind-God)\n\n4. Tonatiuh                                 10. Tezcatlipoca\n(the Sun-God)                              (the Great God)\n\n3. Chalchiuhtlicue                          11. Mictlantecutli\n(Goddess of Water)                          (God of the Dead)\n\n2. Tlaltecutli                             12. Tlauizcalpantecutli\n(the Earth as Gaping Jaws)                 (the Planet Venus)\n\n1. Xiuhtecutli                             13. Ilamatecutli\n(God of Fire)                              (Mother-of the Gods)\n\n                                (_Day_)\n\n   -----------------------------------------------------------\n\n                               (_Night_)\n\nIX. Tlaloc                                  I. Xiuhtecutli\n(God of Rain)                               (God of Fire)\n\nVIII. Tepeyollotl                           II. Itztli\n(Heart of the Mountain)                     (Stone-Knife God)\n\nVII. Tlazolteotl                            III. Piltzintecutli-Tonatiuh\n(Earth Goddess)                             (Lord of Princes, the Sun)\n\nVI. Chalchiuhtlicue                         IV. Cinteotl\n(Goddess of Flowing Water)                  (Maize-God)\n\n                           V. Mictlantecutli\n                        (God of the Underworld)\n\n                             (_Midnight_)\n\n\nBut the gods are patrons not only of the celestial worlds and of\nthe underworlds, hours of the day and of the night; they are also\nrulers and tutelaries of the quarters of earth and heaven, and of the\nnumerous divisions and periods of time involved in the complicated\nMexican calendar. The influences of the cosmos were conceived to vary\nnot merely with the seasonal or solar year of 365 days, but also with\nthe _Tonalamatl_ (a calendric period of 13 x 20, or 260, days);\nagain with a 584-day period of the phases of Venus; and finally with\nthe cycles formed by measuring these periods into one another. Here,\nit is evident, we are in the presence not only of a scheme capable\nof utilizing an extensive pantheon, but of one having divinatory\npossibilities second to no astrology.\n\nAs such it was used by the Mexican priests, and various codices, or\n_pinturas_, preserved from the general destruction of Aztec manuscripts\nare nothing but calendric charts to calculate days for feasts and\ndays auspicious or inauspicious for enterprise. In one of these, the\nCodex Ferj\u00e9rv\u00e1ry-Mayer, the first sheet is devoted to a figure in the\ngeneral form of a cross _patt\u00e9e_ combined with an X, or St. Andrew's\ncross. This figure, as explained by Seler,[31] affords a graphic\nillustration of Aztec ideas. It represents the five regions of the\nworld and their deities, the good and bad days of the _Tonalamatl_, the\nnine Lords of the Night, and the four trees (in form like tau-crosses)\nwhich rise into the quarters of heaven, perhaps as its support. In\nthe Middle Place, the _pou sto_, is the red image of Xiuhtecutli, the\nFire-Deity--\"the Mother, the Father of the Gods, who dwells in the\nnavel of the Earth\"--armed with spears and spear-thrower, while from\nthe divinity's body four streams of blood flow to the four cardinal\npoints, terminating in symbols appropriate to these points--East, a\nyellow hand typifying the sun's ray; North, the stump of a leg, symbol\nof Tezcatlipoca as Mictlantecutli, lord of the underworld; West, where\nthe sun dies, the vertebrae and ribs of a skeleton; South, Tezcatlipoca\nas lord of the air, with featherdown in his head-gear. The arms of\nthe St. Andrew's cross terminate in birds--quetzal, macaw, eagle,\nparrot--bearing shields upon which are depicted the four day-signs\nafter which the years are named (because, in sequence, they fall on\nthe first day of the year), each year being brought into relation\nwith a correspondingly symbolized world-quarter; within each arm of\nthe cross, below the day-sign, is a sign denoting plenty or famine.\nBut the main part of the design, about the centre, is occupied with\nsymbols of the quarters of the heavens. In each section is a T-shaped\ntree, surmounted by a bird, with tutelary deities on either side of\nthe trunk. Above, framed in red, the tree rises from an image of the\nsun, set on a temple, while a quetzal bird surmounts it; the gods\non either side are (left) Itztli, the Stone-Knife God, and (right)\nTonatiuh, the Sun; the whole symbolizes the tree which rises into the\neastern heavens. The trapezoid opposite this, coloured blue, symbol\nof the west, contains a thorn-tree rising from the body of the dragon\nof the eclipse (for the heavens descend to darkness in this region)\nand surmounted by a humming-bird, which, according to Aztec belief,\ndies with the dry and revives with the rainy season; the attendant\ndeities are Chalchiuhtlicue, goddess of flowing water, and the earth\ngoddess Tlazolteotl, deity of dirt and of sin. To the right, framed\nin yellow, a thorny tree rises from a dish containing emblems of\nexpiation, while an eagle surmounts it; the attendants are Tlaloc, the\nrain-god, and Tepeyollotl, the Heart of the Mountains, Voice of the\nJaguar--all a token of the northern heavens. Opposite this is a green\ntrapezoid containing a parrot-surmounted tree rising from the jaws of\nthe Earth, and having, on one side, Cinteotl, the maize-god, and on\nthe other, Mictlantecutli, the divinity of death. The nine deities, he\nof the centre and the four pairs, form the group of _los Se\u00f1ores de\nla Noche_ (\"the Lords of Night\"); while the whole figure symbolizes\nthe orientation of the world-powers in space and time--years and\n_Tonalamatls_, earth-realms and sky-realms.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE VI.]\n\n First page of the Codex Ferj\u00e9rv\u00e1ry-Mayer, representing the\n five regions of the world and their tutelary deities. Seler's\n interpretation of this figure is given, in brief, on pages 55-56 of\n this book.\n\nThe recurrence of cross-forms in this and similar pictures is striking:\nthe Greek cross, the tau-cross, St. Andrew's cross. The Codex\nVaticanus B contains a series of symbols of the trees of the quarters\napproximating the Roman cross in form, suggesting the cross-figured\ntablets of Palenque. In the analogous series of the Codex Borgia,\neach tree issues from the recumbent body of an earth divinity or\nunderworld deity, each surmounted by a heaven-bird; and again\nall are cruciform. There is also a tree of the Middle Place in the\nseries, rising from the body of the Earth Goddess, who is masked\nwith a death's head and lies upon the spines of a crocodile--\"the\nfish from which Earth was made\"--surmounted by the quetzal bird\n(_Pharomacrus mocinno_), whose green and flowing tail-plumage is the\nsymbol of fructifying moisture and responding fertility--\"already has\nit changed to quetzal feathers, already all has become green, already\nthe rainy time is here!\" About the stem of the tree are the circles\nof the world-encompassing sea, and on either side of it, springing\nalso from the body of the goddess, are two great ears of maize. The\nattendant or tutelar deities in this image are Quetzalcoatl (\"the\ngreen Feather-Snake\"), god of the winds, and Macuilxochitl (\"the Five\nFlowers\"), the divinity of music and dancing. Another series of figures\nin this same Codex represent the gods of the quarters as caryatid-like\nupbearers of the skies--Quetzalcoatl of the east; Huitzilopochtli, the\nAztec war-god, of the south; Tlauizcalpantecutli, Venus as Evening\nStar, of the west; Mictlantecutli, the death-god, of the north. All\nthese, however, are only a few of the many examples of the multifarious\ncosmic and calendric arrangements of the gods of the Aztec pantheon.\n\n\nIV. THE GREAT GODS[32]\n\n\nOn the cosmic and astral side the regnant powers of the Aztec pantheon\nare the Gaping Jaws of Earth; the Sea as a circumambient Great Serpent;\nand the Death's-Head God of the Underworld; while above are the Sun\nwearing a collar of life-giving rays; the Moon represented as marked\nby a rabbit (for in Mexican myth the Moon shone as brightly as the Sun\ntill the latter darkened his rival by casting a rabbit upon his face);\nand finally the Great Star, \"Lord in the House of Dawn,\" the planet\nVenus, characteristically shown with a body streaked red and white,\nnow Morning Star, now Evening Star. The Sun and Venus are far more\nimportant than the Moon, for the reason that their periods (365 and 584\ndays respectively), along with the _Tonalamatl_ (260 days), form the\nfoundation for calendric computations. The regents of the quarters of\nspace and of the divisions of time are ranged in numerous and complex\ngroups under these deities of the cosmos.\n\nBut the divinities who are thus important cosmically are not in\nlike measure important politically, nor indeed mythologically,\nsince the great gods of the Aztec, like those of other consciously\npolitical peoples, were those that presided over the activities of\nstatecraft--war and agriculture and political destiny. In the Aztec\ncapital the central teocalli was the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, the\nwar-god and national deity of the ruling tribe. The teocalli above the\nmarket-place, which Bernal Diaz describes, was devoted to Coatlicue,\nthe mother of the war-god, to Tezcatlipoca, the omnipotent divinity of\nall the Nahua tribes, and, in a second shrine, to Tlaloc, the rain-god,\nwhose cult, according to tradition, was older than the coming of the\nfirst Nahua. In a third temple, built in circular rather than pyramidal\nform, was the shrine of what was perhaps the most ancient deity of\nall, Quetzalcoatl (\"the Feather-Snake\"), lord of wind and weather.\nThese--Huitzilopochtli, Tezcatlipoca, Quetzalcoatl, and Tlaloc--are the\ngods that are supreme in picturesque emphasis in the Aztec pantheon.\n\n\n1. HUITZILOPOCHTLI[33]\n\n\nThe great teocalli of Huitzilopochtli stood in the centre of\nTenochtitlan and was dedicated in the year 1486 by Ahuitzotl, the\nemperor preceding the last Montezuma, with the sacrifice of huge\nnumbers of captive warriors--sixty to eighty thousand, if we are\nto believe the chroniclers. On the platform top of the pyramidal\nstructure, bearing the fane of the war-god and also (as in the case\nof the temple in the market place) a shrine of Tlaloc, was space,\ntradition says, for a thousand warriors, and it was here, in 1520,\nthat Cortez and his companions waged their most picturesque battle,\nfighting their way up the temple stairs, clearing the summit of some\nfour hundred Aztec warriors, burning the fanes, and hurling the images\nof the gods to the pavements below. After the Conquest the temple was\nrazed, and the Cathedral which still adorns the City of Mexico was\nerected on or near a site which had probably seen more human blood shed\nfor superstition than has any other in the world.\n\nThe name of the war-god, Huitzilopochtli (or Uitzilopochtli), is\ncuriously innocent in suggestion--\"Humming-Bird of the South\"\n(literally, \"Humming-Bird-Left-Side,\" for in naming the directions the\nNahua called the south the \"left\" of the sun). Humming-bird feathers\non his left leg formed part of the insignia of the divinity; the\nfire-snake, Xiuhcoatl, was another attribute, and the spear-thrower\nwhich he carried was serpentine in form; among his weapons were\narrows tipped with balls of featherdown; and it was to his glory that\ngladiatorial sacrifices were held in which captive warriors, chained to\nthe sacrificial rock, were armed with down-tipped weapons and forced\nto fight to the death with Aztec champions. One of the most romantic\nof native tales recounts the capture, by wile, of the Tlascalan\nchieftain, Tlahuicol. Such was his renown that Montezuma offered him\ncitizenship, rather than the usual death by sacrifice, and even sent\nhim at the head of a military expedition in which the Tlascalan won\nnotable victories. But the chieftain refused all proffers of grace,\nclaiming the right to die a warrior's death on the sacrificial stone,\nand at last, after three years of captivity, Montezuma conceded to him\nthe privilege sought--the gladiatorial sacrifice. The Tlascalan is said\nto have slain eight Aztec warriors and to have wounded twenty before\nhe finally succumbed. It may be remarked in passing that the Tlascalan\ndeity, Camaxtli, the Tarascan Curicaveri, the Chichimec Mixcoatl, and\nthe tribal god of the Tepanec and Otomi, Otontecutli or Xocotl, were\nsimilar to, if not identical with, Huitzilopochtli.\n\nThe myth of the birth of Huitzilopochtli, which Sahagun relates,\nthrows light upon the character of the divinity. His mother, Coatlicue\n(\"She of the Serpent-Woven Skirt\"), dwelling on Coatepec (\"Serpent\nMountain\"), had a family consisting of a daughter, Coyolxauhqui\n(\"She whose Face is Painted with Bells\"), and of many sons, known\ncollectively as the Centzonuitznaua (\"the Four Hundred Southerners\").\nOne day, while doing penance upon the mountain, a ball of feathers fell\nupon her, and having placed this in her bosom, it was observed, shortly\nafterward, that she was pregnant. Her sons, the Centzonuitznaua, urged\nby Coyolxauhqui, planned to slay their mother to wipe out the disgrace\nwhich they conceived to have befallen them; but though Coatlicue was\nfrightened, the unborn child commanded her to have no fear. One of\nthe Four Hundred, turning traitor, communicated to the still unborn\nHuitzilopochtli the approach of the hostile brothers, and at the moment\nof their arrival the god was born in full panoply, carrying a blue\nshield and dart, his limbs painted blue, his head adorned with plumes,\nand his left leg decked with humming-bird feathers. Commanding his\nservant to light a torch, in shape a serpent, with this Xiuhcoatl he\nslew Coyolxauhqui, and destroying her body, he placed her head upon the\nsummit of Coatepec. Then taking up his arms, he pursued and slew the\nCentzonuitznaua, a very few of whom succeeded in escaping to Uitztlampa\n(\"the Place of Thorns\"), the South.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE VII.]\n\n 1. Colossal stone head representing Coyolxauhqui, the Moon goddess,\n sister of Huitzilopochtli (see page 60). The head is not a fragment,\n but bears figures upon its base, and doubtless represents Coyolxauhqui\n as slain by the Fire Snake, Xiuhcoatl, hurled by Huitzilopochtli, and\n afterwards beheaded by him. The original is in the Museo Nacional,\n Mexico.\n\n 2. Statue of the god of feasting, Xochipilli, \"Lord of Flowers\" (see\n page 77). The crest is missing. The original is in the British Museum.\n\n 3. The Fire Snake, Xiuhcoatl, as represented in stone. The Fire Snake\n is associated with Huitzilopochtli, Tezcatlipoca, and the fire god,\n Xiuhtecutli; and stands, perhaps, in a kind of opposition to the\n \"Green Feather Snake,\" Quetzalcoatl, the latter signifying rain and\n vegetation, the former drought and want (cf. the hymn to Xipe Totec,\n page 77). The original is in the British Museum.\n\nThe myth seemingly identifies Huitzilopochtli as a god of the southern\nsun. The hostile sister is the moon; the brothers are the stars driven\nfrom the heavens by the rising sun, whose blue shield is surely the\nblue buckler of the daylit sky; and probably the balls of featherdown\ntipping his arrows are cloud-symbols. Sahagun describes a sacramental\nrite in which an image of the god's body, made of grain, was eaten\nby a group of youths who were for a year the servitors of the deity,\nwith duties so onerous that the young men sometimes fled the country,\npreferring death at the hands of their enemies--a statement which leads\nto the suspicion that here was some ordeal connected with chivalric\nadvancement. Certainly Huitzilopochtli was a god of warriors, and it is\nprobable that those devoted to him sought the warrior's death, which\nmeant ascent into the skies rather than that descent into murky Mictlan\nwhich was the lot of the ordinary. In this connexion the name of the\ndivinity and the humming-bird feather insignia acquire significance;\nfor again it is Sahagun who relates that the souls of ascending\nwarriors, after four years, are \"metamorphosed into various kinds of\nbirds of rich plumage and brilliant colour which go about drawing the\nsweet from the flowers of the sky, as do the humming-birds upon earth.\"\n\n\n2. TEZCATLIPOCA[34]\n\n\nTezcatlipoca, or \"Smoking Mirror,\" was so called because of his most\nconspicuous emblem, a mirror from which a spiral of smoke is sometimes\nrepresented as ascending, and in which the god was supposed to see\nall that takes place on earth, in heaven, and in hell. Frequently the\nmirror is shown as replacing one of his feet (loss or abnormality of\none foot is common in the Mexican pantheon), explained mythically\nas severed when the doors of the underworld closed prematurely upon\nit--for Tezcatlipoca in one of his many functions is deity of the\nsetting sun. In other aspects he is a moon-god, the moon of the\nevening skies; again, a divinity of the night; or sometimes, with\nblindfold eyes, a god of the underworld and of the dead; and in the\ncalendric charts he is represented as regent of the northern heavens,\nalthough sometimes (perhaps identified with Huitzilopochtli) he is\nruler of the south. Probably he is at bottom the incarnation of the\nchanging heavens, symbolized by his mirror, now fiery, now murky,\nreflecting the encompassed universe. He is the red Tezcatlipoca and the\nblack--the heaven of day and the heaven of night. He is the Warrior\nof the North and the Warrior of the South, symbolizing the course of\nthe yearly sun, which, in the latitude of Mexico, culminates with the\nalternating seasons to the north and to the south of the zenith. His\nemblems include the Fire-Snake, symbol of heavenly fires; and again\nhe is Iztli-Tezcatlipoca, the Stone-Knife God of the underworld, of\nblood-letting penance, and of human sacrifice. Sahagun says of him that\nhe raised wars, enmities, and discords wherever he went; nevertheless,\nhe was the ruler of the world, and from him proceeded all prosperities\nand enrichments. Frequently he is represented as a jaguar, which to\nthe Mexicans was the dragon of the eclipse, a were-beast, and the\npatron of magicians; cross-roads were marked by seats for Tezcatlipoca,\nthe god who traversed all ways; and he was called the Wizard and the\nTransformer. In himself he was invisible and impalpable, penetrating\nall things; or, if he appeared to men, it was as a flitting shadow;\nyet he could assume multifarious monstrous forms to tempt and try men,\nstriking them with disease and death. As Yoalli Ehecatl, the Night\nWind, he wandered about in search of evil-doers, and sinners summoned\nhim in their confessions. On the other hand, he was \"the Youth\"\n(Telpochtli), and as Omacatl (\"Two-Reed\") he was lord of banquets and\nfestivities.\n\nIt is evident that Tezcatlipoca is the Great Transformer, identified\nwith the heavens and all its breaths, twofold in all things: day,\nnight; life, death; good, evil. Certainly he seems to have been held\nin more awe than any other Mexican god and well merits the supremacy\n(not political, but religious) which tradition assigns to him. The\nmost notable of the prayers which Sahagun transcribes are filled with\npoetic veneration for this deity, and had we only these invocations\nas record--not also tales of the fearful human sacrifices--we should\nassuredly assign to their Aztec composers a pure and noble religious\nsentiment. Perhaps theirs was so, for men's actions everywhere seem\nworse than the creeds which impel them. Thus, in time of plague the\npriests prayed:\n\n \"O mighty Lord, under whose wings we seek protection, defence, and\n shelter! Thou art invisible, impalpable, as the air and as the night.\n I come in humility and in littleness, daring to appear before Thy\n Majesty. I come uttering my words like one choking and stammering;\n my speech is wandering, like as the way of one who strayeth from the\n path and stumbleth. I am possessed of the fear of exciting thy wrath\n against me rather than the hope of meriting thy grace. But, Lord, do\n with my body as it pleaseth thee, for thou hast indeed abandoned us\n according to thy counsels taken in heaven and in hell. Oh, sorrow!\n thine anger and thine indignation are descended upon us in all our\n days....\n\n \"O Lord, very kindly! Thou knowest that we mortals are like unto\n children which, when punished, weep and sigh, repenting their faults.\n It is thus that these men, ruined by thy chastisements, reproach\n themselves grievously. They confess in thy presence; they atone for\n their evil deeds, imposing penance upon themselves. Lord, very good,\n very compassionate, very noble, very precious! let the chastisement\n which thou hast inflicted suffice, and let the ills which thou hast\n sent in castigation find their end!\"\n\nThroughout the prayers there are characterizations of the god, not a\nfew of them echoing a kind of world-weary melancholy that seems so\ntypical of Aztec supplications. When the new king is crowned, the\npriest prays: \"Perchance, deeming himself worthy of his high employ, he\nwill think to perpetuate himself long therein. Will not this be for him\na dream of sorrow? Will he find in this dignity received at thy hands\nan occasion of pride and presumption, till it hap that he despise the\nworld, assuming to himself a sumptuous show? Thy Majesty knoweth well\nwhereto he must come within a few brief days--for we men are but thy\nspectacle, thy theatre, serving for thy laughter and diversion.\" And\nwhen the king is dead: \"Thou hast given him to taste in this world a\nfew of thy sweets and suavities, making them to pass before his eyes\nlike the will-o'-the-wisp, which vanisheth in an instant; such is the\ndignity of the post wherein thou didst place him, and in which he had\na few days in thy service, prostrate, in tears, breathing his devoted\nprayers unto thy Majesty.\" Again: \"Thou art invisible and impalpable,\nand we believe that thy gaze doth penetrate the stones and into the\nhearts of the trees, seeing clearly all that is concealed therein. So\ndost thou see and comprehend what is in our hearts and in our thoughts;\nbefore thee our souls are as a waft of smoke or as a vapour that riseth\nfrom the earth.\"\n\nPerhaps the most striking rite in the Aztec year was the springtime\nsacrifice to Tezcatlipoca--near Easter, Sahagun says. In the previous\nyear a youth had been selected from a group of captives trained for\nthe purpose, physically without blemish and having all accomplishments\npossible. He was trained to sing and to play the flute, to carry\nflowers and to smoke with elegance; he was dressed in rich apparel and\nwas constantly accompanied by eight pages. The king himself provided\nfor his habiliment, since \"he held him already to be a god.\" For nearly\na year this youth was entertained and feasted, honoured by the nobility\nand venerated by the populace as the living embodiment of Tezcatlipoca.\nTwenty days before the festival his livery was changed, and his long\nhair was dressed like that of an Aztec chieftain. Four maidens,\ndelicately reared, were assigned to him as wives, called by the names\nof four goddesses--Xochiquetzal (\"Flowering Quetzal-Plume\"), Xilonen\n(\"Young Maize\"), Atlatonan (a goddess of the coast), and Uixtociuatl\n(goddess of the salt water). Five days previous to the sacrifice a\nseries of feasts and dances was begun, continued during each of the\nfollowing four days in separate quarters of the city. Then came the\nfinal day; the youth was taken beyond the city; his goddess-wives\nabandoned him; and he was brought to a little road-side temple for\nthe consummation of the rite. He ascended its four stages, breaking a\nflute at each stage, till at the top he was seized, and the priest\nopening his breast with a single blow, presented his heart to the sun.\nImmediately another youth was chosen for the following year, for the\nTezcatlipoca must never die. It was said, remarks Sahagun, that this\nyouth's fate signified that those who possess wealth and march amid\npleasures during life will end their career in grief and poverty; while\nTorquemada more grimly comments that \"the soul of the victim went down\nto the company of his false gods, in hell.\" For the student of to-day,\nhowever, the rite is but another significant symbol of the god who dies\nand is born again.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE VIII.]\n\n Figure from the _Codex Borgia_ representing the red and the black\n Tezcatlipoca facing one another across a _tlachtli_ court upon\n which is shown a sacrificial victim painted with the red and white\n stripes of the Morning and Evening Star (Venus). The red Tezcatlipoca\n symbolizes day, the black Tezcatlipoca, night; the ball court is\n a symbol of the universe; the Morning and Evening Star might very\n naturally be looked upon as a sacrifice to the heaven god.\n\nIn myth Tezcatlipoca plays the leading _r\u00f4le_ as adversary of\nQuetzalcoatl, the ruler and god of the Toltec city of Tollan. In\nSahagun's version of the story, three magicians, Huitzilopochtli,\nTitlacauan (\"We are his Slaves,\" an epithet of Tezcatlipoca), and\nTlacauepan, the younger brother of the others, undertook by magic\nand wile to drive Quetzalcoatl from the country and to overthrow the\nToltec power. The three deities are obviously tribal gods of Nahuatlan\nnations, and Tezcatlipoca, who plays the chief part in the legends, is\nclearly the god of first importance at this early period, possibly the\nprincipal deity of all the Nahua; he was also the foremost divinity\nof Tezcuco, which, almost to the eve of the Conquest, was the leading\npartner in the Aztec confederacy. As the tale goes, Quetzalcoatl was\nailing; Tezcatlipoca appeared in the guise of an old man, a physician,\nand administered to the ailing god, not medicine, but a liquor which\nintoxicated him. Texcatlipoca then assumed the form of a nude Indian\nof a strange tribe, a seller of green peppers, and walked before the\npalace of Uemac, temporal chief of the Toltec. Here he was seen by\nthe chief's daughter, who fell ill of love for him. Uemac ordered the\nstranger brought before him and demanded of Toueyo (as the stranger\ncalled himself) why he was not clothed as other men. \"It is not the\ncustom of my country,\" Toueyo answered. \"You have inspired my daughter\nwith caprice; you must cure her,\" said Uemac. \"That is impossible;\nkill me; I would die, for I do not deserve such words, seeking as I am\nonly to earn an honest living.\" \"Nevertheless, you shall cure her,\"\nreplied the chief, \"it is necessary; have no fear.\" So he caused the\nmarriage of his daughter with the stranger, who thus became a chieftain\namong the Toltec. Winning a victory for his new countrymen, he\nannounced a feast in Tollan; and when the multitudes were assembled, he\ncaused them to dance to his singing until they were as men intoxicated\nor demented; they danced into a ravine and were changed into rocks,\nthey fell from a bridge and became stones in the waters below. Again,\nin company with Tlacauepan, he appeared in the market-place of Tollan\nand caused the infant Huitzilopochtli to dance upon his hand. The\npeople, crowding near, crushed several of their number dead; enraged,\nthey slew the performers and, on the advice of Tlacauepan, fastened\nropes to their bodies to drag them out; but all who touched the cords\nfell dead. By this and other magical devices great numbers of the\nToltec were slain, and their dominion was brought to an end.\n\n\n3. QUETZALCOATL[35]\n\n\nThe most famous and picturesque of New World mythic figures is that\nof Quetzalcoatl, although primarily his renown is due less to the\nundoubted importance of his cult than to his association with the\ncoming and the beliefs of the white men. According to native tradition,\nQuetzalcoatl had been the wise and good ruler of Tollan in the Golden\nAge of Anahuac, lawgiver, teacher of the arts, and founder of a\npurified religion. Driven from his kingdom by the machinations of evil\nmagicians, he departed over the eastern sea for Tlapallan, the land\nof plenty, promising to return and reinstitute his kindly creed on\nsome future anniversary of the day of his departure. He was described\nas an old man, bearded, and white, clad in a long robe; as with other\ncelestial gods, crosses were associated with his representations and\nshrines. When Cortez landed, the Mexicans were expecting the return of\nQuetzalcoatl; and, according to Sahagun, the very outlooks who first\nbeheld the ships of the Spaniards had been posted to watch for the\ncoming god. The white men (perhaps the image was aided by their shining\narmour, their robed priests, their crosses) were inevitably assumed\nto be the deity, and among the gifts sent to them by Montezuma were\nthe turquoise mask, feather mantle, and other apparel appropriate to\nthe god. It is certain that the belief materially aided the Spaniards\nin the early stages of their advance, and it is small wonder that the\nmyth which was so helpful to their ambitions should have appealed to\ntheir imaginations. The missionary priests, gaining some idea of native\ntraditions and finding among them ideas, emblems, and rites analogous\nto those of Christendom (the deluge, the cross, baptism, sacraments,\nconfession), not unnaturally saw in the figure of the robed and bearded\nreformer of religion a Christian teacher, and they were not slow to\nidentify him with St. Thomas, the Apostle. When an almost identical\nstory was found throughout Central America, the Andean region, and,\nindeed, wide-spread in South America, the same explanation was adopted,\nand the wanderings of the Saint became vast beyond the dreams of Marco\nPolo or any other vaunted traveller, while memorials of his miracles\nare still displayed in regions as remote from Mexico as the basin of\nLa Plata. Naturally, too, the interest of the subject has not waned\nwith time, for whether we view the Quetzalcoatl myth in relation to\nits association with European ideas or with respect to its aboriginal\nanalogues in the two Americas, it presents a variety of interest\nscarcely equalled by any other tale of the New World.\n\nThe name of the god is formed of _quetzal_, designating the long,\ngreen tail-plumes of _Pharomacrus mocinno_, and _coatl_ (\"serpent\");\nit means, therefore, \"the Green-Feather Snake,\" and immediately puts\nQuetzalcoatl into the group of celestial powers of which the plumed\nserpent is a symbol, among the Hopi and Zu\u00f1i to the north as well as\namong Andean peoples far to the south. Sahagun says that Quetzalcoatl\nis a wind-god, who \"sweeps the roads for the rain-gods, that they may\nrain.\" Quetzal-plumes were a symbol of greening vegetation, and it\nis altogether probable that the Plumed Serpent-God was originally a\ndeity of rain-clouds, the sky-serpent embodiment of the rainbow or the\nlightning. The turquoise snake-mask or bird-mask, characteristic of\nthe god, is surely an emblem of the skies, and like other sky-gods he\ncarries a serpent-shaped spear-thrower. The beard (which other Mexican\ndeities sometimes wear) is perhaps a symbol of descending rain, perhaps\n(as on some Navaho figures) of pollen, or fertilization. Curiously\nenough, Quetzalcoatl is not commonly shown as the white god which the\ntradition would lead us to expect, but typically with a dark-hued body;\nit may be that the dark hue and the robe of legend are both emblems of\nrain-clouds.\n\nThe tradition of his whiteness may come from his stellar associations,\nfor though he is sometimes shown with emblems of moon or sun, he is\nmore particularly identified with the morning star. According to\nthe _Annals of Quauhtitlan_, Quetzalcoatl, when driven from Tollan,\nimmolated himself on the shores of the eastern sea, and from his ashes\nrose birds with shining feathers (symbols of warrior souls mounting\nto the sun), while his heart became the Morning Star, wandering\nfor eight days in the underworld before it ascended in splendour.\nIn numerous legends Quetzalcoatl is associated with Tezcatlipoca,\ncommonly as an antagonist; and if we may believe one tale, recounted\nby Mendieta, Tezcatlipoca, defeating Quetzalcoatl in ball-play (a game\ndirectly symbolic of the movements of the heavenly orbs), cast him\nout of the land into the east, where he encountered the sun and was\nburned. This story (clearly a variant of the tale of the banishment\nof Quetzalcoatl told in the _Annals of Quauhtitlan_ and by Sahagun)\nis interpreted by Seler as a myth of the morning moon, driven back\nby night (the dark Tezcatlipoca) to be consumed by the rising sun. A\nreverse story represents Tezcatlipoca, the sun, as stricken down by\nthe club of Quetzalcoatl, transformed into a jaguar, the man-devouring\ndemon of night, while Quetzalcoatl becomes sun in his place. Normally\nQuetzalcoatl is a god of the eastern heavens, and sometimes he is\npictured as the caryatid or upbearer of the sky of that quarter.\n\nPerhaps it is in this character that he was conceived as a lord of\nlife, a meaning naturally intensified by his association with the\nrejuvenating rains and with the wind, which is the breath of life.\nA woman who had become pregnant was praised by the relatives of her\nhusband for her faithfulness in religious devotions. \"It is for\nthese,\" they said, \"that our lord Quetzalcoatl, author and creator,\nhas vouchsafed this grace--even as it was decreed in the sky by that\none who is man and woman under the names Ometecutli and Omeciuatl.\"\nMoreover the new-born was addressed: \"Little son and lord, person of\nhigh value, of great price and esteem! O precious stone, emerald,\ntopaz, rare plume, fruit of lofty generation! be welcome among us! Thou\nhast been formed in the highest places, above the ninth heaven, where\nthe two supreme gods dwell. The Divine Majesty hath cast thee in his\nmould, as one casts a golden bead; thou hast been pierced, like a rich\nstone artistically wrought, by thy father and mother, the great god\nand the great goddess, assisted by their son, Quetzalcoatl.\" The deity\nalso figures as a world creator, as in the Sahagun manuscript in the\nAcademia de la Historia, from which Seler translates:\n\n    \"And thus said our fathers, our grandfathers,\n    They said that he made, created, and formed us\n    Whose creatures we are, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl;\n    And he made the heavens, the sun, the earth.\"\n\nIt is in another character, however, that Quetzalcoatl is romantically\nof most interest. His cult was less sanguinary than that of most\nAztec divinities, though assuredly not antagonistic to human\nsacrifice, as some traditions say. He was a penance-inflicting god,\nperhaps particularly a deity of priests and their lore; yet he was\nalso associated with education and the rearing of the young. He is\nnamed as the patron of the arts, the teacher of metallurgy and of\nletters, and in tradition he is the god of the cultured people of\nyore from whom the Aztec derived their civilization. A part of the\nstory, as narrated by Sahagun, has been told: how Quetzalcoatl was the\naged and wise priest-king of Tollan, driven thence by the magic and\nguile of Tezcatlipoca and his companions. The tale goes on to tell\nhow Quetzalcoatl, chagrined and ailing, resolved to depart from his\nkingdom for his ancient home, Tlapallan. He burned his houses built\nof shell and silver, buried his treasure, changed the cacao-trees\ninto mesquite, and set forth, preceded by servants in the form of\nbirds of rich plumage. Coming to Quauhtitlan, he demanded a mirror\nand gazing into it, he said, \"I am old,\" wherefore he named the city\n\"the old Quauhtitlan.\" Seating himself at another place and gazing\nback upon Tollan, as he wept, his tears pierced the rock, which also\nbore thenceforth the marks where his hands had rested. He encountered\ncertain magicians, who demanded of him, before they would let him pass,\nthe arts of refining silver, of working in wood, stone, and feathers,\nand of painting; and as he crossed the sierra, all his companions, who\nwere dwarfs and hump-backs, died of the cold. Many other localities\nreceived memorials of his passage: at one place he played a game of\nball, at another shot arrows into a tree so that they formed a cross,\nat another caused underworld houses to be built--all clearly cosmic\nsymbols--and finally coming to the sea, he departed for Tlapallan\non his serpent-raft. In Ixtlilxochitl's history, Quetzalcoatl first\nappeared in the third period of the world, taught the arts, instituted\nthe worship of the cross--\"tree of nourishment and of life\"--and ended\nthe period with his departure. Tradition names the last king of the\nToltec \"Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl,\" and it may be assumed as not\nimprobable that stories of the disasters attending the fall of Tollan,\nunder a king bearing the name of the ancient divinity, represent an\nhistorical element, confused with nature elements, in the myths of\nQuetzalcoatl,--such an assumption accounting for the heroic glamour\nsurrounding the god, who, like King Arthur, is half kingly mortal, half\ndivinity. In Cholula, whither many of the Toltec were said to have fled\nwith the fall of their empire, was the loftiest pyramid in Mexico,\ndedicated to Quetzalcoatl and even in the eyes of Aztec conquerors a\nseat of venerable sanctities--the emblem of the culture whose conquest\nhad conquered them.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE IX.]\n\n Figures from the _Codex Borgia_, representing cosmic tutelaries.\n\n The upper figure represents the tree of the Middle Place rising from\n the body of the Earth Goddess, recumbent upon the spines of the\n crocodile from which Earth was made. The tree is encircled by the\n world sea and is surmounted by the Quetzal, whose plumage typifies\n vegetation; two ears of maize spring up at its roots. The attendant\n deities are Quetzalcoatl and Macuilxochitl, both symbols of fertility.\n In the figure they are apparently nourishing themselves on the\n up-flowing blood, or vital saps, of the body of Earth. The figure\n should be compared with the Palenque Cross and Foliate Cross tablets\n (Plate XVIII _a, b_). See, also, pages 57, 68, 77.\n\n The lower figure represents one of the four caryatid-like supporters\n of the heavens, Huitzilopochtli, as the Atlas of the southern quarter.\n See page 57.\n\n\n4. TLALOC AND CHALCHIUHTLICUE[36]\n\n\nThe rain-god, Tlaloc, was less important in myth than in cult. He was\na deity of great antiquity, and a mountain, east of Tezcuco, bearing\nhis name, was said to have had from remote times a statue of the god,\ncarved in white lava. His especial abode, Tlalocan, supposed to be upon\nthe crests of hills, was rich in all foods and was the home of the\nmaize-goddesses; and there, with his dwarf (or child) servants, Tlaloc\npossesses four jars from which he pours water down upon the earth. One\nwater is good and causes maize and other fruits to flourish; a second\nbrings cobwebs and blight; a third congeals into frost; a fourth is\nfollowed by dearth of fruit. These are the waters of the four quarters,\nand only that of the east is good. When the dwarfs smash their jars,\nthere is thunder; and pieces cast below are thunderbolts. The number of\nthe Tlaloque was regarded as great, so that, indeed, every mountain had\nits Tlaloc.\n\nLike Quetzalcoatl, the god was shown with a serpent-mask, except that\nTlaloc's was formed, not of one, but of two serpents; and from the\nconventionalization of the serpentine coils of this mask came the\ncustomary representation of the god's eyes as surrounded by wide,\nblue circles, and of his lip as formed by a convoluted band from which\nare fanglike dependencies. The double-headed serpent--a symbol no less\nwide-spread than the plumed serpent--is frequently his attribute.\nHis association with mountains brought him also into connexion with\nvolcanoes and fire, and it was he who was said to have presided over\nthe Rain-Sun, one of the cosmogonic epochs, during which there rained,\nnot water, but fire and red-hot stones.\n\nThe worship of Tlaloc was among the most ghastly in Mexico. Perhaps\nfor the purpose of keeping up the number of his rain-dwarfs, children\nwere constantly sacrificed to him. If we may believe Sahagun, at the\nfeast of the Tlaloque \"they sought out a great number of babes at the\nbreast, which they purchased of their mothers. They chose by preference\nthose who had two crowns in their hair and who had been born under\na good sign. They pretended that these would form a more agreeable\nsacrifice to the gods, to the end that they might obtain rain at the\nopportune time.... They killed a great number of babes each year; and\nafter they had put them to death, they cooked and ate them.... If the\nchildren wept and shed tears abundantly, those who beheld it rejoiced\nand said that this was a sign of rain very near.\" No wonder the\nbrave friar turns from his narrative to cry out against such horror.\nYet, he says, \"the cause of this cruel blindness, of which the poor\nchildren were victims, should not be directly imputed to the natural\ninspirations of their parents, who, indeed, shed abundant tears and\ndelivered themselves to the practice with dolour of soul; one should\nrather see therein the hateful and barbarous hand of Satan, our eternal\nenemy, employing all his malign ruses to urge on to this fatal act.\"\nUnfortunately, it is to be suspected that the rite was very far-spread,\nfor in the myths of many of the wild Mexican tribes and even in those\nof the Pueblo tribes north of Mexico the story of the sacrifice of\nchildren to the water-gods constantly recurs--though, perhaps, this\nwas but the far-cast rumour of the terrible superstition of the south.\n\nThe goddess of flowing waters, of springs and rivulets,\nChalchiuhtlicue, was regarded as sister of the Tlaloque and was\nfrequently honoured in rites in connexion with them. Like Tlaloc,\nshe played no minor _r\u00f4le_ in the calendric division of powers, and\nshe also ruled over one of the \"Suns\" of the cosmogonic period.\nSerpents and maize were associated with her, and like the similar\ndeities she had both her beneficent and malevolent moods, being not\nmerely a cleanser, but also a cause of shipwreck and watery deaths.\nAt the bathing of the new-born she was addressed: \"Merciful Lady\nChalchiuhtlicue, thy servant here present is come into this world,\nsent by our father and mother, Ometecutli and Omeciuatl, who reside\nat the ninth heaven. We know not what gifts he bringeth; we know not\nwhat hath been assigned to him from before the beginning of the world,\nnor with what lot he cometh enveloped. We know not if this lot be good\nor bad, or to what end he will be followed by ill fortune. We know\nnot what faults or defects he may inherit from his father and mother.\nBehold him between thy hands! Wash him and deliver him from impurities\nas thou knowest should be, for he is confided to thy power. Cleanse\nhim of the contaminations he hath received from his parents; let the\nwater take away the soil and the stain, and let him be freed from all\ntaint. May it please thee, O goddess, that his heart and his life be\npurified, that he may dwell in this world in peace and wisdom. May this\nwater take away all ills, for which this babe is put into thy hands,\nthou who art mother and sister of the gods, and who alone art worthy to\npossess it and to give it, to wash from him the evils which he beareth\nfrom before the beginning of the world. Deign to do this that we ask,\nnow that the child is in thy presence.\" It is not difficult to see how\nthis rite should have suggested to the first missionaries their own\nChristian sacrament of baptism.\n\n\nV. THE POWERS OF LIFE[37]\n\n\nUniversally Earth is the mythic Mother of Gods and Men, and Giver of\nLife; nor does the Mexican pantheon offer an exception to the rule,\nalthough its embodiments of the Earth Mother possess associations which\ngive a character of their own. Like similar goddesses, the Mexican\nEarth Mothers are prophetic and divinatory, and in various forms they\nappear in the calendric omen-books. They are goddesses of medicine,\ntoo, probably owing this function primarily to their association with\nthe sweat-bath, which, in its primitive form of earth-lodge and heated\nstones, is the fundamental instrument of American Indian therapeutics.\nIt is here, possibly, that these goddesses get their connexion with\nthe fire-gods, of whom they are not infrequently consorts, and with\nwhom they share the butterfly insignia--a symbol of fertility, for the\nfire-god, at earth's centre, was believed to generate the warmth of\nlife. Serpents also are signs of the earth goddesses, not the plumed\nserpents of the skies, but underworld powers, likewise associated\nwith generation in Aztec symbolism. A third animal connected with\ngeneration, and hence with these deities, is the deer--the white, dead\nDeer of the East denoted plenty; the stricken, brown Deer of the North\nwas a symbol of drought, and related to the fire-gods. The eagle,\nalso, is sometimes found associated with the goddesses by a process of\nindirection, for the eagle is primarily the heavenly warrior, Tonatiuh,\nthe Sun. Frequently, however, the earth goddess is a war-goddess;\nCoatlicue, mother of the war-god Huitzilopochtli, is an earth deity,\nwearing the serpent skirt; and it was a wide-spread belief among the\nMexicans that the Earth was the first victim offered on the sacrificial\nstone to the Sun--the first, therefore, to die a warrior's death. When\na victim was dedicated for sacrifice, therefore, his captor adorned\nhimself in eagle's down in honour, at once, of the Sun and of the\ngoddess who had been the primal offering.\n\nAmong the earth goddesses the most famous was Ciuacoatl (\"Snake\nWoman\"), whose voice, roaring through the night, betokened war. She\nwas also called Tonantzin (\"Our Mother\") and, Sahagun says, \"these\ntwo circumstances give her a resemblance to our mother Eve who\nwas duped by the Serpent.\" Other names for the same divinity were\nIlamatecutli (\"the Old Goddess\"), sometimes represented as the Earth\nToad, Tlatecutli, swallowing a stone knife; Itzpapalotl (\"Obsidian\nButterfly\"), occasionally shown as a deer; Temazcalteci (\"Grandmother\nof the Sweat-Bath\"); and Teteoinnan, the Mother of the Gods, who, like\nseveral other of the earth goddesses, was also a lunar deity. In her\nhonour a harvest-home was celebrated in which her Huastec priests (for\nshe probably hailed from the eastern coast) bore phallic emblems.\n\nClosely connected with the earth goddesses are their children, the\nvegetation-deities. Of these the maize-spirits are the most important,\nmaize being the great cereal of the highland region, and, indeed, so\nmuch the \"corn\" of primitive America that the latter word has come to\nmean maize in the English-speaking parts of the New World. Cinteotl\nwas the maize-god, and Chicomecoatl (\"Seven Snakes\"), also known as\nXilonen, was his female counterpart, their symbol being the young\nmaize-ear. Because of the use of maize as the staff of life, a crown\nfilled with this grain was the symbol of Tonacatecutli (\"Lord of our\nFlesh\"), creator-god and food-giver. Pedro de Rios says[38] of him that\nhe was \"the first Lord that the world was said to have had, and who,\nas it pleased him, blew and divided the waters from the heaven and\nfrom the earth, which before him were all intermingled; and he it is\nwho disposed them as they now are, and so they called him 'Lord of our\nBodies' and 'Lord of the Overflow'; and he gave them all things, and\ntherefore he alone was pictured with the royal crown. He was further\ncalled 'Seven Flowers' [Chicomexochitl], because they said that he\ndivided the principalities of the world. He had no temple of any kind,\nnor were offerings brought to him, because they say he desired them\nnot, as it were to a greater Majesty.\" This god was also identified\nwith the Milky Way.\n\nOf all Mexican vegetation-deities, however, at once the most important\nand the most horrible was Xipe Totec (\"Our Lord the Flayed\"),\nrepresented as clad in a human skin, stripped from the body of a\nsacrificed captive. He was the god of the renewal of vegetation--the\nfresh skin which Earth receives with the recurrent green--and his great\nfestival, the Feast of the Man-Flaying, was held in the spring when the\nfresh verdure was appearing. At this time, men, women, and children\ncaptives were sacrificed, their bodies eaten, and the skins flayed\nfrom them to be worn by personators of the god. That there was a kind\nof sacrament in this rite is evident from Sahagun's statement that\nthe captor did not partake of the flesh of his own captive, regarding\nit as part of his own body. Again, youths clad in skins flayed from\nsacrificed warriors were called by the god's own name, and they waged\nmimic warfare with bands pitted against them; if a captive was made,\na mock sacrifice was enacted. The famous _sacrificio gladiatorio_ was\nalso celebrated in the god's honour, the victim, with weak weapons,\nbeing pitted against strong warriors until he succumbed. The magic\nproperties of the skins torn from victims' bodies is shown by the fact\nthat persons suffering from diseases of the skin and eye wore these\ntrophies for their healing, the period being twenty days. Xipe Totec\nwas clad in a green garment, but yellow was his predominant colour;\nhis ornaments were golden, and he was the patron of gold-workers--a\nsymbolism probably related to the ripening grain, for with all that is\nhorrible about him Xipe Totec is at bottom a simple agricultural deity.\nAt his festival were stately _areitos_, and songs were chanted, one of\nwhich is preserved:[39]\n\n    \"Thou night-time drinker, why dost thou delay?\n    Put on thy disguise--thy golden garment, put it on!\n\n    \"My Lord, let thine emerald waters come descending!\n    Now is the old tree changed to green plumage--\n    The Fire-Snake is transformed into the Quetzal!\n\n    \"It may be that I am to die, I, the young maize-plant;\n    Like an emerald is my heart; gold would I see it be;\n    I shall be happy when first it is ripe--the war-chief born!\n\n    \"My Lord, when there is abundance in the maize-fields,\n    I shall look to thy mountains, verily thy worshipper;\n    I shall be happy when first it is ripe--the war-chief born!\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE X.]\n\n Stone mask of Xipe Totec. The face is represented as covered by the\n skin of a sacrificed victim, flaying being a rite with which this god\n was honored. The reverse of the mask bears an image of the god in\n relief. The original is in the British Museum.\n\nLess unattractive is the group of deities of flowers and dancing,\ngames and feasting--Xochipilli (\"Flower Lord\"), Macuilxochitl (\"Five\nBlossoms\"), and Ixtlilton (\"Little Black-Face\"). Xochipilli is in\npart a divinity of the young maize, probably as pollinating, and\nis sometimes viewed as a son of Cinteotl. As is natural, he and\nhis brothers are occasionally associated with the pulque-gods, the\nCentzontotochtin, of whom there were a great number--among them\nPatecatl, lord and discoverer of the _ocpatli_ (the peyote) from which\nliquor is made, Texcatzoncatl (\"Straw Mirror\"), Colhuatzincatl (\"the\nWinged\"), and Ometochtli (\"Two Rabbit\")--deities who were supposed to\npossess their worshippers and to be the real agents of the drunken\nman's mischief. The more especial associate of the flower-gods,\nhowever, is Xochiquetzal (\"Flower Feather\"), who is said to have been\noriginally the spouse of Tlaloc, but to have been carried away by\nTezcatlipoca and to have been established by him as the goddess of\nlove. Her throne is described as being above the ninth heaven, and\nthere is reason to think that in this _r\u00f4le_ she is identical with\nTonacaciuatl, the consort of the creator-god, Tonacatecutli.[40] Her\nhome was in Xochitlicacan (\"Place of Flowers\") in Itzeecayan (\"Place of\nCool Winds\"), or in Tamoanchan, the Paradise of the West--the region\nwhence came the Ciuateteo, the ghostly women who at certain seasons\nswooped down in eagles' form, striking children with epilepsy and\ninspiring men with lust. Xochiquetzal was, indeed, the patroness of\nthe unmarried women who lived with the young bachelor warriors and\nmarched to war with them, and who sometimes, at the goddess's festival,\nimmolated themselves upon her altars. In a more pleasing aspect she\nwas the deity of weaving and spinning and of making all beautiful and\nartistic fabrics, and she is portrayed in bright and many-coloured\nraiment, not forgetting the butterfly at her lips, emblem of life and\nof the seeker after sweets. In a hymn[41] she is named along with her\nlover, Piltzintecutli (\"Lord of Princes\"), who is presumed to be the\nsame as Xochipilli:\n\n    \"Out of the land of water and mist, I come, Xochiquetzal--\n    Out of the land where the Sun enters his house, out of Tamoanchan.\n\n    \"Weepeth the pious Piltzintecutli;\n    He seeketh Xochiquetzal.\n    Dark it is whither I must go.\"\n\nSeler suggests that this lamentation is perchance the expression of a\nProserpina myth--of the carrying off into the underworld of the bright\ngoddess of flowers and of the quest for her by her disconsolate lover.\n\nOf far darker hue is the goddess whom Sahagun[42] calls \"another\nVenus,\" Tlazolteotl (\"Goddess of Uncleanliness\"), the deity in\nparticular of lust and sexual sin. To her priests confession was made\nof carnal sins and drunkenness, and by them penance was inflicted,\nincluding as a feature piercing the tongue with a maguey thorn and the\ninsertion therein of straws and osier twigs. Sahagun remarks that the\nIndians awaited old age before confessing carnal sins, \"a thing easy\nto comprehend, since, although they had committed their faults during\nyouth, they would not confess before an advanced age in order not to\nfind themselves obliged to cease from disorderly conduct before age\ncame upon them; this, because of their belief that one who fell into\na sin already once confessed could receive no absolution. From all of\nwhich,\" he continues, \"it is natural to reach the conclusion that the\nIndians of New Spain believed themselves obliged to confess once in\ntheir lifetime, and that _in lumine naturali_, with no knowledge of the\nthings of the faith.\" One of the titles of Tlazolteotl is \"Heart of the\nEarth,\" and since she is represented in the same attire as the great\nmother of the gods, it is presumed that she is a special form of the\nEarth Mother, Teteoinnan, with emphasis upon her character as deity of\nfertility. Sometimes she is spoken of as Ixcuiname (\"the Four-faced\")\nand is regarded plurally as a group of four sisters who, according\nto Sahagun, represent four ages of woman's maturity. In the _Annals\nof Quauhtitlan_ it is related that the Ixcuiname came to Tollan from\nHuasteca. \"And in the place called Where-the-Huaxtec-weep they summoned\ntheir captives, whom they had taken in Huaxteca, and explained to them\nwhat the business was, telling them that, 'We go now to Tollan, we\nwant to couple the Earth with you, we want to hold a feast with you:\nfor till now no battle offerings have been made with men. We want to\nmake a beginning of it, and shoot you to death with arrows.'\" In Aztec\npaintings of the arrow sacrifice the victim is shown suspended from a\nladder-like scaffold, whence the blood from the arrow wounds drips to\nearth. This blood was the emblem of the fertilizing seed, dropped into\nthe womb of the goddess; and it is at least worthy of remark that the\nform of the Skidi Pawnee fertility sacrifice, in honour of the Morning\nStar, was identical, scaffold and all, with that in vogue in Mexico.\n\n\nVI. THE POWERS OF DEATH\n\n\nEarth, the Great Mother, is a giver of life, but Earth, the cavernous,\nis Lord of Death. The Mexicans are second to no people in the grimness\nof their representations of this power. As Tepeyollotl (\"Heart of the\nMountain\"), earth's cavern, it is the spotted jaguar monster which\nleaps up out of the west to seize the declining sun, and its roars may\nbe heard in the echoing hills. As Tlaltecutli (\"Lord of the Earth\") it\nis the hideous Toad with Gaping Jaws, which must be nourished with the\nblood of sacrificed men, precisely as the Sun above must be nurtured;\nfor the Mexican idea of warfare seems to have been that it must be\nwaged to keep perpetual the ascending vapours and the descending flow\nfrom the hearts of sacrificed victims, that Tonatiuh and Tlaltecutli\nmight gain sustenance in heaven and in earth.[43]\n\nBut the grimmest figure is that of Hades himself, Mictlantecutli, the\nskeleton God of the Dead--also called, says Sahagun, Tzontemoc (\"He of\nthe Falling Hair\"). Sahagun describes the journey to the abode of this\ndivinity. When a mortal--man, woman, child, lord, or thrall--died of\ndisease, his soul descended to Mictlan, and beside the corpse the last\nwords were spoken:[44] \"Our son, thou art finished with the sufferings\nand fatigues of this life. It hath pleased Our Lord to take thee hence,\nfor thou hast not eternal life in this world: our existence is as a\nray of the sun. He hath given thee the grace of knowing us and of\nassociating in our common life. Now the god Mictlantecutli, otherwise\ncalled Acolnauacatl or Tzontemoc, as also the goddess Mictecaciuatl,\nhath made thee to share his abode. We shall all follow thee, for it is\nour destiny, and the abode is broad enough to receive the whole world.\nThou wilt be heard of no longer among us. Behold, thou art gone to the\ndomain of darkness, where there is neither light nor window. Never\nshalt thou come hither again, nor needst thou concern thyself for thy\nreturn, for thine absence is eternal. Thou dost leave thy children poor\nand orphaned, not knowing what will be their end nor how they will\nsupport the fatigues of this life. As for us, we shall not delay to go\nto join thee there where thou wilt be.\" Similar words were spoken to\nthe relatives: \"Hath this death come because some being wisheth us ill\nor mocketh us? Nay, it is because Our Lord hath willed that such be his\nend.\" Then the body was wrapped, mummy-form, and a few drops of\nwater were poured upon the head: \"Lo, the water of which thou hast made\nuse in this life\"; and a vessel of water was presented: \"This for thy\njourney.\" Next, certain papers were laid before the body in due order:\n\"Lo, with this thou shalt pass the two clashing mountains.\" \"With this\nthou shalt pass the road where the serpent awaiteth thee.\" \"With this\nthou shalt pass the place of the green lizard.\" \"Lo, wherewithal thou\nshalt cross the eight deserts.\" \"And the eight hills.\" \"And behold with\nwhat thou canst traverse the place of the winds that bear obsidian\nknives.\" Thus the perils of the underworld were to be passed and the\nsoul, arrived before Mictlantecutli, was, after four years, to fare\non until he should arrive at Chiconauapan, the \"Nine-Fold Stream\" of\nthe underworld. Across this he would be borne by the red dog which,\nsacrificed at his grave, had been his faithful companion; and thence\nmaster and hound would enter into the eternal house of the dead,\nChiconamictlan, the \"Ninth Hell.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XI.]\n\n Green stone image of Mictlantecutli, the skeleton god of death and of\n the underworld. The original is in the Stuttgart Museum.\n\nYet not all who died pursued this journey. To the terrestrial\nparadise, Tlalocan, the abode of Tlaloc, rich with every kind of\nfruit and abundant with joys, departed those slain by lightning, the\ndrowned, victims of skin-diseases, and persons who died of dropsical\naffections--a heterogeneous lot whose company is to be ascribed to\nthe various attributes of the rain-gods. With them should be included\nvictims sacrificed to these deities, who perhaps themselves became\nrain-makers and servants of the Lords of the Rain. More fortunate still\nwere they who ascended to the mansions of the Sun--those who fell in\nwar, those who perished on the sacrificial altar or were sacrificed\nby burning, and women who died in child-birth. Those warriors, it was\nsaid, whose shields had been pierced could behold the Sun through the\nholes; to the others Tonatiuh was invisible; but all entered into the\nsky gardens, whose trees were other than those of this world; and\nthere, after four years, they were transformed into birds of bright\nplumage, drawing the honey from the celestial blossoms.\n\nIt was in the eastern heavens that the souls of warriors found their\nparadise. Here they met the Sun as he rose in the morning, striking\ntheir bucklers with joyous cries and accompanying him on his journey\nto the meridian, where they were encountered by the War Women of the\nwestern heavens, the Ciuateteo, or Ciuapipiltin, souls of women who\nhad gone to war or had died in childbed. These escorted the Sun down\nthe western sky, bearing him on a gorgeous palanquin, into Tamoanchan\n(\"the House of the Descent\").[45] At the portals of the underworld they\nwere met by the Lords of Hell, who conducted the Sun into their abode;\nfor when it ceases to be day here, the day begins in the realm below.\nPossibly it was from this association with the underworld powers that\nthe Ciuateteo acquired their sinister traits, for they were sometimes\nidentified with the descending stars, the Tzitzimime, which follow the\nSun's descent and become embodied as Demons of the Dark.\n\nBut the Sun has yet another comrade on his journey. As the soul of\nthe dead Aztec is accompanied and guided into the nether world by his\nfaithful dog, so the Sun has for companion the dog Xolotl. Xolotl is a\ngod who presides over the game of _tlachtli_, the Mexican ball-game,\nanalogous to tennis, in which a rubber ball was bounced back and\nforth in a court, not hurled or struck by hand, but by shoulder or\nthigh. As with other Indian ball-games, this was regarded as symbolic\nof the sun's course, and Xolotl was said to play the game on a magic\ncourt, which could be nothing else than the heavens. He was, moreover,\ndeity of twins and other monstrous forms (for twins were regarded as\nmonstrous), and it was humpbacks and dwarfs that were sacrificed to the\nSun on the occasion of an eclipse, when it was deemed that the solar\ndivinity had need of them. A myth narrated by Sahagun possibly explains\nor reflects this belief. In the beginning of things there was no sun\nand no moon; but two of the gods immolated themselves, and from their\nashes rose the orbs of night and day, although neither sun nor moon\nas yet had motion. Then all the gods resolved to sacrifice themselves\nin order to give life and motion to the heavenly bodies. Xolotl alone\nrefused: \"Gods, I will not die,\" he said; and when the priest of the\nsacrifice came, he fled, transforming himself into a twin-stalked maize\nplant, such as is called _xolotl_; discovered, he escaped again and\nassumed the form of a maguey called _mexolotl_; and evading capture a\nthird time, he entered the water and became a larva, _axolotl_--only\nto be found and offered up. A second version of the legend, recorded\nby Mendieta, makes Xolotl the sacrificial celebrant who gave death to\nthe other gods and then to himself that the sun might have life. In\nstill another tale, recorded also by Mendieta, it is the dog Xolotl\nwho is sent to the Underworld for bones of the forefathers, that the\nfirst human pair might be created; but being pursued by Mictlantecutli,\nXolotl stumbled, and the bone that he carried was dropped and broken\ninto fragments, from which the various kinds of people sprang. Tales\nsuch as these are strongly reminiscent of the coyote stories of the\nnorthern continent, and it is possible that Xolotl himself is only a\nspecial form of Coyote, the trickster and transformer, especially as\nUeuecoyotl (\"Old Coyote\"), borrowed from the more primitive Otomi,\nwas a recognized member of the Aztec pantheon, as a god of feasts and\ndances, and perhaps of trickery as well.\n\nOf all the recorded beliefs connected with the dead the most affecting\nis the brief account of the limbo of child-souls reported by the\nclerical expositor of Codex Vaticanus A. There was, he says,[46] \"a\nthird place for souls which passed from this life, to which went only\nthe souls of children who died before attaining the use of reason. They\nfeigned the existence of a tree from which milk distilled, where all\nchildren who died at such an age were carried; since the Devil, who\nis so inimical to the honour of God, even in this instance wished to\nshow his rivalry: for in the same way as our holy doctors teach the\nexistence of limbo for children who die without baptism, or without the\ncircumcision of the old law, or without the sacrifice of the natural\nman, so he has caused these poor people to believe that there was such\na place for their children; and he has superadded another error--the\npersuading them that these children have to return thence to repeople\nthe world after the third destruction which they suppose that it\nmust undergo, for they believe that the world has already been twice\ndestroyed.\" The belief in an infant paradise, with its Tree of Life\nwhence the souls of babes draw nourishment, biding the day of their\nrebirth, is a pleasant relief from the nightmarelike quality of most\nAztec notions--not less familiarly human than are the pious reflections\nof the good friar who records it.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nMEXICO\n\n(_Continued_)\n\n\nI. COSMOGONY[47]\n\n\nMexican cosmogonies conform to a wide-spread American type. There\nis first an ancient creator, little important in cult, who is the\nremote giver and sustainer of the life of the universe; and next\ncomes a generation of gods, magicians and transformers rather than\ntrue creators, who form and transform the beings of times primeval\nand eventually bring the world to its present condition. The earlier\nworld-epochs, or \"Suns,\" as the Mexicans called them, are commonly\nfour in number, and each is terminated by the catastrophic destruction\nof its Sun and of its peoples, fire and flood overwhelming creation\nin successive cataclysms. Not all of this, in single completeness,\nis preserved in any one account, but from the various fragments and\nabridgements that are extant the whole may be reasonably reconstructed.\n\nOne of the simpler tales (simple at least in its transmitted form) is\nof the Tarascan deity, Tucupacha. \"They hold him to be creator of all\nthings,\" says Herrera,[48] \"that he gives life and death, good and\nevil fortune, and they call upon him in their tribulations, gazing\ntoward the sky where they believe him to be.\" This deity first created\nheaven and earth and hell; then he formed a man and a woman of clay,\nbut they were destroyed in bathing; again he made a human pair, using\ncinders and metals, and from these the world was peopled. But the god\nsent a flood, from which he preserved a certain priest, Texpi, and his\nwife, with seeds and with animals, floating in an ark-like log. Texpi\ndiscovered land by sending out birds, after the fashion of Noah, and it\nis quite possible that the legend as recounted is not altogether native.\n\nMore primitive in type and more interesting in form is the Mixtec\ncosmogony narrated by Fray Gregorio Garc\u00eda, which begins thus:[49]\n\"In the year and in the day of obscurity and darkness, when there\nwere as yet no days nor years, the world was a chaos sunk in\ndarkness, while the earth was covered with water, on which scum\nand slime floated.\" This exordium, with its effort to describe the\nvoid by negation and the beginning of time by the absence of its\ndenominations, is strikingly reminiscent of the creation-narrative\nin Genesis ii. and of the similar Babylonian cosmogony; the negative\nmode, employed in all three, is essentially true to that stage when\nhuman thought is first struggling to grapple with abstractions,\nseeking to define them rather by a process of denudation than by one\nof limitation of the field of thought. The Mixtec tale proceeds with\na group of incidents. (1) The Deer-God and the Deer-Goddess (the\ndeer is an emblem of fecundity)--known also as the Puma-Snake and\nthe Jaguar-Snake, in which character they doubtless represent the\ntawny heaven of the day-sky and the starry vault of night--magically\nraised a cliff above the abyss of waters, on the summit of which they\nplaced an axe, edge upward, upon which the heavens rested. (2) Here,\nat the Place-where-the-Heavens-stood, they lived many centuries,\nand here they reared their two boys, Wind-of-the-Nine-Serpents and\nWind-of-the-Nine-Caves, who possessed the power of transforming\nthemselves into eagles and serpents, and even of passing through solid\nbodies. The symbolism of these two boys as typifying the upper and\nthe nether world is obvious; they can only be one more example of\nthe demiurgic twins common in American cosmogony. (3) The brothers\ninaugurated sacrifice and penance, the cultivation of flowers and\nfruits; and with vows and prayers they besought their ancestral gods\nto let the light appear, to cause the water to be separated from the\nearth, and to permit the dry land to be freed from its covering. (4)\nThe earth was peopled, but a flood destroyed this First People, and the\nworld was restored by the \"Creator of all Things.\"\n\nIt is probable that this Mixtec Creator-of-All-Things was the same\ndeity as he who was known to their Zapotec kindred as Coqui-X\u00e8e or\nCoqui-Cilla (\"Lord of the Beginning\"), of whom it was said that \"he\nwas the creator of all things and was himself uncreated.\" Seler is of\nopinion that Coqui-X\u00e8e is a spirit of \"the beginning\" in the sense of\ndawn and the east and the rising sun, and that since he is also known\nas Piye-T\u00e0o, or \"the Great Wind,\" he is none other than the Zapotec\nQuetzalcoatl, who also is an increate creator. Coqui-X\u00e8e, however, is\n\"merely the principle, the essence of the creative deity or of deity in\ngeneral without reference to the act of creating the world and human\nbeings\"; for that act is rather to be ascribed to the primeval pair\n(equivalent to the Deer-God and Deer-Goddess of the Mixtec), Cozaana\n(\"Creator, the Maker of all Beasts\") and Huichaana (\"Creator, the Maker\nof Men and Fishes\").\n\nThe ideas of the Nahuatlan tribes were similar. Of the Chichimec\nSahagun[50] says that \"they had only a single god, Mixcoatl, whose\nimage they possessed; but they believed in another invisible god, not\nrepresented by any image, called Yoalli Ehecatl, that is to say, God\ninvisible, impalpable, beneficent, protector, omnipotent, by whose\nstrength alone the whole world lives, and who, by his sole knowledge,\nrules voluntarily all things.\" Mixcoatl (\"Cloud-Snake\"), the tribal god\nof the Chichimec and Otomi, is certainly an analogue of Quetzalcoatl\nor of Huitzilopochtli, like them figuring as demiurge; and Yoalli\nEhecatl (\"Wind and Night,\" or \"Night-Wind\") is an epithet applied to\nTezcatlipoca, who also is addressed as \"Creator of Heaven and Earth.\"\n\nAll of these gods are of the sky and atmosphere, and all of them appear\nas creative powers, though mainly in the demiurgic _r\u00f4le_. Back of\nand above them is the ancient Twofold One, the Male-Female or Male\nand Female principle of generation, which not only first created the\nworld, but maintains it fecund. This being, sometimes called Tloque\nNauaque, or \"Lord of the By,\" i.e. the Omnipresent, is represented as\na divine pair, known under several names. Sahagun commonly speaks of\nthem as Ometecutli and Omeciuatl (\"Twi-Lord,\" \"Twi-Lady\"), and in his\naccount of the Toltec he states that they reign over the twelve heavens\nand the earth; the existence of all things depends upon them, and from\nthem proceeds the \"influence and warmth whereby infants are engendered\nin the wombs of their mothers.\" Tonacatecutli and Tonacaciutl (\"Lord\nof Our Flesh,\" \"Lady of Our Flesh\") is another pair of names, used\nwith reference to the creation of the human body out of maize and to\nits support thereby.[51] A third pair of terms, appearing in Mendieta\nand in the _Annals of Quauhtitlan_, is Citlallatonac and Citlalicue\n(\"Lord\" and \"Lady of the Starry Zones\"). In the _Annals_ Quetzalcoatl,\nas high-priest of the Toltec, is said to have dedicated a cult to\n\"Citlalicue Citlallatonac, Tonacaciuatl Tonacatecutli ... who is\nclothed in charcoal, clothed in blood, who giveth food to the earth;\nand he cried aloft, to the Omeyocan, to the heaven lying above the nine\nthat are bound together.\" Nevertheless, these deities--or rather deity,\nfor Tloque Nauaque seems to be, like the Zu\u00f1i Awonawilona, bisexual in\nnature--received little recognition in the formal cult; and it was said\nthat they desired none.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XII.]\n\n Figures representing the heavenly bodies. The upper figure, from\n _Codex Vaticanus B_, represents the conflict of light and darkness.\n The Eagle is either the Morning Star or the Sun; the Plumed Serpent is\n the symbol of the Cosmic Waters, from whose throat the Hare, perhaps\n the Earth or Moon, is being snatched by the Eagle. Similar figures\n appear in other codices, the Serpent being in one instance represented\n as torn by the Eagle's talons.\n\n The lower figure, from _Codex Borgia_, portrays Sun, Moon, and Morning\n Star. The Sun-god is within the rayed disk; he holds a bundle of\n spears in one hand, a spear-thrower in the other; a stream of blood,\n apparently from a sacrifice offered by the Morning Star, which has the\n form of an ocelot, nourishes the Sun. The Moon appears as a Hare upon\n the face of the crescent, which is filled with water and set upon a\n background of dark sky.\n\nIn connexion with these primal creators appear the demiurgic\ntransformers, Quetzalcoatl usually playing the important part.\nAccording to Sahagun's fragmentary accounts, the gods were gathered\nfrom time immemorial in a place called Teotiuacan. They asked: \"Who\nshall govern and direct the world? Who will be Sun?\" Tecuciztecatl\n(\"Cockle-Shell House\") and the pox-afflicted Nanauatzin volunteered.\nThey were dressed in ceremonial garments and fasted for four days;\nand then the gods ranged themselves about a sacrificial fire, which\nthe candidates were asked to enter. Tecuciztecatl recoiled from\nthe intense heat until encouraged by the example of Nanauatzin, who\nplunged into it; and because of this Nanauatzin became the Sun, while\nTecuciztecatl assumed second place as Moon. The gods now ranged\nthemselves to await the appearance of the Sun, but not knowing where to\nexpect it, and gazing in various directions, some of them, including\nQuetzalcoatl, turned their faces toward the east, where the Sun\nfinally manifested himself, close-followed by the Moon. Their light\nbeing then equal, was so bright that none might endure it, and the\ndeities accordingly asked one another, \"How can this be? Is it good\nthat they should shine with equal light?\" One of them ran and threw a\nrabbit into the face of Tecuciztecatl, which thenceforth shone as does\nnow the moon; but since the sun and the moon rested upon the earth,\nwithout rising, the gods saw that they must immolate themselves to\ngive motion to the orbs of light. Xolotl fled, but was finally caught\nand sacrificed; yet even so the orbs did not stir until the wind blew\nwith such violence as to compel them--first, the sun, and afterward the\nmoon. Quetzalcoatl, the wind-god, is, of course, thus the giver of life\nto sun and moon as he is also, in the prayers the bearer of the breath\nof life from the divine pair to the new-born.\n\nA complete version of the same myth is given by Mendieta,[52] who\ncredits it to Fray Andr\u00e9s de Olmos, transmitted by word of mouth from\nMexican caciques. Each province had its own narrative, he says, but\nthey were agreed that in heaven were a god and goddess, Citlallatonac\nand Citlalicue, and that the goddess gave birth to a stone knife\n(_tecpatl_), to the amazement and horror of her other sons which\nwere in heaven. The stone hurled forth by these outraged sons and\nfalling to Chicomoxtoc (\"Seven Caves\"), was shattered, and from its\nfragments arose sixteen hundred earth-godlings. These sent Tlotli, the\nHawk, heavenward to demand of their mother the privilege of creating\nmen to be their servants; and she replied that they should send\nto Mictlantecutli, Lord of Hell, for a bone or ashes of the dead,\nfrom which a man and woman would be born. Xolotl was dispatched as\nmessenger, secured the bone, and fled with it; but being pursued by\nthe Lord of Hell, he stumbled, and the bone broke. With such fragments\nas he could secure he reached the earth, and the bones, placed in a\nvessel, were sprinkled with blood drawn from the bodies of the gods.\nOn the fourth day a boy emerged from the mixture; on the eighth, a\ngirl; and these were reared by Xolotl to become parents of mankind.\nMen differ in size because the bone broke into unequal fragments; and\nas human beings multiplied, they were assigned as servants to the\nseveral gods. Now, the Sun had not been shining for a long time, and\nthe deities assembled at Teotiuacan to consider the matter. Having\nbuilt a great fire, they announced that that one among their devotees\nwho should first hurl himself into it should have the honour of\nbecoming the Sun, and when one had courageously entered the flames,\nthey awaited the sunrise, wagering as to the quarter in which he would\nappear; but they guessed wrong, and for this they were condemned to\nbe sacrificed, as they were soon to learn. When the Sun appeared, he\nremained ominously motionless; and although Tlotli was sent to demand\nthat he continue his journey, he refused, saying that he should remain\nwhere he was until they were all destroyed. Citli (\"Hare\") in anger\nshot the Sun with an arrow, but the latter hurled it back, piercing the\nforehead of his antagonist. The gods then recognized their inferiority\nand allowed themselves to be sacrificed, their hearts being torn out by\nXolotl, who slew himself last of all. Before departing, however, each\ndivinity gave to his followers, as a sacred bundle, his vesture wrapped\nabout a green gem which was to serve as a heart. Tezcatlipoca was one\nof the departed deities, but one day he appeared to a mourning follower\nwhom he commanded to journey to the House of the Sun beyond the waters\nand to bring thence singers and musical instruments to make a feast for\nhim. This the messenger did, singing as he went. The Sun warned his\npeople not to harken to the stranger, but the music was irresistible,\nand some of them were lured to follow him back to earth, where they\ninstituted the musical rites. Such details as the formation of the\nceremonial bundles and the journey of the song-seeker to the House of\nthe Sun immediately suggest numerous analogues among the wild tribes of\nthe north, indicating the primitive and doubtless ancient character of\nthe myth.\n\n\nII. THE FOUR SUNS[53]\n\n\nIn the developed cosmogonic myths the cycles, or \"Suns,\" of the early\nworld are the turns of the drama of creation. Ixtlilxochitl names four\nages, following the creation of the world and man by a supreme god,\n\"Creator of All Things, Lord of Heaven and Earth.\" Atonatiuh, \"the\nSun of Waters,\" was the first age terminated by a deluge in which all\ncreatures perished. Next came Tlalchitonatiuh, \"the Sun of Earth\"; this\nwas the age of giants, and it ended with a terrific earthquake and\nthe fall of mountains. \"The Sun of Air,\" Ehcatonatiuh, closed with a\nfurious wind, which destroyed edifices, uprooted trees, and even moved\nthe rocks. It was during this period that a great number of monkeys\nappeared \"brought by the wind,\" and these were regarded as men changed\ninto animals. Quetzalcoatl appeared in this third Sun, teaching the way\nof virtue and the arts of life; but his doctrines failed to take root,\nso he departed toward the east, promising to return another day. With\nhis departure \"the Sun of Air\" came to its end, and Tlatonatiuh, \"the\nSun of Fire,\" began, so called because it was expected that the next\ndestruction would be by fire.\n\nOther versions give four Suns as already completed, making the present\ninto a fifth age of the world. The most detailed of these cosmogonic\nmyth-records is that given in the _Historia de los Mexicanos por sus\npinturas_. According to this document Tonacatecutli and Tonacaciuatl\ndwelt from the beginning in the thirteenth heaven. To them were\nborn, as to an elder generation, four gods--the ruddy Camaxtli (chief\ndivinity of the Tlascalans); the black Tezcatlipoca, wizard of the\nnight; Quetzalcoatl, the wind-god; and the grim Huitzilopochtli, of\nwhom it was said that he was born without flesh, a skeleton. For six\nhundred years these deities lived in idleness; then the four brethren\nassembled, creating first the fire (hearth of the universe) and\nafterward a half-sun. They formed also Oxomoco and Cipactonal, the\nfirst man and first woman, commanding that the former should till the\nground, and the latter spin and weave; while to the woman they gave\npowers of divination and grains of maize that she might work cures.\nThey also divided time into days and inaugurated a year of eighteen\ntwenty-day periods, or three hundred and sixty days. Mictlantecutli and\nMictlanciuatl they created to be Lord and Lady of Hell, and they formed\nthe heavens that are below the thirteenth storey of the celestial\nregions, and the waters of the sea, making in the sea a monster\nCipactli, from which they shaped the earth. The gods of the waters,\nTlaloctecutli and his wife Chalchiuhtlicue, they created, giving them\ndominion over the Quarters. The son of the first pair married a woman\nformed from a hair of the goddess Xochiquetzal; and the gods, noticing\nhow little was the light given forth by the half-sun, resolved to make\nanother half-sun, whereupon Tezcatlipoca became the sun-bearer--for\nwhat we behold traversing the daily heavens is not the sun itself, but\nonly its brightness; the true sun is invisible. The other gods created\nhuge giants, who could uproot trees by brute force, and whose food was\nacorns. For thirteen times fifty-two years, altogether six hundred and\nseventy-six, this period lasted--as long as its Sun endured; and it\nis from this first Sun that time began to be counted, for during the\nsix hundred years of the idleness of the gods, while Huitzilopochtli\nwas in his bones, time was not reckoned. This Sun came to an end when\nQuetzalcoatl struck down Tezcatlipoca and became Sun in his place.\nTezcatlipoca was metamorphosed into a jaguar (Ursa Major) which is\nseen by night in the skies wheeling down into the waters whither\nQuetzalcoatl cast him; and this jaguar devoured the giants of that\nperiod. At the end of six hundred and seventy-six years Quetzalcoatl\nwas treated by his brothers as he had treated Tezcatlipoca, and his\nSun came to an end with a great wind which carried away most of the\npeople of that time or transformed them into monkeys. Then for seven\ntimes fifty-two years Tlaloc was Sun; but at the end of this three\nhundred and sixty-four years Quetzalcoatl rained fire from heaven and\nmade Chalchiuhtlicue Sun in place of her husband, a dignity which she\nheld for three hundred and twelve years (six times fifty-two); and it\nwas in these days that maize began to be used. Now two thousand six\nhundred and twenty-eight years had passed since the birth of the gods,\nand in this year it rained so heavily that the heavens themselves\nfell, while the people of that time were transformed into fish. When\nthe gods saw this, they created four men, with whose aid Tezcatlipoca\nand Quetzalcoatl again upreared the heavens, even as they are today;\nand these two gods becoming lords of the heavens and of the stars,\nwalked therein. After the deluge and the restoration of the heavens,\nTezcatlipoca discovered the art of making fire from sticks and of\ndrawing it from the heart of flint. The first man, Piltzintecutli, and\nhis wife, who had been made of a hair of Xochiquetzal, did not perish\nin the flood, because they were divine. A son was born to them, and\nthe gods created other people just as they had formerly existed. But\nsince, except for the fires, all was in darkness, the gods resolved to\ncreate a new Sun. This was done by Quetzalcoatl, who cast his own son,\nby Chalchiuhtlicue, into a great fire, whence he issued as the Sun of\nour own time; Tlaloc hurled his son into the cinders of the fire, and\nthence rose the Moon, ever following after the Sun. This Sun, said\nthe gods, should eat hearts and drink blood, and so they established\nwars that there might be sacrifices of captives to nourish the orbs\nof light. Most of the other versions of the myth of the epochal Suns\nsimilarly date the beginning of sacrifice and penance from the birth of\nthe present age.\n\nThe _Annals of Quauhtitlan_ gives a somewhat different picture of the\ncourse of the epochs. Each epoch begins on the first day of Tochtli,\nand the god Quetzalcoatl figures as the creator. Atonatiuh, the first\nSun, ended with a flood and the transformation of living creatures into\nfish. Ocelotonatiuh, \"the Jaguar Sun,\" was the epoch of giants and of\nsolar eclipse. Third came \"the Sun of Rains,\" Quiyauhtonatiuh, ending\nwith a rain of fire and red-hot rocks; only birds, or those transformed\ninto them, and a human pair who found subterranean refuge, escaped the\nconflagration. The fourth, Ecatonatiuh, is the Sun of destruction by\nwinds; while the fifth is the Sun of Earthquakes, Famines, Wars, and\nConfusions, which will bring our present world to destruction. The\nauthor of the _Spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (Codex\nVaticanus A)--not consistent with himself, for in his account of the\ninfants' limbo he makes ours the third Sun--changes the order somewhat:\nfirst, the Sun of Water, which is also the Age of Giants; second, the\nSun of Winds, ending with the transformation into apes; third, the Sun\nof Fire; fourth, the Sun of Famine, terminating with a rain of blood\nand the fall of Tollan. Four Suns passed, and a fifth Sun, leading\nforward to a fifth eventual destruction, seems, most authorities agree,\nto represent the orthodox Mexican myth; though versions like that of\nIxtlilxochitl represent only three as past, while others, as Camargo's\naccount of the Tlascaltec myth, make the present Sun the third in a\ntotal of four that are to be. Probably one cause of the confusion\nwith respect to the order of the Suns is the double association of\nQuetzalcoatl--first, with the Sun of Winds, which he, as the Wind-God,\nwould naturally acquire; and second, with the fall of Tollan and of the\nToltec empire, for Quetzalcoatl, with respect to dynastic succession,\nis clearly the Toltec Zeus. The Sun of Winds is normally the second\nin the series; the fall of Tollan is generally associated with the\nend of the Sun last past: circumstances which may account for\nthe shortened versions, for it seems little likely (judging from\nAmerican analogies) that the notion of four Suns passed is not the most\nprimitive version.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XIII.]\n\n Figures from _Codex Vaticanus A_ representing cataclysms bringing to\n an end cosmic \"Suns,\" or Ages of the World.\n\n The upper figure represents the close of the Sun of Winds, ending with\n the transformation of men, save for an ancestral pair, into apes. The\n lower pictures the end of the Sun of Fire, whence only birds and a\n human pair in a subterranean retreat escaped.\n\nAnother myth confusedly associated now with the Sun of Waters, now\nwith the Sun last past, is the story of the deluge. In the pattern\nconception (if it may so be termed) each Sun begins with the creation\nor appearance of a First Man and First Woman and ends with the\nsalvation of a single human pair, all others being lost or transformed.\nThe first Sun ends with a deluge and the metamorphosis of the First\nMen into fish; but a single pair escaped by being sealed up in a log\nor ark. In the Chimalpopoca (Quauhtitlan) version given by Brasseur\nde Bourbourg it is related that the waters had been tranquil for\nfifty-two years; then, on the first day of the Sun, there came such a\nflood as submerged even the mountains, and this endured for fifty-two\nyears. Warned by Tezcatlipoca, however, a man named Nata, with Nena his\nwife, hollowed a log and entered therein; and the god closed the port,\nsaying, \"Thou shalt eat but a single ear of maize, and thy wife but a\nsingle ear also.\" When the waters subsided, they issued from their log,\nand seeing fish about, they built a fire to roast them. Citlallatonac\nand Citlalicue, beholding this from the heavens, said: \"Divine Lord,\nwhat is this fire? Wherefore does this smoke cloud the sky?\" Whereupon\nTezcatlipoca descended in anger, crying, \"What fire is this?\" And he\nseized the fishes and transformed them into dogs. Certainly one would\nrelish an elaboration of this tale; for it would seem that a theft\nof the fire must precede--perhaps a suffering Prometheus may have\nfollowed--the anger of the gods. In another version the Mexican Noah is\nnamed Coxcox, his wife bears the name of Xochiquetzal; and it is said\nthat their children, born dumb, received their several forms of speech\nfrom the birds. Now Xochiquetzal is associated (doubtless as a festal\ngoddess) with Tollan and the age in which she appears is the last of\nall, that in which Tollan is destroyed; whence the deluge is placed at\nthe end of the fourth Sun.\n\nTo the same group of events--the passing of Tollan and the\ndeluge--belong the stories of the building of the great pyramid of\nCholula and the portents which accompanied it. It is said[54] that,\nreared by a chief named Xelua, who escaped the deluge, it was built\nso high that it appeared to reach heaven; and that they who reared it\nwere content, \"since it seemed to them that they had a place whence\nto escape from the deluge if it should happen again, and whence they\nmight ascend into heaven\"; but \"a chalcuitl, which is a precious stone,\nfell thence [i.e. from the skies] and struck it to the ground; others\nsay that the chalcuitl was in the shape of a toad; and that whilst\ndestroying the tower it reprimanded them, inquiring of them their\nreason for wishing to ascend into heaven, since it was sufficient for\nthem to see what was on the earth.\" It is worth while to remember that\nthe hybristic scaling of heaven is no uncommon motive in American\nIndian myth, while the moral of the tale is honestly pagan--\"mortal\nthings are the behoof of mortals,\" saith Pindar; nor can we fail to see\nin the green jewel the jealous Earth-Titaness, for the toad is Earth's\nsymbol.\n\nThe duration of the cosmic Suns is given various values by the\nrecorders of the myths. These, no doubt, issued from variations\nin calendric computations; for the Mexicans not only possessed an\nelaborate calendar; they also used it, in its involved circles of\nreturning signs, as the foundation for calculating the cycles of cosmic\nand of human history. It is essential, therefore, if the genius of\nMexican myth be fully grasped, that the elements of its calendar be\nmade clear.\n\n\nIII. THE CALENDAR AND ITS CYCLES[55]\n\n\nThe Mexican calendar is one of the most extraordinary inventions of\nhuman intelligence. Elsewhere the science of the calendar is a lore of\nsun, moon, and stars, and of their synodic periods; in the count of\ntime astronomy is mistress, and number is but the handmaiden. In the\nMexican system this relation is distinctly reversed: it is number that\nis dominant, and astronomy that is ancillary. One might, indeed, add\nthat the number is geometric. It is common enough elsewhere to find the\nmeasures of space influencing the measures of time, but ordinarily they\nare the measures of celestial, not of terrestrial, space; and they are,\ntherefore, moving, and not stationary, numbers. In the Mexican system\nthe controlling numerical ideas appear to be the 4 (5) and the 6 (7)\nof the world-quarters--these in their duplicate forms, 9 (= 2 x 4 + 1)\nand 13 (= 2 x 6 + 1)--and all are under the domination of the four by\nfive digits (two fives of fingers and two of toes) of their vigesimal\nsystem of counting. Man in the Middle Place of his cosmos; oriented\nto the rising Sun; four-square with the Quarters, which are duplicate\nin the Above and the Below; counting his natural days by his natural\ndigits: this is the image which makes most plausible our explanations\nof the peculiarly earth-tethered calendar of the Mexicans, and, in\nconsequence, of a cosmographical rather than an astrological conception\nof the Fates and Influences.\n\nNot that the moving heavens were without computation: astronomy,\nthough secondary, was indispensable.[56] The day, of course, is the\ncreation of the journey of the sun; and the day, as a time-unit, plays\nin the Mexican count a part altogether commensurate in importance\nwith that given to the sun in myth and ritual. The moon, though far\nless prominent in every respect, is still conspicuously figured.\nThe morning star (far and wide a great deity of the American Indian\nnations) was second in significance only to the sun; indeed, one of\nthe most extraordinary achievements of aboriginal American science\nwas the identification of Phosphorus and Hesperus as the same star,\nand the computation of a Venus-period of five hundred and eighty-four\ndays (the exact period being five hundred and eighty-three days and\ntwenty-two hours). Comets and meteors were regarded as portents;\nthe Milky Way was the skirt of Citlalicue, or was the white hair of\nMixcoatl of the Zenith; and in the patterns of the stars were seen the\nfigures that define the topography of the nocturnal heavens. Sahagun\nmentions three constellations, which he vaguely identifies with Gemini,\nScorpio, and Ursa Minor; and in the chart of heavenly bodies, given\nwith his Nahuatlan text, he figures two other stellar groups; while\nfive is the number which Tezozomoc names as those for which the king\nelect must keep watch on the night of his vigil. Doubtless many other\nstar-patterns were observed, but these five seem predominant. Stansbury\nHagar, resolving what he regards as the Mexican Scorpio into Scorpio\nand Libra, would see in Sahagun's figures half of the zodiacal twelve;\nand in both Mexico and Peru he believes that he has identified a series\nof signs closely equivalent to that of the Old World zodiac. Another\nview (presented by Zelia Nuttall) conceives the Aztec constellations\nas forming a series of twenty, corresponding to the twenty day-signs\nemployed in the calendar. A third interpretation, on the whole,\naccordant with the evidence, is that of Seler, who maintains that the\nfive constellations named by Sahagun and Tezozomoc represent, instead\nof a zodiac, the four quarters and the zenith of the sky-world, and\nare, therefore, spatial rather than temporal guides. Seler identifies\nMamalhuaztli, \"the Fire-Sticks,\" with stars of the east, in or near\nTaurus. The Pleiades, rising in the same neighbourhood, he believes to\nhave been the sign of the zenith; and at the beginning of a new cycle\nof fifty-two years the new fire was kindled when the Pleiades were in\nthe zenith at midnight--the very hour, according to Tezozomoc, when\nthe king rises to his vigil. Citlalachtli, \"the Star Ball-Ground,\"\nis called \"the North and its Wheel\" by Tezozomoc, and must refer\nto the stars which revolve about the northern pole. Colotlixayac,\n\"Scorpion-Face,\" marks the west; while Citlalxonecuilli--so named,\nSahagun tells us, from its resemblance to S-shaped loaves of bread\nwhich were called _xonecuilli_--is clearly identified by Tezozomoc\nwith the Southern Cross and adjacent stars. Thus it appears (granting\nSeler's interpretation) that the constellations served but to mark the\npillars of this four-square world.\n\nEssentially the Mexican calendar is an elaborate day-count. As with\nmany other American peoples, the system of notation was vigesimal\n(probably developed from a quinary mode of counting), and the days\nwere accordingly reckoned by twenties: twenty pictographs served as\nday-signs, endlessly repeated like the names of the days of the week.\nThese twenty-day periods are commonly called \"months\" (following the\nusage of Spanish writers), though they have no relation to the moon\nand its phases; they are, however, like our months, used as measures\nof the primitive solar year of three hundred and sixty-five days,\nthe Aztec year comprising eighteen months (or sets of twenties) plus\nfive _nemontemi_, or \"Empty Days,\" regarded as unlucky. According to\nSahagun, six _nemontemi_ were counted every fourth year; if this were\ntrue (it is widely doubted), the Mexicans would have had a calendar\nwhich was Julian in effect. Like our months, each of the eighteen\ntwenties of the solar year had its own name and its characteristic\nreligious festivals; during the _nemontemi_ there were neither feasts\nnor undertakings. The beginning of the solar year is placed by Sahagun\non the first day of the month Atlcaualco--corresponding, he says, to\nFebruary 2--the period of the cessation of rains, and the time of rites\nin honour of Tlaloc and Chalchiuhtlicue. Some authorities, however,\nbelieve that the year really began with Toxcatl, corresponding to\nthe earlier part of May, the period of the celebration of the great\nfestival of Tezcatlipoca, when his personator was sacrificed and the\nnext year's victim was chosen. The location of the _nemontemi_ in the\nyear is not certain.\n\nFrom the fact that to the days of the year were assigned twenty\nendlessly repeating signs, and the further fact that the _nemontemi_\nwere five in number (18 x 20 + 5 = 365), it follows that the first\nday of the year would always fall upon one of four signs; and these\nsigns--_Colli_ (\"House\"), _Tochtli_ (\"Rabbit\"), _Acatl_ (\"Reed\"), and\n_Tecpatl_ (\"Flint\")--inevitably became emphasized in the imagination,\nnot only with units of time, but also with the Quarters which divide\nthe world.\n\nBut the designation of the days was not simply by the series of\npictographic signs. An additional series was formed of the numbers\none to thirteen, which, like the signs, were repeated over and over;\nso that each day had not only a sign, but also a number. Since only\nthirteen numerals were employed, it follows that if any given twenty\ndays have the number one accompanying the sign of its first day, the\nsign of the first day of the ensuing twenty days will be accompanied\nby the number eight, the sign of the first day of the third twenty by\ntwo, and so on; not until the end of two hundred and sixty days (since\nthirteen is a prime number) will the same number recur with the initial\nsign. The representation of this period of thirteen by twenty days, in\nwhich the cycles of numerals and pictographs passed from an initial\ncorrespondence to its first recurrence, was called by the Aztec the\n_Tonalamatl_, or \"Book of Good and Bad Days\"--a set of signs employed\nfor divination as the name implies. Since the _Tonalamatl_ represents\nonly two hundred and sixty days, it follows that the last one hundred\nand fifteen days of the year will have the same signs and numerals as\nthe first one hundred and fifteen. For this reason De Jonghe and some\nothers believe that a third set of day-signs was employed--the nine\nLords of the Night, which (since two hundred and sixty is not evenly\ndivisible by nine) would suffice to differentiate the days throughout\nthe year. Seler, however maintains that he has disproved this theory;\nif so, there would still be the possibility of differentiating the days\nof the second _Tonalamatl_ from those of the first by employing\nthe sign of that one of the eighteen \"months\" in which the day fell.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XIV.]\n\n The Aztec \"Calendar Stone,\" one of the two monuments (see Plate V for\n the other) found beneath the pavement of the plaza of the city of\n Mexico in 1790. The outer band of decoration is formed of two \"Fire\n Snakes\" (cf. Plates VII 3 and XXI), each with a human head in its\n mouth; between the tips of the serpents' tails is a glyph giving the\n date, 13 Acatl, of the historical Sun, that is, the beginning of the\n present Age of the World. A decorative band formed of the twenty day\n signs surrounds the central figure, which consists of a Sun-face, with\n the glyph 4 Olin; while in the four adjacent compartments are the\n names of the eras of the four earlier \"Suns.\" Sun rays, with other\n figures, appear in the spaces between the inner and outer decorative\n bands. Below is given a key (after Joyce, _Mexican Archaeology_, page\n 74).\n\n[Illustration: Key.]\n\nIn addition to the _Tonalamatl_, there is another consequence of\nthe double designation of the days. Each year, it has been noted,\nbegins with one of four day-signs. But three hundred and sixty-five\nis indivisible, evenly, by thirteen; therefore, the day-signs and\nnumerals for succeeding years must vary, the day-signs recurring in\nthe same order every four years, and the numerals in the same order\nevery thirteen years (since 365 = 13 x 28 + 1), while not until there\nhas elapsed four times thirteen years will the same day-sign and the\nsame numeral occur on the first day of the year. These divisions of the\nyears into groups, determined by their signs and numbers, were of great\nsignificance to the Mexican peoples. The sign which began each group\nof thirteen years was regarded as dominant during that period, and as\neach of these signs was dedicated to one of the four Quarters, it is to\nbe supposed that the powers of the ruling sign determined the fortunes\nof the period. The cycle was complete when, at the end of fifty-two\nyears, the same sign and number recurred as the emblem of the year.\nSuch an epoch was the occasion for prognostics and dread anticipations,\nand it was celebrated with a special feast at which all fires were\nextinguished and a new flame was kindled on the breast of a sacrificial\nvictim. This festival was called \"the Knot of the Years,\" and in Aztec\npictography past periods were represented by bundles, each signifying\nsuch a cycle of fifty-two years.\n\nIt will be noted that the fifty-two year cycle is also the period for\nthe recurring coincidence of the day-signs and numerals in the year\nand in the _Tonalamatl_ (for, 365 factoring 73 x 5, and 260 factoring\n52 x 5, it follows that 52 years will equal 73 _Tonalamatls_). It is,\ntherefore, the more extraordinary that in the usual mode of figuring\nthe _Tonalamatl_ it is begun, not with one of the four signs which name\nthe years and their cycles, but with another day-sign, _Cipactli_\n(\"Crocodile\"). The plausible explanation of this is that since the\nCrocodile was the monster from which Earth was formed by the creative\ngods, the divinatory period was inaugurated under his sign.\n\nThe origin of so peculiar a reckoning as the _Tonalamatl_ is one of\nthe puzzles of Americanist studies. Effort has been made to connect\nit with lunar movements, but no astronomical period corresponds with\nit. Again, it has been pointed out that the two hundred and sixty\ndays of the _Tonalamatl_ approximate the period of gestation, and\nin view of its use, for divinations and horoscopic forecasts, this\nis not impossible as an explanation of its origin. The obvious fact\nthat it expresses the cycle of coincidence of the twenty day-signs\nand thirteen numerals only carries the puzzle back to the origination\nof the numeration, with its anomalous thirteen--for which, as a\nsignificant number, no more satisfactory astronomical reason has been\nsuggested than Le\u00f3n y Gama's, that it represents half of the period\nof the moon's visibility. In myth the invention of the _Tonalamatl_\nis ascribed to Cipactonal and Oxomoco (in whom Se\u00f1or Robelo sees the\npersonification of Day and Night), and again to Quetzalcoatl. At his\nimmolation the heart of Quetzalcoatl, it will be recalled, flew upward\nto become the Morning Star, and in special degree the god is associated\nwith this star. \"They said that Quetzalcoatl died when the star\nbecame visible, and henceforward they called him Tlauizcalpantecutli,\n'Lord of the Dawn.' They said that when he died he was invisible for\nfour days; they said he wandered in the underworld, and for four\ndays more he was bone. Not until eight days were past did the great\nstar appear. Quetzalcoatl then ascended the throne as god.\" One of\nthe early writers, Ramon y Zamora, states that the _Tonalamatl_ was\ndetermined by the Mexicans as the period during which Venus is visible\nas the evening star; and F\u00f6rstemann discovered representations of\nthe Venus-year of five hundred and eighty-four days divided into\nperiods of ninety, two hundred and fifty, eight, and two hundred and\nthirty-six days, which he estimated to represent respectively the\nperiod of Venus's invisibility during superior conjunction (ninety\ndays), of its visibility as evening star (two hundred and fifty days),\nof its invisibility during inferior conjunction (eight days), and of\nits visibility as morning star (two hundred and thirty-six days).\nThe near correspondence of the period of two hundred and fifty days\nwith the _Tonalamatl_, coupled with the identity of the eight days'\ninvisibility with the period of Quetzalcoatl's wandering and lying\ndead in the underworld, which was followed by his ascension to the\nthrone of the eastern heaven, as related in the myth, give plausibility\nto the traditions which associate the formation of the _Tonalamatl_\nwith the Venus-period. Seler suggests--and this is perhaps the best\nexplanation yet offered--that the _Tonalamatl_ is the product of an\nindirect association of the solar year (three hundred and sixty-five\ndays) and of the Venus-period (five hundred and eighty-four days), for\nthe least common multiple of the numbers of days in these two periods\nis twenty-nine hundred and twenty days, equal to eight solar years and\nfive Venus years; in associating the two, he says, the inventors of\nthe calendar lighted upon the number thirteen (8 + 5), and hence upon\nthe _Tonalamatl_ of two hundred and sixty days. If this be the case,\nthe belief in thirteen heavens and thirteen hours of the day would\nbe derivative from temporal rather than spatial observations, from\nastronomy rather than cosmography. A somewhat analogous association\nmight be offered in connexion with the nine of the heavens and the nine\nof the hours of the night; for just as there are four signs that always\nrecur as the designations of the solar years, so for the Venus-period\nthere are five (since five hundred and eighty-four divided by twenty\nleaves four as divisor of the signs), and the sum of these is nine.\n\nThe signs which inaugurate the Venus periods are _Cipactli_\n(\"Crocodile\"), _Coatl_ (\"Snake\"), _Atl_ (\"Water\"), _Acatl_ (\"Reed\"),\nand _Olin_ (\"Motion\"). But here again the numerals enter in to\ncomplicate the series, so that while the day-signs which inaugurate\nthe Venus-periods recur in groups of five, they do not recur with the\nsame numeral until the lapse of thirteen times five periods. This great\ncycle of Venus-days, comprising sixty-five repetitions of the apparent\ncourse of the planet, is also a common multiple of the solar year and\nof the _Tonalamatl_, comprising one hundred and four of the former and\none hundred and forty-six of the latter. Thus it was that at the end\nof one hundred and four years of three hundred and sixty-five days the\nsame sign and number-series recurred in the three great units of the\nAztec calendar. When it is remembered that prognostics were to be drawn\nnot merely from the complex relations of the signs to their place in\neach of the three time-units, with their respective elaborations into\ncycles; but from their further relations with the regions of the upper\nand lower worlds, and also from the numerals, which had good and evil\nvalues of their own, it will be seen that the Mexican priests were in\npossession of a fount of craft not second to that of the astrologers of\nthe Old World.\n\nThat so complex a system could easily give rise to error is evident,\nand it is probable that, as tradition asserts, from time to time\ncorrections were made, serving as the inauguration of new \"Suns\" or\nas new \"inventions\" of time. It may even be that the \"Suns\" of the\ncosmogonic myths are reminiscences of calendric corrections, and it is\nat least a striking coincidence that the traditions of these \"Suns\"\nmake them four in number, like the year-signs, or five in number, like\nthe Venus-signs. The latter series, too, is distinctly cosmogonic in\nsymbolism--Crocodile suggests the creation from a fish-like monster;\nSnake, the falling heavens; Water, the \"Water-Sun\" and the deluge; Reed\n(the fire-maker), the Sun of Fire; Motion, the Sun of Wind, or perhaps\nthe Earthquake. But whatever be the value of these symbolisms, it is\ncertain that the Mexicans themselves associated perilous times and\ncataclysmic changes with the rounding out of their cycles.\n\n\nIV. LEGENDARY HISTORY\n\n\nThe cosmogonic and calendric cycles (intimately associated) profoundly\ninfluenced the Mexican conception of history. Orderly arrangement of\ntime is as essential to an advancing civilization as the ordering of\nspace, and it is natural for the human imagination to form all of its\ntemporal conceptions into a single dramatic unity--a World Drama, with\nits Creation, Fall, Redemption, and Judgement; or a Cosmic Evolution\nfrom Nebula to Solar System, and Solar System to Nebula. In the making,\nsuch cosmic dramas start from these roots: (1) Cosmogony and Theogony,\nfor which there is no simpler image in nature than the creation of\nthe Life of Day from the Chaos of Night at the command of the Lord of\nLight; (2) \"Great Years,\" or calendric cycles, formed by calculations\nof the synodic periods of sun and moon and wandering stars, or, as in\nthe curious American instance, mainly from simple day-counts influenced\nby a complex symbolism of numbers and by an awkward notation; (3) the\nrecession of history, back through the period of record to that of\nracial reminiscence and of demigod founders and culture-heroes. Of\nthese three elements, the first and third constitute the material,\nwhile the second becomes the form-giver--the measure of the duration of\nthe acts and scenes of the drama, as it were--adding, however, on the\nmaterial side, the portents and omens imaged in the stars.\n\nThe Mexican system of cosmic Suns is a capital example of the first\nelement--each Sun introducing a creation or restoration, and each\nfollowed by an elemental destruction, while all are meted out in formal\ncycles. It is no matter for wonder that there are varying versions of\nthe order and number of the cosmogonic cycles, nor that a nebulous and\nlegendary history is varyingly fitted into the cyclic plan; for each\npolitical state and cultural centre tended to develop its own stories\nin connexion with its own records and traditions. Nevertheless, there\nis a broad scheme of historic events common to all the more advanced\nNahuatlan peoples, the uniformity of which somewhat argues for its\ntruly historic foundation. This is the legend which assigns to the\nplateau of Anahuac three successive dominations, that of the Toltec,\nthat of the Chichimec nations, and that of the Aztec and their allies.\nAlthough the remote Toltec period is clouded in myth, archaeology tends\nto support the truth of the tales of legendary Tollan, at least to\nthe extent of identifying the site of a city which for a long period\nhad been the centre of a power that was, by Mexican standards, to be\naccounted civilized.\n\nThe general characters of Toltec civilization, as tradition shows it,\nare those recorded by Sahagun.[57] The Toltec were clever workmen\nin metals, pottery, jewellery, and fabrics, indeed, in all the\nindustrial arts. They were notable builders, adorning the walls of\ntheir structures with skilful mosaic. They were magicians, astrologers,\nmedicine-men, musicians, priests, inventors of writing, and creators\nof the calendar. They were mannerly men, and virtuous, and lying was\nunknown among them. But they were not warlike--and this was to be their\nruin.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XV.]\n\n The temple of Xochicalco, partially restored. The relief band, of\n which a section is given for detail, shows a serpent; a human figure,\n doubtless a deity, is seated beneath one of the great coils. After\n photographs in the Peabody Museum.\n\nTheir principal deity was Quetzalcoatl, and his chief priest bore the\nsame name. The temple of the god was the greatest work of their hands.\nIt was composed of four chambers: that to the east, of gold; that to\nthe west, encrusted with turquoise and emerald; that to the south,\nwith sea-shells and silver; that to the north, with reddish jasper\nand shell. In another similar shrine, plumage of the several colours\nadorned the four apartments. The explicator of Codex Vaticanus A says\nthat Quetzalcoatl was the inventor of round temples (it is possible\nthat the rotundity of his shrines was due to the presumption that\nthe wind does not love corners), and that he founded four; in the\nfirst princes and nobles fasted; the second was frequented by\nthe lower classes; the third was \"the House of the Serpent,\" and here\nit was unlawful to lift the eyes from the ground; the fourth was \"the\nTemple of Shame,\" where were sent sinners and men of immoral life.\nDetails such as these--obviously referring to familiar features of\nAmerican Indian ritual--as well as the numerous myths that narrate the\ndeparture of Quetzalcoatl for the mysterious Tlapallan, followed by a\ngreat part of the Toltec population, clearly belong in the realm of\nfancy, shimmeringly veiling historic facts. Thus, when Ixtlilxochitl\nstates that the reign of each Toltec king was just fifty-two years,\nwe see simply a statement which identifies calendric with political\nperiods; yet when he goes on with the qualification that those kings\nwho died under such a period were replaced by regents until a new cycle\ncould begin with the election of a new king, and when he specifically\nnotes that, as exceptions, Ilacomihua reigned fifty-nine years, and\nXiuhquentzin, his queen, four years after him, we are in the presence\nof a tradition which looks much more like history than myth--for there\nis no mythic reason that satisfies this shift. Fact, too, should\nunderlie Sahagun's na\u00efve remark that the Toltec were expert in the\nMexican tongue, although they did not speak it with the perfection\nof his day, and again that communities which spoke a pure Nahua were\ncomposed of descendants of Toltecs who remained in the land when\nQuetzalcoatl departed--for behind such notions should lie a story of\nlinguistic supersession.\n\nSuch, indeed, appears to have been the course of events. The date of\nthe founding of Tollan, according to the _Annals of Quauhtitlan_,\nis, computed in our era, 752 A. D. Ixtlilxochitl puts the beginning\nof the Toltec kingship as early as 510 A. D.; and the end he sets\nin the year 959, when the last Toltec king, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl,\nwas overthrown and departed, none knew whither. It is a plausible\nhypothesis which assumes the historicity of this event and which\naccounts for the myths of the departure of Quetzalcoatl, the god,\nas due in part to a confusion of the permutations of a nature deity\nwith the _gesta_ of an earthly hero--a process exemplified in the Old\nWorld in the tales of King Arthur, Celtic god and British hero-king.\nIt is certain that from an early date the civilization of the Mexican\nplateau was racially akin to that of the Maya in the south; it is not\nimprobable that the Toltec represent an ancient northern extension of\nMaya power (the oldest stratum at Tollan shows Huastec influences,\nand the Huastec are of Maya kin); and, finally, when the political\noverthrow of the Toltec was accomplished, and their leaders fled away\nto Tlapallan, to the south-east, the northern barbarians who had\nreplaced them gradually learned the lesson of civilization from the\nsporadic groups which remained in various centres after the capital\nhad fallen--Cholula, Cuernavaca, and Teotihuacan, cities which were to\nfigure in Nahuatlan lore as the centres of priestly learning. Such an\nhypothesis would account for Sahagun's statement that the Toltec spoke\nNahua imperfectly, for those who remained would have changed to this\nlanguage; while what may well be an historical incident of the period\nof change is Ixtlilxochitl's account of the reply of the Toltec king\nof Colhuacan to the invading Chichimec, refusing to pay tribute, for\n\"they held the country from their ancestors, to whom it belonged, and\nthey had never obeyed or payed tribute to any foreign lord ... nor\nrecognized other master than the Sun and their gods.\" However, less\nable in arms than the invaders, they fell to no great force.\n\nThe Chichimec, according to the prevailing accounts, were a congeries\nof wild hunting tribes, cave-dwellers by preference, who vaguely and\nimperfectly absorbed the culture that had preceded them in the Valley\nof Mexico. Ixtlilxochitl has it that, under the leadership of a chief\nnamed after the celestial dog Xolotl, they entered the Toltec domain a\nfew years after the fall of Tollan, peaceably possessing themselves of\nan almost deserted land. They were soon followed by related tribes,\namong whom the most important were the Acolhua, founders of Tezcuco;\nwhile later came the Mexicans, or Aztec, who wandered obscurely from\nplace to place before they finally established the town which was to be\nthe capital of their empire. For several centuries, as the chronicler\npictures it, these related peoples warred and quarrelled turbulently,\nowning the shadowy suzerainty of \"emperors\" whose power waxed or waned\nwith their personal force--altogether such a picture as is presented\nby Mediaeval Europe after the recession of the Roman Empire before\nthe incursive barbarians. Gradually, however, just as in Europe, the\nseed of the elder civilization took root, and the culture which the\nSpaniards discovered grew and consolidated.\n\nIts leaders were not the Aztec, but the related Acolhua, whose capital,\nTezcuco, became the Athens of an empire of which Tenochtitlan was to be\nthe Rome; and the great age of Tezcuco came with King Nezahualcoyotl,\nless than a century before the appearance of Cortez. Cautious writers\npoint to the resemblances between the career and character of this\nmonarch as pictured by Ixtlilxochitl, and that of the Scriptural David:\nboth, in their youth, are hunted and persecuted by a jealous king,\nand are forced into exile and outlawry; both triumphantly overthrow\ntheir enemies and inaugurate reigns of splendour, erecting temples,\ncultivating the arts, and reforming the state; both are singers and\npsalmists, and prophets of a purified monotheism; both assent to the\nexecution of an eldest son and heir because of palace intrigue; and,\nfinally, both, in the hour of temptation, cause an honoured thane to\nbe treacherously slain in order that they may possess themselves of\na woman who has captivated their fancy. In each case, too, the queen\ndishonourably won becomes the mother of a successor whose reign is\nfollowed by a decline of power, for Nezahualpilli was the last of the\ngreat Tezcucan kings. Certainly the parallels are striking and the\nchronicler may well have been influenced by Biblical analogy in the\nform which he gives his stories; but it is surely not unfair to remark\nthat such repetitions of event are to be expected in a world whose\npossibilities are, after all, limited in number; that, for example,\na whole series of similarities can be drawn between Inca and Aztec\nhistory (where there is no suspicion of influence), and that there are\nnot a few striking likenesses of the characters of Nezahualcoyotl and\nHuayna Capac, to both of whom is ascribed an enlightened monotheism.\nVarious fragments of Nezahualcoyotl's poems--or such as bear his\nname--have survived, among them a lament which has the very tone of the\nAztec prayers preserved by Sahagun, and which, indeed, breathes the\nwhole world-weary dolour of Nahuatlan religion.[58]\n\n \"Hearken to the lamentations of Nezahualcoyotl, communing with himself\n upon the fate of Empire--spoken as an example to others!\n\n \"O king, inquiet and insecure, when thou art dead, thy vassals shall\n be destroyed, scattered in dark confusion; on that day rulership will\n no longer be in thy hand, but with God the Creator, All-Powerful.\n\n \"Who hath beheld the palace and court of the king of old, Tezozomoc,\n how flourishing was his power and firm his tyranny, now overthrown\n and destroyed--will _he_ think to escape? Mockery and deceit is this\n world's gift, wherefore let all be consumed!\n\n \"Dismal it is to contemplate the prosperity enjoyed by this king,\n even to his senility, like an old willow, animated by desire and by\n ambition, uplifting himself above the weak and humble. Long time\n did the green and the flowers offer themselves in the fields of\n springtime, but at last, worm-eaten and dried, the wind of death\n seized him, uprooted him, and scattered him in fragments on Earth's\n soil. So, also, the olden king Cozastli passed onward, leaving neither\n house nor lineage to preserve his memory.\n\n \"With such reflections, with melancholy song, I bring again the\n memory of the flowery springtime gone, and of the end of Tezozomoc\n who so long knew its joys. Who, harkening, shall withhold his tears?\n Abundance of riches and varied pleasures, are they not like culled\n flowers, passed from hand to hand, and at the end cast forth stripped\n and withered?\n\n \"Sons of kings, sons of great lords, give heed and consideration\n to what is made manifest in my sad and lamenting song, as I relate\n how passed the flowery springtime and the end of the powerful king\n Tezozomoc! Ah, who, harkening, will be hard enough to restrain his\n tears--for all these varied flowers, these pleasures sweet, wither and\n end with this passing life!\n\n \"Today we possess the abundance and beauty of the blossoming summer,\n and harken to the melody of birds, where the butterflies sip sweet\n nectar from fragrant petals. But all is like culled flowers, that\n pass from hand to hand, and at the end are cast forth, stripped and\n withered!\"\n\n\nV. AZTEC MIGRATION-MYTHS[59]\n\n\nCommon tradition makes of the Aztec, or Mexica, late comers into the\ncentral valley, although they are regarded as belonging to the general\nmovement of tribes known as the Chichimec immigration. Apparently they\nentered obscurely in the wake of kindred groups, perhaps in the middle\nof the eleventh century; wandered from place to place for a period;\nand finally settled on the swampy islands of Lake Tezcuco, founding\nTenochtitlan, or Mexico, which eventually became the capital of empire.\nThe founding of the city is variously dated--one group of references\nplacing it at or near 1140, and another assigning dates from 1321 to\n1327, variations which may refer to an earlier and later occupation\nby different or related tribal groups. The Aztec formed a league with\ntheir kindred neighbours, the Tecpanec of Tlacopan and the Acolhua of\nTezcuco, in which their own _r\u00f4le_ was a secondary one, until finally,\nunder Axayacatl, Tizoc, and Ahuitzotl, the immediate predecessors\nof the last Montezuma (whose name is variously rendered Moteuh\u00e7oma,\nMoteczuma, Mote\u00e7uma, Motecuhzoma, etc.), they rose to undisputed\nsupremacy. This, however, was in war and politics, for Tezcuco,\nprevious to the Conquest, was still the seat of Mexican learning.\n\nMany of the Nahuatlan peoples retained mythic reminiscences of the\nperiod and course of their migrations; but of the narratives which\nremain hardly two are in accord, although most of them mention the\n\"House of Seven Caves\" (Chicomoztoc) as a place of dispersal. Back\nof this several of the narratives go, giving details of which the\npurely mythic character is evident, for the leaders named are gods\nand eponymous sires, while tribes of utterly unrelated stocks are\ngiven a common source. Thus, according to Mendieta's account,[60]\nat Chicomoztoc dwelt Iztacmixcoatl (\"the White Cloud-Serpent\")\nand his wife Ilancue (\"the Old Woman\"), from whom were sprung the\nancestors--\"as from the sons of Noah\"--of the leading nations of\nMexico, excepting that the Toltec were descended from Ixtacmixcoatl\nby a second wife, Chimalmatl (or Chimalma), who is named as mother of\nQuetzalcoatl, and who is represented elsewhere as the priestess or\nancestress of the Aztec in their fabled first home, Aztlan.\n\nSahagun[61] gives a version starting with the landing of the ancestral\nMexicans at Panotlan (\"Place of Arrival by Sea\"), whence he says\nthat they proceeded to Guatemala, and thence, guided by a priest, to\nTamoanchan, where the Amoxoaque, or wise men, left them, departing\ntoward the east with their ritual manuscripts and promising to return\nat the end of the world. Only four of the learned ones remained with\nthe colonists--Oxomoco, Cipactonal, Tlaltetecuin, and Xochicauaca--and\nit was they who invented the calendar and its interpretation in order\nthat men might have a guide for their conduct. From Tamoanchan the\ncolonists went to Teotihuacan, where they made sacrifices and erected\npyramids in honour of the Sun and of the Moon. Here also they elected\ntheir first kings, and here they buried them, regarding them as gods\nand saying of them, not that they had died, but that they had\njust awakened from a dream called life. \"Hence the ancients were in\nthe habit of saying that when men die, they in reality began to live,\"\naddressing them: \"Lord (or Lady), awake! the day is coming! Already\nthe first light of dawn appears! The song of the yellow-plumed birds\nis heard, and the many-coloured butterflies are taking wing!\" Even\nat Tamoanchan a dispersal of the tribes had begun: the Olmac and the\nHuastec had departed toward the east, and from them had come the\ninvention of the intoxicating drink, pulque, and (apparently as a\nresult of this) the power of creating magical illusions; for they could\nmake a house seem to be in flames when nothing of the sort was taking\nplace, they could show fish in empty waters, and they could even make\nit appear that they had cut their own bodies into morsels. But the\npeoples associated with the Mexicans departed from Teotihuacan. First\nwent the Toltec, then the Otomi, who settled in Coatepec, and last the\nNahua; they traversed the deserts, seeking a home, each tribe guided\nby its own gods. Worn by pains and famines, they at length came to the\nPlace of Seven Caves, where they celebrated their respective rites.\nThe Toltec were the first to go forth, finally settling at Tollan.\nThe people of Michoacan departed next, to be followed by the Tepanec,\nAcolhua, Tlascaltec, and other Nahuatlan tribes, and last of all by the\nAztec, or Mexicans proper, who, led by their god, came to Colhuacan.\nEven here they were not allowed to rest, but were compelled to resume\ntheir wanderings, and, passing from place to place--\"all designated\nby their names in the ancient paintings which form the annals of this\npeople\"--finally they came again to Colhuacan, and thence to the\nneighbouring island where Tenochtitlan was founded.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XVI.]\n\n Section, comprising about one third, of the \"Map Tlotzin,\" after\n Aubin, _M\u00e9moires sur la peinture didactique (Mission scientifique au\n Mexique et dans l'Am\u00e9rique Centrale_), Plate I. The map is described\n by Boturini as a \"map on prepared skin representing the genealogy of\n the Chichimec emperors from Tlotzin to the last king, Don Fernando\n Cort\u00e8s Ixtilxochitzin.\" Two of the six \"caves,\" or ancestral abodes of\n the Chichimec, shown on the whole map, are here represented. At the\n right, marked by a bat in the ceiling, is Tzinacanoztoc, \"the Cave of\n the Bat\"; below it, in Nahuatl, being the inscription, \"Tzinacanoztoc,\n here was born Ixtilxochitzin.\" The second cave shown is Quauhyacac,\n \"At the End of the Trees\"; and here are shown a group of ancestral\n Chichimec chieftains, whose wanderings are indicated in the figures\n below. The Nahuatlan text below the figure of the cave is translated:\n \"All came to establish themselves there at Quauhyacoc, where they\n were yet all together. Thence departed Amacui; with his wife he went\n to Colhuatlican. Thence again departed Nopal; he went with his wife\n to Huexotla. Thence again departed Tlotli; he went with his wife to\n Oztoticpac.\"\n\nOf the \"ancient paintings,\" mentioned by Sahagun, several are\npreserved,[62] portraying the journey of the Aztec from Aztlan, their\nmythical fatherland, which is represented and described as located\nbeyond the waters, or as surrounded by waters; and the first stage\nof the migration is said to have been made by boat. For this reason\nnumerous speculations as to its locality have placed it overseas--in\nAsia or on the North-west Coast of America--although the more\nconservative opinion follows Seler, who holds that it represents\nsimply an island shrine or temple-centre of the national god, and\nhence a focus of national organization rather than of tribal origin.\nAccording to the Codex Boturini (one of the migration picture-records),\nas interpreted by Seler and others, after leaving Aztlan, represented\nas an island upon which stood the shrine of Huitzilopochtli in care\nof the tribal ancestor and his wife Chimalma, the Aztec landed at\nColhuacan (or Teocolhuacan, i. e. \"the divine Colhuacan\"), where they\nunited with eight related tribes, the Uexotzinca, Chalca, Xochimilca,\nCuitlauaca, Malinalca, Chichimeca, Tepaneca, and Matlatzinca, who are\nsaid to have had their origin in a cavern of a crook-peaked mountain.\nFrom Colhuacan, led by a priestess and four priests, they journeyed\nto a place (represented in the codex by a broken tree) which Seler\nidentifies as Tamoanchan, or \"the House of Descent,\" and which is also\nthe \"House of Birth,\" for it is here that souls are sent from the\nthirteenth heaven to be born. Thence, after a sojourn of five years,\nthe Aztec, perhaps urged on by some portent of which the broken tree\nis a symbol, took their departure alone, leaving their kindred tribes;\nand guided by Huitzilopochtli, they came to the land of melon-cacti\nand mesquite, where the god gave them bow and arrows and a snare.\nThis land they called Mimixcoua (\"Land of the Cloud-Serpent\"); and\nit was here that they changed their name, for the first time calling\nthemselves \"Mexica\"--an appellation which Sahagun describes as formed\nfrom that of a chieftain, who was also an inspired priest, ruling\nover the nation while they were in the land of the Chichimec, and\nwhose cradle, it was said, was a maguey plant, whence he was called\nMexicatl (\"Mescal Hare\"). Perhaps this is the incident represented in\nthe curious picture which shows human beings clad in skins and with\nceremonial face-paintings, recumbent upon desert plants; and no doubt\nit signifies some important change in cult, such, perhaps, as the\nintroduction of the mescal intoxication, with its attendant visions.\nIt may, too, portray the institution of human sacrifice; for the\nnext station indicated on the chart, Cuextecatlichocayan (\"Where the\nHuastec Weep\"), was the scene of the offering of the Huastec captives\nby arrow-slaying (see p. 79, _supra_). From this place the journey led\nto Coatlicamac (\"In the Jaws of the Serpent\"), where the people \"tied\nthe years\" and kindled the new fire; and from Coatlicamac they made\ntheir way to Tollan, with the reaching of which the first stage of\nthe migration-story may be said to end. Seler regards the whole as a\nmyth of the world-quarters: Tamoanchan is the West, as in the Books of\nFate; Mimixcoua is the North; Cuextecatlichocayan is the East, as the\nreference to the Huastec shows; and Coatlicamac is the South; finally,\nTollan is the Middle Place, being regarded, like other sacred cities,\nas the navel of the world.\n\nA second stage of the myth depicts the journey of the Aztec from\nTollan, through many stops, back to Colhuacan, until at last they came\nto the site of Tenochtitlan. It is said that as the tribes halted by\nthe waters of Tezcuco they beheld a great eagle perched on a cactus\ngrowing from a wave-washed rock; and while they gazed the bird ascended\nto the rising sun with a serpent in his talons. This was regarded as a\ndivine augury, and here Tenochtitlan was founded. Such is the tradition\nwhich gives modern Mexico its national emblem. The places of sojourn\nbetween Tollan and Tenochtitlan, as represented in the writings, are\nall with fair certainty identified with towns or sites in the Valley\nof Mexico, so that here we are in the realm of history rather than of\nmyth. Historic also are the names (and approximate dates) of the nine\nlords or emperors who ruled from the Mexican capital before the coming\nof the Spaniards brought the native power to its unhappy end.\n\nThe fifth of the Aztec monarchs was the first Montezuma. Of him it is\ntold (the story is recorded by Fray Diego Dur\u00e1n)[63] that after he had\nextended his realm and consolidated his rule, he decided to send an\nembassy to the home of his fathers, especially since he had heard that\nthe mother of Huitzilopochtli was still living there. He summoned his\ncounsellor Tlacaelel, who brought before him an aged man learned in the\nnation's history. \"The place you name,\" said the old man, \"is called\nAztlan ['White'], and near it, in the midst of the water, is a mountain\ncalled Culhuacan ['Crooked Hill']. In its caverns our fathers dwelt\nfor many years, much at their ease, and they were known as Mexitin\nand Azteca. They had quantities of duck, heron, cormorants, and other\nwaterfowl, while birds of red and of yellow plumage diverted them\nwith song. They had fine large fish; handsome trees lined the shores;\nand the streams flowed through meadows under the cypress and alder.\nIn canoes they fared upon the waters, and they had floating gardens\nbearing maize, chile, tomatoes, beans, and all the vegetables which\nwe now eat and which we have brought thence. But after they left this\nisland and set foot on land, all this was changed: the herbs pricked\nthem, the stones wounded, and the fields were full of thistle and of\nthorn. Snakes and venomous vermin swarmed everywhere, while all about\nwere lions and tigers and other dangerous and hurtful beasts. So is\nit written in my books.\" Then the king dispatched his messengers\nwith gifts for the mother of Huitzilopochtli. They came first to\nCoatepec, near Tollan, and there called upon their demons (for they\nwere magicians) to guide them; and thus they reached Culhuacan, the\nmountain in the sea, where they beheld the fisherfolk and the floating\ngardens. The people of the land, finding that the foreigners spoke\ntheir tongue, asked what god they worshipped, and when told that it was\nHuitzilopochtli and that they were come with a present for Coatlicue,\nhis mother, if she yet lived, they conducted the strangers to the\nsteward of the god's mother. When they had delivered their message,\nstating their mission from the King and his counsellor, the steward\nanswered: \"Who is this Montezuma and who is Tlacaelel? Those who went\nfrom here bore no such names; they were called Te\u00e7acatetl, Acacitli,\nO\u00e7elopan, Ahatl, Xomimitl, Auexotl, Uicton, Tenoch, chieftains of the\ntribes, and with them were the four guardians of Huitzilopochtli.\" The\nmessengers answered: \"Sir, we own that we do not know these lords,\nnor have we seen them, for all are long dead.\" \"Who, then, killed\nthem? We who are left here are all yet living. Who, then, are they\nwho live to-day?\" The messengers told of the old man who retained the\nrecord of the journey, and they asked to be taken before the mother\nof the god to discharge their duty. The old man, who was the steward\nof Coatlicue, led them forward; but the mountain, as they ascended,\nwas like a pile of loose sand, in which they sank. \"What makes you so\nheavy?\" asked the guide, who moved lightly on the surface; and they\nanswered, \"We eat meat and drink cocoa.\" \"It is this meat and drink,\"\nsaid the elder, \"that prevent you from reaching the place where your\nfathers dwelt; it is this that has brought death among you. We know\nnaught of these, naught of the luxury that drags you down; with us all\nis simple and meagre.\" Thereupon he took them up, and swift as wind\nbrought them into the presence of Coatlicue. The goddess was foul and\nfrightful to behold, and like one near death, for she was in mourning\nfor her son's departure; but when she heard the message and beheld the\nrich gifts, she sent word to her son, reminding him of the prophecy\nthat he had made at the time of his going forth: how he should lead\nthe seven tribes into the lands they were to possess, making war and\nreducing cities and nations to his service; and how at last he should\nbe overthrown, even as he had overthrown others, and his weapons cast\nto earth. \"Then, O mother mine, my time will be accomplished, and I\nwill return fleeing to thy lap, but until then I shall know naught save\npain. Therefore give me two pairs of sandals, one for going forth and\none for returning, and four pairs of sandals, two pair for going forth\nand two for returning.\" \"When he thinks on these words,\" continued\nthe goddess, \"and remembers that his mother yearns after him, bring\nto him this mantle of nequen and this breechband.\" With these gifts\nshe dismissed the messengers; and as they descended, the steward of\nCoatlicue explained how the people of Aztlan kept their youth, for when\nthey grew old, they climbed the mountain, and the climbing renewed\ntheir years. So the messengers returned, by the way they had come, to\nKing Montezuma.\n\n\nVI. SURVIVING PAGANISM\n\n\nIn 1502 Montezuma Xocoyotzin (\"Montezuma the Young\") was elected\nEmperor of Mexico, assuming a pomp and pride unknown to his\npredecessors. Five years later, in 1507, the Aztec \"tied the years\"\nand for the last time kindled the new fire on the breast of a noble\ncaptive. Ominous portents began to appear with the new cycle, and the\nchronicles abounded with imaginations of disaster.[64] The temple\nturret of the war-god was burned; another shrine was destroyed by fire\nfrom heaven, thunderlessly fallen in the midst of rain; a tree-headed\ncomet was seen; Lake Tezcuco overflowed its banks for no cause; a rock\nwhich the King had ordered made into a sacrificial altar refused to be\nmoved, saying to the workmen that the Lord of Creation would not suffer\nit; twins and monsters were born, and there were nightly cries, as of\nwomen in travail--\n\n    \"Lamentings heard i' the air; strange screams of death,\n    And prophesying with accents terrible\n    Of dire combustion and confused events\n    New-hatched to the woeful time.\"\n\nFishermen caught a strange bird with a crystal in its head, and in the\ncrystal, as in a mirror, Montezuma beheld unheard-of warriors,\narmed and slaying. Most terrible of all, a huge pyramid of fire\nappeared in the east, night after night, coruscating with points of\nbrilliance. In his terror Montezuma summoned old Nezahualpilli of\nTezcuco, noted as an astrologer, to interpret the sign; and this King,\nwhose star was in the decline, took perhaps a grim satisfaction in\nreading from the portents the early overthrow of the empire. Montezuma,\nit is said, put the interpretation to test, challenging Nezahualpilli\nto the divinatory game of _tlachtli_; but just on the point of winning,\nthe monarch lost and returned discomfited. Another tale, doubtless\napocryphal, tells how Papantzin, sister of Montezuma, died and was\nburied; shortly afterward she was found sitting by a fountain in the\npalace garden, and when the lords were assembled in her presence,\nshe told how a winged youth had taken her to the banks of a river,\nbeside which she saw the bones of dead men and heard their groans,\nwhile upon the waters were strange craft, manned by fair and bearded\nwarriors coming to possess the kingdom. Certain it is, at least, that\nthe hearts of all men regarded the return of Quetzalcoatl as near--the\noppressed looking with hope, the powerful with dread, to the coming of\nthe god--and the vestments of the deity were among the first gifts with\nwhich the unhappy Mexican sought to win the favour of Cortez.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XVII.]\n\n Interior of chamber, Mitla, showing type of mural decoration peculiar\n to this region. After photograph in the Peabody Museum.\n\nNevertheless the memory of the King did not fade from native\nimagination with the fall of his throne. Stories of the greatness, the\npride and the destruction of Montezuma spread; they became confused\nwith older legends; and finally the Mexican monarch himself became the\nsubject of myth. Far to the north the Papago[65] still show the cave\nof Montezuma, whom they have identified with Sihu, the elder brother\nof Coyote; and they tell how Montezuma, coming forth from a cave dug\nby the Creator, led the Indian nations thence. At first all went\nhappily, and men and beasts conversed with one another until a flood\nended this age of felicity, only Montezuma and his brother, Coyote,\nescaping in arks which they made for themselves. When the waters had\nsubsided, they aided in the repeopling of the world, and to Montezuma\nwas assigned the lordship of the new race, but, being swollen with\npride and arrogance by his high dignity, he failed to rule justly. The\nGreat Spirit, to punish him, removed the sun to a remote part of the\nheavens; whereupon Montezuma set about building a house which should\nreach the skies, and whose apartments he lined with jewels and precious\nmetals. This the Great Spirit destroyed with his thunder; but Montezuma\nwas still rebellious, whereupon as his supreme punishment, the Great\nSpirit sent an insect to summon the Spaniards from the East for his\ndestruction.\n\nHow far the political influence of the Aztec Empire extended is not\nclearly certain, but there are numerous indications that its cultural\nrelations were very wide. There are rites and myths of the Pueblo\nIndians, Hopi and Zu\u00f1i, whose resemblance to the Mexican seems surely\nto imply a connexion not too remote; while far to the south, among the\nNahua of Lake Nicaragua, the creator pair and ruling gods, Tamagostad\nand \u00c7ipattoval, are identical with the Mexican generative couple,\nOxomoco and Cipactonal.[66]\n\nIn outlying districts today the less-touched Nahuatlan tribes preserve\ntheir essential paganism, and Lumholtz's and Preuss's accounts[67] of\nthe pantheons of the Cora and Huichol Indians give us a living image of\nwhat must have been the ancestral religion of the Nahuatlan tribes, at\nleast in the crude days of their wanderings. Father Sun, say the Cora,\nis fierce in the summer-time, slaying men and animals; but Chuvalete,\nthe Morning Star, keeps watch over him to prevent him from harming\nthe people. Morning Star is cool and dislikes heat, and once he shot\nthe Sun, causing him to fall to earth; but an old man restored him to\nthe heavens, giving him a new start, Chuvalete is the first friend\nof the Cora among the gods, and it is to him that they address their\nprayers as they go to the spring to bathe in the early dawn; they call\nhim, \"Elder Brother,\" just as the Earth is \"Our Mother\" and the Sun\n\"Our Father.\" The Water Serpent of the West, the Moon, the Winds, the\nRain, the Lightning,--all these are familiar deities. Preuss[68] calls\nattention to the striking emphasis which the Cora place on the power\nof thought: the leaders of the ceremonies are called \"thinkers\" and\nin their prayers and rites the conception of a magical preservative\nand creative power in thought frequently recurs, not only as a power\nof priests, who have obtained it through purification, but as the\nessential power of the gods. Thus, of the sun about to rise:\n\n    \"Our Father in Heaven thinks upon his Earth, our Father the Shining One.\n    There he is, on the other side of the World.\n    He thinks with his Thought, our Father, the Shining One.\n    He remembers, too, what he is, our Father, the Shining One.\"\n\nAnd again it is the sacred words handed down in ritual through which\nmen acquire that mystical participation in the divine power that\npreserves them in life:\n\n    \"Here are present his Words, which he has given to us, his children,\n    Wherewith we live and continue in the World.\n    Indeed, all his Words are here present, which he has uttered and left unto us.\n    Here leaves he unto his children his Thought.\"\n\nThe Huichol have a more populous pantheon. Tatevali (\"Grandfather\nFire\") is the deity of life and health, and also of shamans and\nprophesying. Great-grandfather Deer-Tail is likewise a fire-god and a\nsinging shaman; he is the son of Grandfather Fire and yet his elder;\nfor, it is said, Great-grandfather Deer-Tail is the spark produced\nin striking flint, while Grandfather Fire is the flame fed by wood.\nFather Sun is another important deity who was created, they say, when\nthe Corn Mother (or the Eagle Mother, as some have it) threw her young\nson, armed with bow and arrows, into an oven, whence he emerged as\nthe divinity. Setting Sun is the assistant of Father Sun; and with\nthe Moon, who is a Grandmother, he helps to keep Tokakami, the black\nand blood-smeared god of death, from leaving his underworld abode to\ndevour the Indians. Tamats, the Elder Brother, is divinity of wind and\nair and messenger of the gods;[69] the cock belongs to him, because it\nfollows the course of the Sun and always knows where the Sun is; and\nhe is also the deity who conquered the underworld people and put the\nworld into shape. He appears in different forms (like Tezcatlipoca),\nnow a wolf, now a deer, a pine-tree, a whirlwind; and it is he who\ntaught the ancients \"all they had to do in order to comply with what\nthe gods wanted at the five points of the world.\" There are goddesses,\ntoo. Takotsi Nakawe (\"Grandmother Growth\") is the Earth goddess who\ngives long life and is the mother of the armadillo, the peccary, and\nthe bear; to her belong maize, and squash, and beans, and sheep; she\nis water, likewise, and is a Rain-Serpent in the east. Rain-Serpent\ngoddesses live in each of the Quarters--she of the east is red, and\nthe flowers of spring are her skirt; she of the west is white, like a\nwhite cloud; blue is the Rain-Serpent goddess of the south, and to her\nbelong seeds and singing shamans; while the Rain-Serpent goddess of the\nnorth, whose name means \"Rain and Fog hanging in the Trees and Grass,\"\nis spotted. Another goddess is Young Mother Eagle, the Sun's mother,\nand it is she who holds the world in her talons and guards everything;\nthe stars are her dress. With Grandmother Growth beneath, Young Mother\nEagle above, and the four Rain-Serpent goddesses, the six cardinal\npoints of the world are defined. It will be observed, too, that the\ngoddesses are deities of the feminine element, earth and water; while\nthe gods are divinities of the masculine elements, fire and air.\n\nBeliefs such as these inevitably suggest those of the older Mexico, and\nsimilarly in many of the rites of these Indians there are analogies\nto Aztec cult. Perhaps most striking of all is the elaborate and\npartly mystical adoration of the hikuli, or peyote (cacti of the genus\n_Lophophora_), to which are ascribed mantic power and the induction of\necstacy; and in which, no doubt, we see the marvellous plant which the\nAztec encountered in their migration. The cult extends to tribes remote\nin the north and is not without a touch of welcome poetry, as in the\nTarahumare song given by Lumholtz[70]--\n\n    \"Beautiful lily, in bloom this morning, guard me!\n    Drive away sorcery! Make me grow old!\n    Let me reach the age at which I have to take up a walking-stick!\n    I thank thee for exhaling thy fragrance, there where thou art standing!\"\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nYUCATAN\n\n\nI. THE MAYA\n\n\nNative American civilization attained its apogee among the Maya.\nThis is not true in a political sense, for, though at the time of\nthe Conquest the Maya remembered a past political greatness, there\nis no reason to believe that it had ever been, either in power or in\norganization, a rival of such states as the Aztec and Inca. The Mayan\ncities had been confederate in their unions rather than national,\naristocratic in their governments rather than monarchic; and in their\ngreatest unity the power of their strongest rulers, the lords of\nMayapan, appears to have been that of feudal suzerains, or at best\nof insecure tyrants. Politically the Mayan cities present somewhat\nthe aspect of the loose-leaguing Hellenic states, and it is not\nwithout probability that in each case the looseness of the political\norganization was directly conducive to the intense civic pride which\nundoubtedly in each case fostered an extraordinary development of the\narts. For in all the more intellectual tokens of culture--in art,\nin mathematics, in writing, and in historical records--the Mayan\npeoples surpassed all other native Americans, leaving in the ruins\nof their cities and in the profusion of their sculptured monuments\nsuch evidences of genius as only the most famous centres of Old-World\nantiquity can rival.\n\nThe territories of the Mayan stock are singularly compact.[71] They\noccupied--and their descendants now occupy--the Peninsula of Yucatan,\nthe valley of the Usumacinta, and the cordillera rising westerly and\nsinking to the Pacific. The Rio Motagua, emptying into the Gulf of\nHonduras, and the Rio Grijalva, debouching into the Bay of Campeche,\nform respectively their south-eastern and western borders excepting\nfor the fact that on the eastern coasts of Mexico, facing the Gulf of\nCampeche, the Huastec (and perhaps their Totonac neighbours) represent\na Mayan kindred. Between this western branch and the great Mayan centre\nof Yucatan the coast was occupied by intrusive Nahuatlan tribes,\nlandward from whom lay the territories of the Zoquean and Zapotecan\nstocks, the western neighbours of the Mayan peoples.\n\nThe culture of the Maya is distinctly related, either as parent or as\nbranch, to the civilizations of Mexico.[72] Affinities of Haustec and\nMaya works of art indicate that the ancestors of the two branches were\nnot separated previous to a considerable progress in civilization;\nwhile, in a broader way, the cultures of the Nahuatlan, Zapotecan, and\nMayan peoples have common elements of art, ritual, myth, and, above\nall, of mathematical and calendric systems which mark them as sprung\nfrom a common source. The Zapotec, situated between the Nahuatlan and\nMayan centres, show an intermediate art and science, whose elements\nclearly unite the two extremes; while the appearance of place-names,\nsuch as Nonoual and Tulan, or Tollan, in both Maya and Nahua tradition\nimply at least a remote geographical community. The Nahuatlan tribes,\nif we may believe their own account, were comparatively recent comers\ninto the realm of a civilization long anteceding them, and one\nwhich they, as barbarians, adopted; the Maya (at least, mythically)\nremembered the day of their coming into Yucatan. On the basis of these\ntwo facts and the undoubted community of culture of the two races, it\nhas been not implausibly reasoned that the Toltec of Nahua tradition\nwere in fact the ancestors of the Maya, who, abandoning their original\nhome in Mexico, made their way to the peninsula, there to perfect their\ncivilization; and the common association of Quetzalcoatl (\"Kukulcan\"\nin Maya) with the migration-legends adds strength to this theory.\nNevertheless, tradition points to the high antiquity of the southern\nrather than of the Mexican centres of civilization; and as the facts\nseem to be well explained by the assumption of a northern extension\nof Mayan culture in the Toltec or pre-Toltec age, followed by its\nrecession in the period of its decline in the south, this may be taken\nas the more acceptable theory in the light of present knowledge.\nAccording to this view, the Nahua should be regarded as the late\ninheritors of an older civilization which they had gradually pushed\nback upon its place of origin and which, indeed, they were threatening\nstill further at the time of the Conquest, for even then Nahuatlan\ntribes had forced themselves among and beyond the declining Maya.\n\nWhen the Spaniards reached Yucatan, its civilization was already\ndecadent. The greater cities had been abandoned and were falling\ninto decay, while the country was anarchical with local enmities.\nThe past greatness of Mayapan and Chichen Itza was remembered; but\nrather, as Bishop Landa's account shows,[73] for the intensification\nof the jealousies of those who boasted great descent than as models\nfor emulation. Three brothers from the east--so runs the Bishop's\nnarrative--had founded Chichen Itza, living honourably until one of\nthem died, when dissensions arose, and the two surviving brothers were\nassassinated. Either before this event, or immediately afterward, there\narrived from the west a great prince named Cuculcan who, \"after his\ndeparture, was regarded in Mexico as a god and was called Cezalcouati;\nand he was venerated as a divinity in Yucatan also because of his\nzeal for the public good.\" He quieted the dissensions of the people\nand founded the city of Mayapan, where he built a round temple, with\nfour entrances opening to the four quarters, \"entirely different from\nall those that are in Yucatan\"; and after ruling in Mayapan for seven\nyears he returned to Mexico, leaving peace and amity behind him. The\nfamily of the Cocomes succeeded to the rule, and shortly afterward\ncame Tutul-Xiu and his followers, who had been wandering in the\ninterior for forty years. These formed an alliance with Mayapan;\nbut eventually the Cocomes, by introducing Mexican mercenaries (who\nbrought the bow, previously unknown there) were able to tyrannize over\nthe people. Under the leadership of the Xius, rising in revolt, the\nCocomes were overthrown, only one son out of the royal house escaping;\nand Mayapan, after five centuries of power, was abandoned. The single\nCocom who escaped gathered his followers and founded Tibulon calling\nhis province Zututa, while the Mexican mercenaries settled at Canul.\nAchchel, a noble who had married the daughter of the Ahkin-Mai, chief\npriest of Mayapan and keeper of the mysteries, founded the kingdom of\nthe Cheles on the coast; and the Xius held the inlands. \"Between these\nthree great princely houses of the Cocomes, Xivis, and Cheles there\nwere constant struggles and cruel hatreds, and these endure even now\nthat they have become Christians. The Cocomes say to the Xivis that\nthey assassinated their sovereign and stole his domains; the Xivis\nreply that they are neither less noble nor less ancient and royal than\nthe others, and that far from being traitors, they were the liberators\nof the country in slaying a tyrant. The Cheles, in turn, claim to be as\nnoble as any, since they are descended from the most venerated priest\nof Mayapan. On another side, they mutually reviled each other in the\nmatter of food, since the Cheles, dwelling on the coast, would not give\nfish or salt to the Cocomes, obliging them to send far for these, while\nthe Cocomes would not permit the Cheles the game and fruits of their\nterritory.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XVIII.]\n\n Temple 3, ruins of Tikal. After _Memoirs of the Peabody Museum_, Vol.\n V, Plate II.\n\nSuch is the picture which Bishop Landa gives of the conditions in the\nnorth of the peninsula at the time of the Conquest, about a century\nafter the fall of Mayapan; and native records and archaeology alike\nsustain its general truth.[74] At Chichen Itza the so-called Ball\nCourt is regarded as Mexican in inspiration, while in the same city\nexist the ruins of a round temple similar to those which tradition\nascribes to Kukulcan, different in character from the normal Mayan\ntypes. Reliefs representing warriors in Mexican garb also point to\nNahuatlan incursions, which may in fact have been the occasion for the\ndissolution of the Mayan league of the cities of the north--Chichen\nItza, Uxmal, and Mayapan--in the _Books of Chilam Balam_ represented as\npowerful in the day of the great among the Maya of Yucatan.\n\nThese \"Books\" are historical chronicles written after the Conquest\nby members of native families--chiefly the Tutul-Xiu--and from\nthem, as key events of Yucatec history, a few events stand forth so\nconspicuously that possible dates can be assigned to them. \"This is\nthe arrangement of the _katuns_ [periods of 7200 days] since the\ndeparture was made from the land, from the house of Nonoual, where\nwere the four Tutul-Xiu, from Zuiva in the west; they came from the\nland of Tulapan, having formed a league.\"[75] So begins one of the\nchronicles, indicating a remote migration of the Xiu family from the\nwest--an event which Spinden and Joyce place near 160 A. D.[76] The\nnext event recorded is a stay, eighty years later, at Chacnouiton (or\nChacnabiton), where a sojourn of ninety-nine years is recorded; and\nthence the migration was renewed, Bakhalal, near the Gulf of Honduras,\nbeing occupied for some sixty years. Here it was that the wanderers\n\"learned of,\" or discovered, Chichen Itza, and hither the people\nremoved about the middle of the fifth century, only to abandon it\nafter a century or more in order to occupy Chacanputun, on the Bay of\nCampeche. Two hundred and sixty years later this seat was lost, and\nthe Itza returned, about the year 970 A. D., to Chichen Itza, while a\nmember of the Tutul-Xiu founded Uxmal, these two cities joining with\nMayapan to form the triple league which, for more than two centuries,\nwas to bring peace and prosperity and the climax of its civilization\nto northern Yucatan. This happy condition was ended by \"the treachery\nof Hunac Ceel,\" who introduced foreign warriors (Mexicans, as their\nnames indicate) into Chichen Itza, overthrew its ruler, Chac Xib Chac,\nand caused a state of anarchy. For a brief period power centred in\nMayapan, which ruled with something like order, until \"by the revolt\nof the Itza\" it also lost its position and was finally depopulated in\n1442, this disaster being closely followed by plagues, wars, and a\nterrific storm, accompanied by inundation, all of which carried the\ndestruction forward.\n\nThis reconstruction of northern Yucatec history, however, gives no clue\nto the origin or life of the cities of the south--Palenque, Piedras\nNegras, and Yaxchilan in the lower central valley of the Usumacintla;\nSeibal on its upper reaches, not far from Lake Peten, near which are\nthe ruins of Tikal and Naranjo; while, south-east of these, Copan,\non the river of the same name, and Quirigua mark the boundaries of\nMayan power toward Central America. These cities had been long in\nruins at the time of the Conquest; their builders were forgotten, and\ntheir sites were hardly known; nor do the sparse traditions which\nhave survived in the south--the Cakchiquel _Annals_ and the _Popul\nVuh_--throw light upon them. Were it not for the ingenuity of scholars,\nwho have deciphered the numeral and dating system of their many\nmonuments, their period would have remained but vague surmise; nor\nwould this have sufficed without the aid of the Tutul-Xiu chronicles\nto bring the readings within the range of our own chronological\nsystem. The problem is by no means a simple one, even when the dates\non the monuments have been read; for the southern centres employed\na system--the \"long count,\" as it is called--of which only a single\nmonumental specimen, a lintel at Chichen Itza, has been discovered in\nthe north. Nevertheless, with the aid of this inscription, and with\nthe probable identification of its date in the light of the _Books of\nChilam Balam_, scholars have arrived at something like consensus as to\nthe period of the southern floruit of Mayan culture. This falls within\nthe ninth Maya cycle (160 A. D. to 554 A. D., on Spinden's reckoning),\nfor it is a remarkable fact that practically all the monuments of the\nsouth are of this cycle; and as the archaeological evidence indicates\nan occupancy of nearly two centuries for several of the cities, it\nis clear that the southern civilization, like the northern of a later\nday, was marked by the contemporaneous rise of several great centres.\nMorley[77] suggests that the south may even have been held by a\nleague of three cities, as was later the case in the north, Palenque\ndominating the west, Tikal the centre and north, and Copan the south\nand east. Two archaic inscriptions--on the Tuxtla Statuette and the\nLeiden Plate, as the relics are called--bear dates of the eighth cycle,\nthe earlier falling a century or more before the beginning of our era;\nand these, no doubt, imply a nascent civilization which was to reach\nthe height of its power in the fifth century, when the cities of the\nsouth produced those masterpieces of sculpture which mark the climax of\nan American aboriginal art, which was to disappear, a century later,\nleaving scarcely a memory in the land of its origin.\n\nAs restored by Morley,[78] the history of Mayan civilization falls\ninto two periods of imperial development, each subdivided into several\nepochs. The older, or parent empire is that of the south; the later,\nformed by colonization begun while the old civilization was still\nflourishing, is that of the peninsula. Morley's scheme is as follows:\n\n OLD EMPIRE\n\n I.     Archaic Period       Earliest times ... c. 360 A. D.\n II.    Middle Period        c. 360 A. D. ...   c. 460 A. D.\n III.   Great Period         c. 460 A. D.  ...  c. 600 A. D.\n\n\n NEW EMPIRE\n\n IV.    Colonization Period  c. 420 A. D.  ...  c. 620 A. D.\n V.     Transitional Period  c. 620 A. D.  ...  c. 980 A. D.\n VI.    Renaissance Period   c. 980 A. D.  ...  c. 1190 A. D.\n VII.   Toltec Period        c. 1190 A. D. ...  c. 1450 A. D.\n VIII.  Final Period         c. 1450 A. D. ...  c. 1537 A. D.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XIX.]\n\n Map of Yucatan, showing sites of ancient cities. After Morley, _BBE\n 57_, Plate I.\n\nEach of the earlier periods is marked by the appearance of new sites\nand the foundation of new cities as well as by advance in the\narts; and as a whole the Old Empire is marked by the high development\nof its sculpture and the use of the more complete mode of reckoning,\nwhile in the cities of the New Empire architecture attains to its\nhighest development.\n\nSuch are the more plausible theories of Mayan culture history, although\nthere are others (those of Brasseur de Bourbourg, for example) which\nwould place the age of Mayan greatness earlier by many centuries.\n\n\nII. VOTAN, ZAMNA, AND KUKULCAN\n\n\nFrom their remote beginnings, as with other peoples whose traditions\nlead back to an age of migrations, the Mayan tribes remembered culture\nheroes, tutors in the arts as well as founders of empire, priests as\nwell as kings, who may have been historic,[79] but who in origin were\nprobably gods rather than men--gods whom time had confused with the\npersons of their priestly or royal worshippers, and in whose deeds\ncosmic and historic events were distortedly intermingled. Tales of\nthree such heroes hold a central place in Mayan mythology: Votan, the\nhero of Tzental legend, whose name is associated with Palenque and the\ntradition of a great \"Votanic Empire\" of times long past; Zamna, or\nItzamna, a Yucatec hero; and Kukulcan, known to the Quich\u00e9 as Gucumatz,\nwho is the Mayan equivalent of Quetzalcoatl. All three of these\nhero-deities are reputed to have come from afar--strange in costume and\nin custom,--to have been the inventors or teachers of writing, and to\nhave founded new cults.\n\nThe Tzental legend of Votan,[80] describing him as having appeared\nfrom across the sea, declares that when he reached Laguna de T\u00e9rminos\nhe named the country \"the Land of Birds and Game\" because of the\nabundant life of the region; and thence the Votanides ascended the\nUsumacinta valley, ultimately founding their capital at Palenque, whose\nolder and perhaps original name was Nachan, or \"House of Snakes.\"\nShortly afterward, no less astonishing to the Votanides than had been\ntheir own apparition to the rude aboriginal, came other boatloads of\nlong-robed strangers, the first Nahuatlans; but these were peaceably\namalgamated into the new empire. Votan ruled many years, and, among\nother works, composed a narrative of the origin of the Indian nations,\nof which Ordo\u00f1ez y Aguiar gives a summary. The chief argument of the\nwork, he says, aims to show that Votan was descended from Imos (one\nof the genii, or guardians, of the days), that he was of the race of\nChan, the Serpent, and that he took his origin from Chivim. Being the\nfirst man whom God had sent to this region, which we call America,\nto people and divide the lands, he made known the route which he\nhad followed, and after he had established his seat, he made divers\njourneys to Valum-Chivim. These were four in number: in the first he\nrelated that having departed from Valum-Votan, he set out toward the\nHouse of Thirteen Serpents and then went to Valum-Chivim, whence he\npassed by the city where he beheld the House of God being built. He\nnext visited the ruins of the ancient edifice which men had erected at\nthe command of their common ancestor in order to climb to the sky; and\nhe declared that those with whom he there conversed assured him that\nthat was the place where God had given to each tribe its own particular\ntongue. He affirmed that on his return from the House of God he went\nforth a second time to examine all the subterranean regions which he\nhad passed, and the signs to be found there, adding that he was made\nto traverse a subterranean road which, leading beneath the Earth and\nterminating at the roots of the Sky, was none other than the hole of a\nsnake; and this he entered because he was \"the Son of the Serpent.\"\n\nOrdo\u00f1ez would like to see in this legend (which he has obviously\naccommodated to his desire) a record of historical wanderings in and\nfrom Old World lands and out of Biblical times. Yet the narrative,\neven in its garbled form, is clearly a cosmologic myth--at the least a\ntale of the sun's journey, and probably this tale set in the general\ncontext of Ages of the World (the four journeys of Votan?) analogous\nto those of Nahuatlan myth and of the _Popul Vuh_. When it is added\nthat Votan was known by the epithet \"Heart of the People,\" that his\nsuccessor was called Canam-Lum (\"Serpent of the Earth\"), and that\nboth of these were venerated as gods at the time of the Conquest,\nno word need be added to emphasize the naturalistic character of\nthe myth; although there may be truth in a legend of Votanides, or\nVotan-worshippers, as founders of Palenque and possibly as institutors\nof Mayan civilization.\n\nZamna (Itzamna, Yzamna, \"House of the Dews,\" or \"Lap of the Dews\")[81]\nwas the reputed bringer of civilization into the peninsula and the\ntraditional founder of Mayapan, which he was said to have made a\ncentre of feudal rule. Like Votan he was supposed to have been the\nfirst to name the localities of the land, to have invented writing,\nand to have instructed the barbarous aborigines in the arts. \"With the\npopulations which came from the East,\" Cogolludo writes, \"was a man,\ncalled Zamna, who was as their priest, and who, they say, was the one\nwho gave the names by which they now distinguish, in their language,\nall the seaports, hills, estuaries, coasts, mountains, and other parts\nof the country, which assuredly is an admirable thing if he thus made a\ndivision of every part of the land, of which scarcely an inch has not\nits proper appellation in their tongue.\" After having lived to a great\nage, Zamna is said to have been buried at Izamal, where his tomb-temple\nbecame a centre for pilgrimage. In fact, Izamal is but a modification\nof a name of Itzamna, since its older form is Itzmatul, which means,\nsays the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur, \"He who asks or obtains the dew or the frost.\"\nThe ancients of Izamal, Lizana declares, possessed a renowned idol,\nYtzmatul, which \"had no other name ... although it was said that he was\na powerful king in this region, to whom obedience was given as to the\nson of the gods. When he was asked how he was named and how he should\nbe addressed, he answered only, _Ytzen caan, ytzen muyal,_ 'I am the\ndew, the substance, of the sky and clouds.'\"\n\nAll this is plain euhemerism, for Itzamna was a deity of rain and\nfertility; Yucatan, it is said, was without moisture when he came to\nit; he rose from the sea; and his temples and his tomb were by the\nseaside. His festival, according to Landa, fell in Mac (March), when\nhe was worshipped in company with the gods of abundance. He caused the\ndead to rise and cured the sick; while in his honour a temple was built\nwith four doors leading to the four extremities of the country, as far\nas Guatemala, Tabasco, and Chiapas, this shrine being called Kab-ul,\nor \"the Potent Hand,\"--a striking image of the sky-deity reaching down\nfrom heaven, of which there are analogues in Egypt and Peru. Both Landa\nand Lizana state that he was the son of Hunab-Ku (\"the Holy One\"), \"the\none living and true God, who, they said, is the greatest of the gods,\nand who cannot be figured or represented because he is incorporeal....\nFrom him everything proceeds,... and he has a son whom they name Hun\nYtzamna.\" All this indicates a deity of the descending rains and dews,\nson of Father Heaven, and, through his association with the East, giver\nof life, light, and knowledge. Students of the codices believe that\nhe is represented by \"God D\"--the aged divinity with the Roman nose\nand toothless mouth, associated (as is Tlaloc) with the double-headed\nserpent, which is clearly a sky-symbol. Perhaps, as Seler suggests, he\nis the \"Grandfather Above,\" the Lord of life, analogous to the Mexican\nTonacatecutli.[82]\n\nAs has been indicated, the worship of Kukulcan,[83] to whom tradition\nascribed the latest appearance of the three culture heroes, was\nespecially associated with Chichen Itza and Mayapan, and perhaps\nwith Nahua immigrations. His name, like that of the Quich\u00e9 demiurge\nGucumatz, means \"Plumed Serpent\" and is a precise equivalent of\n\"Quetzalcoatl\"--the first element referring directly to the long\nand iridescent plumes of the quetzal. The frequency of bird-serpent\nsymbols in Maya art, regarded as emblematic of this deity, as well as\nimages, both in the codices and on the monuments, of the long-nosed\ngod himself, indicate a deep-seated and fervent worship, so that it\nmay indeed be an open question as to whether Kukulcan is the pattern\nor the copy of Quetzalcoatl, with the probabilities favoring the Maya\nsource. Certainly it is significant that, as Tozzer tells us, his name\nstill survives among the Yucatec Maya, while to the Lacandones he is\na many-headed snake which dwells with the great father, Nohochakyum:\n\"this snake is killed and eaten only at the time of great national\nperil, as during an eclipse of the moon and especially that of the sun.\"\n\nThe importance of Kukulcan in the peninsula is indicated by Landa's\ndescription of his festival, which occurred on the sixteenth day of\nXul (October 24). Upon Kukulcan's departure, says Landa (who clearly\nregarded the god as an historical personage), there were some Indians\nwho believed that he had ascended into heaven, and regarding him as\na god, they built temples in his honour. After the destruction of\nMayapan, however, his feasts were kept only in the province of Mani,\n\"but the other districts, turn by turn, in recognition of what was due\nto Kukulcan, presented each year at Mani sometimes four, sometimes\nfive, magnificent feather banners with which they celebrated the\n_f\u00eate_.\" This festival was observed in the following manner: After\nfasts and abstinences, the lords and priests of Mani assembled before\nthe multitude; and on the evening of the festal day, together with a\ngreat number of mummers, they issued from the palace of the prince,\nproceeding slowly to the temple of Kukulcan, which had been properly\nadorned. When they had reached it and had prayed, they erected their\nbanners, setting forth their idols on a carpet of leafage; and having\nlighted a new fire, they burned incense in many places, making\noblations of meat cooked without seasoning and of drink made from beans\nand the seeds of gourds. The lords and all who had observed the fast\nremained there five days and five nights, praying, burning copal, and\nperforming sacred dances, during which period the mummers went from\nthe house of one noble to that of another, performing their acts and\nreceiving the gifts offered them. At the end of five days they carried\ntheir donations to the temple, where they shared all with the lords,\nthe singers, the priests, and the dancers; and after this the banners\nand idols (doubtless household gods) were taken again to the palace of\nthe prince, whence each returned to his own house. \"They say and hold\nfor certain that Kukulcan descended from the sky the last day of the\nfeast and personally received the sacrifices, the penitences, and the\nofferings made in his honour.\"\n\n\nIII. YUCATEC DEITIES\n\n\nFor the names of the Maya gods we are mainly indebted to sparse\nnotices in the works of Landa and Lizana, who, in obliterating native\nwritings, destroyed far more than they preserved. Landa[84] gives a\ngeneral picture of the aboriginal religion, indicating a ritual not\nless elaborate than the Mexican, though with far less human bloodshed.\n\"They had,\" he says, \"a great number of idols and of sumptuous temples.\nBesides the ordinary shrines, princes, priests, and chief men had\noratories with household idols, where they made special prayers and\nofferings. They had as much devotion for Cozumel and the wells of the\nChichen Itza as we for pilgrimages to Rome and Jerusalem; and they went\nto visit them and make offerings as we go to holy places.... They had\nsuch a number of idols that their gods did not suffice them; for there\nwas not an animal nor a reptile of which they did not make images, and\nthey formed them also in the likeness of their gods and goddesses. They\nhad some idols of stone, but in small number, and others, of lesser\nsize, of wood, though not so many as of earthenware. The idols in wood\nwere esteemed to such a degree as to be counted for inheritances, and\nin them they had the greatest confidence. They were not at all ignorant\nthat their idols were only the work of their own hands, dead\nthings and without divinity, but they venerated them for the sake of\nwhat they represented and because of the rites with which they had\nconsecrated them.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XX. (_A_).]\n\n Tablet of the Foliated Cross, Palenque. This cross, like that shown in\n Plate XX (_B_), rests upon a monstrous head, doubtless representing\n the Underworld, and is surmounted by the quetzal, the symbol of rain\n and vegetation. It is possible that the greater of the two human\n figures represents a deity, the lesser a priest, or that both are\n divinities as in the analogous figures of the codices (cf. Plate IX,\n upper figure). After drawing in Maudsley [c], Vol. IV.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XX (_B_).]\n\n Tablet of the Cross, Palenque. The cross was encountered as an object\n of worship on the Island of Cozumel by the first-coming Spaniards.\n Cruciform figures of several types are of frequent occurrence as\n cosmic symbols in Mexican and Mayan art. With this plate and with\n Plate XX (A) should be compared Plates VI and IX. After drawing in\n Maudsley [c], Vol. IV.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XX (_C_).]\n\n Tablet of the Sun, Palenque. The two caryatid-like figures beneath the\n solar symbol doubtless represent the upbearers of the heavens (cf.\n Plate IX, lower figure). After drawing in Maudsley [c], Vol. IV.\n\nAmong the deities mentioned by Landa are the Chacs, or \"gods of\nabundance,\" whose feasts were held in the spring of the year in\nconnexion with the four Bacab, or deities of the Quarters; and again in\nassociation with Itzamna at the great March festival designed to obtain\nwater for the crops, when the hearts of every kind of wild animal and\nreptile were offered in sacrifice. The Chacs were evidently rain-gods,\nlike the Mexican Tlaloque, with a ruler, Chac, corresponding to Tlaloc.\nThe name was likewise applied to four old men annually chosen to assist\nthe priests in the festivals, and from Landa's descriptions of the\nparts played by them it is clear that they represented the genii of the\nQuarters.\n\nOther divinities who are named include Ekchuah (also mentioned by\nCogolludo and Las Casas), to whom travellers prayed and burned copal:\n\"At night, wherever they rested, they erected three small stones,\ndepositing upon each of these some grains of their incense, while\nbefore them they placed three other flat stones on which they put more\nincense, entreating the god which they name Ekchuah that he would\ndeign to bring them safely home.\" There were, again, medicine-gods,\nCit-Bolon-Tum and Ahau-Chamahez, names which Brasseur de Bourbourg[85]\ninterprets as meaning respectively \"Boar-with-the-Nine-Tusks\" and\n\"Lord-of-the-Magic-Tooth.\" There were gods of the chase; gods of fisher\nfolk; gods of maize, as Yum Kaax (\"Lord of Harvests\"), of cocoa; and\nno doubt of all other food plants. Of the annual feasts, the most\nsignificant appear to have been the New Year's consecration of the\nidols in the month Pop (July); the great medicine festival, with\ndevotion to hunters' and fishermen's gods, in Zip (September); the\nfestival of Kukulcan in Xul (October); the fabrication of new idols in\nMol (December); the Ocna, or renovation of the temple in honour of the\ngods of the fields, in Yax (January); the interesting expiation for\nbloodshed--\"for they regarded as abominable all shedding of blood apart\nfrom sacrifice\"--in Zac (February); the rain-prayer to Itzamna and the\nChacs, in March (mentioned above); and the Pax (May) festival in which\nthe Nacon, or war-chief, was honoured, and at which the Holkan-Okot, or\n\"Dance of the Warriors,\" was probably the notable feature. The war-god\nis represented in the codices with a black line upon his face, supposed\nto represent war-paint, and is often shown as presiding over the body\nof a sacrificial victim; while with him is associated not only the\ndeath-god, Ahpuch, but another grim deity, the \"Black Captain,\" Ek Ahau.\n\nCelestial divinities were probably numerous in the Maya pantheon, as\nwas almost inevitable in view of the extraordinary development of\nastronomical observation. Xaman Ek was the North Star, while Venus\nwas Noh Ek, the Great Star. The Sun, according to Lizana,[86] was\nworshipped at Izamal as Kinich-Kakmo, the \"Fiery-Visaged Sun\"; and\nthe macaw was his symbol, for, they said, \"the Sun descends at midday\nto consume the sacrifice as the macaw descends in plumage of many\ncolours.\" In view of all the fire thus came at noon upon the altars,\nafter which the priest prophesied what should come to pass, especially\nby way of pestilence, famine, and death. \"The Yucatec have an excessive\nfear of death,\" says Landa, \"as may be seen in all their rites with\nwhich they honour their gods, which have no other end than to obtain\nhealth and life and their daily bread\"; and he continues with a\ndescription of the abode of blessed souls, a land of food, drink, and\nsweet savours, where \"there is a tree which they call Yaxche, of an\nadmirable freshness under the shady branches of which they will enjoy\neternal pleasure.... The pains of a wicked-life consist in a descent to\na place still lower which they call Mitnal, there to be tormented by\ndemons and to suffer the tortures of hunger, cold, famine, and sorrow.\"\nThe lord of this hell is Hanhau; and the future life, good or bad, is\neternal, for the life of souls has no end. \"They hold it as certain\nthat the souls of those who hang themselves go to paradise, there to be\nreceived by Ixtab, goddess of the hanged\"; and many ended their lives\nin this manner for but light reason such as a disappointment or an\nillness.\n\nThe image of Ixtab, with body limp and head in a loop, as if hanged,\nis one of those recognized in the codices; for in default of mythic\ntales, few of which are preserved concerning the Yucatec gods, these\ncodex drawings and the monumental images furnish our main clues to\nthe Maya pantheon. Following the suggestion of Schellhas,[87] it is\ncustomary to designate the codical deities (nameless, or uncertainly\nnamed) by letters. Thus, God A is represented with visible vertebrae\nand skull head, and is therefore identified as the death-god, named\nHanhau in Landa's account, Ahpuch by Hern\u00e1ndez, and Yum Cimil (\"Lord\nof Death\") by the Yucatec of today. Death is occasionally shown as\nan owl-headed deity, and is also associated with the moan-bird (a\nkind of screech-owl), with the god of war, and with a being that\nis dubiously identified as a divinity of frost and of sin. God B,\nwhose image occurs most frequently of all in the codices, and who\nis represented with protruding teeth, a pendulous nose, and lolling\ntongue, is closely connected with the serpent and with symbols of the\nmeteorological elements and of the cardinal points; and is regarded as\nrepresenting Kukulcan. God C, the \"god with the ornamented face,\" is\na sky-deity, tentatively identified with the North Star, or perhaps\nwith the constellation of the Little Bear. God D, the old divinity\nwith the Roman nose and the toothless jaws, is regarded by Schellhas\nas a god of the moon or of the night, although in him other scholars\nsee Itzamna, regarded as a sun-deity. God E is the maize-god, probably\nYum Kaax, or \"Lord of Harvests\"; God F is the deity of war; and with\nhim is sometimes associated God M, the \"black god with the red lips,\"\nperhaps Ekchuah, the divinity of merchants and travellers, for war and\ncommerce are connected in the New World as in the Old.\n\nThese seven deities are those of most frequent occurrence in the\ncodices, though the full list, which surely gives a general picture\nof the Maya pantheon, includes also God G, the sun-god God H, the\nChicchan-god (or serpent-deity); God I, a water-goddess; God K, the\n\"god with the ornamented nose\"; God L, the \"old black god,\" perhaps\nrelated to M; God N, the \"god of the end of the year\"; God O, a goddess\nwith the face of an old woman; and God P, a frog-god. Others are animal\ndeities,--the dog, jaguar, vulture, tortoise, and, in differing shapes\nof representation, the panther, deer, peccary, bat, and many forms of\nbirds and animals.\n\nNot a few of these ancient deities hold among the Maya of today\nsomething of their ancient dignity: they are slightly degraded, not\nutterly overthrown by the intervention of Catholic Christianity. At\nleast this is the picture given by Tozzer as result of his researches\namong the Yucatac villagers. According to them, he says,[88] there are\nseven heavens above the earth, each pierced by a hole at its center.\nA giant ceiba, growing in the exact center of the earth, rears its\nbranches through the holes of the heavens until it reaches the seventh,\nwhere lives _El Gran Dios_ of the Spaniards; and it is by means of this\ntree that the spirits of the dead ascend from heaven to heaven. Below\nthis topmost Christianized heaven, dwell the spirits, under the rule\nof _El Gran Dios_, which are none other than the ancient Maya gods.\nIn the sixth heaven are the bearded old men, the Nukuchyumchakob, or\nYumchakob, white-haired and very fond of smoking, who are the lords of\nrain and the protectors of human beings--apparently the Chacs of the\nearlier chroniclers, though the description of them would seem to imply\nthat Kukulcan is of their number; perhaps originally he was their lord;\nnow they receive their orders from _El Gran Dios_.\n\nIn the fifth heaven above dwell the protecting spirits of the fields\nand the forests; in the fourth the protectors of animals; in the third\nthe spirits ill-disposed toward men; in the second the lords of the\nfour winds; while in the first above the earth reside the Yumbalamob,\nfor the special protection of Christians. These latter are invisible\nduring the day, but at night they sit beside the crosses reared at\nthe entrances of the pueblos, one for each of the cardinal points,\nprotecting the villagers from the dangers of the forest. With obsidian\nknives they cut through the wind, and make sounds by which they signal\nto their comrades stationed at other entrances to the town. Truly, this\ndescription answers astonishingly to the Aztec lord of the crossroads,\nTezcatlipoca.\n\nBelow the earth is Kisin, the earthquake, the evil one, who resents the\nchill rains sent down by the Yumchakob, and raises a wind to clear the\nsky. The spirits of suicides dwell here also, and all souls excepting\nthose of war-slain men and women dead of child-birth (which go directly\nto heaven) are doomed for a time to this underworld realm.\n\nOther diminished deities are Ahkinshok, the owner of the days; the\nguardians of the bees; the spirit of new fire; Ahkushtal, of birth;\nAhmakiq, who locks up the crop-destroying winds; patrons of medicine;\nand a crowd of workers of ill to men, among them the Shtabai,\nserpentiform demons who issue from their cavernous abodes and in female\nform snare men to ruin. Paqok, on the other hand, wanders abroad at\nnight and attacks women. The Yoyolche are also night-walkers; their\nstep is half a league, and they shake the house as they pass.\n\nTozzer makes the interesting observation that in many cases, where\namong the Maya is found a class of spirits, the purely heathen\nLacandones recognize a single god. Thus, to the Nukuchyumchakob of the\nMaya corresponds the Lacandone Nohochakyum, who is the Great Father\nand chief god of their religion, having as his servants the spirits\nof the east, the constellations, and the thunder. At the end of the\nworld he will wear around his body the serpent Hapikern, who will draw\npeople to him by his breath and slay them. Nohochakyum is one of four\nbrothers, apparently lords of the four quarters. As is usual in such\ngroups, he of the east is pre-eminent. Usukun, one of the brothers, is\na cave-dweller, having the earthquake for his servant; he is regarded\nwith dread, and his image is set apart from the other gods. There\nare a number of other gods and goddesses of the Lacandones, several\nof which are clearly identifiable as the same as the Maya deities\ndescribed by Landa and other early writers. As a whole, the pantheon\nis a humane one; it lacks that quality of terror which makes hideous\nthe congregation of the Aztec deities. Most of the gods, Maya and\nLacandone, are kindly-disposed toward men, and doubtless it was this\nkindliness reflected back which kept the Maya altars relatively free of\nhuman blood.\n\n\nIV. RITES AND SYMBOLS\n\n\nNo region in America appears to have furnished so many or such striking\nanalogies to Christian ritual and symbolism as did the Mayan. It\nwas here, on the island of Cozumel, that the cross was an object of\nveneration even at the first coming of the Spaniard; and when the\nrites of the natives were studied by the missionaries, they were\nfound to include many that seemed to be Christian in inspiration.\nBishop Landa[89] describes at length the Yucatec baptism, which was\ndesignated by a name equivalent, he says, to _renascor_--\"for in the\nYucatec tongue _zihil_ means to be reborn\"--and which was celebrated\nin a complex festival, godfather and all. The name of the rite was\nEm-Ku, or \"Descent of God\"; and, he adds, \"They believe that they\nreceive therefrom a disposition inclined to good conduct and that it\nguarantees them from all temptations of the devil with respect to\ntemporal things, while by means of this rite and a good life they hope\nto secure salvation.\" Sacraments of various sorts, confession of sins,\npenitence, penance, and pilgrimages to holy shrines were other ritual\nsimilarities with Catholic Christianity which could not fail to be\nimpressive and which actually furthered the change of religion with a\nminimum of friction.\n\nAlong with these analogies of ritual there were likenesses of belief:\ntraditions of a deluge, a confusion of tongues, and a dispersion of\npeoples, as well as reminiscences of legendary teachers of the arts of\nlife and of the truths of religion in which it was not difficult for\nthe eye of faith to discern the missionary labours of Saint Thomas. Las\nCasas,[90] quoting a certain cleric, Padre Francisco Hern\u00e1ndez, tells\nof a Yucatec trinity: one of their old men, when asked as to their\nancient religion, said that \"they recognized and believed in God who\ndwells in heaven, and that this God was Father and Son and Holy Spirit,\nand that the Father was called I\u00e7ona, who had created men and all\nthings, that the Son was named Bacab, and that he was born of a virgin\ncalled Chibirias, who is in heaven with God; the Holy Spirit they\ntermed Echuac.\" The son, Bacab, it is added, being scourged and crowned\nwith thorns by one Eopuco, was tied upon a cross with extended arms,\nwhere he died; but after three days he arose and ascended into heaven\nto be with his father. The name Echuac signifies \"merchant\"; \"and good\nmerchandise the Holy Spirit bore to this world, for He filled the earth\nwith gifts and graces so divine and so abundant.\"\n\nThe honesty of this account is no less evident than its distortion,\nwhich may have been due as much to the confused reminiscences of the\nold Indian as to the imaginative expectancy of the Spanish recorder.\nBacab and Ekchuah are mentioned by Landa and others, and Las Casas also\nstates that the mother of Chibirias was named Hischen (_que nosotros\ndecimos haber sido Sant' Ana_), who must surely be the goddess Ixchel,\ngoddess of fecundity, invoked at child-birth. The association of the\nBacabs (for there are four of them) with the cross and with heaven is\nalso intelligible, since the Bacabs are genii of the Quarters, where\nthey upheld the skies and guarded the waters, which were symbolized in\nrites by water-jars with animal or human heads. They are, no doubt,\nin the Maya region as in Mexico, represented by caryatid and cruciform\nfigures, of which, we may suppose, the celebrated Tablet of the Cross\nand Tablet of the Foliate Cross at Palenque are examples.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXI.]\n\n Stone Lintel from Mench\u00e9, Chiapas, representing a Maya priest\n asperging a penitent who is drawing a barbed cord through his tongue.\n After photograph in the Peabody Museum.\n\nThe character of the Bacab is best indicated by Landa's[91] description\nof the New Year festival celebrated for them; and he calls them \"four\nbrothers whom God, when creating the world, had placed at its four\ncorners in order to uphold the heaven ... though some say that these\nBacabs were among those who were saved when the earth was destroyed\nin the Deluge.\" In all the Yucatec cities there were, Landa states,\nfour entrances toward the four points, each marked by two huge stones\nopposite one another; and each of the four successive years designated\nby a different New Year's sign was introduced by rites performed at\nthe stones marking the entrance appropriate to the year. Thus Kan\nyears were devoted to the south. The omen of this year was called\nHobnil, and the festival began with the fabrication of a statue of\nKan-u-Uayeyab which was placed with the stones of the south, while a\nsecond idol, called Bolon-Zacab, was erected at the principal entrance\nof the chief's house. When the populace had assembled they proceeded,\nalong a path well-swept and adorned with greenery, to the gate of the\nsouth, where priests and nobles, burning incense mingled with maize,\nsacrificed a fowl. This done, they placed the statue upon a litter\nof yellow wood, \"and upon its shoulders an angel--horribly fashioned\nand painted--as a sign of an abundance of water and of a good year to\ncome.\" Dancing, they conveyed the litter to the presence of the statue\nof Bolon-Zacab at the chief's house, where further offerings were made\nand a banquet was shared by such strangers as might be within the\ngates. \"Others drawing blood and scarifying their ears, anointed a\nstone which was there, an idol named Kanal-Acantun; and they moulded\nalso a heart of bread-dough and another of gourd-seeds which they\npresented to the idol Kan-u-Uayeyab. Thus they guarded this statue\nand the other during the unlucky days, smoking them with incense and\nwith incense mingled with ground maize for they believed that if they\nneglected these rites, they would be subject to the ills pertaining to\nthis year. When the unlucky days were past, they carried the image of\nBolon-Zacab to the temple, and the idol of the other to the eastern\ngate of the town, that there they might begin the New Year; and\nleaving it in this place, they returned home, each occupying himself\nwith the duties of the New Year.\" This was regarded as a year of good\naugury; and similar rites were performed in connexion with each of the\nother year-signs. Under Muluc the omen was called Canzienal and was\nalso regarded as good. It was the year of the east, and the gate was\nmarked by an idol named Chac-u-Uayeyab, while the deity presiding at\nthe chief's house was termed Kinich-Ahau, the meaning of which must\nbe \"Lord of the Solar Eye\" if Brasseur's interpretation be correct.\nWar-dances were a feature of the celebration, doubtless to _Sol\nInvictus_; and offerings made in the form of yolks of eggs further\nsuggest solar symbolism; while it was believed that eye-disease or\ninjury would be the lot of anyone who neglected the rites. Ix years\nwere devoted to the north, with an omen called Zac-Ciui and regarded\nas evil. The god of the quarter was named Zac-u-Uayeyab, and he of\nthe centre Yzamna, to whom were offered turkeys' heads, quails'\nfeet, etc. Cotton was the sole crop in which abundance was to be\nexpected, while ills of all sorts threatened. Darker still were the\nprognostics of Hozanek, the omen of Cauac years, sacred to the west.\nAn image of Ek-u-Mayeyab was carried to the portals of the west, while\nUac-Mitun-Ahau presided in the central place; and on a green and black\nlitter the god of the gate was carried to the centre, having on his\nshoulders a calabash and a dead man, with an ash-coloured bird of prey\nabove. \"This they conveyed in a manner showing devotion mingled with\ndistress, performing dances which they called Xibalba-Okot, which\nsignifies 'dance of the demon.'\" Pests of ants and devouring birds\nwere among the plagues expected; and among the rites by which they\nsought to exorcise these evils was a night of bonfires, through the hot\ncoals of which they raced with bare feet, hoping thus to expiate the\nthreatened ills, all ending in an intoxication \"demanded both by custom\nand by the heat of the fire.\"\n\n\nV. THE MAYA CYCLES[92]\n\n\nIt is probable that the Mexican calendar is remotely of Mayan origin,\nespecially as the fundamental features of the calendric system are\nthe same in the two regions; viz., first, the combination of the\n_Tonalamatl_ of two hundred and sixty days with the year of three\nhundred and sixty-five days in a \"round\" or \"bundle,\" of fifty-two such\nyears; and second, the co-ordination of cyclic returns of calendric\nsymbols with the synodic periods of the planets, serving, along with\npurely numerical counts, to distinguish and characterize the major\ncycles. It is in this second feature that the Maya calendar is vastly\nsuperior to the Mexican; forming, indeed, by far the most impressive\nachievement of aboriginal America in the way of scientific conception.\n\nThe Mayan name for the period known to the Aztec as _Xiuhmolpilli_,\nor \"Bundle of the Years,\" is unknown; it is customarily designated\nas the Calendar Round. In construction it is essentially the same as\nthe Mexican: the day, _kin_ (literally, \"sun\"), is combined in the\ntwenty-day period, or _uinal_ (probably related to _uinic_, \"man,\"\nreferring to the foundation of the vigesimal system in the full count\nof fingers and toes); and thirteen of these periods are united in the\n_Tonalamatl_ (the Maya name is unknown), which Goodman designates the\n\"Burner Period,\" believing it to be ceremonially related to incense\nburning. As the combination of thirteen numerals with the twenty\nday-signs causes the completion of their possible combinations in this\nperiod, the series, as with the Mexicans, begins anew at the end of the\n_Tonalamatl_; and is so continued, repeating indefinitely. The names\nof the Maya days, corresponding to the twenty signs, are: Imix, Ik,\nAkbal, Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, Lamat, Muluc, Oc, Chuen, Eb, Ben,\nIx, Men, Cib, Caban, Eznab, Cauac, and Ahau. Each of these day-signs\n(and probably each of the thirteen numbers accompanying them) had\nits divinatory significance; and it is quite certain, from Landa's\nreferences alone, that divination formed a prominent use of calendric\ncodices.\n\nThe year, or _haab_, of the Maya, again like the Mexican, consisted of\neighteen _uinals_--Pop, Uo, Zip, Zotz, Tzec, Xul, Yaxkin, Mol, Chen,\nYax, Zac, Ceh, Mac, Kankin, Muan, Pax, Kayab, and Cumhu,--plus five\n\"nameless days,\" or Uayeb. This year of three hundred and sixty-five\ndays is, of course, a quarter of a day less than the true year, and\nsuch astronomers as the Maya must have been could not have failed to\ndiscover this fact. Bishop Landa states explicitly that they were\nquite aware of it; but they did not, in all probability, resort to\nany intercalation to correct the defect, for the whole genius of the\nMayan calendar consists in their unswerving maintenance of the count\nof days. On the other hand, it is probable that the priests who made\nthe solar observations adjusted the seasonal feasts to the changing\ndates as in the precisely similar custom of ancient Egypt, where each\nascending Pharaoh swore to preserve the civil year of three hundred and\nsixty-five days without intercalation: the immense power and prestige\ngiven to the priesthood by this custom is a sufficient reason for its\nperpetuity. The fact that 20 (_uinal_) and 365 (_haab_) factor with 5\ngives, again, the division of the _uinal_ days into groups of five,\neach headed by one of the four--Ik, Manik, Eb, and Caban--which alone\ncould be New Year's days.\n\nThe names of the \"month,\" or divisions of the year, like the names of\nthe _uinal_ days, were symbolized by hieroglyphs, and the days of the\nmonth were numbered 0 to 19, since in their reckoning of time the Maya\nalways counted that which had elapsed. Thus every day had a double\ndesignation: its position in the _Tonalamatl_, determined by day-sign\nand day-number (1 ... 13), and its position in the _haab_, determined\nby \"month\"-sign (_uinal_ or Uayeb) and day-number (0 ... 19), as, for\nexample, the date-name of the Maya Era, \"4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.\" The possible\ncombinations of these elements is exhausted only in a cycle of 18,980\ndays, equal to 73 _Tonalamatls_ and to 52 _haabs_. This is the Calendar\nRound, or cycle of date-names, which, like the other elements in the\nMaya calendar, is endlessly repeated. It is probable that the Aztec had\nno such precision in their dating system even within the Year-Bundle,\nevidence for the employment of month-signs in computation of the\nday-series being uncertain.\n\nIn yet another important respect the Maya were far in advance of the\nMexicans, for the latter had no adequate means of distinguishing dates\nof the same name belonging to separate Year-Bundles, in consequence\nof which their historic records are full of confusion; whereas the\nMaya developed an elaborate method--still, curiously enough, a\nday-count--parallel with the Calendar Round series, by which they were\nable to record historic dates for immense periods. The system was\nessentially mathematical and was based on their vigesimal notation, its\nelements being as follows:\n\n Kin                            1 day\n Uinal                          20 days\n Tun (18 Uinals)                360 days\n Katun (20 Tuns)                7,200 days\n Cycle (20 Katuns)              144,000 days\n Great Cycle, either 13 Cycles  1,872,000 days\n   or 20 Cycles                 2,880,000 days\n\nIn this series, it will be observed, the third day-group does not rise\nfrom the second by vigesimal multiplication; and it is assumed that\nit has been, as it were, psychologically deflected from the regular\nascending series by the attraction of the 18 _uinals_ of the natural\nyear in order to bring the _tun_ into some kind of conformity with\nthe _haab_. Beyond the _katun_, the native names for the cycles are\nunknown, though their symbols have been determined.\n\nThe series of units of time thus composed is that employed by the\nMaya of Yucatan, as recovered from the early Spanish records and the\ncodices. In this region the _katun_ was the historical unit of prime\nsignificance, for both Landa and Cogolludo note the fact that at the\nend of every _katun_ a graven stone was erected or laid in the walls\nof an edifice to record the event. Study of the sculptured stelae of\nthe capitals and cities of the Old Empire of the south has convinced\narchaeologists that these stelae are similarly, in great part,\nmonuments erected not primarily to honor men or commemorate events\nbut to mark the passage of time. The units, however, as recorded from\nreadings of the dates, are not primarily _katuns_ (of 7200 days), but\nhalves and quarters of the _katun_. Morley,[93] to whom belongs credit\nof the demonstration of the system, gives to these lesser periods\nthe names _hotun_ (\"five _tuns_,\" or 1800 days) and _lahuntun_ (\"ten\n_tuns_,\" or 3600 days). The amazing monumental wealth, therefore, of\nthe old Maya cities turns out to be chiefly due to the importance\nwhich the Maya peoples attached to the idea of time itself and to the\nrecording of its passage.\n\nSuch an idea could only have reference to religious or\nmythico-religious beliefs, of the nature of which something is to be\ninferred from the monumental and codical indications of the cycles and\nthe Great Cycle which entered into Maya computations. The cycle is\nclearly a conception induced by the necessities of vigesimal notation,\nwith, no doubt, mythic associations suggested by its pictographic\nnotation; it is a period of twenty _katuns_, just as the _katun_\nis twenty _tuns_. But the duration of the Great Cycle is matter of\ndispute. Bowditch and Goodman, basing their judgment on the fact\nthat the cycles in the inscriptions are numbered 1 ... 13, and again\nupon the fact that the two known starting-points, or eras, of Maya\nmonumental chronology are just thirteen cycles apart, regard the Great\nCycle as composed of thirteen cycles; Morley, chiefly from evidence\nin the codices, believes that it was composed of twenty cycles. It is\npossible, of course, that the conception of the Great Cycle changed\nfrom the time of the Old Empire to that of the New, perhaps influenced\nby the change in the period of erecting monumental records; but in any\ncase the immense numbers of days embraced in the Maya reckonings excite\nour wonder. Such calculations could have been made possible only by\nthe use of a highly developed arithmetical system, and this the Maya\npossessed; for they had developed a positional notation, employing a\nsign for zero, a system of dots and bars for the integers 1 ... 19,\nwhile the conception of positive and negative was achieved through the\nuse of these elements recorded vertically--units above zero, twenties\nabove the units, _tuns_ in the third position upward, and so on. The\n_tun_ (= 360) is an obvious calendric number, and this makes clear that\nthe Maya certainly developed the higher possibilities of their mode of\ncomputation in connexion with the needs of their reckoning of time. The\nperfection of their achievement is indicated by the fact that through\nits use they were enabled to distinguish any date within the range of a\nGreat Cycle from any other, thus creating a numbered time-scheme which\nin our own system would be measured by millenia.\n\nTo complete its historical value only one element need be added, the\nselection of an era from which to reckon dates. Two such eras are\nknown, one bearing the name 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and the other (found in\nonly two inscriptions) that of 4 Ahau 8 Zotz, this falling thirteen\ncycles earlier than the other. The former, from which nearly all the\nmonumental inscriptions are reckoned, is some three thousand years\nanterior to the period of the inscriptions themselves and probably,\ntherefore, refers to an event in the third millennium B. C., assuming\nthat the monuments belong to the first thousand years of our era. It\nis altogether unlikely that a date so remote can represent any but a\nmythical event, such, we may suppose, as the end of a preceding \"Sun,\"\nor Age of the World, and the beginning of that in which we live; for\nthe Maya, like the Nahua, possessed the myth of ages of this type.\nCogolludo mentions two of these ages as terminated by annihilation\nof the human race through epidemic, and a third as ended by storm\nand flood; while Landa's account of the calamities following the\ndestruction of Mayapan seems clearly to be intermingled with a myth of\nworld catastrophes. The _Popul Vuh_ shows that the character of the\nQuich\u00e9 legend was not essentially unlike that of the Aztec, who may,\nindeed, have received from the Maya their cosmogony along with their\ncalendric system, of which it is doubtless in some degree a product.\n\nAstronomical data must have entered into the calculation of these great\nepochs. F\u00f6rstemann and other students have discovered in the codices,\nparticularly in the Dresden Codex, evidences of the reckoning of the\nperiod not only of Venus (five hundred and eighty-four days), but\nalso of lunar revolutions, of the period of Mars (seven hundred and\neighty days), and possibly of the cycles Jupiter, Saturn, and Mercury\nas well. Such periods, for astrological and divinatory purposes,\nwere recorded in the books of the priests; and, as elsewhere in the\nworld, the synodic revolutions of the planets, and the recurrences of\ntheir stations with respect to the day-signs, gave the material for\nthe formation of huge cycles of time which their mathematical system\nenabled them to compute. Thus it is that F\u00f6rstemann finds near the\nend of the Dresden Codex vast numbers--designated as \"Serpent Numbers\"\nbecause of the occurrence of the serpent-symbol in connexion with\nthem--which correspond to such cyclic recombinations of signs and\nevents.\n\n\"In the so-called 'serpent numbers,'\" writes Morley,[94] \"a grand total\nof nearly twelve and a half million days (about thirty-four thousand\nyears) is recorded again and again. In these well-nigh inconceivable\nperiods all the smaller units may be regarded as coming at last to a\nmore or less exact close. What matter a few score years one way or\nthe other in this virtual eternity? Finally, on the last page of the\nmanuscript, is depicted the Destruction of the World, for which the\nhighest numbers have paved the way. Here we see the rain serpent,\nstretching across the sky, belching forth torrents of water. Great\nstreams of water gush from the sun and moon. The old goddess, she of\nthe tiger claws and forbidding aspect, the malevolent patroness of\nfloods and cloudbursts, overturns the bowl of the heavenly waters. The\ncrossbones, dread emblem of death, decorate her skirt, and a writhing\nsnake crowns her head. Below with downward-pointed spears, symbolic of\nthe universal destruction, the black god stalks abroad, a screeching\nowl raging on his fearsome head. Here, indeed, is portrayed with\ngraphic touch the final all-engulfing cataclysm.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXII.]\n\n Final page from the _Codex Dresdensis_ showing \"Serpent Numbers\" and\n typifying the cataclysms destroying the world. See pages 151-2 for\n description, and compare Plates XII, XIII, XIV.\n\nIn their sculpture the Maya far surpassed the artistic expression\nof all other Americans, attaining not only decorative power, but\nsuch idealization of the human countenance as is possible only among\npeople whose aesthetic sensibilities have an intellectual background\nand guidance. No more convincing evidence of this mental power could\nbe forthcoming than is shown in their mathematical and astronomical\nlearning, at once a testimony to the antiquity of their culture and to\nthe force of their native genius.\n\n\nVI. THE CREATION\n\n\nJust as the notion of great astronomical cycles shadowed forth\neschatological cataclysms, so it reverted to cyclic aeons of the past\nin which the world came to its present form. There is no such wealth\nof creation myth preserved from the ancient Maya as from the Nahua,\nbut enough is recorded to make it clear that the ideas of the two\npeoples were essentially one: indeed, they clearly belong to a group\nof cosmogonical conceptions extending as far to the north as\nthe Pueblos of the United States, and not without influence beyond,\ninto the prairie country. Possibly the whole complex conception had\nits first telling with the Maya; it is with them, at least, that the\nnumerical and calendric ideas with which it is logically associated\nreceived the greatest development and give the most natural _raison\nd'\u00eatre_ to the mythic lore.\n\nSomething of the nature of the Maya conception is intimated by\nCogolludo and Landa, as noted in a preceding paragraph. More is given\nin Tozzer's account of Maya religion as it is today.[95] According\nto information obtained from Mayas of Valladolid, the world is now\nin the fourth period of its existence. In the first, there lived the\nSaiyamkoob, \"the Adjusters,\" the primitive race of Yucatan, who were\ndwarfs and built the cities now in ruins. Their work was done in\ndarkness, when as yet there was no sun. When the sun appeared they were\nturned into stone, and their images are to be found today in the ruins.\nIn this period there was a living rope extending from earth to sky, by\nwhich food was brought down to the builders. Blood was in this rope;\nbut the rope was cut, the blood flowed out, and earth and sky were\nparted. Water-over-the-earth ended this period. It was followed by the\nage of the Tsolob, \"the Offenders\"; and these, too, were destroyed by\na flood. The third age was that in which the Maya reigned, but their\nday likewise passed amid waters of destruction, to give place to the\npresent age peopled by a mixture of all the races that have previously\ndwelt in Yucatan.\n\nIt is easy to align these notions with what we know of Mexican myth,\nthough it is evident that history rather than genesis is its present\nsignificance. But purely cosmogonic is the fragment from the Book of\nChilam Balam of Chumayel published by Mart\u00ednez Hern\u00e1ndez[96] with its\nsuggestion of the Thirteen Lords of the Day captured by the Nine of the\nNight as the first great act:\n\n\"During the 11 _ahau_, Ahmucen-cab come [came] to cover the faces of\nOxlahun-ti-ku (thirteen gods); his names were unknown except those of\nhis sister and of his children: and they said that the faces also were\nequally not visible; then, when the world was made, they knew not that\nthey would be entirely cast away; and Oxlahun-ti-ku was captured by\nBolon-ti-ku (nine gods); then he brought down fire; then he brought\ndown salt; then he brought down the stones and trees and came to play\nwith the stones and trees; and Oxlahun-ti-ku was caught and they\nbroke his head and buffeted him, and also carried him on their backs;\nand they despoiled him of his dragon and his _tizne_ [black paint or\nsoot]; and they took fresh shoots of _yaxum_ and white beans, tuberous\nroots cut up small, and the heart of small calabash seeds and of large\ncalabash seeds cut up small, and of black beans cut up small. This\nfirst Bolon-tsac-cab (nine orders of the world) made a thick covering\nof seeds and went away to the thirteenth heaven, and the surface of the\nearth remained formed, and the peaks of the rocks of the world.\n\n\"And the heart of Oxlahun-ti-ku went away, the hearts of the tuberous\nroots refusing to go. And there came women without-fathers, with those\nwho have hard work, the without-husbands, who, although living have no\nheart; and wrapped in dog's grass, they were buried in the sea.\n\n\"All at once came the water after the dragon was carried away. The\nheaven was broken up; it fell upon the earth; and they say that\nCantul-ti-ku (four gods), the four Bacab, were those who destroyed\nit. Then, when the universal destruction was past, they placed as\ndweller Kan-xib-y\u00fai, to order it anew. And the tree, the white _ymix_,\nwas placed standing in the north; and he placed the supporting poles\nof the heaven; and it was said that this tree was the symbol of\nthe universal destruction.\" Four other trees, each of a different\ncolour, each symbol of a destruction of the world, were planted at\nthe remaining quarters and the centre; and the form of the world was\nthen complete. \"'The whole world,' said Ah-uuc-chek-nale (he who\nseven times makes fruitful), 'proceeded from the seven bosoms of the\nearth.' And he descended to make fruitful Itzam-kab-ain (the female\nwhale with alligator feet), when he came down from the central angle\nof the heavenly region. The four lights, the four regions of the\nstars, revolved. As yet there was no light; absolutely there was no\nsun; absolutely there was no night; absolutely there was no moon. They\nawoke; and from then began the world. At that instant the world began.\nThirteen numeral orders, with seven, is the period since the beginning\nof the world.\"\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nCENTRAL AMERICA\n\nI. QUICH\u00c9 AND CAKCHIQUEL[97]\n\n\nBy some accident of history the most significant literary records\nof the Mayan peoples--and, in their way, of any American stock--are\nnot preserved to us from the builders of the monumental cities, the\nMaya themselves, but from two closely related tribes belonging to the\nsouthernmost group of the Mayan race. The Quich\u00e9 (frequently, Kich\u00e9)\nand the Cakchiquel (or Kakchiquel) dwelt in the mountains of Guatemala\noverlooking the Pacific, where, except for the Nahuatlan Pipil, to the\neast of them, their neighbours were other Mayan tribes--the Tzental,\nthe Mame, and their kindred to the west; the Pokonchi, the Kekchi, and\nothers to the north; and the Chorti to the east. It is in the lands\nof these groups, mountain valleys draining toward the Gulf and the\nCaribbean, that the ruins of the monumental cities chiefly lie. At the\ntime of the Conquest their sites had long been abandoned, though it\nmust not be supposed that the tribes occupying the land were savage.\nOn the contrary, they lived in well-built, fortified towns, with fine\nresidences for the chiefs and pyramid temples for the service of the\ngods; but the remains of the cities of the Conquest era have yielded\nno such wealth of art as has been revealed by the exploration of the\nhomes of the ancestral Maya, nor do the traditions of the tribes who\ninhabited the region at the coming of the Spaniards throw any light\nupon the builders of the ancient cities which, indeed, they seem\nscarcely to have known. Rather, when the Quich\u00e9 and their kindred\nentered the land, it appears to have been long deserted: \"Only\nrabbits and birds were here, they say, when they took possession of\nthe hills and the plains, they, our fathers and ancestors from Tulan,\nO my children,\"--so runs the beginning of the Cakchiquel _Annals_.[98]\nThese _Annals_, like the _Popul Vuh_, or \"Sacred Book,\" of the kindred\nQuich\u00e9, profess to give a migration-legend of the ancestors of the\ntribe and an account of the historic chiefs, but neither the one record\nnor the other runs to a remote period; both point to a comparatively\nrecent entrance into an abandoned country, the date of which Brinton\nwould set at less than two centuries anterior to the Conquest; nor is\nthere any certain clue which would associate the Quich\u00e9-Cakchiquel\nhistories with those of the contemporary Maya.\n\nThe relationship of the two centres of Mayan culture, Yucatec and\nGuatemalan, is, however, more than merely linguistic and racial. When\nthe Maya of the later days of the Old Empire were pushing northward\ninto the peninsula, exploring and establishing cities, others of their\nkindred were penetrating the mountains to the south, and the last town\nof the south to rise and fall (as shown by its dated monuments) was\nat Quen Santo in the Guatemalan province of Huehuetenango. Whether\nor not something of the old culture was transmitted through these\ngroups or their descendants, whom, indeed, the Quich\u00e9 and Cakchiquel\nmay have been, identities of mythic reference make it certain that\nall Maya groups had some primitive community of experience. Moreover,\nthe southern tribes clearly shared with the northern their literary\nand artistic bent. The story of the defeat of the Quich\u00e9, in the\nCakchiquel _Annals_,[99] tells how the latter slew \"the son of the\nchief jeweller, the treasurer, the secretary, and the chief engraver\"\nof the Quich\u00e9 monarch--officers whose very character gives the\npicture of an accomplished society; and it may well be assumed that\nthe literary taste and historic feeling manifest in the _Annals_ and\nthe _Popul Vuh_ are but evidences, literary rather than graphic in\ncharacter, of the genius which marks the whole Mayan race. Brasseur de\nBourbourg says[100] of the _Popul Vuh_ that \"it is composed in a Quich\u00e9\nof great elegance, and its author must have been one of the princes\nof the royal family,\" while of the _Annals_ (which he names _M\u00e9morial\nde Tecpan-Atitlan_, and which was indeed, in greater part written by\na noble, Don Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila) he declares that \"the\nstyle is varied and picturesque and frequently contains passages of\nhigh animation.\" The translations of both documents quite sustain these\nopinions of their literary excellence.\n\nLas Casas, who was as familiar as any man with the general character\nof native American culture, and especially with that of Guatemala\nof which he was bishop, gives a general characterization of native\nlearning in his chapter (_Apolog\u00e9tica Hist\u00f3ria_, ccxxxv) on \"the books\nand religious traditions of Guatemala.\" In the kingdoms and republics\nof New Spain, he says, \"among other offices and officials, were those\nwho acted as chroniclers and historians. They possessed knowledge\nof the origin of all things relative to religion and to the gods\nand their cult, as well as of the founders of their cities, of the\nbeginnings of their kings and lords and seignories, of the manner of\ntheir election and succession, of how many and what lords and princes\nhad passed away, of their works and actions and memorable deeds, good\nand bad, and of whatever they had governed well or ill; also, of their\ngreat men and good, and of strong and valorous captains, of the wars\nthat they had made, and of how they had distinguished themselves.\nMoreover, of the first customs and the first comers, of how they had\nsince changed for good or ill, and of all that pertains to history,\nin order that they might have understanding and remembrance of past\nevents.\" Furthermore, he adds, these chroniclers kept count of the\ndays, months, and years, and \"although they had no writing similar to\nours, nevertheless they had figures and characters representing all\nthat they needed to designate, and, by means of these, great books of\nsuch clever and ingenious art that we may say that our letters were of\nno great advantage to them.\" The office of chronicler, it is added,\nwas hereditary, or belonged to certain families.\n\nAfter the Conquest many of the natives who had acquired the alphabet\nadapted it to their own tongue and recorded their histories in the new\ncharacters. Numbers of such books were known to the Spanish writers of\nthe sixteenth century, and it is from these that the _Popul Vuh_ and\nthe Cakchiquel _Annals_ have survived.\n\n\nII. THE POPUL VUH[101]\n\n\nThe _Popul Vuh_ is the most striking and instructive of the\nmyth-records of primitive America. Other legends are as comprehensive\nin scope, as varied in material, and as dramatic in form; but no other,\nin anything like the measure of this document, combines with these\nqualities the element of critical consciousness, giving the flavour of\nphilosophic reflection which lifts the narrative from the level of mere\ntale-telling into that of literature. Something of this character is\nclearly due to the fact that it was written down after the introduction\nof Christianity by an author, or authors, professing the new faith; yet\nit is equally clear to a reader of our day that this is not the whole\ncause, that there is in the aboriginal material itself such an element\nof deliberate reflection as appears in the Aztec rituals recorded by\nSahagun and in some of the Incaic fragments, though scarcely to be\nfound elsewhere in the New World, at least in the myths as they have\nbeen preserved to us.\n\nThe work is divided into four parts, consciously literary in\narrangement. The first recounts the creation of the earth and of the\nFirst Peoples, together with the conflicts of the Hero Brothers with\nTitan-like Earth-giants. The second part depicts the duel of the\nupper-world heroes with the nether-world demonic powers: an elder pair\nof Hero Brothers are defeated, later to be avenged by the younger\nHero Brothers--the slayers of the Earth-giants--who overcome Death in\nhis own lair and by his own wile. This incident of \"the harrowing of\nHell\" belongs in mythic chronology to a cycle of events earlier in part\nthan the gigantomachy, and it is obviously for dramatic reasons that\nthe longest book of the _Popul Vuh_ is devoted to it. With the third\npart the original narrative is resumed, narrating the creation of the\nancestors of the present race of men and the rise of the Sun which now\nrules the world; while the fourth and last part continues the tale,\ngiving myths of cult origins, tribal wars, and finally records of\nhistoric rulers, thus satisfying the feeling for consecutiveness and\ncompleteness.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXIII.]\n\n Ceremonial precinct or plaza, Quirigua. An altar and three stelae\n of the Old Empire Maya type are shown. Other monuments are still\n _in situ_ on this site, among them the \"Quirigua Dragon,\" Plate I\n (frontispiece). After photograph by Cornell, Lincoln.\n\n\"Admirable is the account\"--so the narrative opens--\"admirable is the\naccount of the time in which it came to pass that all was formed in\nheaven and upon earth, the quartering of their signs, their measure and\nalignment, and the establishment of parallels to the skies and upon\nthe earth to the four quarters, thereof, as was spoken by the Creator\nand Maker, the Mother, the Father of life and of all existence, that\none by whom all move and breathe, father and sustainer of the peace of\npeoples, by whose wisdom was premeditated the excellence of all that\ndoth exist in the heavens, upon the earth, in lake and sea.\n\n\"Lo, all was in suspense, all was calm and silent; all was motionless,\nall was quiet, and wide was the immensity of the skies.\n\n\"Lo, the first word and the first discourse. There was not yet a man,\nnot an animal; there were no birds nor fish nor crayfish; there was no\nwood, no stone, no bog, no ravine, neither vegetation nor marsh; only\nthe sky existed.\n\n\"The face of the earth was not yet to be seen; only the peaceful sea\nand the expanse of the heavens.\n\n\"Nothing was yet formed into a body; nothing was joined to another\nthing; naught held itself poised; there was not a rustle not a sound\nbeneath the sky. There was naught that stood upright; there were only\nthe quiet waters of the sea, solitary within its bounds; for as yet\nnaught existed.\n\n\"There were only immobility and silence in the darkness and in the\nnight. Alone was the Creator, the Maker, Tepeu, the Lord, and\nGucumatz, the Plumed Serpent, those who engender, those who give being,\nalone upon the waters like a growing light.\n\n\"They are enveloped in green and azure, whence is the name Gucumatz,\nand their being is great wisdom. Lo, how the sky existeth, how the\nHeart of the Sky existeth--for such is the name of God, as He doth name\nHimself!\n\n\"It is then that the word came to Tepeu and to Gucumatz, in the shadows\nand in the night, and spake with Tepeu and with Gucumatz. And they\nspake and consulted and meditated, and they joined their words and\ntheir counsels.\n\n\"Then light came while they consulted together; and at the moment of\ndawn man appeared while they planned concerning the production and\nincrease of the groves and of the climbing vines, there in the shade\nand in the night, through that one who is the Heart of the Sky, whose\nname is Hurakan.\n\n\"The Lightning is the first sign of Hurakan; the second is the Streak\nof Lightning; the third is the Thunderbolt which striketh; and these\nthree are the Heart of the Sky.\n\n\"Then they came to Tepeu, to Gucumatz, and held counsel touching\ncivilized life: how seed should be formed, how light should be\nproduced, how the sustainer and nourisher of all.\n\n\"'Let it be thus done. Let the waters retire and cease to obstruct,\nto the end that earth exist here, that it harden itself and show its\nsurface, to the end that it be sown, and that the light of day shine\nin the heavens and upon the earth; for we shall receive neither glory\nnor honour from all that we have created and formed until human beings\nexist, endowed with sentience.' Thus they spake while the earth was\nformed by them. It is thus, veritably, that creation took place, and\nthe earth existed. 'Earth,' they said, and immediately it was formed.\n\n\"Like a fog or a cloud was its formation into the material state, when,\nlike great lobsters, the mountains appeared upon the waters, and in an\ninstant there were great mountains. Only by marvellous power could\nhave been achieved this their resolution when the mountains and the\nvalleys instantly appeared with groves of cypress and pine upon them.\n\n\"Then was Gucumatz filled with joy. 'Thou art welcome, O Heart of the\nSky, O Hurakan, O Streak of Lightning, O Thunderbolt!'\n\n\"'This that we have created and shaped will have its end,' they replied.\n\n\"And thus first were formed the earth, the mountains, and the plains;\nand the course of the waters was divided, the rivulets running\nserpentine among the mountains; it is thus that the waters existed when\nthe great mountains were unveiled.\n\n\"Thus was accomplished the creation of the earth when it was formed\nby those who are the Heart of the Sky and the Heart of the Earth; for\nso those are called who first made fruitful the heaven and the earth\nwhile yet they were suspended in the midst of the waters. Such was\nits fecundation when they fecundated it while its fulfilment and its\ncomposition were meditated by them.\"\n\nSo runs the first chapter of the Quich\u00e9 Genesis, displaying at the\noutset an odd intermingling, which characterizes the whole work, of the\nraw actuality of primitive imagination with the dramatic reflection of\nthe mind of the sage.\n\nThe second act of the drama is the creation of denizens, or rather\nhistrions, for the stage that is set; and the Quich\u00e9 narrator,\nwith remarkable ease, casts them in puppet mould, a background of\ngrandiosity serving still further to belittle the dolls which are the\nCreator's experiments. First, the animals are formed and assigned their\ndwellings and their habits: \"Thou, Deer, shalt sleep on the borders\nof brooks and in the ravines; there shalt thou rest in the brushwood,\namid forage; and there multiply; thou shalt go upon four feet, and upon\nfour feet shalt thou live.\" This is the style in which the creatures of\nland and air and water are severally addressed. Nevertheless--and here\nis the philosophic touch--the animals could not speak, as man does;\nthey had no language; they could only chatter and cluck and croak, each\naccording to its kind. This is very far from the most primitive stratum\nof thought, where all animals are gifted with language.\n\n\"When the Creator and the Maker understood that they could not speak,\nthey said one to another: 'They are unable to utter our name, although\nwe are their makers and formers. This is not well.' And they spake to\nthe animals: 'Our glory is not perfect in that ye do not invoke us; but\nthere shall yet be those who can salute us and who will be capable of\nobedience. As for you, your flesh shall be broken under the tooth.'\"\n\nSeed-time was approaching, and dawn; and the divine beings said,\n\"Let us make those who shall be our supporters and nourishers.\" Then\nthey formed men out of moist earth, but these proved to be without\ncohesion or consistence or power of movement; they could not turn\ntheir heads; their sight was veiled; although they had speech, they\nhad no intelligence; the waters destroyed them helplessly; and their\nmakers saw that their handiwork was a failure. Now they consulted with\nXpiyacoc and Xmucan\u00e9 (Mayan equivalents of Cipactonal and Oxomoco, like\nwhom they were addressed as \"Twice Grandmother,\" \"Twice Grandsire\");\nwhile Hurakan of the Winds and He of the Sun were also called into the\ncouncil. There they divined with kernels of maize and with red berries\nof the _tzit\u00e9_; and when noon came they said: \"O Maize, O Tzit\u00e9, O\nSun, O Creature, unite and join one another! And thou, O Heart of the\nSky, redden that the countenance of Tepeu, of Gucumatz, be not made to\nlower!\" Then they carved manikins of wood and caused them to live and\nto multiply and to engender sons and daughters who were also manikins,\ncarved and wooden. But these had neither heart nor intelligence nor\nmemory of their creators; they led a useless and animal existence; they\nwere only experimental men; they had no blood, no substance, no flesh;\nand their faces and their limbs were dry and desiccated. They thought\nnot of their Makers, nor did they lift their heads to them.\n\nThe gods, again disappointed, resolved upon the destruction of the\nmanikin race and caused a heavy, resinous rain to descend day and\nnight, darkening the face of the earth. Moreover, four great birds were\nsent to assail these creatures of wood: Xecotcovach snatched their\neyes from their orbits; Camalotz attacked their heads, and Cotzbalam\ntheir flesh, while Tecumbalam broke their bones, and animals great\nand small turned against them. \"Ye have done ill to us,\" cried their\ndogs and their fowls; \"now we shall bite you; in your turn ye shall\nbe tormented.\" Even the pots and cooking utensils arose in rebellion.\nThe metates said: \"We were tortured by you; daily, daily, night and\nday, always it was _holi, holi, huqui, huqui,_ grinding our surfaces\nbecause of you. This we have suffered from you; now that ye have ceased\nto be men, ye shall feel our power; we shall grind you and reduce your\nflesh to powder;\" and the bowls and pots followed with similar threats\nand imprecations. The victims ran everywhere in desperate efforts to\nescape: they ascended to the roofs of their houses, but the houses\ncollapsed; they wished to climb the trees, but the trees drew away from\nthem; they sought to enter the caverns, but these closed against them.\nAll were destroyed, and there remained of their descendants only the\nlittle monkeys that live in the trees, which is token that \"of wood\nalone their flesh was formed by the Creator and Maker.\"\n\nAfter the destruction of the manikins is narrated, the _Popul Vuh_\ndigresses to recount the deeds of the Hero Brothers, Hunahpu and\nXbalanqu\u00e9; and it is only in the third part of the work that the tale\nof creation is resumed, the beginnings of the present \"Sun\" of the\nworld being its theme.\n\nOnce more the demiurgic gods meditated the creation of man, and once\nmore they gathered for counsel in the cosmic dusk, for though the dawn\nwas near, the world was not yet illuminated. It was then that they\nheard of the white and the yellow maize in the Place of the Division\nof the Waters; and it was decided that from these should be made\nthe blood and the flesh of man. \"Then they began to grind the white\nmaize and the yellow, while Xumucan\u00e9 concocted nine broths; and this\nnourishment entering in, generated strength and power, giving flesh\nand muscles to man.... Only yellow maize and white entered into their\nflesh, and these were the sole substance of the legs and arms of man;\nthus were formed our first fathers, the four brothers, who were formed\nof it,\" whose names were Balam-Quitz\u00e9, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and\nIqi-Balam. \"Men they were; they spake and they reasoned; they saw and\nthey understood; they moved and they had feeling; men perfect and fair,\nwhose features were human features.\"\n\nThese beings, however, were too highly endowed; they lifted up their\neyes, and their gaze embraced all; they knew all things; nothing in\nheaven or earth was concealed from them. The Maker asked: \"Is not your\nbeing good? Do ye not see? Do ye not understand? Your speech and your\nmovement, are they not admirable? Look up, are there not mountains\nand plains under the sky?\" Then the created ones rendered thanks\nto their Creator, saying: \"Truly, thou gavest us every motion and\naccomplishment! We have received existence, we have received a mouth,\na face; we speak, we understand, we think, we walk; we perceive and\nwe know equally well what is far and what is near; we see all things,\ngreat and small, in heaven and upon the earth. Thanks be to you who\nhave created us, O Maker, O Former!\" But the Makers were not pleased\nto hear this. \"This is not well! Their nature will not be that of\nsimple creatures; they will be as gods.... Would they perchance rival\nus who have made them, whose wisdom extendeth far and knoweth all\nthings?\" Thus spoke Hurakan, and Tepeu, and Gucumatz, and the divine\npair Xpiyacoc and Xmucan\u00e9. Then the Heart of the Sky breathed a cloud\nupon the eyes of the four men, veiling itself so that it appeared like\na mirror covered with vapour; and their vision was obscured, so that\nthey could clearly see only what was near them. Thus their knowledge\nand their wisdom were reduced to mortal proportions; and being caused\nto slumber, during their sleep four beautiful women were brought to\nbe their wives, so that when they awoke, they were filled with joy of\ntheir espousals.\n\nThe generations of humanity increased, men living together in joy and\npeace. They had but a single language and they prayed neither to wood\nnor to stone, but only to the Maker and Former, Heart of the Sky and\nHeart of the Earth, their prayer being for children and for light, for\nthe sun had not yet risen. As time passed and no sun appeared, men\nbecame disquieted, so that the four brothers set forth for Tulan-Zuiva,\nthe Place of Seven Caves and Seven Ravines, where they received their\ngods, a deity for each clan, Tohil being the divinity of Balam-Quitz\u00e9,\nAvilix of Balam-Agab, Hacavitz of Mahucutah, and Nicahtagah of\nIqi-Balam. Tohil's first gift was fire, and when rains extinguished\nthe first flame, he kindled it anew by striking upon his foot-gear,\nwhereupon men of other tribes, their teeth chattering with cold, came\nto the brothers praying for a little of their fire. \"They were not well\nreceived, and their hearts were filled with sadness,\" is the rather\nbrutal comment; but the motive turns out to be yet more brutal, for as\na price of fire Tohil demanded that these strangers \"embrace me, Tohil,\nunder the armpit and under the girdle,\" a euphemism which can refer\nonly to the customary form of human sacrifice.\n\nEven yet the sun had not appeared, and the race of man was saddened\nby the delay. They fasted and performed expiations, keeping continual\nwatch for the Morning Star, which should herald the first sunrise.\nFinally in despair they resumed their migration: \"Alas!\" they said,\n\"here we shall never behold the dawn at the moment when the sun is born\nto lighten the face of the earth!\" The journey led through many lands\nuntil finally they came to the mountain of Hacavitz, where the brothers\nburned incense which they had brought from \"the place of sunrise\" and\nwhere they watched the Morning Star ascend with waxing splendour on\nthe dawn of the rising sun. As the orb appeared, the animals, great\nand small, were filled with joy, while all the nations prostrated\nthemselves in adoration. The new sun did not burn with the heat of the\nsun of today, but was like a pale reflection of ours; nevertheless\nit dried the dank earth and made it habitable. Moreover, the great\nbeast-gods of the first days--lion, tiger, and noxious viper--together\nwith the gods Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz, were changed into stone as\nthe sun appeared--\"their arms cramped like the branches of trees ...\nand in all parts they became stone. Perhaps we should not be in life\nat this moment because of the voracity of the lions, the tigers, the\nvipers, the _qantis_, and the White Fire-Maker of the Night; perchance\nour glory would not now exist had not the first animals been petrified\nby the sun.\"\n\nNevertheless sorrow mingled with joy, for though the ancestors of the\nQuich\u00e9 had found their mountain home, illumined by the sun, the moon,\nand the stars, they remembered their kindred left behind; and even\nwhen they sang the song _Ka-mucu_ (\"We behold\"), the anguish in their\nhearts came also to expression. \"Alas! we were ruined in Tollan; we\nwere parted from our brethren, who still remain behind! True, indeed,\nwe have beheld the Sun, but they, where now are they, when at last\nthe day hath come?\" Years afterward, when the Quich\u00e9 had become great\nunder the leadership of the four heroes, the brothers foresaw the day\nof their death drawing near; and again, with dolour of soul, they sang\nthe song _Ka-mucu_, bidding farewell to their wives and their sons, and\nsaying: \"We return to our people; even now the King of the Deer riseth\ninto the sky. Lo, we make our return; our task is performed; our days\nare complete.\" Thereupon they disappeared, vanishing without trace,\nexcepting that in their place was left a sacred bundle which was never\nto be opened and which was called \"Majesty Enveloped.\"\n\n\nIII. THE HERO BROTHERS\n\n\nThe deeds of the Hero Brothers in the _Popul Vuh_ take place in an\nepoch of the world previous to the rise of the present Sun. Apparently\nthey fall in an Age of Giants just succeeding the destruction of the\nmanikins, for the narrative proceeds from the tale of the annihilation\nof these beings to the overthrow, by the twins Hunahpu and Xbalanqu\u00e9,\nof the Earth Titans, stating that the events occurred in the days of\nthe inundation. Vukub-Cakix was the first of the Giants, and his sin\nwas the sin of _hubris_, for he boasted: \"I shall be yet again above\nall created beings; I am their sun, I am their dawn, I am their moon.\nGreat is my splendour; I am he by whom men move. Of silver are the\nballs of my eyes, gleaming like precious stones; and the whiteness of\nmy teeth is like the face of the sky. My nostrils shine afar like the\nmoon; of silver is my throne, and the earth liveth when I step forth\nfrom it. I am the sun, I am the moon, the bringer of felicity. So be\nit, for my gaze reacheth afar!\" This is obviously a hymn to the sun;\nand it is possible that it refers to a mythic \"Sun of Giants,\" although\nthe narrator clearly takes it in another sense: \"In reality his sight\nended where it fell, and his gaze did not embrace the entire world.\" It\nwas, in fact, because of his riches (metals and precious stones) that\nVukub-Cakix thought to emulate the sun and the moon.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXIV.]\n\n Image of a youthful deity with elaborate head-dress seated in the\n mouth of the \"Dragon of Quirigua\" (see frontispiece). After a\n photograph in the Peabody Museum.\n\nIt was for their pride and arrogance that Vukub-Cakix and his sons,\nZipacna and Cabrakan, were successively overcome and destroyed by the\nhero brothers. \"Attention, it is I who am the sun,\" cried Vukub-Cakix;\n\"it is I who move the earth,\" said Zipacna; \"and it is I that shake the\nsky and overturn the the whole earth,\" quoth Cabrakan. Indeed, such\nwas their strength that they could move mountains, great and small, at\nwill; and since such orgulous Titans could be overcome only by craft,\neven with demi-gods for their adversaries, it was by craft that Hunahpu\nand Xbalanqu\u00e9 conquered them.\n\nVukub-Cakix possessed a tree the fruit of which was his food, and the\ntwins, concealing themselves in its branches, shot the giant in the\ncheek with a poisoned arrow when he came for his meal, though they\ndid not escape uninjured, for he tore away one of Hunahpu's arms. The\nmonster went home, roaring with pain, and the two plotters, disguising\nthemselves as physicians, came offering to cure his malady and saying:\n\"You suffer from a worm but you can be cured if your jaw is altered by\nremoving the bad teeth.\" \"It is by my teeth alone that I am king; all\nmy beauty comes from my teeth and the balls of mine eyes.\" \"We will\nput others in their place,\" they said; and so they substituted teeth\nof maize for the emerald teeth of the giant and flayed the splendour\nfrom his eyes. The splendour faded from him; he ceased to appear like\na king; and soon he died, while Hunahpu recovered his arm, which\nChimalmat, the wife of Vukub-Cakix, was basting on a spit; and the\ntwins turned away in triumph. Zipacna was the next victim. First, the\nbrothers conspired with four hundred youths (doubtless the same as\nthe \"Four Hundred Southerners\" of the Huitzilopochtli myth) to lure\nZipacna into a pitfall, where they tried to destroy him by hurling\nhuge trees upon him; and when all was quiet, the plotters erected\na house on the spot, making merry with drink and celebrating their\ntriumph. But the giant was only craftily biding his time, and, rising\nsuddenly, he cast house and revellers high into the heavens, where the\nfour hundred became stars and constellations. The twins then decided\nupon another decoy. Since the food of Zipacna was sea-food, especially\ncrabs, they modelled a great crab, and painting it cunningly they put\nit into a deep ravine. Encountering the giant on his food search, they\npointed out this fine crab; he leaped after it, and they--wiser by\nexperience--hurled mountains upon him, thus imprisoning him, though\nso desperate were his struggles for freedom that they turned him into\nstone to quiet him. The third giant, Cabrakan, was also made the victim\nof his own gluttony and pride. The brothers challenged him to shift a\ncertain mountain, for he boasted that he could remove the greatest; but\nas he was preparing to show his strength, they suggested that he first\npartake of food, and shooting a bird, they cooked it for him, taking\ncare to poison it in the process. The giant devoured the bird the more\ngreedily in that it was his first taste of cooked meat; but immediately\nhis strength began to fail, and his eyes to dim; and while the brothers\ntwittingly urged him to make good his boasts, he sank to earth dead.\n\nThe great adventure of the heroic twins, however, was their triumph\nover the Lords of Death, and to this the second part of the _Popul\nVuh_ is devoted. The tale begins with the story of an earlier pair\nof Hero Brothers, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Ahpu, sons of Xpiyacoc and\nXmucan\u00e9. Hunhun-Ahpu, in turn, was father of Hunbatz and Hunchouen, two\nyouths who seem to be little more than foils for the hero twins later\nto be born; although they are described as wise in all the arts, as\nplayers of the flute, singers, blow-gun shooters, painters, sculptors,\njewel-workers, and smiths.\n\nHunhun-Ahpu and his brother, Vukub-Ahpu, being devoted to _tlachtli_,\nexercised themselves at this sport every day. As they played, they\njourneyed toward Xibalba, the underworld, whose lords, Hun-Cam\u00e9 and\nVukub-Cam\u00e9, also were clever at the ball game. Therefore, thinking to\ntrap the upper-world champions, they of the nether realm sent them a\nchallenge--four owls were their messengers--to meet in an underworld\nmatch; and the brothers accepting the challenge, set out for Xibalba.\nPassing down a steep descent, they soon crossed a river in a deep\ngorge, next a boiling river, and then a river of blood, after which,\nbeyond a fourth river, they came to cross-roads, red, black, white,\nand yellow. The guardian of the black road said: \"I am the way to the\nking\"; but it led them to a place where two wooden images were seated.\nThese the brothers saluted; and receiving no response except the ribald\nlaughter of the Xibalbans, the heroes knew that they had been made\nbutts of ridicule. The brothers angrily issued their challenge, and\nthe Xibalbans invited them to seats on the throne of honour; but this\nproved to be a heated stone, and when they burned themselves, the\nprinces of Xibalba could scarcely contain their merriment. The brothers\nwere then given torches and conducted to the House of Gloom, with\ninjunctions to keep the lights undiminished until the dawn; but the\ntorches were speedily consumed, and when, next day, they were brought\nbefore Hun-Cam\u00e9 and Vukub-Cam\u00e9 who demanded the lights, they could only\nreply, \"They are consumed, Lords.\" Thereupon, at the command of the\nunderworld-gods, the brothers were sacrificed, and their bodies were\nburied; only, the head of Hunhun-Ahpu was placed in a fruit-tree, where\nit was immediately transformed so as to be indistinguishable from the\ngourd-like fruits which the tree bore.\n\nThe Xibalbans were prohibited from approaching this tree, but a certain\nmaiden, Xquiq (\"Princess Blood\"), having heard of it, said to herself:\n\"Why should I not go to see this tree; in sooth, its fruits should\nbe sweet, according to what I hear said of it.\" She approached the\ntree in admiration: \"Are such the fruits of this tree? And should I\ndie were I to pluck one?\" Then the head in the midst said: \"Do you\nindeed desire it? These round lumps among the branches of the tree\nare only death's-heads!\" Nevertheless, Xquiq was insistent, whereupon\nHunhun-Ahpu's head demanded that she stretch forth her hand, and,\nby a violent effort, he spat into it, saying: \"This saliva and foam\nwhich I give thee is my posterity. Behold, my head will cease to\nspeak, for it is only a death's-head, with no longer any flesh. So it\nis also with the head of even the greatest of princes; for it is the\nflesh alone that adorneth the visage, whence cometh the horror which\nbesetteth men at the moment of death.\" He then directed the maiden\nto flee to the upper world, knowing that she would be pursued by the\nunderworld-powers; and these, indeed, when they heard that Xquiq was\n_enceinte_, demanded that she be sacrificed, sending Owl-Men to\nexecute their doom. But the princess beguiled the Owls, inducing them\nto substitute for her heart the coagulated sap of the bloodwort, the\nodour of which they took to be the scent of blood, while she herself\nfled to the protection of the mother of Hunbatz and Hunchouen. The\nlatter demanded proof that the new comer was indeed her daughter-in-law\nand sent Xquiq into the field for maize. There was but one hill in\nthe field, whereupon the maiden appealed for aid to the gods, by\nwhose miraculous help she was enabled to gather a full burden without\ndisturbing the single hill. This miracle satisfied the mother-in-law;\nwho said: \"It is a sign that thou art indeed my daughter-in-law, and\nthat those whom thou dost carry will be wise\"; and shortly after this,\nXquiq gave birth to the twins, Hunahpu and Xbalanqu\u00e9.\n\nThe new comers were welcomed by all excepting Hunbatz and Hunchouen,\nwho regarded their half-brothers as rivals and plotted their death;\nbut Hunahpu and Xbalanqu\u00e9, who from birth had shown their prowess as\nmagicians, transformed the two flute-players into monkeys, condemning\nthem to live in the trees. Hunbatz and Hunchouen, says the chronicler,\n\"were invoked by musicians and singers aforetime, and also by painters\nand sculptors; but they were changed into beasts and became monkeys\nbecause of their pride and their maltreatment of their brothers.\" It is\nprobable that the two were monkey-form gods of the arts, though it is\nalso possible that the transformation is associated with that of the\nprimeval age which ended with the metamorphosis of men into monkeys.\n\nThe next episode in the career of the two youths was the clearing of\na field by means of magic tools which felled trees and dug the soil\nwhile their owners amused themselves at the chase; but at night the\nanimals restored the vegetation. Accordingly the brothers concealed\nthemselves to watch for the undoers of their work; and when by night\nthe lion (puma) and the tiger (jaguar), the hare and the opossum, the\ndeer, the coyote, the porcupine, and the peccary, together with the\nbirds, appeared and called to the felled trees to raise themselves,\nthe brothers attempted to trap them. They succeeded only in seizing\nthe tails of the deer and the rabbit (which, of course, explains the\npresent decurtate state of these animals), but finally they captured\nthe rat, which, to save its life, revealed to them the hiding-place\nof the rings and gloves and rubber ball with which their fathers had\nplayed _tlachtli_, and which their grandmother had concealed from them\nlest they, too, become lost through the fatal lure of the game. By a\nruse the twins succeeded in getting possession of the apparatus, and\nlike their fathers became passionately devoted to the sport.\n\nWhen the Lords of Xibalba learned of this, they said: \"Who, then, are\nthese that begin again to play above our heads, shaking the earth\nwithout fear? Are not Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunahpu dead, who wished\nto exalt themselves before us?\" Forthwith they dispatched a challenge\nto the new champions which the twins accepted; but before they\ndeparted for the underworld, each planted a reed in the house of their\ngrandmother, saying that if any ill befell either of them, his reed\nwould wither and die. They passed the underworld rivers, and coming to\nthe four roads (here named black, white, red, and green), they set out\nupon the black path, though they took the precaution to send in advance\nan animal called Xan, with instructions to prick the leg of each lord\nin the realm below. The first two throned beings made no response,\nbeing manikins of wood; but the third uttered a cry, and his neighbour\nsaid: \"What is it, Hun-Cam\u00e9? What has pricked you?\" The same thing\nhappened to Vukub-Cam\u00e9, Xiqiripat, Ahalpuh, Cuchumaquiq, Chamiabak,\nAhalcana, Chamiaholom, Patan, Quiqxic, Quiqrixgag, and Quiqr\u00e9 (for\nsuch were the names of these princes): \"it is thus that they revealed\nthemselves, calling one another by name,\" each in turn. When the hero\ntwins came, refusing to salute the wooden men, they addressed the Lords\nof Xibalba each by his title, much to the chagrin of these; and,\nfurther, they declined a place on the heated stone, saying, \"It is not\nour seat.\"\n\nIn succeeding episodes Hunahpu and Xbalanqu\u00e9 underwent the ordeals of\nthe houses of the underworld. The House of Gloom was first; but the\ntwins substituted red paint for the fire on the torches given them and\nthus preserved these undiminished. \"Whence indeed, are you come?\" cried\nthe astonished Xibalbans; \"who are you?\" \"Who can say whence we are,\"\nthey answered; \"we ourselves do not know.\" So they refused to reveal\nthemselves and in the game of ball which followed they altogether\ndefeated the Xibalbans; but since this only augmented the desire of the\nlatter for the lives of the pair, the underworld lords demanded of the\ntwo heroes that they bring them four vases of flowers. Accordingly they\nsent the youths under guard to the House of Lances; but the brothers\novercame the demons of this abode by promising them the flesh of all\nanimals, while at the same time they persuaded the ants to bring the\nneeded flowers from the gardens of Hun-Cam\u00e9 and Vukub-Cam\u00e9. Having\nfailed with this test, the Xibalbans then dispatched their guests to\nthe House of Cold, which they survived by kindling pine-knots. The next\ntrial was the House of Tigers, but its ferocious denizens were diverted\nby bones which the brothers cast to them. The House of Fire was also\nharmless to them; but in the sixth, the House of Bats, or House of\nCamazotz, as its lord was called, they met their first discomfiture.\nAll night the heroes lay prone, longing for the dawn; but at last\nHunahpu for a moment raised his head, which was instantly shorn off by\nthe vigilant Camazotz. Xbalanqu\u00e9, in desperation, summoned the animals\nto his assistance; and the turtle, chancing to touch the bleeding neck\nof Hunahpu and becoming attached to it, was transformed into a head\nwith the magic aid of the animals. The real head the Lords of Xibalba\nhad suspended in the ball court, where they were reviling it when\nXbalanqu\u00e9 and Hunahpu, with his turtle's head, appeared for the last\nround at the game; and with the assistance of the animals Xbalanqu\u00e9\nsucceeded in winning the victory once more, and recovering Hunahpu's\nhead, he restored it in place of the turtle's.\n\nHaving now met the ordeals set by the Xibalbans, the brothers undertook\nto show their own prowess, and, first of all, their contempt of death.\nAnticipating the action of the Lords of Xibalba in condemning them to\ndeath, they sought the counsel of two magicians, Xulu and Pacam, with\nwhom they arranged for their resurrection; after which, sentenced to\nbe burned, they mounted the funeral pyre and met their death, whereat\nall the Xibalbans were filled with joy, crying, \"We have triumphed,\nindeed; and none too soon!\" The bones, ground to powder at the advice\nof the two magicians, were cast upon the underworld waters; wherein\non the fifth day two fish-men were to be seen, while the next day\na pair of wretched beggars, poor and miserable, appeared among the\nXibalbans. These beggars, however, were wonder-workers: they burned\nhouses and immediately restored them; they even sacrificed and then\nresuscitated one another. Their fame soon reached the ears of Hun-Cam\u00e9\nand Vukub-Cam\u00e9, and when the mendicant-magicians were brought before\nthese lords, they were implored by the Xibalban kings to perform their\nmiracles. Thereupon the beggars began their \"dances\": they killed and\nrevivified the dog of the underworld princes; they burned and restored\nthe royal palace; they sacrificed and brought to life a man--each deed\nat the command of Hun-Cam\u00e9 and Vukub-Cam\u00e9. Finally, overcome with\nexcitement, the Lords of Xibalba cried, \"Do likewise with us; immolate\nus also!\" \"Can death exist for you?\" asked the beggars ironically.\n\"Nevertheless, it is your right that we amuse you.\" But when they\nhad sacrificed Hun-Cam\u00e9 and Vukub-Cam\u00e9, they restored them no more\nto life. \"Then fled all the princes of Xibalba, seeing their kings\ndead, and their bodies laid open; but in a moment they themselves were\nsacrificed, two by two, a chastisement which was their due.\" A single\nprince escaped, begging for pity, while the host of their vassals\nprostrated themselves before their conquerors.\n\nThen the heroes revealed themselves, disclosing their names and the\nnames of their fathers, saying, \"We are the avengers of the sufferings\nof our sires; harken, now to your doom, ye of Xibalba! Since your\nfame and your power are no more, and ye merit no clemency, your race\nshall have little rule, and never again shall ye play the Game of\nBall. Yours it shall be to make objects of burnt clay, pots and pans,\nand maize-grinders; and the animals that live in the brushwood and in\nsolitude shall be your share. All the happy, all the cultivated, shall\ncease to be yours; the bees alone will continue to reproduce before\nyour eyes. Ye, perverse, cruel, sad, wretched, who have done ill,\nnow lament it!\" Thus were degraded those who had been of bad faith,\nhypocritical, tyrannical; thus their power was ruined.\n\nMeanwhile, in the upper world, the grandmother of the twins watching\nthe two reeds, had mourned and rejoiced in turn, twice seeing them\nwither and twice revive. \"The Living Reeds, the Level Earth, the Centre\nof the House, shall be the names of this place,\" she said. The twins\ntalked with the heads of their father and uncle, paying them funeral\nhonours and elevating them to the sky, the one to become the sun, the\nother the moon; and they raised up also the four hundred youths buried\nby Zipacna, to become stars in heaven, saying: \"Henceforth ye shall be\ninvoked by civilized peoples; ye shall be adored; and your names shall\nnot perish.\"\n\nSuch, in its general character, is the mythic portion of the _Popul\nVuh_. It is built up of elements found far and wide in North\nAmerica and it reflects ideas practically universal among the\ncivilized Nahuatlan and Mayan tribes; but it possesses one great\ndistinction--that of presenting these concepts with an imaginative\nintensity unmatched by any other version, a quality which in some\nmeasure argues that the whole cycle is original with the Mayan stock.\nThe myth certainly gives a broad view of the south Mayan pantheons;\nand most of the elements in the proper names which can be interpreted\nare indicative of the cosmic nature of the personalities. According\nto Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hun signifies \"one,\" Vukub is the word for\n\"seven\"; Hunahpu is \"One Blowgun-Shooter,\" and it is quite likely that\nthe blowgun was associated with celestial phenomena, as the game of\n_tlachtli_ certainly is; Hunbatz is \"One Monkey\"; Hun-Cam\u00e9 is \"One\nDead,\" and so on. Vukub-Cakix (\"Seven Macaws\"), Vukub-Hunahpu (\"Seven\nOne-Blowgun-Shooter\"), and Vukub-Cam\u00e9 (\"Seven Dead\") are clearly\ncorresponding, or complementary, cosmic powers. The Abb\u00e9 believes\nthat Hurakan (from which comes our word \"hurricane\") and Cabrakan\n(\"Earthquake\") are deities imported from the Antilles. Camazotz\n(\"Ruler of Bats,\"--Brasseur; \"Death Bat,\"--Seler) is clearly the\nElder of the Bats--the bat-god known to have been a dread and potent\ndeity among the Maya, and, as the vampire, feared and propitiated far\ninto South America.[102] Balam means \"tiger\"--that is, the jaguar,\nwhich, perhaps because of its spots, is symbol of the star-studded\nnight and of the west. The four Quich\u00e9 ancestors are clearly cosmic\ndeities--Balam-Quitz\u00e9 (\"Smiling Tiger\") perhaps of the east; Balam-Agab\n(\"Night Tiger\") of the west; Iqi-Balam (\"Moon Tiger\"); and Mahucatah\n(\"Renowned Name,\" an epithet, in the Abb\u00e9's opinion). The Hero Brothers\nare, of course, familiar figures everywhere in American myth.\n\n\nIV. THE ANNALS OF THE CAKCHIQUEL[103]\n\n\nThe Cakchiquel _Annals_ do not, like the _Popul Vuh_, form a work of\nprimarily literary or historical intent, but are, both in form and in\ncontent, part of a brief, the purpose of which is to establish certain\nterritorial rights of members of the family of Xahila, thus falling\ninto the class of native _titulos_, written in Spanish, several of\nwhich have been published. From its nature the composition has not,\ntherefore, the dramatic character of a mythic narrative; nevertheless\nits very purpose, as founding a title to lands anciently held, leads\nto the effort to establish this by the right of first occupation, and\nhence to stories of the first comers. That such accounts are reproduced\nmore or less exactly from mythic narratives there can be no manner of\ndoubt, internal traits showing near affinity with the tales of the\n_Popul Vuh_ and kindred cycles.\n\nThe narrative begins with a record of \"the sayings of our earliest\nfathers and ancestors, Gagavitz the name of one, Zactecauh the name of\nthe other ... as we came from the other side of the sea, from the land\nof Tulan, where we were brought forth and begotten....\n\n\"These are the very words which Gagavitz and Zactecauh spake: 'Four men\ncame from Tulan; one Tulan is at the sunrise, and one is at Xibalbay,\nand one is at the sunset; and we came from this one at the sunset; and\none is where is God. Therefore there are four Tulans, they say, O our\nsons; from the sunset we came; from Tulan from beyond the sea; and it\nwas at Tulan that, arriving, we were brought forth; coming, we were\nproduced, as they say, by our fathers and our mothers.\n\n\"'And now the Obsidian Stone is brought forth by the precious Xibalbay,\nthe glorious Xibalbay; and man is made by; the Maker, the Creator.\nThe Obsidian Stone was his sustainer when man was made in misery and\nwhen man was formed; he was fed with wood, he was fed with leaves; he\nwished only the earth; he could not speak, he could not walk; he had\nno blood, he had no flesh; so say our fathers, our ancestors, O ye my\nsons. Nothing was found to feed him; at length something was found\nto feed him. Two brutes knew that there was food in the place called\nPaxil, where these creatures were, the Coyote and the Crow by name.\nEven in the refuse of maize it was found when the creature Coyote was\nkilled as he was separating his maize and was searching for bread to\nknead, killed by the creature named Tiuh Tiuh; and from within the sea,\nby means of Tiuh Tiuh, was brought the blood of the serpent and of the\ntapir with which the maize was to be kneaded; the flesh of man was\nformed of it by the Maker, the Creator; and well did they, the Maker\nand the Creator, know him who was born, him who was begotten; they\nmade man as he was made, they formed man as they made him; so they\ntell. There were thirteen men, fourteen women; they, talked, they\nwalked; they had blood, they had flesh. They married, and one had two\nwives. They brought forth daughters, they brought forth sons, those\nfirst men. Thus men were made, and thus the Obsidian Stone was made,\nfor the enclosure of Tulan; thus we came to where the Zotzils were at\nthe gates of Tulan; arriving, we were born; coming, we were produced;\ncoming, we gave the tribute in the darkness, in the night, O our sons.'\nThus spake Gagavitz and Zactecauh, O my sons; and what they said hath\nnot been forgotten. They are our great ancestors; these are the words\nwith which they encouraged us of old.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXV.]\n\n Monumental stela, Piedras Negras. This superb relief shows a divinity\n with quetzal-plume crest to whom a priest is presenting the group of\n bound captives, shown at the base. After photograph in the Peabody\n Museum.\n\nThese extracts indicate the style of the _Annals_, full of repetition\nand almost without relational expressions, but now and again lighted\nwith passages of extraordinary vividness. The Obsidian Stone, Chay\nAbah, represented an important civic fetish or oracular talisman, if\nwe may credit the description of Iximche, the Cakchiquel capital,\ntransmitted by Fuentes y Guzman and quoted by Brinton.[104] On the\nsummit of a small hill overlooking the town--so goes the account--\"is\na circular wall, not unlike the curb of a well, about a full fathom in\nheight. The floor within is paved with cement, as the city streets. In\nthe centre is placed a socle or pedestal of a glittering substance,\nlike glass, but of what composition is not known. This circular\nstructure was the tribunal or consistory of the Cakchiquel Indians,\nwhere not only was public hearing given to causes, but also the\nsentences were carried out. Seated around this wall, the judges heard\nthe pleas and pronounced the sentences, in both civil and criminal\ncases. After this public decision, however, there remained an appeal\nfor its revocation or confirmation. Three messengers were chosen as\ndeputies of the judges, and these went forth from the tribunal to a\ndeep ravine, north of the palace, to a small but neatly fitted-up\nchapel or temple, where was located the oracle of the demon. This\nwas a black and semi-transparent stone, of a finer grade than that\ncalled _chay_ (obsidian). In its transparency, the demon revealed to\nthem what should be their final decision.\" This passage is not the\nonly indication of the employment of divination by crystal gazing in\nprimitive America; and it is even possible that the translucent green\nstones so widely valued were primarily sacred because of divinatory\nproperties. Not all sacred stones were of the emerald hue, however; for\nin the Cakchiquel narrative one of the deeds of Gagavitz is the ascent\nof a volcano where, it is said, he conquered the fire, bringing it\ncaptive in the form of a stone called Gak Chog, which, the chronicler\nis at pains to state, is not a green stone.\n\nThe mythic affinities of the Cakchiquel narrative are already apparent\nin the passages quoted. The city of Tulan (frequently \"Tullan\" in the\ntext) is clearly become a name for certain cosmic stations, namely\nthe houses of sunrise, sunset, zenith (\"where is God\"), and nadir\n(Tulan of Xibalbay, the underworld). The successive creations of men,\nexperimental men first, and finally maize-formed men, is certainly\nthe same myth as that of the _Popul Vuh_, which is briefly described\nalso by Las Casas and which is probably intimately associated with\na cult of the maize-gods. \"If one looks closely at these Indians,\"\nsays an early writer quoted by Brinton,[105] (manuscript known as the\n_Cr\u00f3nica Franciscana_), \"he will find that everything they do and say\nhas something to do with maize. A little more, and they would make a\ngod of it. There is so much conjuring and fussing about their corn\nfields, that for them they will forget wives and children and any other\npleasure, as if the only end and aim of life was to secure a crop of\ncorn.\"\n\nThere are numerous mythic incidents in the continuation of the\nnarrative after the creation. At Tulan the peoples were divided into\nseven tribes, and it was from Tulan that, with idols of wood and of\nstone, they set out at the oracular command of the Obsidian Stone. The\nauguries were mostly evil: \"A bird called 'the guard of the ravine'\nbegan to complain within the gate of Tulan, as we were going forth\nfrom Tulan. 'Ye shall die, ye shall be lost, I am your portent,' the\ncreature said to us. 'Do ye not believe me? Truly your state shall be\na sad one.'\" The owl prophesied similar disaster, and another bird,\nthe parroquet, \"complained in the sky and said, 'I am your portent;\nye shall die.' But we said to the creature, 'Speak not thus; thou art\nbut the sign of spring. Thou wailest first when it is spring; when\nthe rain ceaseth, thou wailest.'\" They arrived at the sea-coast, and\nthere a great number perished while they awaited a means of crossing,\nwhich finally came when \"a red tree, our staff, which we had taken in\npassing from the gate of Tulan,\" was thrust into the sands, whereupon\nthe waters divided, and all passed over. Then it was that Gagavitz\nand Zactecauh were elected leaders; and next they fought with the\npeople of Nonoualcat and Zuyva, but though at first successful in the\nfight, they were eventually defeated: \"Truly, it was fearful there\namong the houses; truly, the noise was great, the dust was oppressive;\nfighting was going on in the houses, fighting with the dogs, the wasps,\nfighting with all. One attack, two attacks we made, and we ourselves\nwere routed; as truly as they were in the air, they were in the earth;\nthey ascended and they descended, everywhere against us; and thus they\nshowed their magic and their sorcery.\" After this defeat, the various\ntribes received the gods which were to be their protectors. \"When we\nasked each other where our salvation was, it was said to us by the\nQuich\u00e9 men: 'As it thundered and resounded in the sky, truly the sky\nmust be our salvation'; so they said, and therefore the name Tohohil\nwas given them.\" The Zotzil received Cakix, the macaw, as their deity;\nand the Cakchiquel said: \"'Truly, in the middle of the valley lieth our\nsalvation, entering there into the earth.' Therefore the name Chitagah\nwas given. Another, who said salvation was in the water, was called\nGucumatz\"; and so on, down the roll. The tribes then set forth and\nencounter \"the spirit of the forest, the fire called Zakiqoxol,\" who\nkills many men. \"Who are these boys whom we see?\" says the spirit (who,\nit seems, is a giant); and Gagavitz and Zactecauh replied: \"Let us see\nwhat kind of a hideous mole thou art? Who art thou? We shall kill thee.\nWhy is it that thou guardest the road here?\" \"Do not kill me; I, who am\nhere, I am the heart of the forest,\" and he asked for clothing. \"They\nshall give to thee wherewith to clothe thyself,\" they answered; and\n\"then they gave him wherewith to clothe himself, a change of garment,\nhis blood-red cuirass, his blood-red shoes, the dying raiment of\nZakiqoxol.\"\n\nThe narrative continues with episodes that may be historical. There\nare encounters, friendly and militant, with various tribes; Zactecauh\nis killed by falling down a ravine; the wanderers are delayed a year\nby the volcano which Gagavitz conquers; a certain being named Tolgom,\nson of \"the Mud that Quivers,\" is captured and offered by the arrow\nsacrifice, this being the beginning of an annual festival at which\nchildren were similarly slain; and afterward the people come to the\nplace where their dawn is to be and there they behold the sunrise.\nThe warriors took wives from neighbouring tribes and \"then also they\nbegan to adore the Demon.... It is said that the worship of the Demon\nincreased with the face of our prosperity.\" To Gagavitz were born two\nsons, Caynoh and Caybatz, who were to be his successors; and \"at that\ntime King Gagavitz died, the same who came from Tulan; his children,\nour ancestors, Caynoh and Caybatz, were still very young when their\nfather died. They buried him in the same place where their dawn\nappeared, in Paroxene.\"\n\nHere the mythical part of the _Annals_ ends. Caynoh and Caybatz may be\na pair of heroes like Hunahpu and Xbalanqu\u00e9, as some authorities deem;\nbut the situation in which they are presented, subjects of a Quich\u00e9\nKing, Tepeuh, indicates an historical situation, finally reversed, as\nthe narrative later shows, in sanguinary wars in which the Cakchiquel\nthrew off the Quich\u00e9 yoke. And here, as elsewhere in the New World,\nthe coming Spaniard was enabled to profit by local dissensions; for\nAlvarado, whose entrance into Iximche is described as by an eyewitness,\nfirst allied himself with the Cakchiquel for the destruction of their\nneighbours and then destroyed his allies for the sake of their gold.\nSo out of this broken past speaks the Xahila narrative--the one native\nvoice from a lost civilization.\n\n\nV. HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA[106]\n\n\nSouth of the Mayan peoples, in the territories formed by the projection\nof Central America between the Gulf of Honduras and Lake Nicaragua, the\naboriginal inhabitants were represented by some ten linguistic stocks.\nOn the western coast were several groups of Nahuatlan tribes who had\ncome from far in the north, probably in recent times; on the other\nhand, the large Ulvan stock, back from the Mosquito Coast, are regarded\nas probably of Chibchan kinship, and their territories were contiguous\nwith the Chibchans of Costa Rica, who brought the influence of the\nsouthern continent as far northward as the southern shores of the lake;\nthe remaining tribal groups--Lencan, Subtiaban, Payan, Mosquitoan,\nChiapanecan, etc.--have no certain linguistic affinity with any other\npeoples. Culturally, the whole region was aboriginally marked by an\nobvious inferiority both to the Mayan peoples to the north and the\nChibchan to the south; though at the same time it reflected something\nof the civilization of each of these regions. As a whole, however, it\npossessed no single level, but ranged from the primitive savagery of\nthe Mosquito Coast to something approaching a native culture in the\nwestern highlands.\n\nThe mythic lore of these peoples (not extensively reported) is in no\nway remarkable. The Nahuatlan tribes--Pipil and Niquiran--worshipped\ngods whose kinship with those of the Aztec is apparent. Of the Pipil,\nBrasseur says[107]: \"They adored the rising sun, as also statues of\nQuetzalcohuatl and Itzcueye, to whom they offered almost all their\nsacrifices,\" Itzcueye being a form of the earth goddess. Similarly the\nNiquiran deities mentioned by Oviedo, especially the creator pair,\nTamagostad and Cipattonal, are identified with Oxomoco and Cipactonal\nof the Mexicans; while the calendar of the same tribe is Mexican in\ntype. The chief centre of worship of the Pipil was named Mictlan, but\nthe myth which Brasseur narrates in connexion with the establishment\nof this shrine is curiously analogous to certain Chibcha tales. The\nsacred city was on a promontory in Lake Huixa, and \"it was there that\none day a venerable old man was beheld to advance, followed by a girl\nof unequalled beauty, both clad in long blue robes, while the man was\ncrowned with a pontifical mitre. They arose together from the lake, but\nthey did not delay to separate; and the old man seated himself upon a\nstone on the summit of a high hill, where, by his order, was reared a\nbeautiful temple called Mictlan.\" Similar cults of lake-spirits are\nindicated on the island of Zapatero, in Lake Nicaragua, where Squier\ndiscovered a whole series of remarkable idols, pillars surmounted by\ncrudely carved crouching or seated figures, while statues of a similar\ntype were found on another island, Pensacola. In several of these the\nhuman figure is hooded by an animal's head or jaw, or appears within\nthe mouth of the monster--a motive which probably comes from the Mayan\nnorth.\n\nThe Chiapanecan people north of the Niquirian Nahua consulted an\noracular Old Woman, who appears, as Oviedo relates the story,[108] to\nhave been the spirit of the volcano Masaya. The caciques went in secret\nto consult her before undertaking any enterprise and sacrificed to\nher human victims, who, says Oviedo, offered themselves voluntarily.\nWhen Oviedo asked how the Old Woman looked, they replied that \"she was\nold and wrinkled, with pendant breasts, thin, dishevelled hair, long\nteeth like those of a dog, a skin darker than that of the Indians,\nand glowing eyes,\" a description which scarcely makes the voluntary\nsacrifice plausible. With the coming of the Christians her appearances\nwere more and more rare.\n\nOf such character were the ideas of the more advanced tribes of the\nwestern coast. The Sumo (of the Ulvan stock) tell a tale of their\norigin, reported by Lehmann[109]: \"Between the Rio Patuca and the Rio\nCoco is a hill named Kaun'\u00e1pa, where is a rock with the sign of a human\numbilical cord. There in olden time the Indians were born; there is the\nsource of the people. A great Father, Maisah\u00e1na, and a great Mother,\nItu\u00e1na, likewise existed, the latter being the same as It\u00f3ki, whom the\nMosquito know as Mother Scorpion. First, the Mosquito were born and\ninstructed in all things; but they were disobedient to their elders\n(as they still are) and departed toward the coast. Thereafter the\nTu\u00e1chca were born, and then the Yusco who live on Rio Prinzapolca and\nBambana; but since the Yusco were bad and lewd, the rest of the Sumo\nfought against them and killed all but a few, who live somewhere around\nthe source of Rio Coco, near the Spaniards. Last the Ulua were born,\nwho are indeed the youngest; and they were instructed in all things,\nespecially medicine and song, wherefore they are known as 'Singers.'\"\n\nThe Mother Scorpion of this myth is regarded by the Mosquito as\ndwelling at the end of the Milky Way, where she receives the souls of\nthe dead; and from her, represented as a mother with many breasts, at\nwhich children take suck, come the souls of the new-born--a belief\nwhich points to a notion of reincarnation. The Mosquito[110] possess\nalso a migration-myth, with stories of a culture hero named Wakna,\nand an ancient prophecy that they shall never be driven back from\nthe coasts to which he led them. Along with this are reminiscences\nof the coming of cannibals--doubtless Carib--from overseas; and the\nusual quota of superstitions as to monsters of forest and waters. They\nare said, moreover, to have vague notions of a supreme or superior\ngod--which is altogether likely--and, in general, these Central\nAmerican religions are, doubtless, as the early writers describe them,\nformed of an ill-defined belief in a Heaven Father, with deities of sun\nand stars as objects of worship, and spirits of earth and forest as\nobjects of dread.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nTHE ANDEAN NORTH\n\nI. THE CULTURED PEOPLES OF THE ANDES[111]\n\n\nFrom the Isthmus of Panama the western coast of South America is marked\nby one of the loftiest and most abrupt mountain ranges of the world,\nculminating in the great volcanoes of Ecuador and the high peaks of\nwestern Argentina. A narrow coastal strip, dry and torrid in tropical\nlatitudes; deep and narrow valleys; occasional plateaux or intramontane\nplains, especially the great plateau of central Bolivia--these are\nthe primary diversifications from the high ranges which, rising\nprecipitously on the Pacific side, decline more gradually toward\nthe east into the vast forested regions of the central part of the\ncontinent and into the plains and pampas of the south.\n\nThroughout this mountain region, from the plateau of Bogot\u00e1 in the\nnorth to the neighbourhood of latitude 30\u00ba south, was continued\nin pre-Columbian times the succession of groups of civilized or\nsemi-civilized peoples of which the most northerly were the Nahua of\nMexico, or perhaps the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico. The ethnic boundary\nof the southern continent is to be drawn in Central America. The\nGuetare of Costa Rica, and perhaps the Sumo of Nicaragua, constitute\nnortherly outposts of the territorially great Chibchan culture, the\ncentre of which is to be found in the plateau of Bogot\u00e1, while its\nsoutherly extension leads to the Barbacoa of northern Ecuador. South\nof the Chibcha, in the Andean region lying between the Equator and\nthe Tropic of Capricorn, is the aboriginal home of the Quechua-Aymara\npeoples, nearly the whole of which, at the time of the Conquest was\nembraced in the Empire of the Incas. This empire had even reached into\nthe confines of the third culture area of the southern continent; for\nthe Calchaqui of the mountains of northern Argentina, who were the most\nrepresentative and probably the most advanced nation of the Diaguit\u00e9\ngroup, had even then passed under Inca subjection. Other tribes of\nthis most southerly of the civilized peoples of America had never been\nconquered; but bounded, as they were, by the aggressive empire of the\nnorth, by the warlike Araucanians to the south, and by the savages\nof the Gran Chaco to the east, their opportunities for independent\ndevelopment were slight; indeed, it is not improbable that the peoples\nof this group represent the last stand of a race that had once extended\nfar to the north and had played an important part in the pre-Inca\ncultures of the central Andes. Beyond the Diaguit\u00e9 lay the domains of\nsavagery, although the Araucanians of the Chilean-Argentine region were\nnot uninfluenced by the northward civilizations and in most respects\nwere superior to the wild tribes that inhabited the great body of the\nSouth American continent; but the indomitable love of liberty, which\nhas kept them unconquered through many wars, gave to their territory a\nboundary-line marked no less by a sharp descent in culture than by its\nuntouched independence.\n\nIn Columbian times these three Andean groups--the Chibchan tribes, the\nQuechua-Aymara, and the Diaguit\u00e9-Calchaqui--possessed a civilization\nmarked by considerable advancement in the arts of metallurgy (gold,\nsilver, copper), pottery, and weaving, by agriculture (fundamentally,\ncultivation of maize), and by domestication of the llama and alpaca.\nIn the art of building, in stone-work, and, generally, in that plastic\nand pictorial expression which is a sign of intellectual advancement,\nthe central group far excelled its neighbours. Nor was this due to the\nfact that it alone, under Inca domination, had reached the stage of\nstable and diversified social organization; for the archaeology of Peru\nand Bolivia shows that the Empire of the Incas was only the last in a\nseries of central Andean civilizations which it excelled, if at all, in\npolitical power rather than in the arts, industrial or aesthetic.\n\nOur knowledge of the religious and mythic ideas of these various groups\nreflects their relative importance at the time of the Spanish conquests\nmore than their natural diversity. Of the Chibchan groups, only the\nideas of a few tribes have been described, and these fragmentarily; of\nthe mythology of the Calchaqui, who had yielded to Inca rule, even less\nhas come down to us; while what is known of the religious conceptions\nof the pre-Inca peoples of the central region is mainly in the form of\ngleanings from the works of art left by these peoples, or from such\nof their cults as survived under the Inca state or in Inca tradition.\nInevitably the central body of Andean myth, as transmitted to us, is\nthat of the Incas, who, having reached the position of a great imperial\nclan, naturally glorified both their own gods and their own legendary\nhistory.\n\n\nII. THE ISTHMIANS[112]\n\n\nThe Isthmus of Panama (and northward perhaps as far as the confines of\nNicaragua) was aboriginally an outpost of the great Chibchan stock.\nTribes of other stocks, some certainly northern in origin, dwelt\nwithin the region, but the predominant group was akin to the peoples\nof the neighbouring southern continent; although whether they were\nimmigrants from the south or were parents of the southern stem can\nscarcely be known. So far as traditions tell, the uniform account given\nby the Bolivian tribes is of a northerly origin. The tales seem to\npoint to the Venezuelan coast, and perhaps remotely to the Antilles,\nrather than to the Isthmus, and it is certain that there are broad\nsimilarities in culture--especially in the forms and use of ceremonial\nobjects--pointing to the remote unity of the whole region from Haiti to\nEcuador, and from Venezuela to Nicaragua. It is entirely possible that\nwithin this region the drift of influence has been southerly; though it\nis more likely that counter-streams, northward and southward, must give\nthe full explanation of the civilization.\n\nOn the linguistic side it is agreed that the Guetare of Costa Rica\nrepresent a branch of the Chibchan stock, while neighbouring tribes\nof the same stock are either now extinct or little known. The Spanish\nconquests in the Isthmian region were as ruthlessly complete as\nanywhere in America, and for the greater part our knowledge of the\naborigines is the fruit of archaeology. In the writings of Oviedo and\nCieza de Le\u00f3n some facts may be gleaned--enough, indeed, to picture the\ngeneral character of the rituals of the Indian tribes--but there is no\ncompetent contemporary relation of the native religion and beliefs.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXVI.]\n\n Jade pendant representing a Vampire. After Hartman, _Archaeological\n Researches on the Pacific Coast of Costa Rica_, Plate XLIV. For\n reference to the significance of the bat, as a deity, see page 177 and\n Note 102.\n\nOviedo's description[113] of the tribes about the Gulf of Nicoya, where\nthe civilizations of the two Americas meet, indicates a religion in\nwhich the great rites were human sacrifices of the Mexican type and\nfeasts of intoxication. Archaeological researches in the same region\nhave brought to light amulets and ornaments, some anthropomorphic\nin character, but many representing animal forms, usually highly\nconventionalized--alligators, jaguars and pumas, frogs, parrots,\nvampires, denizens of earth, air, and sea, all indicative of a populous\npantheon of talismanic powers; while cruciform, swastika, and other\nsymbolic ornamentation implies a development in the direction of\nabstraction sustained by Oviedo's mention of \"folded books of deerskin\nparchment,\" which are probably the southern extension of the art of\nwriting as known in the northern civilization. The archaeology of the\nGuetare region, in central, and of the Chiriqui region, in southern\nCosta Rica, disclose the same fantasy of grotesque and conventionalized\nanimals--saurians, armadilloes, the cat-tribe, composites--indicative\nof a similarly zoomorphic pantheon. Benzoni, speaking of the tribes\nof this region, states that they worshipped idols in the forms\nof animals, which they kept hidden in caves; while Andagoya declares\nthat the priests of the Cuna or Cueva (dwelling at the juncture of\nthe Isthmus and the southern continent) communed with the devil and\nthat Chipiripa, a rain-god, was one of their most important deities;\nthey are said, too, to have known of the deluge. Of the neighbouring\nIndians, about Uraba, Cieza de Le\u00f3n gives us to know that \"they\ncertainly talk with the devil and do him all the honour they can.... He\nappears to them (as I have been told by one of themselves) in frightful\nand terrible visions, which cause them much alarm.\" Furthermore, \"the\ndevil gives them to understand that, in the place to which they go\n[after death], they will come to life in another kingdom which he has\nprepared for them, and that it is necessary to take food with them for\nthe journey. As if hell was so very far off!\"\n\nPeter Martyr devotes the greater part of a book (the tenth of the\nSeventh Decade)[114] to a description of the rites and beliefs of the\nIndians of the region where the Isthmus joins the continent. Dabaiba,\nhe says, was the name both of a river and of a divinity whose sanctuary\nwas about forty leagues from Darien; and thither at certain seasons\nthe caciques, even of the most distant countries, sent slaves to be\nstrangled and burnt before the idol. \"When the Spaniards asked them\nto what divinity they addressed their prayers, they responded that\nit is to the god who created the heavens, the sun, the moon, and all\nexisting things; and from whom every good thing proceeds. They believe\nthat Dabaiba, the divinity universally venerated in the country, is\nthe mother of this creator.\" Their traditions told of a great drought\nwhich, making the rivers dry, caused the greater part of mankind to\nperish of thirst, while the survivors emigrated from the mountains to\nthe sea-coast; for this reason they maintained priests and addressed\nprayers to their divinity, who would seem to be a rain-goddess.\nAnother legend recorded by Peter Martyr tells of a frightful tempest\nwhich brought with it two great birds, \"similar to the harpies of\nthe Strophades,\" having \"the face, chin, mouth, nose, teeth, eyes,\nbrows, and physiognomy of a virgin.\" One of these seized the people\nand carried them off to the mountains to devour them, wherefore, to\nslay the man-eating bird, certain heroes carved a human figure on the\nend of a log, which they set in the ground so that the figure alone\nwas visible. The hunters concealed themselves near by, and when the\nmonster, mistaking the image for prey, sunk its talons into the wood,\nfalling upon it, they slew it before it could release itself. \"Those\nwho killed the monster were honoured as gods.\" Interesting, too, is\nMartyr's account of the reason given for the sinfulness of incest: the\ndark spots on the moon represent a man cast into that damp and freezing\nplanet to suffer perpetual cold in expiation of incest committed\nwith his sister--the very myth that is told in North Greenland; and\nthe belief that \"only nobles have immortal souls\" (or, more likely,\nthat they alone enjoy a paradise) is cited to explain why numbers of\nservants gladly throw themselves into the graves of their masters,\nsince thus they gain the right to accompany their lords into the\nafterworld of pleasure; all others, apparently, go down to a gloomy\nhades, though there may be truth in Martyr's statement that it is\npollution which brings this fate.\n\nThe account of the religion of the Isthmian tribes in later times, by\nW. M. Gabb and Pittier de F\u00e1brega,[115] probably represents faithfully\ntheir earlier beliefs. There are deities who are the protectors of\ngame-animals, suggesting the Elders of the Kinds so characteristic of\nNorth American lore; though they appear to men in human form, taking\nvengeance on those who only wound in the chase: \"When thou shootest, do\nit to kill, so that the poor beast doth not fall a prey to the worms,\"\nis the command of the King of the Tapirs to the unlucky hunter who is\npunished for his faulty work by being stricken with dumbness during\nthe period in which a cane grows from a sprout to its full height. The\nIsthmian peoples recognize (as do most other Americans) a _fain\u00e9ant_\nsupreme being, Sib\u00fa, in the world above, with a host of lesser, but\ndangerous, powers in the realm of environing nature; and there is a\nparadise, at least for the noble dead, situated at the zenith, though\nthe way thither is beset by perils, monsters, and precipices. Las Casas\nalso mentions the belief in a supreme deity, Chicuna, Lord of All\nThings, as extending from Darien to Nicaragua; and he says that along\nwith this god the Sun, the Moon, and the Morning Star were worshipped,\nas well as divinities of wood and stone which presided over the\nelements and the sowings (_sementeras_).\n\nThe allusion to deities of the _sementeras_ is interesting in connexion\nwith the Bribri and Brunka (or Boruca) myths, published by Pittier de\nF\u00e1brega. According to these tribes of Indians, men and animal kinds\nwere originally born of seeds kept in baskets which Sib\u00fa entrusted to\nthe lesser gods; but the evil powers were constantly hunting for these\nseeds, endeavouring to destroy them. One tale relates that after Sur\u00e1,\nthe good deity to whom the seed had been committed, had gone to his\nfield of maize, J\u00e1buru, the evil divinity, stole and ate the seed;\nand when Sur\u00e1 returned, killed and buried him, a cacao-tree and a\ncalabash-tree growing from the grave. Sib\u00fa, the almighty one, resolving\nto punish J\u00e1buru and demanding of him a drink of chocolate, the wives\nof the wicked deity roasted the cacao, and made a drinking-vessel of\nthe calabash. \"Then Sib\u00fa, the almighty god, willed--and whatever he\nwills has to be: 'May the first cup come to me!' and as it so came to\npass, he said, 'My uncle, I present this cup to thee, so that thou\ndrink!' J\u00e1buru swallowed the chocolate at once, with such delight that\nhis throat resounded, _tshaaa!_ And he said, 'My uncle! I have drunk\nSur\u00e1's first fruit!' But just at this moment he began to swell, and\nhe swelled and swelled until he blew up. Then Sib\u00fa, the almighty god,\npicked up again the seed of our kin, which was in J\u00e1buru's body, and\nwilled, 'Let Sur\u00e1 wake up again!' And as it so happened he gave him\nback the basket with the seed of our kin to keep.\" In another tale a\nduel between Sib\u00fa and J\u00e1buru, in which each should throw two cacao-pods\nat the other, and he should lose in whose hand a pod first broke, was\nthe preliminary for the creation of men, which Sib\u00fa desired and J\u00e1buru\nopposed. The almighty god chose green pods, the evil one ripe pods;\nand at the third throw the pod broke in J\u00e1buru's hand, mankind being\nthen born from the seed. A third legend, of a man-stealing eagle who\ndevoured his prey in company with a jaguar (who is no true jaguar, but\na bad spirit, having the form of a stone until his prey approaches),\nis evidently a version of the story of the bird-monster told by Peter\nMartyr.\n\n\nIII. EL DORADO\n\n\nNot the quest of the Golden Fleece itself and the adventures of the\nArgonauts with clashing rocks and Amazonian women are so filled with\nextravagance and peril as is the search for El Dorado.[116] The legend\nof the Gilded Man and of his treasure city sprang from the soil of\nthe New World in the very dawn of its discovery--whether wholly in\nthe imaginations of _conquistadores_ dazzled with dreams of gold, or\npartly from some custom, tale, or myth of the American Indians it\nis now impossible to say. In its earlier form it told of a priest,\nor king, or priest-king, who once a year smeared his body with oil,\npowdered himself with gold dust, and in gilded splendour, accompanied\nby nobles, floated to the centre of a lake, where, as the onlookers\nfrom the shore sang and danced, he first made offering of treasure to\nthe waters and then himself leaped in to wash the gold from his body.\nLater, fostered by the readiness of the aborigines to rid themselves of\nthe plague of white men by means of tales of treasure cities farther\non, the story grew into pictures of the golden empire of Omagua, or\nManoa, or Paytiti, or Enim, on the shores of a distant lake. Expedition\nafter expedition journeyed in quest of the fabled capital. As early\nas 1530, Ambros von Alfinger, a German knight, set out from the\ncoast of Venezuela in search of a golden city, chaining his enslaved\nnative carriers to one another by means of neck-rings and cutting off\nthe heads of those who succumbed to fatigue to save the trouble of\nunlinking them; Alfinger himself was wounded in the neck by an arrow\nand died of the wound. In 1531 Diego de Ordaz conducted an expedition\nguided by a lieutenant who claimed to have been entertained in the city\nof Omoa by El Dorado himself; in 1536-38 George of Spires, afterward\ngovernor of Venezuela, made a journey of fifteen hundred miles into\nthe interior; and another German, the red-bearded Nicholas Federman,\ndeparted upon the same quest. On the plains of Bogot\u00e1 in 1539 they met\nQuesada and Belalcazar, who, coming from the north and from the south\nrespectively, had subdued the Chibcha realm. Hernan Perez de Quesada,\nbrother of the conqueror, led an unlucky expedition, behaving with\nsuch cruelty that his death from lightning was regarded as a divine\nretribution; while the expeditions of the chivalrous Philip von Hutten\n(1540-41) and of Orellana down the Amazon (1540-41) were followed by\nothers, down to the time of Sir Walter Raleigh's quest in 1595,--all\nenlarging the geographical knowledge of South America and accumulating\nfables of cities of gold and nations of warlike women. Of all these\nadventures, however, the most amazing was the \"jornada de Omagua y\nDorado\" which set out from Peru in 1559 under the leadership of Don\nPedro de Ursua, a knight of Navarre. Ursua was a gentleman, worthy of\nhis knighthood, but his company was crowded with cut-throats, of whom\nhe himself was an early victim. Hernando de Guzman made himself master\nof the mutineers, and renouncing allegiance to the King of Castile,\nproclaimed himself Prince and King of all Tierra Firme; but he, in turn\nfell before his tyrant successor, Lope de Aguirre, whose fantastic\nand blood-thirsty insanity caused half the continent to shudder at\nhis name, which is still remembered in Venezuelan folk-lore, where\nthe phosphorescence of the swamp is called _fuego de Aguirre_ in the\nbelief that under such form the tortured soul of the tyrant wanders\nabroad.\n\nThe true provenance of the story of the Gilded Man (if not of the\ntreasure city) seems certainly to be the region about Bogot\u00e1 in the\nrealm of the Chibcha. Possibly the myth may refer to the practices of\none of the nations conquered by the Muyscan Zipas before the coming\nof the Spaniards, and legendary even at that time; for as the tale is\ntold, it seems to describe a ceremony in honour of such a water-spirit\nas we are everywhere told the Colombian nations venerated; and it\nmay actually be that the Gilded Man was himself a sacrifice to or\na personation of the deity. Whatever the origin, the legends of El\nDorado have their node in the lands of the Chibcha--a circumstance not\nwithout its own poetic warrant, for from no other American people have\njewelleries of cunningly wrought gold come in more abundance.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXVII (_A_).]\n\n Colombian gold work. Ornaments in the forms of human and monstrous\n beings, doubtless mythological subjects. The originals are in the\n American Museum of Natural History.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXVII (_B_).]\n\n Colombian gold work. The human figure apparently holds a staff or wand\n and may represent Bochica or similar personage. The originals are in\n the American Museum of Natural History.\n\nThe Zipa of Bogot\u00e1, at the period of the conquest, was the most\nconsiderable of the native rulers in what is now Colombia, having an\nempire only less in extent than those of the Peruvian Incas and of the\nAztec Kings. He also was a recent lord, engaged at the very time of the\ncoming of the whites in extending his power over neighbouring rulers;\nit is probable that Guatavita, east of Bogot\u00e1 had fallen to the Zipa\nnot many decades before the conquest and this Guatavita is supposed\nto have been the scene of the rite of El Dorado; in any case it had\nremained a famous shrine. Tunja was another power to the east of Bogot\u00e1\ndeclining before the rising power of the Zipas, its Zaque (as the\nTunjan caciques were called) being saved from the Zipa's forces by the\narrival of the Spaniards.\n\nBesides these--the Chibcha proper[117]--there were in Colombia in\nthe sixteenth century other civilized peoples, akin in culture and\nlanguage, whose chief centres were in the elongated Cauca valley\nparalleling the Pacific coast. Farthest north were the tribes in\nthe neighbourhood of Antioquia--the Tamahi and Nutabi; south\nof these, about Cartago, were the most famous of gold-workers, the\nQuimbaya; while near the borders of what is now Ecuador dwelt the\nCoconuco and their kindred. All these peoples possessed skill in\npottery, metal-working, and weaving; and the inhabitants of the Cauca\nvalley were the most advanced of the Colombians in these arts. Indeed,\nthe case of Peru seems to be in a measure repeated; for the Chibcha\nsurpassed their neighbours in the strength of their military and\npolitical organization rather than in their knowledge of the arts.\nIt is even possible that the Chibcha had been driven eastward by the\nwestern tribes, for the inhabitants of the Cauca valley possessed\ntraditions of a northern origin, claiming to be immigrants; while\nthe Chibcha still regarded certain spots in the territories of their\nwestern enemies, the Muzo, as sacred. Little is known of the mythic\nsystems of any of these peoples save the Chibcha. The Antioquians\npreserved a deluge-myth (as doubtless did all the other Colombians);\nand they recognized a creator-god, Abir\u00e1, a spirit of evil, Canicub\u00e1,\nand a goddess, Dabeciba, who was the same as Dabaiba, the Darien Mother\nof the Creator. Cieza de Le\u00f3n says[118] that the Antioquians \"carve\nthe likeness of a devil, very fierce and in human form, with other\nimages and figures of cats which they worship; when they require water\nor sunshine for their crops, they seek aid from these idols.\" Of the\nQuimbaya Cieza tells how there appeared to a group of women making salt\nbeside a spring the apparition of a disembowelled man who prophesied\na pestilence that soon came. \"Many women and boys affirmed that they\nsaw the dead with their own eyes walking again. These people well\nunderstand that there is something in man besides the mortal body,\nthough they do not hold that it is a soul, but rather some kind of\ntransfiguration.\" The Sun, the Moon, and the Rainbow were important\ndivinities with all these tribes, and they made offerings of gold and\njewels and children to water-spirits in rivers and in springs. Human\nsacrifice was probably universal, and too many of the Indians, as\nCieza puts it, \"not content with natural food, turned their bellies\ninto tombs of their neighbours.\"\n\n\nIV. MYTHS OF THE CHIBCHA[119]\n\nFray Pedro Simon wrote his _Noticias Historiales_ in 1623, some four\nscore years from the conquest, giving in his fourth _Noticia_ an\naccount of the myths and rites of the Chibcha which is our primary\nsource for the beliefs of these tribes. Like other American peoples the\nChibcha recognized a Creator, apparently the Heaven Father, but like\nmost others their active cults centred about lesser powers: the Sun\n(to whom human sacrifices were made), the Moon, the Rainbow, spirits\nof lakes and other _genii locorum_, culture deities, male and female,\nand the manes of ancestors. Idols of gold and copper, of wood and clay\nand cotton, represented gods and fetishes, and to them offerings were\nmade, especially of emeralds and golden ornaments. Fray Pedro says\nthat the Pijaos aborigines and some of those of Tunja had in their\nsanctuaries images having three heads or three faces on a single body\nwhich, the natives said, represented three persons with one heart; and\nhe also records their use of crosses to mark the graves of those dead\nof snake-bite, as well as their belief that the souls of the dead fared\nto the centre of the earth, crossing the Stygian river on _balsas_ made\nof spiders' webs, for which reason spiders were never killed. Like the\nAztec they held that the lot of men slain in battle and of women dying\nin child-birth was especially delectable in the other world.\n\nThe worship of mountains, serpents, and lakes was implied in many of\nthe Chibcha rites. Slaves were sacrificed, and their bodies were buried\non hill-tops; children, who were the particular offering to the Sun,\nwere sometimes taken to mountain-tops to be slain, their bodies being\nsupposed to be consumed by the Sun; and an interesting case of the\nsurrogate for human victims was the practice of sacrificing parrots\nwhich had been taught to speak. In masked dances, addressed to the\nSun, tears were represented on the masks as a supplication for pity;\nand another curious rite, apparently solar, was performed at Tunja,\nwhere twelve men in red, presumably typifying the moons of the year,\ndanced about a blue man, who was doubtless the sky-god. The ceremony\nof El Dorado is only one of many rites in which the divinities of\nthe sacred lakes were propitiated; and it is probable that these\nwater-spirits were conceived in the form of snakes, as when, at Lake\nGuatavita, a huge serpent was supposed to issue from the depths to\nsecure offerings left upon the bank.\n\nThe same concept of serpentiform water-deities appears in the curious\nand novel creation-myth of the Chibcha, briefly told by Fray Simon. In\nthe beginning all was darkness, for light was imprisoned in a great\nhouse in charge of a being called Chiminigagua, whom the friar names\nas the Supreme God, omnipotent, ever good, and lord of all things.\nAfter creating huge black birds, to whom he gave the light, commanding\nthem to carry it in their beaks until all the world was illumined and\nresplendent, Chiminigagua formed the Sun, the Moon (to be the Sun's\nwife and companion), and the rest of the universe. The human race was\nof another origin, for shortly after the creation of light, from Lake\nIguaque, not far from Tunja, emerged a woman named Bachue or Turachogue\n(\"the Good Woman\"), bearing with her a boy just out of infancy. When\nhe was grown, Bachue married him; and their prolific offspring--she\nbrought forth four or six children at a birth--peopled the earth; but\nfinally the two returned beneath the waters, Bachue enjoining upon the\npeople to keep the peace, to obey the laws which she had given them,\nand in particular to preserve the cult of the gods; while the pair\nassumed the form of serpents, in which they were supposed sometimes to\nreappear to their worshippers.\n\nThe belief that the ancestors of men issued from a lake or spring was\ncommon to many Andean tribes, being found far to the south, where the\nIndians of Cuzco pointed to Lake Titicaca as the place whence they had\ncome. The myth is easy to explain for the obvious reason that lakesides\nare desirable abodes and that migrating tribes would hark back to\nabandoned lakeside homes as their primal sites; however, another\nsuggestion is made plausible by various fragments of origin-myths which\nhave been preserved, namely, that the Andean legends belong to the\ngreat cycle of American tales which make men immigrants to the upper\nworld from an under-earth realm whence they have been driven by the\nmalevolence of the water-monster, a serpent or a dragon. There are many\nstriking parallels between the Colombian tales and those of the Pueblo\ntribes of North America--the great underworld-goddess, the serpent and\nthe spider as subaqueous and subterranean powers, the return of the\ndead to the realm below, the importance of birds in cosmogony, the\ncult of the rainbow; and along with these there are tales of a culture\nhero and of a pair of divine brothers such as are common to nearly all\nAmerican peoples.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXVIII.]\n\n 1. Ceremonial dish of black ware with monster or animal forms\n found near Anoire, Antioquia. The original is in the Museum of the\n University of Nebraska.\n\n 2. Image of mother and child, red earthenware, from the coastal\n regions of Colombia. The original is in the Museum of the University\n of Nebraska.\n\nOther Colombian legends of the origin of men include the Pijaos\nbelief, recorded by Fray Simon, that their ancestors had issued from\na mountain, and the tradition of the Muzo--western neighbours of the\nChibcha--that a shadow, Ar\u00e9, formed faces from sand, which became men\nand women when he sprinkled them with water. A true creation-story (as\ndistinguished from tales of origin through generation) was told also by\nthe people of Tunja. In the beginning all was darkness and fog, wherein\ndwelt the caciques of Ramiriqui and of Sogamozo, nephew and uncle. From\nyellow clay they fashioned men, and from an herb they created women;\nbut since the world was still unillumined, after enjoining worship upon\ntheir creatures, they ascended to the sky, the uncle to become the Sun,\nthe nephew the Moon. It was at Sogamozo that the dance of the twelve\nred men--each garlanded and carrying a cross, and each with a young\nbird borne as a crest above his head--was danced about the blue\nsky-man, while all sang how human beings are mortal and must change\ntheir bodies into dust without knowing what shall be the fate of their\nsouls.\n\nFray Simon relates an episode of these same Indians which is\nenlightening both as to the missionary and as to the aboriginal\nconception of the powers that be. After the first missionary had\nlaboured among the natives of Tunja and Sogamozo, \"the Demon there\nbegan to give contrary doctrines; and among other matters he sought\nto discredit the teaching of the Incarnation, telling them that such\na thing had not yet taken place. Nevertheless, it should happen that\nthe Sun, assuming human flesh in the body of a virgin of the pueblo\nof Guacheta, should cause her to bring forth that which she should\nconceive from the rays of the sun, although remaining virgin. This was\nbruited throughout the provinces, and the cacique of the pueblo named,\nwishing to prove the miracle, took two virgins, and leading them forth\nfrom his house every dawn, caused them to dispose themselves upon a\nneighbouring hill, where the first rays of the sun would shine upon\nthem. Continuing this for some days, it was granted to the Demon by\nDivine permission (whose judgements are incomprehensible) that the\nevent should issue according to his desire: in such manner that in a\nfew days one of the damsels became pregnant, as she said, by the Sun.\"\nAt the end of nine months the girl brought forth a _hacuata_, a large\nand beautiful emerald, which was treated as an infant, and after being\ncarried for several days, became a living creature--\"all by the order\nof the Demon.\" The child was called Goranchacha, and when he was grown\nhe became cacique, with the title of \"Child of the Sun.\" It is to be\nsuspected that the story of the virgin-born son of the Sun was older\nthan the first preaching of the Incarnation, and that Spanish ears had\ntoo eagerly misheard some tale of rites or myths which must have been\nanalogous to the Inca legends of descent from the Sun and to their\nconsecration of virgins to his worship.\n\nLike the other civilized American nations the Chibcha preserved the\ntradition of a bearded old man, clothed in long robes who came from\nthe east to instruct them in the arts of life and to raise them from\nprimeval barbarism; and like other churchly writers Fray Pedro Simon\nregarded this as evidence of the preaching of the Gospel by an apostle.\nNempterequeteva, or Nemquetheba, and Xue, or Zuh\u00e9, are two of the\nnames of this culture hero, worshipped as the god Bochica. He taught\nthe weaving of cotton, the cultivation of fruits, the building of\nhouses, the adoration of the gods; and then he passed on his mysterious\nway, leaving as proof of his mission designs of crosses and serpents,\nand the custom of erecting crosses over the graves of the victims of\nsnake-bite--to Fray Pedro an obvious reminiscence of the brazen serpent\nraised on a cross by Moses in the Wilderness. One of the epithets of\nthis greybeard was Chiminizagagua, or \"Messenger of Chiminigagua,\" the\nsupreme god; and when the Spaniards appeared they were called Gagua,\nafter the light-giver; but later, when their cruelties had set them\nin a different context, the aborigines changed the name to Suegagua\n(\"Demon with Light\") after their principal devil, Suetiva, \"and this\nthey give today to the Spaniards.\" Piedrah\u00edta says the Spaniards were\ntermed _Zuh\u00e1_, but he identifies the name as belonging to the hero\nBochica.\n\nA curious episode follows the departure of the culture hero. Among the\npeople appeared a woman, beautiful and resplendent--\"or, better to say,\na devil in her figure\"--who taught doctrines wholly opposed to the\ninjunctions of Chiminizagagua. Dancing and carousal were the tenets of\nher evangel; and in displeasure at this, Chiminizagagua transformed the\nwoman (variously known as Chie, Huytaca, or Xubchasgagua) into an owl,\ncondemning her to walk the night. Humboldt says that Bochica changed\nhis wife Chia into the Moon (_chia_ signifies \"moon\" in the Chibchan\ntongue, says Acosta de Samper); and it seems altogether likely that in\nthe culture hero, Messenger of Light, and the festal heroine, with\ntheir opposite doctrines, we have a myth of sun and moon.\n\nThe Chibcha, of course, had their deluge-legend. In the version\ngiven by Fray Pedro Simon it is associated with the appearance of\nthe rainbow as the symbol of hope; and since the rainbow cult was\nimportant throughout the Andean region, it may everywhere have been\nassociated with some such myth as the friar recounts. Chibchachum,\nthe tutelary of the natives of Bogot\u00e1, being offended by the people,\nwho murmured against him and indeed openly offended, sent a flood to\npunish them, whereupon they, in their peril, appealed to Bochica, who\nappeared to them upon a rainbow, and, striking the mountains with his\nstaff, opened a conduit for the waters. Chibchachum was punished, as\nZeus punished the Titans, by being thrust beneath the earth to take\nthe place of the lignum-vitae-trees which had hitherto upheld it, and\nhis weary restlessness is the cause of earthquakes; while the rainbow,\nChuchaviva, was thenceforth honoured as a deity, though not without\nfear; for Chibchachum, in revenge for his disgrace, announced that\nwhen it appeared, many would die. In the version of this tale given\nby Piedrah\u00edta, Huytaca plays a part, for it is as a result of her\nartifices that the waters rise; but Bochica is again the deliverer,\nand the place opened for the issuance of the waters was shown at the\ncataract of T\u00e9quendama--\"one of the wonders of the world.\"\n\nThe myth of Chibchachum, shaking the world which he supports, has its\nanalogue not only in the tale of Atlas but also in the Tlingit legend\nof the Old Woman Below who jars the post that upholds the world. It\nwould seem, however, not impossible that the story is an etymological\nmyth, for Fray Pedro Simon says that Chibchachum means \"Staff of the\nChibcha,\" a name which might easily lend itself to the mythopoesy of\nthe deluge-tale; nor is it unreasonable from the point of view of\ncultural advancement, for the Chibcha were beyond the stage in which\nit is profitable to refer all deifications to natural phenomena.\nChibchachum, says the friar, was god of commerce and industries--a\ncomplex divinity, not a mere hero of myth--and Bochica, the most\nuniversally venerated of Chibchan deities, was revered as a law-giver,\ndivinity of caciques and captains; served with sacrifices of gold and\ntobacco, he was worshipped with fasts and hymns, and his image was that\nof a man with the golden staff of authority. There was a fox-god and\na bear-god, but Nemcatacoa, the bear-god, was patron of weavers and\ndyers, and, oddly, of drunkards; in his bear's form he was supposed\nto sing and dance with his followers. Chukem, deity of boundaries\nand foot-races, must have been an American Hermes, and Bachue,\ngoddess of agriculture and of the springs of life, was, no doubt, a\npersonification of the earth itself, a Ge or Demeter. Chuchaviva, the\nRainbow, aided women in child-birth and those sick with a fever--and\nwe think of the images of the rainbow goddess on the sweat lodges of\nthe Navaho far to the north, and of the rainbow insignia of the royal\nIncas in the imperial south. Certain it is that here we have to do with\na pantheon that reflects the complexity of a life developed beyond the\nprimitive needs of those whom we call nature-folk.\n\n\nV. THE MEN FROM THE SEA\n\n\nThe most picturesque account of the landing of gigantic strangers on\nthe desert-like Pacific coast, just south of the equator, is that given\nby Cieza de Le\u00f3n.[120] \"I will relate what I have been told, without\npaying attention to the various versions of the story current among\nthe vulgar, who always exaggerate everything.\" With this proclamation\nof modesty, he proceeds with the tale which the natives, he says, have\nreceived from their ancestors of a remote time.\n\n\"There arrived on the coast, in boats made of reeds, as big as large\nships, a party of men of such size that, from the knee downwards, their\nheight was as great as the entire height of an ordinary man, though\nhe might be of good stature. Their limbs were all in proportion to the\ndeformed size of their bodies, and it was a monstrous thing to see\ntheir heads, with hair reaching to the shoulders. Their eyes were as\nlarge as small plates. They had no beards and were dressed in the skins\nof animals, others only in the dress which nature gave them, and they\nhad no women with them. When they arrived at this point [Santa Elena],\nthey made a sort of village, and even now the sites of their houses\nare pointed out. But as they found no water, in order to remedy the\nwant they made some very deep wells, works which are truly worthy of\nremembrance, for such is their magnitude that they certainly must have\nbeen executed by very strong men. They dug these wells in the living\nrock until they met with water, and then they lined them with masonry\nfrom top to bottom in such sort that they will endure for many ages.\nThe water in these wells is very good and wholesome, and always so cold\nthat it is very pleasant to drink it. Having built their village and\nmade their wells or cisterns where they could drink, these great men,\nor giants, consumed all the provisions they could lay their hands upon\nin the surrounding country, insomuch that one of them ate more meat\nthan fifty of the natives of the country could. As all the food they\ncould find was not sufficient to sustain them, they killed many fish\nwith nets and other gear. They were detested by the natives, because in\nusing their women they killed them, and the men also in another way;\nbut the Indians were not sufficiently numerous to destroy this new\npeople who had come to occupy their lands.... All the natives declare\nthat God, our Lord, brought upon them a punishment in proportion to the\nenormity of their offence.... A fearful and terrible fire came down\nfrom heaven with a great noise, out of the midst of which there issued\na shining angel with a glittering sword, with which, at one blow, they\nwere all killed, and the fire consumed them. There only remained a few\nbones and skulls, which God allowed to remain without being consumed\nby the fire, as a memorial of this punishment.\"\n\nCieza de Le\u00f3n's story is only one among a number of accounts of this\nrace of giants, come from the sea and destroyed long ago by flame from\nheaven for the sin of sodomy. To these legends recent investigations\nhave added a new interest; for during excavations in the coast region\nto the north of Cape Santa Elena the members of the George G. Heye\nExpeditions (1906-08) discovered the remains of a unique aboriginal\ncivilization in this region, among its monuments being stone-faced\nwells corresponding to those mentioned by the early narration. Another\nand peculiarly interesting type of monument, found here in abundance,\nis the stone seat, whether throne or altar, carved with human or\nanimal figures to support it, and reminiscent of the _duhos_ of the\nAntilles and of carved _metates_ and seats found northward in the\ncontinent and beyond the Isthmus. It is the opinion of the excavators\nthat these seats were thrones for deities; possibly also for human\ndignitaries, especially as clay figures represent men sitting upon\nsuch seats--images, perhaps, of household gods; while the figures of\nmen, pumas, serpents, birds, monkeys, and other figures crouching\ncaryatid-like are, no doubt, depictions of supporting powers, divine\nauxiliaries or gods themselves. Monstrous forms, composite animals,\nand grotesquely frog-like images of a female goddess in bas-relief on\nstele-like slabs--mute emblems of a forgotten pantheon--add curious\ninterest to the vanished race, remembered only in distorted legend when\nthe first-coming Spaniards received the tale from the aborigines.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXIX.]\n\n Scene from a vase, Truxillo, showing balsa. The drawing is in the\n Chimu style. After Joyce, _South American Archaeology_, page 126.\n\nJuan de Velasco,[121] in the beginning of his history of Quito, places\nthe coming of the giants about the time of the Christian era; and six\nor seven centuries later, he declares, another incursion of men from\nthe sea appeared on this coast, destined to leave a more permanent\ntrace, for the present city of Caraques not only marks the site of\ntheir first power, but bears the name of the Cara. These invaders are\nsaid to have come on _balsas_--the strange boats of this coast,\nformed of logs bound together, the longest at the centre, into the form\nof a hull, on which a platform was built, while masts bore cloth sails;\nand it is stated that the Spaniards encountered such craft capable\nof carrying forty or fifty men. The Cara were an adventurous people,\nand after dwelling for a time upon the coast, they advanced into the\ninterior until, about 980 A. D., according to Velasco, they eventually\nestablished their power in the neighbourhood of Quito, where the Scyri\n(as the Cara king was called) became a powerful overlord. From that\ntime until Quito was subdued by the Incas Tupac Yupanqui and Huayna\nCapac in the latter part of the fifteenth century, the Scyris reigned\nover the northern empire, constantly extending their territories by\nwar; but their power was finally broken when the Inca added the emerald\nof the Scyris to the red fringe of Cuzco to complete his imperial crown.\n\nThe followers of the Scyris, Velasco says, were mere idolaters, having\nat the head of their pantheon the Sun and the Moon who had guided them\non their journeys; and he describes the temples built to these deities\non two opposite hills at Quito, that to the Sun having before the door\ntwo pillars which served to measure the solar year, while twelve lesser\ncolumns indicated the beginning of each month. Elsewhere in their\nempire were the usual local cults,--worship of animals and elements,\nwith tales of descent from serpentiform water-spirits and with\nadoration of fish and of food animals--while on the coast the Sea was a\ngreat divinity, and the islands of Puna and La Plata were the seats of\nfamous sanctuaries, at the former shrine prisoners being sacrificed to\nTumbal, the war-god, by having their hearts torn out. The neighbouring\ncoast was the seat of the veneration of the great emerald (mentioned by\nCieza de Le\u00f3n and Garcilasso de la Vega) which was famous as a god of\nhealing; and it is altogether probable that the Scyris brought their\nregard for the emerald from this region in which the gem abounded,\nthough this may well have been merely a local intensification of that\nbelief in the magic of green and blue gems which is broadcast in the\ntwo Americas.\n\nBesides the stories of the giants and the Cara, there is a third legend\nof an ancient descent of seamen upon the equatorial coast. Balboa[122]\nis the narrator of the tale of the coming of Naymlap and his people\nto Lambeyeque, a few degrees south of Cape Santa Elena, and the story\nwhich he tells is given with a minuteness as to name and description\nthat leaves no doubt of its native origin. At a very remote period\nthere arrived from the north a great fleet of _balsas_, commanded by a\nbrave and renowned chieftain, Naymlap. His wife was called Ceterni, and\na list of court officers is given--Pitazofi, the trumpeter; Ninacolla,\nwarden of the chief's litter and throne; Ninagentue, the cup-bearer;\nFongasigde, spreader of shell-dust before the royal feet (a function\nwhich leads us to suspect that the royal feet, for magic reasons, were\nnever to touch the earth); Ochocalo, chief of the cuisine; Xam, master\nof face-paints; and Llapchilulli, charged with the care of vestments\nand plumes. From this account of the _entourage_, one readily infers\nthat the chieftain is more than man, himself a divinity; and, indeed,\nBalboa goes on to say that immediately after the new comers had landed,\nthey built a temple, named Chot, wherein they placed an idol which they\nhad brought and which, carved of green stone in the image of the chief,\nwas called Llampallec, or \"figure of Naymlap.\" After a long reign\nNaymlap disappeared, leaving the report that, given wings by his power,\nhe had ascended to the skies; and his followers, in their affliction,\nwent everywhere in search of their lord, while their children inhabited\nthe territories which had been acquired. Cium, the successor of\nNaymlap, at the end of his reign, immured himself in a subterranean\nchamber, where he perished of hunger in order that he might leave the\nreputation of being immortal; and after Cium were nine other kings,\nsucceeded by Tempellec, who undertook to move the statue of Naymlap.\nBut when a demon, in the form of a beautiful woman, had seduced him,\nit began to rain--a thing hitherto unknown on that dry coast--and\ncontinued for thirty days, this being followed by a year of famine,\nwhereupon the priests, binding Tempellec hand and foot, cast him into\nthe sea, after which the kingdom was changed into a republic.\n\nThis tale bears all the marks of authentic tradition. We may well\nsuppose that Naymlap and his successors were magic kings, reigning\nduring the period of their vigorous years and then sacrificed to\nmake way for a successor who should anew incarnate the sacred life\nof Llampallec. Such rulers, as corn-spirits and embodiments of the\ncommunal soul of their people, have been made familiar by Sir James G.\nFrazer's monumental _Golden Bough_; and in this case it would appear\nthat the sacred king was regarded as a marine divinity, probably as\nthe son of Mother Sea. Certainly this would not merely explain the\nshell-dust spread beneath his feet, but it might also account for the\npunishment of Tempellec, who had brought the cataclysm of water to the\nland and so was cast back to his own element; while it is even possible\nthat the worship of the emerald, which all writers mention in connexion\nwith this coast, may have here received its especial impetus from the\ncolour and translucency of the stone, suggesting the green waters of\nthe ocean.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nTHE ANDEAN SOUTH\n\nI. THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS[123]\n\n\n\"In this land of Peru,\" wrote Cieza de Le\u00f3n,[124] \"are three desert\nranges where men can in no wise exist. One of these comprises the\n_monta\u00f1a_ (forests) of the Andes, full of dense wildernesses where\nmen cannot live, nor ever have lived. The second is the mountainous\nregion, extending the whole length of the Cordillera of the Andes,\nwhich is intensely cold, and its summits are covered with eternal snow,\nso that in no way can people live in this region owing to the snow and\nthe cold, and also because there are no provisions, all things being\ndestroyed by the snow and the wind, which never ceases to blow. The\nthird range comprises the sandy deserts from Tumbez to the other side\nof Tarapaca, in which there is nothing to be seen but sand-hills and\nthe fierce sun which dries them up, without water, nor herb, nor tree,\nnor created thing, except birds which, by the gift of their wings,\nwander wherever they list. This kingdom, being so vast, has great\ndeserts for the reasons I have now given.\n\n\"The inhabited region is after this fashion. In parts of the mountains\nof the Andes are ravines and dales, which open out into deep valleys\nof such width as often to form great plains between the mountains; and\nalthough the snow falls, it all remains on the higher part. As these\nvalleys are closed in, they are not molested by the winds, nor does the\nsnow reach them, and the land is so fruitful that all things which are\nsown yield abundantly; and there are trees and many birds and animals.\nThe land being so fertile, is well peopled by the natives. They\nmake their villages with rows of stones roofed with straw, and live\nhealthily and in comfort. Thus the mountains of the Andes form these\ndales and ravines in which there are populous villages, and rivers of\nexcellent water flow near them, some of the rivers send their waters to\nthe South Sea, entering by the sandy deserts which I have mentioned,\nand the humidity of their water gives rise to very beautiful valleys\nwith great rows of trees. The valleys are two or three leagues broad,\nand great quantities of _algoroba_ trees [_Prosopis horrida_] grow in\nthem, which flourish even at great distances from any water. Wherever\nthere are groves of trees the land is free from sand and very fertile\nand abundant. In ancient times these valleys were very populous, and\nstill there are Indians in them, though not so many as in former days.\nAs it never rains in these sandy deserts and valleys of Peru, they do\nnot roof their houses as they do in the mountains, but build large\nhouses of _adobes_ [sun-dried bricks] with pleasant terraced roofs of\nmatting to shade them from the sun, nor do the Spaniards use any other\nroofing than these reed mats. To prepare their fields for sowing,\nthey lead channels from the rivers to irrigate the valleys, and the\nchannels are made so well and with so much regularity that all the land\nis irrigated without any waste. This system of irrigation makes the\nvalleys very green and cheerful, and they are full of fruit-trees both\nof Spain and of this country. At all times they raise good harvests of\nmaize and wheat, and of everything that they sow. Thus, although I have\ndescribed Peru as being formed of three desert ridges, yet from them,\nby the will of God, descend these valleys and rivers, without which\nno man could live. This is the cause why the natives were so easily\nconquered, for if they rebelled they would all perish of cold and\nhunger. Except the land which they inhabit, the whole country is full\nof snowy mountains, enormous and very terrible.\"\n\nCieza de Le\u00f3n's description brings vividly before the imagination\nthe physical surroundings which made possible the evolution and the\nlong history of the greatest of native American empires. Divided\nfrom one another by towering mountains and inhospitable deserts, the\ntribes and clans that filtered into this region at some remote period\nwere compelled to develop in relative isolation; while, further, the\nconditions of existence were such that the inhabitants could not be\nnomadic huntsmen, nor even fishermen. Along the shores are vestiges of\nancient shell-heaps, indicative of utterly primitive fisher-folk, and\nthe sea always remained an important source of food for the coastal\npeoples; yet even here, as Cieza de Le\u00f3n indicates, the growth of\npopulation was dependent upon an intensive cultivation of the narrow\nriver-valleys rather than upon the conquest of new territories. Thus,\nthe whole environment of life in Peru, montane and littoral, is\nframed by the fact of more or less constricted and protected valley\ncentres, immensely productive in response to toil, but yielding no\nidyllic fruits to unlaborious ease. If the peoples who inhabited these\nvalleys were not agriculturists when they entered them, they were\ncompelled to become such in order that they might live and increase;\nand while the stupendous thrift of the aborigines, as evidenced by\ntheir stone-terraced gardens, their elaborate aqueducts, and their\nwonderful roads, still excites the astonishment of beholders, it is\nnone the less intelligible as the inevitable consequence of prolonged\nhuman habitation. It is certain that the Peruvian peoples were the\nmost accomplished of all Americans in the working of the soil; and it\nis possible that they were the originators of agriculture in America,\nfor it was from Peru, apparently, that the growing of maize spread\nthroughout wide regions of South America, Peru that developed the\npotato as a food-crop, and in Peru that the cultivation of cotton and\nvarious fruits and vegetables added greatest variety to the native\nfarming. Peru, likewise, was the only American centre in which there\nwas a domestic animal more important than the dog; and the antiquity of\nthe taming of the llama and alpaca--useful not only for food and wool,\nbut also as beasts of burden--is shown by the fact that these\nanimals show marked differentiation from the wild guanaco from which\nthey are derived. The development of domestic species of this animal\nand, even more, the development of maize from its ancestral grasses\n(if indeed this were Peruvian)[125] imply many centuries of settled\nand industrious life, a consideration which adds strongly to the\narchaeological and legendary indications of a civilization that must be\nreckoned in millennia.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXX.]\n\n Machu Picchu, in the valley of the Urubamba, north of Cuzco. These\n ruins of an ancient Inca city were discovered by Hiram Bingham, of the\n Yale University and National Geographical Society expedition, in 1911,\n and are by him identified with the \"Tampu-Tocco\" of Inca tradition\n (see pages 216-18, and Plate XXXVIII). From photograph, courtesy of\n Hiram Bingham, Director of the Yale Peruvian Expedition.\n\nThe conditions which thus fostered local and intensive cultural\nevolutions were scarcely less favourable--once the local valleys had\nreached a certain complexity--to the formation of extensive empires. As\nCieza de Le\u00f3n remarks, conquest was easy where refuge was difficult;\nand the Inca conquerors themselves found that the most effective weapon\nthey could employ against the coastal cities was mastery of their\naqueducts. The town which lost control of its water, drawn from the\nhills, could only surrender; and thus, the segregated valleys fell an\neasy prey to a powerful and aggressive people, gifted with engineering\nskill, such as the Inca race; while the empire won was not difficult\nto hold. At the time of the Spanish conquest that empire was truly\nimmense. Tahuantinsuyu (\"the Four Quarters\") was the native name, and\n\"the Quartered City\" (Cuzco), its capital, was regarded as the Navel of\nthe World. The four quarters, or provinces, were oriented from Cuzco:\nthe southerly was Collasuyu, stretching from the neighbourhood of Lake\nTiticaca southward; the eastern province was Antisuyu, extending down\nthe slopes of the Andes into the regions of savagery; to the west lay\nCuntisuyu, reaching to the coast and to the lands of the Yunca peoples;\nwhile to the north was Chinchasuyu, following the Andean valleys.\nShortly before the Conquest the Inca dominion had been imposed upon\nthe realm of the Scyris of Quito, so that the northern boundary lay\nbeyond the equator; while the extreme southerly border had recently\nbeen extended over the Calchaqui tribes and down the coast to the\nedges of Araucania in the neighbourhood of latitude 35\u00ba south. The\nimperial territories were naturally narrowed to the Andean region,\nfor the tropical forests to the east offered no allurements to the\nmountain-loving race which, indeed, could endure only temporarily the\nheat of the western coast, so that Inca campaigners in this direction\nresorted to frequent reliefs lest their men be debilitated. On the\nother hand, the immense expanse north and south, notwithstanding the\nperfection of the roads and fortresses built by astute rulers to\nfacilitate communication, caused a natural tension of the parts and\na tendency to break at the appearance of even the least weakness at\nthe centre. Such appears to have been the fatal defect underlying the\nconflict of Huascar, at Cuzco, with Atahualpa, whose initial strength\nlay in his possession of Quito, and whose career was brought to an\nuntimely end by the advent of Pizarro. Despite the fact that Inca power\nhad been clearly crescent within the generation, it is by no means\ncertain that the political conditions which the Spaniards used to\nadvantage might not, if left to themselves, have disrupted the great\nempire.\n\nThere is reason to think that such a rupture had occurred at least once\nbefore in the history of Andean civilization. The list of more than\na hundred Peruvian kings given by the Licentiate Fernando Montesinos\n(writing about 1650)[126] was formerly viewed with much distrust,\nchiefly for the reason that the kings of the pre-Inca dynasties\nrecorded by Montesinos are almost without exception unnamed by earlier\nand prime authorities on Peruvian history (including Garcilasso de la\nVega and Cieza de Le\u00f3n). Recent discoveries, however, both scholarly\nand archaeological, have brought a new plausibility to Montesinos's\nlists, and it appears probable that he derived them from the lost works\nof Blas Valera, one of the earliest men in the field, known to have had\nexceptional opportunities for a study of native lore; while at the same\ntime the archaeological investigations of Max Uhle and the brilliant\nachievements of the expeditions headed by Hiram Bingham have given a\nnew definiteness to knowledge of pre-Inca conditions.[127]\n\nIt has long been known that Inca civilization was only the last in a\nseries of Peruvian culture periods. Back of it, in the highlands, lay\nthe Megalithic Age, so called from the great size of the stone blocks\nin its cyclopean masonry, the earliest centre of this culture being\nsupposed to have been about Lake Titicaca, and especially Tiahuanaco,\nat the south of the lake--a site remarkable not only for the most\nextraordinary of all ancient American monuments, the monolithic gate\nand the surrounding precincts, but also for the importance ascribed\nto it in legend as a place of origin of nations. Other highland\ncentres, however, hark back to the same period, and Cuzco itself, in\nold cyclopean walls, shows evidence of an age of Megalithic greatness\nupon which the later Inca civilization had supervened. Again, in the\ncoastal region from Ica to Truxillo--the realms of the Yunca, according\nto the older chroniclers--there were several successive culture\nperiods; and though it is possible that traditions such as that of\nNaymlap (see Chapter VI, Section V) indicate a foreign origin for the\nYunca peoples, in any case their differing environment would account\nfor much. The peoples of the littoral could have no herds of llamas,\nsince the animal was unable to live in that region; and hence they\nlooked mainly to cotton for their fabrics, while the sea gave them fair\ncompensation in the matter of food. In the lesser arts, especially in\nthat of the potter, they surpassed the highlanders and, indeed, all\nother Americans; but their building material was adobe, and they have\nleft no magnificent monuments, as have the stone-workers of the hills.\nNevertheless at some remote, pre-Inca period the ideas of the coast\nand those of the highlands met and interchanged: the art of Tiahuanaco\nis reflected in motive at Truxillo, while the vases of Nasca repeat\nthe bizarre decoration of the monolith of Chavin de Huantar. The hoary\nsanctity of the great temple of Pachacamac was such that its Inca\nconqueror adopted the god into his own pantheon; and it was just here,\nat the Yunca shrine of Pachacamac, that Uhle found evidence of a series\nof culture periods leading to a considerable antiquity. The indigenous\ncoastal art had already passed its climax of expressive skill when the\ninfluence of Tiahuanaco appeared; but this influence lasted long enough\nto leave an enduring impress on the interregnum-like period which\nfollowed, awaiting, as it were, the return of the hills' influence,\nwhich came with the advent of the Inca. Such, in brief, is the\nrestoration, and it seems to fit remarkably with Bingham's discoveries\nand with Montesinos's lists.\n\nOf the one hundred and two kings in these lists, the last ten form the\nInca dynasty (a group with respect to which Montesinos is in essential\nagreement with other chroniclers), whose beginning is placed 1100-1200\nA. D.; back of these are the twenty-eight lords of Tampu-Tocco; and\nstill earlier the sixty-four rulers of the ancient empire, forty-six\nof them forming the _amauta_ (or priest-king) dynasty which followed\nafter the primal line of eighteen Sons of the Gods. Were this scheme\nof regal succession followed out _in extenso_ the beginnings of the\nMegalithic Empire of the highlands should fall near the beginning of\nthe first millennium before Christ, and that of the Tampu Tocco dynasty\nin the early years of our Era. Archaeological and other considerations\nlead, however, to estimates somewhat more conservative, placing the\nculmination of the early empire in the first centuries of the Christian\nera, and the sojourn at Tampu Tocco from about 600-1100 A. D.[128]\n\nThe Inca dynasty, established at Cuzco toward 1200 A. D., was the\ncreator of the great empire which the Spaniards found, and its record\nis the traditional history of Peru, recounted by Garcilasso and Cieza.\nAccording to the legend, the Inca tribes had come to Cuzco from a place\ncalled Tampu-Tocco, a city of refuge in an inaccessible valley, where\nfor centuries their ancestors had lived in seclusion, the cause of the\nretirement being as follows: in past generations, it was said, the\nAmauta dynasty held sway over a great highland realm, extending from\nTucuman in the south to Huanuco in the north, the empire having been\nformed perhaps by the earlier royal house, which was called _Pirua_,\nafter the name of its first King. In the reign of the forty-sixth\nAmauta, there came an invasion of hordes from the south and east,\npreceded by comets, earthquakes, and dire divinations. The King Titu\nYupanqui, borne on a golden litter, led his soldiers out to battle; he\nwas slain by an arrow, and his discouraged followers retreated with\nhis body. Cuzco fell, and after war came pestilence, leaving city and\ncountry uninhabitable, while the remnants of the Amauta people fled\naway to Tampu-Tocco, where they established themselves, leaving at\nCuzco only a few priests who refused to abandon the shrine of the Sun.\nIt was said that the art of writing was lost in this _d\u00e9b\u00e2cle_, and\nthat the later art of reckoning by _quipus_, or knotted and coloured\ncords, was invented at Tampu-Tocco. Here, in a city free from pests\nand unmoved by earthquakes, the Kings of Tampu-Tocco reigned in peace,\ngoing occasionally to Cuzco to worship at the ancient shrine, over\nwhich, with its neighborhood, some shadowy authority was preserved.\nFinally a woman, Siyu-Yacu, of noble birth and high ambition, caused\nthe report to be spread that her son, Rocca, had been carried off to\nbe instructed by the Sun himself, and a few days later the youth,\nappearing in a garment glittering with gold, told the people that\ncorruption of the ancient religion had caused their fall, but that\ntheir lost glories should be restored to them under his leadership.\nThus Rocca became the first of the Incas, Cuzco was restored as\ncapital, and the new empire started on a career which was to exceed the\nold in grandeur.\n\nWith the removal to Cuzco, Tampu-Tocco became no more than a monumental\nshrine where priests and vestals preserved the rites of the old\nreligion and watched over the caves made sacred by the bones of former\nmonarchs. The native writer Salcamayhua, who, like Garcilasso, makes\nManco Capac the founder of the Incas (Montesinos regards Manco Capac\nI as the first native-born king of the Pirua dynasty), tells how \"at\nthe place of his birth he ordered works to be executed, consisting of a\nmasonry wall with three windows, which were emblems of the house of his\nfathers, whence he descended\"; and the name Tampu-Tocco actually means\n\"Tavern of the Windows,\" windows being an unusual feature of Peruvian\narchitecture. As the event proves, the commemorative wall is still\nstanding.\n\nIn 1911, Hiram Bingham, the leader of the expedition sent out by\nYale University and the National Geographical Society, discovered\nin the wild valley of the Urubamba, north of Cuzco, the ruins of a\nmountain-seated city, one of the most wonderful, and (in its natural\ncontext) beautiful ruins in the world. Machu Picchu the place is\ncalled, and its discoverer identifies it with the Tampu-Tocco of Inca\ntradition. One of its most striking features is a wall with three great\nwindows; it contains cave-made graves and temples; bones of the more\nrecent dead indicate that those who last dwelt in it were priestesses\nand priests; and it gives evidence of long occupation. The more ancient\nstonework is the more beautiful in execution, seeming to hark back to\nthe masterpieces of Megalithic civilization; the later portion is in\nInca style. Especially interesting is the discovery of record stones,\nassociated with the older period, indicating that an earlier method of\nchronology had been replaced in later times, for it is to the reign of\nthe thirteenth King of Tampu-Tocco that the invention of _quipus_ is\nascribed. Ideally placed as a city of refuge in a remote ca\u00f1on, so that\nits very existence was unknown to the Spanish conquerors; seated on a\ngranite hill unmoved by earthquakes; with its elaborate structures and\ncomplicated terraces indicating generations of residence, Machu Picchu\nrepresents the connecting link between the old and the new empires in\nPeru and gives a suddenly vivid plausibility to the traditions recorded\nby Montesinos.\n\n[Illustration. PLATE XXXI.]\n\n Sculptured monolith from Chavin de Huantar, now in the Museum of Lima.\n The design appears to be a deity armed with thunderbolts or elaborate\n wands, with a monster head surmounted by an elaborate head-dress. If\n the figure be viewed reversed the head-dress will be seen to consist\n of a series of masks each pendent from the protruding tongue of the\n mask above, a motive frequent in Nasca pottery (_cf_. Plate XXXII).\n The figure strongly suggests the central image of the Tiahuanaco\n monolithic gateway, but it is to be observed that serpent heads, from\n the girdle, the rays of the head-dress, and in the caduceus-like\n termination of the head-dress, take the place of the puma, fish and\n condor accessories of the Tiahuanaco monument. The relationship of\n this deity to those represented on Plates XXXII, XXXIII, XXXIV, XXXV,\n and XXXVII, is scarcely to be doubted. Markham, _Incas of Peru_, page\n 34.\n\nThus, in shadowy fashion, the cycles of Andean civilization are\nrestored. There are two great regions, the highland and the littoral,\nInca and Yunca, each with a long history. The primitive fisher-families\nof the coast gave way to a civilization which may have received its\nimpetus, as traditions indicate, from tribes sailing southward in great\n_balsas_; at any rate it had developed, doubtless before the Christian\nera, important and characteristic culture centres--Truxillo in the\nnorth, Nasca to the south--and great shrines, Pachacamac and Rimac,\nvenerable to the Incas; while long after its own acme, and long before\nthe Inca conquest, the coastal civilization had had important commerce\nwith the ancient culture of the highlands. The origin of the pre-Inca\nempire from the Megalithic culture of Tiahuanaco leads back toward the\nmiddle of the first millenium B. C., perhaps to dimly remote centuries.\nIt passed its floruit, marked by the rise of Cuzco as a great capital,\nand then followed barbarian migrations and wars; the retirement of a\ndefeated handful to Tampu-Tocco; a long period of decline; and finally,\nabout the beginning of the thirteenth century, a renaissance of\nculture, marked by a religious reform amounting to a new dispensation\nand stamping the revived power as essentially ecclesiastical in its\nclaims,--for all Inca conquests were undertaken with a Crusader's plea\nfor the expansion of the faith in the beneficent Sun and for the spread\nof knowledge of the Way of Life revealed through his children, the Inca.\n\nIt is impossible not to be struck with the resemblance between the\ndevelopment of this civilization and that of Europe during the same\nperiod. Cuzco and Rome rise to empire simultaneously; the ancient\ncivilizations of Tiahuanaco, Nasca, and Truxillo, excelling the new\npower in art, but inferior in power of organization and engineering\nworks, are the American equivalents of Greece and the Orient. Almost\nsynchronously, Rome and Cuzco fall before barbarian invasions; and in\neach case centuries follow which can only be known as dark, during\nwhich the empire breaks in chaos. Finally, both civilizations rise,\nagain during the same period, as leaders in a new movement in religion,\nanimated by a crusading zeal and basing their authority upon divine\nwill. It is true that Rome does not attain the material power that was\nrestored to Cuzco, but Christendom, at least, does attain this power.\nSuch is the picture,--though it must be added that in the present state\nof knowledge it is plausible restoration only, not proven truth.\n\n\nII. THE YUNCA PANTHEONS\n\n\nIt is not possible to reconstruct in any detail the religions and\nmythologies of the pre-Inca civilizations of the central Andes, but\nof the four culture centres which have been most studied some traits\nare decipherable. Two of these centres are montane, two coastal. Of\nthe former, the Megalithic highland civilization, whose first home\nis supposed to have been the region of Lake Titicaca, is assuredly\nancient; the civilization of the Calchaqui, to the south of this, was\na late conquest of the Incas and was doubtless a contemporary of Inca\nculture. On the coast, the Yunca developed in two branches, both,\napparently, as ancient as the Megalithic culture, and both, again,\nlate conquests of the Incas. To the north, extending from Tumbez to\nParamount, with Chimu (Truxillo) as its capital, was the realm of the\nGrand Chimu--a veritable empire, for it comprised some twenty coastal\nvalleys--while the twelve adjoining southern valleys, from Chancay to\nNasca, were the seat of the Chincha Confederacy, a loose political\norganization with a characteristic culture of its own, though clearly\nakin to that of the Chimu region. All these centres having fallen\nunder the sway of conquerors with a creed to impose (the Incas even\nerected a shrine to the Sun on the terraces of oracular Pachacamac),\ntheir religious traditions were waning in importance in the time of\nthe _conquistadores_, who, unhappily, secured little of the lore that\nmight have been salved in their own day. There are fragments for the\nChimu region in Balboa and Calancha, for the Chincha in Arriaga and\nAvila; but in the main it is upon the monuments--vases, burials, ruins\nof temples--that, in any effort to define the beliefs of these departed\npeoples, we must depend for a supplementation of the meagre notices\nrecorded in Inca tradition or preserved by the early chroniclers.[129]\n\nFortunately these monuments permit of some interesting guesses which,\nsurely, are no unjustified indulgence of human curiosity when the\nmute expression of dead souls is their matter; and in particular the\nwonderful drawings of the Truxillo and Nasca vases and the woven\nfigures of their fabrics suggest analogical interpretation. Despite\ntheir family likeness, the styles of the two regions are distinct;\nand, as the investigations of Uhle show, they have undergone long and\nchanging developments, with apogees well in the past. The zenith of\nChimu art was marked by a variety and naturalism of design rivaled, if\nat all in America, only by the best Maya achievements; while Chincha\nexpression realized its acme in polychrome designs truly marvellous in\ncomplexity of convention. That the art of both regions is profoundly\nmythological is obvious from the portrayals.\n\nStriking features of this Yunca art are the\nmonster-forms[130]--man-bird, man-beast, man-fish, man-reptile--and,\nagain, the multiplication of faces or masks, both of men and of\nanimals. The repetition of the human countenance is especially frequent\nin the art of Nasca, where series of masks are often enchained in\ncomplex designs, one most grotesque form of this concatenation\nrepresenting a series of masks issuing, as it were, from the successive\nmouths, and joined by the protruding tongues. Again, there are\ndragon-like or serpentine monsters having a head at each extremity,\nrecalling not only the two-headed serpent of Aztec and Maya art, but\nalso the Sisiutl of the North-West Coast of North America--a region\nwhose art, also, furnishes an impressive analogue, in complexity\nof convention, to that of the Yunca. Frequently, in Nasca art, the\nfundamental design is a man-headed bird, or fish, or serpent, whose\nbody and accoutrements are complexly adorned with representations of\nthe heads or forms of other animals--the puma, for example, or even\nthe mouse. Oftentimes heads, apparently decapitations, are borne\nin the hands of the central figure; and on one Truxillo vase there\nis a depiction[131] of what is surely a ceremonial dance in which\nthe participants are masked and disguised as birds and animals;\nthe remarkable Nasca robes in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (see\nPlates XXXI, XXXII, XXXIII, XXXIV) also suggest masked forms, the\nrepresentations of the same personage varying in colour and in the\narrangement of facial design.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXII.]\n\n Polychrome vase from the Nasca valley, showing the multi-headed deity\n represented also by Plate XXXI. The succession of masks connected by\n protruded tongues is a striking form of Nasca design. Examples are\n found elsewhere, even into Calchaqui territory. The vase here pictured\n is in the American Museum of Natural History.\n\nThe heads which are held in the hands and which adorn the costumes\nof these figures are regarded by some authorities as trophy heads,\nremotely related, perhaps, to those which are prepared as tokens of\nprowess by some of the Brazilian tribes; and, in fact, the discovery\nof the decapitated mummies of women and girls, buried in the guano\ndeposits of the sacred islands of Gua\u00f1ape and Macabi, points to a\nremote period when human sacrifices were made, perhaps to a marine\npower, and certainly connected with some superstition as to the head.\nAnother suggestion, however, will account for a greater variety of the\nforms. The dances with animal masks irresistibly recall the ancestral\nand totemic masked dances of such peoples as the Pueblo Indians of\nNorth America and of the tribes of the North-West Coast; the figures of\nbird-men, fish-men, and snake-men, with their bodies ornamented with\nother animal figures, are again reminiscent of the totemic emblems of\nthe far North-West; and surely no image is better adapted to suggest\nthe descent of a series of generations from an ancestral hero than\nthe sequence of tongue-joined masks figured on the Nasca vases, each\ngeneration receiving its name, as it were, from the mouth of the\npreceding. The recurrence of certain constant designs, both on vases\nand in fabrics, is at least analogous to the use of totemic signs\non garments and utensils in the region of the North-West Coast.\n\nIt is certain that ancestor-worship was an important feature of Yunca\nreligion, for Arriaga, speaking of the Chincha peoples, says that\nfor festivals they gathered in _ayllus_ (tribes or clans), each with\nmummies of its kinsfolk to which were offered vases, clothes, plumes,\nand the like. They had household gods (called Conopa or Huasi-camayoc),\nas distinguished from the communal deities, which were of several\nclasses; more than three thousand of these Conopas it is said, were\ndestroyed by the Spaniards. Garcilasso informs us that each coastal\nprovince worshipped a special kind of fish, \"telling a pleasant tale\nto the effect that the First of all the Fish dwells in the sky\"--a\nstatement which is certainly in tone with a totemic interpretation.\n\nIn addition to the special idols of each province, says\nGarcilasso,[132] all the peoples of the littoral from Truxillo to\nTarapaca adored the ocean in the form of a fish, out of gratitude for\nthe food that it yielded, naming it Mama Cocha (\"Mother Sea\"); and it\nis indeed plausible that the Food-Giver of the Sea was a great deity\nin this region, although some of the Truxillo vases seem to indicate\nthat the ocean was also regarded as the abode of dread and inimical\nmonsters, since they portray the conflicts of men or heroes with\ncrustacean and piscine monsters of the deep. Antonio de la Calancha,\nwho was prior of the Augustines at Truxillo in 1619, gives a brief\naccount of the Chimu pantheon.[133] The Ocean (Ni) and the earth\n(Vis) were worshipped, prayers being offered to the one for fish and\nto the other for good harvests. The great deity, however, was the\nMoon (Si), to which sacrifices of children were sometimes made; and\nthis heavenly body, regarded as ruler of the elements and bringer of\ntempests, was held to be more powerful than the Sun. Possibly the\ncrescent- or knife-shaped symbol which appears on the head-gear of vase\nrepresentations of chieftains, in Truxillo ware, is a token of this\ncult, which finds a parallel among the Araucanians of the far south,\namong whom, too, the Moon, not the Sun, is the lofty deity.\n\nThe language of the subjects of the Grand Chimu was Mochica, which\nwas unrelated to any other in Peru; but though they regarded the\nQuichua-speaking Chincha as hereditary enemies, the religious\nconceptions of the two groups were not very different. In Arriaga's\naccount,[134] the Chincha worshipped the Earth (Mama Pacha) as well\nas Mama Cocha (the Sea); and they also venerated the \"Mamas,\" or\nMothers, of maize and cacao. There were likewise tutelary deities\nfor their several villages--just as each family had its Penates--and\nGarcilasso states that the god Chincha Camac was adored as the creator\nand guardian of all the Chincha. The worship of stones in fields and\nstones in irrigating channels is also mentioned (both for Chimu and\nfor Chincha), and these may well have been in the nature of herms in\nvalleys where fields were narrowly limited; while in addition there\nwere innumerable huacas--sacred places, fetishes, oracles, idols,\nand, in short, anything marvellous, for Garcilasso, in explaining the\nmeaning of the word, says that it was applied to everything exciting\nwonder, from the great gods and the peaks of the Andes to the birth of\ntwins and the occurrence of hare-lip. It is in this connexion that he\nspeaks of \"sepulchres made in the fields or at the corners of their\nhouses, where the devil spoke to them familiarly,\" a description\nsuggestive of ancestral shrines; and it is quite possible that the\nword _huaca_ is most properly applied in that sense in which it has\nsurvived, to tombs.\n\nIn Chincha territory were located the two great shrines of Rimac\nand Pachacamac, whose oracles even the Incas courted. Rimac, says\nGarcilasso, signifies \"He who Speaks\"; he adds that the valley was\ncalled Rimac from \"an idol there, in the shape of a man, which spoke\nand gave answers to questions, like the oracle of the Delphic Apollo\";\nand Lima, which is in the valley of Rimac, receives its appellation\nfrom a corruption of this name. A greater shrine, however, and an older\noracle was Pachacamac. According to Garcilasso, the word means \"Maker\nand Sustainer of the Universe\" (_pacha_, \"earth,\" _camac_, \"maker\");\nand he is of opinion that the worship of this divinity originated with\nthe Incas, who, nevertheless, regarded the god as invisible and hence\nbuilt him no temples and offered him no sacrifices, but \"adored him\ninwardly with the greatest veneration.\" Markham (not very convincingly)\nidentifies Pachacamac with the great fish-deity of the coast,\nconsidering him as a supplanter of the older and purer deity, Viracocha.\n\nOne of the most interesting of coastal myths, quoted by Uhle, tells how\nPachacamac, having created a man and a woman, failed to provide them\nwith food; but when the man died, the woman was aided by the Sun, who\ngave her a son and taught the pair to live upon wild fruits. Angered\nat this interference, Pachacamac killed the youth, from whose buried\nbody sprang maize and other cultivated plants; the Sun gave the woman\nanother son, Wichama, whereupon Pachacamac slew the mother; while\nWichama, in revenge, pursued Pachacamac, driving him into the sea,\nand thereafter burning up the lands in passion, transformed men into\nstones. This legend has been interpreted as a symbol of the seasons,\nbut it is evident that its elements belong to wide-spread American\ncycles, for the mother and son suggest the Chibcha goddess, Bachue,\nwhile the formation of cultivated plants from the body of the slain\nyouth is a familiar element in myths of the tropical forests and,\nindeed, in both Americas. From the story it is clear that Pachacamac is\na creator god, antagonistic (if not superior) to the Sun, who seems to\nsupplant him in power; but surely it is anomalous that the Earth-Maker\nshould find his end by being driven into the sea unless, indeed,\nPachacamac, spouse of Mother Sea, be the embodied Father Heaven,\ndescending in fog and damp and driven seaward by the dispelling Sun.\nSuch an interpretation would make Pachacamac simply a local form of\nViracocha; and this, certainly, is suggested in the descriptions, by\nGarcilasso and others, of the reverence paid to this divinity.\n\nFrom Francisco de Avila's account[135] of the myths of the Huarochiri,\nin the valley of the Rimac, we may infer that Viracocha was known to\nthe Chincha tribes, at one period probably as a supreme god. An idol\ncalled Coniraya (meaning according to Markham, \"Pertaining to Heat\")\nthey addressed as \"Coniraya Viracocha,\" saying, \"Thou art Lord of all;\nthine are the crops, and thine are all the people\"; and in every toil\nand difficulty they invoked this deity for aid.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXIII.]\n\n Embroidered figure from a Nasca robe in the Boston Museum of Fine\n Arts. Nasca fabrics represent the highest achievement in textile art\n of aboriginal America. Figures of the type here shown are repeated\n with minor variations, each, no doubt, of symbolic significance, in a\n chequered or \"all-over\" design. The deity represented may be totemic,\n but obviously belongs to the same group as those shown in such pottery\n paintings as are represented in Plates XXXII and XXXIV.\n\nOne of the decorative designs that occurs and recurs on the vases of\nboth the Chimu and Chincha regions--in the characteristic style of\neach--is the plumed serpent. What is apparently a modification of this\nis the man-headed serpent, or the warrior with a serpent's or dragon's\ntail, a further modification representing the man or deity as holding\nthe serpent in one hand, while frequently, in the other hand, is a\nsymbolic staff or weapon that in certain forms is startlingly like the\nclassical thunderbolt in the hand of Jove. Another step shows only the\nserpent's head held in the one hand, while the staff, or thunderbolt,\nis made prominent; and, finally, in the style known as that of\nTiahuanaco, from its resemblance to the ancient art of the highlands, a\nsquat deity, holding a winged or snake-headed wand in each hand gives\nthe counterfeit presentment of the central figure on the Tiahuanaco\narch and the monolith of Chavin. In Central and North America the\nplumed serpent is a sky-symbol, associated with rainbow, lightning,\nrain, and weather; and it is not too much to follow the guesses\nhitherto ventured that this cycle of images, appearing in various forms\nin the different periods of Yunca art, is intimately associated with\nthe ancient and nearly universal Jovis Pater of America--Father Sky.\nAs in the old world, the eagle, so in South America the condor and the\nfalcon are the especial ministers of this deity; as also are the\nmost powerful of the beasts of prey known in the region--the puma,\nor mountain lion; and, again, a fish, which we may suppose to typify\nlordship over the waters, as the condor and lion symbolize dominion\nover air and earth. Thus, as it were, through their grotesque masks\nand gorgeous fantasies, the pots and jars of the Yunca peoples mutely\nattest the universal reverence of mankind for the great powers of\nNature.\n\n\nIII. THE MYTHS OF THE CHINCHA\n\n\nWhat were the tales which the Yunca peoples told of their gods? The\nlittle that we know is almost wholly due to the unfinished manuscript\nof Francisco de Avila,[136] composed in 1608; but brief and fragmentary\nthough this treatise be, ending abruptly with the heading of a Chapter\nVIII, which was never written, it throws a curiously suggestive\nlight upon the archaeological discoveries of our own day, with their\nrevelation of successive civilizations and successive cults in the\ncoastal valleys.\n\nAvila's narrative tells of a series of ages of the gods, each marked by\nits new ruler, which he confesses he did not well comprehend because\nof the contradictoriness of the legends. At all events, however,\nin the most ancient period there were \"certain _huacas_, or idols,...\nsupposed to have walked in the form of men. These _huacas_ were\ncalled Yananamca Intanamca; and in a certain encounter they had with\nanother _huaca_, called Huallallo Caruincho, they were conquered and\ndestroyed by the said Huallallo, who remained as Lord and God of\nthe land. He ordered that no woman should bring forth more than two\nchildren, of which one was to be sacrificed for him to eat, and the\nother,--whichever of the two the parents chose,--might be brought\nup. It was also a tradition that, in those days, all who died were\nbrought to life again on the fifth day; and that what was sown in that\nland also sprouted, grew, and ripened on the fifth day; and that all\nthese three provinces [Huarochiri, Mama, Chaclla] were then a very hot\ncountry, which the Indians call _Yunca_ or _Ande_.\" The last allusion\nprobably refers to some recollection of a migration from the coast,\nfor the Huarochiri region is in the highlands drained by the Rimac and\nLurin rivers.\n\nThe story goes on to record the overthrow of Huallallo by another\nhero-god, Pariacaca; but before narrating this event, Avila turns aside\nto tell the tale of Coniraya Viracocha, whom he regards as certainly\na great deity at one time, though whether before or after the rise of\nPariacaca is not evident.\n\nIn ancient times Coniraya appeared as a poor Indian, clothed in rags\nand reviled by all. Nevertheless, he was the creator of all things,\nat whose command terraces arose to support the fields and channels\nwere formed to irrigate them--feats which he accomplished by merely\nhurling his hollow cane. He was also all-wise with respect to gods and\noracles, and the thoughts of others were open to him. This Coniraya\nfell in love with a certain virgin, Cavillaca; and as she sat weaving\nbeneath a lucma-tree, he dropped near her a ripe fruit, containing his\nown generative seed. Eating the fruit unsuspectingly, she became with\nchild; and when the babe was old enough to crawl, she assembled all\n\"the _huacas_ and principal idols of the land,\" determined to discover\nthe child's father; but as, to her amazement and disgust, the infant\ncrawled to the beggar-like Coniraya, she snatched it up and fled away\ntoward the sea. \"But Coniraya Viracocha desired the friendship and\nfavour of the goddess; so, when he saw. her take flight, he put on\nmagnificent golden robes, and leaving the astonished assembly of the\ngods, he ran after her, crying out: 'O my lady Cavillaca, turn your\neyes and see how handsome and gallant am I,' with other loving and\ncourteous words; and they say that his splendour illuminated the whole\ncountry.\" But Cavillaca only increased her speed, and plunging into the\nsea, mother and child were transformed into two rocks, still to be\nseen. Coniraya, distanced, kept on his quest. He met a condor, and the\ncondor having promised him success in his pursuit, he gave the condor\nthe promise of long life, power to traverse wildernesses and valleys,\nand the right to prey; and upon those who should slay the condor he set\nthe curse of death. Next he met a fox, but the fox told him his quest\nwas vain; so he cursed the fox, telling it that it must hunt at night\nand be slain by men. The lion next promised him well, and he gave the\nlion power over prey and honour among men. The falcon was similarly\nblessed for fair promises, and parrots cursed for their ill omen.\nArrived at the seaside, Coniraya discovered the vanity of his pursuit,\nbut he was easily consoled; for on the beach he met two daughters of\nPachacamac. In the absence of their mother, who was visiting Cavillaca\nin the sea, they were guarded by a great serpent, but Coniraya quieted\nthe serpent by his wisdom. One of the maidens flew away in the form of\na dove,--whence their mother was called Urpihuachac, \"Mother of Doves\";\nbut the other was more complaisant. \"In those days it is said that\nthere were no fishes in the sea, but that this Urpihuachac reared a few\nin a small pond. Coniraya was enraged that Urpihuachac should be absent\nin the sea, visiting Cavillaca; so he emptied the fishes out of her\npond into the sea, and thence all the fishes now in the sea have been\npropagated.\"\n\nThat Coniraya is a deity of sun or sky appears evident from this tale;\nand he is, clearly, at the same time a demiurgic transformer, with\nnot a little of the mere trickster about him. The condor, falcon, and\nlion are his servants and beneficiaries; foxes and parrots are his\nantipathies; he has something to do with the provision of fish, and he\nconquers the serpent of the sea-goddess. Avila says that the tradition\nis rooted in the customs of the province: the people venerate the\ncondor, which they never kill, as also the lion; they have a horror\nof the fox, slaying it where they can; \"as to the falcon, there is\nscarcely a festival in which one does not appear on the heads of the\ndancers and singers; and we all know that they detest the parrots,\nwhich is not wonderful considering the mischief they do, though their\nchief reason is to comply with the tradition.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXIV.]\n\n Vase from Nasca representing a deity with serpentiform body. The\n commonest motive in Nasca designs is the multiplication, in grotesque\n forms, of human masks. The deity here represented is commonly shown\n with a mask head-dress, masks upon either cheek, with a girdle of\n masks or trophy heads, and with masks elsewhere; while either the\n body is shown as serpentiform or serpent-like wands are wielded by\n the hands. It is probable that a sky-god is represented, possibly a\n local form of Viracocha. Compare Plates XXXI, XXXVI, XXXVII. The vase\n pictured is in the American Museum of Natural History.\n\nCataclysmic events which apparently followed the deeds of the Demiurge\nwere a five-day deluge, in which all men were destroyed save one who\nwas led by a speaking llama to a mountain height where he was safe;\nand a five-day darkness, during which stones knocked together, while\nboth the stones with which they ground grain and the animals of their\nherds arose against their masters. It was after these cataclysms, in\nthe days when there were as yet no kings, that five eggs appeared on a\ncertain mountain, called Condor-coto: round them a wind blew, for until\nthat time there had been no wind. These eggs were the birth-place of\nPariacaca and his four brothers; but before the hero had come forth\nfrom his egg, one of his brothers, a great and rich lord, built his\nhouse on Anchicocha, adorning it with the red and yellow feathers of\ncertain birds. This lord had llamas whose natural wool was of brilliant\ncolours--some red, some blue, some yellow--so that it was unnecessary\nto dye it for weaving; but notwithstanding he was very wise, and even\npretended to be God, the Creator, misfortune befell him in the form of\na disgusting disease of which he was unable to cure himself, though\nhe sought aid in every direction. Now at this time there was a poor\nand ill-clad Indian named Huathiacuri, \"who, they say, was a son of\nPariacaca and who learned many arts from his father,\" whom, in his\negg, he visited in search of advice. This youth, having fallen in love\nwith a daughter of the rich man, one day overheard foxes conversing\nabout the great lord's illness. \"The real cause,\" said a fox, \"is\nthat, when his wife was toasting a little maize, one grain fell on\nher skirt, as happens every day. She gave it to a man who ate it, and\nafterward she committed adultery with him. This is the reason that the\nrich man is sick, and a serpent is now hovering over his beautiful\nhouse to eat it, while a toad with two heads is waiting under his\ngrinding-stone with the same object.\" When Huathiacuri learned this, he\ntold the girl that he knew the cure for her parent's malady; and though\nshe did not believe him, she informed her father, who had the young\nman brought before him. Promised the price he demanded--the maiden's\nhand--the youth revealed her mother's iniquity and gave orders to kill\ntwo serpents, which were found in the roof, as well as a two-headed\ntoad, which hopped forth when the grinding-stone was lifted. After\nthis the rich man became well, and Huathiacuri received his bride. The\nsister of this girl, however, was married to a man who, resenting so\nbeggarly a person in the family as Huathiacuri, challenged the latter\nto a series of contests--first, to a drinking-bout; next, to a match\nin splendour of costume, at which the youth appeared in a dress of\nsnow; then to a dance, in lions' skins, wherein he won because of a\nrainbow that appeared round the head of the magic lion's skin which he\nwore; and, finally, to a contest in house-building, wherein all the\nanimals aided him at night. Thus having vanquished his brother-in-law,\nHuathiacuri in turn issued a challenge to a dance, ending it in a wild\nrace during which he transformed the brother-in-law into a deer and his\nwife into rock. The deer lived for some time by devouring people, but\nfinally deer began to be eaten by men, not men by deer. Subsequent to\nall this, Pariacaca and his brothers issued from the eggs, causing a\ngreat tempest in which the rich man and his house were swept into the\nsea. Pariacaca is also said to have destroyed by a torrent a village\nof revellers who refused him drink when he appeared among them as a\nthirsty beggar, all but one girl who took pity upon him; and there\nis a story of his love for Choque Suso, a maiden whom he found in\ntears beside her withering maize-fields and for whom he opened an\nirrigation-channel, converting the girl herself into a stone which\nstill guards the headwaters. After this, in Avila's narrative, comes\na heading: \"How the Indians of the Ayllu of Copara still worship\nChoque Suso and this channel, a fact which I know not only from their\nstories, but also from judicial depositions which I have taken on the\nsubject\"--and there the manuscript abruptly ends.\n\nNevertheless, this fragment has given us enough to see, if not the\nsystem, at least the character of Chincha mythology. There are the\ngenerations of the elder gods, with transformations and cataclysms.\nThere are the cosmic eggs--perhaps earth's centre and the four winds\nsymbolized in the five of them. There is the toad-symbol of the\nunderworld, and the serpent-symbol of the sky-world. The Rich Man, in\nhis house of red and yellow feathers, is surely a sky-being--perhaps\na sun-god, perhaps a lunar divinity whose ceaseless crescence and\nsenescence, to and from its glory, may be imaged in his cureless\ndisease. Pariacaca is clearly a deity of waters, probably a divine\nmountain, giving rain and irrigating streams, and clothing his son in\nthe snow and the rainbow; while the women--Cavillaca, and the Mother of\nDoves, and Choque Suso, the Nymph of the Channel--who were turned into\nrocks speak again the hoary sanctity of these images of perdurability.\n\n\nIV. VIRACOCHA AND TONAPA\n\n\nThe Yunca peoples, both Chimu and Chincha, recalled a time when\ntheir ancestors entered the coastal valleys to make them their own,\n\"destroying the former inhabitants,... a vile and feeble race,\"\nas Chincha tradition has it. In the uplands the followers of the\nScyris of Quito were remembered as coming from the littoral; but for\nthe rest, highland legends point almost uniformly to a southerly\nor south-easterly origin--where, indeed, the tale is not of an\nautochthonous beginning--and with general agreement it is to the plains\nabout Titicaca that the stories lead, as to the most ancient seat of\nmankind. These traditions, coupled with the immemorial and wonderful\nruins of the sacred place at Tiahuanaco--whether the precinct of a\ncity or of a temple--give a special fascination to this region as being\nplausibly the key to the solution of the problem of central Andean\ncivilization.\n\nCertainly no more puzzling key was ever given for the unlocking of a\nmystery, since the basin of Lake Titicaca is a plateau, some thirteen\nto fourteen thousand feet above sea-level, where cereals will not\nripen, so that only potatoes and a few other roots, along with droves\nof hardy llamas and alpacas, form the reliance for subsistence of a\npopulation which at best is sparse. Yet in the midst of this plateau\nare ruins characterized by the use of enormous stones--only less than\nthe great monoliths of Egypt--and by a skill in stone-working which\nimplies an extraordinary development of the mason's art. It is the\njudgement of archaeologists who have visited the scene that nothing\nless than the huge endeavour of a dense population could have created\nthe visible works; and there is a tradition, derived from an Indian\n_quipu_-reader and recorded by Oliva, that the real Tiahuanaco is a\nsubterranean city, in vastness far exceeding the one above the ground.\nThe apparent discrepancy between the capacity of the region for the\nsupport of population and the effort required to produce the megalithic\nworks has led Sir Clements Markham to suggest that these structures\nmay date from a period when the plateau was several thousand feet\nlower than at present (for the elevation of the Andes is geologically\nrecent); it would seem, however, in view of the huge tasks which Inca\nengineers accomplished, and of the fact that sacred cities in remote\nsites were venerated by the Andeans, more reasonable to assume that\nthe ruins of Tiahuanaco and the islands represent, in part at least,\nthe devotion of distant princes, who here maintained another Delphi or\nLhassa.\n\nThe speaking monument of this ancient shrine (and there is no more\nremarkable monolith in the world) is the carved monolithic gate, now\nbroken. Above the portal (see Plate XXXV) is the decoration, a broad\nband in low relief; while a central figure, elevated above the others,\nis a divine image--the god with rayed head and with wands or bolts in\neach hand, whose likeness is met in the Yunca region and on the Chavin\nstele. On either side, in three ranks of eight each, are forty-eight\nobeisant figures--kings, some have called them, but others see in\nthem totemic symbols of clan ancestors, although it is not impossible\nthat they are genii of earth and air and water: all are winged, all\nbear wands, and those of the middle tier are condor-headed, while\nthe wand and crest and garb of each is adorned with heads of condor\nand puma and fish. In case of the central figure the two wands are\nadorned with condors' heads, and some of the rays of the head-dress\nterminate in pumas' heads, while on his dress are not only heads of\ncondors, pumas, and human beings, but centrally, on the breast, is\na crescent design most resembling a fish. Another curious feature,\nalike of the forty-eight and of the central god, are circles under the\neyes, seemingly tears, which recall the wide-spread trope that rain\nis heaven's tears, and the fact that tears were sometimes painted on\nceremonial masks used in supplications for rain. Beneath the design\njust described is a meander, perhaps the symbol of earth,[137] adorned\nwith the same condor-heads; and framing plaque-like representations of\nwhat are surely celestial divinities (still with tearful eyes); and it\nis not beyond reason to suppose that the tiny trumpeter who appears\nabove one of these rayed masks may be the Morning Star, herald of the\nday.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXV.]\n\n Monolithic Gateway, Tiahuanaco, Bolivia. This is regarded by many\n as the most remarkable prehistoric monument in America. It is\n approximately ten by twelve and a half feet in front dimension, and\n is estimated to weigh nine to twelve tons. The decoration consists\n of a central figure, above the doorway, which is certainly a sky-god\n and probably Viracocha, and a banded frieze showing groups of mythic\n beings. For description see pages 233-34. After a photograph in the\n Peabody Museum.\n\nThere is little ground to doubt that this monument is cosmical in\nmeaning (it may also be totemic, for at least the ruling Andeans became\n\"Children of the Sun\"), and that the central figure is a heaven-god\nor a sun-god. The most curious of its emblems, taking into account\nthe nature of the region, is the fish; for while there are fish in\nLake Titicaca, the natives (at least today) are little given to taking\nthem. It is possible, as suggested by the crescent on the breast of\nthe god, that the fish is here a symbol of the moon, which may have\nbeen mistress of the waves; and this would lead us, analogically,\nto the capital of the Grand Chimu and the temple of Si An, where were\nthe great deities, the Moon above and the Sea below. Certainly, if an\nanimal form were sought to symbolize the crescent of the skies, none\ncould be found more perfect than that of the fish; or, by extension,\nthe bark by which man conquers the piscine realm might be conceived and\nimaged as symbol of the lunar ship.\n\nSuch an hypothesis implies a relation of Tiahuanaco to the coastal\nregions as well as to the mountain valleys; and this relationship,\nin a period long past, is demonstrated, representations of the deity\nof Tiahuanaco being found, drawn in Tiahuanaco style, on the Yunca\nvases. But what of its extension in the highlands? The Chavin stone\n(see Plate XXXI) from the region of the headwaters of Rio Mara\u00f1on far\nto the north of Cuzco is, as monumental evidence of the ancient cult,\nsecond in importance only to the Tiahuanaco arch. The figure on this\nmonument is in Nasca rather than in Tiahuanaco style, having as its\nhead-dress an elaborate structure which, when viewed reversed, is found\nto be formed of that series of masks, each depending from the lolling\ntongue of its predecessor, which is so common on Nasca vases; while\nsnakes' heads replace the condor-puma-fish adornments of the southern\nmonument, and it is interesting to note that the whole structure\nterminates in a caduceus-like twist of serpents. The main figure,\nhowever, with its elaborate wands, ending exactly in the form of Jove's\nbolt, certainly follows the style of the central figure of Tiahuanaco,\nso that we are justified in assuming that it represents a similar\nconception--a celestial deity, from which proceed the serpentine rays,\nsunlight or lightning. To the far south, in the Calchaqui-Diaguit\u00e9\nregion, potsherds have been discovered implying the same central\nconception--the deity with mask and bolt, the dragon with head at\neach extremity, and a series of dragons' heads united by protruding\ntongues (a design whose far extension leads into the country of the\nunconquered Araucanians in the Chilean Andes).[138] More remarkable are\nthe ceremonial and votive objects discovered in this region, among them\ncertain plaques which include a masterpiece (Plate XXXVI) bearing many\ntraits that identify it with the monumental images: the rayed head, the\ntears beneath the eyes, the crescent-shaped breast-ornament, and, on\neither side of the central image, crested dragons which appear to take\nthe place of the wands in the type figures.\n\nThe names of this heaven-god, ancient in origin and wide in the range\nof his cult, have doubtless been many in the course of history; but\nthough several of them have survived in the traditions which have been\nrecorded, paramount among them all is that by which the divinity was\nknown to the Inca--Viracocha (or Uiracocha). Montesinos's list of kings\ncommences, says Markham,[139] \"with the names of the deity, Illa Tici\nUiracocha. We are told that the first word, Illa, means 'light.' Tici\nmeans 'foundation or beginning of things.' The word Uira is said to\nbe a corruption of Pirua, meaning the 'depository or store-house of\ncreation.'... The ordinary meaning of Cocha is a lake, but here it is\nsaid to signify an abyss--profundity. The whole meaning of the words\nwould be, 'The splendour, the foundation, the creator, the infinite\nGod.' The word Yachachic was occasionally added--'the Teacher.'\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXVI.]\n\n Plaque probably representing Viracocha. The head is surmounted by a\n rayed disk, doubtless the sun; tears, symbolic of rain, stream from\n the eyes; above the hands, on either side, are dragon-like creatures\n which are doubtless the equivalent of the wands or serpents shown in\n the hands of similar figures, and which may represent the two servants\n of the god, as they appear in legend. After _CA_ xii, Plate VIII.\n\nMolina, Salcamayhua, Huaman Poma, all give Inca prayers addressed to\nViracocha--prayers which are our best evidence for the character in\nwhich he was regarded. In the group recorded by Molina[140] the deity\nappears as lord of generation of plants and animals and humankind;\nand to him are addressed supplications for increase. But he is very\nclearly, also, a supreme creator: \"O conquering Viracocha! Ever-present\nViracocha! Thou who art in the ends of the earth without equal! Thou\ngavest life and valour to men, saying, 'Let this be a man!' and to\nwomen, saying, 'Let this be a woman!' Thou madest them and gavest them\nbeing! Watch over them that they may live in health and peace.\nThou who art in the high heavens, and among the clouds of the tempest,\ngrant this with long life, and accept this sacrifice, O Creator!\" In\nother prayers Viracocha is represented as creator of the sun, and\nhence as supreme over the great national god of the Incas; and in\nthe rites which Molina describes, Viracocha (the creator), the Sun,\nand the Thunder form a triad, addressed in the order named. The same\nsupremacy of Viracocha is recognized in the elaborate hymn recorded by\nSalcamayhua and translated by Markham after the emended text of Dr.\nMossi and the Spanish version of Lafone Quevado:[141]\n\n    \"O Uira-cocha! Lord of the universe;\n    Whether thou art male,\n    Whether thou art female,\n    Lord of reproduction,\n    Whatsoever thou mayest be,\n    O Lord of divination,\n    Where art thou?\n    Thou mayest be above,\n    Thou mayest be below,\n    Or perhaps around\n    Thy splendid throne and sceptre.\n    Oh, hear me!\n    From the sky above,\n    In which thou mayest be,\n    From the sea beneath,\n    In which thou mayest be,\n    Creator of the world,\n    Maker of all men;\n    Lord of all Lords,\n    My eyes fail me\n    For longing to see thee;\n    For the sole desire to know thee.\n    Might I behold thee,\n    Might I know thee,\n    Might I consider thee,\n    Might I understand thee.\n    Oh, look down upon me,\n    For thou knowest me.\n    The sun--the moon--\n    The day--the night--\n    Spring--winter,\n    Are not ordained in vain\n    By thee, O Uira-cocha!\n    They all travel\n    To the assigned place;\n    They all arrive\n    At their destined ends,\n    Whithersoever thou pleasest.\n    Thy royal sceptre\n    Thou holdest.\n    Oh hear me!\n    Oh choose me!\n    Let it not be\n    That I should tire,\n    That I should die.\"\n\nIt were easy to accept a pantheistic interpretation of a divinity\nso addressed; it is plausible to regard that deity as androgynous,\nas Lafone Quevado suggests. What is certain is that here we have a\ncreator-god superior to the world of visible nature, so that he was\nrepresented, according to Salcamayhua, by an oval plate of fine gold\nabove the symbols of the heavenly bodies in the great temple at Cuzco.\nSalcamayhua, moreover, connects with Viracocha two other names, Tonapa\nand Tarapaca, which, he declares, are appellatives of a servant (or\nservants) of Viracocha; and here we have a glimpse into another cycle\nof mythic history.\n\nThe story, as Salcamayhua tells it,[142] begins with the remote\nPurunpacha--the time when all the nations were at war with each other,\nand there was no rest from tumults. \"Then, in the middle of the night,\nthey heard the Hapi-\u00f1u\u00f1os [harpy-like daemones] disappearing with\nmournful complaints, and crying,--'We are conquered, we are conquered,\nalas that we should lose our bands!'\" This Salcamayhua interprets as\na New-World equivalent of the death-cry of Old-World paganism, \"Great\nPan is dead!\"--for from their cry, he says, \"it must be understood that\nthe devils were conquered by Jesus Christ our Lord on the cross on\nMount Calvary.\" Some time after the devils departed, there appeared \"a\nbearded man, of middle height, with long hair, and a rather long shirt.\nThey say that he was somewhat past his prime, for he already had grey\nhairs, and he was lean. He travelled by aid of a staff, teaching the\nnatives with much love and calling them all his sons and daughters. As\nhe went through the land, he performed many miracles. The sick were\nhealed by his touch. He spoke all languages better than the natives.\"\nThey called him, Salcamayhua says, Tonapa or Tarapaca (\"_Tarapaca_\nmeans an eagle\"), associating these names with that of Viracocha; \"but\nwas he not the glorious apostle, St. Thomas?\"\n\nMany tales are told of the miracles performed by Tonapa, among others\nthe story, which Avila narrates of Pariacaca, of the overwhelming\nby flood of a village, the inhabitants of which had abused him; and\nsimilar legends in which the offenders were transformed into stones.\n\"They further say that this Tonapa, in his wanderings, came to the\nmountains of Caravaya, where he erected a very large cross; and he\ncarried it on his shoulders to the mountain of Carapucu, where he\npreached in a loud voice, and shed tears.\" In 1897 Bandelier[143]\nvisited the village of Carabuco, on Lake Titicaca, and there saw the\nancient cross, known for more than three centuries, which tradition\nassociates with pre-Columbian times. \"The meaning of Carapucu,\"\nSalcamayhua continues, \"is when a bird called _pucu-pucu_ sings four\ntimes at early dawn.\" May there not be here a clue to the meaning both\nof the myth and of the emblem? At dawn, when the herald birds first\nsing, the four quarters of the world, of which the cross is symbol, are\nshaped by the light of day--a token and a reminiscence of the first\ncreation of Earth by shining Heaven.\n\nMolina, Cieza de Le\u00f3n, Sarmiento, Huaman Poma[144] tell of the making\nof sun and moon, and of the generations of men, associating this\ncreation with the lake of Titicaca, its islands, and its neighbourhood.\nViracocha is almost universally represented as the creator, and the\nstory follows the main plot of the genesis narratives known to the\ncivilized nations of both Americas--a succession of world aeons,\neach ending in cataclysm. As told by Huaman Poma, five such ages had\npreceded that in which he lived. The first was an age of Viracochas, an\nage of gods, of holiness, of life without death, although at the same\ntime it was devoid of inventions and refinements; the second was an age\nof skin-clad giants, the Huari Runa, or \"Indigenes,\" worshippers of\nViracocha; third came the age of Puron Runa, or \"Common Men,\" living\nwithout culture; fourth, that of the Auca Runa, \"Warriors,\" and fifth\nthat of the Inca rule, ended by the coming of the Spaniards. As related\nby Sarmiento the first age was that of a sunless world inhabited\nby a race of giants, who, owing to the sin of disobedience, were\ncataclysmically destroyed; but two brothers, surviving on a hill-top,\nmarried two women descended from heaven (in Molina's version these are\nbird-women) and repeopled a part of the world. Viracocha, however,\nundertook a second creation at Lake Titicaca, this time with sun,\nmoon, and stars; but out of jealousy, since at first the moon was the\nbrighter orb, the sun threw a handful of ashes over his rival's face,\nthus giving the shaded colour which the moon now presents. Viracocha,\nwe are told, was assisted by three servants, one of whom, Taguapaca,\nrebelled against him; for this he was bound and set adrift upon the\nlake (an event which, in a different form, is given by Salcamayhua as a\npart of the persecution of Tonapa); and then, taking his two remaining\nservitors with him, the deity \"went to a place now called Tiahuanacu\n... and in this place he sculptured and designed on a great piece of\nstone all the nations that he intended to create,\" after which he sent\nhis servants forth to command all tribes and all nations to multiply.\nThe last act of Viracocha's career was his miraculous departure across\nthe western sea, \"travelling over the water as if it were land, without\nsinking,\" and leaving behind him the prophecy that he would send his\nmessengers once again to protect and to teach his people.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXVII.]\n\n Vase painting of the sky-god, Tiahuanaco style, from Pachacamac.\n Compare Plates XXXI, XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI. After Baessler,\n _Contributions to the Archaeology of the Empire of the Incas_, Vol.\n IV, Plate CIV.\n\nThe tales are surely explanatory of the monuments; and in both we see\nthe general outlines of the ancient Peruvian religion. Supreme in the\npantheon was the great creator-god, High Heaven itself, Illa Tici\nViracocha. Attendant upon this divinity (perhaps ancient doublets in\nsome cases) was a group of two or three servants or sons, who were\nassuredly also celestial--Sun and Moon, or Sun and Moon and Morning\nStar, or Sun and Thunder (for in Peru _bidentalia_ were everywhere).\nTonapa (whom Markham regards as properly _Conapa_, \"Heat-Bearing,\" and\nthe same being as Coniraya) is the Peruvian equivalent of Quetzalcoatl\nand Bochica[145]--the robed and bearded white man, bearing a magic\nstaff, who comes from the east and after teaching men the way of life,\ndeparts over the sea. It is no marvel that the first missionaries and\ntheir converts saw in this being, with his cruciform symbol, an apostle\nof their own faith who had journeyed by way of the Orient to preach\nthe Gospel. Yet certainly it is no mere imagination to find another\ninterpretation of the story--what better image could fancy suggest for\nthe daily course of the sun than that of a bright-faced man, bearded\nwith rays, mantled in light, transforming the world of darkness into a\nworld of beauty and the domain of the concealed into a domain of things\nknown, before his departure across the western waters, promising to\nreturn, or to send again his messengers of light, to renew the luminous\nmission? When the Spaniards came, bearded and white, in shining mail\nand weaponed with fire, the Indians beheld the embodied form of the\nmythic hero, and so they applied to them the name which, is still\ntheirs for a white man--_viracocha_. In such devious ways have the\nfaiths and the fancies of Earth's two worlds commingled.\n\nWhat ground there is for the ascription of something approaching\nmonotheism to the Peruvians centres in the sky-deity rather than in\nthe Sun, whose cult under the Incas, to some extent replaced that of\nthe elder supreme god. \"No one can doubt,\" says Lafone Quevado,[146]\n\"that Pachacamac and Viracocha were gods who correspond to our idea\nof a Supreme Being and that they were adored in America before the\ncoming of Columbus; and it is logical to attribute to the same American\nsoil the idea of such a conception, even when it occurs among the most\nsavage tribes, since that simply presupposes an ethnic contact to which\nare opposed no insuperable difficulties of geography. The solar cult\nis farther from fetishism than is the idea of the Yahveh of the Jews\nfrom the solar cult: from this to the true God is a step, and the most\nsavage nations of America found themselves surrounded by worshippers of\nthe light of day.\"\n\n\nV. THE CHILDREN OF THE SUN\n\n\nThe most striking feature of the Inca conquests is their professed\nmotive--professed, that is, in Inca tradition, especially as\nrepresented by the writings of Garcilasso de la Vega--for the Incas\nproclaimed themselves apostles of a new creed and teachers of a new way\nof life; they were Children of the Sun, sent by their divine parent\nto bring to a darkened and barbarous world a purer faith and a more\nenlightened conduct. Garcilasso tells[147] how, when a boy, he inquired\nof his Inca uncle the origin of their race. \"Know,\" said his kinsman,\n\"that in ancient times all this region which you see was covered with\nforests and thickets, and the people lived like brute beasts without\nreligion nor government, nor towns, nor houses, without cultivating\nthe land nor covering their bodies, for they knew how to weave neither\ncotton nor wool to make garments. They dwelt two or three together in\ncaves or clefts of the rocks, or in caverns under ground; they ate the\nherbs of the field and roots or fruit like wild beasts, and they also\ndevoured human flesh; they covered their bodies with leaves and with\nthe bark of trees, or with the skins of animals; in fine they lived\nlike deer or other game, and even in their intercourse with women they\nwere like brutes, for they knew nothing of cohabiting with separate\nwives.... Our Father, the Sun, seeing the human race in the condition\nI have described, had compassion upon them and from heaven he sent down\nto earth a son and daughter to instruct them in the knowledge of our\nFather, the Sun, that adoring Him, they might adopt Him as their God;\nand also to give them precepts and laws by which to live as reasonable\nand civilized men, and to teach them to dwell in houses and towns, to\ncultivate maize and other crops, to breed flocks, and to use the fruits\nof the earth as rational beings, instead of existing like beasts. With\nthese commands and intentions our Father, the Sun, placed his two\nchildren in the lake of Titicaca, saying to them that they might go\nwhere they pleased and that at every place where they stopped to eat\nor sleep they were to thrust into the ground a sceptre of gold which\nwas half a yard long and two fingers in thickness, giving them this\nstaff as a sign and a token that in the place where, by one blow on\nthe earth, it should sink down and disappear, there it was the desire\nof our Father, the Sun, that they should remain and establish their\ncourt. Finally He said to them: 'When you have reduced these people to\nour service, you shall maintain them in habits of reason and justice by\nthe practice of piety, clemency, and meekness, assuming in all things\nthe office of a pious father toward his beloved and tender children;\nfor thus you will form a likeness and reflection of me. I do good to\nthe whole world, giving light that men may see and do their business,\nmaking them warm when they are cold, cherishing their pastures and\ncrops, ripening their fruits and increasing their flocks, watering\ntheir lands with dew and bringing fine weather in proper season. I take\ncare to go around the earth each day that I may see the necessities\nthat exist in the world and supply them, as the sustainer and\nbenefactor of the heathen. I desire that you shall imitate this example\nas my children, sent to earth solely for the instruction and benefit\nof these men who live like beasts; and from this time I constitute and\nname you as kings and lords over all the tribes that you may instruct\nthem in your rational works and government.'\"\n\nViewed as theology, this utterance is remarkable. Even if it be taken\n(as perhaps it should be) rather as an excuse for conquests made than\nas their veritable pretext, the story still reflects an advanced\nstage of moral thinking, since utterly barbarous races demand no\nsuch justification for seizing from others what they desire; and in\nthis broader scope the successors of Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo soon\ninterpreted their liberal commission. The third Inca, Lloque Yupanqui,\ndecided, Garcilasso says,[148] that \"all their policy should not be\none of prayer and persuasion, but that arms and power should form a\npart, at least with those who were stubborn and pertinacious.\" Having\nassembled an army, the Inca crossed the border, and entering a province\ncalled Cana, he sent messengers to the inhabitants, \"requiring them\nto submit to and obey the child of the Sun, abandoning their own vain\nand evil sacrifices, and bestial customs\"--a formula that became\nthenceforth the Inca preliminary to a declaration of war. The Cana\nsubmitted, but, the chronicler says, when he passed to the province\nof Ayaviri, the natives \"were so stubborn and rebellious that neither\npromises, nor persuasion, nor the examples of the other subjugated\naborigines were of any avail; they all preferred to die defending\ntheir liberty.\" And so fell many a province, after vainly endeavouring\nto protect its native gods, as the realm of the Incas grew, always\nadvancing under the pretext of religious reform, the mandate of the Sun.\n\nBut while the extension of the solar cult was made the excuse for\nthe creation of an empire, it was more than a political device; for\nthe Incas called themselves \"children of the Sun\" in the belief that\nthey were directly descended from this deity and under his special\ncare. Molina[149] tells of an adventure which he ascribes to Inca\nYupanqui, meaning, apparently, Pachacuti, the greatest of the Incas.\nWhile, as a young man, the Inca prince was journeying to visit his\nfather, Viracocha Inca, he passed a spring in which he saw a piece\nof crystal fall, wherein appeared the figure of an Indian. From the\nback of his head issued three very brilliant rays, even as those of\nthe Sun; serpents were twined round his arms, and on his head there\nwas a _llautu_ [the fringe, symbol of the sun's rays, worn on the\nforehead by the Incas as token of royalty] like that of the Inca. His\nears were bored, and ear-pieces, resembling those used by the Incas,\nwere inserted; he was also dressed in the manner of the Inca. The\nhead of a lion came from between his legs, and on his shoulders there\nwas another lion whose legs appeared to join over the shoulders of\nthe man; while, furthermore, a sort of serpent was twined about his\nshoulders. This apparition said to the youth: \"Come hither, my son,\nand fear not, for I am the Sun, thy father. Thou shalt conquer many\nnations; therefore be careful to pay great reverence to me and remember\nme in thy sacrifices.\" The vision vanished, but the piece of crystal\nremained, \"and they say that he afterward saw in it everything he\nwanted.\" The solar imagery and the analogy of this figure, with its\nlions and serpents, to the monumental representations of celestial\ndeities, are at once apparent; and there is, too, in the tale, with\nits prophecy and its crystal-gazing more than a suggestion of the fast\nin the wilderness by which the North American Indian youth seeks a\nrevelation of his personal medicine-helper, or totem. The Incas all had\nsuch personal tutelaries. That of Manco Capac was said to have been a\nfalcon, called Inti; and the word came to mean the Sun itself in its\ncharacter as deity--or, perhaps, as tutelary of the Inca clan, since\nthe name Inti appears in the epithets applied to the \"brothers\" of more\nthan one later Inca. Serpents, birds, and golden images were forms of\nthese totemic familiars, each buried with the body of the Inca to whom\nit had pertained.\n\nJust as individuals had their personal Genii of this character, so each\nclan had for ancestor its Genius, or tutelary, which might be a star, a\nmountain, a rock, or a spring. The Sun was such a Genius of the Incas,\nand it came to be an ever greater deity as Inca power spread by very\nreason of the growing importance of their clan; while its recognition\nby members of allied and conquered septs came to be demanded very\nmuch, we may suppose, as the cultic acknowledgement of the Genius of\nthe Roman Emperor was required in expression of loyalty to the reigning\nrace.\n\nThe Inca pantheon was not narrow.[150] Besides the ancestral deities,\nthere were innumerable _huacas_--sacred places, oracles, or idols--and\nwhole classes of nature-powers; the generative Earth (Pacha Mama) and\n\"mamas\" of plant and animal kinds; meteorological potencies, especially\nthe Rainbow and Thunder and Lightning, conceived as servants of the\nSun; and, in the heaven itself, the Moon and the Constellations, by\nwhich the seasons were computed. Remote over all was the heaven-god\nand creator, Viracocha, with respect to whom the Sun itself was but a\nservitor. Salcamayhua declares that Manco Capac had set up a plate of\nfine gold, oval in shape, \"which signified that there was a Creator of\nheaven and earth.\" Mayta Capac renewed this image--despising, tradition\nsaid, all created objects, even the highest, such as men and the sun\nand moon--and \"he caused things to be placed round the plate, which I\nhave shown that it may be perceived what these heathen thought.\" In\nillustration Salcamayhua gives a drawing which many authorities regard\nas the key to Peruvian mythology. At the top is a representation of the\nSouthern Cross, the pole of the austral heavens. Below this is the oval\nsymbol of the Creator, on one side of which is an image of the Sun,\nwith the Morning Star beneath, while opposite is the Moon above the\nEvening Star. Under these is a group of twelve signs--a leaping puma,\na tree, \"Mama Cocha,\" a chart of this mountainous Earth surmounted by\na rainbow and serving as source for a river into which levin falls, a\ngroup of seven circles called \"shining eyes,\" and other emblems--the\nwhole representing, so Stansbury Hagar argues, the Peruvian zodiac.\nSalcamayhua goes on to say that Huascar placed an image of the Sun in\nthe place where the symbol of the Creator had been, and it was as thus\naltered that the Spaniards found the great Temple of the Sun at Cuzco.\n\nIt would appear, indeed, that the action of Huascar was only a final\nstep in the rise of the solar cult to pre-eminence in Peru. Doubtless\nthe sun had been a principal deity from an early period, but its\nclose relation to the Inca clan made it progressively more and more\nimportant, so that by the time of the coming of the Spaniards it had\nrisen, as a national divinity, to a position analogous to that of Ashur\nin the later Assyrian empire. Meantime the older heaven-god, Viracocha,\npresumably the tutelary of the pre-Inca empire and of Tiahuanaco, had\nfaded into obscurity. To be sure, there was a temple to this god in\nCuzco (so Molina and Salcamayhua attest); but to the Sun there were\nshrines all over the land, with priests and priestesses; while Cuzco\nwas the centre of a magnificent imperial cult, the sanctuary honoured\nby royalty itself and served not only by the sacerdotal head of all\nInca temple-service, a high priest of blood royal, but also by hundreds\nof devoted Virgins of the Sun, who, like the Roman Vestals, kept an\nundying fire on the altars of the solar god.\n\nYet Viracocha was not forgotten, even by the Incas who subordinated\nhim officially to the Sun; and few passages in American lore are more\nstriking than are the records of Inca doubt as to the Sun's divinity\nand power. Molina says of that very Inca to whom the vision of the\ncrystal appeared that \"he reflected upon the respect and reverence\nshown by his ancestors to the Sun, who worshipped it as a god; he\nobserved that it never had any rest, and that it daily journeyed round\nthe earth; and he said to those of his council that it was not possible\nthat the Sun could be the God who created all things, for if he was, he\nwould not permit a small cloud to obscure his splendour; and that if he\nwas creator of all things, he would sometimes rest, and light up the\nwhole world from one spot. Thus, it cannot be otherwise but there is\nsomeone who directs him, and this is the Pacha-yachachi, the Creator.\"\nGarcilasso (quoting Blas Valera) states that the Inca Tupac Yupanqui\nlikened the Sun rather to a tethered beast or to a shot arrow than to a\nfree divinity, while Huayna Capac is credited with a similar judgement.\nIn the prayers recorded by Molina, Viracocha is supreme, even over the\nSun; and these petitions, it must be supposed, represent the deepest\nconviction of Inca religion.\n\n\nVI. LEGENDS OF THE INCAS\n\n\nStories of Inca origins, as told by the chroniclers, present a certain\nconfusion of incident that probably goes back to the native versions.\nThere are obviously historical narratives mingled with clearly mythic\nmaterials and influencing each other. The islands of Titicaca and the\nruins of Tiahuanaco appear as the source of remote provenance of the\nIncas; a place called Paccari-Tampu (\"Tavern of the Dawn\"), not far\nfrom Cuzco, and the mysterious hill of Tampu-Tocco (\"Tavern of the\nWindows\") are recorded as sites associated with their more immediate\nrise; yet as Manco Capac is associated with both origins, and as the\nnarratives pertaining to both contain cosmogonic elements, the tales\ngive the impression of blending and duplication.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXVIII.]\n\n \"Temple of the three Windows,\" Machu Picchu. Windows are not a\n frequent feature of Inca architecture, and when Bingham discovered at\n Machu Picchu the temple with three conspicuous windows, here shown,\n this discovery seemed to give added plausibility to the theory that\n Machu Picchu is indeed the Tampu-Tocco of the Incas. See pages 248 ff.\n and compare Plate XXX. From photograph, courtesy of Hiram Bingham,\n Director of the Yale Peruvian Expedition.\n\nWith different degrees of confusion all the chroniclers (Cieza de\nLe\u00f3n, Garcilasso, Molina, Salcamayhua, Betanzos, Montesinos, Huaman\nPorno, and others) tell the story of the coming forth of Manco Capac\nand his brothers from Tampu-Tocco to create the empire; but of all\nthe accounts Markham regards that given by Sarmiento as the most\nauthentic.[151] According to this version, Tampu-Tocco was a house on\na hill, provided with three windows, named Maras, Sutic, and Capac.\nThrough the first of these came the Maras tribe, through Sutic came\nthe Tampu tribe, and through Capac, the regal window, came four Ayars\nwith their four wives--Ayar Manco and Mama Ocllo; Ayar Auca (the\n\"joyous,\" or \"fighting,\" Ayar) and Mama Huaco (the \"warlike\");\nAyar Cachi (the \"Salt\" Ayar) and Mama Ipacura (the \"Elder Aunt\"); Ayar\nUchu (the \"Pepper\" Ayar) and Mama Raua. The four pairs \"knew no father\nnor mother, beyond the story they told that they came out of the said\nwindow by order of Ticci Viracocha; and they declared that Viracocha\ncreated them to be lords\"; but it was believed that by the counsel of\nthe fierce Mama Huaco they decided to go forth and subjugate peoples\nand lands. Besides the Maras and Tampu peoples, eight other tribes were\nassociated with the Ayars, as vassals, when they began their quest,\ntaking with them their goods and their families. Manco Capac carrying\nwith him, as a palladium, a falcon, called Indi, or Inti--the name of\nthe Sun-god--bore also a golden rod which was to sink into the land\nat the site where they were to abide; and Salcamayhua says that, in\nsetting out, the hero was wreathed in rain-bows, this being regarded as\nan omen of success.\n\nThe journey was leisurely, and in course of it Sinchi Rocca, who was to\nbe the second Inca, was born to Mama Ocllo and Manco Capac; but then\ncame a series of magic transformations by which the three brothers\ndisappeared, leaving the elder without a rival. Ayar Cachi (who, Cieza\nde Le\u00f3n says,[152] \"had such great power that, with stones hurled from\nhis sling, he split the hills and hurled them up to the clouds\") was\nthe first to excite the envy of his brothers; and on the pretext that\ncertain royal treasures had been forgotten in a cave of Tampu-Tocco, he\nwas sent back to secure them, accompanied by a follower who had secret\ninstructions from the brothers to immure him in the cave, once he was\ninside. This was done, and though Ayar Cachi made the earth shake in\nhis efforts to break through, he could not do so. Nevertheless (Cieza\ntells us) he appeared to his brothers, \"coming in the air with great\nwings of coloured feathers\"; and despite their terror, he commanded\nthem to go on to their destiny, found Cuzco, and establish the empire.\n\"I shall remain in the form and fashion that ye shall see on a hill\nnot distant from here; and it will be for your descendants a place of\nsanctity and worship, and its name shall be Guanacaure [Huanacauri].\nAnd in return for the good things that ye will have received from me,\nI pray that ye will always adore me as god and in that place will set\nup altars whereat to offer sacrifices. If ye do this, ye shall receive\nhelp from me in war; and as a sign that from henceforth ye are to\nbe esteemed, honoured, and feared, your ears shall be bored in the\nmanner that ye now behold mine.\" It was from this custom of boring\nand enlarging the ears that the Spaniards called the ruling caste\n_Orejones_ (\"Big-Ears\"); and it was at the hill of Huanacauri that the\nAyar instructed the Incas in the rites by which they initiated youths\ninto the warrior caste.\n\nAt this mount, which became one of the great Inca shrines, both the\nSalt and the Pepper Ayars were reputed to have been transformed into\nstones, or idols, and it was here that the rainbow sign of promise was\ngiven. As they approached the hill--so the legend states--they saw\nnear the rainbow what appeared to be a man-shaped idol; and \"Ayar Uchu\noffered himself to go to it, for they said that he was very like it.\"\nHe did so, sat upon the stone, and himself became stone, crying: \"O\nBrothers, an evil work ye have wrought for me. It was for your sakes\nthat I came where I must remain forever, apart from your company. Go!\ngo! happy brethren, I announce to you that ye shall be great lords. I\ntherefore pray that, in recognition of the desire I have always had to\nplease you, ye shall honour and venerate me in all your festivals and\nceremonies, and that I shall be the first to whom ye make offerings,\nsince I remain here for your sakes. When ye celebrate the _huarochico_\n(which is the arming of the sons as knights), ye shall adore me as\ntheir father, for I shall remain here forever.\"\n\nFinally Manco Capac's staff sank into the ground--\"two shots of an\narquebus from Cuzco\"--and from their camp the hero pointed to a heap of\nstones on the site of Cuzco. \"Showing this to his brother, Ayar Auca,\nhe said, 'Brother! thou rememberest how it was arranged between us\nthat thou shouldst go to take possession of the land where we are to\nsettle. Well! behold that stone.' Pointing it out, he continued, 'Go\nthither flying,' for they say that Ayar Auca had developed some wings;\n'and seating thyself there, take possession of the land seen from that\nheap of rocks. We will presently come and settle and reside.' When Ayar\nAuca heard the words of his brother, opening his wings, he flew to that\nplace which Manco Capac had pointed out; and seating himself there, he\nwas presently turned into stone, being made the stone of possession. In\nthe ancient language of this valley the heap was called _cozco_, whence\nthe site has had the name of Cuzco to this day.\"\n\nMarkham placed the events commemorated in this myth at about 1100\nA. D., and Bingham's remarkable discoveries of Machu Picchu and of\nthe Temple of the Three Windows appear to prove the truth of tales\nof a Tampu-Tocco dynasty, preceding the coming to Cuzco. The tribal\ndivisions (in their numbers, three and ten, strikingly suggestive\nof Roman legend) are surely in part historical, for Sarmiento gives\nnames of members of the various _ayllus_ in Cuzco in his own day. Yet\nit is clear that the Ayars are mythical beings. Garcilasso says[153]\nthat the four pairs came forth in the beginning of the world; that\nin the various legends about them the three brothers disappear in\nallegory, leaving Manco Capac alone; and that the Salt Ayar signifies\n\"instruction in the rational life,\" while the Pepper Ayar means\n\"delight received in this instruction.\" The association of the two\nAyars with initiation ceremonies and civic destiny points, in fact,\nto the character of culture heroes; and their names, Salt and Pepper,\nagain suggest association with economic life, perhaps, in some way,\nas genii of earth and vegetation, though in the myth of Ayar Cachi\nthe suggestion of a volcanic power is almost irresistible. Ayar Auca\nis clearly the _genius loci_ of Cuzco, while Manco Capac himself,\nconceived as an Ayar, is little more than a culture hero. Perhaps\nthe solution is to be found in Montesinos's lists, where Manco Capac\nis the first ruler of the dynasty of the oldest emperors, after the\ngod Viracocha himself, while the first Inca is Sinchi Rocca. The myth\nof the Ayars would then hark back to the Megalithic age and to the\ncosmogonies associated with Titicaca, while their connexion with the\nIncas, after the dynasty of Tampu-Tocco, would be, as it were, but a\nnatural telescoping of ancient myth and later history, adding to Inca\nprestige.\n\nIn Inca lore there are other legends--the tale of the prince who was\nstolen by his father's enemies and who wept tears of blood, by this\nportent saving his life; the legend of the virgin of the Sun who\nloved a pipe-playing shepherd and of their transformation into rocks;\nthe story of Ollantay, the general, who loved the Inca's daughter,\npreserved in the drama which Markham has translated; and along with\nthese are many fragments of creation-stories and aetiological myths\nchronicled by the early writers. History and poetic fancy combine in\nthese to give materials into which are woven beliefs and practices\nfar more ancient than the Inca race, just as Hellenic myth contains\ndistorted reflections of the pre-Greek age of the Aegean. By means of\nsuch tales the ancient shrines are made to speak again, as through\noracles.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nTHE TROPICAL FORESTS: THE ORINOCO AND GUIANA\n\n\nI. LANDS AND PEOPLES\n\n\nAmong earth's great continental bodies South America is second only\nto Australia in isolation. This is true not only geographically,\nbut also in regard to flora and fauna, and in respect of its human\naborigines and their cultures. To be sure, within itself the continent\nshows a diversity as wide, perhaps, as that of any; and certainly\nno continent affords a sharper contrast both of environment and of\nculture than is that of the Andes and the civilized Andeans to the\ntropical forests with their hordes of unqualified savages. There are,\nmoreover, streams of influence reaching from the southern toward\nthe northern America--the one, by way of the Isthmus, tenuously\nextending the bond of civilization in the direction of the cultured\nnations of Central America and Mexico; the other carrying northward\nthe savagery of the tropics by the thin line of the Lesser Antilles;\nand it is, of course, possible that this double movement, under way\nin Columbian days, was the retroaction of influences that had at\none time moved in the contrary direction. Yet, on the whole, South\nAmerica has its own distinct character, whether of savagery or of\ncivilization, showing little certain evidence of recent influence from\nother parts of the globe. _Au fond_ the cultural traits--implements,\nsocial organization, ideas--are of the types common to mankind at\nsimilar levels; but their special developments have a distinctly South\nAmerican character, so that, whether we compare Inca with Aztec,\nor Amazonian with Mississippian, we perceive without hesitancy the\ncontinental idiosyncracy of each. It is certain that South America\nhas been inhabited from remote times; it is certain, too, that her\naboriginal civilizations are ancient, reckoned even by the Old World\nscale. A daring hypothesis would make this continent an early, and\nperhaps the first home of the human species--a theory that would not\nimplausibly solve certain difficulties, assuming that the differences\nwhich mark aboriginal North from aboriginal South America are due to\nthe fact that the former continent was the meeting-place and confluence\nof two streams--a vastly ancient, but continuous, northward flow from\nthe south, turned and coloured by a thinner and later wash of Asiatic\nsources.[154]\n\nThe peoples of South America are grouped by d'Orbigny,[155] as result\nof his ethnic studies of _l'homme am\u00e9ricain_ made during the expedition\nof 1826-33, into three great divisions, or races: the Ando-Peruvian,\ncomprising all the peoples of the west coast as far as Tierra del\nFuego; the Pampean, including the tribes of the open countries of the\nsouth; and the Brasilio-Guaranian, composed of the stocks of those\ntropical forests which form the great body of the South American\ncontinent. With modifications this threefold grouping of the South\nAmerican aborigines has been maintained by later ethnologists. One\nof the most recent studies in this field (W. Schmidt, \"Kulturkreise\nund Kulturschichten in S\u00fcdamerika,\" in _ZE_ xlv [1913]), while still\nmaintaining the triple classification, nevertheless shows that the\ndifferent groups have mingled and intermingled in confusing complexity,\nfollowing successive cycles of cultural influence. Schmidt's division\nis primarily on the basis of cultural traits, with reference to which\nhe distinguishes three primary groups: (1) Peoples of the \"collective\ngrade,\" who live by hunting, fishing, and the gathering of plants,\nwith the few exceptions of tribes that have learned some agriculture\nfrom neighbours of a higher culture. In this group are the Gez, or\nBotocudo, and the Puri-Coroados stocks of the east and south-east of\nBrazil; the stocks of the Gran Chaco, the Pampas, and Tierra del Fuego;\nwhile the Araucanians and certain tribes of the eastern cordilleras of\nthe Andes are also placed in this class. (2) Groups of peoples of the\n_Hackbaustufe_, mostly practicing agriculture and marked by a general\nadvance in the arts, as well as by the presence of a well-defined\npatriarchy and evidences of totemism in their social organization. In\nthis group are included the great South American linguistic stocks--the\nCariban, Arawakan, and Tupi-Guaranian, inhabiting the forests and\nsemi-steppes of the regions drained by the Orinoco and Amazon and their\ntributaries, as well as the tribes of the north-east coast of the\ncontinent. (3) Groups of the cultured peoples of the Andes--Chibcha,\nIncaic, and Calchaqui.\n\nThe general arrangement of these three divisions follows the contour\nof the continent. The narrow mountain ridge of the west coast is the\nseat of the civilized peoples; the home of the lowest culture is the\neast coast, extending in a broad band of territory from the highlands\nof the Brazilian provinces of Pernambuco and Bahia south-westward to\nthe Chilean Andes and Patagonia; between these two, occupying the whole\ncentre of the continent, with a broad base along the northern coast and\nnarrowing wedge-like to the south, is the region of the intermediate\nculture group.\n\nMost of what is known of the mythology of South American peoples\ncomes from tribes and nations of the second and third groups--from\nthe Andeans whose myths have been sketched in preceding chapters, and\nfrom the peoples of the tropic forests. The region inhabited by the\nlatter group is too vast to be treated as a simple unit; nor is there,\nin the chaotic intermixture of tongues and tribes, any clear ethnic\ndemarcation of ideas. In default of other principle, it is appropriate\nand expedient, therefore, to follow the natural division of the\nterritory into the geographical regions broadly determined by the great\nriver-systems that traverse the continent. These are three: in the\nnorth the Orinoco, with its tributaries, draining the region bounded on\nthe west by the Colombian plateau and the Llanos of the Orinoco, and\non the south by the Guiana Highlands; in the centre the Amazon, the\nworld's greatest river, the mouth of which is crossed by the Equator,\nwhile the stream itself closely follows the equatorial line straight\nacross the continent to the Andes, though its great tributaries drain\nthe central continent, many degrees to the south; and in the south the\nRio de la Plata, formed by the confluence of the Paran\u00e1 and Uruguay,\nand receiving the waters of the territories extending from El Gran\nChaco to the Pampas, beyond which the Patagonian plains and Chilean\nAndes taper southward to the Horn. In general, the Orinoco region is\nthe home of the Carib and Arawak tribes; the Amazonian region is the\nseat and centre of the Tupi-Guaranians; while the region extending\nfrom the Rio de la Plata to the Horn is the aboriginal abode of\nvarious peoples, mostly of inferior culture. It should be borne in\nmind, however, that the simplicity of this plan is largely factitious.\nLinguistically, aboriginal South America is even more complex than\nNorth America (at least above Mexico); and the whole central region\nis a _m\u00e9lange_ of verbally unrelated stocks, of which, for the\ncontinent as a whole, Chamberlain's incomplete list gives no less than\neighty-three.[156]\n\n\nII. SPIRITS AND SHAMANS\n\n\n\"The aborigines of Guiana,\" writes Brett,[157] \"in their naturally\nwild and untaught condition, have had a confused idea of the existence\nof one good and supreme Being, and of many inferior spirits, who are\nsupposed to be of various kinds, but generally of malignant character.\nThe Good Spirit they regard as the Creator of all, and, as far as we\ncould learn, they believe Him to be immortal and invisible, omnipotent\nand omniscient. But notwithstanding this, we have never discovered\nany trace of religious worship or adoration paid to Him by any tribe\nwhile in its natural condition. They consider Him as a Being too high\nto notice them; and, not knowing Him as a God that heareth prayer,\nthey concern themselves but little about Him.\" In another passage\nthe same writer states that the natives of Guiana \"all maintain the\nInvisibility of the Eternal Father. In their traditionary legends they\nnever confound _Him_--the Creator,--the '_Ancient of Heaven_'--with\nthe mythical personages of what, for want of a better term, we must\ncall their heroic age; and though sorcerers claim familiarity with,\nand power to control, the inferior (and malignant) spirits, none would\never pretend to hold intercourse with _Him_, or that it were possible\nfor mortal man to behold _Him_.\" A missionary to the same region,\nFray Ruiz Blanco,[158] earlier by some two hundred years, says of the\nreligion of these aborigines that, \"The false rites and diableries\nwith which the multitude are readily duped are innumerable ... briefly\n... there is the seated fact that all are idolaters, and there is the\nparticular fact that all abhor and greatly fear the devil, whom they\ncall Iboroquiamio.\"\n\nMinds of a scientific stamp see the matter somewhat differently.\n\"The natives of the Orinoco,\" Humboldt declares,[159] \"know no other\nworship than that of the powers of nature; like the ancient Germans\nthey deify the mysterious object which excites their simple admiration\n(_deorum nominibus appellant secretum illud, quod sola reverentia\nvident_).\" From the point of view of an ethnologist of the school\nof Tylor, im Thurn describes the religion of the Indians of Guiana:\nHaving no belief in a hierarchy of spirits, they can have, he says,\n\"none in any such beings as in higher religions are called gods....\nIt is true that various words have been found in all, or nearly all,\nthe languages, not only of Guiana, but also of the whole world, which\nhave been supposed to be the names of a great spirit, supreme being,\nor god\"; nevertheless, he concludes, \"the conception of a God is not\nonly totally foreign to Indian habits of thought, but belongs to a much\nhigher stage of intellectual development than any attained by them.\"\n\nIt is from such contrary evidences as these that the true character\nof aboriginal beliefs must be reconstructed. Im Thurn says of the\nnative names that they \"to some extent acquired a sense which the\nmissionaries imparted to them\"; and when we meet, in such passages as\nthat quoted from Brett, the ascription of attributes like omniscience\nand omnipotence to primitive divinities, there is indeed cause for\nhumour at the missionary's expense. But there are logical idols in more\nthan one trade; the ethnologists have their full share of them. Im\nThurn gives us a list of indigenous appellations of the Great Spirit of\nGuiana:\n\n Carib Tribes:\n _True Caribs_: Tamosi (\"the Ancient One\"); Tamosi kabotano\n (\"the Ancient One in the Sky\").\n _Ackawoi_: Mackonaima (meaning unknown).\n _Macusi_: Kutti (probably only Macusi-Dutch for \"God\").\n\n Arawak Tribes: Wa murreta kwonci (\"our Maker\"); Wa cinaci (\"our\n Father\"); Ifilici wacinaci (\"our Great Father\").\n\n Warrau-Wapianan: Kononatoo (\"our Maker\"); Tominagatoo (meaning\n unknown).\n\nOf all these names im Thurn remarks that in those whose meanings are\nknown \"only three ideas are expressed--(1) One who lived long ago and\nis now in sky-land; (2) the maker of the Indians; and (3) their father.\nNone of these ideas,\" he continues, \"in any way involve the attributes\nof a god....\"[160] Obviously, acceptance of this negation turns upon\none's understanding of the meaning of \"god.\"\n\nThe Cariban Makonaima (there are many variants, such as Makanaima,\nMakunaima, and the like) is a creator-god and the hero of a cosmogony.\nIt is possible that his name connects him with the class of Kenaima\n(or Kanaima), avengers of murder and bringers of death, who are often\nregarded as endowed with magical or mysterious powers; and in this\ncase the term may be analogous to the Wakanda and Manito of the\nnorthern continent. Schomburgk[161] states that Makunaima means \"one\nwho works in the night\"; and if this be true, it is curious to compare\nwith such a conception the group of Arawakan demiurgic beings whom\nhe describes. According to the Arawak myths, a being Kururumany was\nthe creator of men, while Kulimina formed women. Kururumany was the\nauthor of all good, but coming to earth to survey his creation, he\ndiscovered that the human race had become wicked and corrupt; wherefore\nhe deprived them of everlasting life, leaving among them serpents,\nlizards, and other vermin. Wurekaddo (\"She Who Works in the Dark\")\nand Emisiwaddo (\"She Who Bores Through the Earth\") are the wives of\nKururumany; and Emisiwaddo is identified as the _cushi_-ant, so that we\nhave here an interesting suggestion of world-building ants, for which\nanalogues are to be found far north in America, in the Pueblos and on\nthe North-West Coast. There is, however, a _fain\u00e9ant_ god high above\nKururumany, one Aluberi, pre-eminent over all, who has no concern for\nthe affairs of men; while other supreme beings mentioned by Schomburgk\nare Amalivaca--who is, however, rather a Trickster-Hero--and the group\nthat, among the Maipuri, corresponds to the Arawakan family of divine\nbeings, Purrunaminari (\"He Created Men\"), Taparimarru, his wife, and\nSisiri, his son, whom she, without being touched by him, conceived to\nhim from the mere love he bore her--a myth in which, as Schomburgk\nobserves, we should infer European influence.\n\nHumboldt, in describing the religion of the Orinoco aborigines\nsays[162] of them that \"they call the good spirit Cachimana; it is the\nManitou, the Great Spirit, that regulates the seasons and favours the\nharvests. Along with Cachimana there is an evil principle, Iolokiamo,\nless powerful, but more artful, and in particular more active.\" On the\nwhole, this characterization represents the consensus of observation\nof traveller, missionary, and scientist from Columbian days to the\npresent and for the wilder tribes of the whole of both South and North\nAmerica. There is a good being, the Great Spirit, more or less remote\nfrom men, often little concerned with human or terrene affairs, but the\nultimate giver of life and light, of harvest food and game food. There\nis an evil principle, sometimes personified as a Lord of Darkness,\nalthough more often conceived not as a person, but as a mischievous\npower, or horde of powers, manifested in multitudes of annoying forms.\nAmong shamanistic tribes little attention is paid to the Good Power; it\nis too remote to be seriously courted; or, if it is worshipped, solemn\nfestivals, elaborate mysteries, and priestly rites are the proper\nagents for attracting its attention. On the other hand, the Evil Power\nin all its innumerable and tricky embodiments, must be warded off by\nconstant endeavour--by shamanism, \"medicine,\" magic. The tribes of the\nOrinoco region are, _ab origine_, mainly in the shamanistic stage. The\npeaiman is at once priest, doctor, and magician, whose main duty is\nto discover the deceptive concealment of the malicious Kenaima and,\nby his exorcisms, to free men from the plague. That the Kenaima is of\nthe nature of a spirit appears from the fact that the term is applied\nto human malevolences, especially when these find magic manifestation,\nas well as to evils emanating from other sources. Thus, the avenger of\na murder is a Kenaima, and he must not only exact life for life; he\nmust achieve his end by certain means and with rites insuring himself\nagainst the ill will of his victim's spirit. Again, the Were-Jaguar is\na Kenaima. \"A jaguar which displays unusual audacity,\" says Brett,[163]\n\"will often unnerve even a brave hunter by the fear that it may be a\n_Kanaima tiger_. 'This,' reasons the Indian, 'if it be but an ordinary\nwild beast, I may kill with bullet or arrow; but what will be my fate\nif I assail the man-destroyer--the terrible _Kanaima_?'\"\n\nThe Kenaima, the man-killer, whether he be the human avenger upon\nwhom the law of a primitive society has imposed the task of exacting\nretribution, or whether he be the no less dreaded inflicter of death\nthrough disease, or magically induced accident, or by shifting skins\nwith a man-slaying beast, is only one type of the spirits of evil.\nOthers are the Yauhahu and Orehu (Arawak names for beings which are\nknown to the other tribes by other titles). The Yauhahu are the\nfamiliars of sorcerers, the peaimen, who undergo a long period of\nprobationary preparation in order to win their favour and who hold it\nonly by observing the most stringent tabus in the matter of diet. The\nOrehu are water-sprites, female like the mermaids, and they sometimes\ndrag man and canoe down to the depths of their aquatic haunts; yet they\nare not altogether evil, for Brett tells a story, characteristically\nAmerican Indian, of the origin of a medicine-mystery. In very ancient\ntimes, when the Yauhahu inflicted continual misery on mankind, an\nArawak, walking besides the water and brooding over the sad case of\nhis people, beheld an Orehu rise from the stream, bearing in her\nhand a branch which he planted as she bade him, its fruit being the\ncalabash, till then unknown. Again she appeared, bringing small white\npebbles, which she instructed him to enclose in the gourd, thus\nmaking the magic-working rattle; and instructing him in its use and\nin the mysteries of the Semecihi, this order was established among\nthe tribes. The \"Semecihi\" are of course, the medicine-men of the\nArawak, corresponding to the Carib peaimen, though the word itself\nwould seem to be related to the Ta\u00efno _zemi_. Relation to the Islanders\nis, indeed, suggested by the whole myth, for the Orehu is surely only\nthe mainland equivalent for the Haitian woman-of-the-sea, Guabonito,\nwho taught the medicine-hero, Guagugiana, the use of amulets of white\nstones and of gold.\n\n\nIII. HOW EVILS BEFELL MANKIND\n\n\nNot many primitive legends are more dramatically vivid than the Carib\nstory of Maconaura and Anuana\u00eftu,[164] and few myths give a wider\ninsight into the ideas and customs of a people. The theme of the tale\nis very clearly the coming of evil as the consequence of a woman's\ndeed, although the motive of her action is not mere curiosity, as\nin the tale of Pandora, but the more potent passion of revenge--or,\nrather, of that vengeful retribution of the _lex talionis_ which is\nthe primitive image of justice. In an intimate fashion, too, the story\ngives us the spirit of Kenaima at work, while its _d\u00e9nouement_ suggests\nthat the restless Orehu, the Woman of the Waters, may be none other\nthan the authoress of evil, the liberatress of ills.\n\nIn a time long past, so long past that even the grandmothers of our\ngrandmothers were not yet born, the Caribs of Surinam say, the world\nwas quite other than what it is today: the trees were forever in fruit;\nthe animals lived in perfect harmony, and the little agouti played\nfearlessly with the beard of the jaguar; the serpents had no venom; the\nrivers flowed evenly, without drought or flood; and even the waters of\ncascades glided gently down from the high rocks. No human creature had\nas yet come into life, and Adaheli, whom now we invoke as God, but who\nthen was called the Sun, was troubled. He descended from the skies,\nand shortly after man was born from the cayman, born, men and women,\nin the two sexes. The females were all of a ravishing beauty, but many\nof the males had repellent features; and this was the cause of their\ndispersion, since the men of fair visage, unable to endure dwelling\nwith their ugly fellows, separated from them, going to the West, while\nthe hideous men went to the East, each party taking the wives whom they\nhad chosen.\n\nNow in the tribe of the handsome Indians lived a certain young man,\nMaconaura, and his aged mother. The youth was altogether charming--tall\nand graceful, with no equal in hunting and fishing, while all men\nbrought their baskets to him for the final touch; nor was his old\nmother less skilled in the making of hammocks, preparation of cassava,\nor brewing of _tapana_. They lived in harmony with one another and with\nall their tribe, suffering neither from excessive heat nor from foggy\nchill, and free from evil beasts, for none existed in that region.\n\nOne day, however, Maconaura found his basket-net broken and his fish\ndevoured, a thing such as had never happened in the history of the\ntribe; and so he placed a woodpecker on guard when next he set his\ntrap; but though he ran with all haste when he heard the _toc! toc!_ of\nthe signal, he came too late; again the fish were devoured, and the net\nwas broken. With cuckoo as guard he fared better, for when he heard the\n_pon! pon!_ which was this bird's signal, he arrived in time to send\nan arrow between the ugly eyes of a cayman, which disappeared beneath\nthe waters with a _glou! glou!_ Maconaura repaired his basket-net and\ndeparted, only to hear again the signal, _pon! pon!_ Returning, he\nfound a beautiful Indian maiden in tears. \"Who are you?\" he asked.\n\"Anuana\u00eftu,\" she replied. \"Whence come you?\" \"From far, far.\" \"Who are\nyour kindred?\" \"Oh, ask me not that!\" and she covered her face with her\nhands.\n\nThe maiden, who was little more than a child, lived with Maconaura and\nhis mother; and as she grew, she increased in beauty, so that Maconaura\ndesired to wed her. At first she refused with tears, but finally she\nconsented, though the union lacked correctness in that Maconaura had\nnot secured the consent of her parents, whose name she still refused\nto divulge. For a while the married pair lived happily until Anuana\u00eftu\nwas seized with a great desire to visit her mother; but when Maconaura\nwould go with her, she, in terror, urged the abandonment of the trip,\nonly to find her husband so determined that he said, \"Then I will go\nalone to ask you in marriage of your kin.\" \"Never, never that!\" cried\nAnuana\u00eftu; \"That would be to destroy us all, us two and your dear\nmother!\" But Maconaura was not to be dissuaded, for he had consulted a\npeaiman who had assured him that he would return safely; and so he set\nforth with his bride.\n\nAfter several weeks their canoe reached an encampment, and Anuana\u00eftu\nsaid: \"We are arrived; I will go in search of my mother. She will bring\nto you a gourd filled with blood and raw meat, and another filled\nwith _beltiri_ [a fermented liquor] and cassava bread. Our lot depends\non your choice.\" The young man, when his mother-in-law appeared,\nunhesitatingly took the _beltiri_ and bread, whereupon the old woman\nsaid, \"You have chosen well; I give my consent to your marriage, but\nI fear that my husband will oppose it strongly.\" Kaikoutji (\"Jaguar\")\nwas the husband's name. The two women went in advance to test his\ntemper toward Maconaura's suit; but his rage was great, and it was\nnecessary to hide the youth in the forest until at last Kaikoutji was\nmollified to such a degree that he consented to see the young man, only\nto have his anger roused again at the sight, so that he cried, \"How\ndare you approach me?\" Maconaura responded: \"True, my marriage with\nyour daughter is not according to the rites. But I am come to make\nreparation. I will make for you whatever you desire.\" \"Make me, then,\"\ncried the other contemptuously, \"a _halla_ [sorcerer's stool] with the\nhead of a jaguar on one side and my portrait on the other.\" By midnight\nMaconaura had completed the work, excepting for the portrait; but here\nwas a difficulty, for Kaikoutji kept his head covered with a calabash,\npierced only with eye-holes; and when Maconaura asked his wife to\ndescribe her parent, she replied: \"Impossible! My father is a peaiman;\nhe knows all; he would kill us both.\" Maconaura concealed himself near\nthe hammock of his father-in-law, in hopes of seeing his face; and\nfirst, a louse, then, a spider, came to annoy Kaikoutji, who killed\nthem both without showing his visage. Finally, however, an army of ants\nattacked him furiously, and the peaiman, rising up in consternation,\nrevealed himself--his whole horrible head. Maconaura appeared with\nthe _halla_, completed, when morning came. \"That will not suffice,\"\nsaid Kaikoutji, \"in a single night you must make for me a lodge formed\nentirely of the most beautiful feathers.\" The young man felt himself\nlost, but multitudes of humming-birds and jacamars and others of\nbrilliant plumage cast their feathers down to him, so that the\nlodge was finished before daybreak, whereupon Maconaura was received as\nthe recognized husband of Anuana\u00eftu.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XXXIX.]\n\n 1. Stone seat from Manabi, Ecuador. See page 206. After Saville,\n _Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador_, Vol. II, Plate XXXVIII.\n\n 2. Painted wooden seat from Guiana--such a _halla_ as is referred to\n in the tale of Maconaura and Anuana\u00eftu, page 264. After _30 ARBE_,\n Plate V.\n\n 3. Central American carved stone metate in the collection of Geo. S.\n Walsh, Lincoln, Neb.\n\nThe time soon came, however, when he wished again to see his mother,\nbut as Kaikoutji refused to allow Anuana\u00eftu to accompany the youth,\nhe set off alone. Happy days were spent at home, he telling his\nadventures, the mother recounting the tales of long ago which had been\ndimly returning to her troubled memory; and when Maconaura would return\nto his wife, the old mother begged him to stay, while the peaiman\nwarned him of danger; but he was resolved and departed once more,\ntelling his mother that he would send her each day a bird to apprise\nher of his condition: if the owl came, she would know him lost. Arrived\nat the home of Anuana\u00eftu, he was met by his wife and mother-in-law,\nin tears, with the warning: \"Away! quickly! Kaikoutji is furious at\nthe news he has received!\" Nevertheless Maconaura went on, and at the\nthreshold of the lodge was met by Kaikoutji, who felling him with a\nblow, thrust an arrow between his eyes. Meantime Maconaura's mother had\nbeen hearing daily the mournful _bouta! bouta!_ of the otolin; but one\nday this was succeeded by the dismal _popop\u00f3!_ of the owl, and knowing\nthat her son was dead, she, led by the bird of ill tidings, found first\nthe young man's canoe and then his hidden body, with which she returned\nsadly to her own people.\n\nThe men covered the corpse with a pall of beautiful feathers, placing\nabout it Maconaura's arms and utensils; the women prepared the _tapana_\nfor the funeral feast; and all assembled to hear the funeral chant,\nthe last farewell of mother to son. She recounted the tragic tale of\nhis love and death, and then, raising the cup of _tapana_ to her lips,\nshe cried: \"Who has extinguished the light of my son? Who has sent him\ninto the valley of shades? Woe! woe to him!... Alas! you see in me, O\nfriends and brothers, only a poor, weak old woman. I can do nothing.\nWho of you will avenge me?\" Forthwith two men sprang forward, seized\nthe cup, and emptied it; beside the corpse they intoned the Kenaima\nsong, dancing the dance of vengeance; and into one of them the soul of\na boa constrictor entered, into the other that of a jaguar.\n\nThe great feast of _tapana_ was being held at the village of Kaikoutji,\nwhere hundreds of natives were gathered, men, women, and children.\nThey drank and vomited; drank and vomited again; till finally all were\ndrunken. Then two men came, one in the hide of a jaguar, the other in\nthe mottled scales of a boa constrictor; and in an instant Kaikoutji\nand all about him were struck down, some crushed by the jaguar's\nblows, others strangled in snaky folds. Nevertheless fear had rescued\nsome from their drunkenness; and they seized their bows, threatening\nthe assailants with hundreds of arrows, whereupon the two Kenaima\nceased their attack, while one of them cried: \"Hold, friends! we are\nin your hands, but let us first speak!\" Then he recounted the tale of\nMaconaura, and when he had ceased, an old peaiman advanced, saying:\n\"Young men, you have spoken well. We receive you as friends.\"\n\nThe feast was renewed more heartily than ever, but though Anuana\u00eftu,\nin her grief, had remained away, she now advanced, searching among the\ncorpses. She examined them, one by one, with dry eyes; but at last she\npaused beside a body, her eyes filled with tears, and seating herself,\nlong, long she chanted plaintively the praises of the dead. Suddenly\nshe leaped up, with hair bristling and with face of fire, in vibrant\nvoice in-toning the terrible Kenaima; and as she danced, the soul of a\nrattlesnake entered into her.\n\nMeantime, in the other village, the people were celebrating the\n_tapana_, delirious with joy for the vengeance taken, while the mother\nof Maconaura, overcome by drink, lay in her hammock, dreaming of her\nson. Anuana\u00eftu entered, possessed, but she drew back moved when she\nheard her name pronounced by the dreaming woman: \"Anuana\u00eftu, my child,\nyou are good, as was also your mother! But why come you hither? My son,\nwhom you have lost, is no more.... O son Maconaura, rejoice! Thou\nart happy, now, for thou art avenged in the blood of thy murderers!\nAh, yes, thou art well avenged!\" During this Anuana\u00eftu felt in her\nsoul a dread conflict, the call of love struggling with the call of\nduty; but at the words, \"avenged in blood,\" she restrained herself no\nlonger, and throwing herself upon the old woman, she drew her tongue\nfrom her mouth, striking it with venomous poison; and leaning over her\nagonized victim, she spoke: \"The cayman which your son killed beside\nthe basket-net was my brother. Like my father, he had a cayman's head.\nI would pardon that. My father avenged his son's death in inflicting on\nyours the same doom that he had dealt--an arrow between the eyes. Your\nkindred have slain my father and all mine. I would have pardoned that,\ntoo, had they but spared my mother. Maconaura is the cause that what is\nmost dear to me in the world is perished; and robbing him in my turn, I\nimmolate what he held most precious!\"\n\nUttering a terrible cry, she fled into the forest; and at the sound\na change unprecedented occurred throughout all nature. The winds\nresponded with a tempest which struck down the trees and uprooted the\nvery oaks; thick clouds veiled the face of Adaheli, while sinister\nlightnings and the roar of thunders filled the tenebrous world; a\ndeluge of rain mingled with the floods of rivers. The animals, until\nthen peaceable, fell upon and devoured one another: the serpent struck\nwith his venom, the cayman made his terrible jaws to crash, the jaguar\ntore the flesh of the harmless agouti. Anuana\u00eftu, followed by the\nsavage hosts of the forest, pursued her insensate course until she\narrived at the summit of an enormous rock, whence gushed a cascade; and\nthere, on the brink of the precipice, she stretched forth her arms,\nleaned forward, and plunged into the depths. The waters received her\nand closed over her: nought was to be seen but a terrifying whirlpool.\n\nIf today some stranger pass beside a certain cascade, the Carib native\nwill warn him not to speak its name. That would be his infallible\ndeath, for at the bottom of these waters Maconaura and Anuana\u00eftu dwell\ntogether in the marvellous palace of her who is the Soul of the Waters.\n\nIt is not merely the artistic symmetry of this tale--which may be due\nas much to the clever rendering by Father van Coll as to the genius\nof the savage raconteur--that justifies giving it at length. It is a\nwonderfully instructive picture of savage life, emotions, and customs;\nand a full commentary upon it would lead to an exposition of most that\nwe know of the customs and thought of the Orinoco aborigines--such\npractices, for example, as im Thurn describes: the putting of red\npepper in one's eyes to propitiate the spirits of rapids one is about\nto shoot; the method of Kenaima murder by pricking the tongue with\npoison; the perpetual vendetta which to the savage seems to hold not\nonly between tribe and tribe of men, but also between tribe and tribe\nof animals; the _tapana_ feasts in which men become inspired; or again,\nsuch mythic and religious conceptions as the cult of the jaguar and\ncayman, extending far throughout South and Central America; the still\nmore universal notion of a community of First People, part man, part\nanimal; the ominous birds and animal helpers; the central story of the\nvisit of the hero-youth to the ogreish father-in-law, and of the trials\nto which he is subjected. In these and in other respects the story is\nof interest; but its chief attraction is surely in the fact that here\nwe have an American _Job_ or _Oedipus_, presenting, as _Job_ presents,\nthe problem of evil; and, like Greek tragedy, portraying the harsh\nconflict between the inexorable justice of the law of retribution and\nthe loves and mercies which combat it, in the savage heart perhaps not\nless than in the civilized.\n\n\nIV. CREATION AND CATACLYSM\n\n\nBoth creation and cataclysm appear in the story of Maconaura and\nAnuana\u00eftu, but this legend is only one among several tales of the\nkind gathered from various groups of Orinoco natives, the fullest\ncollection, \"'old peoples' stories,' as the rising race somewhat\ncontemptuously call them,\" being given by Brett. The creation\nmyths are of the two familiar American types: true creations out\nof the void, and migrations of First Beings into a new land; while\ntransformation-incidents, and especially the doughty deeds of the\nTransformer-Hero, a true demiurge, are characteristic of traditions of\neach type.\n\nThe Ackawoi make their Makonaima the creator, and Sigu, his son, the\nhero, in a tale which, says Brett,[165] they repeat \"while striving to\nmaintain a very grave aspect, as befitting the general nature of the\nsubject.\" \"In the beginning of this world the birds and beasts were\ncreated by Makonaima,--the great spirit whom no man hath seen. They,\nat that time, were all endowed with the gift of speech. Sigu, the\nson of Makonaima, was placed to rule over them. All lived in harmony\ntogether and submitted to his gentle dominion.\" Here we have the usual\nsequence: the generation of the world, followed by the Golden Age,\nwith its vocal animals and universal peace; while as a surprise to his\nsubject creatures, Makonaima caused a wonderful tree, bearing all good\nfruits, to spring from the earth--the tree which was the origin of all\ncultivated plants. The acouri first discovered this tree, selfishly\ntrying to keep the secret to himself; and the woodpecker, set by Sigu\nto trace the acouri, proved a poor spy, since his tapping warned it\nof his presence; but when the rat solved the mystery, Sigu determined\nto fell the tree and plant its fruits broadcast. Only the lazy monkey\nrefused to assist, and even mischievously hindered the others, so that\nSigu, provoked, put him at the task of the Dana\u00efdes--to fetch water in\na basket-sieve. The stump of the tree proved to be filled with water,\nstocked with every kind of fish and from its riches Sigu proposed to\nsupply all streams; but the waters began of themselves to flow so\ncopiously that he was compelled hastily to cover the top with a basket\nwhich the mischievous monkey discovered; and raising it, the deluge\npoured forth. To save the animals, Sigu sealed in a cave those which\ncould not climb; the others he took with him into a high cocorite\ntree, where they remained through a long and uncomfortable night, Sigu\ndropping cocorite seeds from time to time to judge by the splash if the\nwaters were receding, until finally the sound was no longer heard, and\nwith the return of day the animals descended to repeople the earth. But\nthey were no longer the same. The arauta still howls his discomfort\nfrom the trees; the trumpeter-bird, too greedily descending into the\nfood-rich mud, had his legs, till then respectable, so devoured by\nants that they have ever since been bonily thin; the bush-fowl snapped\nup the spark of fire which Sigu laboriously kindled, and got his red\nwattle for his greed; while the alligator had his tongue pulled out for\nlying (it is a common belief that the cayman is tongueless). Thus the\nworld became what it is.\n\nA second part of the tale tells how Sigu was persecuted by two wicked\nbrothers who beat him to death, burned him to ashes, and buried him.\nNevertheless, each time he rose again to life and finally ascended a\nhigh hill which grew upward as he mounted until he disappeared in the\nsky.\n\nProbably the most far-known mythic hero of this region is Amalivaca,\na Carib demiurge, concerning whom Humboldt reports various beliefs\nof the Tamanac (a Cariban tribe). According to Humboldt,[166] \"the\nname _Amalivaca_ is spread over a region of more than five thousand\nsquare leagues; he is found designated as 'the father of mankind,'or\n'our great-grandfather' as far as the Caribbee nations\"; and he\nlikens him to the Aztec Quetzalcoatl. It is in connexion with the\npetroglyphs of their territory (similar rock-carvings are found far\ninto the Antilles, the \"painted cave\" in which the Earth Goddess was\nworshipped in Haiti being, no doubt, an example) that the Tamanac give\nmotive to their tale. Amalivaca, father of the Tamanac, arrived in a\ncanoe in the time of the deluge, and he engraved images, still to be\nseen, of the sun and the moon and the animals high upon the rocks of\nEncaramada. From this deluge one man and one woman were saved on a\nmountain called Tamancu--the Tamanac Ararat--and \"casting behind them,\nover their heads, the fruits of the mauritia palm-tree, they saw the\nseeds contained in those fruits produce men and women, who repeopled\nthe earth.\" After many deeds, in which Amalivaca regulated the world in\ntrue heroic fashion, he departed to the shores beyond the seas, whence\nhe came and where he is supposed still to dwell.\n\nAnother myth, of the Cariban stock,[167] tells how Makonaima, having\ncreated heaven and earth, sat on a silk-cotton-tree by a river, and\ncutting off pieces of its bark, cast them about, those which touched\nthe water becoming fish, and others flying in the air as birds, while\nfrom those that fell on land arose animals and men. Boddam-Whetham\ngives a later addition, accounting for the races of men: \"The Great\nSpirit Makanaima made a large mould, and out of this fresh, clean\nclay the white man stepped. After it got a little dirty the Indian\nwas formed, and the Spirit being called away on business for a long\nperiod the mould became black and unclean, and out of it walked the\nnegro.\" As in case of other demiurges, there are many stories of the\ntransformations wrought by Makonaima.\n\nIt is from the Warau that Brett obtains a story of a descent from\nthe sky-world--a tale which has many replications in other parts of\nAmerica, and of which there are other Orinoco variants. Long ago, when\nthe Warau lived in the happy hunting-grounds above the sky, Okonorote,\na young hunter, shot an arrow which missed its mark and was lost;\nsearching for it, he found a hole through which it had fallen; and\nlooking down, he beheld the earth beneath, with game-filled forests\nand savannahs. By means of a cotton rope he visited the lands below,\nand upon his return his reports were such as to induce the whole Warau\ntribe to follow him thither; but one unlucky dame, too stout to squeeze\nthrough, was stuck in the hole, and the Warau were thus prevented\nfrom ever returning to the sky-world. Since the lower world was\nexceedingly arid, the great Spirit created a small lake of delicious\nwater, but forbade the people to bathe in it--this to test their\nobedience. A certain family, consisting of four brothers--Kororoma,\nKororomana, Kororomatu, and Kororomat\u00edtu--and two sisters--Korobona\nand Korobon\u00e1ko--dwelt beside this mere; the men obeyed the injunction\nas to bathing, but the two sisters entered the water, and one of them\nswimming to the centre of the lake, touched a pole which was planted\nthere. The spirit of the pool, who had been bound by the pole, was\nimmediately released; and seizing the maiden, he bore her to his\nsub-aquatic den, whence she returned home pregnant; but the child,\nwhen born, was normal and was allowed to live. Again she visited the\nwater demon and once more brought forth a child, but this one was only\npartly human, the lower portion of the body being that of a serpent.\nThe brothers slew the monster with arrows; but after Korobona had\nnursed it to life in the concealment of the forest, the brothers,\nhaving discovered the secret, again killed the serpent-being, this\ntime cutting it in pieces. Korobona carefully collected and buried all\nthe fragments of her offspring's body, covering them with leaves and\nvegetable mould; and she guarded the grave assiduously until finally\nfrom it arose a terrible warrior, brilliant red in colour, armed for\nbattle, this warrior being the first Carib, who forthwith drove from\ntheir ancient hunting-grounds the whole Warau tribe.\n\nThis myth contains a number of interesting features. It is obviously\ninvented in part to explain why the Warau (who are execrated by whites\nand natives alike for their dirtiness) do not bathe; and it no doubt\nreflects their actual yielding before the invading Carib tribes. The\nKororomana of the story can scarcely be other in origin that the\nKururumany whom Schomburgk states to be the Arawak creator; while the\nwhole group of four brothers are plausibly continental forms of the\nHaitian Caracarols, the shell-people who brought about the flood. The\nincident of the corpulent or pregnant woman (im Thurn gives the latter\nversion) stopping the egress of the primitive people from their first\nhome appears in Kiowa, Mandan, and Pueblo tales in North America; while\nthe pole rising from the lake has analogues in the Californian and\nNorth-West Coast regions. Im Thurn states that the Carib have a variant\nof this same story, in which they assign as the reason for the descent\nof their forefathers from Paradise their desire to cleanse the dirty\nand disordered world below--an amusing complement to the Warau notion!\n\nThe Warau have also their national hero, Abor\u00e9, who has something of\nthe character of a true culture hero. Wowta, the evil Frog-Woman, made\nAbor\u00e9 her slave while he was yet a boy, and when he grew up, she wished\nto marry him; but he cleverly trapped her by luring her into a hollow\ntree filled with honey, of which she was desperately fond, and there\nwedging her fast. He then made a canoe and paddled to sea to appear no\nmore, though the Warau believe that he reached the land of the white\nmen and taught them the arts of life; Wowta escaped from the tree only\nby taking the form of a frog, and her dismal croaking is still heard in\nthe woods.\n\nFrom the tribes of this region come various other myths, belonging,\napparently, to the cosmogonic and demiurgic cycles. The Arawak tell of\ntwo destructions of the earth, once by flame and once by fire, each\nbecause men disobeyed the will of the Dweller-on-High, Aiomun Kondi;\nand they also have a Noachian hero, Mar\u00e9rew\u00e1na, who saved himself and\nhis family during the deluge by tying his canoe with a rope of great\nlength to a large tree. Another Arawak tale begins with the incident\nwhich opens the story of Maconaura. The Sun built a dam to retain the\nfish in a certain place; but since, during his absence, it was broken,\nso that the fish escaped, he set the Woodpecker to watch, and, summoned\nby the bird's loud tapping, arrived in time to slay the alligator that\nwas destroying his preserves, the reptile's scales being marks made by\nthe club wielded by the Sun. Another tale, of which there are both\nArawak and Carib versions, tells how a young man married a vulture and\nlived in the sky-land, revisiting his own people by means of a rope\nwhich the spiders spun for him; but as the vultures would thereafter\nhave nothing to do with him, with the aid of other birds he made war\nupon them and burned their settlement. In this combat the various\nbirds, by injury or guile, received the marks which they yet bear; the\nowl found a package which he greedily kept to himself; opening it, the\ndarkness came out, and has been his ever since. In the Surinam version,\ngiven by van Coll,[168] the hero of the tale is a peaiman, Maconaholo,\nand the story contains some of the incidents of the Maconaura tale.\nTwo other traditions given by the same author are of special interest\nfrom the comparative point of view. One is the legend of an anchorite\nwho had a wonderfully faithful dog. Wandering in the forest, the hermit\ndiscovered a finely cultivated field, with cassava and other food\nplants, and thinking, \"Who has prepared all this for me?\" he concealed\nhimself in order to discover who might be his benefactor, when behold!\nhis faithful dog appeared, transformed herself into a human being, laid\naside her dog's skin, busied herself with the toil of cultivation,\nand, the task accomplished, again resumed her canine form. The native,\ncarefully preparing, concealed himself anew, and when the dog came once\nmore, he slyly stole the skin, carried it away in a _courou-courou_ (a\nwoman's harvesting basket), and burned it, after which the cultivator,\ncompelled to retain woman's form, became his faithful wife and the\nmother of a large family. It would appear that, from an aboriginal\npoint of view, both dog and woman are complimented by this tale.\n\nThe second tale of special interest is a Surinam equivalent of the\nstory of Cain and Abel. Of three brothers, Halwanli, the eldest, was\nlord of all things inanimate and irrational; Ourwanama, the second, was\na tiller of fields, a brewer of liquors, and the husband of two wives;\nHiwanama, the youngest, was a huntsman. One day Hiwanama, chancing upon\nthe territory of Ourwanama, met one of his brother's wives, who first\nintoxicated him and then seduced him, while in revenge for this injury\nOurwanama banished his brother, lying to his mother when she demanded\nthe lost son. Afterward Ourwanama's wives were transformed, the one\ninto a bird, the other into a fish; he himself, seized by the sea,\nwas dragged to its depth; and the desolate mother bemoaned her lost\nchildren till finally Halwanli, going in search of Hiwanama, whom he\nfound among the serpents and other reptiles of the lower world, brought\nhim back to become the greatest of peaimen.\n\n\nV. NATURE AND HUMAN NATURE\n\n\nA missionary whom Humboldt quotes declares that a native said to\nhim:[169] \"Your God keeps himself shut up in a house, as if he were old\nand infirm; ours is in the forest, in the fields, and on the mountains\nof Sipapu, whence the rains come\"; and Humboldt remarks in comment that\nthe Indians conceive with difficulty the idea of a temple or an image:\n\"on the banks of the Orinoco there exists no idol, as among all the\nnations who have remained faithful to the first worship of nature.\"\n\nThere is an echo of the eighteenth century philosophy of an idyllic\nprimitive age in this statement, but there is truth in it, too; for\nthroughout the forest regions of tropical America idols are of rare\noccurrence, while shrines, if such they may be called, are confined\nto places of natural marvel, the wandering tribes being true nature\nworshippers, with eyes ever open for tokens of mysterious power.\nFetishes or talismans are, however, common; and in this very connexion\nHumboldt mentions the _botuto_, or sacred trumpet, as an object of\nveneration to which fruits and intoxicating liquors were offered;\nsometimes the Great Spirit himself makes the _botuto_ to resound, and,\nas in so many other parts of the world, women are put to death if\nthey but see this sacrosanct instrument or the ceremonies of its cult\n(and here we are in the very presence of Mumbo Jumbo!). Certainly\nthe use of the fetish-trumpet was widespread in South America and\nnorthward. Garcilasso tells of the use of dog-headed battle-trumpets\nby the wild tribes of Andean regions; while Boddam-Whetham affords us\nanother indication of the trumpet's significance:[170] \"Horn-blowing\nwas a very useful accomplishment of our guide, as it kept us straight\nand frightened away the various evil spirits, from a water-mama to a\nwood-demon.\"\n\nThis latter author gives a vivid picture of the Orinoco Indian in the\nlife of nature: \"Above all other localities, an Indian is fond of an\nopen, sandy beach whereon to pass the night.... There in the open,\naway from the dark, shadowy forest, he feels secure from the stealthy\napproach of the dreaded 'kanaima';... the magic rattle of the 'peaiman'\n... has less terror for him when unaccompanied by the rustling of the\nwaving branches; and there even the wild hooting of the 'didi' (the\n'didi' is supposed to be a wild man of the woods, possessed of immense\nstrength and covered with hair) is bereft of that intensity with which\nit pierces the gloomy depths of the surrounding woodland. It is strange\nthat the superstitious fear of these Indians, who are bred and born\nin the forest and hills, should be chiefly based on natural forms and\nsounds. Certain rocks they will never point at with a finger, although\nyour attention may be drawn to them by an inclination of the head. Some\nrocks they will not even look at, and others again they beat with green\nboughs. Common bird-cries become spirit-voices. Any place of difficult\naccess, or little known, is invariably tenanted by huge snakes or\nhorrible four-footed animals. Otters are transformed into mermaids, and\nwater-tigers inhabit the deep pools and caves of their rivers.\"\n\nThis is the familiar picture of the animist, surrounded by\nmonster-haunted marches, for which, in the works of many writers, the\nGuiana aborigines have afforded the repeated model. No description of\nthe beliefs of these natives would be complete without mention of the\nsuperstitions and adorations associated with Mt. Roraima, by which all\ntravellers seem to be impressed. Schomburgk[171] says that the native\nloves Roraima as the Swiss loves his Alps: \"All their festal songs\nhave Roraima for object.... Each morning and each evening came old and\nyoung ... to greet us with _bakong baimong_ ('good day') or _saponteng_\n('good night') ... adding each time the words, _matti Roraima-tau,\nRoraima-tau_ ('there, see our Roraima!'), with the word _tau_ very\nslowly and solemnly drawled\"; and one of their songs, which might be a\nfragment out of the Greek, runs:\n\n \"Roraima of the red rocks, wrapped in clouds, ever-fertile source of\n streams!\"\n\nOn Roraima, says im Thurn, the natives declare there are huge white\njaguars, white eagles, and other such creatures; and to this class\nhe would add the \"didis,\" half man, half monkey, who may very likely\nbe a mere personification of the howling monkeys which, as Humboldt\nstates, the aborigines so heartily detest. Boddam-Whetham, who ascended\nthe mountain, tells of many superstitions, as of a magic circle which\nsurrounds it, and of a demon-guarded sanctuary on the summit: \"About\nhalf way up we met an unpleasant-looking Indian who informed us that\nhe was a great 'peaiman,' and the spirit which he possessed ordered\nus not to go to Roraima. The mountain, he said, was guarded by an\nenormous 'camoodi,' which could entwine a hundred people in its folds.\nHe himself had once approached its den and seen demons running about as\nnumerous as quails.... Our Indians were rejoiced to see us back again,\nas they had not expected that the mountain-demons would allow us to\nreturn.\"\n\nLike great mountains, the orbs of heaven excite the native's adoration,\nthough it is by no means necessary, on that account, to follow certain\ntheorists and to solarize or astralize all his myths. Fray Ruiz Blanco\nstates that \"the supreme gods of the Indians are the sun and the\nmoon, at eclipses of which they make great demonstrations, sounding\nwarlike instruments and laying hold of weapons as a sign that they\nseek to defend them; they water their maize in order to placate them\nand in loud voice tell them that they will amend their ways, labour,\nand not be idle; and grasping their tools, they set themselves to toil\nat the hour of eclipse.\" Of similar reference is an observation of\nHumboldt's: \"Some Indians who were acquainted with Spanish, assured\nus that _zis_ signified not only the sun, but also the Deity. This\nappeared to me the more extraordinary since among all other American\nnations we find distinct words for God and the sun. The Carib does not\nconfound _Tamoussicabo_, 'the Ancient of Heaven,' with _veyou_, 'the\nsun.'\" In a similar connexion he remarks that in American idioms the\nmoon is often called \"the sun of night,\" or \"the sun of sleep\"; but\nthat \"our missionary asserted that _jama_, in Maco, indicated at the\nsame time both the Supreme Being and the great orbs of night and day;\nwhile many other American tongues, for instance Tamanac and Caribbee,\nhave distinct words to designate God, the Moon, and the Sun.\" It is, of\ncourse, quite possible that such terms as _zis_ and _jama_ belong to\nthe class of Manito, Wakan, Huaca, and the like.\n\nHumboldt records names for the Southern Cross and the Belt of Orion,\nand Brett mentions a constellation called Camudi from its fancied\nresemblance to the snake, though he does not identify it. The Carib, he\nsays, call the Milky Way by two names, one of which signifies \"the path\nof the tapir,\" while the other means \"the path of the bearers of white\nclay\"--a clay from which they make vessels: \"The nebulous spots are\nsupposed to be the track of spirits whose feet are smeared with that\nmaterial\"--a conceit which surely points to the well-nigh universal\nAmerican idea of the Milky Way as the path of souls. The Carib also\nhave names for Venus and Jupiter; and the Macusi, im Thurn says, regard\nthe dew as the spittle of stars.\n\nIn a picturesque passage Humboldt describes the beliefs connected\nwith the Grotto of Caripe, the source of the river of the same name.\nThe cave is inhabited by nocturnal birds, guacharos (_Steatornis\ncaripensis_); and the natives are convinced that the souls of their\nancestors sojourn in its deep recesses. \"Man,\" they say, \"should avoid\nplaces which are enlightened neither by the sun nor by the moon\"; and\nthey maintain that poisoners and magicians conjure evil spirits before\nthe entrance; while \"to join the guacharos\" is a phrase equivalent\nto being gathered to one's fathers in the tomb. Fray Ruiz records an\nanalogous tenet: \"They believe in the immortality of the soul and\nthat departing from the body, it goes to another place--some souls\nto their own lands (_heredades_), but the most to a lake that they\ncall _Machira_, where great serpents swallow them and carry them to\na land of pleasure in which they entertain themselves with dancing\nand feasting.\" That ghosts of strong men return is an article of\ncommon credence: the soul of Lope de Aguirre, as reported not only\nby Humboldt, but by writers of our own day,[172] still haunts the\nsavannahs in the form of a tongue of flame; and it may be supposed\nthat the similar idea which Boddam-Whetham records among the negroes\nof Martinique with respect to the soul of P\u00e8re Labat may be of\nAmerican Indian origin. One striking statement, which Brett quotes\nfrom a Mr. M'Clintock, deserves repetition, as being perhaps as clear\na statement as we have of that ambiguity of life and death, body and\nsoul, from which the savage mind rarely works itself free: \"He says\nthat the Kapohn or Acawoio races (those who have embraced Christianity\nexcepted) like to bury their dead in a standing posture, assigning\nthis reason,--'Although my brother be in appearance dead, he (_i.\ne._ his soul) is still alive.' Therefore, to maintain by an outward\nsign this belief in immortality some of them bury their dead _erect_,\nwhich they say represents life, whereas lying down represents death.\nOthers bury their dead in a _sitting_ posture, assigning the same\nreason.\" It is unlikely that the Orinoco Indians have in mind such\nclear-cut symbolism of their custom as this passage suggests; but it\nis altogether probable that the true reason for disposing the bodies of\nthe dead in life-like postures is man's fundamental difficulty wholly\nto dissociate life from the stark and unresponsive body; and doubtless\nit is this very attitude of mind which leads them also to what Fray\nRuiz calls the error of ascribing souls to even irrational beings--the\nsame underlying theory which makes of primitive men animists, and of\nphilosophers idealists.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\nTHE TROPICAL FORESTS: THE AMAZON AND BRAZIL\n\nI. THE AMAZONS[173]\n\nOn his second voyage Columbus began to hear of an island inhabited by\nrich and warlike women, who permitted occasional visits from men, but\nendured no permanent residence of males among them. The valour of Carib\nwomen, who fought resolutely along with their husbands and brothers\ngave plausibility to this legend; and soon the myth of an island or\ncountry of Amazons became accepted truth, a dogma with wonder-tellers\nand a lure to adventurers. At first the fabulous island seemed near\nat hand--\"Matenino which lies next to Hispa\u00f1ola on the side toward\nthe Indies\"; but as island after island was visited and the fabled\nwomen not found, their seat was pushed further and further on, till it\ncame to be thought of as a country lying far in the interior of the\ncontinent or--for the notion of its insular nature persisted--as an\nisland somewhere in the course of the great river of the Amazons. By\nthe middle of the sixteenth century, explorers from the north, from\nthe south, from the east, from the west, were all on the lookout for\nthe kingdom of women and all hearing and repeating tales about them\nwith such conviction that, as the Padre de Acu\u00f1a remarks,[174] \"it\nis not credible that a lie could have been spread throughout so many\nlanguages, and so many nations, with such appearance of truth.\"\n\nIn 1540-41 Francisco de Orellana sailed down the Amazon to the sea,\nhearing tales of the women warriors, and, as his cleric companion, Fray\nGaspar Carvajal, is credited with saying, on one occasion encountering\nsome of them; for they fought with Indians who defended themselves\nresolutely \"because they were tributaries of the Amazons,\" and he,\nand other Spaniards, saw ten or twelve Amazons fighting in front of\nthe Indians, as if they commanded them ... \"very tall, robust, fair,\nwith long hair twisted over their heads, skins round their loins, and\nbows and arrows in their hands, with which they killed seven or eight\nSpaniards.\" The description, in the circumstances described, does not\ninspire unlimited confidence in the friar's certainty of vision, but\nthere is nothing incredible even in Indian women leading their husbands\nin combat. Pedro de Magelh\u00e3es de Gandavo gives a very interesting\naccount[175] (still sixteenth century) of certain Indian women who,\nas he says, take the vow of chastity, facing death rather than its\nviolation. These women follow no occupation of their sex, but imitate\nthe ways of men, as if they had ceased to be women, going to war and\nto the hunt along with the men. Each of them, he adds, is served and\nfollowed by an Indian woman with whom she says she is married, and they\nlive together like spouses. Parallels for this custom, (and for the\nreverse, in which men assume the costume, labours, and way of life of\nwomen) are to be found far and wide in America,--indeed, to the Arctic\nZone. Magelh\u00e3es de Gandavo is authority, too, for the statement that\nthe coastal tribes of Brazil, like the Carib of the north, have a dual\nspeech, differing for the two sexes, at least in some words; but this\nis no extremely rare phenomenon.\n\nMore truly in the mythical vein is the account given in the tale of\nthe adventures of Ulrich Schmidel. Journeying northward from the city\nof Asuncion, in a company under the command of Hernando de Ribera,\nSchmidel and his companions heard tales of the Amazons--whose land of\ngold and silver, the Indians astutely placed at a two months' journey\nfrom their own land. \"The Amazons have only one breast,\" says Schmidel,\n\"and they receive visits from men only twice or thrice a year. If a boy\nis born to them, they send him to the father; if a girl, they raise\nher, burning the right breast that it may not grow, to the end that\nthey may the more readily draw the bow, for they are very valiant and\nmake war against their enemies. These women dwell in an isle, which\ncan only be reached by canoes.\" In the same credulous vein, but with\nquaintly learned embellishments, is Sir Walter Raleigh's account: \"I\nhad knowledge of all the rivers between Orenoque and Amazones, and was\nvery desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because\nof some it is believed, of others not. And though I digress from my\npurpose, yet I will set down that which hath been delivered me for\ntruth of those women, and I spake with a cacique or lord of people,\nthat told me he had been in the river, and beyond it also. The nations\nof these women are on the south side of the river in the provinces of\nTopago, and their chiefest strengths and retracts are in the islands\nsituate on the south side of the entrance some sixty leagues within\nthe mouth of the said river. The memories of the like women are very\nancient as well in Africa as in Asia: in Africa these had Medusa for\nqueen: others in Scithia near the rivers of Tanais and Thernodon: we\nfind also that Lampedo and Marethesia were queens of the Amazons: in\nmany histories they are verified to have been, and in divers ages and\nprovinces: but they which are not far from Guiana do accompany with\nmen but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which I gather\nby their relation, to be in April: and that time all kings of the\nborder assemble, and queens of the Amazons; and after the queens have\nchosen, the rest cast lots for their Valentines. This one month they\nfeast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and the moon being\ndone, they all depart to their own provinces. If they conceive, and be\ndelivered of a son, they return him to the father; if of a daughter,\nthey nourish it, and retain it: and as many as have daughters send\nunto the begetters a present: all being desirous to increase their sex\nand kind: but that they cut off the right dug of the breast, I do not\nfind to be true. It was farther told me, that if in these wars they\ntook any prisoners that they used to accompany with these also at what\ntime soever, but in the end for certain they put them to death: for\nthey are said to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such as\noffer to invade their territories. These Amazons have likewise great\nstore of these plates of gold which they recover by exchange chiefly\nfor a kind of green stones, which the Spaniards call Piedras hijadas,\nand we use for spleen stones: and for the disease of the stone we also\nesteem them. Of these I saw divers in Guiana: and commonly every king\nor cacique hath one, which their wives for the most part wear; and they\nesteem them as great jewels.\"\n\nThe Amazon stone, or _piedra de la hijada_, came to be immensely\nvalued in Europe for wonderful medicinal effects,--a veritable\npanacea. Such stones were found treasured by the tribes of northern\nand north-central South America, passing by barter from people to\npeople. \"The form given to them most frequently,\" wrote Humboldt,[176]\n\"is that of the Babylonian cylinders, longitudinally perforated, and\nloaded with inscriptions and figures. But this is not the work of\nthe Indians of our day.... The Amazon stones, like the perforated\nand sculptured emeralds, found in the Cordilleras of New Grenada\nand Quito, are vestiges of anterior civilization.\" Later writers\nand investigators have identified the Amazon stones as green jade,\nprobably the _chalchihuitl_ which formed the esteemed jewel of the\nAztecs; and it has been supposed that the centre from which spread\nthe veneration for greenish and bluish stones--chiefly jade and\nturquoise--was somewhere in Mayan or Nahuatlan territory. Certainly it\nwas widespread, extending from the Pueblos of New Mexico to the land of\nthe Incas, and eastward into Brazil and the Antilles. That the South\nAmerican tribes should have ascribed the origin of these treasures\n(at any rate, when questioned) to the Amazons, the treasure women,\nis altogether plausible. Nearly a century and a half after Raleigh's\nday, de la Condamine found the green jade stones still employed by the\nIndians to cure colic and epilepsy,--heirlooms, they said, from their\nfathers who had received them from the husbandless women. That the\nIndians themselves have names for the Amazons is not strange--names\nwith such meanings as the Women-Living-Alone, the Husbandless-Women,\nthe Masterful-Women,--for the Europeans have been inquiring about such\nwomen ever since their coming; it is, however, worthy of note that\nOrellana, to whom is credited the first use of \"Amazon\" as a name for\nthe great river, also heard a native name for the fabulous women; for\nAparia, a native chief, after listening to Orellana's discourse on the\nlaw of God and the grandeur of the Castillean monarch, asked, as it\nwere in rebuttal, whether Orellana had seen the Amazons, \"whom in his\nlanguage they call _Coniapuyara_, meaning Great Lord.\"\n\nModern investigators ascribe the myth of the Amazons, undeniably\nwidespread at an early date, to various causes. The warlike character\nof many Indian women, already observed in the first encounters with\nCarib tribes by Columbus, is still attested by Spruce (1855): \"I have\nmyself seen that Indian women can fight ... the women pile up heaps\nof stones to serve as missiles for the men. If, as sometimes happens,\nthe men are driven back to and beyond their piles of stones, the women\ndefend the latter obstinately, and generally hold them until the\nmen are able to rally to the combat.\" Another factor in the myth is\nsupposed to have been rumours of the golden splendour of the Incaic\nempire, with perhaps vague tales of the Vestals of the Sun; and still\nanother is the occurrence of anomalous social and sexual relationships\nof women, easily exaggerated in passing from tribe to tribe.\n\nA special group of myths of the latter type is of pertinent interest.\nRamon Pane and Peter Martyr give an example in the tale of Guagugiana\nenticing the women away to Matenino. A somewhat similar story is\nreported by Barboza Rodriguez from the Rio Jamunda: the women, led away\nby an elder or chief, were accustomed to destroy their male children;\nbut one mother spared her boy, casting him into the water where he\nlived as a fish by day, returning to visit her at night in human\nform; and the other women, discovering this, seduced the youth, who\nwas finally disposed of by the jealous old man, whereupon the angry\nwomen fled, leaving the chief womanless. A like story is reported by\nEhrenreich from Amazonas: The women gather beside the waters, where\nthey make familiar with a water-monster, crocodilean in form, which\nis slain by the jealous men; then, the women rise in revolt, slay the\nmen through deceit, and fare away on the stream. From Guiana Brett\nreports a myth on the same theme, the lover being, however, in jaguar\nform. Very likely the story of Maconaura and Anuana\u00eftu belongs to the\nsame cycle; and it is of more than passing interest to observe that\nthe story extends, along with the veneration of green and blue stones,\nto the Navaho and Pueblo tribes of North America, in the cosmogonies\nof which appears the tale of the revolt of the women, their unnatural\nrelations with a water-monster, and their eventual return to the\nmen.[177]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XL.]\n\n Vase from the Island of Maraj\u00f3, with characteristic decoration. The\n funeral vases and other remains from this region have suggested to L.\n Netto that here was the fabled Isle of the Amazons (see pages 286-87).\n The vase pictured is in the American Museum of Natural History.\n\nPossibly the whole mythic cycle is associated with fertility ideas.\nEven in the arid Pueblo regions it is water from below, welling up from\nMother Earth, that appears in the myth, and a water-dwelling being\nthat is the agent of seduction. In South America and the Antilles,\nwhere fish-food is important and where the fish and the tortoise are\nrecurring symbols of fertility, it is natural to find the fabled\nwomen in this association. And in this connexion it may be well to\nrecall the discoveries of L. Netto on the island of Maraj\u00f3, at the\nmouth of the Amazon.[178] There he found two mounds, a greater and a\nsmaller, in such proportion that he regarded them as forming the image\nof a tortoise. Within the greater, which he regarded as the seat of\na chieftain's or chieftainess's residence,--commanding the country\nin every direction,--he discovered funeral urns and other objects of\na quality far superior to those known to tribes of the neighbouring\ndistricts,--urns, hominiform in character, many of them highly\ndecorated, and very many of the finest holding the bones of women.\n\"If the tradition of a veritable Amazonian Gyneocraty has ever had\nany _raison d'\u00eatre_,\" said Netto, \"certainly we see something enough\nlike it in this nation of women ceramists, probably both powerful and\nnumerous, and among whom the women-chiefs enjoyed the highest honours\nof the country.\"\n\n\nII. FOOD-MAKERS AND DANCE-MASKS\n\n\n\"The rites of these infidels are almost the same,\" says the Padre de\nAcu\u00f1a.[179] \"They worship idols which they make with their own hands;\nattributing power over the waters to some, and, therefore, place a\nfish in their hands for distinction; others they choose as lords of\nthe harvests; and others as gods of their battles. They say that these\ngods came down from Heaven to be their companions, and to do them good.\nThey do not use any ceremony in worshipping them, and often leave them\nforgotten in a corner, until the time when they become necessary; thus,\nwhen they are going to war, they carry an idol in the bows of their\ncanoes, in which they place their hopes of victory; and when they go\nout fishing, they take the idol which is charged with dominion over the\nwaters; but they do not trust in the one or the other so much as not to\nrecognize another mightier God.\"\n\nThis seventeenth century description is on the whole true to the\nresults obtained by later observers of the rites and beliefs of the\nAmazonian Indians. To be sure, a certain amount of interpretation is\ndesirable: the _idolos_ of Acu\u00f1a are hardly idols in the classical\nsense; rather they are in the nature of charms, fetishes, ritual\nparaphernalia, trophies,--all that goes under the name \"medicine,\"\nas applied to Indian custom. And it is true, too, that in so vast\na territory, and among peoples who, although all savages, differ\nwidely in habit of life, there are indefinite variations both in\ncustom and mental attitude. Some tribes are but hunters, fishers, and\nroot-gatherers; others practice agriculture also. Some are clothed;\nmany are naked. Some practice cannibalism; others abhor the eaters\nof human flesh. Any student of the miscellaneous observations on the\nbeliefs of the South American wild tribes, noted down by missionaries,\nofficials, naturalists, adventurers, professional ethnologists,\nwill at first surely feel himself lost in a chaos of contradiction.\nNevertheless, granted a decent detachment and cool perspective,\neventually he will be led to the opinion that these contradictions\nare not all due to the Indian; the prepossessions and understandings\nof the observers is no small factor; and even where the variation is\naboriginal, it is likely to be in the local colour rather than in the\nunderlying fact. In this broad sense Acu\u00f1a's free characterization hits\nthe essential features of Indian belief, in the tropical forests.\n\nMore than one later writer is in accord with the implicit emphasis\nwhich the Padre de Acu\u00f1a places upon the importance on the food-giving\nanimals and plants in Indian lore and rite. On these food sources in\nmany parts of South America the abundant fish and other fluvial life\nis primary. Hugo Kunike has indeed, argued that the fish is the great\nsymbol of fertility among the wild forest tribes, supporting the\ncontention with analysis of the dances and songs, fishing customs,\nornamentation-motives, and myths of these tribes.[180] Certainly he has\nshown that the fish plays an outstanding r\u00f4le in the imaginative as\nwell as in the economic life of the Indian, appearing, in one group of\nmyths, even as a culture hero and the giver of tobacco. Even more than\nthe fish, the turtle (\"the beef of the Amazon\"), which is a symbol of\ngeneration in many parts of America, appears in Amazonian myth, where\nin versions of the Hare and the Tortoise (here the Deer replaces the\nHare), of the contest of the Giant and the Whale pulling contrari-wise,\nand in similar fables the turtle appears as the Trickster. So, also,\nthe frog, which appears in magical and cosmogonical _r\u00f4les_,--as in the\nCanopus myth narrated by Teschauer, where a man married a frog, and,\nbecoming angered, cut off her leg and cast it into the river, where\nthe leg became the fish _surubim_ (_Pimelodes tigrinus_), while the\nbody rose to heaven to appear in the constellation. The like tale is\ntold by other tribes with respect to Serpens and to the Southern Cross.\n\nBut important as water-life is to the Amazonian, it would appear from\nP\u00e8re Tastevin's rebuttal of Kunike's contention that the Indian does\nnot regard the fish with any speaking veneration. The truth would\nseem to be that in South America, as in North, it is the Elders of\nthe Kinds, the ancestral guardians and perpetuators of the various\nspecies, both of plants and animals, that are appealed to,--dimly and\nmagically by the tribes lower in intelligence, with conscious ritual\nby the others. Garcilasso de la Vega's description of the religions\nof the more primitive stratum of Peruvian times and peoples applies\nequally to the whole of America: \"They venerated divers animals, some\nfor their cruelty, as the tiger, the lion, the bear;... others for\ntheir craft, as the monkeys and the fox; others for fidelity, as the\ndog; for quickness, as the lynx;... eagles and hawks for their power\nto fly and supply themselves with game; the owl for its power to see in\nthe dark.... They adored the earth, as giving them its fruits; the air,\nfor the breath of life; the fire which warmed them and enabled them to\neat properly; the llama which supplied troops of food animals;... the\nmaize which gave them bread, and the other fruits of their country.\nThose dwelling on the coast had many divinities, but regarded the sea\nas the most potent of all, calling it their mother, because of the\nfish which it furnished with which they nourished their lives. All\nthese, in general, venerated the whale because of its hugeness; but\nbeside this, commonly in each province they devoted a particular cult\nto the fish which they took in greatest abundance, telling a pleasant\ntale to the effect that the First of all the Fish dwells in the sky,\nengendering all of its species, and taking care, each season, to send\nthem a sufficiency of its kind for their good.\" P\u00e8re Tastevin bears\nwitness to the same belief today: \"To be successful in fishing, it is\nnot to the fish that the Indian addresses himself, but to the mother of\nthe animal he would take. If he goes to fish the turtle, he must first\nstrike the prow of his canoe with the leaf of a small caladium which\nis called _yurar\u00e1 taya_, caladium of the turtle; he will strike in the\nsame fashion the end of his turtle harpoon and the point of his arrow,\nand often he will carry the plant in his canoe. But let him beware lest\nhe take the first turtle! She is the grandmother of the others; she is\nof a size which confounds the imagination, and she will drag down with\nher the imprudent fisherman to the bottom of the waters, where she will\ngive him a fever without recovery. But if he respect her, he will be\nsuccessful in his fishing for the rest of the day.\"\n\nUniversal among the tropical wild tribes is the love of dancing. In\nmany of the tribes the dances are mask dances, the masks representing\nanimals of all kinds; and the masks are frequently regarded as _sacra_,\nand are tabu to the women. In other cases, it is just the imitative\npowers of the child of nature that are called upon, and authorities\nagree that the Indian can and does imitate every kind of bird, beast,\nand fish with a bodily and vocal verisimilitude that gives to these\ndances, where many participate, the proper quality of a pandemonium.\nAuthorities disagree as to the intent of the dancing; it is obvious to\nall that they are occasions of hilarity and fun; it is evident again\nthat they lead to excitement, and especially when accompanied by the\ncharacteristic potations of native liquors, to warlike, sexual, or\nimaginative enthusiasm. Whether there is conscious magic underlying\nthem (as cannot be doubted in the case of the similar dances of North\nAmerica) is a matter of difference of opinion, and may well be a matter\nof differing fact,--the less intellectual tribes following blindly that\ninstinct for rhythm and imitation which, says Aristotle, is native\nto all men, while with the others the dance has become consciously\nritualized. Cook says[181] of the Bororo _bakoror\u00f3_--a medley of\nhoots, squeaks, snorts, chirps, growls, and hisses, accompanied\nwith appropriate actions,--that it \"is always sung on the vesper\nof a hunting expedition, and seems to be in honor of the animal the\nsavages intend to hunt the following day.... After the singing of the\n_bakoror\u00f3_ that I witnessed, all the savages went outside the great\nhut, where they cleared a space of black ground, then formed animals\nin relief with ashes, especially the figure of the tapir, which they\npurposed to hunt the next day.\" This looks like magic,--though, to be\nsure, one need not press the _similia similibus_ doctrine too far:\nhuman beings are gifted with imagination and the power of expressing\nit, and it is perhaps enough to assume that imitative and mask dances,\nimages like to those described, or like the bark-cut figures and other\nanimal signs described by von den Steinen among the Bakairi and other\ntribes, are all but the natural exteriorization of fantasy, perhaps\nvaguely, perhaps vividly, coloured with anticipations of the fruits of\nthe chase.\n\nIf anything, there seems to be a clearer magical association in rites\nand games connected with plants than with those that mimic animals.\nEspecially is this true of the manioc, or cassava, which is important\nnot only as a food-giving plant, but as the source of a liquor, and,\nagain, is dangerous for its poison,--which, as Teschauer remarks, must\nhave caused the death of many during the long period in which the use\nof the plant was developed. P\u00e8re Tastevin describes men and women\ngathering about a trough filled with manioc roots, each with a grater,\nand as they grate rapidly and altogether, a woman strikes up the song:\n\"A spider has bitten me! A spider has bitten me! From under the leaf of\nthe _kar\u00e1_ a spider has bitten me!\" The one opposite answers: \"A spider\nhas bitten me! Bring the cure! Quick, make haste! A spider has bitten\nme!\" And all break in with _Yand\u00fa se su\u00fa_, by which is understood\nnothing more than just the rhythmic tom-tom on the grater. Similar is\nthe song of the _sudarari_--a plant whose root resembles the manioc,\nwhich multiplies with wonderful rapidity, and the presence of which in\na manioc field is regarded as insuring large manioc roots: \"Permit,\nO patroness, that we sing during this beautiful night!\" with the\nrefrain, \"_Sudarari!_\" This, says P\u00e8re Tastevin, is the true symbol of\nthe fertility of fields, shared in a lesser way by certain other roots.\n\nIt is small wonder that the spirit or genius of the manioc figures in\nmyth, nor is it surprising to find that the predominant myth is based\non the motive of the North American Mondamin story. Whiffen remarks,\nof the north-western Amazonians:[182] \"What I cannot but consider the\nmost important of their stories are the many myths that deal with the\nessential and now familiar details of everyday life in connexion with\nthe _manihot utilissima_ and other fruits\"; and he goes on to tell a\ntypical story: The Good Spirit came to earth, showed the manioc to the\nIndians, and taught them to extract its evils; but he failed to teach\nthem how the plant might be reproduced. Long afterward a virgin of\nthe tribe, wandering in the woods, was seduced by a beautiful young\nhunter, who was none other than the manioc metamorphosed. A daughter\nborn of this union led the tribe to a fine plantation of manioc, and\ntaught them how to reproduce it from bits of the stalk. Since then the\npeople have had bread. The more elaborate version of Couto de Magalh\u00e3es\ntells how a chief who was about to kill his daughter when he found her\nto be with child, was warned in a dream by a white man not to do so,\nfor his daughter was truly innocent and a virgin. A beautiful white\nboy was born to the maiden, and received the name Mani; but at the end\nof a year, with no apparent sign of ailing, he died. A strange plant\ngrew upon his grave, whose fruit intoxicated the birds; the Indians\nthen opened the grave, and in place of the body of Mani discovered\nthe manioc root, which is thence called _Mani-oka_, \"House of Mani.\"\nTeschauer gives another version in which Mani lived many years and\ntaught his people many things, and at the last, when about to die told\nthem that after his death they should find, when a year had passed, the\ngreatest treasure of all, the bread-yielding root.\n\nIt is probable that some form of the Mani myth first suggested to\npious missionaries the extension of the legendary journeys of Saint\nThomas among the wild tribes of the tropics. From Brazil to Peru, says\nGranada,[183] footprints and seats of _Santo Tom\u00e1s Ap\u00f3stol_, or _Santo\nTom\u00e9_, are shown; and he associates these tales with the dissemination\nand cultivation of the all-useful herb, as probably formed by a\nChristianizing of the older culture myth. Three gifts are ascribed to\nthe apostle,--the treasure of the faith, the cultivation of the manioc,\nand relief from epidemics. \"Keep this in your houses,\" quoth the saint,\n\"and the divine mercy will never withhold the good.\" The three gifts--a\nfaith, a food, and a medicine,--are the almost universal donations\nof Indian culture heroes, and it is small wonder if minds piously\ninclined have found here a meeting-ground of religions. An interesting\nsuggestion made by Se\u00f1or Lafone Quevado would make Tupan, Tupa,\nTumpa,--the widespread Brazilian name for god,--if not a derivative, at\nleast a cognate form of Tonapa, the culture hero of the Lake Titicaca\nregion, who was certainly identified as Saint Thomas by missionaries\nand Christian Indians at a very early date. That the myth itself is\naboriginal there can be no manner of doubt,--Bochica and Quetzalcoatl\nare northern forms of it; nor need we doubt that Tupa or Tonapa is a\nnative high deity--in all probability celestial or solar, as Lafone\nQuevado believes. The union of native god and Christian apostle is but\nthe pretty marriage of Indian and missionary faiths.\n\nOne of the most poetical of Brazilian vegetation myths is told by\nKoch-Gr\u00fcnberg in connexion with the Yurupari festival,--a mask dance\n(_yurupari_ means just \"mask\" according to P\u00e8re Tastevin, although some\nhave given it the significance of \"demon\") celebrated in conjunction\nwith the ripening of fruits of certain palms. Women and small boys are\nexcluded from the f\u00eate; indeed, it is death for women even to see the\nflutes and pipes,--as Humboldt said was true of the sacred trumpet of\nthe Orinoco Indians in his day. The legend turns on the music of the\npipes, and is truly Orphic in spirit.... Many, many years ago there\ncame from the great Water-House, the home of the Sun, a little boy who\nsang with such wondrous charm that folk came from far and near to see\nhim and harken. Mil\u00f3maki, he was called, the Son of Mil\u00f3. But when the\nfolk had heard him, and were returned home, and ate of fish, they fell\ndown and died. So their kinsfolk seized Mil\u00f3maki, and built a funeral\npyre, and burnt him, because he had brought death amongst them. But\nthe youth went to his death still with song on his lips, and as the\nflames licked about his body, he sang: \"Now I die, my son! now I leave\nthis world!\" And as his body began to break with the heat, still he\nsang in lordly tones: \"Now bursts my body! now I am dead!\" And his body\nwas destroyed by the flames, but his soul ascended to heaven. From the\nashes on the same day sprang a long green blade, which grew and grew,\nand even in another day had become a high tree, the first paxiuba\npalm. From its wood the people made great flutes, which gave forth as\nwonderful melodies as Mil\u00f3maki had aforetime sung; and to this day the\nmen blow upon them whenever the fruits are ripe. But women and little\nboys must not look upon the flutes, lest they die. This Mil\u00f3maki, say\nthe Yahuna, is the Tupana of the Indians, the Spirit Above, whose mask\nis the sky.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE XLI.]\n\n Dance or ceremonial masks of Brazilian Indians, now in the Peabody\n Museum.\n\nThe region about the headwaters of the Rio Negro and the Yapura--the\nscene of Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg's travels--is the centre of the highest\ndevelopment of the mask dances, which seem to be recent enough\nwith some of the tribes. In the legends of the Kab\u00e9ua it is Kuai,\nthe mythic hero and fertility spirit of the Arawak tribes, who is\nregarded as the introducer of the mask dances,--Kuai, who came with\nhis brethren from their stone-houses in the hills to teach the dances\nto his children, and who now lives and dances in the sky-world. This\nis a myth which immediately suggests the similar tales of Zu\u00f1i and\nthe other Pueblos, and the analogy suggested is more than borne out\nby what Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg[184] tells of the Katcina-like character of\nthe masks. They all represent spirits or daemones. They are\nused in ceremonies in honour of the ancestral dead, as well as in\nrituals addressed to nature powers. Furthermore, the spirit or daemon\nis temporarily embodied in the mask,--\"the mask _is_ for the Indian\nthe daemon\"; though, when the mask is destroyed at the end of a\nceremonial, the Daemon of the Mask does not perish; rather he becomes\n_m\u00e1skara-anga_, the Soul of the Mask; and, now invisible, though still\npowerful, he flies away to the Stone-house of the Daemones, whence only\nthe art of the magician may summon him. \"All masks are Daemones,\" said\nKoch-Gr\u00fcnberg's informant, \"and all Daemones are lords of the mask.\"\n\n\nIII. GODS, GHOSTS, AND BOGEYS\n\n\nWhat are the native beliefs of the wild tribes of South America about\ngods, and what is their natural religion? If an answer to this question\nmay be fairly summarized from the expressions of observers, early and\nrecent, it is this: the Indians generally believe in good powers and\nin evil powers, superhuman in character. The good powers are fewer and\nless active than the evil; at their head is the Ancient of Heaven.\nLittle attention is paid to the Ancient of Heaven, or to any of the\ngood powers,--they are good, and do not need attention. The evil powers\nare numerous and busy; the wise man must be ever on the alert to evade\nthem,--turn them when he can, placate when he must.\n\nCardim is an early witness as to the beliefs of the Brazilian\nIndians.[185] \"They are greatly afraid of the Devil, whom they call\nCurupira, Taguain, Pigtangua, Machchera, Anhanga: and their fear of\nhim is so great, that only with the imagination of him they die, as\nmany times already it hath happened.\"... \"They have no proper name\nto express God, but they say the Tupan is the thunder and lightning,\nand that this is he that gave them the mattocks and the food, and\nbecause they have no other name more natural and proper, they call\nGod Tupan.\" Thevet says that \"Toupan\" is a name for the thunder or\nfor the Great Spirit. Keane says of the Botocudo, perhaps the lowest\nof the Brazilian tribes: \"The terms Yanchang, Tapan, etc., said to\nmean God, stand merely for spirit, demon, thunder, or at the most the\nthunder-god.\" Of these same people Ehrenreich reports: \"The conception\nof God is wanting; they have no word for it. The word Tupan, appearing\nin some vocabularies, is the well-known Tupi-Guaranian word, spread\nby missionaries far over South America. The Botocudo understand by\nit, not God, but the Christian priest himself!\" Neither have they a\nword for an evil principle; but they have a term for those souls of\nthe departed which, wandering among men at night, can do them every\nimaginable ill, and \"this raw animism is the only trace of religion--if\none can so call it--as yet observed among them.\" Hans Staden's account\nof the religion of the Tupinambi, among whom he fell captive, drops the\nscale even lower: their god, he says, was a calabash rattle, called\n_tammaraka_, with which they danced; each man had his own, but once a\nyear the _paygis_, or \"prophets,\" pretended that a spirit come from\na far country had endowed them with the power of conversing with all\nTammarakas, and they would interpret what these said. Women as well\nas men could become paygis, through the usual Indian road to such\nendowment, the trance.\n\nSimilar in tenor is a recent account of the religion of the\nBororo.[186] The principal element in it is the fear of evil spirits,\nespecially the spirits of the dead. Bope and Mareba are the chief\nspirits recognized. \"The missionaries spoke of the Bororos believing\nin a good spirit (Mareba) who lives in the fourth heaven, and who\nhas a _filha Mareba_ (son), who lives in the first heaven, but it is\napparent that the priest merely heard the somewhat disfigured doctrines\nthat had been learned from some missionary.\"... But why, asks the\nreader, should this conception come from the missionary rather than the\nBororo in South America, when its North American parallel comes from\nthe Chippewa rather than from the missionary?... \"In reality Bope is\nnothing else than the Digichibi of the Camacoco, Nenigo of the Kadio\u00e9o\nmen, or Idmibi of the Kadio\u00e9o women, the Ichaumra or Ighamba of the\nMatsikui, i. e., the human soul, which is regarded as a bad spirit....\nThe Bororo often make images of animals and Bope out of wax. After they\nhave been made they are beaten and destroyed.\"\n\nOf the Camacan, a people of the southern part of Bahia, the Abb\u00e9 Ignace\nsays that while they recognize a supreme being, Gueggiahora, who\ndwells, invisible, above the stars which he governs, yet they give him\nno veneration, reserving their prayers for the crowd of spirits and\nbogeys--ghosts of the dead, thunderers and storm-makers, were-beasts,\nand the like, that inhabit their immediate environment, forming, as it\nwere, earth's atmosphere. The Chorotes, too, believe in good and in bad\nspirits, paying their respects to the latter; while their neighbours,\nthe Chiriguano, hold that the soul, after death, goes to the kingdom\nof the Great Spirit, Tumpa, where for a time he enjoys the pleasures\nof earth in a magnified degree; but this state cannot last, and in a\nseries of degenerations the spirit returns to earth as a fox, as a\nrat, as a branch of a tree, finally to fall into dissolution with the\ntree's decay. Tumpa is, according to Pierini, the same as Tupa, the\nbeneficent supreme spirit being known by these names among the Guarayo,\nalthough in their myths the principal personages are the hero brothers,\nAbaangui and Zaguaguayu, lords of the east and the west, and two other\npersonages, Mbiracucha (perhaps the same as the Peruvian Viracocha) and\nCandir, the last two, like Abaangui, being shapers of lands and fathers\nof men.\n\nD'Orbigny[187] describes a ritual dance of the Guarayo, men and women\ntogether, in which hymns were addressed to Tamoi, the Grandfather or\nAncient of the Skies, who is called upon to descend and listen. \"These\nhymns,\" he says, \"are full of na\u00efve figures and similitudes. They are\naccompanied by sounding reeds, for the reason that Tamoi ascended\ntoward the east from the top of a bamboo, while spirits struck the\nearth with its reeds. Moreover, the bamboo being one of the chief\nbenefactions of Tamoi, they consider it as the intermediary between\nthem and the divinity.\" Tamoi is besought in times of seeding, that he\nmay send rain to revive the thirsting earth; his temple is a simple\noctagonal hut in the forest. \"I have heard them ask of nature, in a\nmost figurative and poetic style, that it clothe itself in magnificent\nvestments; of the flowers, that they bloom; of the birds, that they\ntake on their richest plumage and resume their joyous song; of the\ntrees, that they bedeck themselves with verdure; all to the end that\nthese might join with them in calling upon Tamoi, whom they never\nimplored in vain.\"\n\nIn another connexion d'Orbigny says: \"The Guarani, from the Rio de la\nPlata to the Antilles and from the coasts of Brazil to the Bolivian\nAndes, revere, without fearing him, a beneficent being, their first\nfather, Tamoi, or the Ancient of the Skies, who once dwelt among them,\ntaught them agriculture, and afterwards disappeared toward the East,\nfrom whence he still protects them.\" Doubtless, this is too broad a\ngeneralization, and d'Orbigny's own reports contain numerous references\nto tribes who fear the evil rather than adore the good in nature.\nNevertheless, there is not wanting evidence looking in the other\ndirection. One of the most recent of observers, Thomas Whiffen, says\nof the northwest Brazilian tribes:[188] \"On the whole their religion is\na theism, inasmuch as their God has a vague, personal, anthropomorphic\nexistence. His habitat is above the skies, the blue dome of heaven,\nwhich they look upon as the roof of the world that descends on all\nsides in contact with the earth. Yet again it is pantheism, this God\nbeing represented in all beneficent nature; for every good thing is\nimbued with his spirit, or with individual spirits subject to him.\"\n\nAccording to Whiffen's account the Boro Good Spirit, Neva (in the\nsame tribe Navena is the representative of all evil), once came to\nearth, assuming human guise. The savannahs and other natural open\nplaces, where the sun shines freely and the sky is open above, are\nthe spots where he spoke to men. But a certain Indian vexed Neva, the\nGood Spirit, so that he went again to live on the roof of the world;\nbut before he went, he whispered to the tigers, which up to that time\nhad hunted with men as with brothers, to kill the Indians and their\nbrethren.\n\nIt is easy to see, from such a myth as this, how thin is the line that\nseparates good and evil in the Indian's conception,--indeed, how hazy\nis his idea of virtue. Probably the main truth is that the Amazonian\nand other wild tribes generally believe in a Tupan or Tamoi, who is on\nthe whole beneficent, is mainly remote and indifferent to mankind, and\nwho, when he does reveal himself, is most likely to assume the form\nof (to borrow Whiffen's phrase) \"a tempestipresent deity.\" \"Although\nwithout temples, altars or idols,\" says Church, of the tribes of the\nGran Chaco, \"they recognize superior powers, one of whom is supreme and\nthunders from the sierras and sends the rain.\" Olympian Zeus himself is\nthe Thunderer; in Scandinavia Tiu grows remote, and Thor with his levin\nis magnified. Similarly, in North America, the Thunderbirds loom huger\nin men's imagination than does Father Sky. On the whole for the South\nAmerican tribes, the judgement of Couto de Magalh\u00e3es seems sane; that\nthe aboriginals of Brazil possessed no idea of a single and powerful\nGod, at the time of the discovery, and indeed that their languages were\nincapable of expressing the idea; but that they did recognize a being\nsuperior to the others, whose name was Tupan. Observers from Acu\u00f1a\nto Whiffen have noted individual sceptics among the Indians; certain\ntribes even (though the information is most likely from individuals)\nare said to believe in no gods and no spirits; and in some tribes the\nbeliefs are obviously more inchoate than in others. But in the large,\nthe South Americans are at one with all mankind in their belief in a\nSpirit of Good, whose abode is the Above, and in their further belief\nin multitudes of dangerous spirit neighbours sharing with them the Here.\n\n\nIV. IMPS, WERE-BEASTS, AND CANNIBALS\n\n\nIt would be a mistake to assume that all of these dangerous neighbours\nare invariably evil, just as it is erroneous to expect even the Ancient\nof the Skies to be invariably beneficent. In Cardim's list of the\nBrazilian names of the Devil he places first the Curupira.[189] But\nCurupira, or Korupira (as Teschauer spells it), is nearer to the god\nPan than to Satan. Korupira is a daemon of the woods, guardian of all\nwild things, mischievous and teasing even to the point of malice and\nharm at times, but a giver of much good to those who approach him\nproperly: he knows the forest's secrets and may be a wonderful helper\nto the hunter, and he knows, too, the healing properties of herbs.\nLike Pan he is not afoot like a normal man; and some say his feet turn\nbackward, giving a deceptive trail; some say that his feet are double;\nsome that he has but one rounded hoof. He is described as a dwarf,\nbald and one-eyed, with huge ears, hairy body, and blue-green teeth,\nand he rides a deer or a rabbit or a pig. He insists that game animals\nbe killed, not merely wounded, and he may be induced to return lost\ncattle,--for he is a propitiable sprite, with a fondness for tobacco. A\ntale which illustrates his character, both for good and evil, is of the\nunlucky hunter, whom, in return for a present of tobacco, the Korupira\nhelps; but the hunter must not tell his wife, and when she, suspecting\na secret, follows her husband, the Korupira kills her. In another\nstory the hunter, using the familiar ruse of pretended self-injury by\nmeans of which Jack induces the Giant to stab himself (an incident in\nwhich Coyote often figures in North America), gets the Korupira to\nslay himself; after a month he goes back to get the blue teeth of his\nvictim, but as he strikes them the Korupira comes to life. He gives\nthe hunter a magic bow, warning him not to use it against birds; the\ninjunction is disobeyed, the hunter is torn to pieces by the angry\nflocks, but the Korupira replaces the lost flesh with wax and brings\nthe hunter to life. Again, he warns the hunter not to eat hot things;\nthe latter disobeys, and forthwith melts away.\n\nAnother \"devil\" mentioned by Cardim is the Anhanga. The Anhanga is\nformless, and lives indeed only in thought, especially in dreams; in\nreality, he is the Incubus, the Nightmare. The Anhanga steals a child\nfrom its mother's hammock, and puts it on the ground beneath. The child\ncries, \"Mother! Mother! Beware the Anhanga which lies beneath us!\" The\nmother strikes, hitting the child; while the laughing Anhanga departs,\ncalling back, \"I have fooled you! I have fooled you!\" In another tale,\nwhich recalls to us the tragedy of Pentheus and Agave, a hunter meets\na doe and a fawn in the forest. He wounds the fawn, which calls to its\nmother; the mother returns, and the hunter slays her, only to discover\nthat it is his own mother, whom the wicked sprite (here the Yurupari)\nhad transformed into a doe.\n\nBut even more to be feared than the daemones are the ghosts and\nbeast-embodied souls.[190] Like most other peoples in a parallel stage\nof mental life, the South American Indians very generally believe in\nmetempsychosis, souls of men returning to earth in animal and even\nvegetal forms, and quite consistently with the malevolent purpose of\nwreaking vengeance upon olden foes. The belief has many characteristic\nmodifications: in some cases the soul does not leave the body until\nthe flesh is decayed; in many instances it passes for a time to a life\nof joy and dancing, a kind of temporary Paradisal limbo; but always it\ncomes sooner or later back to fulfill its destiny as a were-beast.[191]\nThe South American tiger, or jaguar, is naturally the form in which\nthe reincarnate foe is most dreaded, and no mythic conception is wider\nspread in the continent than is that of the were-jaguar, lying in wait\nfor his human foe,--who, if Garcilasso's account of jaguar-worshipping\ntribes is correct, offered themselves unresistingly when the beast was\nencountered.\n\nIt is probable that the conception of the were-jaguar, or of beast\nreincarnations, is associated in part at least with the enigmatical\nquestion of tropical American cannibalism.[192] A recent traveller,\nJ. D. Haseman, who visited a region of reputed cannibalism, and found\nno trace of the practice, is of the opinion that it has no present\nexistence, if indeed it ever had any. But against this view is the\nunanimous testimony of nearly all observers, with explicit descriptions\nof the custom, from Hans Staden and Cardim down to Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg and\nWhiffen. Hans Staden, who was held as a slave among the Tupinambi of\nthe Brazilian coast, describes a visit which he made to his Indian\nmaster for the purpose of begging that certain prisoners be ransomed.\n\"He had before him a great basket of human flesh, and was busy gnawing\na bone. He put it to my mouth and asked if I did not wish to eat. I\nsaid to him: 'There is hardly a wild animal that will eat its kind;\nhow then shall I eat human flesh?' Then he, resuming his meal: 'I am a\ntiger, and I find it good.'\" Cardim's description of cannibal rites is\nin many ways reminiscent of the Aztec sacrifice of the devoted youth\nto Tezcatlipoca: the victim is painted and adorned, is given a wife,\nand indeed so honoured that he does not even seek to escape,--\"for\nthey say that it is a wretched thing to die, and lie stinking, and\neaten with worms\"; throughout, the ritual element is obvious. On the\nother hand, the conception of degradation is clearly a strong factor.\nWhiffen makes this the foremost reason for the practice. The Indian,\nhe says, has very definite notions as to the inferiority of the brute\ncreation. To resemble animals in any way is regarded as degrading;\nand this, he regards as the reason for the widespread South American\ncustom of removing from the body all hair except from the scalp, and\nagain for the disgrace attendant upon the birth of twins. But animals\nare slaughtered as food for men: what disgrace, then to the captured\nenemy comparable with being used as food by his captor? Undoubtedly,\nthe vengeful nature of anthropophagy is a strong factor in maintaining\nthe custom; from Hans Staden on, writers tell us that while the\ncaptive takes his lot fatalistically his last words are a reminder\nto his slayers that his kindred are preparing a like end for them.\nProbably the unique and curious South American method of preparing\nthe heads of slain enemies as trophies, by a process of removing the\nbones, shrinking, and decorating, is a practice with the same end--the\ndegradation of the enemy,--corresponding, of course, to the scalping\nand head-taking habits of other American tribes.\n\n[Illustration. PLATE XLII.]\n\n Trophy head prepared by Jivaro Indians, Ecuador, now in the Peabody\n Museum. In the preparation of such trophies the bones are carefully\n removed, the head shrunken and dried, and frequently, as in this\n example, ornamented with brilliant feathers. The custom of preparing\n the heads of slain enemies or of sacrificial victims as trophies was\n widespread in aboriginal America, North and South, the North American\n custom of scalping being probably a late development from this earlier\n practice. It is possible that some at least of the masks which appear\n upon mythological figures in Nasca and other representations are meant\n to betoken trophy heads.\n\nIt is to be expected that with the custom of anthropophagy widespread,\nit should be constantly reflected in myth. A curious and enlightening\ninstance is in the Bakairi hero-tale reported by von den Steinen:[193]\nA jaguar married a Bakairi maiden; while he was gone ahunting, his\nmother, Mero, the mother of all the tiger kind, killed the maiden,\nwhose twin sons were saved from her body by a Caesarian section. The\ngirl's body was then served up to the jaguar husband, without his\nknowledge. When he discovered the trick--infuriated at the trick and\nat having eaten his wife's flesh,--he was about to attack Mero: \"I am\nthy mother!\" she cried, and he desisted. Here we have the whole moral\nproblem of the house of Pelops primitively adumbrated.\n\nMore in the nature of the purely ogreish is the tale related by Couto\nde Magalh\u00e3es,[194] the tale of Ceiuci, the Famished Old Woman (who he\nsays, is none other than the Pleiades). A young man sat in a tree-rest,\nwhen Ceiuci came to the waters beneath to fish. She saw the youth's\nshadow, and cast in her line. He laughed. She looked up. \"Descend,\" she\ncried; and when he refused, she sent biting ants after him, compelling\nhim to drop into the water. Thence she snared him, and went home with\nher game. While she was gone for wood to cook her take, her daughter\nlooked into the catch, and saw the youth, at his request concealing\nhim. \"Show me my game or I will kill you,\" commanded the ogress. In\ncompany with the youth the maiden takes flight--the \"magic flight,\"\nwhich figures in many myths, South American and North. As they flee\nthey drop palm branches which are transformed into animals and these\nCeiuci stops to devour. But in time all kinds of animals have been\nformed, and the girl can help the youth no longer. \"When you hear a\nbird singing _kan kan, kan kan, kan kan_,\" she says, in leaving him,\n\"my mother is not far.\" He goes on till he hears the warning. The\nmonkeys hide him and Ceiuci passes. He resumes his journey, and again\nhears the warning chant. He begs the serpents to hide him; they do so,\nand the ogress passes once more. But the serpents now plan to devour\nthe youth; he hears them laying their plot and calls upon the macauhau,\na snake-eating bird, to help him; and the bird eats the serpents.\nFinally, the youth reaches a river, where he is aided by the herons to\ncross. From a tree he beholds a house, and going thither he finds an\nold woman complaining that her maniocs are being stolen by the agouti.\nThe man tells her his story. He had started out as a youth; he is now\nold and white-haired. The woman recognizes him as her son, and she\ntakes him in to live with her. Couto de Magalh\u00e3es sees in this tale an\nimage of the journey of life with its perils and its loves; the love\nof man for woman is the first solace sought, but abiding rest is found\nonly in mother love. At least the story will bear this interpretation;\nnor will it be alone as a South American tale in which the moral\nmeaning is conscious.\n\n\nV. SUN, MOON, AND STARS\n\n\nWhen the Greeks began to speculate about \"the thing the Sophists call\nthe world,\" they named it sometimes the Heaven, Ouranos, sometimes\nthe Realm of Order, Cosmos; and the two terms seemed to them one in\nmeaning, for the first and striking evidence of law and order in nature\nwhich man discovers is in the regular and recurrent movements of the\nheavenly bodies. But it takes a knowledge of number and a sense\nof time to be able to truly discern this orderliness of the celestial\nsequences; and both of these come most naturally to peoples dwelling\nin zones wherein the celestial changes are reflected in seasonal\nvariations of vegetation and animal life. In the well-nigh seasonless\ntropics, and among peoples gifted with no powers of enumeration (for\nthere are many South American tribes that cannot number the ten\ndigits), it is but natural to expect that the cycles of the heavens\nshould seem as lawless as does their own instable environment, and the\nstars themselves to be actuated by whims and lusts analogous to their\nown.\n\n \"I wander, always wander; and when I get where I want to be, I shall\n not stop, but still go on....\"\n\nThis Song of the Turtle, of the Paumari tribes, says Steere,[195]\nreflects their own aimless life, wandering from flat to flat of the\never-shifting river; and it might be taken, too, as the image of the\nheavenly motions, as these appear to peoples for whom there is no art\nof counting. Some writers, to be sure, have sought to asterize the\ngreater portion of South American myth, on the general hypothesis that\nsun-worship dominates the two Americas; but this is fancy, with little\nwarrant in the evidence. Sun, moon, and stars, darkness and day, all\nfind mythic expression; but there is little trace among the wild tribes\nof anything approaching ritual devoted to these, or of aught save\nmythopoesy in the thought of them.\n\nThe most rudimentary level is doubtless represented by the Botocudo,\nwith whom, says Ehrenreich,[196] _taru_ signifies either sun or moon,\nbut principally the shining vault of heaven, whether illuminated\nby either of these bodies or by lightning; further, the same word,\nin suitable phrase, comes to mean both wind and weather, and even\nnight. In contrast with this we have the extraordinary assurance that\nthe highly intelligent Pass\u00e9 tribe believes (presumably by their\nown induction) that the earth moves and the sun is stationary. The\nintermediate, and perhaps most truly mythic stage of speculation is\nrepresented in the Bakairi tales told by von den Steinen, in which the\nsun is placed in a pot in the moving heaven; every evening, Evaki,\nthe wife of the bat who is the lord of darkness, claps to the lid,\nconcealing the sun while the heaven returns to its former position.\nNight and sleep are often personified in South American stones,--as in\nthe tale of the stork who tried to kill sleep,--and here Evaki, the\nmistress of night, is represented as stealing sleep from the eyes of\nlizards, and dividing it among all living beings.\n\nA charming allegory of the Amazon and its seasons is recorded by\nBarboza Rodriguez. Many years ago the Moon would become the bride of\nthe Sun; but when they thought to wed, they found that this would\ndestroy the earth: the burning love of the Sun would consume it, the\ntears of the Moon would flood it; and fire and water would mutually\ndestroy each other, the one extinguished, the other evaporated. Hence,\nthey separated, going on either side. The Moon wept a day and a night,\nso that her tears fell to earth and flowed down to the sea. But the\nsea rose up against them, refusing to mingle the Moon's tears with\nits waters; and hence it comes that the tears still flow, half a year\noutward, half a year inward. Myths of the Pleiades are known to the\nIndians throughout Brazil, who regard the first appearance of this\nconstellation in the firmament as the sign of renewing life, after the\ndry season,--\"Mother of the Thirsty\" is one interpretation of its name.\nOne myth tells of an earthly hunter who pierced the sky with arrows\nand climbed to heaven in quest of his beloved. Being athirst he asked\nwater of the Pleiades. She gave it him, saying: \"Now thou hast drunk\nwater, thou shalt see whence I come and whither I go. One month long\nI disappear and the following month I shine again to the measure of\nmy appointed time. All that beholds me is renewed.\" Teschauer credits\nmany Brazilian Indians with an extensive knowledge of the stars--their\ncourse, ascension, the time of their appearance and disappearance,\nand the changes of the year that correspond, but this seems somewhat\nexaggerated in view of the limited amount of the lore cited in its\nsupport,--legends of the Pleiades and Canopus already mentioned, and\nin addition only Orion, Venus, and Sirius. Of course the Milky Way\nis observed, and as in North America it is regarded as the pathway\nof souls. So, in the odd Taulipang legend given by Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg,\nthe Moon, banished from its house by a magician, reflects: \"Shall I\nbecome a tapir, a wild-pig, a beast of the chase, a bird? All these\nare eaten! I will ascend to the sky! It is better there than here; I\nwill go there, from thence to light my brothers below.\" So with his two\ndaughters he ascended the skies, and the first daughter he sent to a\nheaven above the first heaven, and the second to a third heaven; but he\nhimself remained in the first heaven. \"I will remain here,\" he said,\n\"to shine upon my brothers below. But ye shall illuminate the Way for\nthe people who die, that the soul shall not remain in darkness!\"\n\nOn an analogous theme but in a vein that is indeed grim is the\nCherentes star legend reported by de Oliveira.[197] The sun is the\nsupreme object of worship in this tribe, while the moon and the stars,\nespecially the Pleiades, are his cult companions. In the festival of\nthe dead there is a high pole up which the souls of the shamans are\nsupposed to climb to hold intercourse with kinsfolk who are with the\nheavenly spheres; and it is this pole and the beliefs which attach\nto it that is, doubtless, the subject of the myth. The tale is of\na young man who, as he gazed up at the stars, was attracted by the\nexceptional beauty of one of them: \"What a pity that I cannot shut you\nup in my gourd to admire you to my heart's content!\" he cried; and\nwhen sleep came, he dreamed of the star. He awoke suddenly, amazed to\nfind standing beside him a young girl with shining eyes: \"I am the\nbright star you wished to keep in your gourd,\" she said; and at her\ninsistence he put her into the gourd, whence he could see her beautiful\neyes gazing upward. After this the young man had no rest, for he was\nfilled with apprehension because of his supermundane guest; only at\nnight the star would come from her hiding-place and the young man\nwould feast his eyes on her beauty. But one day the star asked the\nyoung man to go hunting, and at a palm-tree she required that he climb\nand gather for her a cluster of fruit; as he did so, she leaped upon\nthe tree and struck it with a wand, and immediately it grew until it\ntouched the sky, whereto she tied it by its thick leaves and they both\njumped into the sky-world. The youth found himself in the midst of a\ndesolate field, and the star, commanding him not to stir, went in quest\nof food. Presently he seemed to hear the sound of festivity, songs and\ndances, but the star, returning, bade him above all not to go to see\nthe dancing. Nevertheless, when she was gone again, the youth could not\nrepress his curiosity and he went toward the sound.... \"What he saw was\nfearful! It was a new sort of dance of the dead! A crowd of skeletons\nwhirled around, weird and shapeless, their putrid flesh hanging from\ntheir bones and their eyes dried up in their sunken orbits. The air was\nheavy with their foul odour.\" The young man ran away in horror. On his\nway he met the star who blamed him for his disobedience and made him\ntake a bath to cleanse him of the pollution. But he could no longer\nendure the sky-world, but ran to the spot where the leaves were tied\nto the sky and jumped on to the palm-tree, which immediately began to\nshrink back toward the earth: \"You run away in vain, you shall soon\nreturn,\" the star called after him; and so indeed it was, for he had\nbarely time to tell his kindred of his adventure before he died. And\n\"thus it was known among the Indians that no heaven of delight awaits\nthem above, even though the stars shine and charm us.\"\n\nThe uniting of heaven and earth by a tree or rock which grows from\nthe lower to the upper world is found in many forms, and is usually\nassociated with cosmogonic myths (true creation stories are not\ncommon in Brazil). Such a story is the Mundurucu tale, reported by\nTeschauer,[198] which begins with a chaotic darkness from which\ncame two men, Karusakahiby, and his son, Rairu. Rairu stumbled on\na bowl-shaped stone; the father commanded him to carry it; he put\nit upon his head, and immediately it began to grow. It grew until\nit formed the heavens, wherein the sun appeared and began to shine.\nRairu, recognizing his father as the heaven-maker, knelt before him;\nbut Karu was angry because the son knew more than did he. Rairu was\ncompelled to hide in the earth. The father found him and was about to\nstrike him, but Rairu said: \"Strike me not, for in the hollow of the\nearth I have found people, who will come forth and labour for us.\" So\nthe First People were allowed to issue forth, and were separated into\ntheir tribes and kinds according to colour and beauty. The lazy ones\nwere transformed into birds, bats, pigs, and butterflies. A somewhat\nsimilar Kaduveo genesis, narrated by Fri\u010d, tells how the various tribes\nof men were led from the underground world and successively assigned\ntheir several possessions; last of all came the Kaduveo, but there were\nno more possessions to distribute; accordingly to them was assigned the\nright to war upon the other Indians and to steal their lands, wives,\nand children.\n\nThe Mundurucu genesis opens: \"In the beginning the world lay in\ndarkness.\" In an opposite and indeed very unusual way begins the\ncosmogonic myth recorded by Couto de Magalh\u00e3es:[199] \"In the beginning\nthere-was no night; the day was unbroken. Night slept at the bottom of\nthe waters. There were no animals, but all things could speak.\" It is\nsaid, proceeds the tale, that at this time the daughter of the Great\nSerpent married a youth who had three faithful servants. One day he\nsaid to these servants: \"Begone! My wife desires no longer to lie with\nme.\" The servants departed, and the husband called upon his wife to lie\nwith him. She replied: \"It is not yet night.\" He answered: \"There is no\nnight; day is without end.\" She: \"My father owns the night. If you wish\nto lie with me, seek it at the river's source.\" So he called his three\nservants, and the wife dispatched them to secure a nut of the tucuma (a\npalm of bright orange colour, important to the Indians as a food and\nindustrial plant). When they reached the Great Serpent he gave them\nthe nut, tightly sealed: \"Take it. Depart. But if you open it, you are\nlost.\" They set out in their canoe, but presently heard from within\nthe nut: \"_Ten ten ten, ten ten ten_.\" It was the noise of the insects\nof the night. \"What is this noise? Let us see,\" said one. The leader\nanswered: \"No: we will be lost. Make haste.\" But the noise continued\nand finally all drew together in the canoe, and with fire melted the\nsealing of the fruit. The imprisoned night streamed forth! The leader\ncried: \"We are lost! Our mistress already knows that we have freed\nthe night!\" At the same time the mistress, in her house, said to her\nhusband: \"They have loosed the night. Let us await the day.\" Then all\nthings in the forests metamorphosed themselves into animals and birds;\nall things in the waters became water-fowl and fishes; and even the\nfisherman in his canoe was transformed into a duck, his head into the\nduck's head, his paddle into its web feet, his boat into its body. When\nthe daughter of the Great Serpent saw Venus rise, she said: \"The dawn\nis come. I shall divide day from night.\" Then she unravelled a thread,\nsaying: \"Thou shalt be cubuju [a kind of pheasant]; thou shalt sing as\ndawn breaks.\" She whitened its head and reddened its feathers, saying:\n\"Thou shalt sing always at dawn of day.\" Then she unravelled another\nthread, saying: \"Thou shalt be inambu\" [a perdrix that sings at certain\nhours of the night]; and powdering it with cinders: \"Thou shalt sing at\neve, at midnight, and at early morn.\" From that time forth the birds\nsang at the time appropriate to them, in day or night. But when the\nthree servants returned, their mistress said to them: \"Ye have been\nunfaithful. Ye have loosed the night. Ye have caused the loss of all.\nFor this ye shall become monkeys, and swing among the branches for all\ntime.\"\n\n\nVI. FIRE, FLOOD, AND TRANSFORMATIONS\n\n\nPurchas's translation of Cardim begins:[200] \"It seemeth that this\npeople had no knowledge of the beginning and creation of the world, but\nof the deluge it seemeth they have some notice: but as they have no\nwritings nor characters such notice is obscure and confused; for they\nsay that the waters drowned all men, and that one only escaped upon a\nJanipata with a sister of his that was with child and that from these\ntwo they have their beginning and from thence began their multiplying\nand increase.\"\n\nThis is a fair characterization of the general cosmogonical ideas of\nthe South American wild tribes. There is seldom any notion of creation;\nthere is universally, it would seem, some legend of a cataclysm,\nor series of them, fire and flood, offering such general analogies\nto the Noachian story as naturally to suggest to men unacquainted\nwith comparative mythology the inference that the tale of Noah was\nindeed the source of all. Following the deluge or conflagration\nthere is a series of incidents which might be regarded as dispersal\nstories,--tales of transformations and migrations by means of which\nthe tribes of animals and men came to assume their present form. Very\ngenerally, too, the Transformer-Heroes are the divine pair, sometimes\nfather and son, but commonly twin brothers, who give the animals their\nlasting forms, instruct men in the arts, and after Herculean labors\ndepart, the one to become lord of the east and the day, the other lord\nof the west and the night, the one lord of life, the other lord of\ndeath and the ghost-world. It is not unnatural to see in this hero pair\nthe sun and the moon, as some authorities do, though it would surely be\na mistake to read into the Indian's thought the simple identification\nwhich such a statement implies: a tale is first of all a tale, with the\nprimitive man; and if it have an allegorical meaning this is rarely one\nwhich his language can express in other terms than the tale itself.\n\nOne of the best known of the South American deluge stories is the\nCaingang legend[201] which the native narrator had heard \"from the\nmother of the mother of his mother, who had heard it in her day from\nher ancient progenitors.\" The story is the common one of people fleeing\nbefore the flood to a hill and clinging to the branches of a tree while\nthey await the subsidence of the waters,--an incident of a kind which\nmay be common enough in flood seasons, and which might be taken as a\nmere reflection of ordinary experience but for the fact of the series\nof transformations which follow the return to dry land; and these\ninclude not only the formation of the animal kinds, but the gift of\nsong from a singing gourd and a curious process of divination, taught\nby the ant-eater, by means of which the sex of children is foretold.\n\nThe flood is only one incident in a much more comprehensive cycle of\nevents, assembled variously by various peoples, but having such a\nfamily likeness that one may without impropriety regard the group as\nthe tropical American Genesis. Of this cycle the fullest versions are\nthose of the Yuracare, as reported by d'Orbigny, and of the Bakairi, as\nreported by von den Steinen.[202]\n\nIn the Bakairi tale the action begins in the sky-world. A certain\nhunter encountered Oka, the jaguar, and agreed to make wives for Oka if\nthe latter would spare him. He made two wives out of wood, blowing upon\nthem. One of these wives swallowed two finger-bones, and became with\nchild. Mero, the mother of Oka and of the jaguar kind, slew the woman,\nbut Kuara, the brother of Oka, performed the Caesarian operation and\nsaved the twins, who were within her body. These twins were the heroes,\nKeri and Kame. To avenge their mother they started a conflagration\nwhich destroyed Mero, themselves hiding in a burrow in the earth. Kame\ncame forth too soon and was burned, but Keri blew upon his ashes and\nrestored him to life. Keri in his turn was burned and restored by Kame.\nFirst, in their resurrected lives did these two assume human form.\nNow begins the cycle of their labours. They stole the sun and the moon\nfrom the red and the white vultures, and gave order to their way in\nthe heavens, keeping them in pots, coverable, when the light of these\nbodies should be concealed: sun, moon, and ruddy dawn were all regarded\nas made of feathers. Next, heaven and earth, which were as yet close\ntogether, were separated. Keri said to the heavens: \"Thou shalt not\nremain here. My people are dying. I wish not that my people die.\" The\nheavens answered: \"I will remain here!\" \"We shall exchange places,\"\nsaid Keri; whereupon he came to earth and the sky rose to where it\nnow is. The theft of fire from the fox, who kept it in his eye; the\nstealing of water from the Great Serpent, with the formation of rivers;\nthe swallowing of Kame by a water monster, and his revivescence by\nKeri; the institution of the arts of house-building, fishery, dancing;\nand the separation of human kinds;--all these are incidents leading\nup to the final departure of Keri and Kame, who at the last ascend a\nhill, and go thence on their separate ways. \"Whither are they gone? Who\nknows? Our ancestors knew not whither they went. Today no one knows\nwhere they are.\"\n\nThe Bakairi dwell in the central regions of Brazil; the Yuracare are\nacross the continent, near the base of the Andes. From them d'Orbigny\nobtained a version of the same cosmogony, but fuller and with more\nincidents. The world began with sombre forests, inhabited by the\nYuracare. Then came Sararuma and burned the whole country. One man\nonly escaped, he having constructed an underground refuge. After the\nconflagration he was wandering sadly through the ruined world when he\nmet Sararuma. \"Although I am the cause of this ill, yet I have pity on\nyou,\" said the latter, and he gave him a handful of seeds from whose\nplanting sprang, as by magic, a magnificent forest. A wife appeared,\nas it were _ex nihilo_, and bore sons and a daughter to this man.\nOne day the maiden encountered a beautiful tree with purple flowers,\ncalled Ul\u00e9. Were it but a man, how she would love it! And she painted\nand adorned the tree in her devotion, with sighs and hopes,--hopes\nthat were not in vain, for the tree became a beautiful youth. Though\nat first she had to bind him to keep him from wandering away, the two\nbecame happy spouses. But one day Ul\u00e9, hunting with his brothers, was\nslain by a jaguar. His bride, in her grief like Isis, gathered together\nthe morsels of his torn body. Again, her love was rewarded and Ul\u00e9\nwas restored to life, but as they journeyed he glanced in a pool, saw\na disfigured face, where a bit of flesh had not been recovered, and\ndespite the bride's tears took his departure, telling her not to look\nbehind, no matter what noise she heard. But she was startled into doing\nthis, became lost, and wandered into a jaguar's lair. The mother of the\njaguars took pity upon her, but her four sons were for killing her. To\ntest her obedience they commanded her to eat the poisonous ants that\ninfested their bodies; she deceived three of them by substituting seeds\nfor the ants, which she cast to the ground; but the fourth had eyes in\nthe back of his head, detected the ruse and killed her. From her body\nwas torn the child which she was carrying, Tiri, who was raised in\nsecret by the jaguar mother.\n\nWhen Tiri was grown he one day wounded a paca, which said: \"You live\nin peace with the murderers of your mother, but me, who have done you\nno harm, you wish to kill.\" Tiri demanded the meaning of this, and the\npaca told him the tale. Tiri then lay in wait for the jaguar brothers,\nslaying the first three with arrows, but the jaguar with eyes in the\nback of his head, climbed into a tree, calling upon the trees, the\nsun, stars, and moon to save him. The moon snatched him up, and since\nthat time he can be seen upon her bosom, while all jaguars love the\nnight. Tiri, who was the master of all nature, taught cultivation to\nhis foster-mother, who now had no sons to hunt for her. He longed\nfor a companion, and created Caru, to be his brother, from his own\nfinger-nail; and the two lived in great amity, performing many deeds.\nOnce, invited to a feast, they spilled a vase of liquor which flooded\nthe whole earth and drowned Caru; but when the waters were subsided,\nTiri found his brother's bones and revived him. The brothers then\nmarried birds, by whom they had children. The son of Caru died and was\nburied. Tiri then told Caru at the end of a certain time to go seek\nhis son, who would be revived, but to be careful not to eat him. Caru,\nfinding a manioc plant on the grave, ate of it. Immediately a great\nnoise was heard, and Tiri said: \"Caru has disobeyed and eaten his son;\nin punishment he and all men shall be mortal, and subject to all toils\nand all sufferings.\"\n\nIn following adventures the usual transformations take place, and\nmankind, in their tribes, are led forth from a great rock, Tiri saying\nto them: \"Ye must divide and people all the earth, and that ye shall\ndo so I create discord and make you enemies of one another.\" Thus\narose the hostility of tribes. Tiri now decided to depart, and he sent\nbirds in the several directions to discover in which the earth extends\nfarthest. Those sent to the east and the north speedily returned, but\nthe bird sent toward the setting sun was gone a long time, and when\nat last it returned it brought with it beautiful feathers. So Tiri\ndeparted into the West, and disappeared.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\nTHE PAMPAS TO THE LAND OF FIRE\n\n\nI. THE FAR SOUTH[203]\n\n\nThe Rio de la Plata is the third of the great river systems which drain\nthe South American continent. It combines the waters of the Uruguay,\ndraining the hilly region of southern Brazil, with those of the Paran\u00e1,\nwhich through its numerous tributaries taps the heart of the south\ncentral portion of the continent. The Paran\u00e1 and its continuation, the\nParaguay, flowing almost due south from the centre of the continent,\nform a kind of axis, dividing the hilly lands on the east from the\ngreat woodland plains known as the Chaco, stretching westward to\nthe Andes, from whose age-worn detritus they were doubtless formed.\nThe northern boundary of the Chaco is in the neighbourhood of the\nTropic of Capricorn; southward the plains extend far into Argentina,\nnarrowing with the encroaching mountains, and finally giving way to\nthe grassy pampas, in the latitude of Buenos Aires. These, in turn,\nextend southward to the Patagonian plains--geologically one of earth's\nyoungest regions,--of which the terminus is the mountain region meeting\nthe southern straits. Parallel with this stretch of open country, which\ndiminishes in width as the southern latitudes are approached, is the\nAndean ridge, almost due north and south in sense, scarcely varying the\nwidth of the western coastal region which it marks off, but eastward\nextending in heavier lines of ridges and broader plateaus as the centre\nof the continent is approached. South of latitude 40\u00ba the western\ncoastal region, with the sinking of the Andean range, merges in a long\narchipelago leading on to Tierra del Fuego and its satellite islands,\nbeyond the Straits of Magellan,--an archipelago which is the far\nsouthern counterpart of that reaching along North America from Puget\nSound to the Aleutian Isles.\n\nThe aboriginal peoples of the region thus described fall into a number\nof groups of exceptional interest to the ethnologist. In the Chaco, to\nthe north, are to be found, to this day, tribes practically untouched\nby the influence of civilization--tribes in the state which for untold\ncenturies must have been that of the peoples of central South America.\nSome of them show signs of having been under the influence of the\ncultured peoples of the Andean regions, preserving in their fabrics,\nfor example, figured designs strikingly like those of Incaic Peru. It\nhas even been suggested that the region is in no small part peopled by\ndescendants of Indians who in former times fled from the west, first\nbefore the armies of the Incas, later before the advance of Spanish\npower.\n\nThis constant pressure, which can in a measure be followed in historic\ntimes, has had its effect in pushing southward peoples whose origin\nmust be sought in the central region. Such a people are the Abipone--a\ngroup of tribes which owe their especial fame among South American\nIndians perhaps more to the fact that they were so faithfully pictured\nby Father Dobrizhoffer, during the period in which they were gathered\nin missions, than to their own qualities, striking as these are. In\nany case, the Abipone, who in the eighteenth century had become an\nequestrian people of the open country, had, according to their own\ntradition, moved southward out of the forests, bearing with them many\nof the traits still to be found among the tribes of the Chaco.\n\nThe Calchaqui civilization, of the Andean region just north of latitude\n30\u00ba was one of the latest conquests of the Inca power, and represents\nits southerly extension. The actual dividing line, as recorded by\nGarcilasso, was the river Rapel, latitude 34\u00ba, where, according to the\nhistorian, the Inca Tupac Yupanqui was held in his southward advance by\nthe Araucanian (or Aucanian) tribes who formed the population of Chile\nand west central Argentina. The Araucanians enjoy the proud distinction\nof being to this day an unconquered people; for they held their own\nin long and bloody wars with the Spaniards, as before they had held\nagainst the aggressive Incas. Further, in their general culture, and in\nintellectual vigor, they stand at the head of the peoples of southerly\nSouth America.\n\nScarcely less in romantic interest is the group of peoples--the Puelche\nand Tehuelche tribal stocks--forming the Patagonian race, whose tall\nstature, exaggerated in the imagination of early discoverers, made\nof them a race of giants. Like the Pampean tribes they early become\nhorsemen, expert with the bolas; and with no permanent villages and\nno agriculture, they remain equestrian nomads of the southern plains.\nThe Ona of Tierra del Fuego represent a non-equestrian as they are\nalso a non-canoe-using branch of the Patagonian race. Altogether\ndifferent are the canoe peoples of the southern archipelago, the\nAlakaluf and the Yahgan. These have shared with the Australian Blacks,\nwith the Botocudo, and with one or two other groups of human beings,\nthe reputation of representing the lowest grade of human intelligence\nand attainment. They were long thought to be hopelessly imbruted,\nthough this judgement is being somewhat revised in the face of the\nachievements of missionary workers among them. Still there are few\nmore striking contrasts in the field of ethnology than is that between\nthe culture of the peoples of the Pacific archipelago of the northern\nAmerica, with their elaborate society, art, and mythology, and the\nmentally deficient and culturally destitute savages of the island\nregion of austral America.\n\n\nII. EL CHACO AND THE PAMPEANS\n\n\nIn d'Orbigny's classification the Pampean race is divided into three\ngroups. Of these the most northerly is the Moxean, comprising tribes\nabout the headwaters of the Madeira. Next southward is the Chiquitean\nbranch, with their centre on the divide between the headwaters of the\nMadeira and those of the southward flowing Paraguay and Pilcomayo\nrivers; hence marking the division of the Amazonian and La Plata\nsystems. Still south of these is the main Pampean branch, its northerly\nreach being represented by the Toba, Lengua, and other Chaco stocks;\nits centre by the Mocobi, Abipone, and the Charrua of Uruguay (whom\nother authorities ally with the Brazilian stocks); its southerly\ndivision comprising the Puelche and the Tehuelche, or Patagonians\nproper. So far as the Pampean branch is concerned, this grouping\ncorresponds with ideas still received.\n\nD'Orbigny gives scant materials as to the mythic beliefs of the Indians\nof the Pampean tribes, yet some are of more than ordinary interest.\nThus, of the Mataguaya, he says[204] that they regard eclipses as due\nto a great bird, with spread wings, assailing the star eclipsed,--which\nis in harmony with widespread South American notions; so, for example,\nin the Chiquitean idea, recorded by Father Fernandez, the eclipsed\nmoon is darkened by its own blood drawn by savage dogs. Still more\ninteresting is the statement, drawn from Guevara's _Historia del\nParaguay_, that the Mocobi regard the Southern Cross as the image of a\nrhea pursued by dogs. This is the very form in which the Great Wain is\ninterpreted in North America; as far as north Greenland it is regarded\nas a bear or deer pursued by dogs or by hunters. Fragments of a Mocobi\ncosmic myth are also given: The Sun is a man, the Moon is a woman.\nOnce, long ago, the Sun fell from the sky. The Mocobi raised it and\nplaced it again in the sky, but it fell a second time and burned all\nthe forests. The Mocobi saved themselves by changing themselves into\ncaymans and other amphibians. A man and a woman climbed a tree to save\nthemselves, a flame singed their faces, and they were changed into\napes.... This tale is obviously related to the hero cycle of which the\nBakairi and Yuracare stories are versions.\n\nBut among the Indians of this region it is of the Abipone, neighbours\nof the Mocobi, that our knowledge is fullest, owing to the classical\nnarrative of Martin Dobrizhoffer[205] who, in the eighteenth century,\nwas for eighteen years a Jesuit missionary in Paraguay. In general\nDobrizhoffer's account of the Abipone corresponds so closely with\nwhat is now familiar knowledge of Indian ideas--animism, shamanism,\nnecromancy, and in their own region belief in were-jaguars and the\nlike,--that it is valuable rather for verification than interpretation.\nIn the field of religion, the Father is interested in superstitions\nrather than in myth, of which he gives little. His comments, however,\nhave a quality of personality that imparts an entirely dramatic verve\nto his narrative of the encounter of the two minds--Jesuit and savage.\n\n\"_Haec est summa delicti, nolle recognoscere quem ignorare non possit,_\nare the words of Tertullian, in his Apology for the Christians.\nTheologians agree in denying that any man in possession of his reason\ncan, without a crime, remain ignorant of God for any length of time.\nThis opinion I warmly defended in the University of Cordoba, where I\nfinished the four years' course of theology begun at Gratz in Styria.\nBut what was my astonishment, when on removing from thence to a colony\nof Abipones, I found that the whole language of these savages does not\ncontain a single word which expresses God or a divinity. To instruct\nthem in religion, it was necessary to borrow the Spanish word for God,\nand insert into the catechism _Dios ecnam coagarik,_ God the creator\nof things.\" He goes on to tell how, camped in the open with a party of\nIndians, the serene sky delighting the eyes with its twinkling stars,\nhe began a conversation with the Cacique Ychoalay: \"Do you behold the\nsplendour of the Heaven, with its magnificent arrangement of stars?\nWho can suppose that all this is produced by chance?... Who can be mad\nenough to imagine that all these beauties of the Heavens are the effect\nof chance, and that the revolutions and vicissitudes of the celestial\nbodies are regulated without the direction of an omniscient mind?\nWhom do you believe to be their creator and governor?\" \"My father,\"\nreplied Ychoalay, \"our grandfathers and great-grandfathers were wont\nto contemplate the earth alone, solicitous only to see whether the\nplain afforded grass and water for their horses. They never troubled\nthemselves about what went on in the Heavens, and who was the creator\nand governor of the stars.\"\n\nSuch incomprehension of things theological seemed to the missionaries\nto argue a sub-human nature in the Indians, and Dobrizhoffer, after\nremarking that Paul III was obliged to issue a bull in which he\npronounced Indians to be really men, capable of understanding the\nCatholic faith and of receiving its sacraments, goes on himself to\nargue that they are in fact intelligent human beings in spite of this\nincredible density. And then he continues: \"I said that the Abipones\nwere commendable for their wit and strength of mind; but ashamed of\nmy too hasty praise, I retract my words and pronounce them fools,\nidiots, and madmen. Lo! this is the proof of their insanity! They\nare unacquainted with God, and with the very name of God, yet they\naffectionately salute the evil spirit, whom they call _Aharaigichi_,\nor _Queev\u00e8t_, with the title of grandfather, _Groaperikie_. Him they\ndeclare to be their grandfather, and that of the Spaniards, but with\nthis difference, that to the latter he gives gold and silver and fine\nclothes, but to them he transmits valour.\" Here the lips of the reader\nbegin to flicker with amusement,--it is easy to see the devil under\nthe mask of strange gods! Father Dobrizhoffer continues: \"The Abipones\nthink the Pleiades to be the representation of their grandfather; and\nas that constellation disappears at certain periods from the sky of\nSouth America, upon such occasions, they suppose that their grandfather\nis sick, and are under a yearly apprehension that he is going to\ndie: but as soon as those seven stars are again visible in the month\nof May, they welcome their grandfather, as if returned and restored\nfrom sickness, with joyful shouts, and the festive sound of pipes and\ntrumpets, congratulating him on the recovery of his health. 'What\nthanks do we owe thee! and art thou returned at last? Ah! thou hast\nhappily recovered!' With such exclamations, expressive of their joy and\nfolly, do they fill the air.\"\n\nDobrizhoffer devotes a learned and amusing chapter to \"Conjectures\nwhy the Abipones take the Evil Spirit for their Grandfather and\nthe Pleiades for the representation of him\"; in which, finding no\nScriptural explanation, he concludes that the cult came ultimately\nfrom Peru (the Peruvian's knowledge of God did not come along with\nit because \"vice is more easily learnt than virtue\"). As a matter\nof fact the Pleiades cult extends throughout Brazil, its seasonal\nreappearance being the occasion, as Dobrizhoffer narrates, of a great\nfeast of intoxication and joy, a veritable Dionysia. And it is hardly\nto be doubted that the Abipone, as their own traditions indicate,\ncame from the north, probably from the Chaco. It is to a contemporary\nmissionary, Barbrooke Grubb, who has spent an even longer time in the\nChaco than did the Jesuit among the Abipone, that we owe the completer\ninterpretation of the ideas which Dobrizhoffer sketched. The Chaco\nIndians are as near untouched savages as any people on the globe, so\nthat their beliefs are essentially uncontaminated.\n\nThe mythology of the Chaco tribes, says Grubb,[206] is founded on\nthe idea of a Creator, symbolized by the beetle. First, the material\nuniverse was made; then the Beetle-Creator sent forth from its hole in\nthe earth a race of First Beings, who for a time ruled all. Afterward\nthe Beetle formed a man and a woman from the clay which it threw up\nfrom its hole, the two being joined like the Siamese twins. They were\npersecuted by the beings who preceded them, whereupon the Beetle\nseparated them and endowed them with the power of reproduction, whence\nthe world was peopled and came to its present state.\n\nWhether or no the First Beings, hostile to man, are to be identified\nwith the Kilyikhama, a class of nature daemones, Grubb does not\nmake clear. He does, however, describe numerous of these daemonic\nforms,--the white Kilyikhama, heard whistling in his little craft on\nthe swampy waters; the boy Kilyikhama with lights on each side of his\nhead, the thieving Kilyikhama; and most dreaded of all the daemon,\nimmensely tall and extremely thin, with eyes like balls of fire, whose\nappearance presages instant death. In addition to these daemones,\nAphangak, ghosts of men, are intensely feared, and there are ghosts\nof animals, too, to be dreaded,--though, curiously, none of fish or\nserpents. The Milky Way is supposed to be the path of the Kilyikhama,\nsome of whom, in the form of large white birds, are believed there\nto await their opportunity to descend into the bodies of men. A very\ncurious burial custom is also associated with the Galaxy: when a\nperson is laid out (sometimes even before the dying has breathed his\nlast) an incision is made in the side of the body and heated stones\nare inserted; these stones are supposed to ascend into the Milky Way\nwhence they await their opportunity to fall upon the person (wizard or\nother) who has caused the death. \"Consequently the Indians are very\nfrightened when they see a falling star.\" Whirlwinds are believed to be\nthe passing of spirits, and the whole realm of the meteorological is\nfull of portents,--the rainbow, oddly enough, conceived as a serpentine\nmonster, being a sign of calamity rather than an arc of hope.\n\nOf the Pleiades Grubb says that they are known by two\nnames--Mounting-in-the-South and Holders-Together. \"Their rising is\nconnected with the beginning of spring, and feasts are held at this\ntime, generally of a markedly immoral character.\" That they call\nthe constellation Aksak, Grandfather, is not, in the missionary's\nopinion, due to the fact that it is the image or embodiment of the\ndevil (as Dobrizhoffer supposed of the similar Abiponean custom).\nAksak is rather a term applied to any person or thing whose nature is\nnot quite understood or with whom power and authority rest: \"what is\nmost important of all, they term the creator beetle _aksak_.\" Grubb\nconcludes: \"In my opinion, the statement of Dobrizhoffer that the\nAbipones looked upon themselves as descendants, or, it may be, the\ncreation of their 'grandfather the devil,' is nothing more nor less\nthan the widespread tradition that man was created by the beetle, and,\ntherefore, their originator, instead of being a devil, was rather a\ncreating god.\" Perhaps, after all, Tertullian is right.\n\nThe missionary also speaks of \"a remarkable theory\" held by the\nIndians, that among the stars there are countries similar to their own,\nwith forests and lakes, which he would explain either as tales of the\nmirage or as due to \"a childlike notion that the sky is solid.\" The\n\"childlike notion\" is, of course, but another instance of a conception\nthat prevails among the native tribes of the two Americas, as far as\nnorth Greenland; and along with this notion is that of an underworld\nto which ghosts descend, which he elsewhere mentions as characteristic\nof the Chaco,--though his account of their varying ideas as to the\nhabitations of the dead shows well enough that these savage theorists\nare as uncertain in their location of the abode of shades as was Homer\nhimself.\n\n\nIII. THE ARAUCANIANS\n\n\nThe Araucanian, or Auca, tribes--of which the Mapuche, Pehuenche, and\nHuiliche are the more important divisions, while the southerly Chono\nand Chiloe are remote branches--are the aborigines of the southern\nAndean region, inhabiting both slopes of the mountains, extending to\nthe sea on the Pacific side and out into the Patagonian plains on the\nAtlantic side. Of all the extreme austral Indians they represent from\npre-Columbian times the highest culture, though it is evident that the\nprocess of acculturation was recent when the whites first appeared,\nresulting from contact with Inca and Calchaqui civilizations. The whole\ngroup of Araucanians proper was organized into a confederacy, with\nfour principal divisions, uniting for common defence,--an organization\nvery similar to that of the Iroquois Confederacy in North America,\nand equally effective; for the Araucanians not only put a stop to\nthe southerly aggressions of the Incas, but they also successfully\nresisted the Spaniards, establishing for themselves a unique place in\nthe history of American aborigines in contact with the white race. In\nmanner of life the Araucanians were originally little if any in advance\nof their Patagonian neighbours; but as a result of their contact with\nthe northerly Andean peoples, their own northern branches had acquired,\nwhen the Spaniards first came, a rudimentary agriculture, the potter's\nand the weaver's arts, some skill with gold and silver, and the habit\nof domesticating the guanaco,--and this culture was gradually extending\nto the south. As a whole, however, Araucanian culture represents a\nsharp descent, marked by the boundaries of the Incaic empire.\n\nThe romantic history of the Araucanians, and especially their heroic\nwars with the Spaniards, have naturally attracted to them an unusual\nmeasure of historical and anthropological investigation, so the\nliterature is copious. Molina's _History_, written in the middle of\nthe eighteenth century, is the best-known work in the field, and is,\nin a sense, the classic exposition of Araucanian institutions, though\nboth for extent and accuracy it has been superseded by later works,\npre-eminently those of Jos\u00e9 Medina and Tom\u00e1s Guevara.[207] The first\nvolume of the latter's great _Historia de la Civilizaci\u00f3n de Araucania_\nis devoted to \"Antropoloj\u00eda Araucana,\" and in it is given a summary of\nthe native pantheon.\n\nFirst of the gods is Pillan, often regarded as the Araucanian\nequivalent of the Tupan of the forest regions of Brazil, god of thunder\nand spirit of fire. \"This conception represents a survival of the\nprehistoric idea which considers fire as the life-principle, carried\nto the point of adoring it as an invisible and personal power ...\nforces of nature, such as this, being personified in the mind of the\nbarbarian.\" Pillan, however, while a personal, is also a collective\npower: caciques at their death and warriors who fall in battle pass\ninto the category of Pilli, some being converted into volcanic forces,\nothers ascending to the clouds. \"From this source,\" says Guevara,\n\"is due the belief, conserved almost to this time, that a tempest is\na battle between their ancestors and their enemies, and the custom\nof encouraging their own and imprecating the others according to\nthe turn of the battle: if the clouds move toward the south victory\npertains to those of their race; if to the north--the country of the\nSpaniards--they suppose the latter to be victorious.\"... Inevitably\none recalls the bodeful thunder-storm in _Julius Caesar_,--\n\n    \"Fierce fiery warriors fought upon the clouds,\n    In ranks and squadrons and right form of war,\n    Which drizzled blood upon the Capitol;\n    The noise of battle hurtled in the air,\n    Horses did neigh, and dying men did groan,\n    And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets.\"\n\nPillan, as the supreme god of a warlike people, was naturally regarded\nas the god of war. \"They made his habitation,\" says our author, \"in all\nthose parts whence breaks the thunder: on the crest of high mountains,\nin the clouds, and in the volcanoes, whose eruptions are so often\naccompanied by electrical phenomena.\" The deity's name is, as a matter\nof fact, preserved in the names of various peaks.\n\nMolina[208] states that the word Pillan is derived from _pilli_,\nmeaning \"soul,\" and that the god has various attributive designations,\nsuch as Spirit-of-Heaven (Guenu-pillan), the Great Being, the\nThunderer; and along with these, suspiciously European, such epithets\nas the Creator, the Omnipotent, the Eternal. On the whole, it is not\nunreasonable to assume that the true aboriginal meaning of the word is\n\"mysterious power\" and that the idea itself belongs with the group of\nconceptions of a semi-pantheistic nature power, of which Wakanda and\nManito are the best-known names.\n\nThat Pillan stands at the head of a hierarchy of nature powers is the\nunanimous testimony of authorities. Molina believes that the government\nof Pillan is modelled on that of the Araucanian confederacy. He is the\ngreat chief of the invisible world, having under him his high-chiefs\nand under-chiefs to conduct cosmic affairs. As with most primitive\nfolk, the great majority of these lesser deities are considered as\nmalignant, or at least as dangerous, rather than as beneficent powers.\nThe Huecuvu (Guecubu, in Molina) are a group of daemones capable\nof assuming animal and human forms. The Indians \"attribute natural\nphenomena to the implacable hatred of these agents of Pillan. They sow\nthe fields with caterpillars, weaken animals with disease, quake the\nearth, and devour the fish in rivers and lakes. The Huecuvu corresponds\nwith great exactness to the idea of demon.\" Evil also is Epunamun (whom\nMolina regarded as a war-god, apparently on the strength of the Padre\nOlivares's statement that he presided at councils of war, where \"though\nthey have no confidence in his councils, they frequently follow them,\nrather than offend through disobedience\"). Epunamun is represented as\nhaving deformed legs, and he probably belongs to that extraordinary\ngroup of South American monster-bogeys having feet reversed or\nknees that bend backward. The Cherruve are the spirits or senders\nof shooting-stars and comets, figured (quite to the taste of the\nMediaeval European) as man-headed serpents. Similar is the Ihuaivilu, a\nseven-headed fire-monster, inhabiting volcanic neighbourhoods. Meulen\nappears to be anything but the benevolent deity that Molina deemed it;\nhe is the spirit of the whirlwind, disappearing in the ground in the\nform of a lizard when the whirlwind is dissipated; in modern folklore\nhe appears as El Destolanado, devouring all children who cross his path.\n\nThe category of demonic beings is by no means exhausted with these wind\nand fire powers. The old Chilean mythic lore is filled with composite\nand metamorphosing beast-bogeys and witch-beings, many of which have\nbeen handed on to the modern peasantry; so that it is now often\nimpossible to tell what elements are native and what communicated. Many\nstill bear native names. Perimontum is a phantom appearing from the\nother world to announce some extraordinary event. The Am is the ghost\nof a murdered man; the Alhue is a mischievous sprite whose sport is to\nfrighten men. Colocolo is a small, invisible or subterranean animal\nor bird, whose cry, _colo colo!_ is sometimes heard; anyone drinking\nits saliva will die. Neg\u00faruvilu, or Guirivilo, is a cat-like monster\narmed with a claw-pointed tail; it lives in the depths of the waters,\nwhence it sallies forth to kill men and animals, assuming a serpentine\nform as it envelops them. There are numerous other water-monsters,\nsome marine, some amphibians, their most various forms being naturally\nfound among the Chiletes of the southern archipelago. El Caleuche, the\nwitch-boat, is interesting for the fact that here, in the far Pacific\nsouth, it represents what might almost be called an outcropping of the\nsimilar conceptions found among the Eskimo and the pelagic tribes of\nthe North-West Coast. The witch-boat is seen at night, illuminated, and\nit carries fishermen down to the treasure-houses at the bottom of the\nsea. Another monster of this region is Camahueto, capable of wrecking\nlarge boats; while Cuero, known to the Araucanians as Trelquehuecuve,\nis a sort of huge octopus, whose arms end in claws and whose ears are\ncovered with eyes; it has great powers of dilation and contraction, and\nseizes and slays all that fall within its reach; when it goes ashore to\nsun itself and wishes to return to its element, it raises a gale which\npushes it into the water. Huaillepe\u00f1, or Guallip\u00e9n, is in the form of\na calf-headed sheep, with deformed legs; it issues from streams and\npools on misty mornings and frightens pregnant women, causing their\nchildren to be born deformed. The Imbunche are monsters into which\nbabes stolen by witches have been transformed; the Trauco is an old\nwitch appearing in the form of a child and having the habits of an\nincubus; the Pihuiche\u00f1, or Piguch\u00e9n, is a vampire-like serpent that can\ntransform itself into a frog, a blood-sucker and death-bringer, while\nthe Choncho\u00f1, a vampire having the form of a human head whose huge\nears serve as wings for its nocturnal flights, is reminiscent of the\ntravelling heads which form so important a group of bogeys on the North\nAmerican continent.\n\nWith such an array of demons surrounding them, it is small marvel that\nfor the Chilean peasant of today the devil is not an interesting person\nin popular mythology, as Se\u00f1or Vicu\u00f1a Cifuentes tells us,[209] playing\na r\u00f4le altogether inferior to those of the local demons. Beneficent\npowers are rare in the Araucanian pantheon. Pillan may be regarded\nin this light, as also Ng\u00fanemapun, a higher power recognized by the\nAraucans of today, says Guevara, although not mentioned in the older\nchronicles. He seems to be a doublet of Pillan, and may represent an\nepithet of this god, or even a still higher power to whom invocations\nwere formerly addressed which the Spaniards supposed to be addressed to\nPillan. Like the latter, Ng\u00fanemapun dwells on high mountains, has the\npower of rendering himself invisible, and is given the customary form\nof a warrior. Beneficent also is Huitranalhue, friend of strangers and\nthe protector of herds from thieves.\n\nA curious feature of Araucanian religion is the absence of any cult of\nthe sun. Possibly this is due to the fact that the sun was the great\ndeity of their enemies, the Incas; so that even if it had been adored\nin the primitive period, it might have been degraded after the Incaic\ndefeat on the same principle that caused a Florida tribe to establish a\ncult of the Devil, because he was the enemy of the Spaniard. The fact\nthat the Araucanians had measured the solar year, which they divided\ninto twelve months of thirty days each, adding five intercalary days\nor epagomenae, argues a sun-cult. Molina tells us that they began\ntheir year immediately after the December solstice, which they called\nthe Head-and-Tail-of-the-Year, while the June solstice was called the\nDivider-of-the-Year. Dobrizhoffer says that the Picunche, or Moluche\n(Araucanians), like the Puelche, had no name for God.[210] \"These\nascribe all the good things they either possess or desire to the sun,\nand to the sun they pray for them\"; and one of their priests, he says,\nwhen told of God, said: \"Till this hour we never knew nor acknowledged\nanything greater or better than the sun.\" This certainly points to the\nprobability that in primitive times the sun was an Araucanian god,\nthough it appears that the moon has assumed the place of celestial\nimportance in the later pantheon. Her ancient name, Anchimalguen,\nsignifies, says Guevara, Woman (i. e., wife)-of-the-Sun; Anchimallen\nis the contemporary form. She is implored in adversity and praised in\nprosperity, say the chroniclers. Sometimes Anchimallen is of ill omen,\nappearing at night in the form of a stray guanaco and luring travellers\nto vain pursuit; but she also serves to give warning of enemies and to\nfrighten away evil spirits. Molina gives a very interesting suggestion,\nnamely, that all the female powers of the invisible world form a class\nof beneficent nymphs called Amchi-malghen. \"There is not an Araucanian\nbut imagines he has one of these in his service. _Nien cai gni\nAmchi-malghen_, 'I keep my nymph still,' is a common expression when\nthey succeed in any undertaking.\"\n\nThe mythic tales of the Araucanians are (judging from somewhat meagre\nmaterials) of a class with those prevalent in neighbouring regions,--a\ncosmogony in which volcanic forces destroy the world by fire, while a\ndeluge causes all to perish save a few who flee to the three-peaked\nmountain Thegtheg, the Mount of Levin, which moves upon the waters;\na hero cycle in which two brothers, Konkel and Pediu, figure as\ntransformers; and there are stories of a Sky-World above, and of\nseaward Islands of the Dead.[211] One of the most interesting elements\nof their mythology is their version of the oft-recurring conception of\na Way Perilous to the abode of the departed. An old woman, in the form\nof a whale, bears the soul out to sea; but before his arrival in the\nAraucanian Hades he is obliged to pay toll for passing a narrow strait,\nwhere sits another malignant hag who exacts an eye from any poor\nwretch who has nothing better to pay.\n\n\nIV. THE PATAGONIANS\n\n\nFew peoples have had fame thrust upon them with so little reason as\nhave the Patagonian Indians, and few myths have been more widely\ncredited than that Patagonia was the home of a race of giants. The\nTehuelche are, as a matter of fact, men of large size, probably\naveraging above six feet; and they are noted for the large development,\nespecially of the upper parts of their body. Keane states that they\nare second in size among South American peoples, being exceeded by the\nBororo. Possibly it was due to the fact that the first navigators of\nthis region were men of south Europe, themselves short, which gave rise\nto the myth of Patagonian giants. Pigafetta,[212] the chief chronicler\nof Magellan's voyage, says of one of these \"giants\" that he was \"so\ntall that our heads scarcely came up to his waist,\" and the anonymous\n\"Genoese pilot\" who has left an account of the same navigation reports\nthat where they wintered, in 1520, \"there were people like savages, and\nthe men are from nine to ten spans in height, very well made.\" It is,\nindeed, possible that the stature of the modern Tehuelche is modified\nslightly from that of the _Patagon_, or \"Big-Foot\" (\"the captain named\nthis kind of people Pataghom,\" wrote Pigafetta); for since the middle\nof the eighteenth century the Tehuelche have been an equestrian people,\nliving on horseback, one might say; and a recent observer says of them\nthat \"the lower limbs are sometimes disappointing, being, in fact,\nthe lower limbs of a race of riders.\" Such an influence may well have\nproduced a small diminution of the average stature over that at the\ntime of the first observations.\n\nIn no other respect is the Patagonian remarkable. The race is divided\ninto two great divisions, the northerly Puelche and the Tehuelche,\nof Patagonia proper, now both equestrian peoples. Across the Strait\nof Magellan, in eastern Tierra del Fuego, dwell the Ona, still a\npedestrian branch of the Patagonian race.\n\nThe Patagonians are a sluggish and peaceable people, quite\nself-sufficient when left to themselves, and in the south little\ninfluenced by the arts of civilization. Except for the changes which\nthe introduction of horses has brought into their life, the description\nof the Genoese pilot is essentially true to this day:[213] \"They have\nnot got houses; they only go about from one place to another ... and\neat meat nearly raw: they are all archers and kill many animals with\narrows, and with the skins they make clothes.... Wherever night finds\nthem, there they sleep; they carry their wives along with them with all\nthe chattels they possess.\"\n\nAccounts of Patagonian religion are all meagre; perhaps because the\nideational content of their belief is itself meagre, for authorities\nagree that they are slow and unimaginative. The little information\ngiven by Pigafetta, chronicler of Magellan's voyage, has, to be\nsure, a moving background. Two of the \"giants,\" he says, were lured\non shipboard, and there, while being entertained with gauds, were\nclamped with irons, the intention being to take them for a show to the\nCastilian king. \"When they saw the trick which had been played them,\nthey began to be enraged, and to foam like bulls, crying out very loud\n_Setebos_, that is to say, the great devil, that he should help them.\"\nIt is from this passage that Shakespeare derived his conception of the\ngod of Caliban. Pigafetta adds that the lesser devils, under Setebos,\nare called Cheleule. \"This one who was in the ship with us, told us\nby signs that he had seen devils with two horns on their heads, and\nlong hair down to their feet, who threw out fire from their mouths and\nrumps,\"--but we can hardly doubt that the navigators' imaginations\nwere here potent interpreters of the signs. Dobrizhoffer's eighteenth\ncentury description of Patagonian beliefs is essentially the same as\nthat of Prichard in the twentieth century.[214] \"They are all\nacquainted with the devil, whom they call Balich\u00f9 [_Valichu, Gualichu,_\nare variants found in other sources]. They believe that there is an\ninnumerable crowd of demons, the chief of whom they name El El, and\nall the inferior ones Quezub\u00fb [probably a form of the Araucanian\n_Huecuvu_]. They think, however, every kind of demon hostile and\nmischievous to the human race, and the origin of all evil, regarding\nthem in consequence with dread and abhorrence.\" Dobrizhoffer goes on\nto state that the Puelche and the Araucanian Picunche alike revere the\nSun, indicating the affinity of the beliefs of the two groups, which\nare probably at least remotely related. He continues: \"The Patagonians\ncall God Soych\u00f9 [_Soucha_ is Pennant's variant], to-wit, that which\ncannot be seen, which is worthy of all veneration, which does not live\nin the world; hence they call the dead _Soychuh\u00e8t_, men that dwell with\nGod beyond the world. They seem to hold two principles in common with\nthe Gnostics and Manichaeans, for they say that God created both good\nand evil demons. The latter they greatly fear, but never worship. They\nbelieve every sick person to be possessed of an evil demon; hence their\nphysicians always carry a drum with figures of devils painted on it,\nwhich they strike at the beds of sick persons, to drive the evil demon,\nwhich causes the disorder, from the body.\"\n\nPrichard's description adds nothing to this.[215] The religion of the\nIndians consists \"in the old simple beliefs in good spirits and devils,\nbut chiefly devils.... The dominant Spirit of Evil is called Gualicho.\nAnd he abides as an ever-present terror behind their strange, free,\nand superstitious lives. They spend no small portion of their time in\neither fleeing from his wrath or in propitiating it. You may wake in\nthe dawn to see a band of Indians suddenly rise and leap upon their\nhorses, and gallop away across the pampa, howling and gesticulating.\nThey are merely scaring the Gualicho away from their tents back to\nhis haunts in the Cordillera--the wild and unpenetrated mountains,\nwhere he and his subordinate demons groan in chosen spots the long\nnights through.\" The Good Spirit of the Tehuelche, says Prichard, is\nfar more quiescent. Long ago he made one effort to benefit mankind,\nwhen he created the animals in the caves of \"God's Hill\" and gave them\nto his people for food, but since then he has shown little interest\nin earthly matters. Of the practices of the Tehuelche shaman--perhaps\nan innovation since the day of Dobrizhoffer--Prichard gives an odd\ninstance, narrated by another white observer: \"In the middle of the\nlevel white pampa two figures upon galloping horses were visible. As\nwe came nearer we saw that one was a man clothed in a _chiripa_ and a\n_capa_ in which brown was the predominating colour. He was mounted on\na heavy-necked powerful _cebruno_ horse, his stirrups were of silver,\nand his gear of raw-hide seemed smart and good. As he rode he yelled\nwith all his strength, producing a series of the most horrible and\npiercing shrieks. But strange as was this wild figure, his companion,\nvictim or quarry, was stranger and more striking still. For on an\nancient _zaino_ sat perched a little brown maiden, whose aspect was\nforlorn and pathetic to the last degree. She rode absolutely naked in\nthe teeth of the bitter cold, her breast, face and limbs blotched and\nsmeared with the rash of some eruptive disease, and her heavy-lidded\neyes, strained and open, staring ahead across the leagues of empty\nsnow-patched plain. Presently the man redoubled his howls, and bearing\ndown upon the _zaino_ flogged and frightened it into yet greater speed.\nThe whole scene might have been mistaken for some ancient barbaric and\nrevolting form of punishment; whereas, in real truth, it was an anxious\nIndian father trying, according to his lights, to cure his daughter of\nmeasles!\" Devils are known to dislike noise and cold, says Prichard;\nhence, the unlucky patient without a shred to protect her and \"the\nalmost incredible uproar made by the old gentleman upon the dark brown\nhorse.\"\n\nD'Orbigny says[216] of the Tehuelche, \"they fear rather than revere\ntheir Achekanet-kanet, turn by turn genius of ill and genius of\ngood,\" and of the Puelche that, like the Patagonians, they believe\nin a genius of ill, named Gualichu, or Arraken, who sometimes becomes\nbeneficent, without need of prayer. Falkner (cited by King in _The\nVoyage of the Beagle_, vol. ii, p. 161) mentions \"at the head of their\ngood deities,\" Guayarakunny, lord of the dead. \"They think,\" he says,\n\"that the good deities have habitations in vast caverns under the\nearth, and that when an Indian dies his soul goes to live with the\ndeity who presides over his particular family. They believe that their\ngood deities made the world, and that they first created the Indians\nin the subterranean caverns above mentioned; gave them the lance, bow\nand arrows, and the balls [_bolas_], to fight and hunt with, and then\nturned them out to shift for themselves. They imagine that the deities\nof the Spaniards created them in a similar manner, but that, instead of\nlances, bows, etc., they gave them guns and swords. They say that when\nthe beasts, birds, and lesser animals were created, those of the more\nnimble kind came immediately out of the caverns; but that the bulls and\ncows being the last, the Indians were so frightened at the sight of\ntheir horns, that they stopped the entrances of their caves with great\nstones. This is the grave reason why they had no black cattle in their\ncountry, till the Spaniards brought them over; who, more wisely, had\nlet them out of their caves.\"\n\nA more recent account of what is a kindred, if not the same myth is\ngiven by Ramon Lista.[217] The creator-hero, in this version, is named\nEl-lal. \"El-lal came into the world in a strange way. His father\nNosjthej (a kind of Saturn), wishing to devour him, had snatched him\nfrom his mother's womb. He owed his rescue to the intervention of the\n_terguerr_ (a rodent) which carried him away to its cave; this his\nfather tried in vain to enter. After having learned from the famous\nrodent the properties of different plants and the directions of the\nmountain-paths, El-lal himself invented the bow and arrow, and with\nthese weapons began the struggle against the wild animals--puma, fox,\ncondor,--and conquered them all. But the father returned. Forgetting\nthe past El-lal taught him how to manipulate the bow and the sling,\nand joyfully showed him the trophies of the chase--tortoise shells,\ncondor's wings, etc. Nosjthej took up his abode in the cave and soon\nacted as master of it. Faithful to his fierce instincts, he wanted\nto kill his son; he followed him across the Andes, but, when on the\npoint of reaching him, he saw a dense forest arise between him and his\nson. El-lal was saved; he descended to the plain, which meanwhile had\nbecome peopled with men. Among them was a giant, Goshy-e, who devoured\nchildren; El-lal tried to fight him, but he was invulnerable; the\narrows broke against his body. Then El-lal transformed himself into a\ngadfly, entered the giant's stomach, and wounded him fatally with this\nsting. It was not until he had accomplished all these feats, and had\nproved himself a clever huntsman, that El-lal thought of marrying. He\nasked the hand of the daughter of the Sun, but she did not think him\nworthy of her and escaped him by a subterfuge. Disenchanted, El-lal\ndecided to leave the earth, where, he considered, his mission was at an\nend, since man, who had in the meantime appeared in the plain and in\nthe mountain valleys, had learned from him the use of fire, weapons,\netc. Borne on the wings of a swan across the ocean towards the east, he\nfound eternal rest in the verdant island which rose among the waves at\nthe places where the arrows shot by him had fallen on the surface of\nthe water.\"\n\nThis cosmogony is of the familiar primitive Indian type. Falkner, in\nthe passage cited, goes on to describe Patagonian beliefs in regard to\nthe fates of human souls: \"Some say that the stars are old Indians;\nthat the Milky Way is the field where the old Indians hunt ostriches\n[more likely, this myth attaches to the Southern Cross, as Guevara\nsays it does with the Indians of Paraguay; and as, in North America,\nit attaches to the Ursa Major], and that the Magellan clouds are the\nfeathers of the ostriches which they kill. They have an opinion that\nthe creation is not yet exhausted; nor is all of it yet come out to\nthe daylight of this upper world. The wizards, beating their drums,\nand rattling their hide bags full of shells or stones, pretend to see\ninto other regions under the earth. Each wizard is supposed to have\nfamiliar spirits in attendance, who give supernatural information,\nand execute the conjurer's will. They believe that the souls of their\nwizards, after death, are of the number of these demons, called\nValichu, to whom every evil, or unpleasant event is attributed.\"\n\n_Mutatis mutandis_ this description would apply perfectly to the\nshamanistic beliefs and practices of the Polar North, and it is not\nwithout significance that Prichard is drawn to point the essential\nanalogy between the austral and boreal aborigines of America.\nSubstitute the kayak for the horse, the seal for the guanaco, with such\ndifferences in habit as these imply, and the differences of the two\npeoples (psychologically, for it must be owned that in stature they are\nantipodes) become slight. Certainly their beliefs are almost identical:\na beneficent, but precarious food-giver; a host of spiteful and\ndangerous powers of wind and weather; a sky-world and an underworld,\nwith hunter-souls pursuing their earthly vocation; fey-sighted wizards\nand medicine-men with drums. To be sure this represents the foundation\nstratum of Indian ideas throughout the two Americas, the simplest form\nof American religious myth; but there is surely a dramatic propriety\nin finding this simplest form, almost in its first purity, at the wide\nextremes of the two continents.\n\nHave the conceptions travelled, from pole almost to pole? or are they\nseparate inspirations to a universal human nature from a never vastly\nvarying environmental nature? This is a riddle not easy to solve;\nfor while it is not difficult to imagine unrelated peoples severally\nframing the notion that men and animals are born out of the womb of\nEarth or that the image of their own hunting parties is written in\nthe constellations--for, as Molina remarks, more than one people have\n\"regulated the things of heaven by those of the earth,\"--still it is\nodd to find such particular agreements constant from latitude to\nlatitude throughout a hemisphere.\n\n\nV. THE FUEGIANS\n\n\nThe Yahgan and Alakaluf tribes of Tierra del Fuego and the adjacent\narchipelago enjoy the unenviable distinction of being rated as among\nthe lowest of human beings both as to actual culture and possible\ndevelopment. The earlier navigators regarded them as little more than\nanimals--and often, unfortunately, treated them no better. Even Darwin,\nviewing them with the naturalist's eye, saw little but annoyance in\ntheir presence and formed a dismal estimate of their powers. \"We were\nalways much surprised at the little notice, or rather none whatever,\nwhich was evinced respecting many things, even such as boats, the use\nof which must have been evident. Simple circumstances,--such as the\nwhiteness of our skins, the beauty of scarlet cloth or blue beads,\nthe absence of women, our care in washing ourselves,--excited their\nadmiration far more than a grand or complicated object, such as the\nship.\"[218] Darwin, however, noted that the Indians had a sense of\nfairness in trade, and when missionaries settled among them other\ngood qualities appeared. Thomas Bridges, who lived with the Yahgan as\nmissionary for years, wrote of them, in 1891: \"We find the natives work\nwell and happily when assured of adequate reward. They shear our sheep,\nmake fences, saw out boards and planks of all kinds, work well with the\npick and spade, are good boatmen and pleasant companions.\" With such a\ntribute from one who had lived long with them it can hardly be doubted\nthat the Yahgan are better than the common report of them,--indeed,\nquite the children of nature which the not unaffecting anecdotes of\nYork Minster and Jemmy Button, among the voyages of the _Beagle_,\nshould lead us to expect.\n\n\"Jemmy Button,\" says Captain Fitzroy,[219] \"was very superstitious and\na great believer in omens and dreams. He would not talk of a dead\nperson, saying, with a grave shake of the head, 'no good, no good\ntalk; my country never talk of dead man.' While at sea, on board the\n_Beagle_, about the middle of the year 1832, he said one morning to Mr.\nBynoe, that in the night some man came to the side of his hammock, and\nwhispered in his ear that his father was dead. Mr. Bynoe tried to laugh\nhim out of the idea, but ineffectually. He fully believed that such\nwas the case, and maintained his opinion up to the time of finding his\nrelations in the Beagle Channel, when, I regret to say, he found that\nhis father had died some months previously. He did not forget to remind\nMr. Bynoe (his most confidential friend) of their former conversation,\nand, with a significant shake of the head said, it was 'bad--very bad.'\nYet these simple words seemed to express the extent of his sorrow.\"...\nHere is surely as good a case of the \"veridical\" apparition as any\nResearcher could desire.\n\n\"Ideas of a spiritual existence--of beneficent and evil powers,\"\ndescribes the nearest notion Captain Fitzroy could get of Fuegian\nreligion. The powers of evil are especially the powers of wind and\nweather--naturally enough in a part of the globe world-famous for its\nbitter gales and treacherous waters. \"If anything was said or done that\nwas wrong, in their opinion it was certain to cause bad weather. Even\nthe shooting of young birds, before they were able to fly, was thought\na heinous offence. I remember York Minster saying one day to Mr.\nBynoe, when he had shot some young ducks with the old bird--'Oh, Mr.\nBynoe, very bad to shoot little duck--come wind--come rain--blow--very\nmuch blow.'\" Primitive as they are, here are moral ideas---whether\none explain, reconditely, the sparing of the young of game as an\ninstinctive conservation of the food supply, or, simply, as due to a\nnatural and chivalrous pity for the helpless young.\n\nOur information in regard to the spirit-beings believed in by the\nFuegians is at best nebulous. Captain Fitzroy tells of \"a great black\nman ... supposed to be always wandering about the woods and mountains,\nwho is certain of knowing every word and action, who cannot be escaped,\nand who influences the weather according to men's conduct,\" and again\nof thin wild men, \"who have no belly,\" (surely, the \"skeleton men\" of\nthe Eskimo and of other North American tribes). Dr. Hyades,[220] in\nhis report of the gleanings of the French Mission to Cape Horn, half a\ncentury after the famous expeditions of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_,\ngives a fuller, though still meagre description of these wild folk\nof Yahgan fancy,--irresistibly reminiscent of the Fog People and the\nInland Dwellers of the Eskimo at the other extreme of the hemisphere.\nThe Oualapatou, Wild Men from the West, are ever-present terrors. They\nare heard in the noises of the night, and hearing them, the Yahgan\nincontinently flee. These Wild Men, they say, enter their huts at\nnight, cut the throats of the occupants and devour their limbs. From\ntheir confused accounts, says Dr. Hyades, it would appear that the\nOualapatou are the dead returned to earth to eat the living; they are\ninvisible, except at the moment of seizing their victims, but they\nare heard imitating the cries of birds and animals. Another class of\nwild beings are the Kachpikh, fantastic beings that live in desert\ncaves or in thick forests. These, too, are invisible, but they hate\nman and cause disease and death. Still another class (reported by the\nMissionary Bridges) are called Hannouch. Some of these are supposed\nto have an eye in the back of their heads; others are hairless and\nsleep standing up supported by a tree; they hold in hand a white stone\nwhich they hurl with inevitable aim at any object soever, and they\nsometimes attack and wound men. One man, said to have been stolen\naway as a child by the Hannouch, was named _Hannouchmachaa\u00efnan_,\n\"stolen-by-the-Hannouch.\" Any man who goes off to live by himself is\ncalled a Hannouch, while a demented person is regarded as tormented by\none of these beings.\n\nThe Fuegian's equivalent for the Eskimo's Angakok is the Yakamouch.\nBridges' account is quoted by Hyades: \"Nearly every old man of the\npeople is a Yakamouch, for it is very easy to become one; they are\nrecognizable at a glance from the gray colour of their hair, a colour\nproduced by the daily application of a whitish clay. They make frequent\nincantations in which they appear to address a mysterious being named\nA\u00efapakal; they claim to possess, from a spirit called Hoakils, a\nsupernatural power of life and death; they recount their dreams, and\nwhen they have eaten in dream any person, this signifies that that\nperson will die. It is believed that they can draw from the bodies of\nthe sick the cause of their ill, called _a\u00efkouch_, visible in the form\nof an arrow or a harpoon point of flint, which they cause, moreover,\nto issue from their own stomachs at will.... They seem to believe that\nthese sorcerers can influence the weather for good or bad; they throw\nshells into the wind to cause it to cease and they give themselves over\nto incantations and contortions.\" Women also may be Yakamouch, and\nthere is even a report that formerly none but women professed the art.\n\nThe Fuegians are a vanishing people,--even in a vanishing race.\nThey have long and often been cited as a people without religion.\nAfter recounting what is here narrated of their beliefs, Dr. Hyades\nconcludes: \"In all these legends, we see no reason seriously to admit a\n_belief_ in supernatural beings or in a future life, and consequently\na religious sentiment, among the Fuegians.\" This judgement, however,\nis not wholly supported by the observations of others. According to\nthe fathers of the Salesian mission[221] the Alakaluf believe in \"an\ninvisible being called Taquat\u00fa, whom they imagine to be a giant who\ntravels by day and night in a big canoe, over the sea and rivers,\nand who glides as well through the air over the tops of the trees\nwithout bending their branches; if he finds any men or women idle or\nnot on the alert he takes them without more ado into his great boat\nand carries them far away from home.\" Captain Low, of the Fitzroy\nexpedition, asserted that there was not only a belief in \"an immense\nblack man\" (Yaccy-ma) responsible for all sorts of evil, among the\nwest Patagonian channel natives, but also that they believed in \"a good\nspirit whom they called Yerri Yuppon,\" invoked in time of distress\nand danger. On the other point, of belief in a future life, there\nis no doubt but that the Fuegians recognize some form of ghost, or\nbreath-spirit, which haunts the walks of men. One missionary says of\nthe Yahgan that he thinks that \"when a man dies, his breath goes up to\nheaven\"; nothing similar occurs in the case of animals.\n\nOf myth in the legendary form only meagre fragments have been gathered\nfrom the Fuegians, and of these the greater part come from the Ona, who\nare akin to the Tehuelche.[222] According to Ona lore there formerly\n\"lived on earth bearded white men; the sun and moon were then husband\nand wife; when men began to war, the sun and moon returned to the sky\nand sent down a red star, the planet Mars, which turned into a giant on\nthe way; the giant killed all men, then made two mountains or clods of\nclay, from one of which rose the first Ona man and from the other the\nfirst Ona woman.\" The same tribe have a tradition of a cataclysm which\nseparated the island on which they dwell from the mainland. Both the\nOna and the Yahgan have traditions of a flood and tales of earth-born\nmen; and each of these peoples has also a mythic hero (Kuanip is the\nOna, Oumoara the Yahgan name) concerning whom tales are told. Some\nof their stories appear to relate to historical transformations in\nthe mode of tribal life, as the tradition (maintained by both tribes)\nthat in former times the women were the tribal rulers, that the\nmen rebelled, and invented initiation rites and the ruse of masked\nspirits in order to keep the women in subjection--a type of myth\nwhich, however, is rather more plausibly of an aetiological than of\nan historical character. In the main, nature is the theme of mythic\nthought, and there is perhaps no more unique a group of ideas among\nthese peoples of the Far South than the Yahgan conception of the\nrelations of the celestial beings: the moon, they say, is the wife of\nthe rainbow, while the sun is elder brother to the moon and to shining\nVenus.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThere is much in the culture and fancies of these peoples of austral\nAmerica to recall the culture and fancies of their remote kinsmen of\nthe Polar North. The two Americas measure, as it were, the longitude\nof human habitation, marked off zone by zone into every variety\nof climate and terrain to which men's lives can be accommodated.\nMoreover, the native peoples of this New World show a oneness of race\nnowhere else to be found over so great an area; so that, in spite\nof differences in culture almost as great as those which mark the\nheights and depths of human condition in the more anciently peopled\nhemisphere, there is a recognizable unity binding together Eskimo and\nAztec, Inca and Yahgan. Now what is surely most impressive is that this\nunity is best represented neither by physical appearance nor material\nachievement (where, indeed, the differences are most magnified),\nbut by a conservation of ideas and of the symbolic language of myth\nwhich is at bottom one. Not that there is any single level of thought\ncommon to all, for there is surely a world of intelligence between\nthe imaginative splendour of Mayan art and science and tradition\nand the dimly haunted soul of the Fuegian who \"supposes the sun and\nmoon, male and female, to be very old indeed, and that some old man,\nwho knew their maker, had died without leaving information on this\nsubject\";[223] but that no matter what the failure to build or the\nerosion of superstructure, or indeed no matter what the variety of\nsuperstructures as, for example, made apparent in the characteristic\ncolours of North American and South American mythologies, there is\nstill _au fond_ a single racial complexion of mind, with a recognizable\nkinship of the spiritual life. Through vast geographical distances,\namong peoples long mutually forgotten if ever mutually known, in every\nvariety of natural garb, polar and tropical, forest and sea, this\nkinship persists, not favoured by, but in spite of, environments\nthe most changing. It is not necessary here invariably to assume\nmigrations of ideas, passed externally from tribe to tribe, although\nevidence of these, recent and remote, is frequent enough; it is not\nsufficient to postulate merely the psychical unity of our common human\nnature, although this, too, is a factor which we should not neglect;\nbut along with these we may reasonably conceive that the American\nrace, through its long isolation, even in its most tenuously connected\nbranches retains a certain deep communion of thought and feeling, a\nlasting participation in its own mode of insight and its own quest of\ninspiration, which unites it across the stretches of time and space.\nThe arctic tern is said to summer in the two polar zones, arctic and\nantarctic, trued to its enormous flight by the most mystifying of all\nanimal instincts. Perhaps it is some human instinct as profound and as\nmystifying which joins in one thought the scattered peoples of the two\ncontinents, charting in modes more subtle than their obvious forms can\nsuggest the impulses which lead men to see their environmental world\nnot as their physical eyes perceive it, but, belied by their eyes, as\ninner and whispering voices proclaim it to be.\n\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\n\n[1] That there is an ultimate community of culture and thought between\nthe Andean and Mexican regions can hardly be doubted. Furthermore, it\nis not merely primitive, but belongs to an era of some advancement\nin the arts. Spinden (_Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central\nAmerica_ [New York, 1917], and elsewhere) has termed the early\nstage the \"archaic period,\" and he plausibly argues for its Mexican\norigination and southward migration. But at any rate since near the\nbeginning of the Christian Era the civilizations of the two regions\nhave developed in virtual independence.\n\n[2] The most admirable general introduction to the whole subject of\nAmerican ethnography is Wissler, _The American Indian_ (New York, 1917).\n\n[3] The transition from the Antilles to Guiana is, however, rather\nmore marked than is that from the Orinoco to the Amazonian regions.\nVirtually the whole South American region bounded by the Andes, the\nCaribbean Sea, and the Argentinian Pampas is one ethnographically; so\nthat, in the present work, Chapters VIII and IX are descriptive of\na single region. However, the great rivers have always been natural\nroutes of exploration, and this has given to the river systems an\nethnographically factitious, but bibliographically real differentiation.\n\n[4] Wm. Henry Brett, _Legends and Myths of the Aboriginal Indians of\nBritish Guiana_ (London, no date).\n\n[5] For a history of this interesting movement in certain phases of\nEuropean culture see Gilbert Chinard, _L'Exotisme am\u00e9ricain_ (Paris,\n1911).\n\n[6] Among early writers on Antillean religion the most important\nare Christopher Columbus, Ramon Pane, and Peter Martyr d'Anghiera.\nColumbus left Fray Ramon Pane in Haiti with instructions to report\non the religious beliefs of the natives; and in Fernando Columbus's\n_Historie_, ch. lxii, Pane's narrative is incorporated, introduced by a\nbrief quotation from Christopher Columbus, describing Zemiism. After\nPane, the account of Haitian religion in Peter Martyr's \"First Decade\"\nis the most important source, although Benzoni, G\u00f3mara, Herrera, Las\nCasas, and Oviedo give additional or corroborative information. Of\nrecent writings those of J. W. Fewkes, embodying the results of careful\narchaeological studies, form the most important contribution. Part\nii of Joyce's _Central American and West Indian Archaeology_ gives a\ngeneral survey of the field, which is more briefly treated in livre ii,\n3e partie, of Beuchat's _Manuel_, and in its comparative aspects by\nWissler, _The American Indian_.\n\n[7] Beuchat, Joyce [a], and Fewkes [b] describe the condition of the\nAntilleans at the time of the discovery as reconstructed from early\naccounts and archaeological investigations. Of the early writings,\nthe descriptions of Las Casas are the most detailed. The use of\n_Ta\u00efno_ to designate the island Arawakan tribes follows Fewkes [b],\np. 26: \"Among the first words heard by the comrades of Columbus when\nthey landed in Guadeloupe were '_Ta\u00efno! ta\u00efno!_'--'Peace! peace!' or\n'We are friends.' The designation '_ta\u00efno_' has been used by several\nwriters as a characteristic name for the Antillean race. Since it is\nboth significant and euphonious, it may be adopted as a convenient\nsubstitute for the adjective 'Antillean' to designate a cultural type.\nThe author applies the term to the original sedentary people of the\nWest Indies, as distinguished from the Carib.\" The incident to which\nreference is made is described in _Select Letters of Columbus (HS)_, p.\n28. It is perhaps worth while to note that Peter Martyr (tr. MacNutt,\ni. 66, 81) says that _ta\u00efno_ signifies \"a virtuous man.\" The word\n_carib, caniba,_ is the source of our _cannibal_. It is possible that\nit means \"man-eater\" and is of Ta\u00efno origin. Columbus, in the _Journal_\nof the first voyage (tr. Bourne, p. 223), is authority for the\nstatement that \"Carib\" is the Hispaniolan form of the name. Im Thurn\n(p. 163) says that the Guiana Carib call themselves _Carinya_, which\nwould seem to show that the word is an autonym, in which case it may\nmean, as Herrera says (III. v), \"valiant.\" It is rather curious, if the\ninsular Carib were the inveterate cannibals the earlier writers make\nthem to be, that those of the mainland should have held the practice in\nabhorrence, for which we have Humboldt's statement, _Voyage_ (tr. Ross,\nii. 413).\n\n[8] A term of some interest is _cacique_, which is generally regarded\nas Haitian in origin, being, says Peter Martyr (tr. MacNutt, i. 82)\ntheir word for \"king.\" Bastian, however, affirms that it is Arabic (ii.\n293, note): \"Das Wort Cazique ist nicht amerikanisch, sino arabigo,\nusado entre los alarabes de Africa en el Reyno de Mazagan, con el qual\nnombran al principal y cabe\u00e7as de los aduares, como tambien le nombran\nXeque (meint Simon).\"\n\n[9] The literature of the discovery is summarized by Beuchat,\n\"Bibliographie,\" ch. iv. Christopher Columbus's _Letters_ and\n_Journal_, tr. Major, Markham, and Bourne, are here quoted.\n\n[10] The question of Amazons (cf. _infra_, Ch. IX, i), is a curious\ncommingling of Old and New World myth, with, perhaps, some foundation\nin primitive custom, especially linguistic. Thus Beuchat, p. 509\n(citing Raymond Breton and Lucien Adam; cf. also Ballet, citing du\nTertre, pp. 398-99), states that the Caribs of the Isles had separate\nvocabularies, in part at least, for men and women, and that the women's\nspeech contained a majority of Arawak words. This argument should not\nbe pushed too far, however, for there are a number of South American\nlanguages with well-differentiated man-tongue and woman-tongue, where\na similar origin of the difference is not shown. On his first voyage\nColumbus (letters to de Santangel and Sanchez), though he did not meet\nthem, heard of \"ferocious men, eaters of human flesh, wearing their\nhair long like women.\" On the second voyage--as described by Chanca in\nhis \"Letter to the Chapter of Seville\" (_Select Letters_)--the Caribs\nwere encountered and found to be holding in slavery many Ta\u00efno women:\n\"In their attacks upon the neighbouring islands, these people capture\nas many of the women as they can, especially those who are young and\nbeautiful, and keep them as concubines; and so great a number do they\ncarry off, that in fifty houses no men were to be seen\" (p. 31). It is\nadded that the Caribs ate the children born of these captive women (a\ncustom ascribed also to some South American cannibalistic tribes); but\nas it is said in the same connexion that captive boys were not devoured\nuntil they grew up, \"for they say that the flesh of boys and women is\nnot good to eat,\" the story is scarcely plausible. Herrera repeats that\nthe Caribs ate no women, but kept them as slaves, in association with\nthe statement that the natives of Dominica ate a friar, and dying of a\nflux caused by his flesh, gave over their cannibalism. These stories\nseem to point to a ritualistic element in the cannibalism, for to the\nCarib the flesh of warriors was the only man's meat. Of course, in the\nnotion of Amazons there was an element of myth as well as of custom,\nand the myth was certainly known to Columbus, if we may trust the\nauthenticity (and there is small reason to doubt it) of the paragraph\nwith which Ramon Pane's narrative is introduced. For the myth in\nquestion see _supra_, pp. 31-32, and cf. Pane, chh. iii-v.\n\n[11] The story of the search for the Fountain of Youth and of the\ncolony of Antillean Indians in Florida is to be found in Fontaneda, pp.\n17-19. The influence of Antillean culture has been traced well to the\nnorth of Florida, where it may have been extended by the pre-Muskhogean\npopulation; see also Herrera, III. v.\n\n[12] The story of Hathvey, or Hatuey, is given by Fewkes [b], pp.\n211-12, and by Joyce [a], p. 244; its source is Las Casas [a], III. xxv.\n\n[13] West Indian idolatry, called Zemiism, is earliest described in\nthe passage attributed to Christopher Columbus (Fernando Columbus,\nch. lxi); other authorities here quoted are Benzoni, pp. 78-80; Peter\nMartyr, \"First Decade,\" ix (tr. MacNutt, i. 167-78); Ramon Pane,\nch. xix-xxiv (tr. Pinkerton, xii. 87-89); and Las Casas [b], chh.\nclxvi-vii; cf. also Fewkes, especially [b], [e], Joyce [a], and Beuchat.\n\n[14] The most interesting artifacts from the Antilles are the stone\nrings, triangles, and elbows, which must be regarded as certainly\nritualistic in character, and probably as used in fertility rites. This\nis not only indicated by Columbus and Ramon Pane, but is supported by\nnumerous analogies. Ramon Pane (ch. xix) says: \"The stone _cemis_ are\nof several sorts: some there are which, they say, the physicians take\nout of the body of the sick, and those they look upon as best to help\nwomen in labour. Others there are that speak, which are shaped like a\nlong turnip, with the leaves long and extended, like the shrub-bearing\ncapers. Those leaves, for the most part, are like those of the elm.\nOthers have three points, and they think they cause the yucca to\nthrive.\" It is perhaps not far-fetched to see in the triangular stones\nanalogues of the mountain-man images of the Tlaloque in Mexico, or of\nthe similar images from South America, certainly used in connexion\nwith rain ceremonies. Very likely separate forms were employed for\ndifferent plants, as maize or yucca. The stone rings, again, could\nvery reasonably be those which were supposed to help women in labour,\nas seems to have been the case with the analogous rings and yokes from\nYucatan (see Fewkes, _25 ARBE_, pp. 259-61). Even if the two types of\nstones were combined, as seems altogether likely, at least for magic\nand divination, there is congruity in the relationship of both types\nto fertility, animal and vegetable respectively. Se\u00f1or J. J. Acosta\nhas suggested that the Antillean stone rings represent the bodies, and\nthe triangular stones the heads, of serpents; and this is not without\nplausibility in view of the frequency with which serpents are regarded\nas fertility emblems. It may be worth recalling, too, that an Antillean\nname for doctor, or medicine-man, signified \"serpent.\"\n\n[15] There is no reason to assume any essential difference in character\nin the shamans or medicine-men of the North and South American Indians.\nIn general, the lower the tribe in the scale of political organization,\nthe more important is the shaman or doctor, and the more distinctly\nindividual and the less tribal are the offices which he performs; as\norganization grows in social complexity, the function of priest emerges\nas distinct from that of doctor, the priest becoming the depository of\nritual, and the doctor or shaman, on a somewhat lower level, attending\nthe sick or practising magic and prophecy. Apparently in the Antilles\nthe two offices were on the way to differentiation, if, indeed, they\nwere not already distinct. The _bohutis, buhuitihus, boii,_ or, as\nPeter Martyr latinizes, _bovites_ of this region were evidently both\ndoctors and priests. Certainly both Ramon Pane's and Peter Martyr's\ndescriptions imply this; though there are some hints which would seem\nto point to a special class of ritual priests, who may or may not\nhave been doctors, as when priests are said to act as mouthpieces of\nthe cacique in giving oracles from hollow statues, or as when Martyr\n(following Pane) says that \"only the sons of chiefs\" are allowed to\nlearn the traditional chants of the great ceremonials (p. 172). The\nterm _peaiman_, applied to the shamans of the Guiana tribes, is, says\nim Thurn (p. 328), an Anglicized form of the Carib word _puyai_ or\n_peartzan_. The _peaiman_, im Thurn states, \"is not simply the doctor,\nbut also, in some sense, the priest or magician.\" As matter of fact,\nthe priestly element is slight among the continental Caribs, their\npractice being pure shamanism; and Fewkes ([b], p. 54) says that they\n\"still speak of their priests as _ceci-semi_\"--a term clearly related\nto _zemi_. \"The prehistoric Porto Ricans,\" he says again (ib. p. 59),\n\"had a well-developed priesthood, called _boii_ (serpents), _mabouya_,\nand _buhiti_, which are apparently dialect or other forms of the same\nword.\" It was in Porto Rico, of course, that Carib and Ta\u00efno elements\nwere most mixed. Brett [a], p. 363, in a note, derives the word _piai_\nfrom Carib _puiai_, which, he says, is in Ackawoi _piatsan_; while\nthe Arawak use _semecihi_, and the Warau _wisidaa_, for the same\nfunctionary. Certainly the resemblance of _boye_ and _puiai_, and of\n_zemi_ and _semecihi_, or _ceci-semi_, indicates identities of origin,\nthough the particular meanings are not altogether the same.\n\n[16] Little is preserved of Antillean myth, and that little is\ncontained almost wholly in the narrative of Ramon Pane. The authorities\nhere quoted are Ramon Pane, chh. i, ix-xi, ii-vii (tr. Pinkerton, xii);\nPeter Martyr (tr. MacNutt, i. 167-70); Benzoni; and Ling Roth, in _JAI_\nxvi. 264-65. Stoddard gives free versions of several of the tales.\n\n[17] Peter Martyr, _loc. cit._ (quoting pp. 166-67, 172-76).\n\n[18] G\u00f3mara [a], ch. xxvii, p. 173, ed. Vedia (tr. Fewkes [b], pp.\n66-67); cf. Benzoni, pp. 79-82; Las Casas [b], ch. clxvii. The plate\nrepresenting the Earth Spirit ceremony is taken from (cf. Fewkes [b],\nPlate IX) Picart, _The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Several\nNations of the known World_, London, 1731-37, Plate No. 78.\n\n[19] Im Thurn, pp. 335-38; cf. Fewkes [e], p. 355.\n\n[20] Ramon Pane, chh. xiv, xxv; G\u00f3mara [a], ch. xxxiii, pp. 175-76, ed.\nVedia, gives supplementary information.\n\n[21] Authorities cited for Carib lore are Columbus, _Select Letters_,\npp. 29-37; im Thurn, pp. 192, 217, 222; Fewkes [b], pp. 27, 217-20,\n68; Ballet, citing du Tertre and others, pp. 421-22, 433-38, 400-01;\nDavies, cited by Fewkes [b], pp. 60, 65; Currier, citing la Borde, pp.\n508-09.\n\n[22] Holmes, \"Areas of American Culture\" (in _AA_, new series, xvi,\n1914) gives a chart of North America showing five culture areas\nfor Mexico and Central America, in general corresponding to the\ngrouping here made. The _American Indian_ of Wissler, the _Ancient\nCivilizations_ of Spinden, the _Manuel_ of Beuchat and the _Mexican\nArchaeology_ of Joyce follow approximately the same lines. E. G.\nTarayre's \"Report\" in _Archives de la commission scientifique du\nMexique_, iii (Paris, 1867) contains \"Notes ethnographiques sur les\nr\u00e9gions mexicaines.\" For linguistic divisions the standard works\nare Orozco y Berra [b], Nicol\u00e1s Le\u00f3n [a], and especially Thomas and\nSwanton, _Indian Languages of Mexico and Central America (44 BBE)_; cf.\nMechling [b]. Contemporary ethnography is described in Lumholtz [a],\n[b], [c], in McGee, and in Starr [a], [b].\n\n[23] Doubtless it should be stated at the outset that there is serious\nand reasonable question on the part of not a few students of aboriginal\nMexico as to whether Aztec institutions merit the name \"empire\" in\nany sense analogous to those of the imperial states of the Old World.\n\"A loose confederacy of democratic Indians\" is the phrase employed by\nWaterman [a], p. 250, in describing the form of the Mexican state as\nit is pictured by Morgan, Bandelier, Fiske, and others (see Waterman,\n_loc. cit._, for sources); and it is altogether reasonable to expect\nthat Americanist studies will eventually show that the great Middle\nAmerican nations were developed from, and retained characteristics\nof, communities resembling the Pueblos of our own Southwest rather\nthan the European states which the Spaniards had in the eye when they\nmade their first observations. It is to be expected, too, that a\nchanged complexion put upon the interpretation of Mexican society will\neventually modify the interpretation of Mexican ritual and mythology,\ngiving it, for example, something less of the uranian significance upon\nwhich scholars of the school of F\u00f6rstermann and Seler put so great\nweight, and something more, if not of the Euhemerism of Brasseur de\nBourbourg, at least of reliance upon social motives and historical\ntraditions.\n\n[24] Of all regions of primitive America, ancient Mexico is represented\nby the most extensive literature; and here, too, more has been\ntransmitted directly from native sources than is the case elsewhere.\nThe hieroglyphic codices, the anonymous _Historia de los Mexicanos por\nsus pinturas_ and _Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y de Mexico_\n(better known and commonly cited as _The Annals of Quauhtitlan_), and\nthe writings of men of native blood in the Spanish period, notably\nIxtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, and Chimalpahin, are the most important\nof these sources; unless, as is doubtless proper, the works of\nSahagun, originally written in Nahuatl from native sources, be here\nincluded--undoubtedly the single source of greatest importance. Among\nSpanish writers of the early period, after Sahagun, the most important\nare Cristobal del Castillo, Diego Dur\u00e1n, G\u00f3mara, Herrera, Mendieta,\nMotolinia, Tobar, and Torquemada. Boturini, Clavigero, Veytia,\nKingsborough, Prescott, and Brasseur de Bourbourg are important names\nof the intermediate period; while recent scholarship is represented by\nBrinton, Bancroft, Hamy, Garc\u00eda Icazbalceta, Orozco y Berra, Pe\u00f1afiel,\nRamirez, Rosny, and most conspicuously by Seler. The most convenient\nrecent introductions to the subject are afforded by Beuchat, _Manuel_;\nJoyce, _Mexican Archaeology_; Spinden, _Ancient Civilizations of\nMexico_; while the best guide to the whole literature is Lehmann's\n\"Ergebnisse und Aufgaben der mexikanistischen Forschung,\" in _Archiv\nf\u00fcr Anthropologie_, new series, vi, 1907 (translated as _Methods and\nResults in Mexican Research_, Paris, 1909). But while the material is\nrelatively abundant, it is so only for the dominant race represented by\nthe Aztec. For the non-Nahuatlan civilizations of Mexico the literature\nis sparse, especially upon the side of mythology. Sahagun gives certain\ndetails, mainly incidental, except in X. xxix, which is devoted to\na brief description of the peoples of Mexico. G\u00f3mara, Herrera, and\nTorquemada afford added materials, touching several regions. For the\nTotonac-Huastec region the sources are particularly scanty, except for\nsuch descriptions of externals as naturally appear in the chronicles\nof Cortez, Bernal Diaz, and other _conquistadores_ who here made their\nfirst intimate acquaintance with the mainland natives. Fewkes [g] deals\nwith the monuments of the Totonac region, and expresses the opinion\n(p. 241, note) that the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, commonly said to be\nMaya, was obtained in this region, near Cempoalan; Holmes [b], and\nSeler, in numerous places, are also material sources for interpretation\nof the monuments. For the Tarascans of Michoacan the most important\nsource is an anonymous _Relacion de las ceremonias, rictos, poblacion\ny gobernacion de los Indios de Michuacan hecha al illmo. Sr. D. Ant.\nde Mendoza_ (Madrid, 1875; Morelia, 1903), while of recent studies\nNicol\u00e1s Le\u00f3n's _Los Tarascos_ (see Le\u00f3n [c]) is the most comprehensive.\nThe Mixtec-Zapotec area fares better, both as to number of sources and\nlater studies. Burgoa, Juan de C\u00f3rdoba, Gregorio Garc\u00eda, Balsalobre,\nHerrera, Las Casas, and Torquemada are the primary authorities; while\nthe most significant later studies are doubtless those of Seler, \"The\nMexican Chronology with Special Reference to the Zapotec Calendar,\"\nand \"Wall Paintings of Mitla,\" both in _28 BBE_. Brasseur de Bourbourg\n[a], bk. ix, deals with the Mixtec-Zapotec and Tarascan peoples, and\nis still a good introduction to the literature. Cf. also Alvarez;\nCastellanos (himself a Zapotec); G\u00e9nin; Le\u00f3n [d]; Mechling; Portillo;\nRadin.\n\n[25] The works of Clavigero, Helps, Prescott, Orozco y Berra [b], and\nVeytia are the best-known histories narrating the Spanish conquest\nof Mexico. Of the earlier writers Bernal Diaz, who took part in the\nexpeditions of Cordova and Grijalva, as well as in that of Cortez, is\nthe most important (of his work there are several English translations\nbesides that of Maudsley in _HS_--by Maurice Keatinge, London, 1800,\nby John G. Lockhart, London, 1844, and a condensed version by Kate\nStephens, _The Mastering of Mexico_, New York, 1915).\n\n[26] Bernal Diaz, ch. xcii (quoted), describes the ascent of the temple\noverlooking Tlatelolco. Seler [a], ii. 769-70, says that on the upper\nplatform were two shrines, one to Tlaloc, the other to the three idols\ndescribed by Bernal Diaz, of which the principal was not \"Huichilobos\"\n(Huitzilopochtli), but Coatlicue, the earth goddess. The \"page\" Seler\nregards as the tutelary of Tlatelolco, called Tlacauepan. The great\ntemple of Huitzilopochtli was in the centre of the city, on the site of\nthe present Cathedral. See Le\u00f3n y Gama; Seler [a], _loc. cit._; and cf.\nZelia Nuttall, \"L'\u00c9v\u00e8que Zum\u00e1rraga et les principales idoles du Templo\nMayor de Mexico,\" in _SocAA_ xxx (1911).\n\n[27] General descriptions of the Aztec pantheon are given by Beuchat,\nlivre ii, Ie partie, chh. v, vi, and by Joyce [b], ch. ii. The most\nimportant early source is Sahagun, bk. i; other primary sources are\nMendieta, bk. ii (derived from de Olmos), Le\u00f3n y Gama (in part from\nCristobal del Castillo), Ruiz de Alarc\u00f3n, Jacinto de la Serna, the\n_Tratado de los ritos y ceremonias y dioses_ of the _C\u00f3dice Ramirez_\n(see Tobar, in Bibliography), and the explanations of the Codices\nVaticanus A and Telleriano-Remensis (Kingsborough, v, vi). Of recent\nworks the most significant are Seler [a] (collected essays), and [b],\n[c], [d], [e] (analyses of divinatory or astrological codices).\n\n[28] For data concerning the use of these numbers by American peoples\nnorth of Mexico, see _Mythology of All Races_, Boston, 1916, x, Ch.\nIX, iv, and Notes 11, 31, 42, 50, with references there given. Further\nallusions to the nine and thirteen of Mexican cosmology will be found\n_infra_, Ch. III, i, iii. The origin of the peculiar uses of the number\nthirteen is a puzzle without satisfactory solution. In the explanation\nof Vaticanus A (Kingsborough, vi. 198, note), it is said--referring\nto the statement that \"Tonacatecotle\" presides over the \"thirteen\ncauses\"--that \"the causes are really only nine, corresponding in\nnumber with the heavens. But since four of them are reckoned twice in\nevery series of thirteen days, in order that each day might be placed\nunder some peculiar influence, they are said to be thirteen.\" This,\nhowever, is probably assuming effect for cause (cf. Ch. III, iii).\n\n[29] Sahagun, VI. xxxii. Other references to Sahagun are, III, Appendix\ni; X. xxi.\n\n[30] Seler [b], p. 31; [c], pp. 5, 10, 14.\n\n[31] Seler [c], pp. 5-31, where he discusses the whole problem of\ncruciform and caryatid figures; as also in [e], ii., 107, 126-34; [d],\npp. 76-93.\n\n[32] Seler [a], index, _s. w_., is a guide to the manifold attributes\nof the Aztec gods. The most important myths concerning them are related\nby Sahagun, bk. iii, and by the authorities cited with respect to\ncosmogonies, _infra_, Ch. III, i, ii.\n\n[33] See especially Seler [a], ii, \"Die Ausgrabungen am Orte des\nHaupttempels in Mexico\"; [c], p. 112; Sahagun, III. i; _Tratado de los\nRitos_, etc. (see Tobar, in Bibliography); Robelo [a], _s. v._; and\nCharency, _L'Origine de la l\u00e9gende d'Huitzilopochtli_ (Paris, 1897);\ncf. also _infra_, Ch. III, v. The story of Tlahuicol is given by\nClavigero, V. vi.\n\n[34] See Seler [b], p. 60; [c], pp. 33, 205; [d], pp. 77, 95-96; [e],\nindex. The prayers quoted are in Sahagun, VI. i, iv, v, vi; while the\nfamous sacrifice is described in II. v, xxiv (also by Torquemada, VII.\nxix and X. xiv; and picturesquely by Prescott, I. iii). The myths are\nin Sahagun, III. iv ff.; a version with a different list of magicians\n(Ihuimecatl and Toltecatl are the companions of Tezcatlipoca) is given\nby Ramirez, _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_, pp. 17-18.\n\n[35] See Seler, indexes, and the picturesque and romantic treatment by\nBrasseur de Bourbourg [a], iii. The more striking early sources are\nSahagun, III. iii-xv; VI. vii, xxv (quoted), xxxiv (quoted); IX. xxix;\nX. iii, iv; Ixtlilxochitl, _Historia Chichimeca_, I. i, ii; _Anales de\nCuauhtitlan_, pp. 17-23; Mendieta, II. v; and _Explicaci\u00f3n del Codex\nTelleriano-Remensis_ (Kingsborough, v). For later discussions see L\u00e9on\nde Rosny, \"Le Mythe de Quetzalcoatl,\" in _Archives de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 des\nam\u00e9ricanistes de France_ (Paris, 1878); Seler [a], iii, \"Ueber die\nnat\u00fcrlichen Grundlagen mexikanischer Mythen\"; [b], pp. 41-48 (p. 45\nhere quoted); and Joyce [b], pp. 46-51. Duplicates or analogues of\nQuetzalcoatl are described in _Mythology of All Races_, Boston, 1916,\nx, Ch. IX, iii, v; Ch. XI, ii (p. 243); and _infra_, Ch. IV, ii; Ch. V,\niv; Ch. VI, iv; Ch. VII, iv; Ch. VIII, ii.\n\n[36] For Tlaloc see especially Seler [a], iii. 100-03; [b], pp. 62-67;\nSahagun, I. iv, xxi; II. i, iii, xx (quoted), and Appendix, where is\ngiven the description of the curious octennial festival in which the\nrain-gods were honoured with a dance at which live frogs and snakes\nwere eaten; the feast was accompanied by a fast viewed as a means of\npermitting the deities to resuscitate their food-creating energies,\nwhich were regarded as overworked or exhausted by their eight years'\nlabour. See also _Historia de los Mexicanos for sus Pinturas_, chh.\nii, vi; and Hamy [b]. References to Chalchiuhtlicue will be found in\nSeler [a], index; [b], pp. 56-58; etc. The ritual prayer is recorded by\nSahagun, VI. xxxii.\n\n[37] Sahagun, bk. i; Seler [a], index; and Robelo [a], are guides to\nthe analysis and grouping of the Aztec deities.\n\n[38] See Seler [d], pp. 130-131.\n\n[39] Seler [a], ii. 1071-78, and _CA_ xiii. 171-74 (hymn to Xipe Totec,\nhere freely rendered). See, also, Seler [b], pp. 100-104, and [a], ii,\n\"Die religi\u00f6sen Ges\u00e4nge der alten Mexikaner\" (cf. Brinton [d], [e]),\nwhere a number of deities are characterized by translations and studies\nof hymns preserved in a Sahagun MS. A description of the Pawnee form of\nthe arrow sacrifice will be found in _Mythology of All Races_, Boston,\n1916, x. 76 (with plate), and Note 58. The Aztec form is pictured in\nCodex Nuttall, No. 83, as is also the famous _sacrificio gladiatorio_\n(as the Spaniards called it), of which Dur\u00e1n, _Album_, gives several\ndrawings. The _sacrificio gladiatorio_ was apparently in some rites a\nfirst stage leading to the arrow sacrifice (see Seler [e], i. 170-73,\nwhere several figures are reproduced).\n\n[40] Tonacatecutli is treated by Seler [d], pp. 130 ff. See also,\n_supra_, Ch. II, iii; _infra_, Ch. III, i.\n\n[41] Seler [d], p. 133; and for discussion of Xochiquetzal, Seler [b],\npp. 118-24.\n\n[42] Sahagun, I. vi, xii. Seler [b], pp. 92-100, discusses Tlazolteotl,\non p. 93 giving the story of the sacrifice of the Huastec, taken from\nRamirez, _Anales_, pp. 25-26.\n\n[43] The conception of sacrifice as instituted to keep the world\nvivified, and especially to preserve the life of the Sun, appears in\na number of documents, particularly in connexion with cosmogony (see\nCh. III, i, ii), as Sahagun, III, Appendix, iv; VI. iii; VII. ii;\n_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_ (Kingsborough, v. 135); and\nespecially in the _Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas_; see\nalso Payne, i. 577-82; Seler [a], iii. 285; [b], pp. 37-41; \"Die Sage\nvon Quetzalcouatl,\" in _CA_ xvi (Vienna, 1910).\n\n[44] Sahagun, III, Appendix, i (quoted); cf. Seler [b], pp. 82-86. See\nalso Sahagun, _loc. cit._, ch. ii, for a description of Tlalocan, and\nch. iii. for a description of the celestial paradise (cf. I. x and VI.\nxxix).\n\n[45] The meaning of _Tamoanchan_ is discussed by Preuss, \"Feuerg\u00f6tter,\"\nwho regards it as an underworld region; by Beyer, in _Anthropos_, iii,\nwho explains it as the Milky Way; and by Seler [a], ii, \"Die religi\u00f6sen\nGes\u00e4nge der alten Mexikaner,\" and [e] (see index), who identifies\nit with the western region, the house of the evening sun. Xolotl is\ndiscussed, in the same connexions, by Seler; see especially [b], pp.\n108-12. The myth from Sahagun is in VII. ii; those from Mendieta in II.\ni, ii.\n\n[46] The limbo of children's souls is described in the _Spiegazione\ndette tavole del C\u00f3dice Mexicano_ (here quoting Kingsborough, vi. 171).\n\n[47] Mexican cosmogonies are discussed by Robelo [a], art.\n\"Cosmogonia,\" in _AnMM_, 2a \u00e9poca, iii; Bancroft, III. ii (full\nbibliographical notes); R. H. Lowie, art. \"Cosmogony and Cosmology\n(Mexican and South American),\" in _ERE_; Br\u00fchl, pp. 398-401; Brinton\n[a], vii; Charency [a]; M\u00fcller, pp. 510-12; Spence [b], iii. A literary\nversion of some of the old cosmogonic stories is given by Castellanos\n[b].\n\n[48] Herrera, III. iii. 10 (quoted by Le\u00f3n, in _AnMM_, 2a \u00e9poca, i.\n395).\n\n[49] Mixtec and Zapotec myth are studied by Seler, _28 BBE_, pp.\n285-305 (pp. 289, 286 are here quoted); the source cited for the Mixtec\nmyth is Gregorio Garc\u00eda, _Origen de los Indios_, V. iv; for Zapotec,\nJuan de C\u00f3rdoba, _Arte del Idioma Zapoteca_.\n\n[50] Sahagun, VI. vii, with reference to the Chichimec (elsewhere he\nspeaks of Mixcoatl as an Otomian god); X. xxix. I, with reference to\nthe Toltec; III. i, ii, and VII. ii, with reference to the origin of\nthe sun, etc.\n\n[51] Seler [b], p. 38.\n\n[52] Mendieta (after Fray Andr\u00e9s de Olmos), II. i-iv.\n\n[53] The fullest versions of the Mexican cosmic ages, or \"Suns,\" are:\n(a) Ixtlilxochitl (_Historia Chichimeca_, I. i; _Relaciones_, ed.\nKingsborough, ix. 321 ff., 459); (b) _Historia de los Mexicanos por\nsus Pinturas_, i-viii--the narrative which most resembles a primitive\nmyth; (c) _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_ (ed. Ramirez, pp. 9-11), partly\ntranslated into French by Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], i. Appendice, pp.\n425-27, where the version of the deluge myth is given; (d) _Spiegazione\ndette tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (i.e. Codex Vaticanus A), where\nPlates VII-X are described as symbols of the Suns; though a discordant\nexplanation is given in connexion with Plate V. Other authorities are\nG\u00f3mara [b], p. 431; Mu\u00f1oz Camargo, p. 132; Humboldt [a], ii, Plate\nXXVI; and especially Charency [a], who makes a comparative study of\nthe myth. Monumental evidences are discussed by Seler [a], ii, \"Die\nAusgrabungen am Orte des Haupttempels in Mexico,\" and by MacCurdy [a].\nMaya forms of the myth are sketched _infra_, pp. 153-55; cf. pp. 159\nff.\n\n[54] The _Spiegazione_ contains the description of the deluge\n(Kingsborough, vi. 195-96), chiefly in connexion with Plate XVI.\nSimilar material, briefly treated, is in the _Explicaci\u00f3n del Codex\nTelleriano-Remensis_.\n\n[55] The literature dealing with the Mexican calendar is voluminous.\nSummary treatments of the subject, based on recent studies, are to be\nfound in Beuchat, II. i. 5; Joyce [b], iii.; Preuss, art. \"Calendar\n(Mexican and Mayan),\" in _ERE_. The primary sources for knowledge of\nthe calendar are three: (1) writings of the early chroniclers, among\nwhom the most noteworthy are Sahagun, books ii, iv, vii, and Le\u00f3n y\nGama, who derives in part from Cristobal del Castillo; (2) calendric\ncodices, the more important being Codex Borgia, studied by F\u00e1brega, in\n_AnMM_ v, and by Seler [a], i, and [e]; Codex Borbonicus, studied by\nHamy [a], and de Jonghe; Codex Vaticanus B (3773), studied by Seler\n[d]; Codex Ferj\u00e9rv\u00e1ry-Mayer, studied by Seler [c]; Codex Bologna\n(or Cospianus), studied by Seler [a], i; Codex Nuttall, studied by\nNuttall; and the _Tonalamatl of the Aubin Collection_, studied by\nSeler [b]; (3) monuments, especially calendar stones: Le\u00f3n y Gama,\n_Dos Piedras_; Chavero [a]; MacCurdy [a]; and R\u00f3belo [b] are studies\nof such monuments. Recent investigations of importance, in addition to\npapers by Seler ([a] and elsewhere), are Z. Nuttall, \"The Periodical\nAdjustments of the Ancient Mexican Calendar,\" in _AA_, new series, vi\n(1904), and Preuss, \"Kosmische Hieroglyphen der Mexikaner,\" in _ZE_\nxxxiii (1901). Studies of the Maya calendar (especially the important\ncontributions of F\u00f6rstemann, in _28 BBE_) and of that of the Zapotec\n(Seler, \"The Mexican Chronology, with Special Reference to the Zapotec\nCalendar,\" ib.) are, of course, intimately related to the Aztec system.\nFor statement of current problems, see Lehmann [a], pp. 164-66.\n\n[56] For Mexican astronomy, in addition to the studies of the codices,\nsee Sahagun, bk. vii; Tezozomoc, lxxxii; Seler, _28 BBE_, \"The Venus\nPeriod in the Picture Writings of the Borgian Codex Group\" (tr. from\nart. in _Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und\nUrgeschichte_, 1898); Hagar [a], [b]; Chavero [b]; and Nuttall [a],\nespecially pp. 245-59. On the question of the zodiac, advocated by\nHagar, see H. J. Spinden, \"The Question of the Zodiac in America,\" in\n_AA_, new series, xviii (1916), and the bibliography there given.\n\n[57] Accounts of the archaeology of Tollan, or Tula, are to be found\nin Charnay [a], iv-vi, and in Joyce [b], especially in the Appendix.\nSahagun's description of the Toltec is in X. xxix. 1. The _Spiegazione_\nof Codex Vaticanus A, Plate X, gives interesting additions (here\nquoted from Kingsborough, vi. 178). The chief authority, however, is\nIxtlilxochitl, whose accounts of the Toltec, Chichimec, and especially\nTezcucan powers have frequently been regarded with suspicion, as\ncoloured by too free a fancy. Nevertheless, as Lehmann points out ([a],\np. 121), it is certain that Ixtlilxochitl had at his command sources\nnow lost. Much of his material is clearly in a native vein, and there\nis no impossibility that it is a version of history which is only\nslightly exalted.\n\n[58] Spanish and French versions of the elegy of Nezahualcoyotl (here\nrather freely adapted) are in _TC_ xiv. 368-73.\n\n[59] The Aztec migration is a conspicuous feature of native tradition,\nand is, therefore, prominent in the histories, being figured by several\nof the codices, as well as in Dur\u00e1n's _Album_. An early narration of\nthe Aztec myth forms chh. ix ff. of the _Historia de los Mexicanos\npor sus Pinturas_, while the _Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y\nde M\u00e9xico_, the narrative of the \"An\u00f3nimo Mexicano,\" and Tezozomoc,\ni-iii, give other native versions. Mendieta, Sahagun, and Dur\u00e1n, are\nother sources for the myth. Seler [a], ii, \"Wo lag Aztlan, die Heimat\nder Azteken?\" gives a careful study of the mythical elements in the\nmigration-story as displayed in the Codex Boturini and elsewhere.\nOrozco y Berra [a], iv, presents a comparative study of the Aztec\nrulers, drawn from the various accounts. Buelna's _Peregrinaci\u00f3n_ is\ngenerally regarded as the completest study of the migration from both\nlegendary and archaeological evidence. Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], VI.\niv, contains an account of the Aztlan myth, while VII sketches the\ndevelopment of Nahuatlan power in Tezcuco and Mexico; in ii. 598-602,\nthe Abb\u00e9 gives his chronological restoration of the history of Anahuac.\nMotezuma's _Corona Mexicana_ should be mentioned as a partly native\nsource for the records of the Aztec monarchs; while Chimalpahin\nrepresents not only a native record, but one composed in the native\ntongue.\n\n[60] Mendieta, II. xxxiii-xxxiv.\n\n[61] Sahagun, X. xxix. 12.\n\n[62] Best known is the Codex Boturini (reproduced in Kingsborough, i;\nsee also Garc\u00eda Cubas [b], where Codex Boturini is compared with a\nsupplementary historical painting; interesting reproductions of related\nAcolhua paintings, the \"Mappe Tlotzin\" and the \"Mappe Quinatzin,\" are\nin Aubin [a]).\n\n[63] Dur\u00e1n, xxvii.\n\n[64] Accounts of the portents that preceded the coming of Cortez are\nconspicuous in nearly all the early narratives; among them Acosta, VI.\nxxii; Clavigero, V. xii, etc.; Chimalpahin, \"Septi\u00e8me relation\"; Dur\u00e1n,\nlxi, lxiii, etc.; Ixtlilxochitl, _Historia Chichimeca_, II. lxxii;\nSahagun, XII. i; Tezozomoc, xcvii; Torquemada, III. xci.\n\n[65] The Papago myth is given by Bancroft, III. ii (after Davidson,\n_Report on Indian Affairs_ [Washington, 1865], pp. 131-33); cf.\nLumholtz [c], p. 42.\n\n[66] For identification of the Nicaraguan divinities (originally\ndescribed by Oviedo) see Seler [a], ii. 1029-30. Phases of contemporary\npagan myth in Mexico are treated by Lumholtz (_passim_), Preuss,\nMechling [a], Mason, and Radin. Interesting ritualistic analogies are\nsuggested by Fewkes, Evans, G\u00e9nin, Nuttall, and Preuss.\n\n[67] Preuss [a], [b], and Lumholtz [b], I. xxix.\n\n[68] Preuss, \"Die magische Denkweise der Cora-Indianer,\" in _CA_ xviii\n(London, 1913), pp. 129-34.\n\n[69] Seler [a], iii. 376, regards the Huichol Tamats as the Morning\nStar, which is certainly plausible in view of his similarity to\nChuvalete of the Cora. Huichol myth and deities are described by\nLumholtz [a], ii (p. 12 here quoted); [b], II. ix; cf., also, Preuss.\n\n[70] Lumholtz [b], i. 356.\n\n[71] The physiography and ethnography of the Maya region are summarized\nin Spinden [a]; Beuchat, II, ii; and in Joyce [b], ch. viii. Wissler,\n_The American Indian_ in this, as in other fields, most effectively\npresents the relations--ethnical, cultural, historical--to the other\nAmerican groups. Recent special studies of importance are Tozzer [a];\nStarr, _In Indian Mexico_, etc.; Sapper [b]; and the more distinctively\narchaeological studies of Holmes, Morley, Spinden, and others.\n\n[72] It is unfortunate that the region of Maya culture was the subject\nof no such full reports, dating from the immediate post-Conquest\nperiod, as we possess from Mexico. The more important of the Spanish\nwriters who deal with the Yucatec centres are Aguilar, Cogolludo,\nLas Casas, Landa, Lizana, Nu\u00f1ez de la Vega, Ordo\u00f1ez y Aguiar, Pio\nP\u00e9rez, Pedro Ponce, and Villagutierre, with Landa easily first in\nsignificance. The histories of Eligio Ancona and of Carrillo y Ancona\nare the leading Spanish works of later date. Native writings are\nrepresented by three hieroglyphic pre-Cortezian codices, namely, Codex\nDresdensis, Codex Tro-Cortesianus, and Codex Peresianus, as well as by\nthe important _Books of Chilam Balam_ and the _Chronicle_ of Nakuk Pech\nfrom the early Spanish period (for description of thirteen manuscripts\nand bibliography of published works relating to their interpretation,\nsee Tozzer, \"The Chilam Balam Books,\" in _CA_ xix [Washington, 1917]).\nYet what Mayan civilization lacks in the way of literary monuments\nis more than compensated by the remains of its art and architecture,\nto which an immense amount of shrewd study has been devoted. The\nmore conspicuous names of those who have advanced this study are\nmentioned in connexion with the literature of the Maya calendar,\nNote 92, _infra_. The region has been explored archaeologically\nwith great care, the magnificent reports of Maudsley (in _Biologia\nCentrali-Americana_) and of the Peabody Museum expeditions (_Memoirs_),\nprepared by Gordon, Maler, Thompson, and others, being the collections\nof eminence. Brasseur de Bourbourg can scarcely be mentioned too often\nin connexion with this field. His fault is that of Euhemerus, but he\nis neither the first nor the last of the tribe of this sage; while for\nhis virtues, he shows more constructive imagination than any other\nAmericanist: probably the picture which he presents would be less\ncriticized were it less vivid.\n\n[73] Landa, chh. v-xi (vi, ix, being here quoted).\n\n[74] The sources for the history of the Maya are primarily the native\nchronicles (the _Books of Chilam Balam_), the _Relaciones de Yucat\u00e1n_,\nand the histories of Cogolludo, Landa, Lizana, and Villagutierre.\nThe deciphering of the monumental dates of the southern centres has\nfurnished an additional group of facts, the correlation of which to\nthe history of the north has become a special problem, with its own\nliterature. The most important attempts to synchronize Maya dates with\nthe years of our era are by Pio P\u00e9rez (reproduced both by Stephens\n[b] and by Brasseur de Bourbourg [b]); Seler [a], i, \"Bedeutung des\nMaya-Kalenders f\u00fcr die historische Chronologie\"; Goodman [a], [b];\nBowditch [a]; Spinden [a], pp. 130-35; [b] (with chart); Joyce [b],\nAppendix iii (with chart); and Morley [a], [b], [c] and [d]. Bowditch,\nSpinden, Joyce, and Morley are not radically divergent and may be\nregarded as representing the conservative view--here accepted as\nobviously the plausible one. Carrillo y Ancona, ch. ii, analyzes some\nof the earlier opinions; while the first part of Ancona's _Historia de\nYucat\u00e1n_ is devoted to ancient Yucatec history and is doubtless the\nbest general work on the subject.\n\n[75] Brinton [f], p. 100 (\"Introduction\" to the _Book of Chilan Balam\nof Mani_).\n\n[76] Spinden [b]; Joyce [b], ch. viii. But cf. Morley's chronological\nscheme, _infra_; and Spinden [a], pp. 130-35.\n\n[77] Morley [c], ch. i.\n\n[78] Morley [b], p. 140. In this connection (p. 144) Morley summarizes\nthe various speculations as to the causes which led to the abandonment\nof the southern centres, as reduction of the land by primitive\nagricultural methods (Cook), climatic changes (Huntington), physical,\nmoral and political decadence (Spinden). He adds: \"Probably the decline\nof civilization in the south was not due to any one of these factors\noperating singly, but to a combination of adverse influences, before\nwhich the Maya finally gave way.\"\n\n[79] The culture heroes of Maya myth have taken possession of the\nimaginations of the Spanish chroniclers, and indeed of not a few later\ncommentators, rather as clues to native history than to mythology.\nBancroft, iii. 450-55, 461-67, summarizes the materials from Spanish\nsources; which is treated also, from the point of view of possible\nhistorical elucidation, by Ancona, I. iii; Carrillo y Ancona, ii, iii;\nComte de Charency [b]; Garc\u00eda Cubas, in _SocAA_ xxx, nos. 3-6; and\nSantib\u00e1\u00f1ez, in _CA_ xvii. 2.\n\n[80] The primary sources for the Votan stories are Cogolludo, Ordo\u00f1ez y\nAguiar, and Nu\u00f1ez de la Vega, whose narratives are liberally summarized\nby Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], I. i, ii (pp. 68-72 containing the\npassages from Ordo\u00f1ez here quoted).\n\n[81] For Zamna (or Itzamna) the sources are Cogolludo, Landa, and\nLizana, summarized by Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], I. pp. 76-80.\nQuotations are here made from Cogolludo, IV. iii, vi; Brasseur de\nBourbourg [f], ii, \"Vocabulaire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale\"; and Lizana (ed. Brasseur de\nBourbourg), pp. 356-59; cf. also Seler [a], index; Landa, chh. xxxv,\nxxxvi.\n\n[82] Identifications of images of Itzamna and Kukulcan are discussed by\nDieseldorff, in _ZE_ xxvii. 770-83; Spinden [a], pp. 60-70; Joyce [b],\nch. ix, and Morley [c], pp. 16-19.\n\n[83] Cogolludo, Landa, and Lizana are the chief sources for the\nKukulcan stories,--especially Landa, chh. vi, xl, being here quoted.\nTozzer [a], p. 96, is quoted; cf., for Yucatec survival, p. 157.\n\n[84] Citations from Landa in this section are from chh. xxvii, xl\n(which records the new year's festivals), xxxiii (describing the future\nworld), and xxxiv. Landa is our chief source for knowledge of the\nYucatec rites and of the deities associated with them; additional or\ncorroborative details being furnished by Aguilar, Cogolludo, Lizana,\nLas Casas, Ponce, and Pio P\u00e9rez.\n\n[85] Interpretations of the names of the Maya deities, as here given,\nare from Brasseur de Bourbourg [f], ii, \"Vocabulaire\"; and Seler [a],\nindex.\n\n[86] Lizana (ed. Brasseur de Bourbourg), pp. 360-61.\n\n[87] Schellhas [b] gives his identifications and descriptions of the\ngods of the codices; additional materials are contained in Fewkes [i];\nF\u00f6rstemann [b]; Joyce [b], ch. ix; Morley [c], pp. 16-19; Spinden [b],\npp. 60-70; and Bancroft, iii, ch. xi.\n\n[88] Tozzer [a], pp. 150 ff.; also, for the Lacandones, pp. 93-99. The\nnames of the deities, Maya and Lacandone, are here in several cases\naltered slightly from the form in which Tozzer gives them, for the sake\nof avoiding the use of unfamiliar phonetic symbols; the result is, of\ncourse, phonetic approximation only.\n\n[89] Landa, chh. xxvi, xxvii.\n\n[90] Las Casas [b], ch. cxxiii.\n\n[91] Landa, ch. xxxiv. In chh. iii, xxxii, he gives information in\nregard to the goddess Ixchel.\n\n[92] The literature of the Maya calendar system is, of course,\nintimately connected with that of the Mexican (see Note 55). The native\nsources for its study are the Codices and the monumental inscriptions,\nwhile of early Spanish expositions the most important are those of\nLanda and Pio P\u00e9rez. In recent times a considerable body of scholars\nhave devoted special attention to the Maya inscriptions and to the\nelucidation of the calendar, foremost among them being, in America,\nAncona, Bowditch, Chavero, Goodman, Morley, Spinden, Cyrus Thomas,\nand in Europe, Brasseur de Bourbourg, F\u00f6rstermann, Rosny, and Seler.\nThe foundation of the elucidation of Maya astronomical knowledge is\nF\u00f6rstermann's studies of the Dresden Codex, while the study of mythic\nelements associated with the calendar is represented by Charency,\nespecially \"Des ages ou soleils d'apr\u00e8s la mythologie des peuples de la\nNouvelle Espagne,\" section ii, in _CA_ iv. 2; and by J. H. Mart\u00ednez,\n\"Los Grandes Ciclos de la historia Maya,\" in _CA_ xvii. 2. Summary\naccounts of the Maya calendar are to be found in Spinden [a], Beuchat,\nJoyce [b], Arnold, and Frost, while Bowditch [b] and Morley [c] are in\nthe nature of text-book introductions to the subject.\n\n[93] Morley [d], \"The Hotun,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\n[94] Morley [c], p. 32.\n\n[95] Tozzer [a], pp. 153-54.\n\n[96] J. Mart\u00ednez Hern\u00e1ndez, \"La Creaci\u00f3n del Mundo seg\u00fan los Mayas,\" in\n_CA_ xviii (London, 1913), pp. 164-71. Se\u00f1or Hern\u00e1ndez notes that the\ntense of the verb in the first sentence of the myth is for the sake of\nliteral translation.\n\n[97] For ethnic analysis Thomas and Swanton is followed here and\nthroughout the chapter. Of the earlier Spanish authors Las Casas\n(especially [b], chh. cxxii-cxxv, clxxx, ccxxxiv ff.) is the most\nweighty. See also Morley [e], \"The Rise and Fall of the Maya\nCivilizations,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\n[98] Brinton [h], p. 69.\n\n[99] ib. p. 149.\n\n[100] Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], pp. lxxx-lxxxiii.\n\n[101] The _Popul Vuh_, described by Brasseur de Bourbourg in\nhis _Histoire du Mexique_ under the title _Manuscrit Quich\u00e9 de\nChichicastenango_ ([a], i. pp. lxxx ff.), is a Quich\u00e9 document, part\nmyth and part legendary history, supposed to have been put in writing\nin the seventeenth century, when it was copied and translated into\nSpanish by Francisco Ximenes, of the Order of Predicadores. The\nmanuscript was found by C. Scherzer in 1855 in the library of the\nuniversity of San Carlos, Guatemala. The Spanish text of Ximenes\nwas published at Vienna in 1856, and again, with French translation\nand notes, by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Paris, 1861; a second Spanish\nversion, by Barberena, appeared in San Salvador, 1905. None of these\ntranslations is regarded as accurate, or indeed as other than filled\nwith error and misinterpretation; but pending the appearance of a\nscholarly rendering from the native text they are our only sources for\na document of profound interest. The edition of Brasseur de Bourbourg\nis that here employed, translations being from parts i, ii, and iii,\nwhile interpretations of names are drawn chiefly from Brasseur's\nfootnotes. Las Casas [b], ch. cxxiv, contains some account of the gods\nand heroes mentioned in the _Popul Vuh_.\n\n[102] For discussion of the bat-god, Zotz, see Seler, _28 BBE_, pp. 231\nff., \"The Bat God of the Maya Race\"; also, Dieseldorff, ib., p. 665, \"A\nClay Vessel with a Picture of a Vampire-headed Deity\"; cf. Giglioli,\n_CA_ xvi (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910).\n\n[103] The _Manuscrit Cakchiquel_, or _M\u00e9morial de Tecpan-Atitlan_, as\nhe calls it, was given to Brasseur de Bourbourg by Juan Gavarrete, of\nthe Convent of Franciscans of Guatemala. Its author, says the Abb\u00e9\n([a], i. p. lxxxiii) was Don Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila, of the\nPrinces Ahpotzotziles of Guatemala, grandson of King Hunyg, who died of\nthe plague, five years before the Spaniards set foot in this country,\nin 1519. The manuscript was brought down to 1582 by this author, and\nthence carried forward to 1597 by Don Francisco Diaz Gebuta Queh, of\nthe same family. Brinton published his translation under the title,\n_The Annals of the Cakchiquels_, in Philadelphia, 1885, and the work\nnow commonly is referred to under this name. It is Brinton's version\nwhich is here followed, with some inconsequential alterations of\nphraseology. In his introduction Brinton gives (pp. 39-48) interesting\ncomments on the \"Religious Notions.\"\n\n[104] Brinton [h], pp. 25-26.\n\n[105] ib. p. 14.\n\n[106] Of works dealing with the religious beliefs of the natives\nof Honduras and Nicaragua, the writings of Oviedo and of Las Casas\n(especially [b], ch. clxxx) are the most important of early date. Among\nworks of later date Squier's books are of the first significance.\nBancroft, iii, ch. xi, gives a summary of most that is known of the\nmyths of this region; Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], livre v, ch. iii,\nlivre viii, ch. iv, contains additional materials. The archaeology is\ndescribed by Squier [a], [b], [c], _passim_; Joyce [a], part i; Brinton\n[h], introduction; and, with ethnological analysis, Lehmann [c].\n\n[107] Brasseur de Bourbourg [a], ii. p. 556. The Mictlan myth is given,\nib. p. 105.\n\n[108] Oviedo, _TC_ xiv, p. 133.\n\n[109] Lehmann [c], p. 717.\n\n[110] See Lehmann [c], pp. 715-16.\n\n[111] The ethnology of the Andean region is treated by Joyce [c],\nWissler, _The American Indian_, and Beuchat, II. iv. Bastian,\n_Culturl\u00e4nder_, and Payne, _History_, give more extended views;\nwhile tribal distribution in its cultural relations is probably\nbest presented by Schmidt, in _ZE_ xlv. Spinden, \"The Origin and\nDistribution of Agriculture in America,\" and Means, \"An Outline of the\nCulture-Sequence in the Andean Area,\" both in _CA_ xix (Washington,\n1917), are significant contributions to the problem of origins and\nhistory; with these should be placed, \"Or\u00edgenes Etnogr\u00e1ficos de\nColombia,\" by Carlos Cuervo M\u00e1rquez, in the _Proceedings of the Second\nPan American Scientific Congress_, i (Washington, 1917). Spinden\nconceives an archaic American culture, probably originating in Mexico\nand thence spreading north and south, which was based upon agriculture\nand characterized by the use of pottery, textiles, etc., and which, in\nthe course of time, made its influence felt from the mouth of the St.\nLawrence to that of La Plata. This hypothesis admirably accounts for\nthe obvious affinities of the civilizations of the two continents.\n\n[112] The linguistic and cultural affinities of the Isthmian tribes are\ndescribed by Wissler, Beuchat, Joyce [c], and Thomas and Swanton; and\non the archaeological side especially by Hartman [a], [b], and Holmes\n[c], [d]. For the broader analogies of the Central American, North\nAndean, and Antillean regions see also Saville, Cuervo M\u00e1rquez, and\nSpinden's article mentioned in Note 111, _supra_. Spinden, _Maya Art\n(MPM)_, argues against the conception of extensive borrowing. Of the\nearlier authorities for this region, the important are Peter Martyr,\nBenzoni, Oviedo, Herrera, and Las Casas. Among writers of later times,\nHumboldt holds first place.\n\n[113] Oviedo (_TC_), pp. 211-22. Other references in this paragraph\nare: Benzoni (_HS_), ii; Andagoya (_HS_), pp. 14-15; Cieza de Le\u00f3n\n(_HS_),1864, ch. viii.\n\n[114] Peter Martyr, 1912, ii (pp. 319, 326 quoted).\n\n[115] Gabb, pp. 503-06; Pittier de F\u00e1brega [b], pp. 1-9; Las Casas [b],\nch. cxxv.\n\n[116] The most recent work, summarizing the legend of El Dorado, is\nZahm [b]; and the earliest versions of the tale are those of Simon,\nFresle, Piedrah\u00edta, Cavarjal, and Castellanos, the latter of whom\nincorporated the story in his poetical _Elejias de Varones Ilustres de\nIndias_, which was printed at Madrid, in 1850. Critical accounts, in\naddition to Zahm, are Bollaert's \"Introduction\" to Simon's _Expedition\nof Pedro de Ursua_ (Spanish in Serrano y Sanz, _Historiadores de\nIndias_, ii) and in Bandelier's _The Gilded Man_. On the historical\nside, especially as regards the period of the Conquest, Andagoya,\nCastellanos, Carvajal, Fresle, Simon, give unforgettable pictures of\nthe adventurous extravagance and _bizarrerie_ of a time scarcely to be\nparalleled in human annals. Father Zahm's _Quest of El Dorado_ is an\ninviting introduction to this literature.\n\n[117] For Chibchan ethnology and archaeology, see Joyce [c], Acosta de\nSamper, and Cuervo Marquez.\n\n[118] Cieza de Le\u00f3n (_HS_), 1864, pp. 59, 88, 101.\n\n[119] The primary sources for the mythology of the Chibchan tribes at\nthe time of the Conquest are Pedro Simon, Lucas Fernandez Piedrah\u00edta\n(especially I, iii, iv), and Cieza de Le\u00f3n. Simon's \"Cuarta Noticia,\"\nin eighteen chapters, is the fullest exposition of Chibcha beliefs\nand history; along with the \"Tercera Noticia\" it is printed in\nKingsborough, viii, which is here cited (pp. 244, 263-64 quoted). Other\nauthorities include Humboldt, Joyce [c], chh. i, ii; Acosta de Samper,\nch. viii; Sir Clements Markham, art. \"Andeans,\" in _ERE_; and Beuchat,\npp. 549-50. On the deluge myth see also Bandelier [c].\n\n[120] The story of the giants is given by Cieza de Le\u00f3n [a], ch. lii;\nsee also Velasco, p. 12; Bandelier [b], where the literature of the\nsubject is assembled; and Saville, 1907, p. 9. The archaeology of the\nregion, with numerous plates, is presented in Saville's reports; ii.\n88-123 (1910) contains a description and discussion of the stone seats;\nwhile brief accounts are to be found in Beuchat and in Joyce [c].\n\n[121] Velasco is the chief authority for the career of the people of\nCara. The discoveries of Dorsey on the island of La Plata give an added\nsignificance to these tales of men from the sea.\n\n[122] Balboa (_TC_), ch. vii; cf. Joyce [c], ch. iii.\n\n[123] The history and archaeology of aboriginal Peru is summarized\nby Markham, _The Incas of Peru_ (1910), to which his notes and\nintroductions to his many translations of Spanish works, published\nby the Hakluyt Society, form a varied supplementation. Among earlier\nauthorities E. G. Squier, _Travel and Exploration in the Land of\nthe Incas_ (1877), and Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition_ (1850-52), are\neminent; while of later authorities the more conspicuous are: for\nInca monuments, Bingham, of the Yale Expedition, and Baessler; for\nTiahuanaco, Cr\u00e9qui-Montfort, of the Mission scientifique fran\u00e7aise\n\u00e0 Tiahuanaco, Bandelier, Gonzalez de la Rosa, Posnansky, Uhle and\nSt\u00fcbel; for the coastal regions, Baessler, Reiss and St\u00fcbel, Uhle,\nTello; and for the Calchaqui territories, Ambrosetti, Boman, and\nLafone Quevado. General and comparative studies are presented in\nWissler, _The American Indian_; Beuchat, _Manuel_; Joyce, _South\nAmerican Archeology_; Spinden, _Handbook_; while a careful effort to\nrestore the sequences of cultures in Peru is Means, \"Outline of the\nCulture-Sequence in the Andean Area,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\n[124] Cieza de Le\u00f3n [a], ch. xxxvi.\n\n[125] The origin of agriculture in America is regarded by Spinden,\n\"The Origin and Distribution of Agriculture in America,\" _CA_ xix\n(Washington, 1917), as probably Mexican. From Mexico it passed north\nand south, reaching its limiting areas in the neighbourhoods of the St.\nLawrence and of La Plata. Cf. Wissler, _The American Indian_.\n\n[126] Montesinos's lists are analyzed by Markham [a]. See, also, Means;\ncf. Pietschmann.\n\n[127] Uhle, especially [a], [c], and art., _CA_ xviii (London, 1913),\n\"Die Muschelh\u00fcgel von Ancon, Peru\"; Bingham [b], [c].\n\n[128] Means, _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917), p. 237, gives as the general\nchronological background of Peruvian culture:\n\n ?-_circa_ 200 B. C.          Preliminary migrations.\n _circa_ 200 B. C.-600 A. D.  Megalithic Empire.\n _circa_ 600-1100 A. D.       Tampu-Tocco Period, decadence.\n _circa_ 1100-1530 A. D.      Inca Empire.\n\n\nHe also gives in the same article, p. 241, a most interesting\ncomparative restoration of the chronologies of the sequence of culture\nin the several Peruvian and Mexican centres, namely:\n\n[Illustration: TABLE DESIGNED TO SHOW THE SEQUENCE OF ABORIGINAL\nAMERICAN CULTURES AND THEIR CHRONOLOGIC RELATIONS]\n\n[129] For the myths and religion of the coastal peoples of Peru the\nimportant early authorities are Arriaga, Avila, Balboa, Cieza de Le\u00f3n,\nand Garcilasso de la Vega. Markham [a], especially chh. xiv, xv, is\nthe primary authority here followed. For archaeological details the\nauthorities are Baessler; Bastian; Joyce [c], ch. viii; Squier [e];\nTello; Putnam; and Uhle. It is from this coastal region that the\nmost striking Peruvian pottery comes, the Truxillo and Nasca styles\nrespectively typifying the Chimu and Chincha groups.\n\n[130] Tello, \"Los antiguos cementerios del valle de Nasca,\" p. 287,\nsuggests three criteria by means of which the mythological nature\nof such figures is to be inferred: When symbolical attributes are\nindicated by the animal's carrying mystical or thaumaturgical objects;\nwhen the figure retains, through a variety of representations, certain\nconstant, individualizing traits; and when the same image is used\nrepeatedly on the more notable types of cultural and artistic objects.\nSe\u00f1or Tello believes Nasca religion to have been totemic in character.\n\n[131] It is reproduced by Joyce [c], p. 155.\n\n[132] Garcilasso's accounts of the coastal religion are scattered\nthrough his inchoate work, the more important passages being bk. ii,\nch. iv; bk. vi, chh. xvii, xviii.\n\n[133] Summarized by Markham [a], p. 216.\n\n[134] Summarized by Markham [a], pp. 235-36.\n\n[135] Avila [b].\n\n[136] Avila's _Narrative_ in _Rites and Laws of the Yncas (HS)_,\n1883, pp. 121-47, is the authority for the myths given in the text;\nbut several of the stories appear also in Molina, Salcamayhua, and\nSarmiento, showing that the mythic cycle was widespread, extending into\nthe highlands as well as along the coast. The people from whom Avila\nreceived his tales were of a tribe that had migrated from the coast to\nhigher valleys.\n\n[137] The Tiahuanaco monolith is interpreted by Squier [e], ch. xv;\nMarkham [a], ch. ii; Gonzalez de la Rosa, \"Les deux Tiahuanaco,\"\n_CA_ xvi (1910); and by Posnansky, \"El signo escalonado,\" _CA_ xviii\n(1913). The latter regards the meander design, or its element, the\nstair-design in its various forms, as a symbol of the earth; and he\nbelieves Tiahuanaco to be the place of origin of this symbol, whence\nit spread northward into Mexico. It is, of course, among the Pueblo\nIndians of the United States an earth-symbol. If this be the correct\ninterpretation, the central figure is the sun, rising or standing above\nthe earth. Bandelier [e] gives ancient and modern myths in regard to\nTiticaca and its environs.\n\n[138] Representations of pottery and other designs from the Diaguit\u00e9\nregion showing the influence of Tiahuanaco and possibly Nasca\ninfluence are to be found in the publications of Ambrosetti, Boman,\nLafone Quevado and others. Perhaps the most interesting is the potsherd\nshowing the figure of a deity (?) bearing an axe with a trident-like\nhandle, while near him is what seems clearly to be a representation of\na thunderbolt; a trophy head is at his girdle.\n\n[Illustration]\n\n[139] Markham [a], pp. 41-42. Capar\u00f3 y P\u00e9rez, _Proceedings of the\nSecond Pan American Scientific Congress_, section i, pp. 121-22,\ninterprets the name \"Uirakocha\" as composed of _uira_, \"grease,\" and\n_kocha_ \"sea\"; and, since grease is a symbol for richness and the sea\nfor greatness, it \"signified that which was great and rich.\"\n\n[140] Molina (Markham, _Rites and Laws_), p. 33.\n\n[141] Markham [a], ch. viii; another version is given by Markham [c];\nwhile the text and Spanish translation are in Lafone Quevado [a]. Cf.\nthe fragments from Huaman Poma given by Pietschmann [b], especially the\nprayer, p. 512: \"Supreme utmost Huiracocha, wherever thou mayest be,\nwhether in heaven, whether in this world, whether in the world beneath,\nwhether in the utmost world, Creator of this world, where thou mayest\nbe, oh, hear me!\"\n\n[142] Salcamayhua (Markham, _Rites and Laws_), pp. 70-72.\n\n[143] Bandelier [d], [e], especially pp. 291-329.\n\n[144] Molina, _op. cit._; Cieza de Le\u00f3n [b], ch. v, pp. 5-10;\nSarmiento, pp. 27-39; and for summary of the narrative of Huaman Poma,\nPietschmann, _CA_ xviii (London, 1913), pp. 511-12.\n\n[145] Viracocha and Tonapa obviously belong to the group, or chain, of\nhero-deities of a like character, extending from Peru to Mexico, and,\nin modified forms, far to the north and far to the south of each of\nthese centres. This personage, as a hero, is a man, bearded, white,\naided by a magic wand or staff, who brings some essential element of\nculture and departs; as a god, he is a creator, who appeared after\nthe barbaric ages of the world and introduced a new age (there are\nexceptions to this, as the narrative of Huaman Poma); further, he is\na deity of the heavens, the plumed- or the double-headed serpent is\nhis emblem, perhaps his incarnation, and he is closely associated with\nthe sun, which seems to be his servant. Is it not entirely possible\nthat this interesting mythic complex is historically associated, in\nits spread, with the spread of the cultivation of maize at some early\nperiod? In the Navaho representations of Hastsheyalti, the white god of\nthe east, bearded with pollen, and himself creator and maize-god, with\nthe Yei as his servants, and his two sons (in the tale of \"The Stricken\nTwins\") genii respectively of rain (vegetation) and of animals (see\n_Mythology of All Races_, Boston, 1916, x, ch. viii, sections ii, iv)\nwe have the essential attributes of this deity and at the same time an\nimage of his probable function, as sky-god associated especially with\nthe whiteness of dawn, with rain-giving, and hence with growing corn.\nThe staff, which is the conspicuous attribute of Tonapa and Bochica in\nparticular, may well bear a double significance: in the hands of the\nhero, as the dibble of the maize-planter; in the hands of the god, as\nthe lightning. In any case, there are a multitude of analogies, not\nonly in the myths, but also in the art-motives and symbolisms of the\ngroup of tribes which extends from the Diaguit\u00e9 to the North American\nPueblo regions that powerfully suggest a common origin of the ideas\nwhich centre about the cult of heaven and earth, of descending rain\nand upspringing maize. Many partial parallels for the same group of\nideas are to be found among the less advanced tribes of the plains and\nforest regions of both South and North America. Possibly, the myth, or\nat least the rites upon which it rests, accompanied the knowledge of\nagriculture into these regions.\n\n[146] Lafone Quevado [a], p. 378.\n\n[147] Garcilasso de la Vega, bk. i, chh. xv, xvi. The myth is also\ngiven by Acosta, bk. i, ch. xxv; bk. vi, ch. xx; by Sarmiento, chh.\nxi-xiv; and by Salcamayhua (Markham, _Rites and Laws_), pp. 74-75.\n\n[148] Garcilasso de la Vega, bk. ii, ch. xviii; bk. viii, ch. viii; cf.\nbk. ix, ch. x.\n\n[149] Molina, pp. 11-12.\n\n[150] The Inca pantheon is described by Markham [a], chh. viii, ix, and\nby Joyce [c], ch. vii. The primary sources are Garcilasso de la Vega,\nCieza de Le\u00f3n, Molina, Salcamayhua, and Sarmiento, and perhaps most\nimportant of all Blas Valera, the \"Anonymous Jesuit\" whose writings\nwere utilized by various early narrators. Salcamayhua's chart is\npublished by Markham, in a corrected form, in _Rites and Laws of the\nYncas_, p. 84. The literal reproduction accompanies Hagar's discussion\nof it, _CA_ xii, and it has been several times reproduced. Its\ninterpretation is discussed by Hagar, _loc. cit._; Spinden, _AA_, new\nseries, xviii (1916); Lafone Quevado [b], and \"Los Ojos de Imaymana,\"\nwith a reproduction of the chart which he characterizes as \"the key\nto Peruvian symbolism\"; cf., also, Ambrosetti, _CA_ xix (Washington,\n1913).\n\n[151] The myth of the Ayars is recorded by Sarmiento, x-xiii; it is\ndiscussed by Markham [a], ch. iv, where are the interpretations of the\nnames adopted in this text.\n\n[152] Cieza de Le\u00f3n [b], chh. vi-viii (pp. 13, 16, quoted).\n\n[153] Garcilasso de la Vega, bk. i, ch. xviii.\n\n[154] The argument for the antiquity of man in South America rests\nmainly upon the discoveries and theories of Ameghino, especially,\n_La Antig\u00fcedad del hombre en la Plata_ (2 vols., Buenos Aires and\nParis, 1880) and artt. in _AnMB_, who is followed by other Argentinian\nsavants. Ales Hrdlicka, _Early Man in South America (52 BBE_,\nWashington, 1912), examines the claims made for the several discoveries\nand uniformly rejects the assumption of their great age, in which\nopinion he is generally followed by North American anthropologists; as\ncf. Wissler, _The American Indian_ (New York, 1917). The theory favored\nby Hrdlicka and others is of the peopling of the Americas by successive\nwaves of immigrants from north-eastern Asia, with possible minor\nintrusions of Oceanic peoples along the Pacific coasts of the southern\ncontinent.\n\n[155] The sketch of South American ethnography in d'Orbigny's _L'Homme\nam\u00e9ricain_ is, of course, now superseded in a multitude of details;\nit appears, however, to conform, in broad lines, to the deductions of\nlater students. In addition to d'Orbigny and Schmidt (_ZE_ xlv, 1913),\nBrinton, _The American Race_, Beuchat, _Manuel_, and Wissler, _The\nAmerican Indian_, present the most available ethnographic analyses.\n\n[156] \"Linguistic Stocks of South American Indians,\" in _AA_, new\nseries, xv (1913); also, Wissler, _The American Indian_, pp. 381-85,\nlisting eighty-four stocks. It must be borne in mind, however, that\nthe tendency of minute study is eventually to diminish the number of\nlinguistic stocks having no detectable relationships, and that, in any\ncase, classifications based upon cultural grade are more important for\nthe student of mythology than are those based upon language alone.\n\n[157] Brett [a], p. 36; other quotations from this work are from pp.\n374, 401, 403.\n\n[158] King Blanco, pp. 63-64. The lack of significant early authorities\nfor the mythologies of the region of Guiana and the Orinoco (Gumilla\nis as important as any) is compensated by the careful work of later\nobservers of the native tribes, especially of Guiana. Among these,\nHumboldt, Sir Richard and Robert H. Schomburgk, and Brett, in the\nearly and middle years of the nineteenth century, and im Thurn, at a\nlater period, hold first place, while the contributions of van Coll,\nin Anthropos ii, iii (1907, 1908), are no less noteworthy. Latest of\nall is Walter Roth's \"Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-Lore of the\nGuiana Indians,\" in 30 _ARBE_ (1915), which, as a careful study of the\nmyth-literature of a South American group, stands in a class by itself;\nit is furnished with a careful bibliography. The reader will understand\nthat the intimate relation between the Antillean and Continental Carib\n(and, to a less extent, Arawakan) ideas brings the subject-matter of\nthis chapter into direct connexion with that of Chapter I; while it\nshould also be obvious that the Orinoco region is only separated from\nthe Amazonian for convenience, and that Chapter X is virtually but a\nfurther study of the same level and type of thought. The bibliographies\nof Chh. I, VI, and X are supplementary, for this same region, to that\ngiven for Chapter VIII.\n\n[159] Humboldt [b] (Ross), iii. 69; im Thurn, pp. 365-66.\n\n[160] Surely one may indulge a wry smile when told that \"heavenly\nfather\" and \"creator\" are no attributes of God, and may be reasonably\njustified in preferring Sir Richard Schomburgk's judgment, where\nhe says (i. 170): \"Almost all stocks of British Guiana are one in\ntheir religious convictions, at least in the main; the Creator of\nthe world and of mankind is an infinitely exalted being, but his\nenergy is so occupied in ruling and maintaining the earth that he can\ngive no special care to individual men.\" This unusual reason for the\nindifference of the Supreme Being toward the affairs of ordinary men\nis probably an inference of the author's. Roth commences his study of\nGuiana Indian beliefs with a chapter entitled, \"No Evidence of Belief\nin a Supreme Being,\" and begins his discussion with the statement:\n\"Careful investigation forces one to the conclusion that, on the\nevidence, the native tribes of Guiana had no idea of a Supreme Being in\nthe modern conception of the term,\" quoting evidence, from Gumilla and\nothers, which to the present writer seems to point in just the opposite\ndirection. Of course, the phrase \"in the modern conception of the term\"\nis the key to much difference in judgement. If it means that savages\nhave no conception of a Divine Ens, Esse, Actus Purus, or the like,\ndefinable by highly abstract attributes, _\u00e7a va sans dire_; but if the\nintention is to say that there is no primitive belief in a luminous Sky\nFather, creator and ruler, good on the whole, though not preoccupied\nwith the small details of earthly and human affairs, such a conclusion\nis directly opposed to all evidence, early and late, North American\nand South American, missionary and anthropological. Cf. _Mythology of\nAll Races_, x, Note 6, and references there given; and, in the present\nvolume, not only Ch. I, iii (Ramon Pane is surely among the earliest),\nbut also--passing over the numerous allusions in descriptions of the\npantheons of the more advanced tribes (Chh. II-VII)--Ch. IX, iii (early\nand late for the low Brazilian tribes); Ch. X, ii, iii, iv.\n\n[161] Sir Richard Schomburgk, ii. 319-20; i. 170-72. Roth gives legends\nfrom many sources touching these deities and others of a similar\ncharacter.\n\n[162] Humboldt [b] (Ross), ii. 362.\n\n[163] See above, note 157.\n\n[164] This tale is translated and abridged from van Coll, in\n_Anthropos_, ii, 682-89; Roth, chh. vii, xviii, affords an excellent\ncommentary.\n\n[165] Brett [a], ch. x, pp. 377-78.\n\n[166] Humboldt [b] (Ross), ii. 182-83, 473-75. Descriptions of the\npetroglyphs are to be found in Sir Richard Schomburgk, i. 319-21, and\nim Thurn, ch. xix.\n\n[167] Boddam-Whetham, _Folk-Lore_, v. 317 (im Thurn, p. 376, misquoting\nBrett, calls this an Arawakan tale); for other creation legends, see\nRoth, ch. iv.\n\n[168] Van Coll, _Anthropos_, iii. 482-86.\n\n[169] Humboldt [b] (Ross), iii. 362-63; other citations from Humboldt\nin this section are, _id. op._, iii. 70; ii. 321; iii. 293, 305; ii.\n259-60, in order.\n\n[170] Boddam-Whetham, _Folk-Lore_, v. 317-21.\n\n[171] Sir Richard Schomburgk, i. 239-41; im Thurn, p. 384. Other\nquotations are from Ruiz Blanco, pp. 66-67; Brett [a], pp. 278, 107,\n356.\n\n[172] For contemporary beliefs about Lope de Aguirre, see Mozans (J. A.\nZahm), [a], pp. 264-67.\n\n[173] The myth of the Amazons is not only the earliest European legend\nto become acclimated in America (cf. Ch. I, ii [with Note 5], iv;\nCh. VIII, iii), it is also one of the most obstinate and recurrent,\nand a perennial subject of the interest of commentators. For general\ndiscussions of the question, see Chamberlain, \"Recent Literature on\nthe South American Amazons,\" in _JAFL_ xxiv. 16-20 (1911), and Rothery,\n_The Amazons in Antiquity and Modern Times_ (London, 1910), which\nreviews the world-wide scope and forms of the myth, chh. viii, ix,\nbeing devoted to the South American instances. Still more recent is\nWhiffen, _The Northwest Amazons_ (New York, 1916), pp. 239-402.\n\n[174] Markham [e], p. 122. Carvajal is cited in the same work, pp. 34,\n26.\n\n[175] Magalh\u00e3es de Gandavo, ch. x (_TC_, pp. 116-17); Schmidel\n(Hulsius), ch. xxxiii; Raleigh (in _Hakluyt's Voyages_, vol. x), pp.\n366-68.\n\n[176] Humboldt [b] (Ross), ii. 395 ff.; iii. 79. Lore pertaining to\nthe Amazon stone is hardly second to that dealing with the Amazons\nthemselves. Authorities here cited are La Condamine, pp. 102-113;\nSpruce, ii, ch. xxvi (p. 458 quoted); Ehrenreich [b], especially pp.\n64, 65, with references to Barbosa Rodr\u00edgues and to Brett [b]. Others\nto consult are Rothery, ch. ix; T. Wilson, \"Jade in America,\" in _CA_\nxii (Paris, 1902); J. E. Pogue, \"Aboriginal Use of Turquoise in North\nAmerica,\" in _AA_, new series, xiv (1912); and I. B. Moura, \"Sur le\nprogr\u00e8s de l'Amazonie,\" in _CA_ xvi (Vienna, 1910).\n\n[177] See _Mythology of All Nations_, x. 160, 203, 205, 210, and Note\n64.\n\n[178] Netto, _CA_ vii (Berlin, 1890), pp. 201 ff.\n\n[179] Acu\u00f1a (Markham [e]), p. 83. The literature of a region so vast\nas that of the basin of the Amazon and the coasts of Brazil is itself\nnaturally great and scattered. The earlier narratives--such as those\nof Acu\u00f1a, Cardim, Carvajal, Orellana, Ortiguerra, de L\u00e9ry, Ulrich\nSchmidel, and Hans Staden--are valuable chiefly for the hints which\nthey give of the aboriginal prevalence of ideas studied with more\nunderstanding by later investigators. Among the more important later\nwriters are d'Orbigny, Couto de Magalh\u00e3es, Ehrenreich, Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg,\nvon den Steinen, Whiffen, and Miller; while Teschauer's contributions\nto _Anthropos_, i, furnish the best collection for the Brazilian region\nas a whole.\n\n[180] Kunike, \"Der Fisch als Fruchtbarkeitssymbol,\" in _Anthropos_\nvii (1912), especially section vi; Teschauer [a], part i, texts\n(mainly derived from Couto de Magalh\u00e3es); Tastevin, sections iii, vi;\nGarcilasso de la Vega, bk. i, chh. ix, x (quoted).\n\n[181] Cook, p. 385; cf. Whiffen, chh. xv, xvi, xviii; and von den\nSteinen [b], pp. 239-41.\n\n[182] Whiffen, pp. 385-86. The myths of manioc and other vegetation are\nfrom Teschauer [a], p. 743; Couto de Magalh\u00e3es, ii. 134-35; Whiffen,\n_loc. cit._; and Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg [a], ii. 292-93.\n\n[183] The legends of St. Thomas are discussed by Granada, ch. xv,\nespecially pp. 210-15 (cf. also, ch. xx, \"Origen m\u00edtico y excelencias\ndel uruta\u00fa,\" with accounts of the vegetation-spirit \u00d1eambi\u00fa). The\nsuggested relationship of Brazilian and Peruvian myth is considered\nby Lafone Quevado in _RevMP_ iii. 332-36; cf., also, Wissler, _The\nAmerican Indian_, pp. 198-99. It may be worth noting that there is\na group of South American names of mythic heroes or deities which\nmight, in one form or another, suggest or be confounded with _Tom\u00e1s_,\namong them the Guarani _Tamoi_ (same as Tupan, and perhaps related to\nTonapa), the Tupi _Zume_. The legend has been discussed in the present\nwork in Ch. VII, iv.\n\n[184] Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg [a], ii. 173-34; for details regarding the use of\nmasks and mask-dances, see also Whiffen; Tastevin; M. Schmidt, ch. xiv;\nCook, ch. xxiii; Spruce, ch. xxv; von den Steinen [b]; and Stradelli.\n\n[185] Cardim (Purchas, xvi), pp. 419-20; Thevet [b], pp. 136-39; Keane,\np. 209; Ehrenreich [c], p. 34; Hans Staden [b], ch. xxii.\n\n[186] Fri\u010d and Radin, p. 391; Ignace, pp. 952-53; von Rosen, pp.\n656-67; Pierini, pp. 703 ff.\n\n[187] D'Orbigny, vii, ch. xxxi, pp. 12-24; iv, 109-15; cf. also pp.\n265, 296-99, 337, 502-10.\n\n[188] Whiffen, ch. xvii (p. 218 quoted); Church, p. 235. The subject\nhere is a continuation of that discussed in Ch. VIII, ii (with Note\n160); in connexion with which, with reference to Brazil, the comment\nof Couto de Magalh\u00e3es is significant (part ii, p. 122): \"Como quer que\nseja, a id\u00e9a de un Deus todo poderoso, e \u00fanico, n\u00e3o foi possuida pelos\nnossos selvagens ao tempo da descoberta da America; e pois n\u00e3o era\npossival que sua lingua tivesse uma palvra que a podesse expressar. Ha\nno entretanto um principio superior qualificado com o nome de Tupan a\nquem parece que attribuiam maior poder do que aos outras.\" The real\nquestion to be resolved is what are the necessary attributes of a\n\"supreme being.\" Cf. _Mythology of All Nations_, x, Note 6.\n\n[189] On wood-demons and the like, in addition to Cardim, see Teschauer\n[a], pp. 24-34; Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg, [a], i. 190; ii. 157; and Granada, ch.\nxxxi, \"Demonios, apariciones, fantasmas, etc.\"\n\n[190] On ghosts and metamorphoses, see Ignace, pp. 952-53; Fri\u010d and\nRadin; Fri\u010d [a]; von Rosen, p. 657; and Cook, p. 122.\n\n[191] On were-beasts, see Ambrosetti [b]; cf. Garcilasso de la Vega,\nbk. i, ch. ix.\n\n[192] _Loci citati_ touching cannibalism are Haseman, pp. 345-46;\nStaden [a], ch. xliii; [b], chh. xxv, xxviii; Cardim (Purchas), ii.\n431-40; and Whiffen, pp. 118-24.\n\n[193] Von den Steinen [b], p. 323.\n\n[194] Couto de Magalh\u00e3es, part i, texts.\n\n[195] Steere, \"Narrative of a Visit to the Indian tribes on the Purus\nRiver,\" in _Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1901_ (Washington,\n1903).\n\n[196] _Loci citati_ are Ehrenreich [b], pp. 34-40; [c], p. 34; Markham\n[d], p. 119; von den Steinen [a], p. 283; [b], pp. 322 ff.; Teschauer\n[a], pp. 731 ff. (citing Barbosa Rodr\u00edgues and others); Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg\n[b], no. 1.\n\n[197] Feliciano de Oliveira, _CA_ xviii (London, 1913), pp. 394-96.\n\n[198] Teschauer [a], p. 731. The Kaduveo genesis is given by Fri\u010d, in\n_CA_ xviii, 397 ff. Stories of both types are widespread throughout the\ntwo Americas.\n\n[199] Couto de Magalh\u00e3es, part i, texts. This is among the most\ninteresting of all American myths; it is clearly cosmogonic in\ncharacter, yet it reverses the customary procedure of cosmogonies,\nbeginning with an illuminated world rather than a chaotic gloom.\nPossibly this is an indication of primitiveness, for the conception of\nnight and chaos as the antecedent of cosmic order would seem to call\nfor a certain degree of imaginative austerity; it is not simple nor\nchildlike.\n\n[200] Cardim (Purchas), p. 418.\n\n[201] Adam [b], p. 319. Other sources for tales of the deluge are Borba\n[b], pp. 223-25; Kissenberth, in _ZE_ xl. 49; Ehrenreich [b], pp.\n30-31; Teschauer; and von Martius.\n\n[202] D'Orbigny, iii. 209-14; von den Steinen [a], pp. 282-85; [b], pp.\n322-27; and cf. the Kapoi legends in Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg [a]. The Yuracara\ntale narrated by d'Orbigny is one of the best and most fully reported\nof South American myths.\n\n[203] On the physical and ethnological conditions of the Chaco and\nthe Abiponean districts the important authorities are Dobrizhoffer;\nGrubb [a], [b]; Koch, \"Zur Ethnographie der Paraguay-Gebiete,\" in\n_MitAGW_ xxxiii (1903); for the southern region important are,\n_Voyages of the Adventure and the Beagle_; the publications of the\n_Mission scientifique du Cap Horn_; Cooper, _Analytical and Critical\nBibliography of the Tribes of Tierra del Fuego and Adjacent Territory\n(63 BBE)_, with map; and _El Norte de la Patagonia_, with map,\npublished by the Argentine Ministry of Public Works, Buenos Aires, 1914.\n\n[204] D'Orbigny, _L'Homme am\u00e9ricain_, p. 233; J. Guevara, _Historia_,\npp. 32, 265 (citing Fernandez, _Relaci\u00f3n historial_, p. 39).\n\n[205] Dobrizhoffer, ii, ch. viii (pp. 57-59, 64-65 quoted); ch. x (p.\n94 quoted).\n\n[206] Grubb [b], chh. xi, xii, xiv (pp. 139-41 quoted), xvi (p. 163\nquoted); cf. Karsten, sections i, iii.\n\n[207] T. Guevara [a], i, ch. viii, \"Los mitos y las ideas relijiosas\nde los Indios,\" pp. 223-25. Latcham, _JAI_ xxxix, gives an account of\nAraucanian ideas, in general corresponding to Guevara, to whom he is\napparently indebted.\n\n[208] Molina, ch. v (pp. 84, 86, 91 quoted).\n\n[209] Vicu\u00f1a Cifuentes, especially sections vi-xi, xiv-xvi, xxi-xxiii.\nThis work is particularly valuable in that it collects the statements\nof many authorities in regard to the creatures of Chilean folk-lore.\n\n[210] Dobrizhoffer, ii. 89-90.\n\n[211] The cosmogony is in Molina, ch. v; the tale of the two brothers\nin Lenz, p. 225.\n\n[212] Pigafetta, in _The First Voyage Around the World by Magellan_\n(_HS_, series i, 1874), pp. 50-55.\n\n[213] Ib., p. 5.\n\n[214] Dobrizhoffer, ii. 89-90.\n\n[215] Prichard, pp. 85-86, 97-98. To Prichard's evidence may be added\nthat of Captain R. N. Musters, another recent traveller, quoted by\nChurch, _Aborigines of South America_, pp. 294-95: \"The religion of the\nTehuelches is distinguished from that of the Araucanians and Pampas\nby the absence of any trace of sun worship.... There is no doubt that\nthey do believe in a good Spirit, though they think he lives 'careless\nof mankind'\"; Captain Musters regards the _gualichu_ as a class of\ndaemonic powers--an altogether probable interpretation.\n\n[216] D'Orbigny, _L'Homme am\u00e9ricain_, pp. 220, 225; _Voyage of the\nBeagle_, ii. 161-62; cf. also i, ch. vi.\n\n[217] Deniker [b] gives the myth of El-lal, after Lista.\n\n[218] Darwin, pp. 240-42; Bridges, in _RevMP_ iii, p. 24.\n\n[219] Fitzroy, ch. ix, pp. 180-81.\n\n[220] Hyades and Deniker, ch. v, pp. 254-57.\n\n[221] Cooper, _63 BBE_, pp. 145 ff., summarizes the scanty gleanings\nfrom the notes of travellers and missionaries touching Fuegian\nreligious conceptions. The reference to the Salesian fathers (p. 147)\nis quoted from Cojazzi (p. 124); that to Captain Low is from Fitzroy\n(p. 190).\n\n[222] Cooper, _op. cit._, pp. 162-64, citing various authorities.\n\n[223] Despard, quoted by Cooper, _op. cit._, p. 148.\n\n\n\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nI. ABBREVIATIONS\n\n\n_AA_      American Anthropologist.\n\n_AnMB_    Anales del Museo Nacional de Buenos Aires.\n\n_AnMM_    Anales del Museo Nacional de M\u00e9xico.\n\n_AnMG_    Annales du Mus\u00e9e Guimet.\n\n_ARBE_    Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington.\n\n_BBE_     Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington.\n\n_CA_      Comptes rendus du Congr\u00e8s des Am\u00e9ricanistes.\n\n_ERE _    Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.\n\n_HS_      Works issued by the Hakluyt Society.\n\n_JAFL_    Journal of American Folklore.\n\n_JAI_     Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain\n          and Ireland.\n\n_JSAP_    Journal de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 des Am\u00e9ricanistes de Paris.\n\n_MitAGW_  Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien.\n\n_MPM_     Memoirs of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge.\n\n_PaPM_    Papers of the Peabody Museum.\n\n_RevMP_   Revista del Museo de La Plata.\n\n_SocAA_   Memorias y Revista de la Sociedad cient\u00edfica \"Antonio Alzate.\"\n\n_TC_     Voyages, Relations et M\u00e9moires originaux pour servir \u00e0\n         l'histoire de la d\u00e9couverte de l'Am\u00e9rique.\n         H. Ternaux-Compans, editor.\n\n_ZE_     Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie.\n\n\nII. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL GUIDES\n\n\n_Analytical and Critical Bibliography of the Tribes of Tierra del Fuego\nand Adjacent Territory (63 BBE)_. By JOHN M. COOPER. Washington, 1917.\n\n_A Study of Maya Art_, \"Bibliography.\" By H. J. SPINDEN. In _MPM_ vi\n(1913).\n\n_Bibliograf\u00eda Mexicana del siglo XVI._ By JOAQU\u00cdN GARC\u00cdA ICAZBALCETA.\nMexico, 1860.\n\n_Bibliography of the Anthropology of Peru._ By GEO. A. DORSEY.\n_Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series_,\nii, 1898.\n\n_Bibliography of Peru. A.D. 1526-1907._ By SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM. _HS_,\nseries ii, Vol. xxii. Cambridge, 1907.\n\n_Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima._ By H. HARISSE. New York, 1866.\nAdditions, Paris, 1872.\n\n_Biblioth\u00e8que am\u00e9ricaine ou catalogue des ouvrages relatifs \u00e0\nl'Am\u00e9rique qui ont paru depuis sa d\u00e9couverte jusqu'\u00e0 l'an 1700._ By H.\nTERNAUX-COMPANS. Paris, 1837.\n\n_Catalogue de livres rares et pr\u00e9cieux, manuscrits et imprim\u00e9s,\nprincipalement sur l'Am\u00e9rique et sur les langues du monde entier,\ncomposant la biblioth\u00e8que de M. Alph.-L. Pinart._ Paris, 1883.\n\n_Dictionary of Works Relating to America from the Discovery to the\nPresent Time._ By JOSEPH SABIN. Vols. i-xx. New York, 1868-92.\n\n_Die Mythen und Legenden der s\u00fcdamerikanischen Urv\u00f6lker._\n\"Literaturverzeichnis.\" By PAUL EHRENREICH. Berlin, 1905.\n\n_Ensayo bibliogr\u00e1fico Mexicano del siglo XVII._ By VINCENTE DE P.\nANDRADE. Mexico, 1900.\n\n\"Ergebnisse und Aufgaben der mexikanistischen Forschung.\" By WALTER\nLEHMANN. In _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, neue Folge, Band vi (1907). Tr.\nSEYMOUR DE RICCI, _Methods and Results in Mexican Research_, Paris,\n1909.\n\n_Essai sur les sources de l'histoire des Antilles fran\u00e7aise\n(1492-1664)._ By Jacques de Dampierre. Paris, 1904.\n\n_Historiadores de Yucatan._ By GUSTAVO MART\u00cdNEZ ALOM\u00cdA. Campeche, 1906.\n\n_History of Spanish Literature._ By GEORGE TICKNOR. 3 vols. Boston,\n1854. 4th ed., Boston, no date.\n\n_Idea de una nueva historia general de la America septentrional,_ with\n_Cat\u00e1logo del Museo Hist\u00f3rico Indiano._ By LORENZO BOTURINI BENADUCCI.\nMadrid, 1746; also, Mexico, 1887.\n\n_Las Publicaciones del Museo Nacional de Arqueolog\u00eda._ By JUAN B.\nIGU\u00cdNEZ. Mexico, 1913.\n\n_List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology (58 BBE)._\nWashington, 1914.\n\n_Manuel d'arch\u00e9ologie am\u00e9ricaine._ \"Bibliographie.\" By H. BEUCHAT.\nParis, 1912.\n\n_\"Museo Mitre,\" Cat\u00e1logo de la biblioteca._ Published by the Ministerio\nde Justicia \u00e9 Instrucci\u00f3n P\u00fablica. Buenos Aires.\n\n_Narrative and Critical History of America._ By JUSTIN WINSOR. Vol. i,\n_Aboriginal America_, \"Bibliographical Appendix.\" Boston, 1889.\n\n_Native Races of the Pacific States of North America._ By H. H.\nBANCROFT. Vol. i, \"Authorities Quoted.\" New York, 1785.\n\n\"Notes on the Bibliography of Yucatan and Central America.\" By A. F.\nBANDELIER. In _American Antiquarian_, new series, i (1882).\n\n\"Recent Literature on the South American Amazons.\" By A. F.\nCHAMBERLAIN. In _JAFL_, xxiv (1911).\n\n\nNote.--Where important bibliographies are attached to works here below\nlisted the fact is indicated: \u00b6Bibliography.\n\n\nIII. ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL GUIDES\n\n\n_Aborigines of South America._ By COL. G. E. CHURCH. London, 1912.\n\n\"A list of the Tribes of the Valley of the Amazons.\" By SIR CLEMENTS\nMARKHAM. In _JAI_ xl (1910).\n\n_Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central America (American Museum\nof Natural History, Handbook Series, No. 3)._ By H. J. SPINDEN. New\nYork, 1917.\n\n\"Areas of American Culture.\" By W. H. HOLMES. In _AA_, new series, xvi\n(1914). Also in _Anthropology in North America_, by F. BOAS and others;\nNew York, 1915. With map.\n\n_A Study of Maya Art._ By H. J. SPINDEN. In _MPM_ vi (1913).\n\n_Beitr\u00e4ge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas._ By C. P. VON\nMARTIUS. Leipzig, 1867.\n\n_Biolog\u00eda Centrali-Americana. Archaeology._ By A. P. MAUDSLEY. 4 vols.\nLondon, 1889-1902.\n\n_Cat\u00e1logo de la colecci\u00f3n de Antropolog\u00eda del Museo Nacional._ By\nALONSO HERRERA and RICARDO E. CICERO. Mexico. 1895.\n\n_Central and South America._ By A. H. KEANE. 2 vols. London, 1901.\n\n_Early Man in South America (52 BBE)._ By ALES HRDLICKA. Washington,\n1912.\n\n_Familias lingu\u00edsticas de Mexico._ By NICOL\u00c1S LE\u00d3N. Mexico, 1877; 2d\n\u00e9d., 1902. Also in _AnMM_ vii (1903). With map.\n\n_Geograf\u00eda, de las lenguas y carta etnogr\u00e1fica de M\u00e9xico._ By MANUEL\nOROZCO Y BERRA. Mexico, 1864. With map.\n\n_Indian Languages of Mexico and Central America (44 BBE)._ By CYRUS\nTHOMAS and JOHN R. SWANTON. Washington, 1911. \u00b6Bibliography and map.\n\n_In Indian Mexico._ By FREDERICK STARR. Chicago, 1908. Also, _Notes\nUpon the Ethnography of Southern Mexico_ (_Proceedings of the Davenport\nAcademy of Science_, ix). Davenport, 1902.\n\n_Introduction to the Study of North American Archeology._ By CYRUS\nTHOMAS. Cincinnati, 1903.\n\n\"Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in S\u00fcdamerika.\" By W. SCHMIDT. In\n_ZE_ xlv (1913). \u00b6Bibliography and map.\n\n_L'Homme Am\u00e9ricain._ By ALCIDE DESSALINES D'ORBIGNY. Tome iv of _Voyage\ndans l'Am\u00e9rique m\u00e9ridionale ... \u00e9xecut\u00e9 pendant les ann\u00e9es 1826-1833_;\n9 vols., Paris, 1835-47.\n\n\"Linguistic Stocks of South American Indians.\" By A. F. CHAMBERLAIN. In\n_AA_, new series, xv (1913). Also, \"South American Linguistic Stocks,\"\nin _CA_ xv. 2 (1908).\n\n_Manuel d'arch\u00e9ologie am\u00e9ricaine._ By H. BEUCHAT. Paris, 1912.\n\n_Moseteno Vocabulary and Treatises._ By BENIGNO BIBOLOTTI; with\nintroduction by R. SCHULLER. Evanston and Chicago, 1917. \u00b6Bibliography\nand map (Bolivian Indians).\n\n\"Or\u00edgenes Etnogr\u00e1ficos de Colombia.\" By CARLOS CUERVO M\u00c1RQUEZ. In\n_Proceedings of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress_, Vol. i.\nWashington, 1917.\n\n_Pre-Historic America._ By the MARQUIS DE NADAILLAC; ed. W. H. DALL,\nLondon and New York, 1884.\n\n_South American Archaeology_, London, 1912; _Mexican Archaeology_,\nLondon, 1914; _Central American and West Indian Archaeology_, London,\n1916. By T. A. JOYCE.\n\n_The American Indian. An Introduction to the Anthropology of the New\nWorld._ By Clark Wissler. New York, 1917.\n\n\"The Indian Linguistic Stocks of Oaxaca, Mexico.\" By WM. H. MECHLING.\nIn _AA_, new series, xiv (1912). \u00b6Bibliography.\n\n\"The Origin and Distribution of Agriculture in America.\" By H. J.\nSPINDEN. In _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\n\nIV. GENERAL WORKS\n\n_(a) Critical and Comparative_\n\n\nBANCROFT, H. H., _The Native Races of the Pacific States_. 5 vols. New\nYork, 1875.\n\nBASTIAN, A., _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des Alten America_. 3 vols. Berlin,\n1878-89.\n\nBOAS, FRANZ, _The Mind of Primitive Man._ New York, 1911.\n\nBRINTON, DANIEL G., [a], _Myths of the New World_. 3d ed. Philadelphia,\n1896.\n ----[b], _American Hero Myths_. Philadelphia, 1882.\n ----[c], _Essays of an Americanist_. Philadelphia, 1890.\n\nEHRENREICH, PAUL, [a], _Die allgemeine Mythologie und ihre\nethnologischen Grundlagen._ Leipzig, 1910.\n\nFALI\u00c9S, LOUIS, _\u00c9tudes historiques et philosophiques sur les\ncivilisations_. 2 vols. Paris, no date.\n\nGRAEBNER, FRITZ, _Methode der Ethnologie_. Heidelberg, 1911.\n\nLAFITAU, J. F., _Moeurs des sauvages am\u00e9riquains_. Tomes i-ii. Paris,\n1724. (An edition in 4 vols. was issued simultaneously.)\n\nM\u00dcLLER, J. G., _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_. Basel,\n1867.\n\nNUTTALL, ZELIA, [a], _The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World\nCivilizations_ (_PaPM_ ii). Cambridge, 1901.\n\nPAYNE, EDWARD J., _History of the New World called America_. 2 vols.\nOxford and New York, 1892, 1899.\n\nSAPIR, E., _Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture, A Study in\nMethod (G. S. C., Anthropological Series, No. 13)_. Ottawa, 1916.\n\nTHEVET, ANDR\u00c9, _Cosmographie universelle._ Paris, 1575.\n\n\n_(b) Important Collections_\n\n\n_Anales del Museo Nacional de Buenos Aires._ Vols. i-iii, 1864-91;\nsecond series, Vols. i-iv, 1895-1902; third series, Vols. i ff., 1902\nff. Buenos Aires.\n\n_Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico._ Vols. i-vii, 1877-1903; second\nseries, Vols. i-v, 1903-09; third series, Vols. i ff., 1909 ff. Mexico.\n\n_Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Smithsonian\nInstitution)._ Washington, 1881 ff.\n\n_Anthropological Publications, University of Pennsylvania, The Museum._\nVols. i ff., 1909 ff. Philadelphia.\n\n_Antiquities of Mexico, comprising facsimiles of Ancient Mexican\nPaintings and Hieroglyphics ... together with the Monuments of New\nSpain, by M. Dupaix ... the whole illustrated by many valuable inedited\nmanuscripts, by Lord Kingsborough._ Vols. i-ix. London, 1831-48.\n\n_Biblioteca mar\u00edtima espa\u00f1ola._ Ed. MART\u00cdN FERN\u00c1NDEZ DE NAVARRETE. 2\nvols. Madrid, 1851.\n\n_Biblioth\u00e8que de linguistique et d'ethnographie am\u00e9ricaines._ Ed. A.\nPINART. Vols. i-iv. San Francisco, 1876-82.\n\n_Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Smithsonian\nInstitution)._ Washington, 1887 ff.\n\n_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos in\u00e9ditos para la historia de Espa\u00f1a y de sus\nIndias._ Vols. i-xlii, 1864-84; second series, Vols. i-xiii, 1885-1900.\nMadrid. Also, _Nueva colecci\u00f3n_, etc., Vols. i-vi, 1892-96. Madrid.\n\n_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos in\u00e9ditos relativos al descubrimiento,\nconquista, y organizaci\u00f3n de las antiguas posesiones espa\u00f1olas de\nAm\u00e9rica y Oceania._ Vols. i.-xlii. Madrid, 1864-84. Second series\n[_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos in\u00e9ditos ... de ultramar_], Vols. i ff., 1885\nff.\n\n_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos in\u00e9ditos para la historia de Espa\u00f1a._ Vols.\ni-cxii. Ed. M. F. DE NAVARRETE and others. Madrid, 1842-95.\n\n_Colecci\u00f3n de libros raros \u00f3 curiosos que tratan de Am\u00e9rica._ Vols. i\nff. Madrid, 1891 ff.\n\n_Colecci\u00f3n de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los\nEspa\u00f1oles desde fines del siglo XV._ ED. MART\u00cdN FERN\u00c1NDEZ DE NAVARRETE.\n5 vols. Madrid, 1835-37.\n\n_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos para la historia de M\u00e9xico._ Ed. J. GARC\u00cdA\nICAZBALCETA. 2 vols. Mexico, 1858, 1866. Also, _Nueva Colecci\u00f3n_,\netc., 4 vols., Mexico, 1886-1892; and ed. A. PE\u00d1AFIEL, _Colecci\u00f3n de\ndocumentos para la historia mexicana_, Vols. i-vi. Mexico, 1897-1903.\n\n_Comptes rendus du Congr\u00e8s international des Am\u00e9ricanistes._ Paris and\nelsewhere (biennially), 1878 ff.\n\n_Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics._ Ed. JAS. HASTINGS. Vols. i ff.,\n1908 ff. Edinburgh and New York.\n\n_Hakluyt's Voyages._ Vols. i-xii. Glasgow, 1904.\n\n_Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes._ Vols. i-xx. Glasgow,\n1905-1907.\n\n_Historiadores de las Indias._ (_Nueva biblioteca de autores\nEspa\u00f1oles_, Nos. 13, 14.) Ed. MANUEL SERRANO Y SANZ. 2 vols. Madrid,\n1909. Tomo i, _Apolog\u00e9tica historia de las Indias, de Fr. Bartolom\u00e9\nde las Casas_. Tomo ii, _Guerra de Quito, de Cieza de Le\u00f3n; Jornada\ndel Rio Mara\u00f1\u00f3n, de Toribio de Ortiguera; Jornada de Omagua y Dorado;\nDescripci\u00f3n del Per\u00fa, Tucum\u00e1n, Rio de la Plata y Chile, de Fr.\nReginaldo de Liz\u00e1rraga_.\n\n_Historiadores primitivos de las Indias Occidentales._ Ed. A. G.\nBARCIA. 3 vols. Madrid, 1749.\n\n_Historiadores primitivos de Indias (Biblioteca de autores Espa\u00f1oles)._\nED. ENRIQUE DE VEDIA. 2 vols. Madrid, 1852, 1862. Tomo i, _Cartas de\nrelaci\u00f3n, de Cort\u00e9s; Hispania Victrix, de L\u00f3pez de G\u00f3mara; Natural\nhistoria de las Indias, de Oviedo y Vald\u00e9s;_ etc. Tomo ii, _Verdadera\nhistoria, de Bernal Diaz del Castillo; Conquista del Per\u00fa, de Francisco\nde Jerez; Cr\u00f3nica del Per\u00fa, de Cieza de Le\u00f3n; Historia ... del Per\u00fa, de\nAugustin de Z\u00e1rate_.\n\n_Journal de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 des Am\u00e9ricanistes de Paris._ Vols. i-v,\n1895-1904; new series, Vols. i ff., 1908 ff. Paris.\n\n_Library of Aboriginal American Literature._ Ed. DANIEL G. BRINTON. 8\nvols. Philadelphia, 1882-90.\n\n_Memoirs of the Peabody Museum._ Cambridge, 1896 ff.\n\n_Papers of the Peabody Museum._ Cambridge, 1888 ff.\n\n_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society._ New series.\nWorcester, 1882 ff.\n\n_Proceedings of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress._ Vol. i.\n_Section I, Anthropology._ Washington, 1917.\n\n_Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series._\nVols. i ff. Chicago, 1895 ff.\n\n_Relaciones hist\u00f3ricas de Am\u00e9rica. Primera mitad del siglo XVI._ With\nintroduction by MANUEL SERRANO Y SANZ. Madrid, 1916.\n\n_Relaciones hist\u00f3ricas y geogr\u00e1ficas de Am\u00e9rica Central._ With\nintroduction by MANUEL SERRANO Y SANZ. Madrid, 1908.\n\n_Revista del Museo de la Plata._ La Plata, 1890 ff.\n\n_Voyages, relations et m\u00e9moires originaux pour servir \u00e0 l'histoire\nde la d\u00e9couverte de l'Am\u00e9rique._ Ed. H. TERNAUX-COMPANS. Vols. i-xx.\nParis, 1837-41. Also, with other editors, _Nouvelles annales des\nVoyages_, etc., in six series, Paris, 1819-65.\n\n_Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society._ Vols. i-c. London, 1847-98.\nSecond series, Vols. i ff., 1899 ff.\n\n\nV. SELECT AUTHORITIES\n\nCHAPTER I\n\n\nABBAD Y LASIERRA, FRAY I\u00d1IGO, _Historia geogr\u00e1fica, civil y natural de\nla isla de San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico_. With notes by JOS\u00c9 JULI\u00c1N\nDE ACOSTA Y CALBO. Porto Rico, 1866.\n\nADAM, LUCIEN, [a], _Le parler des hommes et des femmes dans la langue\nCara\u00efbe_. Paris, 1890.\n\nBALLET, J., \"Les Cara\u00efbes,\" in _CA_ i. I (Nancy, 1875).\n\nBACHILLER Y MORALES, ANTONIO, _Cuba primitiva_. 2d ed. Havana, 1883.\n\nBENZONI, GIROLAMO, _Historia del Mondo Nuovo_. Venice, 1565. Tr. W. H.\nSMYTH, _History of the New World (HS)._ London, 1857.\n\nBOOEY, THEODOOR DE, [a], \"Lucayan Remains on the Caicos Islands,\" in\n_AA_, new series, xiv (1912).\n ----[b], \"Pottery from Certain Caves in Eastern Santo Domingo,\" in\n _AA_, new series, xvii (1915).\n\nCHARLEVOIX, PIERRE FRAN\u00c7OIS XAVIER DE, _Histoire de l'Isle Espagnole ou\nde Saint-Domingue_. 2 vols. Paris, 1730-31; also, Amsterdam, 1733.\n\nCOLL Y TOST\u00c9, CAYETANO, _Col\u00f3n en Puerto Rico_. Porto Rico, 1893.\n\nCOLUMBUS, CHRISTOPHER, _Letters, Journal_, etc.--Editions, complete or\nin part: M. F. DE NAVARRETE, _Colecci\u00f3n de los viages y descubrimientos\nde los Espa\u00f1oles_, Vol. i, Madrid, 1825; H. HARISSE, _Christophe\nColomb_, Vol. ii, Appendix, Paris, 1885; R. H. MAJOR, _Select Letters\nof Christopher Columbus (HS)_, 2d ed., London, 1870 (contains critical\nbibliography); CLEMENTS MARKHAM, _Journal of Christopher Columbus\n(HS)_, London, 1893; JOHN BOYD THACHER, _Christopher Columbus_, 2\nvols., New York, 1903-04; EDWARD GAYLORD BOURNE, \"The Voyages of\nColumbus and John Cabot,\" in _The Northmen and Columbus (Original\nNarratives of Early American History)_, New York, 1906 (with\nbibliographical notes). For bibliography, see BEUCHAT, _Manuel_, pp.\nxiii-iv.\n\nCOLUMBUS, FERNANDO, _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colomb: Nelle quali\ns'ha particolare, e vera relatione della vita, e de' fatti dell'\nAmmiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo suo padre: Et dello scoprimento, ch'\negli fece dell' Indie Occidentali, dette Mondo-Nuovo, hora possedute\ndal Sereniss. Re Cat\u00f3lico: Nuovamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotte\nnell' Italiana dal S. Alfonso Ulloa_. Venice, 1871. English tr. in\nCHURCHILL'S _Voyages_, London, 1704, (3d ed., 6 vols., 1744-46), and in\nPINKERTON'S _Voyages and Travels_, Vol. xii, London, 1812; Spanish tr.,\n2 vols., Madrid, 1892.\n\nCORNILLIAC, J. J. J., \"Anthropologie des Antilles,\" in _CA_ i. 2\n(Nancy, 1875).\n\nCURRIER, CHAS. W., \"Origine, progr\u00e8s et caract\u00e8res de la race cara\u00efbe,\"\nin _CA_ xi (Mexico, 1897).\n\nDAVIES, J., _The History of the Caribby Islands_. London, 1666.\n\nDOUAY, L\u00c9ON, [a] \"Affinit\u00e9s lexicologiques du Ha\u00eftien et du Maya,\" in\n_CA_ x (Stockholm, 1897).\n\nDU TERTRE, JEAN BAPTISTE, [a], _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des \u00eeles de\nSaint-Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique et autres, dans\nl'Am\u00e9rique_. Paris, 1654.\n\nDU TERTRE, JEAN BAPTISTE, [b], _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Antilles habit\u00e9es\npar les Fran\u00e7ais_. 4 vols. Paris, 1667-71.\n\nEDWARDS, BRYAN, _Histoire civile et commerciale des colonies anglaises\ndans les Indes Occidentales_. Paris, 1801.\n\nFEWKES, J. W., [a], \"Preliminary Report of an Archaeological Trip\nto the West Indies,\" in _Smithsonian Institution: Miscellaneous\nPublications_, xlv (Washington, 1903).\n ----[b], \"Aborigines of Porto Rico,\" in _25 ARBE_ (Washington, 1907).\n ----[c], \"Prehistoric Porto Rican Pictographs,\" and \"Precolumbian\n West  Indian Amulets,\" in _AA_, new series, v (1903).\n ----[d], \"Further  Notes on the Archaeology of Porto Rico,\" in _AA_,\n new series, x  (1908).\n ----[e], \"An Antillean Statuette with Notes on West Indian\n Religious Beliefs,\" in _AA_, new series, xi (1909)\n ----[f], \"A  Prehistoric Collar from Porto Rico,\" and \"Porto-Rican\n Elbow-Stones,\"  in _AA_ xv, new series (1913).\n\nFONTANEDA, HERNANDO D'ESCALENTE, _M\u00e9moire sur la Floride (TC)_. Paris,\n1840.\n\nG\u00d3MARA, FRANCISCO L\u00d3PEZ DE, [a], _Hispania Victrix. Primera y segunda\nparte de la historia general de las Indias_. Medina del Campo, 1553;\nalso, _Historia de las Indias_, Anvers, 1554; and in _Historiadores\nprimitivos de Indias_, Tomo i (ed. VEDIA), Madrid, 1858.\n\nHARISSE, H., _The Discovery of America._ London, 1892.\n\nHERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO DE, _Historia general de los hechos\nde los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar Oc\u00e9ano.... En\nquatro decadas desde el a\u00f1o de 1492 hasta el de 1531_. 4 vols. Madrid,\n1601-15; also, Madrid, 1726-30.\n\nHUCHERBY, THOMAS, \"Petroglyphs of St. Vincent, British West Indies,\" in\n_AA_ xvi, new series (1914).\n\nIM THURN, EVERARD, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, London, 1883.\n\nJOYCE, T. A., [a], _Central American and West Indian Archaeology_.\nLondon, 1916.\n\nLABAT, JEAN BAPTISTE, _Nouveau voyage aux Isles de l'Am\u00e9rique_. The\nHague, 1724; also, Paris, 1743.\n\nLA BORDE, LE SIEUR DE, _Voyage qui contient une relation exacte\nde l'origine, moeurs, coutumes, religion, guerres et voyages des\nCara\u00efbes_. Amsterdam, 1704.\n\nLAS CASAS, BARTOLOM\u00c9 DE, [a], _Historia de las Indias_. 5 vols. Madrid,\n1875-76. (The first complete edition of this work. An account of\neditions of this and other works of Las Casas will be found in the\npreface to _Bartholomew de las Casas_, by FRANCIS MACNUTT, New York and\nLondon, 1909; which also contains an English tr. of the _Brevissima\nrelaci\u00f3n de la destruycion de las Indias_.)\n ----[b], _Apolog\u00e9tica historia de las Indias_ (_Historiadores de las\n Indias_, Tomo i). Ed. MANUEL SERRANO Y SANZ. Madrid, 1909.\n\nLING ROTH, H., \"Aborigines of Hispaniola,\" in _JAI_ xvi (1887).\n\nMACNUTT, FRANCIS AUGUSTUS. See LAS CASAS [a]; MARTYR D'ANGHIERA.\n\nMARTYR D'ANGHIERA, PETER, _De Orbe Novo._ Alcal\u00e1 de Henares, 1516.\nFRANCIS AUGUSTUS MACNUTT, _De Orbe Novo: The Eight Decades of Peter\nMartyr D'Anghera_, 2 vols., New York, 1912 (with bibliography of\nprevious editions); also, ed. JOAQU\u00cdN TORRES ASENSIO, 2 vols., Madrid,\n1892; PAUL GAFFAREL, French tr. with notes, Paris, 1907.\n\nOBER, F. A., \"The Aborigines of the West Indies,\" in _Proceedings of\nthe American Antiquarian Society_ (1894).\n\nOVIEDO Y VALD\u00c9S, GONZALO FERN\u00c1NDEZ DE, _Historia general y natural\nde las Indias, islas y tierra-firme del mar Oc\u00e9ano_. 4 vols. Madrid,\n1851-55; also, _Sumario de la natural historia de las Indias_, in\n_Historiadores primitivos de Indias_, Tomo i (ed. VEDIA), Madrid, 1858.\n\nPANE, RAM\u00d3N. Pane's Narrative is incorporated in FERNANDO COLUMBUS,\n_Historie_, ch. lxxii.\n\n_Report of the Census of Porto Rico._ Washington, 1899.\n\nROCHEFORT, H. DE, _Histoire naturelle et morale des \u00eeles Antilles de\nl'Am\u00e9rique_. Rotterdam, 1658.\n\nROTH, WALTER E., \"An Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-lore of the\nGuiana Indians,\" in _30 ARBE_ (Washington, 1915).\n\nSTAHL, AUGUSTIN, _Los Indios Borinque\u00f1os_. Porto Rico, 1889.\n\nSTODDARD, FLORENCE JACKSON, _As Old as the Moon: Cuban Legends:\nFolklore of the Antilles_. New York, 1909. (Not critical.)\n\n\nCHAPTERS II-III\n\n\nACOSTA, JOS\u00c9 DE, S. J., _Historia natural y moral de las Indias._\nSeville, 1590; also, 2 vols., Madrid, 1894. Tr. CLEMENTS MARKHAM, _The\nNatural and Moral History of the Indies (HS)_, 2 vols., London, 1880.\n\nALVAREZ, MANUEL FRANCISCO, _Las ruinas de Mitla y la arquitectura_.\nMexico, 1900.\n\n_Anales de Cuauhtitlan_, or _Annals of Quauhtitlan_. See _Historia de\nlos Reynos de Colhuacan, infra_.\n\n_Anales del Museo Nacional de M\u00e9xico._ Vols. i-vii, Mexico, 1877-1903;\nsecond series, Vols. i-iv, Mexico, 1903-09; third series, Vols. i ff.,\nMexico, 1909 ff.\n\n\"AN\u00d3NIMO MEXICANO,\" in _AnMM_ vii (Mexico, 1903). (Nahuatl historical\nfragment, in part with Spanish tr.)\n\n_Antig\u00fcedades Mexicanas, publicadas por la Junta Columbina de M\u00e9xico._\nMexico, 1892. See CODEX, _infra_.\n\nAUBIN, J. M. A., [a], _M\u00e9moires sur la peinture didactique et\nl'\u00e9criture figurative des anciens Mexicains._ (_Mission scientifique au\nMexique_, etc.) Paris, 1885. With reproductions of codices.\n ----[b], _Histoire de la nation mexicaine depuis le d\u00e9part d'Aztlan\n jusqu'\u00e0 l'arriv\u00e9e des conqu\u00e9rants espagnols. Manuscrit figuratif\n accompagn\u00e9 de texte en langue n\u00e1huatl ou mexicaine, suivi d'une\n traduction en fran\u00e7ais._ Paris, 1893. See CODEX, _infra_.\n\nBALSALOBRE, GON\u00c7ALO DE, _Relaci\u00f3n autentica de las idolotr\u00edas,\nsupersticiones, vanas observaci\u00f3nes de los Indios del obispado de\nOaxaca_. In _AnMM_ vi (Mexico, 1892). (Written in 1654.)\n\nBANCROFT, H. H., _The Native Races of the Pacific States_. 5 vols. New\nYork, 1875.\n\nBAST\u00cdAN, A., _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten America_. 3 vols. Berlin,\n1875-89.\n\nBATRES, LEOPOLDO, _Teotihuac\u00e1n, \u00f4 la ciudad sagrada de los Tolteca_.\nMexico, 1906. (Spanish and English; the author has produced also guides\nto Mitla, Palenque, etc.)\n\nBEYER, HERMANN, [a], \"Tamoanchan, das altmexikanische Paradies,\" in\n_Anthropos_, iii (1908); \"Uber die mythologischen Affen der Mexikaner\nund Maya,\" in _CA_ xviii (London, 1913); etc.\n ----[b], _El M\u00e9xico Antiguo: Disertaciones sobre arqueolog\u00eda,\n etnolog\u00eda, folklore, prehistoria, historia antigua y ling\u00fc\u00edstica\n mexicanas_, Tomo i, num. 1: \"Explicaci\u00f3n de un fragmento de un antiguo\n plato decorado de Cholula.\" Mexico, 1919.\n\nBOTURINI, LORENZO BENADUCCI, _Idea de una nueva historia general de\nla America septentrional, fondada sobre material copioso de figuras,\nsymbolos, caracteres y gerogl\u00edficos, cantares y manuscritos de autores\nIndios_. Madrid, 1746.\n\nBRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG, ABB\u00c9 \u00c9TIENNE CHARLES, [a], _Histoire des\nnations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de l'Am\u00e9rique-centrale, durant les\nsi\u00e8cles ant\u00e9rieurs \u00e0 Christophe Colomb_. 4 vols. Paris, 1857-59.\n ----[b], _Collection de documents dans les langues indig\u00e8nes pour\n servir \u00e0 l'\u00e9tude de l'histoire et de la philologie de l'Am\u00e9rique\n ancienne_. Tomes i-iv. Paris, 1861-68.\n ----[c], _Biblioth\u00e8que Mexico-Guat\u00e9malienne, pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9e d'un coup d'oeil\n sur les \u00e9tudes am\u00e9ricaines._ Paris, 1871.\n\nBRINTON, DANIEL G., [d], _Ancient Nahuatl Poetry_ (_Library of\nAboriginal American Literature_, vii). Philadelphia, 1887.\n ----[e], _Rig Veda Americanus_ (_Library of Aboriginal American\n Literature_, viii). Philadelphia, 1890.\n\nBR\u00dcHL, GUSTAV J., _Die Culturv\u00f6lker Alt-Amerikas_. Cincinnati, 1875-87.\n\nBUELNA, EUSTAQUIO, _Peregrinaci\u00f3n de los Aztecas_. 2d ed. Mexico, 1892.\n\nBURGOA, FRANCISCO DE, [a], _Palestra historial de virtudes, y\nexemplares apost\u00f3licos._ Mexico, 1670.\n ----[b], _Geogr\u00e1fica descripcion de la parte septentrional del polo\n artico de la America_. 2 vols. Mexico, 1674.\n\nBUTLER, JOHN W., _Sketches of Mexico in Prehistoric, Primitive and\nColonial Times_. New York, 1894. \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nCAPITAN, LE DOCTEUR, \"Les sacrifices dans l'Am\u00e9rique ancienne,\" in\n_AnMG_ xxxii (1909).\n\nCASTELLANOS, ABRAHAM, [a], _El rey Iukano y los hombres del oriente,\nLeyenda ind\u00edgena inspirada en los restos del \"Codice Colombino.\"_\nMexico, 1910.\n ----[b], _Al Caer el Sol. Desde mi calsa. Teogonias Mexicanas._ Mexico,\n 1914.\n\nCASTILLO, CRIST\u00d3BAL DEL, (1526-1606). See LE\u00d3N Y GAMA; PASO Y TRONCOSO\n[a].\n\nCERVANTES DE SALAZAR, FRANCISCO, _Cr\u00f3nica de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a_. Madrid,\n1914.\n\nCHARENCY, LE COMTE DE, [a], \"Des ages ou Soleils d'apr\u00e8s la mythologie\ndes peuples de la Nouvelle Espagne,\" in _CA_ iv. 2. Author of numerous\nother studies of Mexican religion in _CA, JSAP, Actes de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\nphilologique_, etc.\n\nCHARNAY, D\u00c9SIR\u00c9, [a], _Ancient Cities of the New World._ New York,\n1887.\n ----[b], _Manuscrit Ramirez. Histoire de l'origine des Indiens_.\n Paris, 1903.\n\nCHAVERO, ALFREDO, [a], \"La Piedra del Sol,\" in _AnMM_ ii (1882).\n ----[b], \"Los Dioses Astron\u00f3micos de los Antiguos Mexicanos, Ap\u00e9ndice\n \u00e1 la interpretaci\u00f3n del C\u00f3dice Borgiano,\" in _AnMM_ v (1899).\n\nCHIMALPAHIN QUAUHTLEHUANITZIN, DOMINGO FRANCISCO DE SAN ANTON MU\u00d1ON.\nSee SIMEON [b].\n\nCLAVIGERO, FRANCISCO XAVIER, _Storia antica del Messico_. 4 vols.\nCesena, 1780-81. Tr. CHARLES CULLEN, _The History of Mexico_, 2 vols.,\nLondon, 1787.\n\nCODEX. Mexican codices include, (a) hieroglyphic manuscripts, pre-\nand post-Columbian, chiefly (1) mytho-historical and (2) calendric\nand divinatory, and (b) post-Columbian writings, Nahuatl and Spanish,\nsometimes accompanied by drawings. References to codices and\nexpositions of them in the present bibliography are: _Antig\u00fcedades\nMexicanas_ (containing reproductions of Manuscripts in the Mexican\nNational Museum); AUBIN (\"Codex Aubin\"); BUELNA; DUR\u00c1N (\"Album\");\nF\u00c1BREGA; GARC\u00cdA CUBAS [b] (reproductions); HAMY [a]; _Historia de los\nMexicanos por sus pinturas; Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y\nde M\u00e9xico;_ HUMBOLDT [a]; KINGSBOROUGH; LOUBAT; NUTTALL [b]; OROZCO\nY BERRA [d]; PE\u00d1AFIEL [b]; SELER, _passim_; SOTOMAYOR; TOBAR. A\nbibliography of the more important reproductions of Mexican codices\nwill be found in M. H. SAVILLE, \"Mexican Codices, a List of Recent\nReproductions,\" in _AA_, new series, iii (1901), and in LEHMANN [a],\nbelow; while a detailed bibliography, covering the earlier collections\nand publications, is given by JES\u00daS GALINDO Y VILLA, \"Las Pinturas y\nlos Manuscritos Jerogl\u00edficos Mexicanos,\" in _AnMM_, segunda \u00e9poca,\nii (Mexico, 1903): cf. BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG [a], Introduction, for\nanalysis of sources and account of his own discoveries.\n\n_C\u00f3dice Ramirez._ See TOBAR, _infra_\n\nCORT\u00c9S, (CORTEZ) HERNANDO, _Cartas de relaci\u00f3n_ (_Historiadores\nprimitivos de Indias_, Tomo i). Madrid, 1858. Tr. F. MACNUTT, _Letters\nof Cort\u00e9s to Charles V_, London, 1908.\n\nC\u00d3RDOBA, JUAN DE, _Arte del idioma Zapoteca_. Mexico, 1578; also,\nMorelia, 1886.\n\nD\u00cdAZ DEL CASTILLO, BERNAL, _Historia verdadera de la conquista de la\nNueva Espa\u00f1a_. Madrid, 1632. Tr. A. JOURDANET, _Histoire v\u00e9ridique de\nla conqu\u00eate de la Nouvelle-Espagne_, 2d \u00e9d., Paris, 1877; tr. A. P.\nMAUDSLEY, _The True History of the Conquest of New Spain_ (_HS_, series\nii, Vols. xxiii-v, xxx, xl), London, 1908-16.\n\nDUR\u00c1N, DIEGO, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a y islas de tierra\nfirme_. 2 vols. and album. Mexico, 1867-1880.\n\nF\u00c1BREGA, JOS\u00c9 LINO, S. J., _Interpretaci\u00f3n del c\u00f3dice Borgiano_.\nItalian text with Spanish tr. and notes by A. CHAVERO and F. DEL PASO Y\nTRONCOSO, in _AnMM_ v (Mexico, 1899).\n\nFEWKES, J. W., [g], \"Certain Antiquities of Eastern Mexico,\" in _25\nARBE_ (Washington, 1907).\n ----[h], \"Ancient Pueblo and Mexican Water Symbol,\" and \"A Central\n American Ceremony which suggests the Snake Dance,\" in _AA_ vi (1893).\n\nGAMIO, MANUEL, \"Investigaciones Arqueol\u00f3gicas en Mexico, 1914-15,\" in\n_CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\nGARC\u00cdA, GREGORIO, _Origen de los Indios del Nuevo Mundo y Indias\noccidentales_. Ed. BARCIA. Madrid, 1729.\n\nGARC\u00cdA CUBAS, ANTONIO, [a], _Atlas geogr\u00e1fico, estad\u00edstico y hist\u00f3rico\nde la Rep\u00fablica Mexicana._ Mexico, 1858.\n ----[b], \"Estudio comparativo de dos documentos hist\u00f3ricos,\" in _CA_\n xvii. 2 (Mexico, 1912).\n\nGARC\u00cdA ICAZBALCETA, JOAQU\u00cdN, [a], _Colecci\u00f3n de documentos para la\nhistoria de M\u00e9xico._ 2 vols. Mexico, 1858-1866. (Contains writings of\nCort\u00e9s, Las Casas, Motolinia, and other sixteenth-century authors.)\n ----[b], _Nueva colecci\u00f3n de documentos para la historia de M\u00e9xico_.\n 5 vols. Mexico, 1886-1892. (Writings of early missionaries, of Pomar,\n Z\u00farita, and Mendieta, native manuscripts, etc.)\n\nG\u00c9NIN, AUGUSTE, \"Notes sur les danses, la musique et les chants des\nMexicains anciens,\" in _Revue d'Ethnographie et de Sociologie_, (1913).\n\nG\u00d3MARA, FRANCISCO L\u00d3PEZ DE, [b], _Historia de M\u00e9xico, con el\ndescubrimiento de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a, conquistada por el muy illustre y\nvaleroso principe Don Fernando Cort\u00e9s, marques del Valie_. Anvers,\n1554. Also, _Segunda parte de la cr\u00f3nica general de las Indias, que\ntrata de la conquista de M\u00e9jico (Historiadores primitivos de Indias_,\nTomo i). Madrid, 1858.\n\nHAEBLER, KONRAD, _Die Religion des mittleren Amerika_. M\u00fcnster in\nWestfalen, 1899.\n\nHAGAR, STANSBURY, [a], \"Elements of the Maya and Mexican Zodiacs,\" in\n_CA_ xvi (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910).\n ----[b], \"Zodiacal Symbolism of the Mexican and Maya Month and Day\n Signs,\" in _CA_ xvii. 2 (Mexico, 1912).\n\nHAMY, E. T., [a], _Codex Borbonicus._ Paris, 1899.\n ----[b], \"Croyances et pratiques religieuses des premi\u00e8res Mexicains,\"\n and \"Le culte des dieux Tlaloques,\" in _AnMG_ xxv (1907).\n\nHELPS, ARTHUR, _The Spanish Conquest in America_. 4 vols. New York,\n1856.\n\nHERRERA, ANTONIO DE. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\n_Historia de los Mexicanos por sus pinturas._ Published by ICAZBALCETA\nin _AnMM_ ii (Mexico, 1882), and in _Nueva colecci\u00f3n de documentos para\nla historia de M\u00e9xico_, Tomo iii (Mexico, 1897), from a manuscript\nentitled _Libro de oro y thesoro Indico_, and also known as _Codex\nZum\u00e1rraga_ and _Codex Fuenleal_. Tr. HENRY PHILLIPS, \"History of the\nMexicans as Told by their Paintings,\" in _Proceedings of the American\nPhilosophical Society_, xxi (1884).\n\n_Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y de M\u00e9xico._ Nahuatl text with\nLatin tr. by WALTER LEHMANN, in _JSAP_, new series, iii (1906). The\nfirst part of this important document was published with Spanish trs.\nby JOS\u00c9 FERNANDO RAM\u00cdREZ in _AnMM_ iii (Mexico, 1885), under the\ntitle _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_ (_The Annals of Cuauhtitlan_ is the\nusual English form) by which it is usually cited. The ABB\u00c9 BRASSEUR\nDE BOURBOURG gives the text and translation of a small portion of\nthe document, called by him, _Codex Chimalpopoca_, in [b], Tome I,\n_Appendice_. An analysis and bibliographical discussion of the document\nis given by LEHMANN in _ZE_ xxxviii (1906), pp. 752-60.\n\nHOLMES, WM. H., [a], _Archaeological Studies Among the Ancient\nCities of Mexico_ (_Publications of the Field Columbian Museum,\nAnthropological Series_, i). Chicago, 1895-97.\n\nHUMBOLDT, ALEXANDER VON, [a] _Vues des Cordill\u00e8res_. Paris, 1802. Tr.\nby HELEN M. WILLIAMS, _Researches Concerning the Institutions and\nMonuments of the Ancient Inhabitants of America_. 2 vols. London, 1814.\n\nICAZBALCETA. See GARC\u00cdA ICAZBALCETA, _supra_.\n\nIXTLILXOCHITL, HERNANDO DE ALVA, _Historia Chichimeca_ and\n_Relaciones._ In Kingsborough, ix; also, ed. A. CHAVERO, Mexico,\n1891-92. Tr., _Histoire des Chichim\u00e8ques_ (_TC_ xii, xiii), Paris, 1840.\n\nJONGHE, E. DE, \"Le calendrier mexicain,\" in _JSAP_, new series, iii\n(1906); also in _ZE_ xxxviii (1906).\n\nJOURDANET, A. See D\u00cdAZ DEL CASTILLO, _supra_; SAHAGUN, _infra_.\n\nJOYCE, T. A., [b]. _Mexican Archaeology_. London, 1916.\n\nKINGSBOROUGH, LORD, _Antiquities of Mexico_,9 vols. London, 1830-48.\n(Reproductions of Mexican codices, among them Codex Boturini, C.\nVaticanus A (3738), C. Telleriano-Remensis, together with explications\nand other writings by early authors.)\n\nKRUMM-HELLER, ARNOLFO, \"El Zod\u00edaco de los Incas en comparaci\u00f3n con el\nde los Aztecas,\" in _CA_ xvii. 2 (Mexico, 1912).\n\nLA SERNA, JACINTO DE, _Manual de ministros de Indios para el\nconocimiento de sus idolotrias, y extirpaci\u00f3n de ellas. _ In _AnMM_\nvi, Mexico, 1892; also, in _Colecci\u00f3n de documentos in\u00e9ditos para la\nhistoria de Espa\u00f1a_, civ, Madrid, 1892. (Written in 1656.)\n\nLAS CASAS. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nLARRAINZAR, MANUEL, _Estudios sobre la historia de America, sus ruinas\ny antig\u00fcedades_. 5 vols. Mexico, 1875-78.\n\nLEHMANN, WALTER, [a], \"Ergebnisse und Aufgaben der mexikanistischen\nForschung,\" in _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, neue Folge, vi (1907).\n ----[b], \"Traditions des anciens Mexicains,\" in _JSAP_, new series,\n iii (1906). See _Historia de los Rey nos de Colhuacan, supra_.\n\nLE\u00d3N, NICOL\u00c1S, [a], _Familias ling\u00fc\u00edsticas de M\u00e9xico._ Mexico, 1902.\n ----[b], _Compendio de la historia general de M\u00e9xico, desde los\n tiempos prehist\u00f3ricos hasta el a\u00f1o de 1900_. Mexico, 1902.\n ----[c], _Los Tarascos. Notas hist\u00f3ricas, \u00e9tnicas y antropol\u00f3gicas._\n Mexico, 1904. Also in _Bolet\u00edn del Museo Nacional_, segunda \u00e9poca,\n i-ii, with continuation in _AnMM_, segunda \u00e9poca, i (Mexico, 1903).\n ----[d,] _Lyobsa \u00f3 Mictlan, Gu\u00eda hist\u00f3rico-descriptiva_. Mexico, 1901.\n (Handsomely illustrated; Spanish and English text.) Also articles in\n _AnMM, CA_, and elsewhere, dealing with the antiquities of the Zapotec\n and Tarascan regions.\n\nLE\u00d3N Y GAMA, ANTONIO DE, _Descripci\u00f3n hist\u00f3rica y cronol\u00f3gica de las\ndos piedras que con ocasi\u00f3n del nuevo empedrado que se est\u00e1 formando en\nla plaza principal de M\u00e9xico, se hallaron en el a\u00f1o de 1790_. Mexico,\n1792.\n\nLOUBAT, LE DUC DE. Chromophotographic reproductions of Codices\nVaticanus 3773, Borgia, Bologna, Telleriano-Remensis, Vaticanus 3738,\nTonalamatl Aubin, Ferj\u00e9rv\u00e1ry-Mayer, etc. Paris, 1896-1901.\n\nLUMHOLTZ, CARL, [a], \"Symbolism of the Huichol Indians,\" in _Memoirs of\nthe American Museum of Natural History_ iii (New York, 1900).\n ----[b], _Unknown Mexico_. 2 vols. New York, 1902.\n ----[c], _New Trails in Mexico_. New York, 1912.\n\nMACCURDY, GEO. G., [a], \"An Aztec 'Calendar Stone' in Yale University\nMuseum,\" in _CA_ xvii. 2 (Mexico, 1912).\n\nMCGEE, W. G., \"The Seri Indians,\" in _17 ARBE_, part i.\n\nMASON, J. ALDEN, \"Folk-Tales of the Tepecanos,\" in _JAFL_ xxvii (1914).\n\nMAYER, BRANTZ, _Mexico: Aztec, Spanish and Republican_. 2 vols.\nHartford, 1853.\n\nMECHLING, WM. H., [a], \"Stones from Tuxtepec, Oaxaca,\" in _JAFL_ xxv\n(1912).\n ----[b], \"The Indian Linguistic Stocks of Oaxaca, Mexico,\" in _AA_,\n new series, xiv (1912). (Contains some corrections of _44 BBE_.)\n\nMENDIETA, GER\u00d3NIMO DE, _Historia eclesi\u00e1stica Indiana, obra escrita \u00e1\nfines del siglo XVI por Fray Ger\u00f3nimo de Mendieta de la Orden de San\nFrancisco. La p\u00fablica por primera vez_. Ed. J. GARC\u00cdA ICAZBALCETA.\nMexico, 1870.\n\nMENDOZA, G., \"Cosmogon\u00eda Azteca,\" in _AnMM_ i (Mexico, 1877); \"Mitos de\nlos Nahoas,\" in _AnMM_ ii (Mexico, 1882).\n\n_Mexican and Central American Antiquities, Calender Systems, and\nHistory (28 BBE)._ Papers, mostly by E. SELER and E. F\u00d6RSTEMANN,\ntranslated from the German under the supervision of CHARLES P.\nBOWDITCH. Washington, 1904.\n\n_Mission scientifique au Mexique et dans l'Am\u00e9rique Centrale._\nIncluding _Archives_, 5 vols. (Paris, 1865-75), and _Recherches\nhistoriques, arch\u00e9ologiques, et linguistiques_, 5 vols. (Paris,\n1870-85).\n\nMOTEZUMA, DIEGO LUIS, _Corona Mexicana; \u00f3 Historia de los nueve\nMotezumas_. Madrid, 1914. (The author, a descendant of the last\nMontezuma, died in 1699.)\n\nMOTOLINIA, TORIBIO DE BENAVENTE, _Historia de los Indios de la Nueva\nEspa\u00f1a_. In GARC\u00cdA ICAZBALCETA [a], Mexico, 1858; also, in part, in\nKINGSBOROUGH, ix, under the title _Ritos antiguos, sacrificios y\nidolotr\u00edas de los Indios de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a_. An earlier and nearly\nidentical work is _Memoriales de Fray Toribio de Motolinia_, ed. L.\nGARC\u00cdA PIMENTEL, Paris, 1903. For bibliographical detail see L\u00c9ON\nLEJEAL, in _CA_ xiv (Stuttgart, 1906), pp. 193 ff.\n\nMU\u00d1OZ CAMARGO, DIEGO, _Historia de Tlaxcala_. Ed. A. CHAVERO. Mexico,\n1892. French tr. in _TC_ xcviii-ix, 1843.\n\nNUTTALL, ZELIA, [a]. See Bibliography, IV. Also author of numerous\nstudies of Mexican mythology and religion in _AA, CA, SocAA,_ and\nelsewhere.\n ----[b], _Codex Nuttall_. Cambridge, 1902.\n\nOLMOS, ANDR\u00c9S DE. Author of a compendious work, now lost, prepared\nshortly after the Conquest. He is cited as source by Mendieta, II, i,\nfor his account of the native religion; and apparently fragments of his\nwork are incorporated in THEVET, _Histoire du Mechyque_ (see DE JONGHE,\n\"Th\u00e9vet, Mexicaniste,\" in _CA_ xiv [Stuttgart, 1906]; also, _JSAP_, new\nseries, ii [1905]).\n\nOROZCO Y BERRA, MANUEL, [a], _Ojeada sobre cronolog\u00eda Mexicana_.\nMexico, 1878. With the _Cr\u00f3nica Mexicana_ of Tezozomoc.\n ----[b], _Historia Antigua y de la conquista de M\u00e9xico_. 4 vols.\n Mexico, 1880.\n ----[c], \"Le calendrier mexicain,\" in _CA_ iii. 2 (Brussels, 1880).\n ----[d], \"C\u00f3dice Mendozino. Ensayo de descifracion geroglifica,\" in\n _AnMM_ ii (Mexico, 1882).\n\nPASO Y TRONCOSO, F. DEL, [a], _Histoire mexicaine de Crist\u00f3bal del\nCastillo_. Paris, 1902.\n ----[b]. See SAHAG\u00daN.\n\nPAYNE, E. J., _History of the New World called America_. 2 vols. Oxford,\n1892-99.\n\nPE\u00d1AFIEL, ANTONIO, [a], _Nombres geogr\u00e1ficos de M\u00e9xico_. Mexico,\n1885.\n ----[b], _Monumentos del arte Mexicano antiguo. _ Berlin, 1890.\n ----[c], _Colecci\u00f3n de documentos para la historia Mexicana_.\n Parts i-vi. Mexico, 1897-1903. (Nahuatl and Spanish texts.)\n ----[d], _Cantares en idioma Mexicano_. Mexico, 1905. (Facsimile\n reproduction of manuscript in the Mexican National Library.)\n ----[e], _Principio de la \u00e9poca colonial. Destrucci\u00f3n del templo mayor\n de M\u00e9xico antiguo, y los monumentos encontrados en la ciudad en las\n escavaciones de 1897 y 1902_. Mexico, 1910.\n\nPHILLIPS, HENRY, \"Notes upon the Codex Ram\u00edrez, with a translation of\nthe same,\" in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, xxi.\nSee _Historia de los Mexicanos_, etc., _supra_.\n\nPIMENTEL, FRANCISCO, _Obras Completas_. Mexico, 1903-04.\n\nP\u00cd Y MARGALL, FRANCISCO, _Historia de la Am\u00e9rica antecolumbiana_. 2\nvols. Barcelona, 1892.\n\nPOMAR, J. B., _Relaci\u00f3n de Tezcoco_. Mexico, 1891. (Written in 1582.)\nSee GARC\u00cdA ICAZBALCETA [b].\n\nPORTILLO, ANDR\u00c9S, _Oaxaca en el centenario de la independencia\nnacional_. Oaxaca, 1910.\n\nPRESCOTT, WM. H., _History of the Conquest of Mexico_. 3 vols. New\nYork, 1844.\n\nPREUSS, KONRAD THEODOR, [a], _Die Nayarit-Expedition, Textaufnahmungen\nund Beobachtungen unter mexikanischen Indianern_. Vol. I. Leipzig,\n1912.\n ----[b], \"Die Feuerg\u00f6tter als Ausgangspunkt zum Verst\u00e4ndnis der\n mexikanischen Religion,\" in _MitAGW_ xxxiii (1903). Also artt. in _CA,\n ZE,_ and elsewhere.\n\nRADIN, P., \"Folk-Tales from Oaxaca,\" in _JAFL_ xxviii (1915).\n\nRAM\u00cdREZ, JOS\u00c9 FERNANDO. See _Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan,\nsupra_; TOBAR, _infra_.\n\n_Relaci\u00f3n de las ceremonias y ritos, poblaci\u00f3n y gobierno de los Indios\nde la provincia de Mechuacan hecha al III. 'mo Dr. D. Antonio de\nMendoza, virey y gobiernador de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos\nin\u00e9ditos para la historia de Espa\u00f1a_, liii). Madrid, 1875; also,\nMorelia, 1903.\n\nR\u00c9VILLE, A., _Les religions du Mexique, de l'Am\u00e9rique centrale et du\nP\u00e9rou_. Paris, 1885.\n\nRAYNAUD, GEORGES, [a], _L'Histoire maya d'apr\u00e8s les documents en langue\nyucat\u00e8que (Archives de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Am\u00e9ricaine de France_, nouvelle\ns\u00e9rie, VIII. i). Paris, 1892. Tr. of _Books of Chilam Balam_.\n ----[b], _Les Manuscrits pr\u00e9columbiens_. Paris, 1894.\n ----[c], _Introduction \u00e0 l'\u00e9tude des anciennes religions du Mexique_\n (_M\u00e9moires de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d'Ethnographie_). Paris, 1894(?).\n\nR\u00d3BELO, CECILIO A., [a], \"Diccionario de mitolog\u00eda Nahoa,\" in _AnMM_,\nsegunda \u00e9poca, ii-v.\n ----[b], \"Origen del calendario Nahuatl,\" in _CA_ xvii. 2, Ap\u00e9ndice\n (Mexico, 1912).\n\nROCHA, DIEGO ANDR\u00c9S, _Tratado \u00fanico y singular del origen de los Indios\ndel Per\u00fa, M\u00e9jico, Santa F\u00e9 y Chile_. 2 vols. Madrid, 1891.\n\nROM\u00c1N Y ZAMORA, JER\u00d3NIMO, _Rep\u00fablicas de Indias: idolotr\u00edas y gobierno\nen M\u00e9xico y Per\u00fa antes de la conquista_. Madrid, 1575; also, 2 vols.,\n1897.\n\nROSNY, L\u00c9ON DE, [a], _L'Am\u00e9rique pr\u00e9columbienne, \u00e9tudes d'histoire,\nde linguistique et de pal\u00e9ographie sur les anciens temps du\nNouveau-monde_. Paris, 1904.\n\nRUIZ DE ALARC\u00d3N, HERNANDO, _Tratado de las supersticiones y costumbres\ngent\u00edlicas que oy viuen entre los Indios naturales desta Nueva Espa\u00f1a,\nescrita en Mexico ... a\u00f1o 1629_. In _AnMM_ vi, Mexico, 1892.\n\nRUIZ, EDUARDO, _Michoac\u00e1n. Paisajes, tradiciones y leyendas_. Mexico,\n1891.\n\nSAHAG\u00daN, BERNARDINO DE, _Historia de las cosas de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a_. 3\nvols. Mexico, 1829. Tr. with introduction and notes, D. JOURDANET and\nR\u00c9MI SIM\u00c9ON, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne_,\nParis, 1880. Sahag\u00fan's Spanish text is translated from Nahuatl\noriginals, published in part, with translations, by E. SELER in\n_Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen aus dem K\u00f6niglichen Museum f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_\n(1890-99), and in \"Die religi\u00f6sen Ges\u00e4nge der alten Mexikaner,\" (Seler\n[a], ii). An edition of the whole is long promised by PASO Y TRONCOSO.\nCf., also, W. SCHMIDT, \"Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, O. Fr. M., 'Un\nbreve compendio de los ritos ydolotricos que los yndios desta nueva\nEspa\u00f1a usavan en el tiempo de su infidelidad,'\" in _Anthropos_ i (1906).\n\nSAUSSURE, HENRI, _Antiquit\u00e9s mexicaines_. Geneva, 1891.\n\nSAVILLE, M. H., [a]. See CODEX, _supra_.\n\nSELER, CAECILIE, _Auf alten Wegen in Mexiko und Guatemala_. Berlin,\n1900.\n\nSELER, EDUARD, [a], _Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur Amerikanischen\nSprach- und Alterthumskunde_. 3 vols. Berlin, 1902-08. _Register._\nBerlin, 1914. Also artt. in _CA, ZE_, etc.; cf., _supra, Mexican and\nCentral American Antiquities_ and SAHAG\u00daN.\n ----[b], _The Tonalamatl of the Aubin Collection_. Berlin and London,\n 1900-01.\n ----[c], _Codex Fej\u00e9rv\u00e1ry-Mayer_. Berlin and London, 1901-02.\n ----[d], _Codex Vaticanus No. 3773 (B)_. Berlin and London, 1902-03.\n ----[e], _Codex Borgia_. 3 vols. Berlin, 1903-06.\n\nSIM\u00c9ON, R\u00c9MI, [a], _Dictionnaire de la Langue Nahuatl_. Paris, 1885.\n ----[b], _Annales de San Anton Mu\u00f1\u00f3n Chimalpahin Quahtlehuanitzin_.\n Paris, 1889. (The sixth and seventh relations, from the manuscript in\n the Biblioth\u00e8que National, Paris.)\n ----[c]. See SAHAG\u00daN.\n\nSOL\u00cdS Y RIVADENEYRA, A. DE, _Historia de la Conquista de Mexico_.\nMadrid, 1684; also, _Conquesta de Mexico_. Paris, 1844.\n\nSOTOMAYOR, D\u00c1MASO, _Tablas cronol\u00f3gicas de los siglos jerogl\u00edficos_.\nMexico, 1897.\n\nSPENCE, LEWIS, [a], _The Civilization of Ancient Mexico_. Cambridge,\n1912.\n ----[b], _The Myths of Mexico and Peru_. London and New York, 1914.\n\nSPINDEN, H. J., [a], _Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central\nAmerica_ (_American Museum of Natural History, Handbook Series, No._\n5). New York, 1917.\n\nSTARR, FREDERICK, _In Indian Mexico_. Chicago, 1908.\n\nTEZOZOMOC, HERNANDO DE ALVARADO, _Cr\u00f3nica Mexicana_. Mexico, 1878. The\nvolume contains also the _Relaci\u00f3n_ of Juan Tobar, and the _Ojeada_ of\nOrozco y Berra; cf. TOBAR, _infra_.\n\nTHEVET, ANDR\u00c9, _Cosmographie universelle_. Paris, 1575. See OLMOS,\n_supra._\n\nTOBAR, JUAN DE, _Relaci\u00f3n del origen de los Indios que habitan esta\nNueva Espa\u00f1a seg\u00fan sus historias_. Mexico, 1878. See TEZOZOMOC. A\nprefatory memorandum by JOS\u00c9 F. RAM\u00cdREZ to the _Relaci\u00f3n_ (with which\nare included _Tratado de los ritos y ceremonias y dioses que en su\ngentilidad usaban los Indios desta Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ and _Fragmentos_ under\nthe general title _C\u00f3dice Ramirez_) doubts the authorship of Tobar, to\nwhom the work is commonly attributed.\n\nTORQUEMADA, JUAN DE, _Monarqu\u00eda Indiana_. 3 vols. Madrid, 1723. (First\nedition, 1613.)\n\nTYLOR, E. B., _Anahuac_. London, 1861.\n\nVETANCURT, A. DE, _Teatro Mexicano_. Mexico, 1698; also, 4 vols.,\n1870-71.\n\nVEYTIA, MARIANO FERN\u00c1NDEZ DE ECHEVERR\u00cdA Y, _Historia antigua de\nM\u00e9jico_. 3 vols. Mexico, 1836. Also, in part, under title \"Historia del\norigen de las gentes que poblaron la America Septentrional,\" etc., in\nKingsborough viii.\n\nWATERMAN, T. T., [a], \"Bandelier's Contribution to the Study of\nAncient Mexican Social Organization,\" in _University of California\nPublications in American Archaeology and Ethnology_, xii. 7 (Berkeley,\n1917). \u00b6Bibliography, especially for earlier sources.\n ----[b], \"The Delineation of the Day-Signs in the Aztec Manuscripts,\"\n _ib._ xi. 6 (Berkeley, 1916).\n\nZURITA, ALONZO DE, _Breve y Sumaria relaci\u00f3n de los se\u00f1ores de la Nueva\nEspa\u00f1a_ (_Colecci\u00f3n de documentos in\u00e9ditos para la historia de Espa\u00f1a_,\niii). Madrid, 1891. French tr. in _TC_ xi (Paris, 1840).\n\n\nCHAPTERS IV-V\n\n\nAGUILAR, PEDRO SANCHEZ DE, _Informe contra idolorum cultores del\nObispado de Yucatan_. Madrid, 1639; also, in _AnMM_ vi (Mexico, 1900).\n\nALVARADO, PEDRO DE, _Relaci\u00f3n hecha por Pedro Albarado \u00e1 Hernando\nCort\u00e9s_. In _Historiadores primitivos de Indias_, ed. Vedia, Madrid,\n1858.\n\nANCONA, ELIGIO, _Historia de Yucat\u00e1n_. 4 vols. Merida, 1878. 2d ed.\nBarcelona, 1889.\n\n_Annals of the Cakchiquels_. See BRINTON, _infra_.\n\nARNOLD, (C.) AND FROST (F. J. T.), _The American Egypt: a Record of\nTravel in Yucatan_. New York, 1909.\n\nBANCROFT, H. H. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nBARBERENA, SANTIAGO IGNACIO, _El Popul Vuh, \u00f3 libro sagrado de los\nantig\u00e1s Votanides_. 3 vols. San Salvador, 1905.\n\nBOWDITCH, CHARLES P., [a], \"Memoranda on the Maya Calendars used in\nthe Books of Chilan Balam,\" and \"On the Age of Maya Ruins,\" in _AA_,\nnew series, iii (1901).\n ----[b], _The Numeration, Calendar Systems and Astronomical Knowledge\n of the Mayas_. Cambridge, 1910.\n\nBRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG, [a]. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n ----[b]. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III. Vol. iii contains LANDA,\n _Relaci\u00f3n_, LIZANA, _Del Principio_, P\u00cdO P\u00c9REZ, _Cronologia antigua_,\n and other documents pertinent to Yucatan.\n ----[d], _Popul Vuh. Le livre sacr\u00e9 et les mythes h\u00e9ro\u00efques et\n historiques des Quich\u00e9s._ Paris and Brussels, 1861.\n ----[e], _Essai historique sur le Yucatan et description des ruines de\n Ti-Hoo (Merida) et d'Izamal_; also, _Rapport sur les ruines de Mayapan\n et d'Uxmal du Yucatan_. In _Archives de la Commission Scientifique au\n Mexique et dans L'Am\u00e9rique Centrale_, ii (Paris, 1866).\n ----[f], _Manuscrit Troano. \u00c9tudes sur le syst\u00e8me graphique et la\n langue des Mayas._ In _Recherches historiques, arch\u00e9ologiques et\n linguistiques_ of the _Mission scientifique au Mexique_, etc. 2 vols.\n Paris, 1869-70. See CODEX, _infra_.\n\nBRETON, A., \"The Wall Paintings of Chichen Itza,\" in _CA_ xv. 2\n(Quebec, 1907); \"Preliminary Study of the North Building, Great Ball\nCourt, Chich'en Itz\u00e1, Yucatan,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\nBRINTON, DANIEL G., [f], _The Maya Chronicles (Library of Aboriginal\nAmerican Literature_, i). Philadelphia, 1882. See _Chilam Balam_; NAKUK\nPECH.\n ----[g] _The G\u00fceg\u00fcence; a Comedy Ballet in the Nahuatl-Spanish Dialect\n of Nicaragua_ (_Library_, iii). Philadelphia, 1883.\n ----[h], _The Annals of the Cakchiquels_ (_Library_, vi).\n Philadelphia, 1885.\n\nCABRERA, PAUL FELIX, _Palenque, Description of the Ruins of an Ancient\nCity ... translated from the Original Manuscript Report of Captain Don\nAntonio Del Rio; followed by Teatro Critico Americano; or a Critical\nInvestigation and Research into the History of the Americans_. London,\n1822.\n\nCARRILLO Y ANCONA, CRESCENCIO, [a], _Historia antigua de Yucat\u00e1n.\nSeguida de las disertaciones del mismo autor relativas al proprio\nasunto_. Merida, 1881.\n----[b], _El Rayo de sol. Leyenda Yucateca._ Merida, 1892.\n\nCHARENCY, H. DE, [b], _Le mythe de Votan; \u00e9tude sur les origines\nasiatiques de la civilisation am\u00e9ricaine_. Alen\u00e7on, 1871.\n ----[c], _Des animaux symboliques dans leur relation avec les points\n de l'espace chez les Am\u00e9ricains_. Paris, 1878.\n ----[d], \"Deux contes des Indiens Chontales,\" in _CA_ xv. 2 (Quebec,\n 1907).\n\nCHARNAY, D\u00c9SIR\u00c9. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nCHAVERO, ALFREDO, [C], \"Palemke Calendar, the Signs of the Days,\" in\n_CA_ xiii (Easton, 1905).\n\n_Chilam Balam_ (or _Chilan Balam_), _Books of_. Native chronicles of\nYucatec villages, written in roman script shortly after the Conquest.\nThe most considerable publication of such of these as have been\npreserved is in BRINTON, _Maya Chronicles_. A facsimile reproduction\nof _The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel_ forms Vol. v, of the\n_Anthropological Publications_ of the Museum of the University of\nPennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1913). For analysis and bibliography of the\nsubject, see TOZZER [b].\n\n_Chronicle of Chac Xulub Chen_. See NAKUK PECH, below.\n\nCODEX. Three Maya codices, in native picture-writing, have been\npreserved. (1) _Codex Dresdensis_, Royal Library, Dresden, is\nreproduced in KINGSBOROUGH, iii, and in two editions by F\u00d6RSTEMANN\n(1880, 1892). F\u00d6RSTEMANN, _Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the\nRoyal Public Library of Dresden_ forms _PaPM_, iv, 2 (Cambridge, 1906);\nwith which cf. numerous artt. in _28 BBE_. (2) _Codex Tro-Cortesianus_,\nMuseo Arqueologico Nacional, Madrid, comprises the _Codex Troano_,\npublished by BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG [f]; and the _Codex Cortesianus_,\npublished by L\u00c9ON DE ROSNY (1883) and again by RADA Y DELGADO (1892);\nthe two parts are from a single original, hence the present name of the\ncodex. (3) _Codex Peresianus_, Librairie Nationale, Paris, published by\nL\u00c9ON DE ROSNY (1887, in colors; 1888, black and white).\n\nCOGOLLUDO, DIEGO L\u00d3PEZ DE, _Historia de Yucatan, escrita en el siglo\nXVII_. 2 vols. Madrid, 1688; also, Merida, 1867-68.\n\nCORT\u00c9S (CORTEZ). See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nD\u00cdAZ DEL CASTILLO. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nD\u00cdAS, JUAN, _Itin\u00e9raire du voyage de la flotte du Roi Catholique \u00e0\nl'\u00eele de Yucatan dans l'Inde. Fait en l'an 1518, sous les ordres du\ncapitaine g\u00e9n\u00e9ral Juan de Grijalva_ (_TC_ x). Paris, 1838.\n\nDIESELDORFF, E. P., \"Das Gef\u00e4ss von Chama,\" \"Reliefbild aus Chipolem,\"\nand \"Cuculcan,\" in _ZE_ xxvii (1895). Also artt. in _ZE_ xxiv, xxv, and\nin _28 BBE_.\n\nFEWKES, J. W., [i], \"The God D in the Codex Cortesianus,\" in _AA_ viii\n(1895).\n\nF\u00d6RSTEMANN, E., [a], _Die Maya-Handschrift der K\u00f6niglichen Bibliothek\nzu Dresden_. Leipzig, 1880; 2d ed., Dresden, 1892. Cf. CODEX,\n_supra_.\n ----[b], \"Aids to the Deciphering of Maya Manuscripts,\" and\n translations of other artt., in _28 BBE_.\n ----[c], _Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the Royal Public\n Library of Dresden_ (_PaPM_ iv, 2). Cambridge, 1906.\n\nGANN, THOMAS, [a], \"The _Chachac_, or Rain Ceremony, as Practised by\nthe Maya of Southern Yucatan,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n ----[b], _The Maya Indians of Southern Yucatan and Northern British\n Honduras (64 BBE)_. Washington, 1918.\n\nGATES, W. E., [a], _Codex Perez. Maya-Tzendal_. Point Loma, 1909.\n ----[b], _Commentary upon the Maya-Tzental P\u00e9rez Codex_ (_PaPM_ vi,\n I). Cambridge, 1910.\n\nGARC\u00cdA, MANUAL R., _Supersticiones y leyendas Mayas_. Merida, 1905.\n\nGARC\u00cdA CUBAS, A., [c], \"La L\u00e9gende de Votan,\" in _Soc AA_ xxx (1911).\n\nGOODMAN, J. T., [a], _The Archaic Maya Inscriptions (Biolog\u00eda\nCentrali-Americana. Archaeology. Appendix)._ London, 1897.\n ----[b], \"Maya Dates,\" in _AA_, new series, vii (1905).\n\nGORDON, G. B., [a], _Prehistoric Ruins of Copan, Honduras_ (_MPM_ i,\nI). Cambridge, 1896.--_Researches in the Ulloa Valley, Honduras_ (_MPM_\ni, 4). 1898.--_Caverns of Copan, Honduras_ (_MPM_ i, 5). 1898.--_The\nHieroglyphic Stairway Ruins at Copan_ (_MPM_ i, 6). 1902.\n ----[b], \"On the Interpretation of a Certain Group of Sculptures at\n Copan,\" and \"On the Use of Zero and Twenty in the Maya Time System,\"\n in _AA_, new series, iv (1902).\n ----[c], _The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel_. University of\n Pennsylvania, _Anthropological Publications of the University Museum_,\n part v. Philadelphia, 1913. See _Chilam Balam, supra_.\n\nGUNCKEL, L. W., \"An Analysis of the Deities of the Maya Inscriptions,\"\nin _AA_ x (1897).\n\nHAEBLER, K. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nHAGAR, STANSBURY, [c], \"Izamal and its Celestial Plan,\" in _AA_, new\nseries, xv (1913); \"The Maya Zodiac of Acanceh,\" in _AA_, new series,\nxvi (1914); \"The Maya Zodiac at Santa Rita,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington,\n1917).\n\nHARTMANN, C. V., [a], \"Mythology of the Aztecs of Salvador,\" in _JAFL_\nXX (1907).\n\nHUNTINGTON, ELLSWORTH, \"Maya Civilization and Climatic Changes,\" in\n_CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\nJOYCE, T. A. [b], _Mexican Archaeology_. London, 1914.\n\nKINGSBOROUGH, LORD. See Bibliography, IV. Vol. iii contains the Codex\nDresdensis, in reproduction.\n\nKUNST, J., \"Some Animal Fables of the Chuh Indians,\" in _JAFL_ xxviii\n(1915).\n\nLAS CASAS. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nLANDA, DIEGO DE, _Relaci\u00f3n de las Cosas de Yucat\u00e1n_. Published by\nBRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG, [b], with French tr., in Tome iii, _Collection_;\nalso in Tomo ii, _Relaciones de Yucatan_ (see _infra_).\n\nLEHMANN, W., [a] See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n ----[c], \"Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise in Mittelamerika und\n Mexico,\" in _ZE_ xlii (1910).\n ----[d], \"Einige Probleme des centralamerikenischen Kalendars,\" in\n _CA_ xviii (London, 1913).\n\nLE PLONGEON, AUGUSTUS, _Queen Moo and the Egyptian Sphinx_. New York,\n1896.\n\nLIZANA, BERNARDO DE, _Historia de Yucat\u00e1n_. Valladolid, 1633. Reprint\nby Museo Nacional de Mexico, 1893. Extracts, with French tr., in\nBRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG [b], under title, _Del principio y fundacion\ndestos cuyos omules deste sitio y pueblo de Ytzmal, sacada de la parte\nprimera de la obra del Padre Lizana, titulada Historia de Nuestra\nSe\u00f1ora de Ytxamal_.\n\nMACCURDY, GEO. G., [b], \"Notes on the Ancient Art of Central America,\"\nin _AA_, new series, xiv (1912).\n\nMALER, TEOBERTO, _Researches in the Central Portion of the Usumatsintla\nValley_ (_MPM_ ii, I). Cambridge, 1901.--Part Second, of same (_MPM_\nii, 2). 1903.--_Explorations of the Upper Usuma-tsintla and Adjacent\nRegion (MPM_ iv, I). 1908.--_Explorations of the Department of Peten,\nGuatemala, and Adjacent Region_ (_MPM_ iv, 2), 1908.--Same, continued\n(_MPM_ iv, 3). 1910.--_Explorations in the Department of Peten,\nGuatemala. Tikal._ (_MPM_ v, i). 1911.\n\nMART\u00cdNEZ HERN\u00c1NDEZ, JUAN, \"Los grandes ciclos de la historia Maya,\" in\n_CA_ xvii. 2 (Merida, 1910); \"La creaci\u00f3n del mundo seg\u00fan los Mayos.\nP\u00e1ginas in\u00e9ditos del manuscrito de Chumayel,\" in _CA_ xviii (London,\n1912).\n\nMAUDSLEY, A. P., [a], \"Explorations in Guatemala,\" in _Proceedings\nof the Royal Geographical Society_, new series, v (1883).\n ----[b], \"Explorations of the Ruins and Site of Copan,\" in\n _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, new series, viii\n (1886).\n ----[c], _Biologia Centrali-Americana. Archaeology._ 4 vols., text and\n plates. London, 1889-1902.\n\nMAUDSLEY, A. C. AND A. P., _A glimpse at Guatemala_. London, 1899.\n\nMOLINA SOL\u00cdS, JUAN F., _Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de\nYucat\u00e1n con una rese\u00f1a de la historia antigua de este pen\u00ednsula_.\nMerida, 1897.\n\nMORLEY, SYLVANUS G., [a], \"Correlation of Maya and Christian\nChronology,\" in _American Journal of Archaeology_, second series, xiv\n(1910).\n ----[b], \"The Historical Value of the Books of Chilan Balam,\" in\n _American Journal of Archaeology_, second series, xv (1911).\n ----[c], _An Introduction to the Study of the Maya Hieroglyphs (57\n BBE)_. Washington, 1915.\n ----[d], \"The Rise and Fall of the Maya Civilizations in the Light\n of the Monuments and the Native Chronicles,\" and \"The Hotun as the\n Principal Chronological Unit of the Old Maya Empire,\" in _CA_ xix\n (Washington, 1917).\n\nNORMAN, B. M., _Rambles in Yucatan_. New York, 1843.\n\nNAKUK PECH. _Chronicle_, translated into English and published by\nBrinton [f], under the title \"The Chronicle of Chac Xulub Chen, by\nNakuk Pech,\" and, with French tr., by BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG [f], Tome\nii, pp. 110-20.\n\nN\u00da\u00d1EZ DE LA VEGA, _Constituciones diocesaneas del Obispado de Chiapas_.\nRome, 1702.\n\nNUTTALL, ZELIA, [c], \"The Island of Sacrificios,\" in _AA_, new series,\nxii (1910).\n\nORDO\u00d1EZ Y AGUIAR, RAMON DE, _Historia de la creaci\u00f3n del cielo y\ntierra_. Manuscript, composed about 1780, utilized by BRASSEUR DE\nBOURBOURG and by CABRERA.\n\nOVIEDO Y VALD\u00c9S. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nPALACIO, DIEGO GARC\u00cdA DE, _Carta dirijida al Rey de Espa\u00f1a_. See\nSQUIER, [d], _infra_. Tr., with notes, A. VON FRANTZIUS, _San Salvador\nund Honduras im Jahre 1576_; Berlin, 1873.\n\nPAYNE, E. J. See Bibliography, IV.\n\nP\u00c9REZ, JUAN PIO, _Cronologia antigua de Yucatan y examen del m\u00e9todo\ncon que los Indios contaban el tiempo, sacada de varios documentos\nantiguas_. In BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG [b].\n\nPONCE, PEDRO, _Relaci\u00f3n breve y verdadera de algunas cosas de las\nmuchas que sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce en la Nueva Espa\u00f1a_. 2\nvols. Madrid, 1873.\n\n_Popul Vuh_. See BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG [d]; BARBERENA; SPENCE [c];\nXIM\u00c9NEZ.\n\nRADA Y DELGADO, JUAN DE DIOS DE LA, _C\u00f3dice Maya denominado\nCortesiano_. Madrid, 1892. (Color reproduction.)\n\n_Relaciones hist\u00f3rico-geogr\u00e1ficas de las provincias de Yucatan._ 2\nvols. Madrid, 1898, 1900.\n\nREMESAL, ANTONIO DE, _Historia de la provincia de San Vicente de Chyapa\ny Guatemala del Orden de Santo Domingo_. Madrid, 1619.\n\nRIO, ANTONIO DEL. See CABRERA.\n\nROSNY, L\u00c9ON DE, [b], _Essai sur le d\u00e9chiffrement de l'\u00e9criture\nhi\u00e9ratique de l'Am\u00e9rique Centrale_. Paris, 1876. Also, tr. with\nintroduction by RADA Y DELGADO, appendices, plates, etc., _Ensayo sobre\nla interpretaci\u00f3n de la escritura hier\u00e1tica de la Am\u00e9rica Central_,\nMadrid, 1884.\n ----[c], _Codex Cortesianus_. Paris, 1883. See CODEX.\n ----[d], _Codex Peresianus_. Paris, 1887, 1888. See CODEX.\n\nSALISBURY, S., ed., _The Mexican Calendar Stone_ (by VALENTINI),\n_Terra Cotta Figure from the Isla Mujeres_ (by A. LE PLONGEON), etc.\nWorcester, 1879.\n\nSANTIB\u00c1\u00d1EZ, ENRIQUE, \"Votan y el origen de la civilizaci\u00f3n Americana,\"\nin _CA_ xvii. 2 (Mexico, 1912).\n\nSAPPER, C., [a], \"Die Gebr\u00e4uche und religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\nKekchi-Indianer,\" in _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii\n(1895).\n ----[b], \"Independent Indian States of Yucatan,\" in _28 BBE_\n (Washington, 1904).\n ----[c], _Mittelamerikanische Reisen und Studien_. Braunschweig, 1902.\n\nSCHELLHAS, P., [a], \"Vergleichende Studien auf dem Felde der Maya\nAlterth\u00fcmer,\" in _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, iii (1890).\nEnglish tr. in _28 BBE_.\n ----[b], _Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscripts_. 2d ed.,\n revised. _PaPM_ iv, 1. Cambridge, 1904.\n\nSCHERZER, CARL VON. See XIM\u00c9NEZ.\n\nSELER, E., [a]. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n ----[f], \"Die Ruinen von Chich'en Itz\u00e1 in Yucatan,\" in _CA_ xvi. I\n (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910).\n ----[g], \"Die Tierbilder der Mexicanischen und der\n Maya-Handschriften,\" in _ZE_ xli (1909) and xlii (1910).\n\nSPENCE, LEWIS, [c], _The Popul Vuh. The Mythic and Heroic Sagas of the\nKich\u00e9s of Central America._ London, 1908.\n\nSPINDEN, H. J., [a]. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n ----[b], _A Study of Maya Art_ (_MPM_ vi). Cambridge, 1913.\n ----[c], \"The Question of the Zodiac in America,\" in _AA_, new series,\n xviii (1916).\n ----[d], \"Recent Progress in the Study of Maya Art,\" in _CA_ xix\n (Washington, 1917).\n\nSQUIER, E. G., [a], _Nicaragua; its People, Scenery, Monuments_. 2\nvols. New York, 1852.\n ----[b], _Archaeology and Ethnology of Nicaragua (Transactions of the\n American Ethnological Society_, iii, part i).\n ----[c], _The States of Central America_. New York, 1858.\n ----[d], _Collection of Rare and Original Documents and Relations\n Concerning the Discovery and Conquest of America. No. I. \"Carta\n dirijida al Rey de Espa\u00f1a, por el Licenciado Dr. Don Diego Garc\u00eda de\n Palacio.\"_ New York, 1860. (No more numbers were published.)\n\nSTARR, FREDERICK. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nSTEPHENS, J. L., [a], _Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas,\nand Yucatan_. 2 vols. New York, 1841-42.\n ----[b], _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_. 2 vols. New York, 1843.\n\nTHOMAS, CYRUS, [a], \"Notes on Certain Maya and Mexican Manuscripts,\"\nin _3 ARBE_ (1882).\n ----[b], \"Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices,\" in _6 ARBE_ (1885).\n ----[c], _The Maya Year_. Published by the Bureau of Ethnology,\n Smithsonian Institution. Washington, 1894.\n ----[d], \"Day Symbols of the Maya Year,\" in _16 ARBE_ (1895).\n ----[e], \"Mayan Calendar Systems\" and \"Numeral Systems of Mexico and\n Central America,\" in _19 ARBE_, part ii (1898).\n ----[f], \"Mayan Calendar Systems, II,\" in _22 ARBE_, part i (1901).\n\nTHOMPSON, E. H., \"Yucatan at the Time of the Discovery,\" in\n_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, new series, viii\n(1892). Also archaeological contributions to other volumes of the same\njournal, to _MPM_, etc.\n\nTOZZER, A. M., [a], _A Comparative Study of the Mayas and Lacandones_.\nPublished by the Archaeological Institute of America. New York, 1907.\n\u00b6Bibliography.\n\nTOZZER, A. M., [b], \"The Chilam Balam Books and the Possibility of\ntheir Translation,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917).\n\nVALENTINI, PHILIPP J. J., _Mexican Copper Tools ... and the Katunes of\nMaya History_. Worcester, 1880.\n\nVILLAGUTIERRE SOTOMAYOR, JUAN DE, _Historia de la conquista de la\nprovincia de el Itza, reducci\u00f3n y progressas de la de el Lacandon,\ny otras naciones de Indios barbaros, de la mediaci\u00f3n de el Reyno de\nGuatemala, a las provincias de Yucatan, en el America Septentrional_.\nMadrid, 1701.\n\nWALDECK, J. F. DE, [a], _Voyage pittoresque et arch\u00e9ologique dans la\nprovince de Yucatan, pendant les ann\u00e9es 1833-36_. Paris, 1838.\n ----[b], _Monuments anciens du Mexique_. Paris, 1866.\n\nXim\u00e9nez, Francisco, _Las Historias del origen de los Indios de\nGuatemala_. With introduction and notes by C. SCHERZER. Vienna, 1857.\n(Spanish version of the _Popul Vuh_.)\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\n\nACOSTA, JOAQU\u00cdN, _Compendio hist\u00f3rico del descubrimiento y colonizaci\u00f3n\nde la Nueva Granada_. Bogot\u00e1, 1901.\n\nACOSTA DE SAMPER, SOLEDAD, \"Los Abor\u00edgenes que poblaban los territorios\nque hoy forman la rep\u00fablica de Colombia,\" in _CA_ ix. I (Madrid, 1894).\n\nANDAGOYA, PASCUAL DE, _Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila\n(HS)._ London, 1865.\n\nBALBOA, MIGUEL CABELLO DE, _Miscellanea Austral._ Manuscript (1576-86),\npart iii of which is translated as _Histoire du P\u00e9rou (TC)_, Paris,\n1840.\n\nBANDELIER, ADOLPH F, [a], _The Gilded Man: El Dorado_. New York, 1893.\n ----[b], \"Traditions of Precolumbian Landings on the Western Coast of\n South America,\" in _AA_, new series, vii (1905).\n ----[c], \"Traditions of Precolumbian Earthquakes and Volcanic\n Eruptions in Western South America,\" in _AA_, new series, viii (1906).\n\nBENZONI. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nBOLLAERT, WM., _Antiquarian, Ethnological and Other Researches in New\nGranada, Equador, Peru and Chile_. London, 1860.\n\nCARVAJAL, GASPAR DE, _Descubrimiento del Rio de las Amazonas seg\u00fan\nla relaci\u00f3n hasta ahora in\u00e9dita de Fr. Gaspar Carvajal_. Ed. TORIBIO\nMEDINA. Seville, 1894.\n\nCASTELLANOS, JUAN DE, _Historia del Nuevo Reino de Granada_. Madrid,\n1886.\n\nCIEZA DE LE\u00d3N, PEDRO DE, [a], _The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Le\u00f3n,\nA. D. 1532-50, contained in the First Part of his Chronicle of Peru\n(HS)_. With notes and introduction by Clements R. Markham. London, 1864.\n\nCUERVO M\u00c1RQUEZ, CARLOS, \"Or\u00edgenes Etnogr\u00e1ficos de Colombia,\" in\n_Proceedings of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress_, i.\n(Washington, 1917).\n\nDORSEY, G. A., [a], _Archaeological Investigations on the Island of\nLa Plata, Ecuador_ (_Publications of the Field Columbian Museum,\nAnthropological Series_, ii). Chicago, 1901.\n\nDOUAY, L\u00c9ON, [b], \"Contribution \u00e0 l'Am\u00e9ricanisme du Cauca (Colombia),\"\nin _CA_ vii (Berlin, 1890).\n\nFEDERMANN, NIKOLAUS. _Belle et agr\u00e9able narration du premier voyage de\nNicolas Federmann le Jeune, d'Ulm, aux Indes de la mer Oc\u00e9ane (TC)_.\nParis, 1837.\n\nFRESLE, JUAN RODR\u00cdGUEZ, _Conquista i descubrimiento del Nuevo Reino de\nGranada de las Indias Occidentales_. Bogot\u00e1, 1859.\n\nGABB, W. M., \"Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica,\" in\n_Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, xiv (Philadelphia,\n1876).\n\nGIGLIOLI, E. H., \"Di certi singolari pettorali in pietra ed in\nconchiglia precolombiani dalla Venezuela, probabili effigi del dio\nVampiro degli antichi indiheni dell' America centrale,\" in _CA_ xvi\n(Vienna and Leipzig, 1910).\n\nG\u00d3MARA. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nGONZ\u00c1LEZ SU\u00c1REZ, FEDERICO, _Historia General de la Rep\u00fablica del\nEcuador_. 9 vols. Quito, 1890-1903.\n\nHARTMAN, C. V., [a], _Archaeological Researches in Costa Rica_.\nStockholm, 1901.\n ----[b], _Archaeological Researches on the Pacific Coast of Costa Rica\n (Memoirs of the Carnegie Museum)_. Pittsburgh, 1907.\n ----[c], \"The Alligator as a Plastic Decorative Motive in Costa Rican\n Pottery,\" in _AA_, new series, ix (1907).\n\nHERRERA. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nHOLMES W. H., [c], \"The Use of Gold and Other Metals Among the Ancient\nInhabitants of Chiriqui,\" in _3 ARBE_ (Washington, 1887).\n ----[d], \"Ancient Art in the Province of Chiriqui,\" in _6 ARBE_\n (Washington, 1888).\n\nHUMBOLDT, ALEXANDER VON, [b], _Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland, aux\nr\u00e9gions \u00e9quinoxiales du Nouveau Continent, fait en 1799-1804_. 24 vols.\nParis, 1807-33. Tr., in part, T. ROSS, _Personal Narrative of Travels\nto the Equinoctial Regions of America_, 3 vols., London, 1852-53.\n\nJARQUE, FRANCISCO. See RUIZ DE MONTOYA.\n\nJOYCE, T. A., [c], _South American Archaeology_. London, 1912.\n\nJUAN (JORGE) and ULLOA (ANTONIO DE), _Relaci\u00f3n hist\u00f3rica del viage \u00e1\nla Am\u00e9rica Meridional_. 4 vols. Madrid, 1748. French tr., 2 vols.,\nAmsterdam, 1752; English, London, 1806.\n\nLAS CASAS. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nMACCURDY, GEO. G., [c], _A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities (Memoirs of\nthe Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences_, iii). New Haven, 1911.\n\nMARTYR, PETER. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nMONTESINOS, FERNANDO, _Memorias antiguas, historiales y pol\u00edticas del\nPer\u00fa_. Madrid, 1882. Tr., _M\u00e9moires historiques sur l'ancien P\u00e9rou\n(TC)_. Paris, 1840.\n\nMOZANS, H. J. See ZAHM.\n\nOVIEDO Y VALD\u00c9S. See Bibliography to Chapter I. The _Histoire du\nNicaragua (TC)_, Paris, 1840, is a translation of a part of the\n_Historia_, important as embodying Oviedo's personal observations.\n\nPALAFOX Y MENDOZA, JUAN DE, _Virtudes del Indio_. Madrid, 1893.\n\nP\u00c9REZ DE RIBAS, ANDR\u00c9S, _Historia de los triumphos de nuestra Santa Fee\nentre gentes las mas barbaras y fieras del Nuevo Orbe_. Madrid, 1645.\n\nPIEDRAHITA, LUCAS FERN\u00c1NDEZ DE, _Historia general de las conquistas del\nNuevo Reyno de Granada_. Antwerp, 1688; also, Bogot\u00e1, 1881.\n\nPITTIER DE F\u00c1BREGA, HENRI FRAN\u00c7OIS, [a], \"Ethnographie and Linguistic\nNotes on the Paez Indians of Tierra Adantro, Cauca, Colombia,\" in\n_Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association_, Lancaster,\n1905-07.\n ----[b], \"Folklore of the Bribri and Brunka Indians in Costa Rica,\" in\n _JAFL_ xvi (1903).\n\nRALEIGH, SIR WALTER, _The Discovery of the Large, Rich and Beautiful\nEmpire of Guiana with a Relation of the Great and Golden City of Manoa,\nwhich the Spaniards call El Dorado, etc., performed in the Year 1595\n(HS)_. London, 1848. Also in Vol. x of _Hakluyt's Voyages_, Glasgow,\n1904.\n\nRESTREPO, VICENTE, _Los Chibchas antes de la conquista espa\u00f1ola_.\nBogot\u00e1, 1895.\n\nRESTREPO TIRADO, ERNESTO, [a], _Estudios sobre los abor\u00edgenes de\nColombia_ and _Provincia de los Quimbayas_. Bogot\u00e1, 1892.\n ----[b], _Los Quimbayas_. Bogot\u00e1, 1912.\n ----[c], _Descubrimiento y conquista de Colombia_. Bogot\u00e1, 1917.\n\nRUIZ DE MONTOYA, ANTONIO. _Ruiz Montoya en Indias (1608-1652)_. By\nFRANCISCO JARQUE. 4 vols. Madrid, 1900.\n\nSAVILLE, M. H., _The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador (Contributions to\nSouth American Archaeology, the George G. Heye Expedition)._ 2 vols.\nNew York, 1907, 1910. \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nSIMON, PEDRO, _Noticias historiales de las conquistas de Tierra Firme\nen las Indias Occidentales_. Cuenca, 1627; also, Bogot\u00e1, 1882-92. The\nthird and fourth _Noticias_ are in KINGSBOROUGH, viii; the sixth, tr.\nWM. BOLLAERT, with Introduction by CLEMENTS MARKHAM, constitutes, _The\nExpedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre in Search of El Dorado\nand Omagua in 1560-61 (HS)_, London, 1861.\n\nST\u00dcBEL (A.) and UHLE (M.), _Kultur und Industrie der sud-amerikanische\nV\u00f6lker_. Berlin, 1889-90.\n\nVARGAS MACHUCHA, BERNARDO DE, _Milicia y descripci\u00f3n de las Indias_.\nMadrid, 1599; also, 2 vols., Madrid, 1892.\n\nVELASCO, JUAN DE, _Historia del Reino de Quito_. Vol. ii, _Historia\nAntigua_. Quito, 1841. Tr., _Histoire du royaume de Quito (TC)._ 2\nvols., Paris, 1840.\n\nZAHM, J. A., (H. J. MOZANS), [a], _Up the Orinoco and Down the\nMagdalena_. New York, 1909.\n ----[b], _The Quest of El Dorado_. New York, 1917. \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nZERDA, LIBORIO, _El Dorado: estudio hist\u00f3rico, etnogr\u00e1fico y\narqueol\u00f3gico de los Chibchas_. Bogot\u00e1, 1883.\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\n\nACOSTA, JOS\u00c9 DE. See Bibliography to Chapters II-III.\n\nAMBROSETTI, JUAN B., [a], \"La civilisation Calchaqui,\" in _CA_ xii\n(Paris, 1902). This article is a brief summary, with many refs.\nto artt. by the same author in _Bolet\u00edn del Instituto Geogr\u00e1fico\nArgentino_; other artt., _CA_ xiii, xvi, xix, and _RevMP_, especially\niii (1893), and xii (1906).\n\nANONYMOUS JESUIT, _Relaci\u00f3n de las costumbres antiguas de los naturales\ndel Peru_. Ed. JIM\u00c9NEZ DE LA ESPADA. Madrid, 1879. C. Markham,\nfollowing Gonzalez de la Rosa, regards this as a work of Blas Valera,\n_circa_ 1540-96 (see MARKHAM [a], pp. 12-14).\n\nARRIAGA, PABLO JOS\u00c9 DE, _Extirpaci\u00f3n de la idolatr\u00eda del Piru_. Lima,\n1621; Buenos Aires, 1910. English tr. by C. MARKHAM, _HS_, 1882.\n\nAVILA, FRANCISCO DE, [a] _Tratado de los evangelios_. 2 vols. Lima,\n1646-48.\n ----[b], _A Narrative of the errors, false gods, and other\n superstitions and diabolical rites in which the Indians ... live_. Tr.\n from unpublished manuscript by C. MARKHAM, in _Rites and Laws of the\n Incas (HS)_, London, 1873. (The most important early document on the\n beliefs of the Yunca, or coastal tribes.)\n\nBAESSLER, ARTHUR, _Contributions to the Archaeology of the Empire of\nthe Incas_. 4 vols. Tr. A. H. KEANE. New York and Berlin. 1902-03.\n\nBALBOA. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nBANDELIER, A. F., [d], \"Aboriginal Myths and Traditions concerning the\nisland of Titicaca, Bolivia,\" and \"The Cross of Carabuco,\" in _AA_, new\nseries, vi (1906). (Bibliographical Notes.)\n ----[e], _The Islands of Titicaca and Koati_. New York, 1910.\n\nBETANZOS, JUAN JOS\u00c9 DE, _Suma y narraci\u00f3n de los Incas_. Ed. JIM\u00c9NEZ DE\nLA ESPADA. Madrid, 1880. (Written 1551.)\n\nBINGHAM, HIRAM, [a], _Across South America_. Boston, 1911.\n ----[b], _V\u00edteos, the Last Inca Capital (American Antiquarian\n Society)._ Worcester, 1912.\n ----[c], \"In the Wonderland of Peru,\" _National Geographical\n Magazine_, 1913; \"The Story of Machu Picchu,\" ib. 1915; \"Further\n Explorations in the Land of the Incas,\" ib. 1916.\n ----[d], \"Types of Machu Picchu Pottery,\" in _AA_, new series, xvii\n (1915).\n ----[e], \"The Inca Peoples and their Culture,\" in _CA_ xix\n (Washington, 1917).\n\nBLAS VALERA. See _Anonymous Jesuit_.\n\nBOMAN, E., _Antiquit\u00e9s de la R\u00e9gion Andine de la R\u00e9publique Argentine_.\nParis, 1908.\n\nCALANCHA, FRAY ANTONIO DE LA, _Coronica moralizada del orden de San\nAugustin en el Peru_. Barcelona, 1639.\n\nCAPAR\u00d3 Y P\u00c9REZ, J. A., \"Lexicology of the Gods of the Incas,\" in\n_Proceedings of the Second Pan-American Scientific Congress_, i.\nWashington, 1917.\n\nCASTELNAU, FRANCIS DE, _Exp\u00e9dition dans les parties centrales de\nl'Am\u00e9rique de Sud. Histoire du Voyage._ 6 vols. Paris, 1850-51. Part\nii, _Vues et Sc\u00e8nes_, and part iii, _Antiquit\u00e9s des Incas et autres\npeuples anciens_. Paris, 1852.\n\nCIEZA DE LE\u00d3N, PEDRO DE, [a], _Parte primera de la cronica del Peru_.\nSeville, 1553. Tr. C. MARKHAM, _The Travels of Pedro Cieza de Le\u00f3n A.\nD. 1532-50, contained in the First Part of his Chronicle of Peru (HS)_,\nLondon, 1864.\n ----[b], _Segunda parte de la Cronica del Peru_. Ed. JIM\u00c9NEZ DE\n LA ESPADA. Madrid, 1880. Tr. C. MARKHAM, _The Second Part of the\n Chronicle of Peru (HS)_, London, 1883.\n\nCOBO, BERNAB\u00c9, S. J., _Historia del Nuevo Mundo_. 4 vols. Seville,\n1890. (Written 1653.)\n\nCR\u00c9QUI-MONTFORT, G. DE, \"Fouilles de la mission scientifique fran\u00e7aise\n\u00e0 Tiahuanaco,\" in _CA_ xiv (Stuttgart, 1906).\n\nD\u00cdAZ ROMERO, BELISARIO, _Tiahuanacu. Estudio de prehistoria Americana._\nLa Paz, 1903.\n\nDORSEY, G. A., [b], \"A Ceremony of the Quichua of Peru,\" in _JAFL_ vii\n(1894).\n\nGARCILASSO DE LA VEGA, \"El Inca,\" _Commentarios Reales que tratan del\norigen de los Yncas_, etc. 2 parts. Lisbon, 1608-09. Tr. of First Part,\nC. MARKHAM, _The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas (HS)_. 2 vols. London,\n1869,1871.\n\nGONZALEZ DE LA ROSA, MANUEL, \"Les deux Tiahuanaco, leurs probl\u00e8mes et\nleur solution,\" in _CA_ xvi (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910). Also artt. in\n_Revista Hist\u00f3rica_ (Lima), 1907 ff.\n\nHAGAR, STANSBURY, [d], \"The Peruvian Star-Chart of Salcamayhua,\" in\n_CA_ xii (Paris, 1902); \"Cuzco, the Celestial City,\" in _CA_ xiii\n(Easton, 1905); \"The Peruvian Asterisms and their Relation to Ritual,\"\nin _CA_ xiv (Stuttgart, 1906).\n\nHUAMAN POMA DE AYALA. See PIETSCHMANN.\n\nJIM\u00c9NEZ DE LA ESPADA, M\u00c1RCOS, \u00e9d., [a], _Tres relaciones de\nantig\u00fcedades peruanas_. Madrid, 1879. See ANONYMOUS JESUIT.\n ----[b], \"Del hombre blanco y signo de la Cruz precolumbianos en el\n Per\u00fa,\" in _CA_ iii. I (Brussels, 1879).\n\nLAFONE Y QUEVADO, SAMUEL A., [a], \"El culto de Tonapa,\" in _RevMP_\niii (1892). Also, same review: \"Los ojos de Imaymana,\" \"Las Huacas\nde Cha\u00f1ar Yaco,\" and artt. on Calchaqui archaeology.\n ----[b], \"Las 'manoplas' del culto de Viracocha,\" in _CA_ xii (Paris,\n 1902).\n\nLOCKE, L. L., \"The Ancient Quipu, a Peruvian Knot Record,\" in _AA_,\nnew series, xiv (1912).\n\nMARKHAM, SIR CLEMENTS ROBERT, [a], _The Incas of Peru_. London, 1910.\n ----[b], \"The Megalithic Age in Peru,\" in _CA_ xiv (Stuttgart, 1906).\n ----[c], \"Andeans,\" in _ERE_.\n\nMEANS, PHILIP A., \"An Outline of the Culture-Sequence in the Andean\nArea,\" in _CA_ xix (Washington, 1917). \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nMOLINA, CHRIST\u00d3VAL DE, _An Account of the Fables and Rites of the\nYncas_. Tr. from manuscript, C. MARKHAM, in _Rites and Laws of the\nYncas (HS)_. London, 1873. (The translator says: \"The most detailed and\nbest work on the religion of the Incas.\")\n\nMONTESINOS. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nOLIVA, P\u00c8RE ARELLO, _Histoire du P\u00e9rou_. French tr. from manuscript, H.\nTERNAUX-COMPANS. Paris, 1857.\n\nPIETSCHMANN, RICHARD, [a], \"Some Account of the Illustrated Chronicle\nby the Peruvian Indian, D. Felipe Huaman Poma de Ayala,\" in _CA_ xviii\n(London, 1913).\n ----[b]. See SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA.\n\nPOLO DE ONDEGARDO, LICENTIATE, _Report_. Tr. from manuscript, C.\nMARKHAM, in _Rites and Laws of the Yncas (HS)_. London, 1873.\n\nPOSNANSKY, ARTHUR, _Tiahuanacu y la civilizaci\u00f3n prehist\u00f3rica en el\naltiplano Andino_. La Paz, 1911.\n ----[b], \"El signo escalonado en las ideograf\u00edas Americanas con\n especial referencia \u00e1 Tiahuanacu,\" in _CA_ xviii (London, 1913).\n\nPRESCOTT, WILLIAM HICKLING, _History of the Conquest of Peru_. 2 vols.\nLondon, 1847. Revised edition, ed. J. F. KIRK, London, 1893.\n\nPUTNAM, EDWARD K., \"The Davenport Collection of Nazca and other\nPeruvian Pottery,\" in _Proceedings of the Davenport Academy of\nSciences_, xiii. Davenport, 1914.\n\nREISS (WILHELM) and ST\u00dcBEL (A.), _Das Todtenfeld von Ancon in Peru_. 3\nvols. Berlin, 1880-87. English tr., A. H. KEANE, same place and date.\n\nRIBERO Y UST\u00c1RIZ (MARIANO EDUARDO DE) and VON TSCHUDI (J. J.),\n_Antig\u00fcedades Peruanas_. Atlas and text. Vienna, 1851. Tr. F. L.\nHAWKES, _Antiquities of Peru, by Mariano Edward Rivero and John James\nvon Tschudi_. New York and Cincinnati, 1855.\n\nSALCAMAYHUA, JUAN DE SANTA CRUZ PACHACUTI-YAMQUI, _Relaci\u00f3n de\nantig\u00fcedades deste reyno del P\u00e9ru_. (Written _circa_ 1620.) Ed.\nJIM\u00c9NEZ DE LA ESPADA. Madrid, 1879. Tr. C. MARKHAM, _An Account of the\nAntiquities of Peru_, in _Rites and Laws of the Yncas (HS)_. London,\n1873.\n\nSANTILLAN, FERNANDO DE, _Relaci\u00f3n del origen, descendencia, pol\u00edtica y\ngobierno de los Incas_. (Written _circa_ 1550-76.) Ed. JIM\u00c9NEZ DE LA\nESPADA, in _Tres Relaciones_.\n\nSARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, PEDRO, _History of the Incas (HS)_. Tr. of\n_Segunda parte de la historia general llamada Yndica_ (manuscript in\nthe library of the University of G\u00f6ttingen, the text of which was\npublished by R. RIETSCHMANN, _Geschichte des Inkareiches von Pedro\nSarmiento de Gamboa_, Berlin, 1906), by C. MARKHAM. Cambridge, 1907.\n\nSCHMITZ, ABB\u00c9 EMILE, \"Vestiges du christianisme et de l'homme blanc en\nAm\u00e9rique avant sa d\u00e9couverte par Christophe Colomb,\" in _CA_ iii. I\n(Brussels, 1879).\n\nSQUIER, E. G., [e], _Peru. Travel and Exploration in the Land of the\nIncas_. New York, 1877.\n\nST\u00dcBEL, A. See REISS and ST\u00dcBEL; ST\u00dcBEL and UHLE.\n\nST\u00dcBEL (A.) and UHLE (M.). _Die Ruinenst\u00e4tte von Tiahuanaco_. Breslau,\n1893.\n\nTELLO, JULIO C., \"Los Antiquos Cementerios del Valle de Nasca,\" in\n_Proceedings of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress_, i.\nWashington, 1917.\n\nTSCHUDI, JOHANN JAKOB VON, [a], _Reisen durch S\u00fcdamerika_. 5 vols.\nLeipzig, 1866.\n ----[b], See RIBERO Y UST\u00c1RIZ.\n\nUHLE, MAX, [a], _Pachacamac (University of Pennsylvania Publications)_.\nPhiladelphia, 1903.\n ----[b], \"Types of Culture in Peru,\" in _AA_, new series, iv (1902).\n ----[c], \"Ueber die Fr\u00fchkulturen in der Umgebung von Lima,\" in _CA_\n xvi (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910). Also artt. in _CA_ xiv; xvii. I;\n xviii; _JSAP_ x, etc.\n ----[d], \"The Nazca Pottery of Ancient Peru,\" in _Proceedings of the\n Davenport Academy of Sciences_, xiii. Davenport, 1914.\n\nVILLAR, LEONARDO, _Viracocha_. Lima, 1887.\n\nWHYMPER, EDWARD, _Travels amongst the Great Andes of the Equator_. New\nYork and London, 1892.\n\nWIENER, CHARLES, _P\u00e9rou et Bolivie_. Paris, 1874.\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\n\nBARR\u00c8RE, PIERRE, _Nouvelle relation de la France \u00e9quinoxiale_. Paris,\n1743.\n\nBERNAU, J. H., _Missionary Labours in British Guiana_. London, 1847.\n\nBRETT, W. H., [a], _The Indian Tribes of Guiana_. London, 1868.\n ----[b], _Legends and Myths of the Aboriginal Tribes of British\n Guiana_. London, 1880.\n ----[c], _Mission Work Among the Indian Tribes in the Forests of\n Guiana_. London, 1881.\n\nBODDAM-WHETHAM, J., _Roraima and British Guiana_. London, 1879. The\naccounts of native myths are also in _Folk-Lore_ v (1887), pp. 315-21.\n\nCOLL, C. VAN, \"Contes et l\u00e9gendes des Indiens de Surinam,\" in\n_Anthropos_ ii, iii (1907-08).\n\nEHRENREICH, PAUL, [b], _Die Mythen und Legenden der s\u00fcdamerikanischen\nUrv\u00f6lker_. Berlin, 1905.\n\nFARABEE, WM. CURTIS, _The Central Arawaks_ (_University of\nPennsylvania, The Museum, Anthropological Publications_, ix).\nPhiladelphia, 1918. \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nFEDERMANN, NICOLAS. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nGIGLIOLI. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nGUMILLA, JOSEPH, _Historia natural, civil y geogr\u00e1fica de las naciones\nsituadas en las riveras del Rio Orinoco_. 2 vols. Madrid, 1745;\nBarcelona, 1791; also, 1882.\n\nHILHOUSE, WILLIAM, \"Journal of a Voyage up the Massaroony in 1831,\" in\n_Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, iv. Also, \"Notices of the\nIndians settled in the Interior of British Guiana,\" ib. ii.\n\nHUMBOLDT, [b]. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nIM THURN, EVERARD, _Among the Indians of Guiana_. London, 1883.\n\nKAPPLER, A., _Sechs Jahre in Surinam_. Stuttgart, 1854.\n\nKOCH [KOCH-GR\u00dcNBERG], THEODOR, [a], \"Zum Animismus der\ns\u00fcdamerikanischen Indianer,\" supplement to _Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_,\nxiii (1900).\n\nLA BORDE. See Bibliography to Chapter I.\n\nMOZANS, H. J., (J. A. ZAHM), [a]. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nORBIGNY, ALCIDE DESSALINES D', _Voyage dans L'Am\u00e9rique m\u00e9ridionale_. 9\nvols. Paris, 1835-47.\n\nPANHUYS, L. C. VAN, \"Surinamische Ethnographie,\" in _CA_ xvi (Vienna\nand Leipzig, 1910).\n\nPITOU, L. A., _Voyage \u00e0 Cayenne_. 2 vols. Paris, 1807.\n\nRALEIGH, SIR WALTER. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nROTH, WALTER E., \"An Inquiry into the Animism and Folklore of the\nGuiana Indians,\" in _30 ARBE_ (Washington, 1915). \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nRUIZ BLANCO, MAT\u00cdAS, _Conversi\u00f3n en Pirit\u00fa (Colombia) de Indios\nCumanagotos y Palenques_. Madrid, 1690; also, 1892.\n\nSCHOMBURGK, RICHARD, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana in den Jahren 1840-44_.\n3 vols. Leipzig, 1847-48.\n\nSCHOMBURGK, ROBT. H., _A Description of British Guiana_. London, 1840.\nAlso, numerous artt. in _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_,\n1837 ff.\n\nULE, E., \"Unter den Indianern am Rio Branco in Nordbrasilien,\" in _ZE_\nxiv (1913).\n\nWATERTON, CHARLES, _Wanderings in South America_. London, 1872 (?);\nNew York, 1909.\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\n\nACU\u00d1A, CRIST\u00d3BAL DE, _Nuevo descubrimiento del gran Rio de las\nAmazonas_. Madrid, 1891 (after ed. of 1641). English tr. in MARKHAM\n[e], _infra_.\n\nADAM, LUCIEN, [b], \"Le Parler des Caingangs,\" in _CA_ xii (Paris, 1902).\n\nAMBROSETTI, JUAN B., [b], _La Leyenda del Yaguar\u00e9t\u00e9-Aba (el Indio\ntigre) y sus proyecciones entre los Guaran\u00edes, Quichuas, etc._ Buenos\nAires, 1896.\n\nAnchieta, Jos\u00e9 de, _Arte de grammatica da lingoa mais usada na costa\ndo Brasil_. Leipzig, 1874. Author also of _Informa\u00e7\u00f5es e fragmentos\nhistor\u00edcos_, Rio de Janeiro, 1886.\n\nARMENTIA, NICOLAS, \"Arte y vocabulario de la lengua Cavine\u00f1a,\" ed. S.\nA. LAFONE QUEVADO, in _RevMP_ xiii (1906).\n\nBARBOSA RODR\u00cdGUES, J., [a], _Explora\u00e7\u00e3o e estudo do valle do Amazonas_.\nRio de Janeiro, 1875.\n ----[b], \"Antiguidades do Amazonas,\" in _Ensaios de Sciencia_, Nos.\n 1-3, Rio de Janeiro, 1876-80.\n ----[c], _Poranduba Amazonense_ (_Annales Bibliotheca Nacional_, xiv).\n Rio de Janeiro, 1890.\n\nBORBA, TELEMACO, [a], \"Observa\u00e7\u00f5es sobre os ind\u00edgenas do estado do\nParana,\" in _Revista do Museu Paulista_, vi (1902).\n ----[b], \"Caingang Deluge Legend,\" in _JAFL_ xviii (1905).\n\nCARDIM, FERN\u00c3O, _Do principio e origem dos Indios do Brasil e de seus\ncostumes, adora\u00e7\u00e3o e ceremonias_. Rio de Janeiro, 1881. (An English\ntranslation of this early work, in Purchas, attributes it to MANUEL\nTRIST\u00c3O.)\n\nCARVAJAL, FR. GASPAR. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nCASTELNAU, FRAN\u00c7OIS DE, _Exp\u00e9dition (Histoire du Voyage)._ See\nBibliography to Chapter VII.\n\nCOOK, WM. AZEL, _Through the Wildernesses of Brazil_. New York, 1909.\n\nCOUTO DE MAGALH\u00c3ES, JOS\u00c9 VIERA, _O Selvagem_. Rio de Janeiro, 1874.\n(Tr., in part, in _Contes Indiens du Br\u00e9sil_, Rio de Janeiro, 1883.)\n\nEhrenreich, Paul, [b]. See Bibliography to Chapter VIII.\n ----[c], \"Ueber die Botocudos der brasilianischen Provinzen Espiritu\n Santo und Minas Geraes,\" in _ZE_ xix (1887).\n ----[d], \"Beitr\u00e4ge zur V\u00f6lkerkunde Brasiliens,\" in _Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen\n des Museums f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_, ii, 1-2, Berlin, 1891.\n ----[e], _Die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme Brasiliens. Anthropologische Studien \u00fcber\n die Urbewohner Brasiliens_. Braunschweig, 1897.\n\nFERN\u00c1NDEZ, PATRICIO, _Relaci\u00f3n historial de Indios Chiquitos_.(Written\n1528). Madrid, 1895 (after ed. of 1726).\n\nFRI\u010c, A. VOJTECH, [a], \"Onoenrgodi-gott und Idole der Kad'uveo in Matto\nGrosso,\" in _CA_ xviii (London, 1913); \"Las religiones de los indios de\nla cuenca de la Plata,\" in _CA_ xvii. I (Buenos Aires, 1912).\n\nFRI\u010c (A. V.) and RADIN (PAUL), \"Study of the Bororo Indians,\" in _JAI_\nxxxvi (1906).\n\nGRANADA, D. DANIEL, _Rese\u00f1a hist\u00f3rico-descriptiva de antiguas y\nmodernas supersticiones del Rio de la Plata_. Montevideo, 1896.\n\nHARTT, CHAS. FREDERICK, _Amazonian Tortoise Myths_. Rio de Janeiro,\n1875.\n\nHASEMAN, J. D., \"Some Notes on the Pawumwa Indians,\" in _AA_ xiv (1912).\n\nHULSIUS, LEVINUS, _Histoire v\u00e9ritable d'un voyage curieux fait par\nUlrich Schmidel de Straubing dans l'Am\u00e9rique_ (_TC_ v, after ed. of\n1599). Paris, 1837.\n\nHUMBOLDT [b]. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nIGNACE, \u00c9TIENNE, \"Les Camacans,\" in _Anthropos_ vii (1912).\n\nKEANE, A. H., \"On the Botocudos,\" in _JAI_ xiii (1884).\n\nKOCH-GR\u00dcNBERG, THEODOR, [a], _Zwei Jahren unter den Indianern. Reisen\nin Nordwest-Brasilien 1903-1905_. 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1909.\n ----[b], \"Zwei M\u00e4rchen der Taulipang Indianer,\" in _MitAGW_ xxxiii\n (1913).\n\nKUNIKE, HUGO, \"Der Fisch als Fruchtbarkeitssymbol bei den Waldindianern\nS\u00fcdamerikas,\" in _Anthropos_ vii (1912).\n\nLA CONDAMINE, CHARLES MARIE DE, _Relation abr\u00e9g\u00e9e d'un voyage fait dans\nl'int\u00e9rieur de l'Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_. Paris, 1765. English tr. in\nPINKERTON, _Voyages and Travels_, London, 1813.\n\nLAET, J. DE, _L'histoire du Nouveau Monde, ou description des Indes\noccidentales_. Leyden, 1840. English tr. in _New York Historical\nSociety Collections_, New York, 1841.\n\nLERY, JEAN DE, _Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Br\u00e9sil_.\nGeneva, 1585; Paris, 1880.\n\nMAGALH\u00c3ES DE GANDAVO, PEDRO DE, _Historia de provincia de Santa Cruz,\nque vulgaramente chamamos Brazil_. Lisbon, 1576; also, Rio de Janeiro,\n1900. French tr., _TC_ ii., Paris, 1837.\n\nMARKHAM, CLEMENTS, [d], \"A List of the Tribes of the Valley of the\nAmazons,\" in _JAI_ xl (1910).\n ----[e], _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons (HS)_. London,\n 1859.\n\nMARTIUS, CARL FR. PHIL. VON, _Zur Ethnographie Amerikas, zumal\nBrasiliens_. Leipsig, 1867.\n\nMILLER, LEO. _In the Wilds of South America_. New York, 1918.\n\nNETTO, LADISLAS, \"Sur les antiquit\u00e9s c\u00e9ramiques de l'\u00eele de Marajo,\" in\n_CA_ vii (Berlin, 1890).\n\nOLIVEIRA, CEZAR FILIBERTO DE, _Leyendas de los Indios Guaran\u00edes_.\nBuenos Aires, 1893.\n\nOLIVEIRA, FELICIANO DE, \"The Cherentes of Central Brazil,\" in _CA_\nxviii (London, 1913).\n\nORBIGNY. See Bibliography to Chapter VIII.\n\nORELLANA, FRANCISCO DE. Herrera's account of Orellana's _Voyage_, tr.\nin MARKHAM [e], _supra_.\n\nORTIGUERA, TORIBIO DE, _Jornada del Rio Mara\u00f1on (Historiadores de\nIndias_, ii). Madrid, 1909.\n\nPIERINI, FRANCESCO, \"Mitolog\u00eda de los Guarayos de Bolivia,\" in\n_Anthropos_ v (1910).\n\nRALEIGH, SIR WALTER. See Bibliography to Chapter VI.\n\nRIVET, LE DOCTEUR, \"Les Indiens jibaros,\" in _L'Anthropologie_ xix\n(1908).\n\nROMERO, SYLVIO, _Cantos populares do Brazil_. Lisbon, 1885. (Indian\nmaterials are drawn from Couto de Magelh\u00e3es.)\n\nROSEN, ERIC VON, \"The Chorotes Indians in the Bolivian Chaco,\" in _CA_\nxiv (Stuttgart, 1906).\n\nRothery, Guy Cadogan, _The Amazons in Antiquity and Modern Times_.\nLondon, 1910.\n\nSANTA-ANNA NERY, FR\u00c9D\u00c9RICO JOS\u00c9 DE, _Folk-lore br\u00e9silien_. Paris, 1889.\n\nSCHMIDEL, ULRICH. See HULSIUS.\n\nSCHMIDT, MAX, _Indianerstudien in Zentralbrasilien_. Berlin, 1905.\n\nSOL\u00c9 RODRIGUEZ, ORIOL, _Leyendas Guaran\u00edes. Primera Serie._ Montevideo,\n1902.\n\nSPIX (JOHANN BAPTIST VON) and MARTIUS (KARL FRIED. PHIL. VON), _Travels\nin Brazil_. 2 vols. London, 1824.\n\nSPRUCE, RICHARD, _Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and Andes_. Ed.\nALFRED RUSSELL WALLACE. 2 vols. London, 1908.\n\nSTADEN, HANS, [a], _V\u00e9ritable histoire et description d'un pays habit\u00e9\npar des hommes sauvages_ (_TC_ iii, after ed. of 1557). Paris, 1837.\n ----[b], _Relation v\u00e9ridique et pr\u00e9cise des moeurs et coutumes des\n Tuppinambis_. Ib.\n\nSTEERE, J. B., \"Narrative of a Visit to Indian Tribes on the Purus\nRiver, Brazil,\" in _Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1901_\n(Washington, 1903).\n\nSTEINEN, KARL VON DEN, [a], _Durch Zentralbrasilien_. Leipzig, 1886.\n ----[b], _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_. Berlin, 1897.\n\nSTEVENSON, W. B., _A Historical and Descriptive Narrative of Twenty\nYears' Residence in South America_. 3 vols. London, 1825.\n\nSTRADELLI, ERMANNO, \"La leggenda dell' Jurupary,\" in _Bollettino della\nsociet\u00e0 geografica Italiana_, III, iii (1890).\n\nTASTEVIN, CONSTANT, \"Le poisson symbole de f\u00e9condit\u00e9 ou de fertilit\u00e9\nchez les Indiens de l'Am\u00e9rique du Sud,\" in _Anthropos_ ix (1914).\n\nTESCHAUER, CARL, [a], \"Mythen und Volkssagen aus Brasilien,\" in\n_Anthropos_ i (1906).\n ----[b], \"Die Caingang oder Coroados-Indianer,\" in _Anthropos_ ix\n (1914).\n\nTHEVET, ANDR\u00c9, _Les singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement\nnomm\u00e9e Am\u00e9rique, et de plusieurs terres et isles d\u00e9couvertes de nostre\ntemps_. Paris, 1558; also, 1878.\n\nV\u00c9RISSIMO, JOS\u00c9, [a], _Scenas de vida amaz\u00f3nica cum um estudo sobre\nas popula\u00e7\u00f5es indigenas e mesti\u00e7as de Amazonia_. Lisbon, 1887.\n ----[b], \"Idoles de l'Amazone,\" in _AnMG_ x (1887).\n ----[c], _Estudos brazilieros_. Par\u00e1, 1889.\n\nVILLANUEVA, FRANCISCO ALVAREZ DE, _Relaci\u00f3n hist\u00f3rica de todas las\nmisiones de los Pp. Franciscanos en las Indias y proyecto para nuevas\nconversiones en las riberas del afamado R\u00edo Mara\u00f1on_. Madrid, 1892.\n\nWALLACE, ALFRED RUSSELL, _A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio\nNegro with an Account of the Native Tribes_. London, 1853.\n\nWHIFFEN, THOMAS, _The Northwest Amazons_. New York, 1916.\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\n\nAMEGHINO, F., [b], \"Inscripciones antecolumbianas encontradas en la\nRepublica Argentina,\" in _CA_ iii. 2 (Brussels, 1879).\n\nBARCLAY, WILLIAM S., \"At the World's End, being an account of the now\nalmost extinct Canoe-dwellers and other tribes of Tierra del Fuego,\" in\nsupplement to _The Illustrated London News_, Jan. 30, 1904 (cxxiv).\n\nBEERBOHM, JULIUS, _Wanderings in Patagonia_. 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London, 1839.\n\nFURLONG, CHARLES W., \"The Alaculufs and Yahgans, the World's\nSouthernmost Inhabitants,\" and \"The Haush and Onas,\" in _CA_ xix\n(Washington, 1917); and artt. in various periodicals (for list of which\nsee _63 BBE_).\n\nGALLARDO, CARLOS R., _Los Onas_. Buenos Aires, 1910.\n\nGARSON, JOHN G., \"On the Inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego,\" in _JAI_ xv\n(1886).\n\nGRUBB, W. BARBROOKE, [a], _Among the Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco_.\nLondon, 1904.\n ----[b], _An Unknown People in an Unknown Land_. London, 1911.\n\nGUEVARA, JOS\u00c9, _Historia del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata, y Tucuman_\n(1750). Buenos Aires, 1836.\n\nGUEVARA, TOM\u00c1S, [a], _Historia de la civilizaci\u00f3n de Araucania_. 3\nvols. Santiago de Chile, 1900-02. Especially, Tomo i, _Antropolojia\nAraucana_.\n ----[b], _Los Araucanos en la revoluci\u00f3n de la independencia_.\n Santiago de Chile, 1910.\n ----[c], _Folklore Araucano_. Santiago de Chile, 1911. 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Santiago de Chile,\n1906. \u00b6Bibliography.\n\nSKOTTSBERG, CARL, _The Wilds of Patagonia: A Narrative of the Swedish\nExpedition to Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego and the Falkland Island in\n1907-1909_. London, 1911. Also artt. in _Ymer, AA,_ and elsewhere (for\nlist of which see _63 BBE_).\n\nTECHO (DU TOICT), NICOL\u00c1S DEL, _Historiae provinciae Paraguariae\nSocietatis Jesu_. Leyden, 1673. English tr. in CHURCHILL, _Voyages_,\nLondon, 1732.\n\nVICU\u00d1A CIFUENTES, JULIO, _Mitos y Supersticiones_. Santiago de Chile,\n1915. \u00b6Bibliography (Chilean peoples).\n\nVIEDMA, FRANCISCO DE, _Descripci\u00f3n de la costa meridional ...\nPatagonica_ (_Colecci\u00f3n de obras y documentos_, ed. P. DE ANGELIS, v).\nBuenos Aires, 1840.","title":"The Mythology of All Races, Vol. 11: Latin-American","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":147382}